THE UTINA AND THE POTATO PEOPLES OF NORTHERN FLORIDA:
CHANGING SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS IN THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD
KENNETH W. JOHNSON
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1991
Kenneth Wynne Johnson
This study was made possible by funding and support from the
Florida Museum of Natural History, the Florida Division of Recreation and Parks, the Institure for Early Contact Studies at the University of Florida, SantaFe HealthCare, Inc., and the University of Florida Division of Sponsored Research. The field research undertook to locate the sites of Indian villages which were contacted by Hernando de Soto's army in A.D. 1539, and the sites of the 17th century Spanish missions in northern Florida. The study was designed to investigate the consequences of European contact for the native societies of northern Florida. My approach was inspired by the work of Ann Ramenofsky and Marvin Smith who developed several regional case studies of cultural and demographic decline in North America. My goal has been to add one additional case study to their list.
The dissertation is the culmination of my ten years in residence at the University of Florida, including more than six years of continuous research and writing. My years in archaeology and anthropology have been a journey for me intellectually, personally and literally, as 1 have travelled thousands of miles down dusty roads in my field investigations. Archaeologically, I see myself as a student of Dr. Jerald Milanich at the University of Florida, Dr. William Sears at Florida -Atlantic University, and Dr. Lewis Larson at West Georgia College. Throughout my career I have also been influenced, here and
elsewhere, by Dr. Craig Sheldon, Mr. Chip Morgan, Dr. Ray Crook and Mr. Tom Eubanks, who contributed to my early training in archaeology. Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks greatly influenced my historic training. In my research in north Florida I feel as though I have been following in the late Jill Loucks' footsteps, though I never met her. My committee members, Drs. Michael Gannon, Michael Moseley, Barbara Purdy and Elizbeth Wing have provided valuable comments and support. I also learned a great deal from Dr. Brenda Sigler-Eisenberg. I would like to thank Bill Marquardt for his method and theory course, Bill Goza for his interest in my work, and William Maples for his nudging for me to finish.
Fellow students (present or past) I would like to acknowledge include Nina Borremans, Anne Cordell, Tom DesJean, Jonathan Leader, Alan McMichael, Claudine Payne, Elise LeCompte-Baer, Becky Saunders, the late Gary Shapiro, Marvin Smith, Bob Wilson, and other fellow students and friends. The two people with whom I have interacted the most, and whose friendship I value the most, are Donna Ruhl and Cliff Nelson. Donna is the most rigorous scholar I know, and Cliff has kept me down to earth with his keen observations, thorough reasoning, and constructive criticisms. Cliff also analyzed most of the artifacts and produced the computer-generated figures included in this dissertation. He and his wife Mindi have provided a very pleasant base of operations base during our work. Sudye Cauthen's interest and enthusiasm are also appreciated. I would like to thank the Palmores, the Alligoods, the Carlisles, other landowners and informants, and all of my crew members who have contributed to whatever success I have achieved, including
Cliff Nelson, Nina Borremans, Tom DesJean, Jonathan Leader, Keith Terry, Steve Stathakis, Robert Mooney, Robert Schroth and others. Also, thanks to volunteers, including members of the Alligator Archaeolgocial Society in Lake City. Thanks to Tom Eubanks for assistance with equipment whenever needed. As usual, the departmental secretary, Dara Silverberg, deserves special recognition.
My greatest thanks go to Jerald T. Milanich. He has given me
unparalleled research opportunities, worked hard to procure the support to keep me going, and helped me through the dissertation-writing stage. I have profited greatly from his expertise in Flordia archaeology and contact and mission studies. And special thanks to my wife Leslie, my mother (Dorothy Perkins Johnson), and other members of my family for allowing me the years to do the research I stubbornly insisted on doing. Leslie's computer skills and many hours of making editorial changes saved me in the last month of dissertation preparation, when I was scrambling to complete the work on time. My father saw the beginnings of my pursuit of the Ph.D. degree, but not the end. I hope he would have been proud.
Finally, since the time I began my research, Kerianne Elizabeth
(now age 4-1/2) and Dorothy Caitlyn (age 21 months) have come to Leslie and me. This dissertation is for them. I hope that my anthropological scholarship will help instill in them the same sense of values that my parents sought to instill in me.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................... iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................. vi
ABSTRACT .......................................................... xiv
I. INTRODUCTION .................................................. I
II. RESEARCH PROBLEMS ............................................ 9
Perspectives on Settlement Shifts, Culture Change and
Ecological Relationships ............................. 9
Adaptation and Systems ............................... 11
Population, Subsistence and Settlement Systems ....... 13 Subsistence Change ................................... 13
Feedback and Environmental Change .................... 16
Population, Sedentism and Agriculture ................ 17
Agriculture versus Hunting and Gathering ............. 18
Home Range, Sedentism, Storage and Demography ........ 19 Opposing Forces ...................................... 21
Other Factors ........................................ 22
Decision-Making Processes ............................ 22
The Social Setting ................................... 23
Dispersal and Nucleation ............................. 28
Unintended Consequences .............................. 29
Ecosystem Resilience, Economy and Introduced Species. 29
Major Weakness of Cultural Ecology Studies: Demography... 32
Empirical Question: Native Population Levels in Florida
and the Rate of Population Decline ................... 34
History of Settlement Studies and Definition of Terms..... 37
Distinguishing Settlement Patterns, Community Patterns
and Settlement Systems .......................... 39
Settlement Systems as Spatial Archaeology ............ 41
Definition of Terms .................................. 43
Community Patterns: Types, Bridging Arguments, Hypotheses,
and Observational Predictions ........................ 46
Compact Community Pattern ............................ 47
Dispersed Community Pattern .......................... 48
The Contact Period, A.D. 1513-1606 ................... 48
Hypotheses for testing .......................... 49
Bridging arguments .............................. 49
Observational predictions ....................... 50
Discussion ...................................... 51
The Mission Period, A.D. 1606 through the Late 17th
Century (ca. 1675) .............................. 56
Hypotheses for testing .......................... 56
Bridging arguments .............................. 56
Observational predictions ....................... 56
Discussion ...................................... 57
The Late 17th Century, ca. 1675-1704 ................. 59
Hypotheses for testing .......................... 59
Bridging arguments .............................. 59
Observational predictions ....................... 59
Discussion ...................................... 59
Settlement Pattern: Models and Hypotheses ............... 61
Models ............................................... 62
Locational Variables for Testing ..................... 65
III. WHO WERE THE UTINA: A DOCUMENTARY-BASED OVERVIEW ...........
Distinguishing the Northern Utina and the Eastern
Utina: Outina, Utina, Thimogano, Timucua and
Onatheaqua ........................................... 72
The Eastern Utina: Cartographic and Archaeological
Evidence ............................................. 84
The Northern Utina/Onatheaqua ............................ 91
Conclusions .............................................. 96
The Early Explorations and the Missions as Sources of
Settlement Data ...................................... 97
IV. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE: IDENTIFYING THE UTINA IN
TIME ...................................................... 109
The Alachua Tradition Seriation and Its Non-Utility
for North Florida .................................... 110
Sites and Site Clusters .................................. .ll
Defining Utina Ceramics: The Indian Pond Complex ........ 115
Background to the Seriations: Problems, Field Work and
Laboratory Analysis .................................. 119
Constructing the Seriations .............................. 122
Identifying Two Transitions and Two Key "Moments in Time" 131
The Indian Pond-Leon Jefferson Transition ............ 132
Late Precolumbian/Contact Period ..................... 133
The First Half of the 17th Century ................... 135
The Transition From Early Weeden Island to Indian
Pond ............................................ 137
Summary and Conclusions .................................. 138
V. METHODOLOGICAL PROBLEMS: SITE BOUNDARIES AND SIZES ........... 141
General Problems ......................................... 142
Previous Methods ......................................... 142
Determining Site and Community Pattern Type .............. 146
Site Area, Volume of Deposits and Number of Sites ........ 148 Site Duration ............................................ 149
Methods for Determining Site Area and Site Boundaries .... 151
Controlled Surface Collections ....................... 151
Subsurface Testing and Artifact Density Profiles ..... 179 VI. EARLY ROAD AND TRAIL NETWORKS AS COMPONENTS OF
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS ....................................... 197
The Bellamy Road/Royal Spanish Road ....................... 201
The Alachua Trail ......................................... 211
The Black Creek Trail ..................................... 214
The Florida Santa Fe Trail ................................ 216
The High and Low Roads .................................... 221
The Other Santa Fe ........................................ 230
De Soto's Route and the Location of Aguacaleyquen ......... 231 Ichetucknee/Rose Creek/Alligator Lake Trail ............... 232
Connecting Trail Between the High Road and the Low Road... 235 VII. CASE STUDY: MISSION SANTA FE DE TOLOCA AND SURROUNDING
SITES ..................................................... 242
Correlating Site 8AL190 with Mission Santa Fe de Toloca ... 242 Historic Background: Mission Santa Fe de Toloca .......... 245
Previous Research in the Robinson Sinks Vicinity and the
Santa Fe Site ........................................ 252
The Santa Fe Site, 8AL190 ................................. 260
Dating ............................................... 260
Methods of Investigation at the Santa Fe Site ........ 261 Structures and the Cemetery .......................... 275
Community Pattern .................................... 293
Artifacts ............................................ 297
Additional Site Areas: East of Shealy, Structures
5 and 6, and Complicated Stamped Area ........... 299
Associated Sites .......................................... 303
The Palmore Site, 8AL189: Cholupaha and/or Early
Santa Fe? ....................................... 304
Josh Site, BAL188b ................................... 309
The Apple Orchard, 8AL250 ............................ 310
Alligood's North Pasture, SAL239 ..................... 311
The Alligood Site, 8AL188 ............................ 312
Outlying Farmsteads and Villages .......................... 313
The Goodwin Site, 8AL453 ............................. 314
West of Goodwin Site, 8AL2568 ........................ 317
Middle West of Goodwin Site .......................... 317
The Carlisle Site, 8AL ............................ 317
Emerson Cornfield, 8AL67 ............................. 320
Other Sites with Possible Spanish Period Components ....... 321
Jones Wheat Field, 8AL2573 .. ........................ 321
Emerson Farm Northwest, 8AL2578 ...................... 322
Washington ........................................... 323
Hester's Site G, 8AL146 .............................. 323
River Field, 8AL186 .................................. 324
Jones Northwest, 8AL2598 ............................. 324
BAL245 ............................................... 325
Boston Farm, 8AL121 .................................. 325
8AL168 ............................................... 325
Other Sites in the Vicinity Which Are Not Known to Have
a Spanish Period Component ........................... 325
Jones Cornfield Northeast or Jones Northeast, 8AL190A 325
Jones Southwest, 8AL248 .............................. 326
8AL191 ............................................... 326
Washington Site South ................................ 328
8AL184 ............................................... 328
Mound Near Sink ...................................... 329
Summary ................................................... 329
VIII. COMMUNITY PATTERNS: SITE SIZES AND NUMBERS, COMPACT AND
DISPERSED SITES, AND HYPOTHESIS TESTING ................... 330
Methodological Problems ................................... 331
Qualitative Site Sizes .................................... 332
Discussion of Qualitative Results: Potano and Utina
site sizes ...................................... 334
Qualitatively-Derived Surface Size Classes ........... 335
Quantitative Results ...................................... 337
Potano Site Sizes and Numbers ........................ 337
Utina/Late Indian Pond Complex Site Sizes and Numbers 339
Site Sizes Per Cluster of Sites: Combining the
Qualitative and Quantitative Date .................... 341
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition clusters ............... 343
Utina/Late Indian Pond Clusters ...................... 349
Compact and Dispersed Sites ............................... 359
Determining Whether Sites Are Compact or Dispersed/
Short Term, by Cluster, Region and Period ....... 362
Integrating the Data Sets: Site Size and Compact or
Dispersed ............................................ 370
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Clusters ............... 370
Utina/Late Indian Pond Clusters ...................... 373
Adjusting the Raw Numbers: Weighting Factors ............. 384
Contrasting the Two Regions: Changes Through Time ........ 386
Hypothesis Testing: Community Patterns ....................387
Adjustments to the Original Hypothesis ................387
Late Precolumbian/Contact Period, Potano/Late Alachua
Tradition Sites ..................................389
Lake Precolumbian/Contact Period, Utina/Late Indian
Pond Sites ...................................... 390
Mission Period, Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Sites 391 Mission Period, Utina/Late Indian Pond Sites ..........393 Conclusions .......................................... 395
IX. SETTLEMENT PATTERNS: CONSOLIDATED AND DIFFUSE, ENVIRONMENTAL
ZONES AND SETTINGS, AND HYPOTHESIS TESTING .................396
Consolidated or Diffuse Settlement Patterns ................396
Environmental Zones and Site Settings ......................402
Testing the Settlement Pattern Hypotheses ..................414
Environmental Settings Compared with Site Sizes ............418
X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ....................................... 423
Northern Utina ............................................ 423
The Indian Pond Complex: Chronology and Ethnic
Affiliation .......................................... 424
Community Patterns and Settlement Patterns .................427
Site Size Results ......................................... 482
Clusters of Sites ..........................................431
Consolidated Settlement Patterns ...........................436
Environmental Zones and Site Settings ......................436
Environmental Hypotheses ...................................440
Environmental Settings Compared with Site Sizes ............442
Other Settlement Patterning Implications ...................447
Typology and the Concept of Community ......................450
Population Decline .........................................451
Implications of Demographic Decline ....................... 456
REFERENCES CITED .................................................. 458
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ............................................... 498
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE UTINA AND THE POTANO PEOPLES OF NORTHERN FLORIDA:
CHANGING SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS IN THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD, By
Kenneth W. Johnson
Chairman: Jerald T. Milanich
Major Department: Department of Anthropology
The archaeological study of settlement systems is used to demonstrate culture changes among the native American peoples of northern Florida during the Spanish colonial period. Settlement systems for two different groups of people (the Utina and the Potano) at two different points in time are examined. A correlation between the Indian Pond ceramic complex and the Utina ethnic group is also established, allowing the recognition of that group in the archaeological record. The Potano have been previously correlated with the Alachua tradition complex.
Two different levels of analysis, local "community patterns" and regional "settlement patterns," are integrated. Characteristics such as site area, whether sites are compact or dispersed, and numbers .of sites are used to reconstruct these patterns. The 17th century Spanish mission of Santa Fe de Toloca was investigated as a case study.
From the late precolumbian/contact period to the mission period, the number of Potano/late Alachua tradition sites declined, but the number of Utina/late Indian Pond complex sites increased, suggesting internal immigration within the Utina region. In both regions, late xiv
precolumbian/contact period sites are commonly large and compact, and their locations are often limited to a narrow range of environmental zones and microenvironmental settings. In contrast, there is a greater diversity in mission period site sizes and microenvironmental settings. In both regions sites are often found in clusters, and are related to the system of trails which existed in north Florida (and which were reconstructed as part of the analysis). In the late precolumbian/contact period the local community was most often represented by a cluster of sites which were all the same size, or by a single large site. In the mission period the local community was usually represented by a cluster composed of one large site and a larger number of smaller sites.
Evidence for population decline is indicated in the abandonment of some clusters after the late precolumbian/contact period, and the increased number of dispersed or short term sites in the mission period. Some mission period sites are dispersed in linear arrangements as though placed at intervals along roads, and are often situated on hilltops far removed from aquatic habitats. Changes in settlement systems reflect adaptations to demographic decline and the changing cultural and natural environments of 16th and 17th century northern Florida, consequences of the European presence.
This research uses the archaeological study of settlement systems to show culture changes among the native American peoples of northern Florida during the Spanish colonial period. The study reconstructs the settlement systems at two different points in time for two different groups of people and then compares them to show the differences. A correlation between a ceramic complex and the Utina ethnic group is also established, and data relevant to questions of demographic and cultural collapse of the Utina and the Potano peoples during this period are generated.
Two different levels of analysis, the level of local "community patterns" and the level of regional "settlement patterns," are integrated in the settlement systems reconstructions. The impetus for this particular approach is Ann Ramenofsky's (1982:320, 334) observation that, in one case in Missouri during the early historic period, after a deadly disease epidemic the survivors of several small villages amalgamated into a smaller number of larger villages. The implication is that settlement systems and population estimates cannot be extrapolated from either regional data or local data alone, but that both local and regional data must be integrated. Henry Dobyns (1982:190-211) also stresses local and regional data.
Settlement systems are one component of human adaptive systems. A reconstruction of settlement systems is thus a study of cultural
adaptation. Reconstructions of settlement systems also produce data about other cultural and ecological relationships which are less easily studied. In cultural systems, there are interrelationships among human population size and density, subsistence strategies, resource abundance, technology, social organization, political setting, settlement system, and other variables. The current study develops information for two of these sets of variables, those of settlement systems and human demography.
A method is presented in order to reconstruct settlement patterns. Characteristics such as site area and whether settlements are compact or dispersed are used to reconstruct community patterns. These data are combined with regional settlement pattern data to reveal settlement systems.
Reconstructions of changing settlement systems can also be used to reconstruct demographic patterns and trends. One of the goals of settlement studies is to produce demographic estimates of human population size and density. As Bruce Trigger has shown (1985:72-73), settlement studies are one prerequisite to understanding demography. Data from northern Florida do not yet allow absolute population estimates, but they do allow measurements of relative changes in human population size and density. Achieving absolute population estimates is not an achievable goal at this time because of deficiencies in the data base; only relative changes can be currently detected.
This study deals explicitly with the settlement pattern theme and only implicitly with demography. In recent years there have been many studies of human population growth (e.g., Boserup 1965; Cohen 1977), but few such studies of population decline (e.g., Dobyns 1983; 5mith
1984; Ramenofsky 1982). Changes in human demography and settlement systems are only part of the larger picture of changing ecological and cultural relationships.
In summary, the present goals are to reconstruct settlement
systems, generate data relevant to demographic and cultural collapse in aboriginal northern Florida during the colonial period, correlate a ceramic complex with the Utina Indians of that region, summarize the results of research to date, and provide a framework for further research.
To reach these goals several archaeological surveys were performed in Potano and Utina territory in northern Florida. The Potano and the Utina were the native peoples of these regions who were missionized during the 17th century by Franciscan missionaries. During these surveys, carried out over the last five years, approximately 500 archaeological sites of all culture periods were recorded, primarily within Alachua, Columbia, Suwannee and Union counties. Portions of these data are used in this study.
This study is organized as follows. Chapter II has five sections. The first section places the study within the context of ecological anthropological theory and discusses the links and mechanisms for change that exist between a culture and its natural and cultural environment, with special reference to settlement systems. Demographic data are key variables in ecological interrelationships.
The second section of Chapter II discusses the lack of
demographic data in most cultural ecological studies as a key weakness in those studies. The third section relates the research to the empirical question of native American population levels at the time of
first European contact. The fourth discusses settlement pattern analysis as an approach for addressing these theoretical and empirical questions, and traces the history of settlement pattern studies, distinguishing the concepts of community pattern, settlement pattern and settlement system.
The fifth section of Chapter II develops bridging arguments,
hypotheses for testing, and predictions. Hypotheses are explicitly formulated in terms of site size and community pattern. The hypotheses are generated from models produced previously, including a model for Potano/Alachua tradition settlement patterns (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:171), Sigler-Lavelle and Milanich's model (Sigler-Lavelle 1980a, b) for North Florida McKeithen Weeden Island settlement patterns (ancestors of the Utina), and Calvin Jones' model (Jones and Shapiro 1987) for Mission period settlement patterns.
Community pattern types are examined through measurement of site sizes. Large, compact settlements are hypothesized for the earlier period, and small dispersed communities are hypothesized for the later period. Alternative hypotheses are also formulated.
Chapter III introduces and identifies the Utina and Potano Indians of Florida and their geographical distributions. The Utina and the Potano played important roles in the confrontation between the Old World and the New World and the struggle between Spain and England for control of the eastern United States.
Previous generations of students and archaeologists have studied the Potano, but much less is known about the Utina. The current research presents recently developed information about the Utina, which
allows comparison with the Potano.
Chapter IV turns to the fundamental problems of chronology and how to identify a group's ethnic affiliation archaeologically. Such information existed previously for the Potano but not for the Utina. This problem had to be resolved before further research questions could be asked.
Variations in aboriginal ceramics and other artifacts are the primary tool by which archaeologists distinguish cultures and time periods. Prior to the current research, the territory of the Utina was known from historic documents, but only a very few Utina sites were known within that territory. Utina sites were "invisible" archaeologically because the ceramic complex was unidentified; archaeologists could not distinguish Utina sites from those of earlier, contemporary or later inhabitants of northern Florida.
The chronology chapter defines a Utina ceramic complex, naming it the Indian Pond complex. Seriations of ceramic styles are included. The complex exhibits changes through time, providing a chronological tool for relative dating of sites, and allowing us to distinguish sites of different time periods. The seriation extends from approximately A.D. 800 to A.D. 1700.
Chapter V, Methodological Problems, deals with the difficulties in defining site boundaries and measuring site area, and the difficulties in transforming these data into demographic estimates. Previous archaeological attempts are reviewed. One of the difficulties in reconstructing settlement patterns is that data are needed from a large number of sites, which requires a great deal of field research. This creates the need to develop and implement low-cost, quick and efficient
survey methods for determining site boundaries and site sizes, especially easy-to-follow methods that are likely to be continued by future archaeologists. Such a method for measuring relative changes in certain aspects of community patterns is presented. Artifact density profiles, controlled surface collections, and subsurface testing methods are discussed as components of the method.
In Chapter VI early road and trail networks are reconstructed for north and north central Florida. These networks are seen as components of settlement patterns (Trigger 1968; Clarke 1977). Description of these networks also helps to round out the larger picture of Spanish colonial northern Florida. Transportation and communication routes linked the mission settlements with one another and with St. Augustine.
Old road and trail networks are reconstructed from 17th, 18th, and 19th century maps and from 16th century and later historic documents, as well as field survey. The networks are compared with the distributions of known archaeological sites. We learn that geological and geomorphological features of the Florida peninsula controlled the general trail corridors. Lines of evidence converge to suggest several routes which probably were prehistoric Indian trails and continued as avenues of communication in the colonial period. Trails traced include the Bellamy Road/Purcell Route/Spanish royal road/"low road," the Santa Fe trail/Ray's trail/"First Path to Latchua" (Bartram), the Spanish "high road," the Alachua Trail, the Black Creek Trail and the Fort White/Rose Creek/Alligator Lake trail. Locations of these trail routes were in turn used to predict site locations, a method used successfully to locate several important archaeological sites.
Chapter VII presents a case study of community patterns, focusing on the Santa Fe site and environs in northwestern Alachua County, a 17th century Spanish-Indian Franciscan mission complex. Previous research, current research, methods of investigations, and results are described. Methods used to study the settlement system include remote sensing, soil resistivity survey, controlled surface collections, power auger survey, test pit excavations, soil coring, and plowzone mechanical stripping. The church, cemetery, additional structures and habitation areas of the mission were located, and the layout (community pattern) of the complex was determined. The number of habitation structures and the number of inhabitants are estimated.
In Chapter VIII the community pattern hypotheses are tested
against all known Potano and Utina sites for which site size data are available. The settlement pattern hypotheses are tested in Chapter IX. Known sites of the two chronological periods for these two chiefdoms are tabulated and categorized by environmental setting. Consolidated or diffuse settlement pattern types are determined from number and distribution of sites per period and by chiefdom.
Chapter X summarizes the local and regional data on community
patterns and settlement patterns into settlement systems. Potano and Utina settlement systems are described by period. Mission period sites are commonly found in clusters, some of which are dispersed in linear arrangements. That is, sites are placed at intervals along roads, are situated on good agricultural soils on tops of hills, and are often removed some distance from large aquatic habitats (in contrast to earlier periods).
Changes through time in settlement systems reflect adaptations to the changing cultural and natural environments of 16th through 18th century Florida. They reflect adaptations to the conditions of demographic and cultural change associated with European colonization. Such events were part of the larger events taking place throughout Florida and the New World as consequences of the European presence.
This chapter is divided into five sections: (1) outline of
theoretical issues, (2) the lack key demographic data in most cultural ecology studies, (3 empirical issues concerning New World population levels, (4) settlement analysis as an approach for addressing these issues, and (5) hypotheses for testing. Methodological issues are discussed in Chapter V.
Theoretical Issues: Perspectives on Settlement Shifts,
Culture Change and Ecological Relationships
The following discussion summarizes some of the theoretical
relationships among human demography, settlement systems, environmental relations and other factors, and discusses how change in any one affects the others. Postulated relationships are drawn from the anthropological, archaeological and ecological literature. The intent is to outline an approach rather than attempt a comprehensive review of all these factors. Specific examples are given only for illustration. Demonstrating these relationships places the study within the larger context of ecological anthropology, and outlines the links and mechanisms of change that exist between a culture and its natural environment, with special reference to settlement systems.
Several assumptions are made about the comparability of research results: (1) certain ecological principles applicable to other social animals are also applicable to some degree to humans (Vayda and
Rappaport 1968:492; Anderson 1973:190); (2) some principles which were operating upon hunter-gatherers were also operating upon horticulturists/agriculturists who also practiced some hunting and gathering activities; and, (3) general principles and processes are reversible, for example, the inverse relationship between efficiency and intensification of production (Boserup 1965:15-16). Vayda and Rappaport (1968), Marvin Harris (1979) and others have criticized Steward's position that ecological explanations are applicable only to hunter-gatherers, not to more complex societies. It is recognized that some processes and principles regarding hunter-gatherers are different from horticulturists/agriculturists because some of their ecological adjustments are different. But other processes and principles are shared, especially if the horticulturists/agriculturists still practice some hunting and gathering activities, as did the northern Florida aborigines. And, because population decline is the opposite of population growth, some of the same set of principles are assumed to be in effect in both situations, but operating in opposite fashion. General principles for one can be inferred from the other.
In the discussion that follows postulates of population decline are derived from studies of population growth (e.g., Boserup 1965; Cohen 1977) and studies of population ecology, optimal foraging and optimization theory, ecological anthropology, economic anthropology, and archaeological and ethnographic studies of hunter-gatherers and horticulturists-agriculturists. Many of these relationships and processes are the subject of continuing debate and research. No attempt is made here to prove these general principles. Rather the intent is to provide an approach and a general background for the
specific sections that follow. The approach might be described as 11processual ecological anthropology" (Orlove 1980:235, 245-252).
The following attempts to show the links among ecological, demographic and cultural factors, especially factors involved in settlement systems. It is assumed (for the moment) that sizes of local population units declined following European contact. It is also assumed for the moment that little or no large-scale amalgamation or effective Spanish-induced reduction occurred. Amalgamation refers to the coming together of the survivors of several settlements into one settlement. Reduction refers to the Spaniards' attempt to force the Indians to congregate in more densely concentrated settlements for the purpose of control. Amalgamation and reduction may well have occurred, but those factors are excluded from the current discussion for three reasons. First, we do not know to what degree amalgamation and reduction actually occurred. Nucleation by itself is not sufficient to permanently sedentize a population (Descola 1982), especially if the culture has been disrupted and the population dispersed. Second, the purpose is not to summarize historical events in Florida but to identify and isolate potential forces, processes and mechanisms of change which may have operated upon aboriginal populations. Third, nucleation was imposed upon the Florida Indians by an outside force. It is necessary to understand how naturally-occurring processes worked in these populations apart from outside forces. Adaptation and Systems
The central concept in this discussion is that of adaptation (Kirch 1982). This approach to culture change and adaptation is framed in terms of units and concepts originally developed by ecologists (Odum
1971:8; Anderson 1973; Vayda and MacCay 1975; Richerson 1977). The components of adaptation include variation, selection, environment, demography and adaptive strategies (Kirch 1982:115). Settlement systems and settlement system shifts are seen as adaptive strategies or components of adaptive strategies. They are human responses to stress, in this case the stress of culture contact and domination. Adaptive strategies are seen as integrated sets of cultural and natural factors, processes and interrelationships. Humans are seen as components of both the ecosystem and the cultural system. The distinction between ecosystems and cultural systems is an analytical tool rather than a reality. A cultural system and its ecosystem are in fact one system, a cultural ecosystem" or an Ilecocultural system." The cultural system and the ecosystem are subsystems.
When other components of the larger system change, settlement
systems also change. Outside forces may trigger changes throughout the system. Stimuli trigger responses. In the colonial period in La Florida (Spain's term for the greater southeastern United States), European contact and domination were the source of outside stimuli (i.e., the prime mover) for cultural and ecological changes. These stimuli included epidemics of introduced disease and the resultant demographic change, military conquest, slave raids, political domination, religious proselytizing, forced labor through taxes and peonage debt and other labor demands, induced social changes, and other forms of socioeconomic and political domination. Outside forces caused changes throughout the aboriginal systems. Some effects were direct and some were indirect. Because of systemic interrelationships, changes in one component entailed changes throughout other components
of the human adaptive system and the natural environment. Seemingly minor changes in one component of a system may have far-reaching impacts throughout the rest of the system (Sharp 1968). A minor change in one component of the ecocultural system may surpass some threshold and trigger major repercussions in other components of the system. Many of these processes may be assumed to have been operating upon the Indians of northern Florida even though the data base to detect them is unavailable.
Population, Subsistence and Settlement Systems
There are interrelationships among the variables of human
population size and density, subsistence strategies and settlement systems (e.g., Service 1962, 1966; White 1959; Boserup 1965; Cohen 1975, 1977; Vayda and Rappoport 1968; M. Harris 1979; Lee and DeVore 1976; Binford 1972: Winterhalder and Smith 1981; D. Harris 1977a; Dennett and Connell 1988). The question is, why select a certain set of subsistence resources from among those available (Hawkes et al 1982:394; E. Smith 1983; Smith and Winterhalder 1981:8)? Human population density and characteristics of the resources are key variables determining output requirements and subsistence mixes (Earle 1980:2, 18). Changes in resource use may be associated with increasing or decreasing population size or density or with changing age/sex structure (Earle 1980:18; Hassan 1980; Harpending and Davis 1977; Green and Perlman 1985:7; Winterhalder 1981 [patch and grain]; Botkin 1980). Subsistence Change
Many relationships are illustrated in the mechanisms and processes of subsistence change. Decreasing human population size and density would serve as a stimulus for subsistence change. With human
population decline or dispersal, there would be reduced output requirements for the subsistence system (fewer "mouths to feed"), less pressure on resources, de-intensification of production, a trend toward focalization (narrow spectrum/reduced diet breadth and lesser niche width) of subsistence strategies (Earle 1980:20; Hames and Vickers 1982:358; Christenson 1980; Cleland 1976; Green 1980; Perlman 1980) and less pressure to add new resources. (In contrast, nucleation, amalgamation and/or reduction would result in increased output requirements, with opposite effects of those described here.) Diversity refers to the number of resources and niche width or breadth refers to the "evenness" of use (Christenson 1980:34). Demographic change would result in changing resource relative abundance or productivity and changing relative cost/benefit ratios for various procurement strategies (Earle 1980:20). With labor shortage resulting from population decline, high cost foods would be dropped (Earle 1980), contingent upon their nutritional value and importance in the overall diet (Wing and Brown 1979) and the political economy. Reduced output requirements may also result from decreased sociocultural complexity. Social organization, settlement systems and technology can be either causes or consequences of procurement costs, efficiency, accessibility to critical resources (Descola 1982; also see Sahlins 1974 and Bender 1978 for views on social structure as the primary causal forces) and maximum potential yields of particular procurement strategies (Earle 1980:24).
Subsistence strategies (procurement strategies) are closely linked with settlement systems, human population density and other cultural and natural factors. Procurement costs (measured in terms of time or
energy, relative cost/benefit ratios and efficiencies and determined through analogy and experimentation) include the costs to procure/produce/extract, collect, transport, process/transform, store, distribute, consume and regulate (Earle 1980:5; Hawkes et al. 1982). A single subsistence economy contains several procurement strategies, each to fill a different need (Earle 1980:2), e.g., protein, calories. There is an optimal mix of these strategies (Earle 1980:8). The optimal strategy mix, including the particular settlement system, changes as other environmental and cultural variables change. Different potential procurement strategies have different effects including different initial costs, marginal costs, cost efficiencies and rates of diminishing returns (Earle 1980:8). Marginal costs refers to potential for intensification, that is the input needed to intensify output and increase production. Different procurement strategies yield different net rates of energy capture and total caloric return (maximum potential yields) (Hames and Vickers 1982; Higgs 1975). These different strategies result in different carrying capacities, energy flow, nutrient cycles, ranking of resources, predator-prey relationships (Packard and Mech 1980; Pimm and Pimm 1982) and food webs (Lugo and McCormick 1981; Norgaard 1981). They result in changes in fertility and mortality rates and age/sex structures of the resources. And they require/result from and interact with different technologies, settlement systems and social organizations (Plog 1978). The spatial patterning of sites across the landscape, that is, the settlement system, reflects and interacts with procurement/subsistence systems. The study of settlement systems thus yields insights into ecological relationships.
"Resources" may be animal, plant, mineral, or manufactured.
Relevant characteristics of the resource include resource density and distribution (patchiness, grain), seasonality, predictability, fertility, mortality, biology, and age/sex structure (Pianka 1966; Charnov et al. 1976). The question of how these factors relate to the requirements of society and the human organism involves the factors of settlement systems, costs, potential yields, procurement strategies, technology and social organization (Earle 1980; Earle and Christenson 1980; Winterhalder and Smith 1981; Winterhalder 1981; Higgs 1975).
Changes in relative costs, efficiency, effectiveness (Vayda and McCay 1975:295-297), productivity and availability of various critical resources may result from changes in other factors. These include demography, immigration, trade, technology, ecology, economy, outside influence, and/or interaction of these and other factors. Feedback and Environmental Change
There are feedback loops between ecological systems and cultural systems. Not only may agricultural practices change as a consequence of demographic change, but resulting ecological impacts would also feed back in turn to those agricultural practices, settlement systems and demographic levels (Heizer 1955). Changes in amounts of forest felling and burning, field clearings and edge areas (Ewel et al. 1981; Bartlett 1956; Iverson 1956; Maxwell 1910) would result in changes in floral and faunal composition, density and diversity and abundance of wild resources (for use by people who are farmers but who still practice some hunting and gathering). These changes would, in turn, alter the relative costs/benefits, productivity and reliability of different potential procurement strategies (Abruzzi 1980; Earle 1980). The
difference between minimum and maximum diet constraints is the potential area for social selection (Thomas 1971). With changes in the amounts of field clearings (Dimbleby 1978; Odum 1977) and firewood cutting, edge areas/ecotones and fallow cycles (Denevan 1978), there would be changes in biotic diversity and productivity, densities of game species (Abruzzi 1980), changes in the potential for garden hunting (Linares 1976; Peterson 1981; Hastorf 1980:100, 112; Bailey 1981), and changes in natural ecosystemic homeostatic mechanisms (predators). Edge areas would be greatly reduced in a climax forest (if the human subsistence farmers disappeared for whatever reason, e.g., epidemics) or if the forest itself were destroyed (e.g., by cattle ranches or large-scale farms). Population, Sedentism and Agriculture
There is a relationship between (decrease of) size of local population size (Perlman 1985), (decreased) sedentism/(increased) mobility (Lee 1980; Binford 1968), and changing degree of dependence on cultivated plants as opposed to low-cost wild plant and animal foods (D. Harris 1977b). There is a correlation between population density and trophic level, in this case between lesser population density and use of few, low-cost resources (reduced diet breadth) (Hames and Vickers 1982:364; Cohen 1977:189; Earle 1980; Christenson 1980). Farming is not necessarily more efficient than hunting and gathering (Cohen 1977:279). For example, agricultural practices and their degree of dependence on agriculture (full-time or part-time) might be affected by decreased population size and density. Responses might include a shift from intensive to extensive land use (Boserup 1965:15-16), decreased field size, longer fallow periods, greater relative abundance
of good land per number of farmers, increased output per man hour, greater efficiency and de-intensification of production (Boserup 1965; but see Bronson 1971 for a critique of the relationships Boserup suggests). There is an inverse relationship between intensification and efficiency (Boserup 1965:15-16). There are links among population density, kind of swidden (forest fallow, short fallow, bush or grass fallow, annual/multiple cropping [Boserup 1965]), land scarcity/abundance, length of fallow period, and resource predictability and productivity (Denevan 1978; Arnason et al. 1982). Agriculture Versus Hunting and Gathering
The distinction between hunter/gatherers versus agriculturists is not clearcut but a matter of degree (Flowers et al. 1982; Bailey 1981). Even some of the Florida Timucua Indians who were agriculturalists would return to the woods for several weeks or months each year in late winter or early spring (Laudonniere in Bennett 1975). The advantage of agriculture over gathering wild plant foods is that agricultural production can be intensified (Cohen 1977:190). Maize has high initial costs (e.g., clearing fields, sowing), but it has higher maximum yields and can be intensified by input of more labor (Earle 1980:12; Speight 1983). In contrast, acorns and other nuts have low initial costs but little can be done to intensify production (D. Harris 1977:208). Acorns and maize are nutritionally similar in that they are rich in carbohydrates but poor in protein and certain micronutrients (D. Harris 1977:206). Through feedback and homeostatic mechanisms, intensification of (large-scale) agriculture increases dependence on agriculture through scheduling conflicts and destruction of other potential sources of food such as nut-bearing forest and the animals it
supports. Intensification through various means (e.g., Speight 1983) thus allows production of more food for a growing population, but it would not be needed in a situation of population decline. However, there are opposing forces favoring continuation of traditional ways of doing things (see paragraph below on assumptions about rationality of goals, etc.) One interesting consequence of these adaptive responses is that we might predict (subject to testing) that the late prehistoric Utina might have been more fully agricultural than their Spanish mission period descendants (or the later Seminoles), except where they were compelled to produce crops for the garrison at St. Augustine.
In a situation of cultural breakdown, migration and dispersal, migrants into a previously-unoccupied area (Kramer 1984) may initially place relatively greater reliance on low-cost wild foods because of the greater investments (time and labor, such as the effort to clear new fields) required to establish agriculture in a new area. In contrast, migrants into a previously occupied area (in effect, a re-colonization situation (Kramer 1984) may be more likely to resume agricultural production because the countryside would already be broken up into a patchwork of fields in various convenient stages of fallow. Home Range, Sedentism Storage and Demography
There are also relationships among the factors of size of home range (area most frequently exploited) (Foley 1977; D. Harris 1977;
*Binford 1968; Ellen 1982:36), territoriality (area defended or reserved) (Dyson-Hudson and Smith 1978; Cashdan 1983; D. Harris 1977a:188), settlement systems and site locations (Winterhalder 1980; Descola 1982; Higgs 1975; Jochim 1976), procurement strategies, seasonality and scheduling (Flannery 1968), degree of
sedentism/residential mobility (Hames and Vickers 1982:363-364; Binford 1968), and storage (Testart 1982; Ingold 1983). Increased fertility and population growth often involve a shift to sedentary settlement systems (Binford 1968:332; Spooner 1972; Sussman 1972; Engelbrecht 1987); conversely, we might expect declining fertility and population to be associated with a weakening of sedentism (Lee 1980). With decreased size of local population units and decreased human population density, we would expect changes in relative proportions of land and labor available, "gaps" between home ranges, decreased competition for control of these resource areas, changes in rules for access to these critical resources, changes in residence patterns, and decreased territorial defense (Testart 1982). Degree of sedentism/mobility may change as a result of or in relation to (through feedback loops) changing population size or density, changing output requirements, and relative resource abundance (Lee 1980; Descola 1982; Cohen 1977; D. Harris 1977). Resource use may change because of population change (decline) (Binford 1968), (smaller) local groups (E. Smith 1981; Ellen 1982), (smaller) task groups, and (decreased) productive capability. The composition of task groups, and consequently their capacity to produce, may change with changing age and sex structure of local groups (Hassan 1980; Stier 1982). With smaller groups, there are smaller output requirements, but also smaller capability to produce, that is, less availability of labor. Age/sex structure of the local group and of task groups may change if, for example, there are fewer offspring per nuclear family reaching adulthood due to greater childhood susceptibility and mortality during epidemics and sterility of some of the survivors. Changes in human fertility and mortality rates and age-
sex ratios would also result from periods of nutritional stress and/or declining relative resource abundance (Lee 1980; Hassan 1980). That is, there are natural and cultural mechanisms and feedback. Opposing Forces
Opposing forces and processes contrary to those listed above would also have been operating simultaneously in La Florida. Under the impact of the expanding world economy and the European world system, there may have been pressure for increased territoriality for control of the deerskin and deer meat trade (Waselkov 1989; Gramly 1977; Turner and Santley 1979), and other exchange items. The capacity and productivity of the deerskin trade may have been stimulated in turn because the natural succession in abandoned "old fields" resulting from human population decline would have provided ideal habitat for browsers such as deer and grazers such as cattle. These same conditions may have contributed to movement of bison into the Southeastern United States during this period. On the other hand, pressure on the deer populations increased because the chiefs had formerly collected deerskins as tribute once a year, but later in the Spanish period the demand became continuous (Loucks 1979:68). Furthermore, fire drives as a deer hunting technique (along with cattle raising), if employed to excess for personal financial gain in the money economy, would have affected the natural successional patterns and altered the composition of the (fire) climax forest and its resources. Changing human/land use interaction may be indicated in the assignment of "hunting preserves" to each village (Loucks 1979:65), perhaps resulting from relative scarcity and/or increased value of certain game animals, especially deer.
Interactions of humans with other components of the cultural ecosystem may change because of changes in relative costs, efficiency, effectiveness and productivity of particular subsistence systems, or because of changing (outside) demands or availability of new (introduced) resources such as cattle, oranges, peaches or wheat. These changes may result from diffusion, trade, acculturation, migration, the opening of new opportunities for accumulating wealth (Ferguson 1984), and interaction with technological, economic and other cultural factors. Carrying capacity may change due to degree and type of exploitation (Bailey 1981), technological innovation or diffusion, or other changes altering efficiency and yield. Overexploitation and depletion of the resource is one type of interaction (Hames and Vickers 1982:363).
All of the above postulated effects assume human rationality of goals (Herskovits 1968; Godelier 1972) and native knowledge of costs, nutrients, availability, and risks (Reidhead 1980; Abruzzi 1980:27). There may also have been tradeoffs between the needs for security (minimization of risk), minimization of effort (least cosf), and maximization of output (Earle 1980:14; Lee 1969; Gould 1977:168-170.) "Satisfaction" (Lee 1972; Gould 1977) is another factor, but is more difficult to measure. Even when certain adaptive responses might appear to be potentially advantageous, these changes may have been resisted (Bender 1978). Reasons for resistance to adaptive change may include risk as a factor in decision making (Lane 1983; Bettinger 1982:226), cost-benefit uncertainty (Earle 1980:16), interference
(i.e., individuals increasing their own relative fitness by decreasing their competitors' prey-capturing abilities such as through dominance or territoriality [Wilson 1980:461), traditional ways of doing things, language categorization and perception of what was possible and socially acceptable, and social costs (such as social disruptionY (Earle 1980:16). People judge the potential of their environments (Trigger 1968; Crumley and Marquardt 1983). Language and tradition also play roles in terms of perception of resource availability and classifying products as equivalent or not equivalent with implications for choice of procurement strategy mixes and settlement systems. The Social Setting
In terms of the social setting, there are relationships among settlement systems, sedentism, population density, and the number of opportunities for participating in important social, economic, political and religious activities (Johnson 1982, Rappoport 1969). These activities include opportunities for social exchange (Homans 1968), reaffirmation of kinship and descent ties and obligations, and increased opportunities for marriage due to increased availability of potential marriage mates. That is, there are links among kinship networks, family structure, reciprocal obligations, and sociocultural complexity (Descola 1982). Where the population is sedentized and nucleated (perhaps forcibly), such as at missions (Hemming 1978), there are greater costs for maintaining the mechanisms which regulate order and disorder because mobility and village fragmentation and fissioning are no longer viable options for resolving conflicts. Groups whose political and military institutions have been subverted but whose
population remains artificially nucleated because of foreign (Spanish) domination are especially vulnerable to outside threat. They are prevented from adjusting their settlement systems in ways to make themselves more defensible against attack. They are unable to manage their external relations and must instead rely on their conqueror for defence against common enemies such as Georgian and Carolinean Indians supplied with guns by the Spaniards' enemies, the English. Such impacted groups would probably be more susceptible to pressures to "flee to the woods," for example, leaving the San Francisco and other mission stations abandoned or understaffed and leaving practically the whole Potano province deserted in the late 17th century. Some regions may be more impacted than others by the forces of population decline (disease or runaways), leading to shifts in interregional power struggles, competition for control of resource areas, and direction of resource flows (tribute and taxes).
Cultural (especially socioeconomic and political) impediments
to resource flows may hamper the effectiveness of settlement shifts as adaptive responses to stress. Cultural buffering mechanisms against stress include information flows (Rappaport 1977), storage, redistribution (Piddock 1968), exchange (Jochim 1981:70), kinship networks and reciprocal social obligations ("social storage" [Ingold 1983; Cashdan 1983]), structural complexity (e.g., social stratification), and individual resilience and tolerance to stress. Archaeologically, degree of artifact diversity has been used as an index of the culture's capacity to act as a buffering mechanism.
The disease epidemics and the directed social change (by the
Spaniards) would have removed or destroyed the effectiveness of the top
echelons of aboriginal social systems (Sears 1961). That is, chiefs and religious specialists were as vulnerable as anyone else to the introduced diseases, and the Spaniards deliberately interferred with inheritance, residence, succession and other social patterns. Furthermore, the Spaniards destroyed the system of regional paramount chiefs (Milanich 1978), altering information flows, organization and control (Peebles and Kus 1977; Rappaport 1977). The Spaniards placed themselves in those superordinate social positions atop aboriginal social hierarchies. They permitted only local village chiefs to continue to function, not the system of paramount chiefs who represented centralized, intervillage government and who might threaten Spanish control (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:224). These changes fragmented and weakened the aboriginal societies' flexibility and ability to withstand and adapt to stress.
Social hierarchies provide social structural stability,
cohesion and organization for regulating complex social relations. They concentrate energy needed for competing with other societies for control of access to scarce critical resources. There are links between sociopolitical centralization, elaboration of ritual (Piddock 1968), inequality, maintanance of authority and social order, control of the rules for distribution and consumption, prestige, storage and accumulation of wealth (Malinowski 1968), warfare (Ferguson 1984; Larson 1972), ability to intensify production, population size and density, agriculture, and sedentism. Larger, more complex social systems may also act as buffering mechanisms against environmental fluctuations such as the global climatic perturbation which occurred during the mid-sixteenth century, precisely during the time when the
aboriginal societies of La Florida were most vulnerable. With loss of social hierarchies there would be less stability of social structure, poorer structural integration, less concentration of energy for competing with other societies, less energy for coping with internal social problems, and (with smaller units) less capacity for buffering environmental fluctuations. Disruption and dispersal of human societies may make them more vulnerable to environmental perturbations, such as droughts during the days when the maize plants are at the critical reproductive stage of growth (Wilson and Allison 1978; Lomas and Herrera 1984), affecting food supplies and triggering social storage mechanisms. Environmental change does not directly cause subsistence system and economic change, but it alters the relative costs/benefits and predictability of particular procurement strategies, resulting in new strategy mixes (Earle 1980:21).
Political institutions are interrelated with other cultural and ecological factors. There are relationships between demography (population decline), political organization (decline of central authority) and settlement systems (dispersed communities)(Renfrew 1979). Changing production and efficiency requirements are a cause of social organizational change (Descola 1982). With demographic change there would be changes in the rules for distribution and consumption, residence patterns, and kinship obligations, and opportunities for accumulating wealth (Ferguson 1984). Through feedback, disrupted and dispersed communities resulted from and stimulated further population decline and disruption of kinship systems, chiefly organization and central authority by which social order and stability had been maintained. Population decline and collapse resulted from death,
dispersal and/or migration. Consequently lineages, kinship networks, and reciprocal obligations, task groups and production were disrupted, including the mechanisms by which leadership was determined and maintained and the mechanisms (the ranked lineages or clans) by which access to resources was allocated. Shift to a deerskin (Waselkov 1989) and beef (Bushnell 1978, 1981) economy would allow the accumulation of wealth by individuals outside the traditional patterns of wealth and prestige and outside the normal rules for redistribution, resulting in changes in information flows and resource flows and shifts in social status and marital residence patterns (Deetz 1965; Descola 1982). These changes, including changes in the rules for distribution and consumption, undercut the influence, power, and authority of established centralized native authority. Many Indians may have moved to the vicinity of the missions in pursuit o~f prestige goods (Descola 1982; Tonkinson 1974). The most highly prized goods by the Eastern Timucuans were fish hooks, axes or hatchets, knives, scissors, and beads (Covington and Falcones 1963:145-1460). Also disrupted in La Florida were the chiefdoms and the ranked clans and thus enforcement of the rules by which kinship and descent, leadership, inheritance, postmarital residence patterns, and access to critical resources were determined (Deetz 1965; Longacre 1968). Elman Service (1962) suggested that changes to composite bands in one region occurred as results of European economic pressures and diseases; he considered the importance of acculturation in these situations to have been overrated. Decline of the power of central authority includes decline of the social control mechanisms for maintaining social structural cohesion and
stability (which cohesion and stability had formerly been provided by hierarchies). The mechanisms for resolving conflicts declined. And the mechanisms and forces for maintaining compact, cohesive communities declined. The degenerative decay of the economic situation is seen in the documentary record where certain Indians asked the Spaniards for permission to relocate their village, reportedly because of depleted firewood, exhausted soils and poor harvests (Pearson 1968:80 in Loucks 1979:57). That is, not only was the economy failing, but the Indians had even lost the power to decide the optimal locations of their own settlements.
Dispersal and Nucleation
There are always opposing forces at work in any situation. The forces for nucleation are always in opposition to the forces for dispersal. Forces for dispersal include, for example, the ability to pursue dispersed natural resources. In a marginal and deteriorating political situation such as late 17th century Spanish Florida (and the 18th century Seminoles), the forces for dispersal of native populations may have begun to outweigh the forces favoring nucleation (such as scattered reports of Indians abandoning the mission villages and returning to their "wild cousins" in the woods), except for two factors. These factors offsetting the dispersal tendencies were the threat of outside attack (slave raids and invasions by the English and their Indian allies) and forced nucleation (the Spanish reduction policy). Further chapters of this dissertation will provide empirical data on the extent to which these populations actually became dispersed or nucleated, that is, data on which competing set of forces became dominant at which times.
Lower population density and numbers, coupled with cultural
destruction, would lead to a decrease in public activities (religious, military, political, and socioeconomic) which otherwise provide community and ethnic identity and cohesion. Part of this effect of lower population density derives from resulting longer fallow periods, shorter plot use, decreased size and number of fields, smaller villages, lesser degrees of sedentism, and decline in these public activities. These patterns of cultural decline can be altered and reversed by religious revitalization movements and cultural reformulations. One such movement occurred in association with the prophet Handsome Lake among the Seneca of New York. The mid-l7th century Timucuan rebellion in Florida may be an example of such a movement but a detailed study is not available. Unintended Consequences
There were undoubtedly many unintended consequences of Spanish contact and domination. The disease epidemics and demographic collapse were an unintended consequence. These unintended consequences result from negative feedback. Intensification of one resource, such as Spanish-owned but Indian-operated cattle ranches or wheat farms, may result in destruction or dangerous oversimplification of the ecosystem, such as destruction of ecosystems and dependent Indian adaptive systems (Kirch 1982). Cultural metastability may result from overexploitation and environmental strain (Deevey et al. 1976). Ecosystem Resilience, Economy and Introduced Species
There are links between ecosystem resilience (Vitousek et al.
1981; Hollings 1973), cultural buffering mechanisms, economy, sedentism and settlement systems (D. Harris 1977). Factors in the degree of
impact of aboriginal (versus Spanish-directed) agriculture on the ecosystem include human population density, length of fallow period and tree size, length of plot use, size of garden or field, amount of edge area, technology and particular plants grown, and relative rates of soil fertility decline and weed invasion (Denevan 1978; Arnason et al. 1982; D. Harris 1978; W. Clarke 1976; Norgaard 1981; Vitousek et al. 1981; but see Chacon and Chiessman 1982 for re-definition of "weeds" as not all noxious). Introduced animals such as cows, as opposed to deer, trample the underbrush (and fields), opening the soil to increased solar radiation and resulting in destruction of soil structure and microfauna and loss of soil moisture and fertility (Denevan 1978; D. Harris 1978). Deer are also subject to increased mortality when they share territory with cattle because of the Lone Star Tick (Loucks 1979:70). Conversion of forests and fields to pasture makes return to aboriginal-style farming difficult (Denevan 1978; Odum 1981), especially with aboriginal tools poorly suited to breaking up the tough sod layer.
Pigs are another introduced species. Over time, pigs rooting up the soil can lead to destruction of understory vegetative cover and ecosystems, leaving the soil surface bare and subject to erosion, in turn affecting streams and aquatic resources through altered silt content and salinity levels. Pigs are forest dwellers; not having sweat glands they cannot tolerate long exposure in the open sunny areas created by farm fields, forest burning and cattle. Cattle and pigs thus destroy different types of ecosystems leading to further simplification of ecosystems. Both alter the floral and faunal composition, the diversity and relative abundance of forest species.
The increasing poverty and declining perogatives of the Indians are seen in the documentary record. In 1600 taxes were reduced from one arroba (approximately 25 pounds or 12 kg) of maize to six ears of maize per Indian per year. The reduced taxes were said to be necessary because of hardship and the poverty of the Indians (Canzo 1600 in Loucks 1979:45). The increasing poverty may have been the result of labor shortage and/or decling yields on worn out soils near permanent mission stations.
Spaniards used the landscape in different ways than did the
natives. Plantations, ranches, and roads are low population density uses. The Indians had resided across the landscape, interacting with, evolving with and being dynamic components of the ecosystems for thousands of years (Cohen 1977; Hassan 1980; Chapman et al. 1982), but the Spaniards interrupted those mutualistic and coevolutionary relationships and adaptations (Thompson 1982; D. Wilson 1980; Rindos 1983; 2Janzen 1980). For example, the introduced (by missionaries) crops such as wheat or manioc (for example, at certain missions in South America [Milton 1984) have different growing cycles than maize and other traditional crops. Wheat is planted in the winter, maize in the spring. The Spaniards pressured the Indians to grow wheat, but doing so disrupted the Indians' traditional patterns of seasonality and scheduling (Flannery 1968), with impacts throughout the system such as protein deficiency among a large, artificially nucleated human population (Milton 1984). There are no data on whether the sizes of Indians' fields changed, or the relative proportions of wheat and maize fields and sizes of harvests. The needs for provisioning St. Augustine and constructing the castillo de San Marcos was another major burden on
the Indians. In addition to the visible heavy costs (social, economic, biological) of production, transport. storage, and labor demands, the Indians also bore the hidden costs of redistribution and social control.
Major Weakness of Cultural Ecology Studies: Demography
In recent decades, the ecological sciences have made much progress in explaining animal behavior patterns by defining variables and their interrelationships. As described in the above section there are relationships among many variables. Demographic variables are always crucial in these relationships.
However, these crucial demographic data are unfortunately often lacking from otherwise-excellent studies of settlement patterns and cultural ecology (e.g., Custer 1987; Kingsley 1981). In archaeological research, demographic data are elusive and difficult to pin down, due to methodological problems associated with poor preservation and problems with sampling an unknown universe. But these demographic data are essential before we can progress to other, even more important ecological and anthropological questions. The need for these demographic data is the motive behind the following research.
Settlement pattern studies are a prerequisite to studies of
demographic patterns (Trigger 1985:72-73). The particular approach taken in the current study is motivated by studies in other regions such as Missouri (Ramenofsky 1982:320, 334) which show that local population size (and density?) can be increasing even though overall regional population size is decreasing. Or the size of local population may increase even though overall population size is not
increasing (e.g., the shift toward a smaller number of larger bands among the northern boreal fur traders of northeastern North America after European contact [Brasser 1978:84-85 [Handbook of N. Amer. Indians] ). The conclusion is that site size cannot be assumed to decline along with overall regional population decline. Population estimates based solely on macro-level data or solely on micro- and semi-micro-level data are thus inappropriate; all levels of data need to be incorporated. A large number of smaller settlements may be replaced by a few larger settlements, as happened in Ramenofsky's case study in Missouri (1982:320). Survivors may (or may not) abandon their multiple settlements and amalgamate in a few larger settlements.
The present study attempts to determine which pattern existed in Florida. It focuses on a particular culture area and period, that is, the natives of north and north central Florida at the time of European contact. What were the consequences of European contact? How and why did the Timucuan chiefdoms and people become extinct so quickly, that is, within two centuries?
This study is necessarily rather broad scale and coarse grained for several reasons. First, little archaeological research had been done on the Utina and the locations of few sites were known prior to the current research. Only broad scale environmental variables, such as physiographic province, soil type, proximity to aquatic resources and proximity to natural trail corridors are used in this analysis. Detailed data on resource distribution and abundance are unavailable for specific sites. The situation with the Utina was unusual in American archaeology. From the documentary record we had some idea how
many mission sites existed, but the locations were unknown. The Utinaassociated ceramic complex had to be identified and a chronology had to be developed before other anthropological questions could be addressed. These problems with ceramics and chronology are dealt with in Chapter IV, Establishing a Chronology.
Empirical Question: Native Population Levels in Florida and the Rate of Population Decline
The current study is part of a larger debate which is currently raging in American archaeology and history, that is, how many Indians were there at the time of first European contact, and what was the magnitude of the impact of European and African diseases (Crosby 1972)? This debate has been brought to a head in recent years by the work of Henry Dobyns (1983), who claims larger original populations and greater effects of disease than had been thought previously. Dobyns' general thesis has been accepted by many archaeologists, but many of the details and his methods are disputed (e.g, Henige 1986, 1989). Part of my goal therefore is to make methodological and empirical contributions that will help lead to more accurate estimates of Timucuan population levels at the time of contact and at intervals afterward.
There were different kinds of culture change associated with
European contact and conquest in the New World. These different kinds of change included acculturation situations on forced-labor agricultural plantations and ranches, participation in mission systems (e.g., Hemming 1978; Service 1954; Geiger 1937; Sayer 1971; Milner 1980; Fish and Fish 1979), and depopulation and cultural disintegration (Ramenofsky 1982; Dobyns 1983; Crosby 1972; Denevan 1976; Cook and
Borah 1960). Depopulation and deculturation could also occur independently of sustained European-Indian contact (Smith 1984).
Though it has long been known that the introduction of European and African diseases had great impacts on American Indian populations, the magnitude of the biological and cultural catastrophe has become clearer as a recent of studies. Population collapse, political decentralization, migrations and amalgamation of survivors into new settlements occurred throughout the New World (Crosby 1972; Dobyns 1983; Smith 1984; Ramenofsky 1982). There may have been other responses to population collapse as well. In Florida, such stresses occurred after initial contact and during the period of the establishment of the Spanish mission system. Destruction of the chiefdoms and the ranked kin groups was accomplished by the epidemics, foreign domination, wars, slave raids, and/or the European money economy, which transformed the independent chiefdoms into peasantry. Acculturation at the missions accelerated the culture change and helped lead to the final extinction of these people. Some or many of the changes in native American lifeways often attributed to acculturation may in fact be due to population decline.
In Florida, there were eighteen documented or probable epidemics in two centuries (Dobyns 1983:247-290). Assuming Dobyns' data are reliable, there was at least one epidemic in almost every decade of the 16th and 17th centuries. Using Dobyns' data, we can calculate that a new epidemic or pandemic appeared at an average rate of once every 10.1 years, with only 8.7 years between epidemics, assuming all epidemics are known which seems unlikely. That is, almost every generation for
two centuries experienced at least one major acute outbreak. Mortality rates typically ranged from 10% to 50% (Dobyns 1983:247-290).
The natives of north and north central Florida thus became extinct within 250 years after Christopher Columbus' initial voyage to the New World. That is, demographic and cultural collapse occurred in north and north central central Florida resulting from European contact. This collapse can be tracked through time through an archaeological study of changes in aboriginal settlement patterns, changes which, as we have seen in the first section of this chapter, are tied to many other aspects of culture.
This research focuses on the cultural consequences of the
population decline rather than the epidemiological causes of the decline. Accordingly evidence of epidemics per se is not pursued, rather the study builds on the work of others who have already demonstrated that they occurred (e.g., Dobyns 1983).
Among other aims, the research aims at developing a technique for measuring relative changes in certain aspects of community patterns. Site area (Cook and Heizer 1968), whether communities were compact or dispersed, and other data are used to measure the relative changes through time in settlement systems (see Chapter V on Methods).
The puzzle is not why these cultures suffered catastrophes, but why the survivors failed to recover from them. Why did they fail to adapt to the stress? The epidemics cannot fully explain the Timucuan extinction because some other aboriginal groups in North America suffered the same pandemics and survived. There are cultural factors as well in population decline. For example, the Seneca of New York had been experiencing population decline and cultural disintegration but
this trend reversed during the cultural transformation associated with the prophet Handsome Lake during the late 18th and early 19th centuries (Wallace 1969:194-196, 303-315). Why did the Timucuans not accomplish a similar cultural revitalization? Timucuan leadership structure broke down by the early 17th century and after that time the "chiefs" functioned in that role only in exceptional circumstances such as the revolt of 1656 (Milanich 1978:67-68; Hann n.d.:3). But leadership is only one of many interrelated cultural and ecological factors, as listed above in an earlier section of this chapter.
That section discussed the links among human demographic, cultural and ecological change. Many of those principles and processes would have been in effect for the Timucua. The Timucua of Florida, in particular their settlement system changes, thus provide a case study of those principles and processes of demographic, cultural and ecological change.
The following sections deal separately with community patterns and settlement patterns. Specifically, the first section presents community pattern hypotheses for testing, bridging arguments and observational predictions. The next section then deals with regional settlement pattern models which have been developed previously for northern Florida. Separate chapters then test these two sets of hypotheses, and the results are integrated in the final chapter.
History of Settlement Studies and Definition of Terms
Archaeological studies of regional settlement patterns began with Gordon Willey's work in the Viru Valley, Peru (1953, 1956) and with the
lower Mississippi Valley Survey (Phillips, Ford and Griffin 1951). Willey defined settlement patterns as:
. the way in which man disposed himself over the
landscape on which he lived. It refers to dwellings, to their
arrangement, and to the nature and disposition of other
buildings pertaining to community life. These settlements reflect the natural environment, the level of technology on
which the builders operated, and various institutions of
social interaction and control which the culture maintained
The roots of Willey's approach are found in Julian Steward's
cultural ecology and the concept of the "culture core" (Steward 1936, 1938, 1955). The culture core contains the elements of culture which are in direct contact with the natural environment. The roots of the concept can be traced back to the materialist and evolutionary approaches of Morgan (1877), Marx (1867) and Darwin (1859).
Following the early stimulus provided by Willey, a variety of other approaches and applications have also developed in settlement archaeology. For example, a "1955 Seminar in Archaeology" set up a series of ideal types of communities along a continuum from sedentary to nomadic (Meggers 1956). The types included free wandering, restricted wandering, central-based wandering, semi-permanent sedentary, simple nuclear centered, advanced nuclear centered, and supra-nuclear integrated (Meggers 1956). Another early proponent of settlement studies was Chang (1958, 1968), who emphasized social factors in settlement patterns.
From the very beginning settlement studies have been concerned
with spatial arrangements, function, the community, the environment and change (Parsons 1972). The integrated nature of these phenomena is
reflected in the concept of "subsistence-settlement system" (Winters 1963; Struever 1968).
Following Willey's lead, numerous settlement studies have been undertaken by American archaeologists (e.g., Ritchie and Funk 1973; Struever 1968; Adams 1965; Flannery 1976; Smith 1978ab; Custer 1987; Painter 1982; Moseley 1983; and others cited throughout this chapter). Distinguishing Settlement Patterns, Community Patterns, and Settlement Systems
In common usage the term "settlement patterns" is used in two
different ways. First, it is often used in a general sense to refer to all site patterning at all levels, including community patterns, settlement patterns, and settlement systems. Second, it is used more narrowly to refer to only one level of patterning--settlement patterns-to the exclusion of community patterns and settlement systems. The current study employs the latter, more restricted usage. Terms as currently used are defined below, following a summary of the history of these studies.
A variety of terms have been used for these concepts. Sanders distinguished community settlement patterns from zonal settlement patterns (Sanders 1956; Parsons 1972). Chang distinguished community pattern from settlement pattern (Chang 1958:299). He defined community pattern as:
the manner in which the inhabitants arrange their various
structures within the community and their communities within
the aggregate (Chang 1958:299).
Citing Murdock (1949:79, 82), Chang defined "community" in terms of interpersonal relationships, as composed of those persons who reside
together and interact on a face-to-face basis (Chang 1958:303). And Chang defined settlement pattern as:
the manner in which human settlements are arranged over the landscape in relation to phy siographic environment (Chang
Chang also subdivided community pattern into "microsettlement" and "imacrostructure"l (Chang 1962:7). These two terms refer respectively to patterning within a single site (e.g., to patterning within a structure) and to patterning of the site as a whole (e.g., to the arrangement of all the structures). Early use of the term "community pattern" is found in Sears (1961).
Trigger subdivided community pattern into "'microstructure" and "macrostructure." He referred to settlement patterns as "zonal patterns" (Trigger 1968:54-55). At the regional level, natural resources are key determining factors in human population levels and their distribution (Trigger 1968:66). Trigger acknowledged that a variety of other cultural and historical factors also affect settlement patterns (zonal patterns) (Trigger 1968:69).
Winters distinguished settlement system versus settlement pattern (Winters 1963) and Flannery defined settlement pattern as "the pattern of sites on the regional landscape (Flannery 1976d). However, his use of the concept of settlement system is somewhat different from that used in the current study. He defined settlement system as "the set of 'rules' that generated the pattern in the first place" (Flannery 1976d:162 in Paynter 1982:27).
Clarke used the term ''micro' to refer to the level of resolution within structures (e.g., rooms, graves, houses) (Clarke 1977:11). He
used the term "semi-micro" to refer to patterning within sites and he defined "site" as:
a geographical locus which contained an articulated set
of human activities [and] their consequences and often an
associated set of structures. (Clarke 1977:11)
He used the term "macro" to refer to the level of resolution between sites (1977:11). According to Clarke, different types of models are most appropriate for explaining patterning at the different levels of resolution. Individual and cultural models are most appropriate for the micro level, social and architectural models are most appropriate for the semi-micro level, and geographical and economic models are most appropriate for the macro level. The effects of time and distance on energy expenditure account for the appropriateness of the geographical and economic models at the macro level (Clarke 1977:13).
In summary, the three levels of spatial analysis are the micro,
semi-micro and macro (Clarke 1977). The micro level deals with spatial variation within individual structures, the semi-micro or intra-site level deals variation within particular sites, and the macro or intersite (zonal patterns) level deals with spatial variation within entire regions as a whole. The first set of terms are those of Trigger (1968:55) and the second set are those of Clarke (1979:9). Sears' term community pattern" (1956, 1961) correlates with the middle level, that of intra-site or semi-micro.
Settlement Systems as Spatial Archaeology
In recent years settlement archaeology has become subsumed within spatial archaeology (Clarke 1977; Hodder and Orton 1976), as cultural geography, economic anthropology and anthropological archaeology have
converged (Marquardt 1983:3). The current study thus deals with one particular variety of spatial analysis, that of settlement systems. Spatial archaeology was defined as follows:
Spatial archaeology might be defined as the retrieval of
information from archaeological spatial relationships and the study of the spatial consequences of former hominid activity patterns within and between features and structures and their
articulation within sites, site systems and their
environments: the study of the flow and integrations of
activities within and between structures, sites and resource spaces from the micro to the semi-micro and macro scales of
aggregation. (Clarke 1977:9)
Settlement pattern analysis or settlement archaeology is thus one type of spatial analysis. Spatial or vocational analysis began with David Clarke (1977) and the field has since expanded (Roper 1979; Crumley 1979) to include such things as exchange systems (Renfrew 1977; Hodder 1982). However, the current study focuses on the original focus: settlement patterns.
There are many different approaches to the study of spatial
analysis of settlement patterns, for example, central place theory, nearest neighbor analysis, catchment analysis (Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970), and gravity models (Crumley 1979; Jochim 1976). Catchment analysis requires a greater amount of ecological data than are currently available for these individual sites. In site catchment analysis (Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970; Roper 1979), an area is drawn around a site and the resources available within that area are determined. Equal rights to access and equally easy access to all resources within that area are assumed, and resources beyond that area are assumed to be more difficult to exploit. Distance and travel time are key factors. Demographic factors as determinants in settlement
patterns have played less of a role in catchment studies than have resource studies (Roper 1979:120).
The current research attempts to integrate different levels of spatial analysis. Most published research deals only with one level, while calling for (but rarely attempting) integration with these other levels.
Definition of Terms
The settlement or the community is defined as "the local context wherein the members of a community are presumed to have resided and lived their daily lives" (Chang 1961). Many archaeological studies have been done at this level of the community or the settlement (e.g., Milanich et al. 1984). The community is viewed functionally as those people who interact on a daily basis within a particular natural environment. The approach reflects Julian Steward's concept of cultural ecology. The question is, which factors determine where people live? At all three levels of analysis, people are adapting to, drawing subsistence from, and interacting with their natural environments. Settlement patterns are one strategy for adapting to the particular environments and to environmental stress. But at all three levels other factors are also present, including ecological, demographic, economic, social, political, belief systems, historical and other factors. Different factors may take on greater or lesser importance at the different levels, and at different levels the different factors may interact in different ways.
As used here community pattern refers to patterning at the local level, settlement patterns refers to patterning at the regional level, and settlement systems refers to integration of community and
settlement patterns. Chapter VI deals with community patterns, Chapter VII concerns regional settlement patterns, and Chapter X deals with settlement systems. Terms are defined as follows.
Settlement systems. A settlement system (Winters in Parson
1972:130) is composed of microsettlement patterns, macro or community patterns and zonal or settlement patterns (Trigger 1968).
Community pattern and settlement pattern. The term community
pattern (Sears 1961) refers to the size and arrangement of particular sites. In contrast, the term settlement patterns refers to the distribution of sites over the landscape in relation to various other natural and man-made features (Trigger 1968; Willey 1953).
Diffuse, dispersed, consolidated and compact. These terms indicate ends of continuums representing the degrees to which settlements are spread out internally and in relation to other settlements. Terms such as "diffused" and "dispersed" have been applied both to settlement patterns and to community patterns. As used here, a dispersed (or compact) community pattern is not the same thing as a diffuse (or consolidated) settlement pattern. The former deals with the size and arrangement of particular settlements, and the latter deals with the distribution of whole settlements in relation to each other.
Renfrew described the compact/dispersed continuum as follows:
Amid the great diversity in settlement form and
distribution among traditional farming communities of the world, two opposing extremes of what may be a continuous
spectrum m can be discerned. The first is dispersed
settlement, the population living in small homestead,
farmsteads or compounds, the home of a single extended
family, although naturally linked by various ties of kinship
and solidarity into larger communities. But spatially and
residentially they are isolated units. In the extreme case
there are no large and permanent settlements, although often
there are (special places] for periodic or occasional
At the other extreme the agricultural population is
entirely agglomerated into large nucleated villages or
compounds, agricultural 'towns' from which the inhabitants go
forth daily to work their fields. (Renfrew 1979:440)
Renfrew cited examples of dispersed settlements in Africa, the Pacific, Central America, and Southeast Asia. He cited examples of agglomerated settlements in Italy, Africa, and the Ilth century American Southwest (Renfrew 1979:440), emphasizing that most societies fall between these two extremes. The reasons for the pattern are not always clear, but factors include transportation costs and social benefits. There may be an inverse relationship (not his terms) between length of fallow period as opposed to settlement size and density. The longer the fallow period, the smaller the settlement size and the lower the settlement density:
(S]ystems with very long fallow periods, which are generally
associated with much lower settlement density, often show
very much smaller settlement units. (Renfrew 1979:441)
Examples of the terms used by various authors are as follows.
Community patterns have been described as "nucleated," "aggregated" or "dispersed" (Renfrew 1979; Parson 1972; Engelbrecht 1987; Faulkner 1973; Glassow 1977). Settlement patterns have been described as "nucleated," "contagious," "clustered," or "dispersed" (Vogt 1983; Pearson 1979; Farnsworth 1989; Faulkner 1973; Engelbrecht 1987; Starke and Young 1981). Another scheme distinguishes dispersed, random and aggregated settlement patterns (Adams and Jones 1981). Willey classified communities depending on whether they consisted of a minimal residential unit, a group residential unit (two or more minimal
residential units and implying an extended family), or a cluster of group residential units (Willey 1981:388-391). Examples of settlement system types in the literature, as distinct from community pattern types, include nucleated among the Iroquois (Trigger 1978:344; Engelbrecht 1987) and linear in the aboriginal Southeastern United States after European contact (M. Smith 1984; Ramenofsky 1982; Dobyns 1983) and elsewhere (Reynolds 1976). The Iroquois towns were described as "crowded islands in a vast wilderness" (Engelbrecht 1987:22). Other theoretical discussions of settlement system types are found in B. Smith (1978b), Dewar (1986) and Adams and Jones (1981). Because of the use of duplicate terms for different concepts it is frequently difficult to detect whether community patterns, settlement patterns or settlement systems are being referred to. The current study uses different terms to avoid confusion.
Community Patterns: Types, Bridging Arguments, Hypotheses, and Observational Predictions
In this section, compact versus dispersed community pattern types are distinguished. It also develops hypotheses, bridging arguments and observational predictions for three time periods and two ethnic groups (the Utina and the Potano) in northern Florida are also presented.
Community and settlement pattern shifts, as described in the above theoretical discussion, are cultural responses and aspects of adaptive systems. A study of community patterns will help clarify the reasons for the demise of the Timucuan Indians. Settlement changes may be seen as an attempt--perhaps temporarily successful but ultimately unsuccessful--to resolve the stresses that occurred as a result of European contact and colonization.
Many writers assume that contemporaneous sites will be
approximately the same size. For example, Dobyns makes his assumption explicit:
We assume for purposes of estimation that Timucuan
settlements were approximately equal in size... (Dobyns
Despite the above quotation, Dobyns goes on to demonstrate that the above generalization is not valid for the Timucua as a whole. Rather, each Timucuan group must be considered separately because each may have a different system, e.g., lineage townhouses among the Saturiwa, a large main village surrounded by isolated houses among the Ocali and Yustega, and main villages surrounded by satellite villages among (possibly) the Potano, all roughly coeval during the period 1528-1564, the time of Narvaez, de Soto, and Le Moyne (Dobyns 1983:190211). These and other data (see following sections) point out the need to define the different types of settlement systems. Compact Community Pattern
This type system would include situations in which the residences and structures within the settlement were closely arranged, for example, within a palisade. There may or may not be satellite villages or scattered houses around the main village. A compact settlement implies strong social control (see sections on rationale for hypotheses). This was presumably the goal of the "reduction" policy (Gannon 1965:33), that was employed by the Spanish missionaries among the Indians of South America (Hemming 1978:99), but perhaps was never accomplished by the missionaries in North America.
Compact communities may also have been present in North America
prior to sustained European influence. Examples of this community type
include numerous Mississippian and Mississippian-derived towns, palisaded Timucuan towns as depicted in de Bry's engraving and Le Moyne's descriptions (Swanton 1922:352), the Creek town plan (Bartram 1789 in Hudson 1976:214), and probably some of the towns along de Soto's route in Florida (Ranjel 1904:44,72). Dispersed Community Pattern
In this type the population and their residences are widely
distributed rather than closely spaced, yet still constitute a single community; or else the individual residences are so widely dispersed that they must be considered isolated households, without villages. In either case, overall population size would be small. An example of a dispersed community pattern is illustrated in the following statement about Apalache by the Spanish governor in November 1702:
The villages of this province [Apalachel are very
insecure as they are widely scattered, as the individual
houses are likewise, since the villages are distributed over a radius of three or four leagues. (Hann n.d.:22) (Emphasis
The Contact Period, A.D. 1513-1606
Due to the known epidemics of European-introduced pathogens, we must assume some level of population decline in north central Florida during the 16th and 17th centuries. The term population collapse may be more appropriate, but the total numbers and rate of the decline have not been precisely measured. Rather than attempting to measure population loss directly, this research attempts to measure relative change in site sizes and site numbers.
The contact period begins with the first European landfall on the North American mainland in the early 16th century (Ponce de Leon in 1513), and continues until establishment of the mission system in the
first third of the 17th century among the Western Timucua, specifically A.D. 1606 for the Potano and 1608 for the Utina.
At least three major epidemics are documented or probable among the Western Timucua before de Soto's arrival (unidentified epidemic in 1513-14, smallpox in 1519-24, measles and gastrointestinal in 1528-33), possibly five epidemics before or during the French explorations (bubonic plague in 1545-48, typhus in 1549, mumps in 1550, influenza in 1559, and unidentified epidemic in 1564-70) and three more epidemics before establishment of the mission system (unidentified in 1585, Cape Verde Island fever in 1586, and measles (?) in 1596 (Dobyns 1983:247290). [Others have disputed Dobyns' handling of the evidence and his conclusions (e.g., Henige 1986, 1989), and Dobyns has added rebuttals (Dobyns 1989). Because of these uncertainties, various writers (e.g., Ramenofsky 1982) have called for new studies and new data sets which are independent of the historic documentary data. The present study of settlement change is one such study.]
Hypotheses for testing.
Hypothesis 1A: Large, compact communities during the contact period or at least for the early part of the period.
Hypothesis IB: Small, dispersed communities during the contact period.
Bridging Arguments. Occupation area is at least partially a function of group size (though the relationship may not be linear). Numbers of artifacts discarded is at least partially a function of group size. A larger number of discarded objects will occupy a larger area. A larger group occupying a larger area will result in artifacts
discarded and distributed over a larger area, or vice versa, for a smaller group.
Community pattern is at least partially a function of social,
political and economic organization (Trigger 1968). The greater the distance and spacing between minimal residential units (nuclear families), or between residential units and politico-religious units (e.g., temples, public plazas, chief's house), therefore the more costly, more difficult and less effective the social control mechanisms will be. Conversely the closer the spacing between units, the less costly and more effective the social control mechanisms will be.
A. Large, compact communities (regardless of whether or not
small satellite villages are also present; see Chapter 1X on settlement systems).
1. Total area over which artifacts are distributed at each village site will be large.
2. Several or numerous minimal residential units (nuclear families) will be represented in the archaeological record.
3. The residential units will be closely spaced, that is, their artifact distributions will overlap or touch.
4. There will be internal differentiation within sites, such as mounds and plazas in addition to residential units.
B. Small, dispersed communities
1. Total area over which artifacts are distributed will be small.
2. A minimal residential unit or only a small number of minimal residential units will be represented in the archaeological record.
3. A cluster of these contemporaneous small sites will be found near each other within a local area. That is, their artifact distributions do not overlap or touch and are separated at intervals too great for them to be considered a single site.
Discussion. Hypothesis 1A, large compact communities, is the null hypothesis, that there was no significant difference between prehistoric and contact period communities, except that contact period communities were perhaps not as large as prehistoric ones. That is, these cultures were scaled down versions of their prehistoric counterparts, and most economic, political and social institutions had remained intact despite the stresses associated with the population loss.
Prehistorically, most Western Timucuan/Alachua tradition villages 11appear to have been consolidated, with houses placed close together in clusters," though some "had a dispersed pattern" (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:172).
Support for this hypothesis in the historic period includes the following. The chroniclers of the Spanish and French expeditions indicate large, seemingly intact, powerful native cultures, centrally organized, actively resisting European influence. The implication is that despite pandemic-induced population decline, there was no imme di ate political, economic or military collapse for at least the first few years of the contact period in Florida. This implies successful cultural adaptations to the stresses of the early epidemics,
at least until the later epidemics and Spanish domination, but this must be verified, such as archaeological evidence for little culture change in the period. The speed with which powerful chiefdoms can decline is confirmed by the observations by de Luna's expedition in 1559 concerning some of the same towns that de Soto had visited in 1540 in present-day Alabama (Hudson et al. 1985).
Archaeologically, if this hypothesis is valid, we would expect to see no significant difference between prehistoric and contact period sites and artifact assemblages except possibly (slight) decreases in site area and minor stylistic differences in artifacts, and possibly the presence of a small number of European artifacts. It is anticipated on the basis of currently available data (Milanich 1971, 1972, 1978) that this null hypothesis will be rejected.
Hypothesis 1B, small, dispersed communities, was derived from the following. Collapse of early state societies (and presumably chiefdoms) is characterized by the general features of (1) collapse of central administration, including decline of public works and number of hierarchical levels; (2) disappearance of elites, e.g., elaborate burials; (3) collapse of centralized authority; (4) settlement shifts and population decline, including abandonment of many settlement locations, dispersal into smaller settlements, shift to more defensible locations, and decreased population density; and (5) lower level of sociopolitical integration, including social segmentation of the society, fissioning into smaller territories, and small-group local movements following breakdown in order (Renfrew 1979:482-484). This collapse may include the end of the hierarchical settlement patterns
formerly associated with chiefdoms, and the switch to linear, dispersed community patterns (M. Smith 1987:86-112).
Dobyns correlates epidemic mortality and settlement shifts using historic data from the Seneca of New York and other groups (Dobyns 1983:313-327). He uses psychological factors to explain the correlation:
..settlement shifts motivated by the psychological shock of
epidemic mortality or by the fear of the ghosts of deceased relatives, or by migration to maintain a culturally defined
"proper"settlement size. (Dobyns 1983 :324)
In addition to these psychological factors, Dobyns (1983:307) adds the threat of attack as another cause of settlement shifts. Other broader factors in aboriginal culture change included the introduction of European technology (Purdy 1977) and despecialization of aboriginal economic structure (Dobyns 1983:330-333).
There are many additional cultural and ecological factors,
processes, mechanisms for change, feedback loops and interrelationships which are not mentioned by Dobyns. The theoretical section at the beginning of this chapter outlines many of these complex relationships among the variables of human population demography, sociopolitical and economic organization, and settlement systems. A change in one variable such as population decline will result in changes in other cultural variables as well. Factors in demographic and cultural decline include disruption of Timucuan lineages and ranked clans and thus the rules for determining leadership, inheritance and access to resources; loss of social structural stability provided by hierarchies; and decline of effectiveness of social control mechanisms for resolving conflicts and preserving social cohesion (Renfrew 1979:482). Degree of
social control and cohesion is reflected in community patterns, in this case, whether settlement systems are compact or dispersed (Renfrew 1979:484). Other factors resulting from reduced population density include reduced requirements for the subsistence system, less pressure on resources, opening of gaps between groups, reduced competition for land, and possibly decline of territoriality (Cashdan 1983) (except for deerskin producing), and reduced need and ability to support numerous levels of social hierarchy which regulate internal and external relations.
Archaeologists have long made the assumption that the presence of features of community patterns such as mounds, plazas and palisades indicates the presence of hierarchical organization, and strong social control mechanisms. Conversely, the opposite assumption is that the lack of these features in a community indicates a lack of strong, formal social control mechanisms.
In the hypothetical absence of further outside contact or
epidemics, eventually population size might have stabilized and then increased (as did the population of the 18th century Seminole Indians), viable villages reestablished through amalgamation, local ecological relationships and traditional subsistence tasks resumed, and traditional cultural institutions and elements (except those lost through death of specialists) reasserted. In a region such as north central Florida, typically long-term human interaction with the ecosystems, abundant land and other natural resources, technology for broad spectrum procurement, and cultural traditions of high population density, we would predict rapid demographic and cultural reestablishment following a catastrophe (Renfrew 1979:484). In effect,
a re-colonization situation would develop. Studies of other catastrophes throughout the world, such as epidemics in Russia (Alexander 1980), floods, landslides, and atomic bomb attacks (Lifton 1967) indicate that traditional cultural patterns tend to become reestablished (sometimes by young entrepreneurs moving into vacated positions of prestige) once the period of crisis has passed, and survivors sometimes reoccupy the stricken locations.
Archaeological evidence to support the hypothesis of small,
dispersed communities would include smaller number of sites, wider spacing between sites, reduced site area, reduced volume and density of debris, shorter temporal span of occupation, reduced intentisy of occupation, rapid abandonment of sites, and disappearance of public works (see section on Methods). If amalgamation were occurring, we would expect to see diversification of assemblages and fewer sites but without reduction in site area or intensity of occupation.
Smith notes that the latter half of the 16th century, 1565-1600 (his "Period B") is the period of greatest change in the greater Southeast (Smith 1984:204). Old sites are abandoned, new sites are occupied, and compact, palisaded towns give way to dispersed, linear villages. (Dispersed villages are not linear in Florida because of the absence of linear, fertile river bottomlands.) It remains to be seen whether the pattern also applies to Florida.
Other alternative hypotheses are possible but unlikely to be supported. A large, dispersed community is possible but unlikely during this time period. The community pattern type could result if social and political organization and control broke down prior to demographic decline. That situation is unlikely because the epidemics
were the prime movers in post-contact and pre-mission culture change. The epidemics spread well in advance of the appearance of the first Europeans in many regions of the New World.
A pattern of small, compact communities is another alternative hypothesis, but it seems unlikely. It is unclear whether social control mechanisms would remain strong enough to consolidate the population during this time of epidemics and population collapse. The Mission Period, 1606 through the Late 17th Century (ca. 1675)
Hypothesis 2A: Large, compact communities during the Mission period.
Hypothesis 2B: Small, dispersed communities during the Mission Period.
Hypothesis 2C: Small, compact communities during the Mission Period.
Bridging Arguments. The same as for Hypothesis 1.
A. Large compact communities
The same as for Hypothesis 1A.
B. Small, dispersed communities
The same as for Hypothesis 1B.
C. Small, compact communities
1. Total area over which artifacts are distributed will be small.
2. Only a few residential units will be represented in the archaeological record.
3. There will be internal differentiation within sites, such as the presence at a single site of mission, plazas and different types of residential units.
Discussion. In reference to Hypotheses 2A and 2C, compact
communities (whether large or small) are hypothesized on the basis of the following. The 17th century is the period during which the Spaniards were exercising their greatest degree of control over the Western Timucuans, especially during the period after the 1656 revolt. After the failed revolt several chiefs were hanged and several villages were dispersed, and the Spaniards consolidated their power over the remaining Indians. The assumption is that outside control over the natives will be reflected in various aspects of the culture, including settlement systems. A compact community pattern during this period would be taken as archaeological evidence for the existence of strong social control mechanisms. Through religious, economic and political pressure backed by military force, the Spaniards set themselves up as the highest tier in the hierarchy of Timucuan society. From that vantage point they attempted to make widespread changes in Timucuan culture, including settlement systems (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972).
Compact villages around doctrines or visits may have been large or small, depending on the degree of success of the reduction policy or economic or other pressure, or the number of survivors available for proselytizing.
Hypothesis 2B, small, dispersed communities, was derived from the following observations. Missions were a strong force in Timucuan culture, but other pressures from previous periods may have continued as well and may have counteracted the Spanish pressures toward compact,
controllable villages. Epidemics during this period included bubonic plague in 1613-1617, yellow fever in 1649, smallpox in 1653, measles in 1659, influenza M in 1672, unidentified in 1675, and typhus (?) in 1686 (Dobyns 1983:247-290).
Another possibility is that community patterns may be dispersed due to failure of the reduction policy and less than complete control by the Europeans over the Indians. By way of analogy at a 20th century mission station in Australia the missionaries' lack of control over the aborigines was reflected in the aborigines' disordered, less-thancompact camp near the mission (Tonkinson 1974:44-46). Conversely, the Spanish missionaries' control over certain tribes in Brazil and their success (until the next epidemics) with the reduction policy is indicated by the tightly controlled, consolidated villages (Hemming 1978). In north central Florida, archaeological sites may have been large due to amalgamation, pursuit of prestige goods (Descola 1982), or reduction, or sites may have been small if these attempts were unsuccessful or only marginally successful.
If any non-mission Timucuans were remaining in northern Florida in this period, we may hypothesize that they were in isolated homesteads or in villages which were too small or too dispersed to challenge the power of the priests and their mission Indians.
An alternate hypothesis is for large, dispersed communities. That possibility seems unlikely to be supported for this period because there were powerful forces, both Indian and Spanish, for compaction and against dispersal. These forces included economic, political and religious pressures (reduction) and military dangers of invasion and slave raids during this period.
The Late 17th Century, ca. 1675-1704
Hypothesis 3A: Small, dispersed communities during this period.
Hypothesis 3B: Small compact, remnant villages (e.g., around
doctrines or visitss; no other villages remaining during this period.
Hypothesis 3C: Isolated homesteads, no villages during this period.
Bridging Arguments. The same as for hypotheses 1 and 2.
A. Small, dispersed communities
The same as for Hypotheses 1B and 2B.
B. Small, compact communities
The same as for Hypothesis 2C.
C. Isolated homesteads, no villages
1. Total area over which artifacts are distributed will be small.
2. A minimal residential unit will be represented in the archaeological record.
3. No other sites of the same time period will be found within the same local area, that is, within several miles.
Discussion. The above hypotheses were based on the documentary
evidence that by this time there were few Timucuan Indians remaining in northern Florida. With disappearance of the native peoples, the mission effort collapsed. For example, by 1672 the Spaniards were giving away land to stimulate the development of cattle ranches because there were said to be so few Indians left in interior Florida (Bushnell 1978:20). A 1684 statute ruled against detaining married adult males
as household servants, apart from their villages where their wives were (Loucks 1979:59). In 1677-1678, all able-bodied males had abandoned the mission of San Juan de Guacara on the Suwannee River because of food shortages and hard work (Pearson 1968:276-77 in Loucks 1979:63). In 1675 the 20 leagues between the mission of San Diego de Salamototo on the St. Johns River and the mission of Santa Fe in present day Alachua County were said to be uninhabited (Wenhold 1936). By 1710 nearly all of northern Florida was similarly depopulated:
There remains not now, so much as one village with ten houses
in it, in all of Florida, that is subject to the
Spaniards .... (Nairne 1710:34 in Fairbanks 1978:164; Purdy
Extinction came to the Timucuans in the early 18th century. The Georgia Creeks/Seminoles then occupied the region.
In opposition to the social, political and economic forces which can favor concentrated villages (B. Smith 1978b), other forces favored dispersal. Variables favoring dispersal include distance to resources (e.g., agricultural lands) and the travel time and energy expenditure required to transport products (Hames and Vickers 1982; Hawkes, Hill and O'Connell 1982). With population decline and opening of gaps between groups, land use would tend to change from intensive to extensive (Boserup 1965). Other factors include relationships among the variables of population density, storage, seasonality and scheduling, storage (Testart 1982), seasonal mobility, minimization of risk, procurement strategies, home range (area most frequently exploited), settlement shifts, production of a stable food supply, and potential for population growth (Cohen 1980; Harris 1977; Earle 1980:18, 24; Christenson 1980:36; Bronson 1972:215). Security through
storage and other cultural buffering mechanisms (e.g., reciprocal kinship rights and obligations) is especially important for survival in a period of stress. But in an age of conquistadors and tax collectors, storage is precarious. After the collapse of the western Timucuan missions, the few surviving Timucuans shifted toward St. Augustine and became semi-nomadic (Milanich 1978:82).
Settlement Pattern: Models and Hypotheses
Two sets of hypotheses are presented in this overall study: one set for community patterns (see above) and a separate set for settlement patterns, which follows. The settlement pattern hypotheses are derived from three models. The first model was originally developed to explain Potano/Alachua tradition settlement pattern (Milanich 1971; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:71). The second model is the North Florida McKeithen Weeden Island settlement pattern model (Sigler-Lavelle 1980a, 1980b; Milanich et al. 1980:26). This settlement pattern model is appropriate for generating hypotheses relating to the the Utina because the 3rd through 9th century Weeden Island peoples were probably the ancestors of the 16th to 18th century Utina (see Chapter IV, Chronology). Even if they were not the direct lineal descendants, use of the model is still appropriate for generating hypotheses because they occupied the same geographical area. The third model is Calvin Jones' model (Jones and Shapiro 1990:3, 8-9) for 17th century Spanish mission site locations. These three models are summarized briefly below, then hypotheses are formulated. The hypotheses are tested in Chapter VII, Regional Settlement Patterns.
Sigler-Lavelle's and Milanich's model of north Florida Weeden
Island settlement patterns is as follows. Two broad provinces are
recognized: the Coastal Lowlands and the Central Highlands (Shelford
1978). Vegetational zones or plant communities present within both
zones include streambank thickets and woods, floodplain forest, mesic hammock, dry pinelands, flatwoods and prairie. The different kinds of
aquatic environments include:
(1) high plain swamps with fluctuating water table, (2)
permanently watered sinkhole lakes and ponds, (3) permanently
watered streams, and (4) poorly drained flatwoods (SiglerLavelle 1980b:23).
Each of these different types of environments has different
resource diversity, density and reliability (Sigler-Lavelle 1980b:23).
Sigler-Lavelle investigated three archaeological sites within the
Coastal Plain province.
Research results were as follows. All three sites are within 300
m of a spring or a 5 to 10 acre spring-fed pond, in a mesic hammock, at
115 to 125 feet elevation above mean sea level, within 1/2 mile of
aquatic microenvironments, within 1 mile of several diverse habitats,
and within 2 to 3 miles of a mound site (Sigler-Lavelle 1980b:24). The
conclusion was that flow-through aquatic microenvironments was the
primary mode of production:
[E]xploitation of aquatic microenvironments is the primary mode of production and heterogeneity and discontinuities of resources affect production cost through travel and pursuit
time. The location of maintenance sites near permanently watered ponds reflect these factors. In addition, travel
time will be inversely related to patch size; and search or
pursuit time inversely related to intra-patch resource
density (after Pianka 1974; Sanders and Webster 1978;
Chisholm 1968). [Sigler-Lavelle 1980b:27]
Viewed on a broader scale, that of the whole Weeden Island region rather than just north Florida, settlement patterns in that period were described as follows:
Rarely are sites found on the banks of major rivers,
like the Apalachicola, Chattahppchee, and Suwannee. Rather,
sites tend to be adjacent to small creeks or springheads that
empty into those larger waterways.... From such locales,
villagers had access to a variety of environmental habitats within only a few kilometers .... Much of the Weeden Island
region is an environmental mosaic of terrestrial and aquatic
habitats--a jigsaw puzzle of overlapping resources rather
than a system of broad, dispersed zones.
[T]he Weeden Island peoples lived adjacent to freshwater
sources, often near other aquatic habitats, that provided
fish, shellfish, and other animals. Their villages were usually located in deciduous or mixed pine and deciduous
forests, from which the largest variety and amount of foods
could be extracted. (Milanich et al. 1980:26)
The degree to which this Weeden Island model can be applied successfully to their descendants the Utina will be determined in the hypothesis testing section below.
Milanich, drawing on earlier work by Goggin and Bullen, also developed a model for Alachua tradition/Potano settlement patterns (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:169). The distribution of the Alachua tradition sites conform in general with the distribution of hardwood forests in north central Florida. That is, the eastern and western boundaries are the beginnings of the coastal scrub flatlands (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:169). Thus in a broad sense the Alachua tradition represents an adaptation to forested highlands (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:169). The Alachua tradition represents sedentary agriculturists who lived in large villages on good agricultural soils (Goggin 1964:130). At a finer scale of resolution, the Alachua tradition represents adaptation to microenvironments within this broad zone. Permanent villages "are always found on high ground close to lakes or
ponds" (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:171). Villages are found on locations which offer easy access to three different microenvironments and associated sets of subsistence strategies: (1) growing maize, beans, squash and other crops on elevated, well-drained soils, (2) netting fish and procuring turtles and wading birds from lakes and ponds, and (3) hunting/trapping/snaring a variety of game animals (especially deer) in swamp forests and upland hardwood forests. The Alachua tradition subsistence system was thus a mix of several different procurement strategies. Village sites are found at locations offering easy access to all of these microenvironments simultaneouly.
Calvin Jones produced a model of 17th century Spanish mission site locations based on his field experiences at sites in the Apalache/Tallahassee region and to a lesser extent the Western Timucua region. In his model, Spanish mission sites are found on a high flat topped hills, with two water sources within half a mile, and on good loamy soils for agriculture. His model will be applied to both the Potano and the Utina. It is unclear whether the model was intended to apply to all Spanish-Indian sites or only to mission sites. That question will be addressed in the hypothesis testing stage below.
From the above three models, a set of hypotheses is generated.
This single set of hypotheses is applied to all case studies to provide for comparability of results.
The subsistence system of each of the three cases (Weeden Island, Alachua tradition/Potano, and Mission Period) was a mix of several different procurement strategies. Village sites are found at locations offering easy access simultaneously to all of the microenvironments essential to that subsistence system. Locations with access to some but not all of the essential microenvironments should contain either
smaller village sites, or only special purpose (resource extraction) sites, or no sites. Since the different cultures each have different cultural requirements and potentials, demographic levels, output requirements, different mixes of procurement strategies and thus different overall subsistence systems, therefore the site locations will be somewhat different. The largest villages for each period should be found on locations offering the easiest access and greatest abundance of the mix of resources essential to that culture. Settlement patterns analysis will highlight the differences between these systems.
Locational Variables for Testing
The Potano and Utina territories are located wholly or partly
within the Northern Highlands, the Western Valley, the Central Valley and the Alachua Lake Cross Valley physiographic provinces (White 1970:Map 1B). However, those categories are too broad for adequately detailed analysis. Within those broad provinces there are a variety of environmental zones, microenvironments and site settings. All known Potano and Utina site locations for these time periods will be characterized in terms of their proximity to the following environmental zones, micorenvironments and settings: Broad Environmental Zones or Districts
1. Riverine (within 2 miles of river) 2. Green desert/dry sandhill district
3. Lake district (either Potano or Utina lake district)
4. Flatwoods and high plain swamp district
5. Deciduous forest or mixed pine and deciduous forest zones Microenvironments and Site Locations
1. Riverine or lower slope at river
2. Green desert/dry sandhills
3. Large lakes, prairies, marshes, or swamps--shore or lower slope
4. Small flow-through aquatic systems: Small, flow-through
swamps (often linear), lakes, ponds, marshes and streams
5. Small land-locked aquatic systems: Small, land-locked lakes,
ponds (e.g., sinkhole ponds), small isolated swamps and marshes
6. Hill crest or upper slope
This list constitutes the set of hypotheses against which all known Potano and northern Utina site locations will be tested.
Descriptions of these environmental zones are as follows. The riverine zone cross-cuts all other major zones. That is, it cuts through all the other major zones. The zone includes the Suwannee, Santa Fe, Ichetucknee, Alapaha, Withlacoochee and New rivers and Olustee Creek. Numerous archaeological sites of all time periods are known in this zone.
The "green desert" zone refers to the zone of dry sandhills and rocky limestone plain with little surface water except in deep sinkholes or seasonal ponds. The vegetational community in this zone is predominantly turkey oak-longleaf pine. The abundance and diversity of faunal and floral resources is relatively poor compared to other zones. However, this zone contains abundant chert sources. This zone occupies the southern half of Columbia County and the southern twothirds of Suwannee County. The zone geographically buffers the riverine zones and the Utina lake district. Few Utina or Potano sites are known or anticipated in the "green desert."
The Potano and Utina areas both contain lake districts, but the two districts are very different. The Potano lake district is in the lowlands and the Utina lake district is in the highlands. Both are generally devoid of major rivers. The lake district of Potano territory, that is, the area of Paynes Prairie, Orange Lake, Newnans and other lakes and prairies, occupies portions of the Alachua Lake Cross Valley and the northern end of the Central Valley (White 1970:Map 1B). These major lakes and marshes sit at the toe of the Northern Highlands escarpment. In terms of scale, the lakes of the Potano lake district are on a distinctly larger scale than the lakes of the Utina
lake district. Abundance of aquatic resources is correspondingly greater in the Potano area. The Potano were farmers, but they also were adapted to the abundance of aquatic food resources found in the lake district. Because of the difference in scale of these lakes and marshes, we might predict that the Utina would be less dependent upon aquatic resources than were the Potano, suggesting that the Utina relied more on agriculture than did the Potano.
The Utina lake district is situated within the Northern Highlands. The zone is found within the interriverine highlands, that is, is set back from the rivers (except where it strikes the Suwannee). It extends from Lake City in central Columbia County, westward into Suwannee County and westward across northern Suwannee County to the Suwannee River. Calling this simply the lake district may be somewhat misleading because agricultural soils and mixed pine-hardwood forests of this zone may have been equally important or more important to the aboriginal occupants than the lakes.
The zone also contains a number of small swamps, especially in the western portion north of Live Oak where the cluster of lakes fades out into small swamps; the band of good soil continues in this portion of the zone. The topography of most of the Utina lake district is rolling, while that of the Potano lakes region is flat. Many of the Utina area lakes are formed in karst topography, but are much larger than sinkholes. Many of them have formed along the escarpments of ancient shoreline terraces. Through a combination of runoff downcutting the sides of the escarpments and karst action in the bottom of the lake valleys, many of the lakes (e.g., Peacock Lake, Alligator Lake) are deeply entrenched with high, steep bluffs. Many also "come
and go" as sinkholes and springs that feed the lakes periodically clog and become unclogged, such as with Alligator Lake. Alligator Lake at Lake City is the largest and most outstanding example of these Utina region lakes.
The best agricultural soils in Columbia and Suwannee counties are found in a long, narrow band running southeast to northwest across the counties. This band closely parallels the lake district, but is not exactly coterminous with it. The two zones, the lake zone and the good soils zone, are combined here for the purposes of analysis because they are so parallel in extent, and even overlapping in places. The Suwannee County portion of the good soil zone, in particular north and northwest of Live Oak, has received little archaeological attention to date. Westward from Lake City, the lake zone terminates in north central Suwannee County, although the good soil zone continues farther westward, striking the Suwannee River at the mouth of the Alapaha River. It is no coincidence that this band of good soils is also the route of at least one old road, a road which perhaps was Hernando de Soto's route as he passed from Indian village to Indian village. This route no doubt originated long before de Soto and served as an Indian trail.
Lakes, streams and swamps are far more numerous in the Utina lakes region than in the arid "green desert" zone. The pine flatwoods and high plain swamps district contain a large number of wetlands but they are different from the lake district. This flatwoods zone is a mosaic of small swamps, (seasonal) streams and patches of flatwoods. There are few large lakes in this zone except Palestine Lake, Swift Creek Pond and Lake Butler, all in Union County, and Ocean Pond in Baker County. Most of these feed Olustee Creek. Palestine Lake has two
outlets, one of which flows to the Atlantic by way of the St. Marys River and the other of which flows to the Gulf of Mexico by way of Olustee Creek. Archaeological sites of all time periods are abundant in this zone but most appear to be small sites. The nature of these sites (seasonal or permanent; residential or extractive) is unclear because of insufficient research. Few surveys have been undertaken in many of these areas (such as Union County; see Johnson 1987; Johnson, Nelson and Terry 1988).
The locations of all known Potano and Utina sites are plotted on maps. Their locations in relation to the above described broad environmental zones and microenvironments are then determined and the results tabulated. The sites are then separated into four analytical units, as closely as the sites can be dated with currently available archaeological data. The four categories are:
1. Late precolumbian/contact period Potano sites
2. 17th century mission period Potano sites
3. Late precolumbian/contact period Utina sites
4. 17th century mission period Utina sites
The results are used to demonstrate or refute the utility of the Sigler-Lavelle, Milanich, and Jones models presented above for north Florida and north central Florida settlement patterns.
WHO WERE THE UTINA: A DOCUMENTARY-BASED OVERVIEW
The Utina of north Florida were one of at least fifteen groups within the Timucua language family (Goggin 1953; Milanich 1978:59). Timucuans are generally divided into two geographical divisions. The western Timucua included the Acuera, Ocale, Potano, Utina, and Yustaga Indians (Milanich 1978:60). Dobyns (1983) adds the Mocoso to the western Timucuans. The eastern Timucuans included the Freshwater, Cascange, Icafui, Saturiwa, Tacatacuru and Yufera (Milanich 1978:59; Deagan 1978; Goggin 1953) and Outina/Thimogano Indians (see below). The eastern and western Timucua can also be distinguished on the basis of their physical environments. The eastern Timucua were adapted to coastal (barrier island and mainland), adjacent coastal plain and riverine environments of northeast Florida and southeast Georgia. The western Timucua were adapted to the pine-oak forests of north and north-central Florida (Milanich 1978:59).
Among the western Timucuans, the Potano have received an overly large share of research attention. John Goggin and his students surface collected and tested a number of sites, and other archaeologists have followed with additional research. Investigations have been undertaken at the Richardson site ((Milanich 1972), Fox Pond (Symes and Stephens 1965; unpublished work by several other archaeologists), and the Zetrouer site (Seaberg 1955), all of which are contact or mission period Potano sites. Prehistoric Potano/Alachua
Tradition sites investigated include Rocky Point (Milanich 1971a:1525), the Woodward site (Bullen 1949; Milanich 1971a:9-15), and site 8A-273 (Milanich 1971a:7-9). Relevant settlement and community pattern data from these and other investigations will be compiled and used to test hypotheses in later chapters of this study. In addition, various documentary studies of the Timucua have been undertaken (e.g., Hann 1986a, 1986b, 1989, n.d.a, n.d.b, n.d.c; Gannon 1965:191-198; Milanich 1972; Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:1-21; Swanton 1922:320-387; Deagan 1978; Granberry 1987). No attempt is made here to summarize the details of all these.studies. Instead, relevant data are used to identify the Utina in the current chapter. Pertinent data are also extracted from these various sources and used to test hypotheses in later chapters of this study. This chapter deals primarily with the Utina, not the Potano, because less is known about the Utina.
The Utina of north Florida were one of the most powerful peoples in aboriginal Florida (Milanich 1978:69-70). Their story is an epic tale of confrontation between the Old World and the New World, and the confrontation between Spain and England for control of the Florida colony. The Utina's role was pivotal in the 16th century de Soto entrada, the French explorations in La Floriddin the 1560s, the 17th century Spanish mission system, and the collapse of Spain's La Florida colony. It was in this province that de Soto encountered the Indian towns of Aguacaleyquen, Uriutina, "Many Waters," and Napituca, and where the famous Battle of the Ponds occurred. It was in Utina territory that de Soto abandoned his straight-as-an-arrow northward trek and turned westward toward Apalachee.
However, even such fundamental information as the location of Utina territory has been confusing because of problems with the documentary record (Milanich 1978:71), such as errors made by the chroniclers of the de Soto expedition and duplicate uses of the same names for different groups in later French and Spanish documents. Furthermore the Utina have been strangely "invisible" archaeologically until now because their ceramic complex and other artifact assembalges were unidentified. This chapter examines who were the Utina and who were not, and defines their territory. Their ceramic complex is defined in Chapter IV.
Distinguishing the Northern Utina and the Eastern Utina:
Outina, Utina, Thimogano, Timucua and Onatheaqua
In the mid-16th century the terms Timogona and Outina were both used to refer to one group of Indians near the St. Johns River. One name was used by the people to refer to themselves, and the other name was given to them by their enemies. This dual naming system of "we" versus "they" is common among small societies worldwide. In the 17th century the same two names (in various spellings) were again used for a single group of people, but this time for a different group in north Florida. Perhaps these terms were more like descriptions than names, Utina glossing to something like "home" or "my people" or "we, the human beings" or "us." Timucua originally meant "enemy" (Laudonniere in Bennett 1968:102). Gatschet defined the word Utina as "my country" or "upper chief" (Lowery 1911:62, note 2, in Hann n.d.a:14). Cranberry defines it as "province, region; power; powerful; command; idol." It is derived from uti meaning "land/country" and -na meaning "my" (Granberry 1987:125 in Hann n.d.a:14).
There are therefore two different geographical areas, both of
which have been called Utina and Timucua. The terms northern Utina and eastern Utina are used here to distinguish the two groups (Figure 3-1). In later chapters the term Utina is used to refer to the northern Utina exclusively. These are heuristic terms; there is no evidence that the Spaniards or the Indians had corresponding terms. I use the term northern Utina rather than western Utina because of their geographical position in north Florida, and because they were more northerly than (and west of) the eastern Utina. Also, the term western Utina might become confused with the term western Timucuan. In addition, the term Timucua is commonly used in a generic sense to refer to not only these two provinces but also to the other sixteen or more groups who spoke the same language.
The first use of the name Timucua, in the form of Thimogona, is found in the 1564 French writings distinguishing events and people along the St. Johns River (River of May) (Bennett 1975:66, 127). Chief Paracousi Satouriona (or Saturiwa) and his people were enemies of the people they called Thimogona, meaning enemy. These people did not call themselves Thimogona. They considered themselves vassals of King Olata Ouae Outina (Bennett 1975:76).
In 1564 the Thimogona lived upriver (south) and somewhat inland from Chief Paracousi Satourina (Saturiwa). Laudonniere wrote about Satourina and Satourina's enemies the Thimogona:
[He] showed me by signs that [a slab of silver] came from a place far up the [St. Johns] river and several days distant
from the river, and that all they had of it they took by
force of arms from the people of that place called by them
'Thimogona.' (Bennett 1975:66)
IGEORGIA CHARLTON CAMDEN
ITHOMAS BROOKS -CLINCH NASSAU
JEFFERSON LOWNDES ECHOLS L I
MADISON HAMILTON WARE
COLUMBIA BAKER DUVAL
LAFAYETTE SAINT JOHNS
DIXIE GILCHRIST PUTNAM
Figure 3-1. General Location Map: Eastern Utina, Northern Utina, and
Figure 3-1. General Location Map: Eastern-Utina, Northern Utina, and
The village of Thimogona/Outina was said to be about six leagues inland (west) from the St. Johns River (Laudonniere 1564 in Bennett 1975:127) though Menendez later placed it five leagues inland. Laudonniere put a soldier among the Indians, and he reported back to Laudonniere that the chiefs of Molona, Cadecha, Chilili, Eclavou, Eucappe, Calanay, Onachaquara, Omittaqua, Acquera Moquoso and thirty other chiefs were all vassals of King Olata Ouae Outina (Bennett 1975:76). Their most hated enemy was Chief Paracousi Satouriona "who had thirty vassal chiefs under him" (Bennett 1975:76).
In 1566 Pedro Menendez de Aviles verified the location of Outina:
The day after he left San Mateo, having ascended that river [St. Johns] 20 leagues, he disembarked, and with a guide he
had brought with him he walked 5 leagues through the good
level lands of a cacique they called Hotina. (Solis de Meras
A mutual enemy of both Satourina and Outina was Chief Potavou (Potano), "a fierce man of war." An attack force composed of French soldiers and Outina warriors reached Chief Potano's village in one night's travel time from Outina's village (Bennett 1975:91), but a subsequent, larger force required two days to reach Potano (Bennett 1975:119).
Other powerful enemies of Chief Outina were the Onatheaqua and Houstaqua described by Laudonniere in 1564:
Two others named were Onatheaqua and Houstaqua, powerful
and wealthy lords, especially Onatheaqua, who lived near the
high mountains which are full of many unusual things,
including stone from which they make wedges to split wood.
The Outina indicated that they had previously gone to war with the Onatheaqua. That is, the eastern Utina had gone to war with the northern Utina, indicating that they were two different chiefdoms.
Onatheaqua is probably synonymous with northern Utina. The correlation between Onatheaqua and the northern Utina is based on several lines of evidence, including: the correlation between Yustaga, Uzachile and Houstaqua; the relationships between Onatheaqua and Yustaga/Houstaqua/ Uzachile; and the correlation between Onatheaqua and the northern Utina.
First let us look at the equations of Houstaqua, Yustaga and
Uzachile. At the time of de Soto, Uzachile was the name of the chief who occupied the province west of the Suwannee River (River of the Deer) and east of the Aucilla River. He and his people were enemies of the next westerly province, Apalachee. Yustaga was the name used later by the Spanish missionaries for this same territory, as verified by mission period documents (Milanich 1978:63). The Yustaga also occupied those portions of north Florida west of the Suwannee River and east of the Aucilla River, including current Madison and northern Taylor counties. Uzachile of the de Soto era was therefore the Yustaga of the Franciscan missionaries. Uzachile and Yustaga are the same group occupied the lands west of the Suwannee River and east of the Aucilla.
Beyond the obvious similarity of names, there is additional
evidence that Laudonniere's Houstaqua was the same thing as Yustaga. Information in the French accounts indicates that Houstaqua and Onatheaqua were situated in north Florida rather than central or south Florida. Laudonniere's explorers visited a powerful chief who "knew the location of the Appalachian mountains" (Bennett 1975:116). This chief, Hostaqua, had three or four thousand warriors under his command. Other reports indicate that the French thought they had reached the foothills of the mountains when they were at Hostaqua and Onatheaqua,
an apparent reference to hilly north Florida. The French were very interested in reaching the mountains because they thought that was where gold would be found. Laudonniere reported explorations into north Florida by at least two of his men, one of whom was Crotauld:
After staying there about two months, doing a good job of
exploring with another who had been there for quite a while
for this purpose, he returned to the fort and told me that he
had never seen a more beautiful countryside. Among other
things that he told me about was his visit to a place called
Houstaqua, where the king was so powerful that he could
command three or four thousand savages in battle. He [chief
Houstaqua] said that if I wished to join up with him we could
put everyone else under our authority. Moreover, this king
knew the location of the Appalachian mountains, where we
Frenchmen very much desire to go and where the enemy of
Houstaqua lives. This enemy would be easy to defeat,
providing that we all worked together. This king sent me several plates of copper taken from this mountain, at the
foot of which there runs a thread of gold or copper as the
savages think. (Bennett 1975:116)
Onatheaqua and Houstaqua were among the most powerful chiefdoms of Florida. They were geographically well positioned to control the flow of people and valuable trade goods to and from other societies in the interior, and they straddled the routes to the mineral-bearing lands. The Onatheaqua and Houstaqua were actively involved in building alliances, fighting wars and competing with other societies for control of this flow of resources and information. Access to these lands and goods is precisely why the Frenchmen were interested in Inatheaqua and Houstaqua. When the French reached hilly north Florida, coming from the flatlands of the St. Johns region, they apparently thought they had reached the foothills of the mountains. The Columbia county portion of Onatheaqua territory is approximately 50 miles or 80 km from the St. Johns River.
The French spoke of the mountains as the source of gold. Quite likely, the metal referred to by the natives was copper, which was mined from the Appalachians during the Mississippi period.
The place "where the enemy of Houstaqua lives" probably is at or above (north of) the fall line in central Georgia where the Piedmont region begins. Hilly north Florida is somewhat similar in surface appearance to the fall line hills and the lower Piedmont region, but the regions are composed of different rocks and minerals. Copper and gold are found in Appalachian and Piedmont regions but not in Florida. No copper or gold is found in Florida because the region is composed of limestone rock overlain by sand or clay. The Apppalachian mountains are composed primarily of sedimentary rocks, and the Piedmont is composed of igneous rocks (American Association of Petroleum Geologists 1962).
Additional details support the contention that the Frenchmen reached north Florida, that north Florida is where Onatheaqua and Houstaqua were located, and that Houstaqua is synonymous with Yustaga and that Onatheaqua is synonymous with northern Utina. The French explorers were required to travel beyond the province of Potano in order to reach Onatheaqua and Houstaqua, and beyond Potano is where the northern Utina and Yustaga territories are found. The documents cited here and the Le Moyne map of 1564 reflect this relative placement. Furthermore the French explorers had ample time and opportunity to travel this far because they were gone from Fort Caroline for periods of two to six months at a time (Bennett 1975:96, 101-102). Columbia County, which is a portion of northern Utina/Onatheaqua territory is approximately 50 miles (80 kin) into the interior from coastal Fort
Caroline at the mouth of the St. Johns river.
Laudonniere also reported explorations in north Florida by La
Rouche Ferriere. Ferriere and Grotauld may have been working together
I sent two of my men, La Roche Ferriere and another ....
In the space of five or six months, they discovered many
villages and among them one named Hostaqua. The king of this
place desired my friendship and sent me a quiver made from
wolfskin, full of arrows, a couple of bows, four or five
skins painted in Indian fashion, and a silver chain weighing
about a pound. In return I sent him two complete sets of
clothes, together with some cutting hooks or axes. (Bennett
Le Moyne wrote about these same events, adding important details
not found in Laudonniere's written version. This information was
perhaps told to Le Moyne verbally. He identifies La Rouche Ferriere's
companion as De Groutaut (Bennett 1968:103), and adds additional
..La Rouche Ferriere, who, having reached the
mountains, succeeded by prudence and assiduity in placing himself on a friendly footing with the three chiefs before
mentioned [Potanou, Onatheaqua and Houstaca], the most bitter
enemies of King Outina. He was astonished at their
civilization and opulence, and sent to M. de Laudonniere at
the fort [Fort Caroline] many gifts which they bestowed upon him. Among these were circular plates of gold and silver as
larger as a moderate-sized platter, such as they are
accustomed to wear to protect the back and breast in war;
much gold alloyed with brass, and silver not thoroughly
smelted. He sent also some quivers covered with very choice skins, with golden heads to all the arrows; and many pieces of a stuff made of feathers, and most skillfully ornamented with rushes of different colors; also green and blue stones, which some thought to be emeralds and sapphires, in the form of wedges, and which they used instead of axes, for cutting wood. M. de Laudonniere sent in return such commodities as
he had, such as some thick rough cloths, a few axes and saws,
and other cheap Parisian goods, with which they were
By these dealings M. la Rouche Ferriere brought himself
into the worst possible color with King Outina, and still
more among his subordinate chiefs, who conceived such a
hatred for him that they would not even call him by name,
saying always, instead 'Timogua,' that is, Enemy. As long however, as La Rouche Ferriere preserved the friendship of the three chiefs, he was able to go to and from the fort by
other roads, as there are many small streams which empty into
the River of May for fifteen or sixteen miles below the
territory of King Outina. (Bennett 1968: 101-102)
The above passage indicates that La Rouche Ferriere found a route from Fort Caroline to Houstaqua and Onatheaqua which avoided Outina. His entry point was "fifteen or sixteen miles" downstream (north) from Outina, further ruling out south and central Florida as the location of these two chiefdoms. If the trail to Outina's village was the same route as the later mission road, Purcell route and Bellamy road, then fifteen or sixteen miles downstream is a point between Black Creek and Doctor's Inlet on the St. Johns. Lowery suggests that Black Creek was the Frenchmen's route into the interior. Trout River is another possible location of the trailhead, based on Le Moyne's 1564 map (see below). The Trout river (or its tributary the Ribault river) appears to be the point at which Le Moynes' bogus "river" from Apalatci strikes the St. Johns river. Either of these two streams, the Trout River and Black Creek, could have been the Frenchmen's route into the interior. Probably there was a network of side trails, and both routes may have been possible. However, Black Creek is most likely because of the historic Black Creek trail. The Black Creek trail begins at Middleburg where Black Creek creek splits into the north prong and the south prong. The stream is easily navigated by small boats up to this trailhead. Of all the streams emptying into the St. Johns, this one is best suited for a trailhead. Most other streams have their origin within the riverine lowlands, but Black Creek has its origin farther inland. This trail then leads westward into interior Florida,
intersecting the Alachua trail and other historic trails. The Creek trail was likely La Rouche Ferriere's route to Houstaqua and Onatheaqua. The route of this trail is traced in greater detail in Chapter VIII.
Le Moyne's 1564 map depicts a "river" flowing across northern
Florida to the St. Johns. This river should be interpreted as a trail rather than a river. The trail probably was La Rouche Ferriere's and Grotlaud's route into interior Florida. Its junction with the St. Johns is well downstream (north) from Outina's village, just as La Rouche Ferriere indicated. On the map Hicaranaou, Anouala, Ehiamana, Potanou, Onatheaqua, Oustaca, and Apalatci are located near this "river." Anouala and Potanou are located on large lakes rather than directly on the "river," indicating that these settlements were off the main trail on side trails. Appalou and Oustaca are located on (other) rivers (other than the river/trail). The river/trail runs southeast on the map. If the route were rotated 45 degrees, closer to due east, then the route matches known trail routes, and the town locations are all more or less correctly placed relative to each other. For example, Onatheaqua and Oustaca occupy the region between Potanou and Apalatci. This map thus verifies other information that Onatheaqua and Oustaca/Houstaqua were located in northern Florida.
The emerald- and sapphire-like stones cited by Laudonniere and Le Moyne used for cutting wood are further evidence for the northern position of these two chiefdoms. Some modern scholars have speculated that they may have been made of greenstone. However, greenstone is opaque. The stones' translucence, hardness and abundance in sufficient quantities to be used for axes indicate that they were more likely
quartz. Quartz is found in great abundance in the Piedmont physiographic province of Georgia, Alabama and other states. The Piedmont region, which is the foothills of the Appalachian mountains, begins in middle Georgia approximately one hundred fifty miles north of Onatheaqua and Houstaqua territory. Such quartz tools are extremely common on sites in this region (Johnson 1980, 1981; Sheldon and Johnson 1976) and could have been obtained by Hostaqua and Onatheaqua by exchange or from the gravel beds of rivers (such as the Chattahoochee, Flint, Ocmulgee and Oconee) which flow out of the Piedmont. Hostaqua and Onatheaqua were geographically well positioned relative to the sources of these mineral resources, which is why the Frenchmen were interested in Hostaqua and Onatheaqua.
The de Soto and French accounts indicate close ties between Onatheaqua and Houstaqua. At the time of de Soto in 1539 and the Frenchmen in 1564, the two provinces of Yustaga/Uzachile and Onatheaqua/northern Utina were a single province politically and militarily, as Onatheaqua was subject to Houstaqua/Uzachile. There were probably other ties as well. The two groups fought together against the Appalache, as indicated in the de Soto accounts. Further evidence for the solidarity between Houstaqua and Onatheaqua is the fact that they painted their faces black, whereas the eastern Outina painted theirs red (Bennett 1975:77).
The de Soto expedition in 1539 (Biedma, Elvas, Ranjel) did not
give a name for the northern Utina/Onatheaqua province. They did not use the name Utina, but the name does appear within town names they visited in northern Florida, for example, Uriutina. Onatheaqua and the northern Utina are synonymous because they occupied the same territory
and there is no documentary, cartographic or archaeological evidence that the native peoples were displaced by other groups during the early Spanish Colonial period. The name Timucua province was also sometimes used to refer to this same province, but at other times the name Timucua was used in a broader sense to refer to all of the native Americans groups of north and east Florida.
One puzzle is why Houstaqua (or variant spellings) is mentioned in the 1560's French documents several times and yet neighboring Onatheaqua (northern Utina) is mentioned fewer times. The Onatheaqua were a powerful, populous chiefdom, possibly even more populous than the Yustaga. They occupied a larger territory and thus may have had more towns and more people than the Houstaqua. Furthermore, Houstaqua and Onatheaqua straddle the major east-west and north-south travel route. The Onatheaqua were eastward of the Yustaga, and travellers from east Florida (including the eastern Utina) would normally have to travel through Potano and Onatheaqua/northern Utina in order to reach Houstaqua.
The clue to the puzzle, that is, the scarcity of references to
Onatheaqua, may be found in the de Soto accounts. The clue is that the northern Utinan chiefs of Aguacaleyquen, Uriutina and Napituca were subservient to Uzachile. At the time of de Soto in 1539 and the French in 1564, the two provinces of Uzachile/Houstaqua (Yustaga) and Onatheaqua/northern Utina were a single province or chiefdom in the sense that Onatheaqua was vassal to Uzachile politically and militarily. Threat of attack from nearby Apalachee was probably part of the reason for their alliance. The reference to three thousand or four thousand warriors surely does not refer to Houstaqua alone, since
it is a relatively small province. In their reports the French explorers rightly cited only the name of the dominant chief, Houstaqua. There was little need for them to also cite the name of his subordinates the Onatheaqua. Thus the name Houstaqua/Yustaga appears in the documentary record more often than does the name Onatheaqua.
Perhaps Onatheaqua was the name of the new, post-de Soto chief who succeeded Chief Napituca or Chief Uriutina. De Soto's army captured both of these two chiefs in the Battle of the Ponds, and both presumably were killed in the subsequent rebellion.
In summary, the Uzachile of the early 16th century de Soto era
were the Houstaqua/Oustaca of the late 16th century French era and the Yustaga of the 17th century Spanish mission period. Late 16th century Onatheaqua was the territory of early 16th century Napituca, Uriutina and Aguacaleyquen in de Soto's data and the Utina of the 17th century Spanish missionaries. The northern Utina were not the same group as the eastern Outina.
The Eastern Utina: Cartographic and Archaeological Evidence
As discussed below, the eastern Utina occupied portions of current Putnam and Clay counties. In contrast, the Onatheaqua/northern Utina occupied current Columbia and Suwannee counties and adjacent areas as discussed below. The intervening area is Union and Bradford counties. Probable northern Utina sites have been found in Union County, such as the Long Bridge and Deerfly sites (Johnson, Nelson and Terry 1988), but little is known about Bradford County. We do not yet know the southeastern boundary of the northern Utina, nor do we know the northwestern boundary of the eastern Utina. However, it is clear that
the 16th century Outina were a different people occupying a different territory than the 17th century Utina.
Pedro Menendez de Aviles, founder of St. Augustine, provides information on the location of Outina/Hotina/ eastern Utina. He describes marching overland away from the St. Johns River to reach chief Utina's town (Solis de Meras 1964:202). Albert Manucy summarized the information as follows:
So upriver they went, a hundred men in three bergantines,
guided by an Indian interpreter. Against the current,
progress was slow; but by midnight of the second day they
were twenty leagues from San Mateo, and not far from the town
of the Cacique Otina. At one in the morning they landed.
The guide led them through level lands toward the
settlement .... Envoys who went ahead reached the village
after daybreak.... (Manucy 1965:68)
The cacique Otina is said to have been accompanied by 300 warriors.
Additional documentary, cartographic, geological, and
archaeological evidence supports the conclusion that the eastern Utina were located in current Clay and Putnam counties, Florida. More precisely, the following discussion is intended to show that Lake Crandin or a larger, ancestral version of Lake Crandin in northwestern Putnam County is most likely the lake that Le.Moyne drew on his map in 1564, that the town of Utina shown on the map was probably located on Lake Crandin, and that this region as a whole was the home of the eastern Utina.
Cartographic evidence begins with Le Moyne's map of 1564,
reproduced as an engraving by de Bry (Lorant 1946:34-35). The St. Johns River is drawn relatively accurately on this map. Though compass directions are off, the curves in the river are drawn essentially correct. Each curve is correct in direction of arc, degree of arc,