Occupational role salience of college women

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Occupational role salience of college women perceptions of parental influences
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viii, 177 leaves : ; 28 cm.
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Funderburk, Jamie R., 1957-
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Vocational interests -- Psychological aspects   ( lcsh )
Parent and child   ( lcsh )
College students -- Attitudes   ( lcsh )
Family   ( lcsh )
Counselor Education thesis Ph.D
Dissertations, Academic -- Counselor Education -- UF
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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 1987.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 153-168.
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Typescript.
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Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Jamie R. Funderburk.

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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Dedication
        Page iii
    Acknowledgement
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    Table of Contents
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    Abstract
        Page vii
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    Chapter 1. Introduction
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    Chapter 2. Review of related literature
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    Chapter 3. Methodology
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    Chapter 4. Results
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    Chapter 5. Discussion
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    References
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    Appendix A. Demographic questionnaire
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    Appendix B. Instructions to subjects
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    Biographical sketch
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Full Text













OCCUPATIONAL ROLE SALIENCE OF COLLEGE WOMEN:
PERCEPTIONS OF PARENTAL INFLUENCES









By


JAMIE R. FUNDERBURK


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1987



































Copyright 1987

by

Jamie R. Funderburk





























Dedicated to my husband, Ted, and my mother, Eleanor,
in loving appreciation of their support and encouragement.














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the following individuals:

my doctoral chairperson, Dr. Ellen Amatea, for her

availability, invaluable guidance, and support throughout

every stage of doctoral training and dissertation

preparation; my doctoral committee members including Dr.

James Archer, Dr. Harry Grater, and Dr. Robert Jester for

their support and guidance; Neal, at Computer Systems

Resources, for his instruction and assistance in word

processing; Dr. Peggy Fong for her recommendations on the

dissertation proposal; Drs. Jaquie Resnick and Barbara

Probert for their support and availability; Astrid Hastay for

her support and generous help in coding data; and Drs. John

Dixon and Robert Jester for their assistance in data analyses

and statistical interpretation.

I especially wish to acknowledge my parents, James and

Eleanor, for raising me to value education, perseverance, and

excellence, and for always supporting my efforts. I would

also like to acknowledge my sisters, Susan, Anne, and Lois

and my brother, Robert, for their academic excellence and the

competitive spirit they instilled in me. Finally I would

like to acknowledge my husband, Ted, for his patient

endurance, encouragement, editing suggestions, and support

throughout my doctoral training and dissertation preparation.














TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . .. iv

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . vii

CHAPTERS

I INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . 1

Scope of the Problem . . . . . . 3
Theoretical Framework . . . . .. 12
Need . . . . . . . . . .. 15
Purpose . . . . . . . . .. 17
Research Questions ................... 18
Significance of the Study ...'.......... . 20
Definition of Terms . . . . . .. 22
Organization of the Study . . . . .. 25

II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE . . . .. .26

Sociological Context . . . . . .. 27
Developmental Context . . . . . .. 30
Psychological Context . . . . . .. 38
Past Socialization Influences . . . .. 42
Summary . . . . . . . . . .. 58

III METHODOLOGY . . . . . . . .. 62

Design . . . . . . . . . .. 63
Population and-Sample . . . . . .. 64
Sampling Procedure . . . . . . .. 65
Instrumentation/Variables . . . . .. 66
Data Collection Procedures . . . . .. 79
Data Analyses . . . . . . . .. 81
Methodological Limitations . . . . .. 82

IV RESULTS . . . . . . . . .. 86

Descriptive Statistics . . . . . .. 86
Intercorrelations Among Variables . . .. 97
Results of the Regression Analyses . . .. 108
Summary . . . . . . . . .. 121









V DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . 123

The Total Sample . . . . . . .. 123
The Employed Mothers Subsample . . . .. 131
The Nonemployed Mothers Subsample . . .. 133
Overview of Significant Findings . . .. 143
Limitations . . . . . . . . .. 146
Recommendations for Future Research . . .. 150
Summary . . . . . . . . . .. 152

REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . .. 153

APPENDICES

A DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE . . . .. 169
B INSTRUCTIONS TO SUBJECTS . . . . .. 176

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . . . . . .. 177














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


OCCUPATIONAL ROLE SALIENCE OF COLLEGE WOMEN:
PERCEPTIONS OF PARENTAL INFLUENCES

By

Jamie R. Funderburk

May 1987




Chairperson: Dr. Ellen S. Amatea
Major Department: Counselor Education



Although most contemporary college women plan to combine

family and occupational roles, they have varying levels of

occupational role salience. In this study social learning

theory was used to examine parental influences on

occupational role salience of college women. Three aspects

of parental modeling influence were examined: parental role

status, parental role status consequences, and parent-

daughter relationship quality. Self-report data were

collected on 214 freshmen and sophomore college women at the

University of Florida. A series of regression analyses was

conducted to examine maternal and paternal influences both

separately and in combination for the total sample and for

subsamples of women with employed and nonemployed mothers.

vii









For the total sample of college women, higher

occupational role salience was related to higher paternal

occupational prestige level, lower paternal educational

level, and greater extent of maternal employment (p <.01).

Paternal educational and occupational prestige levels were

also significant influences on occupational role salience for

the subsample of women with nonemployed mothers (p <.05).

Additional parental influences found to increase occupational

role salience for the subsample of women with nonemployed

mothers included maternal marital dissatisfaction, paternal

life dissatisfaction, maternal life satisfaction, lack of

paternal support for maternal nonemployed role status, and

equal or higher maternal educational level than paternal (p

<.05). No combination of parental influences explained

variation in occupational role salience for the subsample of

women with employed mothers. These nonsignificant results

were attributed to a design limitation which may have

violated linearity assumptions by grouping all daughters of

employed mothers together regardless of maternal employment

extent.

Results of this study are consistent with previous

research, and modestly support a social learning theory model

of women's vocational development. The importance of

examining the combined influences of mothers and fathers on

women's occupational role expectations is indicated.


viii















CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION


A person participates in a complex
society as a many-faceted actor,
an incumbent of many roles, carrier
of many labels, performer of different
sets of behavior, subject to multiple
kinds of expectations. (Angrist, 1969, p. 219)


The life choices available to American women have become

increasingly complex (Hoffman, 1977; Oppenheimer, 1982).

Recent changes in the form and function of the family, the

status of women, and the economy have been accompanied by

increased labor force participation of women (Kammerman &

Hayes, 1982; Kurdek & Siesky, 1981; Leslie, 1982). Whether

for economic or other reasons, most American women now

combine marital, parental, and occupational roles. Due to

their educational and economic advantages, college women in

particular now have a greater variety of life role choices

and combinations available to them.

Research findings on college women's life plans reflect

these changing preferences and patterns (Cummings, 1977;

Empey, 1958; Matthews & Tiedeman, 1964; Parelius, 1975; Rand

& Miller, 1972; Zuckerman, 1980). In 1958, Empey found that

80% of a sample of female high school seniors and college

undergraduates preferred marriage over a career. By 1964,









2

preferences were changing and Matthews and Tiedeman found

young women ages 11 to 26 were experiencing conflict between

career and marriage plans. In 1972 (Rand & Miller), 1975

(Parelius), and 1977 (Cummings), findings of studies

consistently reported that the majority of college women

planned to combine a family and a career. Finally,

Zuckerman, in a 1980 study of female undergraduates, found

the overwhelming majority of women were interested in

marriage and childbearing, but neither of these was perceived

to be a deterrent to pursuing a career.

Although the majority of today's college women aspire to

combine career and family roles, they appear to demonstrate

differing expectations regarding their involvement in the

occupational role. For example, Regan and Roland (1985)

reported five different patterns of life role salience for

women graduating from college in 1980. Nineteen percent of

these women were committed solely to family involvement, 34%

were primarily committed to family roles but also committed

to occupational involvement, 16% were primarily committed to

the occupational role but also family committed, 8% were

solely committed to occupational involvement, and 23% were

committed to life roles other than family or occupation such

as leisure or religious involvements.

Due to the distinctiveness of the occupational role

development process for women, a number of researchers have

proposed and investigated specific factors which account for









3

variations in women's occupational role salience and

behavior. Almquist and Angrist (1971) found variations in

college women's occupational aspiration levels as a function

of role model influences, sorority membership, and self-

perceptions of academic ability. Altman and Grossman (1977),

Baruch (1972), and Kahn (1982) found variations in

occupational role salience of college women to be related to

maternal employment status and maternal role satisfaction.

Other studies have related occupational role salience of

college women to such factors as personality traits (Yuen,

Tinsley, & Tinsley, 1980), sex role attitudes and orientation

(Illfelder, 1980; Parsons, Frieze, & Ruble, 1978; Yanico,

1981), parental identification (Oliyer, 1975; Ridgeway,

1978), and career-related self-efficacy (Hackett & Betz,

1981).

Researchers have raised a number of questions in their

efforts to determine why such differences exist in women's

occupational role salience. Are there certain factors which

best account for variations in college women's occupational

role salience? What processes shape these different levels

of women's expected occupational role involvement? Are women

who differ in occupational role salience socialized

differently?

Scope of the Problem

Because traditional vocational development theories were

developed and validated primarily on male populations, they









4

have not been considered useful in explaining and predicting

women's occupational choices and aspirations (Holland, 1963,

1973; Super, 1953, 1963; Tiedeman & O'Hara, 1963). Those

theories have tended to focus on factors influencing an

individual's occupational choice rather than examining

factors accounting for variation in occupational role

salience. In addition, those theories have focused on

individual trait factors, such as interests, abilities, self-

concept and values, which influence occupational choice.

Recent researchers (e.g., Fitzgerald & Crites, 1980;

Osipow, 1973, 1975; Patterson, 1973; & Vetter, 1973) have

contended that traditional theories lack power in explaining

the occupational role development process for women for

several reasons. First, it has been proposed that, for

women, expectations about the occupational role include not

only what occupation they will choose, but even more

basically, whether they choose to work outside the home at

all, and if so, to what extent (Kriger, 1972). Second,

factors impacting on occupational role expectations of women

cannot be examined without acknowledging the impact of sexual

discrimination in the workplace as an environmental

constraint which has been documented as limiting opportunity

in the form of lower pay, lower status jobs, and slower

advancement for women (Astin, 1984; Hauser & Featherman,

1977; Levitin, Quinn, & Staines, 1973; Treiman & Terrell,

1975). Thus, for women, the opportunity to match interests









5

and abilities with an occupational choice may not occur.

Third, researchers have found that occupational role

expectations for women are relative to their marital and

parental role expectations and status, and need to be

considered within this multiple role context (Astin & Mynt,

1971; Berson, 1978; Furumoto & Scarborough, 1986;

Schulenberg, Vondracek, & Crouter, 1984). Finally, many

researchers have found occupational role expectations of

women to be related to their sex role attitudes and

orientation (Bielby, 1978; Fassinger, 1985; Fitzgerald &

Crites, 1980; Hackett & Betz, 1981; Illfelder, 1980; Parsons

et al., 1978; Tittle, 1977; Yanico, 1981). Therefore,

women's occupational role expectations may be as closely tied

to past sex role socialization influences as they are to

current interests and abilities, situational variables, or

environmental opportunity. Given these special

considerations when examining women's occupational

development, researchers assert that it is first necessary to

address whether the occupational role is salient for an

individual woman, and then examine the process and content of

occupational role salience formation as well as the process

and content of a specific occupational choice.

Occupational or career role salience emerged as a

concept in the late 1960s and the 1970s in response to two

separate movements. First, vocational development theorists

examining the career decision-making process in male










6

populations realized that little consideration was given to

the extent to which people differ in levels of work

commitment or importance. As stated by Osipow (1968),

"Seldom is any consideration given to the likelihood that a

given individual may have negative attitudes toward work" (p.

247). In the 1970s, the second movement emerged in response

to changes in female labor force participation and the status

of women in society. These changes led to questioning by

psychologists and sociologists of the factors influencing

varying life role patterns of women. Super (1980),

representing the first movement, defined occupational role

salience as the relative amount of affective, behavioral, and

cognitive energy placed on the occupational or work role.

Amatea, Cross, Clark & Bobby (1986), representing the second

movement, defined occupational role salience as the relative

value or importance ascribed by an individual to the

occupational role. Occupational role salience is defined in

this study as an individual's personal valuing of and

commitment to the occupational role relative to other life

roles.

Clearly, a distinction needs to be made between studies

which attempt to predict and explain occupational and

familial role aspirations or salience, and those attempting

to predict or explain specific career choices or actual

occupational involvement patterns. The two are not

synonymous for women (Tittle, 1977). The "structure of












opportunity" in the world of work may limit a woman's

occupational choice options without influencing the salience

of the occupational role for her. In contrast, occupational

role salience may be more influenced by family socialization

than specific occupational choices, which may be more

dependent on current opportunity and status variables. In

addition, family socialization influences might be expected

to be greater during a stage in which the daughter has

recently been involved with the family. Therefore, studies

of younger women may be of most interest when examining

socialization influences on occupational role salience. In

this study, the general level of occupational role salience

of college women was examined.

In addition to distinguishing between studies examining

occupational role salience and occupational choice

influences, it is important to differentiate studies of

occupational role salience of women at different

developmental stages. A woman's occupational role

expectations and behaviors are assumed to vary across time

(Beedle, Jordan-Viola, Eunice, & Cross, 1979; Matthews &

Tiedeman, 1964; Zuckerman, 1980) as a function of her age and

her relative participation in specific roles across the life

span (Nevill, 1984). Therefore, it is important to specify

the developmental stage of the population under study. In

this study, occupational role salience of freshmen and

sophomore college women was examined.









8

Although occupational role salience evolves over time as

a girl matures into a woman, it is relatively stable for a

woman at a particular developmental stage, and it can be used

to detect differences among women within that stage.

The factors proposed to influence women's valuing of and

commitment to the occupational role can be grouped into three

broad spheres: individual trait and status influences,

socialization influences, and structure of opportunity

influences. Most studies of occupational role salience of

women have examined the first two spheres of influence:

trait and status factors or socialization influences. Only

recently have studies examined these two spheres of influence

conjointly (Fassinger, 1985; Hesse-Biber & Gosselin, 1982;

Rosen & Aneshensel, 1978; Stephan & Corder, 1984, 1985;

Yanico, 1981).

Studies on the impact of current status on occupational

role salience of women have examined the influence of age

(Beedle et al., 1979; Matthews & Tiedeman, 1964; Rand &

Miller, 1972; Zuckerman, 1980), marital status (Astin & Mynt,

1971; Berson, 1978; Bielby, 1978; Mueller & Campbell, 1977)

and educational attainment (Astin & Mynt, 1971; Yuen et al.,

1980).

Studies of personal traits or characteristics related to

women's occupational role salience and involvement have

explored the impact of traits such as race (Malson, 1983;

Noel, 1979; Thomas & Neal, 1978), sex role attitudes











(Illfelder, 1980; Parsons et al., 1978; Tittle, 1977; Yanico,

1981), sex role orientation (Clarey & Sanford, 1982; Marshall

& Wijting, 1980; Rand, 1968; Yanico, 1981), achievement

motivation (Kriger, 1972; Marshall & Wijting, 1980; Rand,

1968), abilities (Fassinger, 1985; Rand, 1968; Rosen &

Aneshensel, 1978); and personality (Yuen et al., 1980).

Relatedly, studies of socialization influences on

women's occupational role expectations and behavior have

examined the impact of school teachers and counselors

(Almquist & Angrist, 1971; Hesse-Biber & Gosselin, 1982;

Lemkau, 1981), friends (Hesse-Biber & Gosselin, 1982; Tangri,

1972), and family members (Altman & Grossman, 1977; Baruch,

1972; Burlin, 1976; Fassinger, 1985; McBroom, 1981; Ridgeway,

1978; Stephan & Corder, 1985; Tangri, 1972).

Because the family is considered to be the most

influential socializing agent during childhood (Lidz, 1968),

shaping personality as it translates and demonstrates

cultural roles and rules to the individual, studies of family

socialization influences on occupational role salience of

women have been numerous (Auster & Auster, 1981). These

studies have examined the influence of a variety of different

types of family variables.

Examining the influence of family socialization on sex

role development and occupational role expectations of women,

researchers have investigated family structural variables,









10

family status variables, and parent-daughter relationship

variables. Family structural variables examined have

included intactness of family (Coleman & Ganong, 1984;

Ganong, Coleman, & Brown, 1981; Kulka & Weingarten, 1979),

size of family (Auster & Auster, 1981; Rosen & Aneshensel,

1978), and birth order and sex of siblings (Auster & Auster,

1981; Rosen & Aneshensel, 1978; Seegmiller, 1980). Family

status variables explored have included parental occupational

and educational status (Allred, 1982/1983; Auster & Auster,

1981; Burlin, 1976; DeFronzo & Boudreauu, 1979; Gold &

Andres, 1978; Smith & Self, 1980; Tangri, 1972; Vanfossen,

1977), parental satisfaction with role status (Altman &

Grossman, 1977; Baruch, 1972; Kahn, 1982; Mullins, 1980),

parental attitudes about roles (Meyer, 1980; Mussen &

Rutherford, 1963; Oliver, 1975; Smith & Self, 1980), and

family socioeconomic status (Albrecht, 1976; Bielby, 1978;

Douvan & Adelson, 1966; Hauser, 1971; Rosen & Aneshensel,

1978; Tangri, 1972).

Although there have been numerous studies examining the

role of family structural and status influences in women's

occupational role expectation development, few studies have

explored family interaction or interpersonal relationship

variables. One of the few parent-daughter relationship

variables which has been explored and found to be related to

women's occupational role salience and innovation (i.e.,

choice of a non-sex-stereotypic occupation) has been parental









11

support for and encouragement of daughter's occupational

aspirations (Auster & Auster, 1981; Kutner & Brogan, 1985;

Standley & Soule, 1974; Tenzer, 1977).

Although few studies have related such parent-daughter

relationship information to women's occupational role

salience, a number of studies have examined parent-daughter

relationship variables in relation to daughter's sex role

socialization and development. These studies have

implications for women's occupational role development as

well, and have examined the quality of the parent-child

relationship in the following areas: warmth and overall

level of goodness (Altman & Grossman, 1977; De Fronzo &

Boudreau, 1979; Kelly & Worell, 1976; McBroom, 1981),

parental identification (Ridgeway, 1978; Tangri, 1972), level

of paternal involvement in child-rearing (Baruch & Barnett,

1981; De Fronzo & Boudreau, 1979; Lamb & Bronson, 1980),

intellectual and achievement encouragement (Baumrind, 1970;

De Fronzo & Boudreau, 1979; Kelly & Worell, 1976), parental

discipline style (Baumrind, 1967, 1975; Kelly & Worell,

1976), and independence encouragement (Baumrind, 1967; De

Fronzo & Boudreau, 1979; Kelly & Worell, 1976).

Most of these studies of parental socialization

influences do not provide an explicit theoretical framework

to explain variation in sex role development and occupational

role salience of women. There have been some investigators

in this area, however, who have proposed underlying









12

theoretical frameworks for their studies. Two different

theoretical traditions are represented. A psychodynamic

perspective has proposed that parental identification, often

measured as perceived similarity to mother or father,

influences daughter's sex role development and subsequent

occupational role expectations and involvement (Hartley,

1966; Mussen, 1969; Ridgeway, 1978; Tangri, 1972). An

underlying assumption of these studies has been that mothers

did not work. Therefore, occupational role salience in

daughters was hypothesized to reflect a masculine sex role

orientation related to paternal identification. As mothers

became increasingly involved in the work force, a second

theoretical tradition, social learning theory, emerged. From

this theoretical perspective, mothers and fathers were both

viewed as potential role models of occupational role

salience. Many of the more recent studies examining parental

role model influences on occupational role salience of women

have been based on this social learning theory perspective

(Kahn, 1982; Mullins, 1980).

Theoretical Framework

In this study, parental influences on women's

occupational role salience were examined using a social

learning theory framework. Social learning theory views the

acquisition of sex-typed characteristics and role

expectations in terms of both direct and imitative learning

experiences. Parents are viewed as both role models and









13

direct reinforcing agents for their children (Kelly & Worell,

1976), and their influence is related to both the power of

parents as role models and the nature of the relationship

between each parent and the child. Research on the behavior

of children in response to adult role models has indicated

that the likelihood of imitation increases with the closeness

of the relationship between the child and the model (Bandura,

1977; Mussen & Distler, 1959). In addition, it is assumed

that parents' power as occupational role models is increased

when they are perceived as being reinforced or rewarded for

their occupational behavior. Such rewards might include

having high status (in terms of both extrafamilial factors

such as education and occupational attainment and

intrafamilial factors such as the greater educational or

occupational attainment of one spouse), demonstrating

satisfaction with their roles, and appearing supported for

engaging in their roles. Therefore, in examining the impact

of parental role model influences on college women's current

role expectations from a social learning perspective three

sets of variables are suggested: parental role

characteristics, consequences for parents of their role

involvements, and the quality of parent-child relationships.

From a social learning theory perspective, high

occupational role salience is hypothesized to result from

several distinctively different combinations of these

factors. For example, a young woman who reports having high









14

occupational role salience might be expected to report having

a mother who is employed and perceived to be supported for

and satisfied with her role, and to report a warm and

involved relationship with her mother. Conversely, a woman

with high occupational role salience might have a nonworking

mother who she perceives as neither satisfied with nor

supported for her role, and whose behavior the woman wants to

avoid. Furthermore, high occupational role salience might be

reported by a daughter who has an occupationally successful

father with whom she is close and whom she wants to imitate.

Several studies appear to support the relationships

hypothesized by social learning theory. College women whose

mothers worked outside the home were reported more likely

than college women with homemaking mothers to follow a career

(Almquist & Angrist, 1971; Altman & Grossman, 1977;

Banducci, 1967; Baruch, 1972; Parsons et al., 1978; Tangri,

1972). In addition, some researchers have found daughters'

levels of occupational role salience to be related to

identifying with or imitating their fathers rather than their

mothers (Ridgeway, 1978; Standley & Soule, 1974; Tangri,

1972). However, the greatest support for the theory is found

in the results of research examining the nature of the

parents' role involvements and the consequences of those

involvements for parents. Results from these studies

indicate that the power of maternal employment status in

explaining variation in occupational role aspirations in









15

daughters is mediated by maternal perceived satisfaction with

and reinforcement for role status (Baruch, 1972; Kahn, 1982;

Macke & Morgan, 1978; Mullins, 1980), maternal occupational

prestige level (Treiman & Terrell, 1975), maternal

educational attainment (Burlin, 1976; Mulvey, 1963; Rosen &

Aneshensel, 1978), maternal occupational innovation (Tangri,

1972), family power structure in the form of relative

occupational and educational status of parents (Vanfossen,

1977), and paternal support for maternal occupational status

(Carew, 1978/1979; Lamb & Bronson, 1980; Smith, 1981). Thus,

parental socialization influences on occupational role

salience of college women have been examined in terms of the

relative power of mothers and fathers as role models for

their daughters, as a function of their relative occupational

and educational status, support for and satisfaction with

their roles, and the quality of the parent-child

relationship.

Need

Although previous researchers have examined parental

influences on occupational role development of women, no

researcher to date has attempted to comprehensively control

for daughter status factors while examining parental

influences. Because such status variables (e.g., age, race,

educational level, major choice and marital status) obviously

contribute to occupational role salience, there is a need to

control for these influences. An attempt was made to control









16
for many of these factors in this study by limiting the

sample to single freshmen and sophomore college women, ages

17-20, from intact families. In addition, descriptive

information was collected on subject's major choice,

Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) performance level, minority

status, and U.S. citizenship.

Although past research has been conducted utilizing

social learning theory propositions to examine parental

influences on women's occupational role salience, few

researchers to date have examined the collective impact of

mothers and fathers in shaping such expectations. Because

both parents are hypothesized to have a part in shaping

daughter's role expectations, in this study the collective

impact of mothers and fathers as role models on the

occupational role salience of their daughters was examined in

terms of three aspects of presumed influence: parental role

characteristics, parental role consequences, and quality of

the parent-child relationship. In order to have a more

comprehensive assessment of parental role status

consequences, this study also incorporated parental general

life role satisfaction and marital role satisfaction. Most

previous researchers exploring the impact of certain parental

role consequences on daughters' occupational expectations

have limited their studies to examining only maternal and

paternal occupational role satisfaction and paternal support

for maternal employment.









17

Because previous researchers had not included an

examination of the parent-daughter relationship as a

component of role model power, there was a need to examine

the contributing influence of the quality of the parent-

daughter relationship on both mothers and fathers as role

models. In this study the parent-daughter relationship was

examined in terms of the degree of dissatisfaction the

daughter had with the amount of control or freedom and

affection that the father and mother gave her, and how

involved they were with her. Thus, the power of parents as

role models was assessed by their actual role status, their

role status consequences (i.e., level of satisfaction or

support), and the quality of the parent-daughter

relationship.

Purpose
The purpose of this study was to evaluate the extent to

which variation in occupational role salience of freshmen and

sophomore college women was accounted for by three types of

paternal and maternal role modeling influences. These

college women were single, ages 17-20, and members of intact

families.

Information was collected from these women on three

types of parental role modeling factors: parental role

status and characteristics, parental role status

consequences, and the quality of the parent-daughter

relationship. These reported parental attributes were then











related to the student's reported level of occupational role

salience. This phenomenological perspective was believed to

be more accurate in exploring influences on daughter's

occupational role salience than were objective, behavioral

measures of parental role status, or parental reports of

their role satisfaction or the quality of the parent-daughter

relationship.

Data from the total sample, and then from subsamples of

women with employed mothers and women with nonemployed

mothers, were examined to assess the contribution of each of

the parental attribute variables in explaining variation in

occupational role salience. The extent of maternal

employment and all paternal role attributes were examined for

the entire sample of women. The remaining maternal role

attributes were not examined for the total sample due to

their presumed nonlinear relationship with daughter's

occupational role salience as a function of maternal

employment status. Subsamples of women with employed mothers

and women with nonemployed mothers were then created to

examine the contribution of maternal role model influences.

Data from these two subsamples were examined with maternal

and paternal variables evaluated first separately and then in

combination.

Research Questions

The following set of research questions, subdivided by

the variables involved, was addressed in this study:









19

1. To what extent can variation in occupational role

salience among women with employed and women with nonemployed

mothers be accounted for by variations in the extent of

maternal employment, paternal role status, perceived paternal

role status consequences, and the perceived quality of the

father-daughter relationship?

2. To what extent can variation in occupational role

salience among women with employed mothers be accounted for

by variations in maternal role status, perceived maternal

role status consequences, and the perceived quality of the

mother-daughter relationship?

3. To what extent can variation in occupational role

salience among women with nonemployed mothers be accounted

for by variations in maternal role status, perceived maternal

role status consequences, and the perceived quality of the

mother-daughter relationship?

4. To what extent can variation in occupational role

salience among women with employed mothers be accounted for

by variations in paternal role status, perceived paternal

role status consequences, and the perceived quality of the

father-daughter relationship?

5. To what extent can variation in occupational role

salience among women with nonemployed mothers be accounted

for by variations in paternal role status, perceived paternal

role status consequences, and the perceived quality of the

father-daughter relationship?









20

6. To what extent can variation in occupational role

salience among women with employed mothers be accounted for

by variations in maternal and paternal role status, perceived

maternal and paternal role status consequences, and the

perceived quality of the mother-daughter and father-daughter

relationship?

7. To what extent can variation in occupational role

salience among women with nonemployed mothers be accounted

for by variations in maternal and paternal role status,

perceived maternal and paternal role status consequences, and

the perceived quality of the mother-daughter and father-

daughter relationship?

Significance of the Study

The results of this study have implications for theory

and for practice. It has become clear that the vocational

development process is not identical for men and women, yet

established theories of occupational development have

primarily used male populations in research validating their

constructs. Recently, models of vocational development for

women have been suggested. Rather than focusing primarily on

individual trait factors, such as attributes, aptitudes, and

interests, as do many male-oriented vocational development

theories, these theories suggest that sex role socialization

influences and the structure of opportunity in the world of

work are additional important determinants of occupational

role salience for women (Astin, 1984).












If the combined influence of mothers and fathers as role

models and reinforcing agents on daughters' occupational role

salience was tested more directly and more clearly

understood, then knowledge of this parental influence would

contribute to emerging theories on vocational development for

women. Thus, the results of this study contributed to the

formulation and refinement of a vocational development model

which applies to women, but which might also be applicable to

men due to the universality of social learning theory

principles.

Although many researchers have examined family

socialization influences on women's occupational role

expectations, in this study these influences were

operationalized in order to test a social learning theory

perspective of occupational role development in women.

Therefore the results of this study contributed to the body

of knowledge about social learning theory. The results of

this study also have implications for practice. A key area

of concern for counselors in a college setting is the optimal

career role exploration and development of students. By

increasing understanding of the combined influences of

perceived parental role status, parental role satisfaction

and support, and parent-child relationship variables on

occupational role expectations of college women, the results

of this study could sensitize counselors to relevant issues

for female clients who present problems of career indecision









22

and confusion. In addition, the results of this study could

aid counselors involved in proactive career development

activities by explicating and normalizing the vocational

development process for women.

Finally, if the parental role status, role satisfaction

and support, and parent-child relationship variables

impacting occupational role expectations of college women

could be identified, then parents could become more aware of

their socialization influence on their daughters. They would

consequently have greater ability to consciously nurture and

model whatever life role expectations they felt important for

their children's later success and happiness.

Definition of Terms

In order to facilitate understanding of the terminology

used in this study, the key terms and concepts are defined

below.

Maternal employment extent is defined on a continuum as

the number of hours worked per week and number of years

worked by a mother from the time her daughter was born until

her daughter was 18 or left for college..

Maternal employment status is defined dichotomously as

the mother's employed or nonemployed status. A mother who

has never worked from the time her daughter was born until

her daughter achieved 18 years of age or left for college is

defined as nonemployed. All other mothers are defined as

employed, regardless of employment extent during that time.









23

Occupational prestige level is defined as the relative

standing of an occupation or the amount of power and

influence of an occupational position, and the amount of

resources society places at the disposal of incumbents

(Hodge, Siegel, & Rossi, 1966).

Occupational role expectations is defined as the

changeable set of perceptions, internalized beliefs, and

standards held by individuals which determine how personally

relevant or valued the occupational role is to them, what

they perceive their involvement in that role to be, and how

they believe that role should be performed (Amatea et al.,

1986).

Occupational role innovation is defined as the

membership of an individual in an occupation comprised of

less than 30% same sex individuals, a sex-atypical

occupational choice (Tangri, 1972).

Occupational role salience is defined in this study as

an individual's personal valuing of and commitment to the

occupational role relative to other life roles (Amatea et

al., 1986).

Parent-Daughter relationship quality is defined in this

study as the daughter's perceived dissatisfaction with the

amount of maternal or paternal control, inclusion, and

affection expressed toward her as a child (Schutz, 1958).

Parental role status is defined as maternal or paternal

educational and occupational level and parental marital









24

status. Maternal occupational status is defined in this

study in terms of the extent, degree of innovation, and

prestige level of employment. Paternal occupational role

status is defined as the innovation and prestige level of

employment.

Perceived parental role status consequences is defined

from a social learning theory perspective as the perceived

consequences of engaging in a particular role for a parent in

terms of rewards and punishments. Parental role status

consequence are defined in this study as the degree of

support received for and satisfaction resulting from a

particular role for a given parent.

Reinforcing agent is defined from a social learning

theory perspective as an individual who provides rewards or

reinforcement to another, thus increasing the probability of

recurrence of the behavior that the recipient was engaged in

immediately prior to reinforcement.

Role model is defined from a social learning theory

perspective as an individual whose behavior is observed by a

learner and whose behavior is therefore either imitated or

avoided by the learner.

Role satisfaction is defined as the liking and enjoyment

of a role by the role occupant, or the pleasurable emotional

state resulting from participation in a role (Hopkins, 1983).

Sex role is defined as the complex of behaviors

considered characteristic of or appropriate to persons











occupying a particular gender status, and the attributed

expectations concerning those behaviors (Hartley, 1961).

Socialization is defined as the direct and indirect

developmental process by which a society teaches its members

to fit in, acquainting them with its norms, values, and

expectations (Goldberg, 1983).

Socioeconomic status is defined as the relative position

of a family in the class structure of a society as indicated

by paternal occupational prestige level (Duncan, 1961).

Organization of the Study

The remainder of this study consists of four chapters

and two appendices. Chapter II presents a review and

analysis of related literature. In chapter III, the

methodology used in the study is described, including the

population and sample, sampling procedures, variables and

instrumentation, and data collection and analyses. Chapter

IV provides a presentation of the results of the study. The

final chapter is devoted to a discussion of the results,

consequent interpretations, and recommendations.
















CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE


The life choices available to women in America are

becoming increasingly complex. As access to and

participation in occupational roles increases for women,

there is increased pressure on women to decide on their

relative involvement in work, marriage, and parenthood. Due

to their developmental stage and educational and economic

advantages, college women in particular have a wide variety

of life role options available to them. Many factors appear

to influence college women's life role preferences and

expectations and the level of occupational role salience

resulting from them.

The purpose of this chapter is to provide a review and

analysis of the literature examining the factors which

influence college women's occupational role expectations.

Research and theory on sociological, developmental, and

psychological context factors are presented in the first

three sections. In the fourth section, research assessing

the influence of past socialization factors is discussed and

a presentation of social learning theory as applied to

women's role salience is provided. A summary of this review

is then presented in the final section.









27

Sociological Context

Factors in the sociological context which have been

proposed as influences on women's occupational role

expectations are current social and cultural norms, social

trends, and social standards. This normative context

surrounds women, shaping their identities, perceptions,

values, beliefs, expectations, and behavior.

Such sociological norms, values, and beliefs and changes

in those norms, values, and beliefs impact on the

occupational role salience of college women in two ways:

indirectly through increased opportunity for occupational

roles for women in society and directly through influencing

the environment in which socialization occurs.

Kurdek and Siesky (1981) have described sociological

changes in the form and function of the family, marriage,

parental roles, labor force composition, and the status of

women. In exploring the changes in family functions many

sociologists have contended that the traditional educational,

religious, economic, and welfare functions of the family have

for the most part been transferred to larger institutions,

thus leaving the family with the primary function of

psychological socialization (Kurdek & Siesky, 1981; Leslie,

1982; Ogburn, 1938; Parson, 1965). These writers have

proposed that this decrease and change in family functions

allows family members increased role options and flexibility

which were not always possible in the past.









28
One example of the impact of these changing family forms

and social values is the change in parents as role models of

a more androgynous lifestyle. Of particular interest is the

change in mothers' roles related to the changing status of

women. Blau (1984) pointed out that there has been an

increasing participation of women in the work force,

including married women and mothers. In 1890, 17% of the

labor force was female compared to 25.2% in 1940 and 42.7% in

1982. Married women comprised 30% of the female labor force

in 1940 and 54% in 1960. Most notable, however, is the large

increase in the labor force participation rate of married

women with preschool-age children from 18.6% in 1960 to 47.8%

in 1981. This increase in female labor force participation

has been variously attributed to a decrease in sex

discrimination (Kurdek & Siesky, 1981), a decrease in family

size due to overpopulation (Hoffman, 1977), and to economic

recession (Hoffman, 1977).

Related to the increase in employment for women is the

increase, over the last three decades, in the rate of

divorce. Glick (1979) reported that 77% of divorced mothers

with children are likely to be employed. Currently 4 out of

every 10 marriages end in divorce (Bane, 1976; Espenshade,

1979; Glick, 1979; Hetherington, Cox, & Cox, 1979). A direct

result of the increased divorce rate has been an increase in

the number of female-headed households with children from

4.51 million in 1960 to 8.24 million in 1978 (Espenshade,









29
1979). In 1974, 14% of all households were headed by females

(Bane 1976). Glick (1979) predicted that by 1990 close to

one-third of all children might be expected to experience a

parents' divorce before they reach the age of 18. Levinger

and Moles (1979) reported a decrease in the emotional, legal,

religious, and social barriers to divorce. This change in

family form may have an impact on the occupational role

expectations of women exposed to divorce and/or single parent

families during their childhood.

From a somewhat different perspective, it has been

proposed that the women's liberation movement gaining power

in the 1960s played a significant role in increasing

awareness of women's status and changing women's role

expectations, perceptions, and behavior (Freeman, 1984).

The movement advocated equalization of relationships with

men, both marital and nonmarital (Friedan, 1963). Data in

support of the success of this movement indicated college

enrollment of women doubled from 1968-1980, from 3 million to

6 million (Weitzman, 1984). Further, women accounted for 4%

of law students in 1960 and 34% in 1980, 6% of medical

students in 1960 and 26% in 1980. The women's movement, and

the National Organization for Women formed soon after in

1966, gave voice and visibility to women's increasing

dissatisfaction with traditional roles and their desire for

increasing independence, sharing of childrearing, and









30

opportunity and participation in the labor force (Blau, 1984;

Freeman, 1984; Leslie, 1982).

These above mentioned changes in the form and

functioning of the family, marriage, female labor force

participation, and the status of women, along with the shift

in social values and role definitions accompanying these

changes have undoubtedly had an impact on the occupational

role expectations of women. Specifically, it has been

hypothesized by sociologists that these changes have resulted

in changes in perceptions, definitions, attitudes, and

enactment of occupational, marital, and parental roles of men

and women (Kurdek & Siesky, 1981; Leslie, 1982). This in

turn has resulted in a significant alteration in the nature

of models and relationships children are exposed to and

ultimately changes the role expectations, preferences, and

options of the next generation (Hoffman, 1977). Although

proposed as a salient influence, limited research

manipulation of this overriding sociological context has been

possible. In this study, this context is hypothesized to act

as a constant.

Developmental Context

The developmental context includes those factors which

impact on a woman and her expectations and behavior as a

result of her developmental stage in the life cycle.

Research and theory describing normative patterns of human

development have suggested that certain factors influence









31
individuals both internally, in terms of their biological,

psychological, and cognitive development, and externally, in

terms of socially defined developmental tasks prescribed at

different stages of the life cycle.

A woman in her first two years at college is defined as

being in the developmental stage of late adolescence, moving

toward young adulthood. In addition, her choice of college,

rather than work and/or marriage, places her in a specific

category within the general developmental stage of late

adolescence. Theories of adolescent development, and

research on college students' personality and career

development have suggested factors of importance in college

women's occupational role expectations.

Two well-established theories of human development based

on male populations have examined adolescence from a

sociological and a psychological perspective (Erikson, 1950,

1968; Havighurst, 1951; Havighurst & Taba, 1949).

Havighurst's sociological theory of development views the

stage of adolescence in terms of a number of tasks the

individual must master in order to attain adult status in the

culture. Developmental tasks he described in late

adolescence included developing an appropriate sex role,

achieving emotional and economic independence from parents

and other adults, selecting and preparing for a vocation,

achieving appropriate relationships with peers, and preparing

for an adult lifestyle which might or might not include









32

marriage and family (Havighurst, 1951; Havighurst & Taba,

1949). As might be expected, this ordering of developmental

tasks appears to be more applicable to males than females.

Erikson proposed a psychodynamic theory of human

development describing a progression through eight distinct

stages (Erikson, 1950, 1968; LeFrancois, 1976). Each stage

is characterized by the resolution of a conflict or an

intrapsychic crisis. The resolution of crises at earlier

stages impact on the conflict resolution at later stages.

The developmental tasks and potential crises believed to be

focal during the late adolescent years and early adult years

are identity formation versus role diffusion, and intimacy

versus isolation. Clearly from this psychodynamic

developmental perspective, a college woman's status relative

to these two important psychological developmental tasks

would have important implications for her occupational role

expectations.

Theorists in cognitive psychology have provided further

explanation of women's development. Kohlberg (1966, 1969)

believed developmental cognitive changes affect the way

children assimilate information about the sexes, and

therefore these changes have implications for sex role

development. Tavris and Offir (1977) described this

perspective:

It assumes children and adults try to maintain
a coherent and balanced picture of themselves
and the world, in which beliefs, actions, and
values are congruent. The knowledge that gender









33

is permanent motivates the child to discover how
to be a competent or "proper" girl or boy.
As a consequence, he or she finds male or female
activities rewarding. Reinforcements and models
help show children how well they are doing,
but essentially they socialize themselves. (p. 167)

Carol Gilligan, a cognitive psychologist focusing on

female development, described women as speaking "in a

difference voice" than men, not only in terms of the

decisions they make but even in how they make decisions

(Baruch, Barnett, & Rivers, 1983; Gilligan, 1979). Gilligan

argued that women are most concerned with caretaking,

responsibility to others, and relationships. She contended

that for women to be more successful in the occupational

world, with the first step being that of increasing their

occupational role salience, women needed to decrease their

constant attentiveness to others and tendency to always see

both sides. She further suggested that women must learn to

perceive their own needs as primary, to start nurturing

themselves, and to stop subordinating their individual

achievement.

In sum, the developmental context of college freshmen

and sophomores is one of change and transition as they

attempt to implement a cohesive and successful identity,

individuate from the family, develop intimate relationships,

and choose an occupation. For college women today in

particular, there are social pressures to succeed not only

vocationally and academically, but as women in intimate

interpersonal relationships as well. Occupational role









34
salience of college women appears to be an important factor

to understand, given its influence on the role choices and

future role behavior of this population.

It appears that the pressure to decide on future goals

may be so great for the college student that the individual

begins to feel that there is no time for a genuine

exploration of life role possibilities. Major life decisions

such as occupational choice may be made initially on the

basis of personality and family influences without the

advantage of realistic knowledge or experience. This

conceptualization was supported by the finding that many

college students view life with relative passivity (Katz,

1968). Katz found many students to be strongly influenced by

their parents' wishes and aspirations, and the prevailing

fashions and opportunities in society at the time. For many

college students there appears to be no clear cut decision-

making process regarding career, marriage, and family roles.

Madison (1969) suggested three phases which are

descriptive of the developmental pattern of changes in both

men and women during the college years: initial

organization, erosion of the initial organization, and re-

synthesis. These three phases can be applied to any

dimension of significance to the college student (e.g.,

career choice, life role perceptions and choices,

relationships). During the initial organization phase

students make decisions about matters of significance largely









35

based on their personality and family influences to the

neglect of realistic knowledge. The erosion of the initial

organization occurs when the student begins to encounter the

realities of a given situation and subsequent awareness of

more realistic alternatives and possibilities. There are

obvious similarities between Madison's description of

individual changes in the college years and the exploration

stage of Super's career development theory (Super, 1953), as

both theorists described movement toward greater realism over

time.

Several investigators have noted developmental changes

in personality and attitudes about occupational, marital, and

parental roles among women at various educational levels.

Zuckerman (1980), for example, surveyed 118 women enrolled as

students at a liberal arts college. She explored the

contributions of demographic background, self esteem, and

enrollment in women's studies courses in explaining differing

educational, occupational, and marital/motherhood plans.

Using regression analysis she found that age was a

significant predictor of realism of goals, with older

students becoming more realistic.

Harmon (1971) studied the childhood and adolescent

career and life plans reported by 1,188 women entering a

midwestern university. She found that their choices followed

the process suggested by Super (1953), with a preadolescent

fantasy period and an adolescent period of tentative choices









36

which showed considerable choice range, followed by a

narrowing of their choices by the time these women were

freshmen in college.

Interestingly, several researchers have reported females

score higher on measures of career maturity than males at all

age levels above the seventh grade (Harmon & Krueger, 1981;

Jones, Hansen, & Putnam, 1976). These researchers have also

noted, however, that females subsequently make their career

choices from a more limited range of fields than their male

counterparts (U.S. Department of Labor, 1975), and that these

choices are unrealistically low in terms of their aptitudes

and interests. This is not surprising when considering that

in the occupational prestige hierarchy the majority of

female-dominated occupations are overrepresented in the

middle and upper-middle range of the distribution (Marini,

1978). The above findings suggest that both sex role

socialization and constraints on occupational opportunities

may be operating to limit career choices of females despite

adequate knowledge of the career planning process.

Rand and Miller (1972) explored differences in attitudes

and plans about education, marriage, and occupation in a

cross-sectional study of 180 women in junior high, high

school, and college. Their results indicated that although

there was a desire across all age groups to marry, an

increase in liberalness with age was evidenced by increased









37

occupational role salience and more liberal sex role

attitudes in college women.

Angrist (1969), in a four-year longitudinal study of 188

female freshmen, explored changes in occupational role

aspirations. Attrition after four years left 108 seniors,

with complete questionnaire data on 87 students. She found

that 70% of these 87 subjects had changed their career choice

by their sophomore year, and although only 30% were career

salient as freshmen, by their senior year 43% were career

salient.

The results of these studies suggest several important

considerations when examining occupational role expectations

of college women. First, it appears important to distinguish

among the following concepts: occupational role salience,

occupational role choice, and career maturity for women. A

college female is likely to have greater career maturity than

a college male in terms of career decision-making skills, yet

she may not have high occupational role salience as a result

of traditional sex role socialization. Furthermore, she will

probably select a career from a more restricted range of

choices due to discrimination in the workplace, the lower

prestige level of female-dominated professions, and

traditional sex role socialization. A second consideration

is the need to control for both age and year of college when

exploring occupational role salience in women, given the

trend towards both increased salience and realism with age.









38

Third, it appears that the occupational role salience of

women in their first two years at college may be more

influenced by family socialization and personality factors

than for college juniors and seniors, who may be more

affected by a realistic assessment of their current

opportunities and abilities.

Psychological Context

Most researchers of young women's occupational role

expectations and choices have examined the impact of

psychological context factors because these factors have been

assumed to have the greatest power in explaining differences

in women's occupational role expectations. In contrast,

sociological and developmental context factors have been

assumed to exert a constant influence across a similar age

cohort.

Psychological factors hypothesized as influencing

college women's occupational role expectations include

current attributes, attitudes, and status; and past

socialization influences. Research examining the influence

of current attributes, attitudes, and status is presented

first. This is followed by presentation of research and

theory examining past socialization influences. Finally, an

analysis of the application of social learning theory to

women's occupational role development is presented.

Personal attributes and attitudes found to be related to

occupational role expectations of young women include sex









39

role values and attitudes (Fassinger, 1985; Illfelder, 1980;

Parsons et al.,1978; Stephan & Corder, 1985; Tittle, 1977;

Yanico, 1981), sex role orientation (Marshall & Wijting,

1980; Rand, 1968; Yanico, 1981), race (Malson, 1983; Noel,

1979; Thomas & Neal, 1978; Tittle, 1977), marital role status

and expectations (Astin & Mynt, 1971; Mueller & Campbell,

1977; Yuen et al., 1980), achievement motivation and

orientation (Fassinger, 1985; Kriger, 1972; Marshall &

Wijting, 1980; Rand, 1968), fear of success (Illfelder,

1980), personality (Rand, 1968; Yuen et al., 1980), academic

achievement and ability level (Almquist & Angrist, 1971;

Astin & Mynt, 1971; Fassinger, 1985; Rand, 1968; Rosen &

Aneshensel, 1978), and educational attainment level (Astin &

Mynt, 1971; Yuen et al., 1980).

The results of these studies can be summarized as

follows. A positive relationship has been found between

college women's liberal, nontraditional sex role attitudes

and occupational role aspirations (Parsons et al., 1978) and

occupational salience (Fassinger, 1985; Illfelder, 1980;

Stephan & Corder, 1985; Yanico, 1981). Similarly, college

women's occupational role salience has been positively

related to both masculine and androgynous sex role

orientation and identity (Marshall & Wijting, 1980; Rand,

1968; Yanico, 1981).

Achievement motivation and orientation have also been

positively related to occupational role salience in young









40

women (Fassinger, 1985; Kriger, 1972; Marshall & Wijting,

1980; Rand, 1968), as has actual academic achievement and

ability (Almquist & Angrist, 1971; Astin & Mynt, 1971;

Fassinger, 1985; Rand, 1968; Rosen & Aneshensel, 1978), and

educational attainment (Astin & Mynt, 1971; Yuen et al.,

1980). Rosen & Aneshensel (1978), however, found mental

ability and academic achievement less predictive of

occupational role expectations for adolescent women than for

adolescent men. This conclusion was confirmed by Marini

(1978) in her review of the research on sex differences in

the determination of adolescent aspirations. These

researchers attribute this lesser influence of abilities on

female occupational aspirations to the impact of traditional

sex role socialization.

Rand (1968) and Yuen, Tinsley, and Tinsley (1980) found

career-oriented women to have higher needs for autonomy and

dominance, while homemaker-oriented women had higher needs

for altruism, nurturance, and sociability. Similarly,

Illfelder (1980) found that fear of success and traditional

sex role attitudes, in combination, successfully predicted

low occupational role salience among college women.

The results of studies on variation in women's

occupational role expectations relative to race can be

summarized as follows. In the past married black women have

often worked for economic reasons. Occupational and family

roles have traditionally been occupied conjointly by black









41

women, and these roles have not been viewed as mutually

exclusive (Malson, 1983; Noel, 1979; Thomas & Neal, 1978;

Tittle, 1977). The results of research on the impact of race

on occupational role salience of women indicate that black

women are less likely to feel compelled to choose either

family or work commitment. Because these results do not

indicate a difference by race in absolute level of

occupational role salience for single women, the effect of

race was not controlled for in the present study. Instead,

efforts were made to select a sample in which the racial

composition was representative of the student population

being examined.

The impact of marital status on occupational role

salience of women has also been examined. Astin and Mynt

(1971), Mueller and Campbell (1977), and Yuen, Tinsley, and

Tinsley (1980) have reported marriage decreases occupational

role salience and achievement of women, although this was

less true for black women.

The results of this research suggest that current status

factors (i.e., educational level, academic achievement and

ability level, and marital status) are significantly related

to occupational role salience of women and therefore need to

be controlled for in a study of the influences of parental

socialization on the occupational role salience of women. In

this study several of these factors were controlled for by

limiting the sample to college freshmen and sophomore women,









42

ages 17-20, who were never married. In addition, information

was collected on ability/aptitude level as measured by

student SAT scores in order to more accurately describe the

sample. Literature on the impact of race on occupational

role salience of women indicates that black women are less

likely to feel compelled to choose either family or work

commitment. In addition, for economic reasons, a married

black woman is less likely to have the luxury of choosing not

to be involved in an occupation. The absolute level of

occupational role salience for single women, however, does

not appear to vary by race. Therefore, the present study did

not control for the effect of race. The racial composition

of the obtained sample, however, is described.

Current trait and attitude factors found to be related

to occupational role salience of women include sex role

attitude and orientation; achievement orientation; needs for

dominance, autonomy, altruism, nurturance, and sociability;

and fear of success. Variations in these attributes are

considered to result in part from variations in family

socialization. In the present study it was hypothesized that

the parental role attributes examined would indirectly tap

some of the influence of these trait and attitude variables

on women's occupational role salience.

Past Socialization Influences

Researchers examining the impact of past socialization

influences on women's occupational role expectations have









43

focused primarily on familial influences. In these studies

the influence of the family of origin in shaping women's sex

role and occupational role expectations has been examined in

terms of both family status and structure and the quality of

the parent-daughter relationship. In the following sections

research on family status and structural factors, and parent-

daughter relationship factors is presented, followed by

analysis of their influence on women's occupational role

salience from a social learning theory perspective.

Family Structure and Status Influences

Family socioeconomic status is often used as a measure

of family status within the broader social context.

Researchers assessing the impact of family status have

generally measured family socioeconomic status by assessing

one or more of the following variables: paternal and

maternal educational attainment, and paternal occupational

status and income. Clearly lacking in these calculations of

socioeconomic status has been a consideration of maternal

occupational factors (Acker, 1978). As a result of this

omission, Haug (1973) suggested that nearly one-third of all

family socioeconomic status estimates were inaccurate. This

may account for the mixed findings regarding family

socioeconomic status influences on role expectations and

attitudes depicted in the following studies.

Several researchers have found a slightly negative

relationship between female occupational orientation and











background socioeconomic status (Bielby, 1978; Douvan &

Adelson, 1966; Tangri, 1972). In a study of the impact of

maternal employment on daughters' occupational role salience

in which socioeconomic status was controlled for, and a

national probability sample of female college graduates was

used, Bielby (1978) found that female college graduates from

less economically privileged homes had higher occupational

role salience. However, this finding did not account for

much of the variance.

Conversely, several investigators have found a positive

relationship between family socioeconomic status and

occupational and educational aspirations of daughters (Astin,

1975; Rosen & Aneshensel, 1978). Although socioeconomic

status was not directly correlated with occupational role

salience, Astin (1975) found that among those who attend

college those with higher socioeconomic backgrounds had

higher college admission scores and greater educational

opportunity, both of which have been correlated with

occupational role salience in women (Almquist & Angrist,

1971; Astin & Mynt, 1971; Fassinger, 1985). Similarly, Rosen

and Aneshensel (1978), in a path analytic model that focused

on how sex membership influences the educational and

occupational expectations process, sampled one-third of the

students attending all the junior and senior high schools

(grades 7-12) in three upstate New York cities. They found

occupational role expectations to be higher for females from









45

higher socioeconomic families than for females from lower

socioeconomic families. In addition, family socioeconomic

status, family size, and mother's educational and

occupational status had greater total effects on female than

on male occupational expectations. These researchers thus

proposed that in a large family a child's sex influences how

parents distribute family financial resources and whose needs

they accord priority. They proposed that preference would be

given in such families to male siblings. Hauser (1971),

however, reported that males from larger families had lower

educational and occupational aspirations than males from

smaller families, and that only the educational aspirations

of females were adversely affected by membership in large

families.

Rosen and Aneshensel (1978) also reported that mothers'

status attainment had a greater impact on daughters'

occupational expectations than fathers' on sons'. However,

they interpreted this finding as being related to the reality

that females have fewer high status educational and

occupational role models available to them. In addition,

these investigators noted that intervening psychological and

achievement-related factors like academic achievement, mental

ability, and self-assessment, were also related to

occupational expectations but to a much lesser extent for

females than males.









46

Albrecht (1976) studied the relationship between social

class and occupational stereotyping of adult males and

females. Using a random sampling of 2,227 households in

Utah, he found education, but not income level, to be

strongly related to such stereotyping and concluded that the

females and males in educationally disadvantaged families

have dual blocks to occupational attainment in the form of

both limited training and attitudinal barriers which rule out

many occupations as viable choices.

Still other researchers have found no correlation

between occupational orientation in females and family

socioeconomic status (Almquist & Angrist, 1970; Lipmen-Blumen

& Leavitt, 1976). It may be that global measurement of

family socioeconomic status, due to its failure to

differentiate variations among families in levels of maternal

occupational status, family size, or sex of siblings, is too

gross a measure of family status to accurately predict the

occupational role salience of college women.

The effect of maternal employment on general attitudes

towards women's roles has been well documented in the

research literature. Maternal employment has consistently

been associated with acceptance of a wider range of sex-

appropriate behaviors and more egalitarian and less sex-role

stereotypic ideologies among daughters of all ages (Baruch,

1972; Douvan, 1963; Douvan & Adelson, 1966; Eyde, 1962;

Hartley, 1960, 1961; Meier, 1972; Vogel, Broverman,









47

Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz, 1970). Vogel, Broverman,

Broverman, Clarkson, and Rosenkrantz (1970) studied the

relationship between the sex role perceptions held by male

and female college students and their mothers' employment.

Results indicated female students with employed mothers

perceived the differences between men and women to be the

smallest, followed by male students with employed mothers,

while students with unemployed mothers perceived the greatest

differences between men and women. In addition, the effect

of maternal employment was to raise the estimation of one's

own sex. Meier (1972) also found a significant relationship

between female college students' favoring of social equality

for women and maternal employment. Further, the most liberal

sex role ideology was held by the daughters of women in high

status occupations.

Looking at the social status of the family in terms of

relative parental power, Vanfossen (1977) found that the

pattern of parental dominance was a crucial intervening

variable between maternal educational and occupational

history and sex role values of daughters. Vanfossen found

that father dominance, measured by his greater educational

and occupational attainment, depressed the relationship

between maternal employment and egalitarian sex role values

in daughters, while mother dominance heightened the

relationship between maternal employment and egalitarian sex

role values in daughters.









48

Several researchers examining maternal educational

attainment have reported a relationship between maternal

educational level and role modeling of daughters. Smith and

Self (1980), exploring the relationship between the sex role

attitudes of female college students and their mothers,

measured the attitudes of 74 mother-daughter pairs. They

found that mothers with a college education had the greatest

degree of attitudinal similarity to their daughters

regardless of whether their attitudes were liberal or not.

Focusing on the effects of maternal employment on

occupational role salience, the results of one study of

elementary school children (Hartley, 1966) and four studies

of adolescent girls (Banducci, 1967; Dellas, Gaier, &

Emihovich, 1979; Peterson, 1958/1959; Smith, 1969) indicated

daughters of working mothers were more likely than daughters

of nonworking mothers to view work as something they wanted

to do when they were mothers. Douvan (1963) found that

adolescent daughters of employed mothers were more likely to

name their mothers as the person they most admired. In

studies investigating occupational aspirations at the college

level, Almquist and Angrist (1971) found higher occupational

role salience among daughters with working mothers, and

Almquist and Angrist (1970), Baruch (1972), and Tangri (1972)

found that college daughters of working mothers more often

chose occupations in nontraditional career fields.











In exploring the impact of the perceived consequences of

maternal employment on the occupational role salience of a

sample of 86 college females, Baruch (1972) found that if a

subject's mother worked but also experienced negative

personal consequences (i.e., lack of paternal support or role

conflict) because of her career, the subject was less likely

to be career role salient. Similarly, Mullins (1980) in a

random sampling of 299 college women explored the

relationship between perceived parental role satisfaction and

daughters' personal aspirations and sex role attitudes. She

found that both perceived maternal dissatisfaction with the

role of mother and housewife and paternal job dissatisfaction

were related to liberal sex role attitudes and occupational

role salience. Carew (1978/1979), exploring the relationship

between maternal role satisfaction and paternal support for

maternal employment for mothers who were reentering the work

force, found paternal support for maternal employment to be a

crucial factor in the mother's occupational role

satisfaction. The findings of these studies indicate that,

in addition to imitation of employed mothers, avoidance of

dissatisfied employed and nonemployed mothers appears to be a

factor influencing the occupational role salience of

daughters, and that maternal occupational satisfaction is

related to paternal support for maternal employment.

Mullins' findings also suggest that paternal role status and









50

satisfaction may be a significant but rarely explored

influence on occupational role salience of daughters.

This review of the research literature on family status

and structure suggests that daughters whose mothers are

employed may aspire, like their mothers, to combine work and

family life as adults more than do daughters whose mothers

are not employed. Such employment plans appear, however, to

depend on the mother's role satisfaction, the mother's

occupational and educational status, paternal support for

maternal employment, and relative parental power in terms of

educational and occupational attainment. In addition,

paternal occupational role satisfaction also emerges as a

variable differentiating levels of occupational role salience

in daughters. Thus maternal educational and employment

status and maternal role satisfaction and support, as well as

paternal employment satisfaction, appear to be significant

variables to consider in examining the influence of family

socialization on women's occupational role salience.

The results from these studies on family status and

structure influences on occupational role salience and sex

role attitudes of daughters can be explained in terms of

social learning theory. In the following section both the

concepts of social learning theory and the existing research

relating social learning theory to women's occupational role

salience are reviewed.











Social Learning Theory

Social learning theory views sex-typed characteristics

and role expectations as a function of both direct and

imitative learning experiences (Bandura, 1977). Parents are

viewed as both role models and direct reinforcing agents for

their children (Kelly & Worell, 1976). The likelihood of

imitation of a model is mediated by both the model's power

and the nature of the relationship between the model and the

learner. The power of a role model is increased if he or she

is rewarded (Bandura, 1977) or if there is a close

relationship between model and learner (Mussen & Distler,

1959).

Examining the results of the previously mentioned

studies from a social learning theory perspective, the

increasing incidence of maternal employment would be

described as reflecting a shift in female role model status.

Subsequent maternal employment satisfaction, paternal support

for maternal employment, and absolute and relative maternal

occupational and educational status would be considered to

affect the power of employed mothers as role models for their

daughters. In addition, from this theoretical perspective,

the finding that paternal occupational satisfaction is

related to daughter's occupational role salience would

indicate a paternal role modeling influence as well. Viewing

fathers as well as mothers as potential role models is









52
congruent with social learning theory as it does not purport

that modeling can occur only between same sex individuals.

Kahn (1982) in an innovative and complex descriptive

study based on social learning theory, explored the

reflections by 114 junior and senior college women on the

messages derived about life role choices by observing their

mothers' lives and the subsequent meaning they placed upon

that experience in terms of their own future role

preferences. The women were placed into one of three groups

according to their own lifestyle preferences for the future:

traditional (family-committed), careerist (career-committed),

and employed mother (equal family and career commitment).

Based on open-ended written descriptions of their mothers,

information on maternal employment, and responses to the

question of what they had learned from their mothers' lives

as well as 90-minute semi-structured interviews designed to

uncover in greater detail participants' responses to their

mothers as models of role options, the following results were

obtained. It appeared that mothers were avoided as well as

imitated as life role models. Specifically, many

"careerists" perceived their mothers' traditional marriages

as precluding other attainments and thus chose to avoid this.

Conversely, more imitation rather than avoidance was found in

the traditional group, with high socioeconomic status

emerging as a key variable underlying the attractiveness of

this group's mothers as role models of family commitment,









53

with work, if at all, being secondary and due to choice

rather than necessity. Finally, the employed mother group of

women who described equal commitment to both future career

and family were characterized by two extremes: imitation of

well-educated, happily employed mothers in egalitarian

marriages or avoidance of either uneducated, unhappily

employed mothers perceived as having limited horizons or

unhappily unemployed mothers perceived as having wasted

potential. The design of this study allowed for exploration

of myriad family status and structural variables as they

mediated maternal role model influence on life role choices

of young women. Intriguing implications for social learning

theory were indicated in the finding that avoidance may be as

powerful as imitation of role models in explaining the

learning process and subsequent expectations and preferences.

However, two limitations to this study were evident. One

limitation was the neglect of paternal role factors and the

other limitation was the lack of information on qualitative

aspects of the mother-daughter or father-daughter

relationship.

Parent-Daughter Relationship Influences

Investigators of parent-daughter relationship factors

and daughter's development have examined parental influences

in the following areas relevant to women's occupational role

expectations: daughter's occupational role innovation (sex-

atypical occupational choice), daughter's occupational role









54

salience, and daughter's sex role orientation and attitudes.

Almquist and Angrist (1970) have found occupational role

innovation to be related to occupational role salience in

college women, and thus provide a rationale for reviewing

literature on parental relationship influences on

occupational role innovation of women.

Tangri (1972), examining determinants of occupational

role innovation among 200 college women, found role

innovators reported warmer feelings toward their mothers but

felt more similar to their fathers, and reported autonomous

relationships with both parents. Conversely, Standley and

Soule (1974), sampling 151 women in a variety of male-

dominated professions, found that twice as many of these

women felt they were their father's favorite than their

mother's favorite. In data collected by Kutner and Brogan

(1985) on female medical students, fathers were perceived as

more supportive than mothers. Tenzer (1977), studying women

in innovative professions (i.e., lawyers, physicians,

managers), found that fathers, but not mothers, stressed

instrumental values and behaviors rather than expressive

values and behaviors more than did the fathers of women in

traditional professions (i.e., social workers, nurses).

Ridgeway (1978) examined parental identification and

occupational role salience in 457 college women. She found

parental identification, measured as perceived similarity to

parents, to mediate the impact of maternal employment status









55

and maternal sex role ideology. Occupational role salience

among mother-identified women was related to maternal

employment and more liberal sex role ideology in both

parents. For father-identified women occupational role

salience was related to less extensive maternal employment

and greater traditionality of maternal sex role ideology.

Altman and Grossman (1977) found daughters' perceptions of

maternal "goodness" to be predictive of lower occupational

role salience among college women whose mothers did not work.

McBroom (1981) found that university women who rejected

traditional sex role stereotypes for women reported having

poorer relationships with their fathers. This relationship

reached greatest significance for women from lower class

families, and was interpreted as a possible function of the

greater traditionality of the working class fathers.

Kelly and Worell (1976) and De Fronzo and Boudreau

(1979), examining antecedents and correlates of androgyny in

college students, found. maternal employment, paternal

involvement in domestic activities, parental warmth, and

parental encouragement of achievement and self-reliance were

related to greater masculinity and androgyny in daughters.

As cited earlier, occupational role salience has been related

to masculinity and androgyny in women. Kagan and Moss

(1962), in a longitudinal study, found that level of maternal

protectiveness during the first three years of life was

negatively related to achievement behavior in adult women.









56

Hoffman (1972) described this relationship as an absence of

"smother love" for high achieving adult women. Kriger (1972)

found that high achievement-oriented women tended to focus

their needs in the workplace, which implies that higher

achievement-oriented women have higher occupational role

salience. Baruch and Barnett (1981), examining sex role

stereotyping in preschool children, found fathers who

participated in childcare tasks independently (rather than

jointly with their wives) had daughters who did less sex role

stereotyping.

The results of these studies on parent-daughter

relationships and role development, role expectations, and

role behavior of daughters are mixed and difficult to sort

out. This lack of consistent results may be due to the

varying populations and dependent variables examined and

differing methodologies used. However, several tentative

conclusions can be drawn from the findings. First, it

appears that the greater the degree of parental warmth toward

and involvement with the daughter, the greater the power of

the parent as role model. For example, poor relations with

traditional fathers predicted nontraditional sex role

attitudes in university women, and positive relations with

traditional nonworking mothers predicted low occupational

role salience in college women. In addition, high paternal

involvement in childcare activities predicted low sex role

stereotyping in preschool daughters. The results of these









57

studies are consistent with the social learning theory

postulate that the power of a role model increases with the

closeness of the relationship between the model and the

learner. Second, these results suggest that warm and

supportive relationships with parents who encourage

achievement and autonomy, and who are role models of these

traits themselves (e.g., maternal employment), are related to

women's nontraditional sex role orientation and

nontraditional occupational role choice.

This point of view is supported in more general studies

on the effects of parenting. Lamb, Chase-Lansdale, and Owen

(1978) have proposed that good parenting across all

developmental stages for a child requires sensitivity in

interpreting the child's signals and underlying needs and

responding appropriately. For example, if parents are

sensitive to their infant, the baby will come to trust in

their reliability and predictability and consequently will

develop a secure attachment to them (Ainsworth, Bell, &

Stayton, 1974). This secure attachment in turn results in

the child's greater willingness to interact with other

people, subsequent greater exposure to social experiences,

and greater social sophistication (Lamb, Owen, & Chase-

Lansdale, 1980). Lamb (1978), using social learning theory

to elaborate on the importance of parental sensitivity to

their children's needs and subsequent attachments has argued,

"The warmth that characterizes attachments increases both the










58

salience of attachment figures as models and the reinforcing

potency of their attempts to encourage or discourage

behavior" (p. 38).

Lamb and Bronson (1980) proposed that the sensitivity

level of parents toward their children is related to each

parent's level of role satisfaction and role support. Thus

the quality of the parent-child relationship mediates the

impact of parents as role models to their daughters, and the

quality of the parent-child relationship is in turn mediated

by the role satisfaction and support of parents.

These theoretical and empirical considerations of

parental socialization influences on sex role development and

occupational role salience of daughters indicate that parents

who are perceived by their daughters as affectionate,

sensitive, and involved, and who are perceived as satisfied

with and supported for their roles, would have the greatest

salience as role models.

Summary

A literature review was conducted on the following broad

spheres of influence pertaining to college women's

occupational role salience: the sociological context, the

developmental context, and the psychological context.

Sociological theorists have proposed that changes in the

status of women, female labor force participation, and the

form and function of the family have resulted in an increase

in women's occupational role salience across generations.









59

Because these sociological influences are considered constant

at a given point in time, they were not examined in the

present study.

Human development theorists have described late

adolescence as a time of rapid change as identity is

developed and life role decisions are made. The beginning

college years are proposed as a critical time for role

choices with family exerting a strong influence. Examining

changes in role expectations, research on women's

occupational role development has indicated increasing

occupational role salience during the college years. Given

these developmental considerations, in this study the sample

was limited to college freshmen and sophomores ages 17-20.

In this literature review, the psychological context

factors influencing occupational role salience of women were

divided into two broad categories: individual trait

influences such as attributes, attitudes, and current status;

and socialization influences such as family status,

structural, and relationship factors.

Researchers examining individual trait influences found

occupational role salience of women to vary as a function of

sex role attitudes and orientation, achievement motivation,

academic ability, educational level, and marital status.

These status and personality factors were partially

controlled for in the present study by limiting the sample to

single college freshmen and sophomores. In addition,










60

descriptive statistics on Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT)

scores were reported for subjects. The findings of several

studies examining family socialization and individual trait

factors in combination have suggested sex role socialization

is a more important determinant of occupational role salience

in women than academic ability or achievement level.

Researchers examining family socialization influences on

occupational role salience of women have reported the

following family status and structural variables to be

significant: socioeconomic status; parental educational

level; maternal employment status, satisfaction, and support;

and paternal employment satisfaction. In addition,

researchers of parent-daughter relationship influences on

women's role preferences have indicated that the power of

parents as role models improves with the degree of closeness,

warm feelings, and time spent between parent and child.

The results of these studies of family socialization

influences on occupational role salience and sex role

development of women conform well to a social learning model.

From this perspective parents are viewed as role models and

reinforcers for their children. In addition, the power of

parents as role models is mediated by the consequences to

them of their role involvements and the quality of the

relationship between parent and child.

In sum, a review of the literature suggests that at a

given point in time within a particular age group,










61

psychological factors are most powerful in explaining

variation in occupational role salience of women. These

psychological factors clearly point to parental socialization

as wielding an influence on occupational role salience of

daughters. Such influence has been operationalized in terms

of parental role characteristics and qualitative aspects of

the parent-daughter relationships.

Social learning theory has been suggested as a useful

model for conceptualizing the distinctive nature of parental

socialization influences on occupational role salience of

college women. Two critical areas of influence are suggested

by this theoretical perspective: the quality of the parents

as role models and the power of parents as role models.

These influences were examined in the present study for both

mothers and fathers of college women.















CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY



It has been suggested that parental figures exert a

powerful role modeling influence in shaping women's

occupational role expectations. This study examined the role

modeling influence of mothers and fathers of college women.

Three facets of parental influence were examined:

(a) parental role status, (b) parental role status

consequences, and (c) parent-daughter relationship quality.

The purpose of this study was to determine whether these

facets of parental influence could be used to explain

daughters' occupational role salience. A limited number of

facets of maternal and paternal influence were first examined

for the sample as a whole. Then the sample was divided in

terms of mothers' employment status and aspects of the

mothers' role influence and fathers' role influence were

examined separately for these two subsamples. Finally,

mothers' and fathers' role influences were jointly examined

for the subsamples of daughters with employed and those with

nonemployed mothers.

In this chapter the research design and methodology are

described. The chapter consists of seven sections: the

research design, the population and sample, sampling









63

procedure, instrumentation, data collection procedures, data

analysis, and limitations of the study.

Design

Due to the inability to control for the parental

attribute variables examined in this study, an ex post facto,

descriptive design was used. Three aspects of parental

influence were examined using three sets of variables to

predict the dependent variable, occupational role salience of

college women. The first set described aspects of the

parents' actual role status: (a) absolute and relative

prestige level of maternal (if employed) and paternal

employment, (b) absolute and relative level of maternal and

paternal educational attainment, (c) extent of maternal

employment, and (d) maternal (if employed) and paternal

employment innovation.

The second set of variables examined the consequences of

parental role status: (a) perceived maternal and paternal

life satisfaction, (b) perceived maternal and paternal

marital relationship satisfaction, (c) perceived maternal and

paternal occupational role status satisfaction, and (d)

perceived maternal and paternal support for their spouses'

occupational role status.

The parent-daughter relationship was examined as the

third parental influence. This relationship was examined in

terms of the daughter's perceived dissatisfaction with the

amount of control, affection, and inclusion expressed. This









64

variable was gauged both for the mother-daughter and father-

daughter relationship. The dependent variable, occupational

role salience, involved the daughter's perceptions of the

reward value of and her degree of commitment to the

occupational role.

Population and Sample

The population base was all female college students

enrolled as freshmen or sophomores at the University of

Florida who were ages 17-20, were from intact families, and

who had never been married. Married, divorced, or widowed

students; students younger than 17 or older than 20; or

students with divorced, deceased, or widowed parents were

excluded due to the potential confounding impacts of age,

family structure, and marital status on occupational role

salience of women.

The University of Florida, with an enrollment of over

36,000 undergraduate and graduate students, 20 colleges, 140

departments, and 114 undergraduate majors, is among the 10

largest universities in the nation (University of Florida

Office of Academic Affairs, 1985). It has a residential

campus and has traditionally been characterized as a

conservative southern university. Fall 1984 enrollment

statistics showed over 15,000 female students enrolled at the

university, comprising 43% of the total graduate and

undergraduate student enrollment. There were over 12,000

freshmen and sophomore students enrolled, comprising 34% of










65

the total enrollment. Foreign students accounted for 4% of

the student body, representing 102 countries. Minority

students accounted for approximately 10% of the enrollment.

Non-Florida residents accounted for another 4% of all

students enrolled, representing every state in the nation.

The vast majority of students enrolled at the university,

92%, were Florida residents, with students representing every

county in Florida. From 1981 through 1984 the attrition rate

for freshmen not returning to the university for their second

semester was approximately 5% of each class (University of

Florida Office of Academic Affairs, 1985).

The desired minimum sample size for this study was 200-

250 students. To insure that the sample was representative

of the population base, the composition of the sample

included approximately 4% foreign students and 10% minority

students.

Sampling Procedure

The sample was obtained through use of the Psychology

Student Subject Pool at the University of Florida. This

subject pool consists of all students registered in

introductory psychology courses. These students were

required to participate as subjects in a specified number of

hours of empirical research. Previous use of the subject

pool (Funderburk, 1983) revealed a wide variety of majors.

Both traditional and nontraditional major choices as well as

many undecided students were represented in the subject pool.










66
Younger college students ages 17-19 were overrepresented in

the subject pool.

Two methods for obtaining a sample from the subject pool

were used: testing of entire psychology classes and sign-up

of eligible subjects for small group testing. Testing of

entire classes of students occurred in five introductory

psychology classes during the summer and fall terms of 1986.

As a result of this procedure, 158 out of approximately 500

students tested met the sampling criteria and were selected

for inclusion in this study.

In addition to testing entire classes, sign-up of

psychology student subjects for small group testing was also

employed during fall term 1986. Using small group testing,

data were collected on an additional 56 students who met the

sampling criteria, for a total obtained sample size of 214

students.

Instrumentation/ Variables

Three instruments were used in the study: a

questionnaire designed by the experimenter to obtain

information regarding subject's demographic status, parent

role status, and parent role satisfaction and support

(Appendix A); the parental behavior subscales of the Life

Interpersonal History Enquiry (LIPHE); and the occupational

role subscales of the Life Role Salience Scales (LRSS).











Demographic Information

Information was obtained on the following variables by

means of a demographic questionnaire in order to both limit

and accurately describe the obtained sample: subject's age,

minority status, Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) score, U.S.

citizenship, socioeconomic status, marital status, major,

year of college, and intactness of family (Appendix A).

Parental Role Status

Parental role status, representing the first cluster of

independent variables, was also assessed in the demographic

questionnaire (Appendix A). This set of variables consisted

of the following: maternal and paternal educational status,

maternal and paternal relative educational status, maternal

(if employed) and paternal occupational prestige level,

maternal (if employed) and paternal relative occupational

prestige level, extent of maternal employment, and maternal

(if employed) and paternal occupational role innovation.

Parental educational status. Parental educational

status was assessed by means of Items 16, 17, 27, and 28

(Appendix A) in which respondents were asked to indicate the

highest grade level of schooling completed and highest degree

earned by each parent. Scores ranged from 0 (no formal

education) through 20 (Ph.D. or M.D.). Parents' relative

educational status was then assessed as the difference

between the educational level score of the mother and the

father. Difference scores ranged from 0 (no difference in









68

educational status) through 40 (extreme difference in

educational status) on a continuous scale. If the mother's

education was greater than the father's, the difference score

was calculated by adding the difference to 20; if the

father's education was greater than the mother's, the

difference score was calculated by subtracting the difference

from 20.

Parental occupational prestige. Parental employment

prestige level was measured by means of a series of questions

(Items 11-15, 31-35; Appendix A). These questions were

similar to those used by the United States Bureau of the

Census to assign occupational codes to individuals (United

States Department of Commerce, 1983b). For the purposes of

this study, these questions were reworded from requesting

information on one's own occupation to requesting information

on one's parent's occupation. With knowledge of parental

occupational code, a parental occupational prestige score was

then assigned using the continuous scale (0-100) of the

Duncan Socioeconomic Index (SEI) developed by Duncan (1961).

Paternal and maternal prestige level relative to each

other was then assessed as the difference between maternal

(if employed) and paternal occupational prestige scores.

These difference scores ranged from 0-200. If the mother's

occupational prestige score was greater than the father's,

the difference score was derived by adding the difference to

100. If the father's occupational prestige score was greater










69

than the mother's, then the difference score was calculated

by subtracting the difference from 100.

In addition, family socioeconomic status was derived

from paternal rating on the Duncan socioeconomic index.

Regrettably, the Duncan SEI does not take into consideration

maternal occupational status in calculating family SES.

Despite its inaccuracy due to omission of maternal

occupational information, the Duncan SEI was used as an

indicator of family SES in order to be comparable with other

studies.

Extent of maternal employment. In addition to parental

occupational prestige level, maternal employment was assessed

by Item 30 (Appendix A) in terms of both the length of

employment (in number of years) and the extent of employment

for any given year (2=full time, l=part ti me, 0=not

employed). These additional data on maternal employment were

needed due to the great variation in employment patterns of

mothers. The number of years employed from the time the

daughter was born until she was age 18 or left for college

was computed and then multiplied by the extent of employment

for each year. This resulted in a continuous score for

extent of maternal employment ranging from 0 (mother never

worked from the time daughter was born until she was age 18

or left for college) through 36 (mother worked full time from

the time the daughter was born until she was age 18 or left

for college).










70

Parental occupation innovation. Innovation of maternal

(if employed) and paternal occupation was determined by

assessing the extent to which the parent was employed in an

occupational field containing a minority of same-sex

incumbents. This occupational innovation index was

calculated by using the 1980 Census data on "Detailed

Occupations of the Civilian Labor Force by Sex" (United

States Department of Commerce, 1983a). Innovative or sex-

atypical occupations were considered to be those fields with

less then 30% same sex incumbents; traditional occupations

were those with more than 70% same sex incumbents.

Occupational innovation scores ranged on a continuous scale

from 0%-100% for both mothers (if employed) and fathers.

Parental Role Status Consequences

Parental role status consequences represented the second

cluster of independent variables assessed by means of the

demographic questionnaire. Included in this cluster were

perceived maternal and paternal marital relationship

satisfaction, perceived maternal and paternal global life

satisfaction, perceived maternal (if employed) and paternal

employment satisfaction, perceived maternal (if not employed)

nonemployed status satisfaction, perceived paternal support

for maternal (if employed) employment status, perceived

paternal support for maternal (if not employed) nonemployed

status, and perceived maternal support for paternal

employment status.










71

Subjects were requested to share their perceptions of

their parents' levels of occupational and global life

satisfaction and their perceptions of each parent's support

for the other's occupational role. These measures were, by

necessity, relatively uni-dimensional and simplistic, as the

subjects obviously did not have the same wealth of

information about these issues as did their parents.

However, the format of these measures paralleled that used in

previous research in this area (Altman & Grossman, 1977;

Colangelo, Rosenthal, & Dettman, 1984; Yarrow, Scott,

deLeeuw, & Heinig, 1962).

Parental marital relationship satisfaction. Given the

daughter's first-hand exposure to parental marital

relationship satisfaction, several dimensions of this

construct were assessed which had been used previously in the

literature (Booth, Johnson, White, & Edwards, 1984).

Marital satisfaction dimensions assessed by means of Items

20-23 and 42-45 of the demographic questionnaire (Appendix A)

were level of marital happiness, level of marital

satisfaction, amount of understanding received from spouse,

and extent of parental consideration of divorce. Levels of

each dimension were assessed by a five-point Likert-type

scale for both mothers and fathers. Scores on daughters'

perceptions of maternal and paternal marital relationship

satisfaction ranged on a continuous scale from 0-16 with









72

higher scores indicating greater perceived parental marital

relationship satisfaction.

Parental life satisfaction. Assessment of daughters'

perceptions of maternal and paternal global life satisfaction

was done by means of one Likert scale item for each parent

(Items 26 and 46, Appendix A). Responses ranged from 0-4.

Low scores indicated disagreement and high scores indicated

agreement with the statement, "In terms of how I see my

mother(father) now, I would say she(he) is basically happy

with the way she(he) leads her(his) life".

Parental occupational role status satisfaction.

Daughters' perceptions of maternal and paternal occupational

role status satisfaction were assessed by means of three

Likert scale items with responses ranging from 0-4. Two

questions examined the occupational satisfaction of fathers

and employed mothers by assessing the daughter's perceptions

of each parent's job satisfaction and job enjoyment (Items

18, 19, 37, and 38, Appendix A). The third question measured

perceived maternal happiness with her degree of involvement

in employment outside of the home, thus including nonemployed

as well as employed mothers in this assessment (Item 41,

Appendix A).

Daughters were also asked to characterize their mother's

work involvement and satisfaction (Item 39, Appendix A).

Four categories were available: (a) mother who worked and

preferred not to work, (b) mother who worked and preferred to










73

work, (c) mother who did not work and preferred to work, and

(d) mother who did not work and preferred not to work. The

daughters' placement of their mother in these categories was

scored as follows. Both employed and nonemployed mothers who

were perceived as satisfied (categories b and d) were scored

as 1, and both employed and nonemployed mothers who were

perceived as not satisfied (categories a and c) were scored

as 0.

Examining the scale values of occupational role status

satisfaction scores for fathers, employed mothers, and for

nonemployed mothers indicated the following overall scale

ranges for each group. Fathers' occupational role

satisfaction scores ranged on a continuum from 0-8 with

higher scores indicating greater paternal job satisfaction.

Employed mothers' occupational role satisfaction scores

ranged on a continuum from 0-13 with higher scores indicating

greater maternal occupational role status satisfaction.

Nonemployed mothers' satisfaction with their nonemployed

status ranged on a continuum from 0-5 with higher scores

indicating greater satisfaction with their nonemployed

status.

Parental occupational role status support. Maternal

support of paternal occupational status was assessed by a

single item using a five-point Likert-type scale (Item 25,

Appendix A). Scores ranged from 0-4 with higher scores









74

indicating greater maternal support for paternal occupational

status.

Previous research has indicated two aspects of paternal

support for maternal employment: attitudinal support and

behavioral support in the form of participation in domestic

activities. Both of these aspects were included as items in

this study with a five-point Likert-type item developed for

each area (Items 24 and 36, Appendix A). In addition, a

single five-point scale Likert-type item designed to assess

paternal support for level of maternal employment involvement

was used to measure paternal support for nonemployed as well

as employed mothers (Item 40, Appendix A). Scores on

paternal support for employed mothers ranged from 0-12 with

higher scores indicating greater paternal support of maternal

employment. Scores on paternal support for nonemployed

mothers ranged from 0-4 with higher scores indicating greater

paternal support of maternal nonemployed status.

The Parent-Daughter Relationship

The parent-daughter relationship variable, representing

the third facet of parental influence, was measured by three

scales of the Life Interpersonal History Enquiry (LIPHE).

These scales were used to assess the daughter's perceived

dissatisfaction with the mother-daughter and father-daughter

relationship in terms of the amount of control, affection,

and inclusion expressed.









75

The LIPIIE is a version of the Fundamental Interpersonal

Relationship Orientation (FIRO) scales developed by Schutz

(1958). The LIPHE was selected for use in this study because

it was designed to measure the relationship between parent

and child from the point of view of the child after the child

has become an adult. The rationale for using a current

subjective assessment of past parent-child interactions in

this study was threefold. First, the daughter's

phenomenological perspective may be the most relevant in

assessing past parental influences on current occupational

role salience given that the daughter's occupational role

salience was being self-reported from a phenomenological

perspective as well. Second, it can be argued that to the

extent individuals define situations to be real, they are

real in their consequences. Third, it can be argued that

parent-child relationships and parents as role models during

childhood have a more profound impact on personality

development, attitudes, and expectations than those same

relationships and role model influences in adult life due to

the greater dependency of the child and concomitant greater

power of the parent during childhood (Bandura, 1977; Lamb,

1978; Lamb, Owen, & Chase-Lansdale, 1980).

Each item in the LIPHE is stated in Guttman scale form.

The degree of dissatisfaction, if any, with what individuals

recall of their mothers' or fathers' behaviors or feelings is

rated on a six-point scale. Each relationship is measured in










76

terms of the dimensions of control, affection, and inclusion.

The LIPHE consists of 54 items for each parent for a combined

total of 108 items. The LIPHE has six scales comprised of

nine items each on which the subjects rate each parent.

Scale scores range from 0-45 indicating the degree of

dissatisfaction with perceived parental behavior and

feelings. The following parent-daughter relationship areas

are assessed: inclusion behavior, control behavior, inclusion

feelings, control feelings, affection, and parental

disapproval. For this study, only the inclusion behavior,

control behavior, and affection scales were included due to

their focus on overt parental behaviors rather than

daughter's feelings about those behaviors.

The inclusion behavior scale measures the amount of

parental attention the daughter believes that she received.

A high score indicates dissatisfaction with the amount of

attention received from the given parent. The control

behavior scale measures the degree to which the daughter

feels her parent allowed and encouraged her to develop her

independence and personal abilities. A high score indicates

dissatisfaction due to a lack of freedom allowed by a given

parent, and a lack of encouragement of abilities. The

affection scale measures the daughter's dissatisfaction with

the amount and quality of love she received from her parents.

Because parental behavior and feelings are difficult to

distinguish in this area, they are included in one scale. A










77

high score indicates feeling unloved by the given parent. In

this study daughters' perceptions of both mothers and fathers

were assessed on these three scales.

The coefficients of internal consistency for all the

scales of the LIPHE are .93 or above. This reproducibility

measure, the appropriate reliability measure for a Guttman-

type scale, indicates that 93% of all item responses are

predictable from knowledge of the scale scores. All scales

have relatively high intercorrelations, indicating non-

independence of scales. Factor analysis extracted two

factors from the LIPHE: one factor included all scales

involving mother and the other factor included all scales

involving father. This indicates that overall level of

dissatisfaction with the relationship with mother or father

are the two most clearly differentiated constructs (Schutz,

1978).

Daughter's Occupational Role Salience

The dependent variable, daughter's occupational role

salience, was measured by the two occupational role subscales

of the Life Role Salience Scales (LRSS). The LRSS were

designed to assess personal expectations concerning

occupational, marital and parental roles for individuals both

prior to and during enactment of these roles (Amatea et al.,

1986). The LRSS has been normed on undergraduate male and

female college students, academic women, and married couples

who are parents. Therefore the scale appeared to be










78

appropriate to use with college freshmen and sophomores. The

scales measure two aspects of the salience of each role: the

reward value attributed to the role as assessed by its

importance for self definition and/or personal satisfaction

and the level of commitment of personal time and energy

resources to assure success in the role or to develop the

role. Factor analysis of the scales has revealed six

distinct constructs: marital role value, marital role

commitment, parental role value, parental role commitment,

occupational role value, and occupational role commitment.

These six constructs are measured by six scales consisting of

five items each, for a total of 30 items. Items are rated on

a five-point scale with low scores reflecting disagreement

and high scores agreement with the attitudinal dimension.

Scores for each scale range from 0-20. In this study only

the occupational role value and commitment scales were used.

These two scales were combined for a total of 10 items with

an overall occupational role salience score on a continuous

scale ranging from 0-40.

Internal consistency estimates of the occupational role

value and commitment scales revealed alpha coefficients of

.84 and .83 respectively. Factor analysis revealed item

factor loadings ranged from .68 to .78 for the occupational

role value scale and .66 to .79 for the occupational role

commitment scale (Amatea et al., 1986).










79

Data Collection Procedures

By means of the large group testing procedure, the

instruments were administered during class time to five

entire classes of introductory psychology students at the

beginning of summer and fall semesters. Several other

experimenters' instruments were also given at this time and

the order of administration of instruments was varied across

classes. Students were required to complete all the

inventories in order to receive the hour of credit from their

instructor as subjects in empirical research. Students were

given written instructions on the nature of the study and the

procedures for completing the inventories (Appendix B). They

were encouraged to read the instructions carefully prior to

beginning to answer questions. Computerized answer sheets

were used for questions 1-64 (LRSS and LIPHE). Subjects were

instructed to write directly on the demographic

questionnaire. Subjects were not required to sign an

informed consent form. Subjects were encouraged to raise

their hands if they had questions. Using this data

collection method, 158 out of approximately 500 students

tested met the criteria for inclusion in this study.

After the large group testing occurred during the 1986

summer and fall semesters, a sign-up sampling procedure was

used until the minimum sample size of 200-250 was obtained.

A brief description of the study was posted in the lobby of

the psychology building for interested students to sign-up.









80

The experimental participation sign-up sheet contained the

following information: title of the study, description of

the study, times and location of the study, and specific

requirements for participation. The brief description of the

study read, "You will arrive at the time and place designated

on the sign-up sheet. You will complete a questionnaire which

is approximately 25 minutes long". Special requirements

listed on the sign-up sheet read, "Bring a #2 lead pencil.

Females only, ages 17-20, whose parents are still married to

each other. Students in M W F 3rd, 6th, 7th, and 8th period

psychology classes only". Students were excluded from this

study if they had already been tested in class or if they

failed to meet the necessary criteria. In addition, subjects

who had a deceased parent or who had themselves been married

previously were eliminated from the sample after data

collection.

A room was reserved in the psychology building for

administration of inventories. Up to 15 subjects

participated in each of these sign-up administrations. When

the subjects arrived at the designated place and time they

signed a subject credit slip to be turned in to their

instructors. They were then informed of the purposes and

procedures of the study verbally and in writing (Appendix B).

Subjects were not required to sign an informed consent form.

Subjects were then instructed to read each question carefully

and informed that completion time for the questionnaires was










81

about 25 minutes. All subjects were informed that they could

leave when they were finished. Data on 56 additional

subjects was obtained using this procedure for a total sample

size of 214.

Data Analyses

Separate regression analyses were performed to address

each of the seven proposed research questions. Prior to

conducting the regression analyses, intercorrelations between

the dependent and all independent variables and among the

independent variables were calculated for the total sample

and for the employed and nonemployed mothers subsamples.

The regression analyses corresponding to the seven

proposed research questions were as follows. First, the

impact on daughter's occupational role salience of maternal

employment extent and all the paternal role attribute

variables were examined jointly for the total sample.

Second, all the maternal role attribute variables were

examined separately for the subsample of subjects with

employed mothers. Third, all the maternal role attribute

variables were examined separately for subjects with

nonemployed mothers. Parallel analyses were also conducted

to address the fourth and fifth research questions which

examined the influence of paternal role attribute variables

separately on the employed mothers subsample and then on the

nonemployed mothers subsample. Finally, analyses

corresponding to the sixth and seventh research questions









82

examining the combined influence of paternal and maternal

role attribute variables for subjects in the employed mothers

subsample and the nonemployed mothers subsamples were

conducted.

Each full model regression equation was tested for

significance with the alpha level set at .10. In addition,

all possible subset solutions were generated for each

regression equation from which one or two subset models were

selected and tested for significance in post hoc analyses.

Criteria for selection of subset models during post hoc

analyses included (a) examining the amount of variation in

the dependent variable accounted for by the model relative to

other models with equal numbers of variables, (b) examining

the increment in amount of variation in the dependent

variable accounted for relative to models with fewer

variables, and (c) the model's correspondence to the

theoretical framework proposed for this study.

Descriptive statistics were calculated on demographic

data collected such as subject's age, parental SES, major,

minority status, U.S. citizenship, and year at college and

were used to describe the sample.

Methodological Limitations

This descriptive study had several methodological

limitations. These limitations concerned the following:

population, sample and sampling procedures, design, and

instrumentation.










83

In terms of population limitations, this study purported

to explain the parental role model and parent-daughter

relationship influences accounting for variations in

occupational role salience in lower division college women

who attended the University of Florida, were ages 17-20, from

intact families, and who had never been married. The

generalizability of this study is thus limited to lower

division college females attending one university in Florida,

who are ages 17-20, from intact families, and who have never

been married.

Since subjects with divorced parents were not included,

it could be speculated that the extremes of parental marital

dissatisfaction were not included in this study thus limiting

the diversity of parental role models examined. It is

believed, however, that the majority of these sample and

population limitations were necessary for economic reasons,

convenience (e.g., limiting the sample to the University of

Florida), or in order to control for the potential impact of

confounding variables such as age, educational attainment,

family structure, and current marital status on women's

occupational role salience.

In addition, there may have been sample bias resulting

from selection of subjects from a psychology student subject

pool. However, this subject pool had been shown to encompass

a wide variety of majors, and the majority of lower division

college students have not yet officially selected an upper










84
division college major. Furthermore, there may have been

sample bias in the sign-up sheet subsample of 56 subjects

because participants were self-selected.

The ex post facto design used in this study required

subjects to report their current perceptions of their

parents' role status and role status satisfaction as well as

their perceptions of their relationship with each parent when

the subjects were children. It was assumed that the

subjects' current subjective perceptions and assessments of

parents (i.e., a phenomenological perspective) would be more

powerful in predicting their current attitudes, beliefs, and

values about the occupational role than would more objective

measures of parental role status, parental role status

satisfaction, and parent-daughter relationship quality.

Nevertheless, parental influences might be measured more

objectively through parental self-report or direct

observation of parent-child relationship quality because the

subjects' self-report of conditions in their families may not

have a high correspondence with objective reality.

This was an ex post facto descriptive study which relied

on two established instruments to measure the psychological

variables of subjects' occupational role salience and parent-

daughter relationship satisfaction. In addition, the study

relied on a demographic questionnaire designed by the

experimenter to assess perceived parental role status and

role satisfaction. Obviously, the accuracy and validity of










85

measurement of the independent and dependent variables was

dependent on the reliability and validity of these

instruments. Therefore measurement error of the instruments

might have impacted on the validity, reliability, and

significance of the results. In addition, because the three

instruments were in a self-report format, social desirability

response set errors were possible. For example, subject's

response bias in reporting parental satisfaction and support

variables or parent-daughter relationship satisfaction could

effect the reliability, validity and significance of the

results.















CHAPTER IV
RESULTS




To examine whether certain parental role modeling

influences explained variation in daughter's occupational

role salience, data from 214 freshmen and sophomore college

women were collected and analyzed. In this chapter the

results of the data analyses are presented in three sections.

First, descriptive statistics on the total sample of college

women and on the subsamples of women whose mothers were

employed or nonemployed are presented. Then, correlations

between and among the dependent variable and independent

variables are reported for the total sample and for the

employed and the nonemployed mothers subsamples. Finally,

results of the regression analyses and corresponding post hoc

analyses are reported for each proposed research question.

Descriptive Statistics

The Total Sample

The total sample consisted of 214 college women. The

sample was composed of 178 (83%) freshmen and 36 (17%)

sophomores, as might be expected of students taking an

introductory psychology course. Table 1 presents a frequency

distribution of the variables used to describe the students

in this study: age, year at college, minority status, major,

86









87

and United States citizenship. Twenty-seven women (13%) were

minority students and eight women (4%) were foreign students.

These proportions are consistent with the frequencies with

which these categories are found in the general population of

students at the University of Florida. The age distribution

of the sample was as follows: 60 students (28%) were age 17,

115 (54%) were age 18, 28 (13%) were age 19, and 11 (5%) were

age 20.

Interestingly, a diversity of major choices was

represented in the obtained sample: 51 women (24%) were

undecided regarding their major, 38 women (18%) had selected

a traditional major, 73 women (34%) had selected a neutral

major, and 52 women (24%) had selected a nontraditional

major. Nontraditional major choices were those in which less

than 30% of the individuals currently working in that field

were women. Traditional major choices were those in which

more than 70% of the individuals currently working in that

field were women. Neutral major choices were those in which

30%-70% of the individuals currently working in that field

were women. The students' Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT)

scores ranged from 730-1394 with a mean score of 1048 and

standard deviation of 118. Because the mean and standard

deviation were calculated for SAT scores, rather than

frequency distribution, this sample descriptor variable is

not presented in Table 1. These SAT scores were within the

expected range for college students.









88

Table 1: Frequency Distributions of Descriptive Variables
for the Total Sample and the Employed and Nonemployed
Mothers Subsamples


Total Sample
N=214

Age %_

17 28

18 54

19 13

20 5

100
UF

Freshmen 83

Sophomore 17

100
Minority

Nonminority 87

Minority 1-3

100
Major

Undecided 24

Traditional 18

Neutral 34

Nontraditional 24

100
us
USi
US citizen 96

Foreign 4
student


Employed Mothers
Subsample n=150

L.

25

58

13

4

100


Nonemployed Mothers
Subsample n=64
z

34

44

14

8

100


78

22

100


92

8

100









89

Descriptive statistics for the independent variables

(i.e., parental role attributes) and the dependent variable

(i.e., daughter's occupational role salience) were also

calculated and are reported in Table 2. The mean level of

occupational role salience for the college women in the total

sample was 27.2, with a standard deviation of 5.5 indicating

a wide distribution of scores on the dependent variable. The

majority of women "neither agreed or disagreed" or "agreed"

that the occupational role is important to them.

For the total sample of 214 college women, 64 of these

women (30%) had mothers who were nonemployed and 150 of these

women (70%) had mothers who were employed. The extent of

maternal employment was defined in this study on a continuum

from mothers who worked part time for one year or more, to

mothers who worked full time for up to 18 years from the time

the daughter was born until she was age 18 or went to

college. A nonemployed mother was defined in this study as a

mother who never worked from the time the daughter was born

until she was age 18 or went to college. The extent of

maternal employment in the obtained sample ranged from

mothers who never worked to mothers who worked full time from

the time the subjects were born until they were 18-years-old

or went to college. The mean extent of maternal employment

was u years IULI time or 12 years part time.

mie mean paternal euucationa ievel was i./ years, Ltie

equiva.enL o0 a uacelors uegree, WILit a range oL irom u-zu









90

Table 2: Descriptive Statistics for Dependent and Independent
Variables for the Total Sample and the Employed and
Nonemployed Mothers Subsamples

Total Employed Nonemployed
N = 214 n = 150 n = 64

Variable and
Variable Scale M SD M SD M SD

Salience
(0-40) 27.2 5.5 27.9 5.1 25.6 6.0

Maternal
employment extent
(0-36) 11.6 11.3 16.6 10.0 _____

Maternal
education level
(1-20) 14.5 2.4 14.7 2.6 13.9 2.0

Paternal
education level
(1-20) 15.7 3.2 15.6 3.2 15.9 3.1

Parent's relative
education level
(1-40) 18.7 3.2 19.0 3.2 17.9 2.8

Maternal occupation
prestige level
(1-100) ________ 57.9 14.2 _____

Paternal occupation
prestige level
(1-100) 69.9 18.5 68.5 17.8 73.4 19.8

Parent's relative
prestige level
(1-200) _______ 89.1 18.0 _____

Maternal occupation
innovation
(1-100) _______ 68.7 25.5 _____

Paternal occupation
innovation
(1-100) 82.3 15.7 80.0 16.7 84.2 12.7

Maternal occupation
satisfaction
(0-13) _______ 9.9 2.7 _____











Table 2 continued


Variable and
Variable Scale

Paternal occupation
satisfaction
(0-8)


Total Employed
N = 214 n = 150

M SD M SD


6.1 1.8


Maternal nonemployed
role satisfaction
(0-5) _____

Paternal support of
maternal employment
(0-12) _____

Maternal support of
paternal employment
(0-4) 3.6 .7


Paternal
maternal
(0-4)


6.1 1.7


9.0 2.3



3.6 .7


Nonemployed
n = 64

M SD


6.1 1.8



4.0 1.1


3.6 .6


support of
nonemployment


Maternal life
satisfaction
(0-4)

Paternal life
Satisfaction
(0-4)

Maternal marital
satisfaction
(0-16)

Paternal marital
satisfaction
(0-16)

Mother-daughter
relationship
dissatisfaction
(0-135)

Father-daughter
relationship
dissatisfaction
(0-135)


3.2 .9



3.2 .9



12.3 4.1



13.0 3.3




48.8 28.7




47.4 27.3


_____ 3.4 1.0



3.2 .9 3.1 1.0



3.2 .9 3.3 .8



12.2 4.0 12.4 4.2



12.9 3.4 13.3 3.2




50.1 29.8 46.0 25.9




47.0 27.6 48.6 26.6









92

years and standard deviation of 3.2 years. The mean maternal

educational level was 14.5 years, the equivalent of an

associates degree or two years of college with a range of

from 1-20 years, and standard deviation of 2.4 years.

On a scale from 1-100, the mean prestige level of

paternal occupation was 69.9, with a range from 7 to 96, and

standard deviation of 18.5. This indicates that the majority

of the obtained sample came from a middle to upper-middle

class background. The mean level of paternal occupational

innovation was 82.3% with a standard deviation of 15.7%.

This indicates a majority of fathers were in sex role

traditional occupations (those occupations composed of

greater than 70% males) or neutral occupations (those

occupations composed of 30%-70% males). Table 2 also

presents the means and standard deviations for the maternal

and paternal role attribute variables assessing parental role

satisfaction, parental role support, and parent-daughter

relationship quality for the total sample and for the

subsamples of college women with employed mothers and

nonemployed mothers separately.

The Employed Mothers Subsample

In addition to examining characteristics of the sample

as a whole, the characteristics of the subsample of women

whose mothers were employed were examined and are also

reported in Tables 1 and 2.