Ian Parker Collection of East African Wildlife Conservation: The Ivory Trade

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Title:
Ian Parker Collection of East African Wildlife Conservation: The Ivory Trade
Abbreviated Title:
The Ivory Trade
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Parker, Ian.S.C. ( Consultant )
Dr. Iain Douglas-Hamiltonon on behalf of the United States Fish & Wildlife Service of the Department of the Interior, and the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources ( Recipient )
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Preferred Citation:
Parker, I. Ian S.C. 1979. The Ivory Trade. “Consultancy undertaken for Dr. Iain Douglas-Hamilton on behalf of the United States Fish & Wildlife Service of the Department of the Interior, and the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, Morge, Switzerland. Available: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00020117/00001.

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AA00020117:00001

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Title Page 1
        Title Page 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents 1
        Table of Contents 2
    Introduction
        Page i
        Page ii
        Page iii
    Acknowledgement
        Page iv
        Page v
        Page vi
    1. Historical perspectives of the African ivory trade
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 19a
    2. Tusks - the trade commodity
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 21a
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 24a
    3. The ivory trade pre-1914, volume and value
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 27a
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 30a
        Page 32
        Page 30c
        Page 30d
        Page 35
        Page 30f
    4. The raw ivory trade 1915-1978, volume and value
        Page 31
        Page 31a
        Page 31b
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 34a
        Page 35
        Page 35a
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 37a
        Page 37b
        Page 37c
        Page 37d
        Page 37e
        Page 38
        Page 38a
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 40a
        Page 40b
        Page 40c
        Page 40d
        Page 40e
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 42a
        Page 42b
        Page 42c
        Page 42d
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 44a
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 46a
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        Page 47a
        Page 48
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        Page 50
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        Page 51a
        Page 51b
        Page 51c
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        Page 52a
        Page 53
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        Page 55
        Page 55a
        Page 56
        Page 56a
        Page 57
        Page 57a
        Page 58
        Page 58a
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 61a
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 63a
        Page 63b
        Page 64
        Page 64a
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 70a
        Page 70b
    5. The commerce in worked ivory
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 73a
        Page 74
        Page 74a
        Page 75
        Page 75a
    6. The ivory trade in Hong Kong, India, Germany, Malawi and the U.S.A.
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
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        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 106a
    7. The role of ivory
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 113a
        Page 114
        Page 114a
        Page 115
        Page 115a
        Page 116
        Page 116a
    8. Attempts to regulate ivory trading
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 130a
    9. On the causes of failure
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 140a
    10. Cites and the ivory trade
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text




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THE


IVORY


TRADE


Vol I


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Co m m e


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vo ry


JUNE 1979


Parker






















I VORY TRADE


(1) THE COMMERCE IN IVORY

(2) BIOLOGICAL ASPECTS

(3) DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

(4) TABLES







A CONSULTANCY UNDERTAKEN FOR DR. IAIN DOUGLAS-HAMILTON
ON BEHALF OF THE UNITED STATES FISH & WILDLIFE SERVICE
OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, AND THE INTERNATIONAL
UNION FOR THE CONSERVATION OF NATURE AND NATURAL RESOURCES,
MORGE, SWITZERLAND.


June


1 9 7 9


I.S.C. Parker
Wildlife Services Ltd
P.O. Box 30678
NAIROBI, Kenya.


THE










CONTENTS


Page

INTRODUCTION i
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv

VOLUME 1
1. HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES OF THE AFRICAN
IVORY TRADE 1
2. TUSKS THE TRADE COMMODITY 20
3. THE IVORY TRADE PRE-1914, VOLUME AND VALUE 25
4. THE RAW IVORY TRADE 1915-1978, VOLUME AND VALUE 31
5. THE COMMERCE IN WORKED IVORY 71
6. THE IVORY TRADE IN HONG KONG, INDIA, GERMANY,
MALAWI AND THE U.S.A. 76
7. THE ROLE OF IVORY 107
8. ATTEMPTS TO REGULATE IVORY TRADING 117
9. ON THE CAUSES OF FAILURE 131
10. CITES AND THE IVORY TRADE 141

VOLUME 2
1. IVORY THE POPULATION INDEX 147
2. IVORY THE STANDING CROP 154
3. HUNTING EFFECTS 157
4. INFORMATION FROM TUSKS IN TRADE (A) 166
4. INFORMATION FROM TUSKS IN TRADE (B) 175
5. NATURAL MORTALITY 190
6. IVORY WEIGHT 199

VOLUME 3
1. DISCUSSION 207
2. RECOMMENDATIONS 225
3. REFERENCES 227

VOLUME 4
TABLES










APPENDICES




1. THE CONSULTANCY'S TERMS OF REFERENCE.


2. EVIDENCE OF THE ABYSSINIAN IVORY RAIDERS INTO MONGALLA
AND BAHR-EL-GHAZAL PROVINCES, 1916-1927.


3. MONETARY CONVERSIONS USED IN THIS REPORT.


4. ANNUAL CATCHES OF SPERM WHALES AND THEIR IVORY
PRODUCTION.


5. NATIONAL PARK AND NATURE RESERVE AREAS USED IN
COMPUTING TABLE 161.


6. MANPOWER NEEDS IN NATIONAL PARKS MALAWI.


7. SOMALI POACHING IN KENYA.


8. PROJECT ACCOUNTS.










INTRODUCTION


The ivory trade is one of men's oldest, reaching back at
least to Aurignacian times. Since then it has never let up.
Today it is probably larger than at any time past and encompasses
by far the greater majority of the world's nations. Its turnover
runs to hundreds of millions of dollars a year and the investment
into billions. It was a grand delusion to assume that one man in
one year with $45,000 could document it. Then grand delusion is
not alien to conservation, and providing one bears this in mind
- at least some of the terms of reference (Appendix 1) have been
met.


In the normal course of events I would not submit what
follows as a final report. I would consider it no better than
a first draft replete with error and miscalculation which I
would like at least a further year to polish, ponder and
research. It has been particularly galling to have to leave out
far more material than has been included. However times are not
normal and the work was funded in the belief that a crisis was
at hand. It is worth presenting the data in this rude,
unfinished form so that the crisis can be resolved. That, at
least, I think the evidence which follows should accomplish.


Trade statistics are boring and interleaved in a report
break continuity. I have therefore included these in a separate
Volume to be referred to as necessary. Biological data as well
are tabled separately. I have presented raw data somewhat
copiously, for it gives subsequent researchers the means to check
my conclusions and assumptions. It also provides the wherewithall
to undertake far more complete analyses than I have had time to
do, and at the same time dispenses with the tedious process of
re-collecting facts.


There is no 'new' data in this report : it all derives from
the private /published work of others or previous personal
research. Anyone could have collected it, given time, and in










many respects it is rather surprising that it hasn't been put
together ere this. The only singular influence I can bring to
bear upon the subject of ivory is having seen it from a variety
of angles these past 24 years. It started in 1956 when, as a
fledgling game warden in the Kenya Game Department my job was
to arrest poachers which I did under the leadership of the
late David Sheldrick, and Bill Woodley. However I got to know
the poachers too, and a more decent band of men I have yet to
meet. While prosecuting them and sending them to jail and I
revelled in the analytic procedures of law I never had a man
sent down with a clear conscience. In all honesty none of us
did. In time this led to the evolution of a large game
management project in which it was hoped that the 'poachers'
could find legitimate employment in elephant hunting. The
project failed principally because it was planned too naively,
but I gained yet further insight into ivory.


Later I joined four colleagues in founding a wildlife
research and management consultancy, and undertook a wide range
of projects the length and breadth of Africa. They encompassed
censuses and surveys, ornithological collections, analyses of
records and the drafting of wildlife legislation. They also
involved large-scale elephant reductions and research the
results of which have been published elsewhere. Through this
I sold ivory on my own behalf.


Later still I undertook research for ivory traders for,
contrary to popular opinion, there is much about the business
which they too don't understand. This reached a point at which
I could learn no more unless I entered the arena for myself
which I did and bought ivory on a client's behalf. Such is
the stigma upon ivory traders that it is often assumed that I
had to pass beyond the pale of legality to do this, which was
not true. It rounded off my perspectives in ivory. I can now
speak of sport-hunting, poachers, prosecuting, game cropping,
'control' work, drafting law, and trading ivory from personal
experience.






iii


This survey was planned for ten months collecting data and
getting up to date, and two months analysis and writing. The
aim throughout was to secure an overview and then work backwards
filling in detail. My strategy was to head first to where I
knew I would get information and avoid areas of complication and
language problems where time would be insufficient to cover the
ground with confidence. Thus I built my scaffolding on English
speaking ground, and from there extrapolated what I could to the
Francophone lands. It seems to have worked overall.


As a matter of ethic I have refrained from divulging the
names of my informants or giving details of their businesses.
The public have no more right to know this than they have to
know the detail of private tax returns and bank accounts and I
respect the convention.


It is disappointing not to be able to encompass all the
material to hand on the subject of the ivory trade : there
simply was't sufficient time. For the same reason I ask
indulgence over the piecemeal approach to Volumes 2 and 3 they
were planned to be far bigger.


Finally I. have used the term Negro herein to denote the
black, non-Cushitic, non-Hamitic, non-Khoisan peoples of Africa.
It has never been other than a descriptive term in my lexicon
and it came as a surprise to learn that it is considered
denigrating at least in academic circles. I never meant to
use in such a context and this assurance stands.


Throughout the report I have used the term tonne in its
dictionary sense, i.e. 1,000 kilograms. References to money are
in Sterling up to and including 1914, and US Dollars after
this, unless otherwise stated.


The project accounts are included as Appendix 8.










ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


Though it appears under one name, this report is the work
of many. I am indebted to all who helped whether or not their
names appear below.


I thank His Excellency, the Life President, Dr. H. Kamuzu
Banda and his Government Officers for the courtesy and co-operation
I received in Malawi, and the Hon. E. Nichols M.B.E., Director of
Agriculture and Fisheries and his staff for the assistance they
rendered in Hong Kong.


Others deserving of particular mention are :
Peter Becker and his company Botswana Game Industries for
unstinted support, introductions to the trade and, when funds
wore thin, general financial assistance; Richard Bell for the
attention of as fine a mind as has been seen in African ecology;
Thom Friedlein for advice, introductions and interpreter services;
Jeremy Grimsdell and Mark Stanley-Price for assistance with
Volume 2; Julian Guest for his work on English ivories; John
Hallagan for collecting data in the United States; Chris Huxley
for confidence and assistance in Hong Kong; John Ilsley for aid
is assembling austral trade; Richard Laws for discussion and yet
again the use of his material; Esmond Martin for his Indian
researches and proof-reading, and Terry Ryan for an introduction
to economic archives.


Among others whose assistance I would like to record and
whom I thank are :
J. van den Abeele, D. Anstey, W. Armbruster, A. Archer, J. Barrah,
N. Beaumont, A. Becker, C. Bell, K. Bell, K. Bhundia, D. Biggam,
S. Bleazard, R. Bowker-Douglas, R. Brejoux, K. Broadbridge,
J. Burton, S. Cameron, G. Camplin, H. Cheng, J. Clifford, J. Croll,
H. Croze, P. Daley, R. Elliot, M. Flemming, G. Fong, K. Friedlein,
R. Glen, A & J. Graham, T. Grey, A & C. Hillman, R. Huen, A. Hung,
J. Ilsley, P. Ingham, M. Ismail, E. Jankle, P. Jenkins, N. Jokhi,
S. Jokhi, S. Joubert, E. Kramer, M. Laws, P. Lam, K. Leung,










P.C. Leung, M. Lewis, J. Lewkowicz, E. Levitt, T. Mayer,
E. Matenge, A. Ming-Chi, E. Monks, M. Monks, D. Ng, M. Norton-
Griffiths, H. Oyrer, J & M. Parker, R. Peeters, S. Pillinger,
L. Piu, T. Poon, W. Pretorius, J. Ramsden, A. Rein, P. Retief,
J. Riddel-Swan, R. Roberts, H. Robertson, E. Rodwell, D. Rottcher,
B. de Schwartz, R. Shah, D. Sheldrick, H. Shoshani, S. Sia,
R & T. Steil, G. Stoneham, C & J. Taylor, P. Towers, E. Volk,
C. Walker, K. Wang, L. Wau, W. van der Welde, R. Wells, S. Wells,
K. Wetzlar, I. White, D. Williamson, P. Wolf, G. Wong, E. Wood,
F. Woodley, H. Woodman, P. van Wyk, L. Yin.and A. Oechslin.


I was honoured by the trust of ivory traders for access to
their stocks and business records in circumstances where they
had many reasons to withhold it. For this I am particularly
grateful.


Invaluable help was rendered by staff in the Embassies of
the United States of America in many countries and also by the
U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service in Washington, D.C.


My thanks to lain Douglas-Hamilton for favouring me with
this consultancy, discussions and access to his own and IUCN
Elephant Survey data.


The general and unstinted help of Miranda Bell and her
unfailing good humour lightened and shortened a laborious task,
and is much appreciated. Finally my deepest gratitude to
Christine, my wife, who typed this report, proof-read it,
corrected grammar, -all in the hours after a full day's work
elsewhere.














VOLUME 1 (1) HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES OF THE AFRICAN IVORY TRADE


Africa is the world's largest source of ivory and may have
been so for the past two millenia. Virtually all the civilised
peoples of antiquity who plundered or traded with Africa sought
ivory (and gold). Because the written records were made ex-
Africa, there has been a wide misapprehension that the Negro
peoples of the continent did not regard ivory with the same
avarice as Europeans and Asians. Its modern expression is
apparent in the belief that the ivory trade is largely an alien
imposition upon Africa.


This is not true. African involvement in the ivory trade,
now and in the past, has deep roots in indigenous values to
which external economic influence is additional. Evidence in
support of this is abundant in literature and applies to all
parts of the continent.


Petherick (1869), the first white man to record impressions
of the Zande (Niam-Niam) of what is now southern Sudan and
northern Zaire wrote :
"The only use made of ivory by the Neam Nam (sic) was
for ornaments, such as bracelets and necklaces; some
were ingeniously cut in imitation of cowrie shells;
and neatly cut flakes, like the scales of a fish, were
curiously attached to a band like piece of ribbon and
worn by the females round the neck. Both men and
women wore their hair plaited in thick masses, covering
the neck to the shoulders. This they combed out with
long ivory pins, from six inches to upwards of a foot
in length one extremity pointed, the other increasing
in thickness like a cone, three or four inches of which
were carved into pretty patterns, and dyed black with
the decoction of a root. When the hair had been arranged,
two of the largest of these pins were stuck horizontally
through it at the back of the head; between these
smaller ones were inserted, forming a semicircle similar
to a Spanish lady's comb."

Driberg (1923) recorded of Uganda's nilotic Lango :
"The only mark of aristocracy is a bracelet of ivory worn
on the left wrist, or suspended from the neck over the
chest an ivory ornament called ogwil (carved to contain
fat for anointing the body and often delicately










stencilled in block point). These are only worn by
men who are chiefs or come by descent, however remotely,
from the stock of chiefs, although any man is allowed to
possess the unworked tusk..."


Roscoe (1911) writing about the Bantu Baganda also
illustrated indigenous ivory value :
"Before the arrival of Arab traders the value of ivory
was not fully appreciated, though the people had
already found a use for it. Though the trade in ivory
within the country was small, it was enough to encourage
the King to keep hunters and to exchange the ivory for
women and cattle; there was also an important traffic
in ivory ornaments which kept a number of men employed.
Ivory bracelets Cmagemu) were worn by women and
children...Small ivory discs were used as currency
before the introduction of cowrie shells; the ivory-
workers made them for the King, though the latter had
not the monopoly of making rhem; any skilled workman who
could obtain the ivory was allowed to make discs
without let or hindrance. The King, however, retained
the most skilled ivory-workers in his service, and they
dared not make bracelets or other ornaments without
permission. The fact that most of the ivory belonged
to the King also placed a restriction upon the making
of discs for other people...Most of the chiefs of the
district had their huntsmen who captured elephants and
paid their masters in ivory for the privilege of being
allowed to hunt on their estates."


Leiris & Delange (1967) reviewing African art comment on
the use of ivory in Central and West Africa. The Luba and Leya
of the Zaire (Congo) basin made ivory carvings
"and among other articles reserved for the more
privileged (were) lovely headrests."


The Mayombe of the lower Congo forests made sceptres
- symbols of authority of ivory. The Benin, famous for their
art, also revered the medium :
"the...ivories of the Benin were produced by craftsmen
grouped in guilds and working under the aegis of the
sovereign."
The Bamenda in Cameroun so regarded ivory that :
"its prestige value...often outweighed its commercial
value." (Chilver 1961)
and that ivory armlets were worn by men of rank. An almost










pan-African custom was that the chiefs or kings laid claim to
one tusk of each elephant killed usually that on the
underside of the carcass which touched 'his' soil (among many
Livingstone 1857; Powell-Cotton 1902).


The point is thus made that independently of alien
influence, Africa's sub-Saharan people have seen ivory in the
same light as other races. Traditionally it was precious,
-commonly associated with social privilege and revered as a
medium for art and ornament. That this regard persists one
need only look to the national emblems of Tanzania and Botswana,
for both sport a tusk as a symbol of wealth. In consequence
it is inevitable that ivory would have been bartered and traded
between groups and tribes. This intra-African commerce was the
earliest cornerstone of the African ivory trade.


The inter-continental trade in ivory from south of the
Sahara is likely to have started several millenia ago; perhaps
even before the Pharoah Necho II (BC 611) dispatched the first
recorded expedition to circumnavigate Africa. A gold trade
developed between the Phoenicians and tropical West Africa
after Hanno established settlements there in BC 570 and it is
difficult to believe that they would not also have traded ivory.
The Periplus of the Erythiaean Sea of 60 AD indicated that
ivory was exported from the East African coast in great
quantities. :


By the 7th century Arabs were settled along the continent's
eastern coast and, maintaining contact with their regions of
origin, it is almost certain that there was movement of ivory.
Davidson. (1966) quotes the Arab traveller al'Masudi
complaining that Chinese officials went to court in palanquins
veneered and decorated with ivory :
"That is where the ivory goes, and were it not for this
demand, there would be plenty of ivory in our Muslim
countries."
The tone suggests that he felt Arab (i.e. African rather than
Indian) ivory was being diverted from where he would have it go.










Certainly by the time of Vasco da Gama's arrival in the Indian
Ocean (1497), ivory was flowing to India from a number of places
on the East African coast through the hands of Arab and Indian
merchants. The trade seemed to depend on Africans bringing the
ivory to the coast, for there is little record of these traders
venturing into the hinterland.


Ivory is bulky and heavy and in the absence of navigable
waterways, wheeled transport and roads, or pack animals
susceptible to tsetse fly, can only be moved by human portage.
To move large quantities of ivory needs considerable manpower.
In the fragmented tribal societies which prevailed widely in
Africa, the organisation of large-scale portage was difficult.
Thus, in all likelihood, tusks were traded in small quantities
over short distances between neighbours. Ultimately they might
reach the coast but through an erratic and haphazard process.
The difficulty of moving ivory bulky, hard to conceal and
immensely valuable had, and still has, great influence on
the manner of its trade.


European intervention in Africa's ivory trade can be
considered under four regional headings :
A. The East African
B. The West African
C. The Sudanic sphere covering the Nile basin and
Ethiopia (Abyssinia), and
D. The Cape or Southern.


A. The East African
The East African ivory trade was dominated by two anomalies
to the prevailing fragmentation of African society. In the
hinterland of what is now Mozambique (and throughout this
report I refer to Mozambique in the sense of its present area
rather than the coastal island and port only) where the Shire
river joins the Zambezi, were the Maravi people. Between them
and the coast were the Yao and the Makua. Even at the time of
the first Portuguese, these tribes were sufficiently organised










to permit long distance trade and portage. This was markedly
developed, particularly with the Yao, from the fifteenth to
mid-eighteenth century (Alpers 1975). In consequence there
was a flow of ivory from deep within the continent. That this
was working well before Vasco da Gama's arrival is likely, for
the Arabs and Indians were actively moving ivory from Kilwa
when the Portuguese entered the region.


The second similar anomaly concerned the Kamba people of
what is now east-central Kenya. They too had a tradition of
elephant hunting and ivory portage (Lindblom 1920). The age of
the Kamba trade is not known. Suffice it that it was well
developed in the 19th century and on this score alone is likely
to have functioned in at least the preceding century.


The Mozambique ivory trade between the 16th and 19th
centuries has been well documented by Alpers (1975) and it is
from his work that I draw the following synopsis.


From early on in their tenure of the African coast, the
Portuguese set out to dominate the Mozambique ivory trade.
Their strength was primarily naval enabling them to control
sea traffic and ports but they lacked the manpower to control
large tracts of the African hinterland. Their policy was
therefore to cultivate good relations with the Makua and Yao,
and encourage them to bring ivory to the ports. Arabs and
others were kept away or under control through naval might.
This policy of friendship on land and aggression at sea worked
for 100-150 years and the ivory trade grew both in quantity
and in its African organisation. A Royal instruction to
Governor Frois in the late 1720s was a reiteration of what had
worked successfully to that date; he must :
"not allow any European nation whatever to hold trade
or commerce with the Negroes of the (East African)
coast" nor permit "any of the said nations to establish
themselves in the land...for which it is very necessary
that no offence should be given to the Kaffirs inhabiting
the said shores."










However in the 17th century Portuguese control in the
Indian Ocean began to slip. Mastery of the seas was being
eroded by other maritime powers, notably Britain, Holland and
France. Also the Portuguese lacked business acumen and capital.
For both they leant heavily on Indian merchants in Goa the
star of their Indian Ocean enterprise. Through these
connections, Indians (Banyans) were able to enter and trade in
the Portuguese African bases. The Banyans were soon displacing
the Portuguese in the ivory trade to the latter's intense
dismay. Despite all forms of hindrance, inconvenience, licensing
and harassment short of deportation which the Portuguese Crown
would have forbidden for its implications in Goa Indian
erosion of the Portuguese position in ivory continued.


As Portuguese naval power waned, so there was a resurgence
of Arab influence along the East African coast to the north of
Mozambique. Indians took advantage of this too, and were soon
competing against the Mozambique Portuguese from ports under
the umbrella of Islam, as well as from within Portugal's own
domain. They encouraged the Yao to bring ivory to Kilwa just
to the north of the Mozambique border.


From the middle of the eighteenth century a new influence
appeared on the Mozambique coast which was to have far-reaching
effect: commercial slaving. Slaves had been a feature of East
African coastal life for centuries, regardless of whether under
Arab or Portuguese rule (Martin & Ryan 1977). However, large-
scale commercial slaving was alien. French development of the
Mascarene Islands (Mauritius and R6union) called for cheap
labour and the Mozambique coast was the nearest potential
supply. Coming at a time when their fortunes in ivory were
dwindling, the Portuguese were disposed to try new ventures and
supply slaves. Demand for Mozambique slaves soon spread to the
Caribbean and Brazil. These events were further exacerbated by
British activity to close the West African slave trade, depriving
the displaced slavers to seek new sources of human cargo.










By 1790 (and perhaps earlier) slaves had replaced both
ivory and gold as Mozambique's major export. Between 1770
and 1794 some 69,973 people had been sold mostly Makua and
Yao. This severely disrupted ivory trading as it had been
conducted up to that time. The internecine warfare integral
to commercial slaving made it impossible for lightly armed
caravans to make long trading journeys with precious cargo.
With the disruption of Maravi, Yao and Makua society, ivory
could only be moved by heavily armed bodies and called for a
wholly new approach: the ivory transporters had to be able to
fight their way to market. Fighting and slavery were so
closely connected that the movement of ivory by slaves was
inevitable.


The Arabs, with Indian capital, were quick to take
advantage of the situation. He who supplied the ivory transporter
with a military capacity would not only get ivory, but stood to
make a profit from slavery to boot. Thus a strong Arab-Yao
ivory/slaving trade grew out of the Portuguese policies in
Mozambique. The human concern over slaving has tended to
obscure the ivory element and it is worth pointing out that even
in the decline of the Mozambique ivory trade, when slavery was
taking its place, a tusk of very moderate proportions was still
far more valuable than a man. Thus wrote Fr. Pinto (a cleric)
in 1799 :
"A tusk of ivory weighing one arroba (15 kg) to one
and a half arrobas (22.7 kg) is purchased for two or
three pieces of cloth and some ten hides. A slave
is evaluated at a bit of cloth..."
A similar quote from a decade later :
"Colonist travellers...give for each slave they buy
...five Indian sheetings and for ivory six or seven
sheetings...Cazambe's people understand that ivory is
more valued in Tete than slaves."


Leaving Alpers (op.cit.) we can now turn to the north of
Mozambique. With the onset of the 19th century, there was a
consolidation of Arab influence. This culminated with the
Omani Sayyed Said bin Sultan moving his seat from Muscat










to Zanzibar in 1831.


Financed by the omnipresent Banyans, large well armed
Arab and Swahili expeditions set off for the interior. They
secured ivory through trade, force and extortion, but having
obtained it were faced with ivory's perennial problem that
of transport. They took slaves to carry it and sold them at
the coast. It was a situation which had West African precedent
but which was never so stark in its simplicity. Soon the
whole of the interior of the continent around lakes Tanganyika
and Malawi was in the grip of the system. Ivory was the prime
product: slaves (as transport) secondary to it, with a useful
re-sale value.


It is of particular note here that yet further to the
north, where the Kamba retained cohesion and were able to
manage the ivory flow, slaving did not develop. This is not
to say that slavery didn't exist. The Kamba themselves had
slaves. Indeed I can recall from my childhood a very old
Kikuyu neighboringg tribe to the Kamba) being very disapproving
of the Kamba they couldn't be trusted. The gist of what he
said was that he who went alone to trade with them was a fool
- for he would be sold along with his goods! If one went to
trade, one went in a large, armed party. Anecdote apart, the
point is that Arab-Swahili intervention and organisation was
unnecessary for as long as the indigenous alternative worked.


B. The West African
Though they may have been the first of the modern white
nations to cruise the West African coast, the Portuguese were
unable to monopolise it as they had the eastern seaboard of
Africa. Soon they had intense competition from other maritime
nations. In 1530 William Hawkins of Plymouth in England sailed
his 250 ton "Paule of Plimouth" for Brazil (Hatch 1969). On
the way he put into the African coast of Guinea and traded with
Africans. From them he bought elephants' teeth or ivory and,
in this first recorded contact between a Briton and sub-Saharan










Africa, he started the British ivory trade. In the following
years he sailed again for Brazil. In 1540 he sent the same
"Paule" under John Landye as Master. The bills of lading from
the trip provide a character picture of this original Anglo-
African trade. The outward cargo included
"matchettes, combs and sarpes (handbills), copper
and lead mellios (bracelets), woollen cloth and
night-caps."
The "Paule" returned to Plymouth with 12 elephant tusks.


Soon French, Dutch, Spanish, Danish, Swedish and Hanseatic
ships were plying the West African coast in competition.
Slaving was the major trade providing labour to the New World.
Nevertheless ivory was always an item of considerable
importance and because of the need for portage, was inextricably
entwined with slavery and was often the more profitable element.
This is apparent in the following extract from Mayer (1928) for
the last part of the 18th century :
"As it may be interesting to learn the nature of trade
on this coast which is commonly understood as
consisting of slaves alone I thought it well to set
down the inventory I made out of the caravan's stock
and its results, as the various items were intrusted
(sic) to my guardianship. The body of the caravan
itself consisted of seven hundred persons, principally
men; while the produce was as follows :
3500 hides $ 1,750
19 large and prime teeth of ivory 1,560
Gold 2,500
600 pounds small ivory 320
15 tons rice 600
40 slaves 1,600
36 bullocks 360
Sheep, goats, butter, vegetables 100
900 pounds beeswax 95
Total value of the caravan's merchandise $ 8,885
Our profits on this speculation were very flattering,
both as regards sales and acquisitions...ivory was
purchased at the rate of a dollar the pound for the
best, while inferior kinds were given at half that
price...the slaves were delivered at the rate of one
hundred "bars" each. The "bar" is valued on the coast
at half a dollar; but a pound and a half of tobacco is
also a bar, as well as a fathom of ordinary cotton
cloth, or a pound of powder, while a common musket is










equal to twelve bars. Accordingly where slaves were
purchased for one hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco,
only eighteen dollars were, in reality, paid; and when
one hundred pounds of powder were given, we got them
for twenty dollars each. Our British muskets cost us
but three dollars apiece; yet we seldom purchased
negroes for this article alone."


Thus a slave costing $20 was the equivalent of a sound tusk
of little over 20 lbs and this would be a small one.


In the eighteenth century West African trade was entered
vigorously by traders from the north-eastern seaboard states of
the U.S.A. particularly from Salem, Boston and New York. Some
of their records (as presented by Bennett & Brooks, 1965) give
a clear picture of the situation. The connection between ivory
and slaves was thrown into stark relief when Britain forced the
cessation of West African slaving. Typical are these comments
from one Samuel Swan, trader, to his principal merchant John
Tidd in Boston :
"May 16 1809...Since the destruction of the slave trade
the Crew (= Kru, a West African people) Country is full
of ivory"
the gist of this being that now slaves were illegal, ivory was
difficult to move.


About 1816 the same Swan still obviously regretted the
lack of slaves :
"They (referring to island trading posts off Bissau) are
but little visited by the negroes; they find it more
troublesome and expensive to transport wood, wax and
ivory to them in canoes than they did the more
manageable and saleable traffic of their fellow
creatures."
The same situation is further emphasised by a record made by
the captain of the British warship HMS Cyclops :
"but understand that the produce of the interior is
conveyed to the Sea Coast by Slaves, and on arrival,
the slaves themselves are disposed of by their Owners
to the Slave Dealers, and their burdens generally
consisting of Ivory, Coppir (sic) or beeswax, to the
legal traders. It is clear therefore that the Slave
Trade fosters the Legal one, more especially as the







11


Slave and his burden, are bartered for the same kind
of goods, the principal portion of which is a species
of light cloth" (quoted in Bennett & Brooks, op.cit.)


This setback to the West African ivory trade came at a
time when the industrialisation of Europe and the eastern
U.S.A. was raising demand for ivory to unprecedented levels.
Strenuous efforts were made to obtain supplies through
'legitimate' trade in West Africa but demand could not be
met. The traders had to look elsewhere. Led by the American
merchants of Salem, they turned their eyes to Africa's east
coast and joined the Indians in Zanzibar.


C. The Sudanic Sphere
Simultaneously to the Omani/Arab penetration of central
Africa from the east, came another Arab thrust from the north
up the Nile. Seeking ivory to supply a voracious European
demand, the traders pushed further and further southward,
collected ivory, then slaves to carry it, returning home to
sell both. In its wake it brought the inevitable social
chaos and competition between the two Arab powers one under
the suzerainty of the Khedive of Egypt, the other under the
Omani Sultan of Zanzibar.


A sub-section of the Sudanic sphere operated through
Ethiopia. Ivory obtained in the south-west of that country
and from what is now the southern Sudan, northern Uganda and
northern Kenya moved through the highlands of Ethiopia, down
to Red Sea ports, and on to the overseas markets. The onset
of this ivory route is poorly documented. Suffice it that it
had connections with the east coast of Africa and was probably
operating early in the 1800s. It will receive later mention

as it extended the 19th century mode of the ivory trade well
into the 20th century.


D. The Cape or Southern
Because of its aridity and short grasslands, a substantial
portion of southern Africa the Karroo, Transvaal highveldt










grasslands and the Kalahari was devoid of elephants or only
had very small populations. The majority of those which did
occur, were located along the southern coast, in the east and
to the north in what is now Mozambique, Rhodesia and Botswana.
From the time of the white men's arrival they hunted these
elephants, pressing further and further east and north with the
expansion of settlements.


The ivory trade in southern Africa differed from that
elsewhere in several major aspects. Overall, relatively low
human densities existed and large-scale portage by humans was
difficult to arrange either by slaves or hired help. This
was aggravated by the political turmoil which pervaded the
African politics of the region from the late eighteenth until
well into the nineteenth century. Where people were relatively
abundant, they were warlike, particularly the Nguni groups who
possessed a military competence unsurpassed by indigenous
Africa. Peaceful travel and portage through the lands of these
warring factions was difficult, if not well nigh impossible.


Where southern Africa differed from the other ivory
regions was in the absence of tsetse from extensive areas.
The ivory hunters and traders were able to move their cargo by
ox-wagon. Thus it was that in the tsetse-free areas elephants
had all but disappeared by the turn of this century. Those
which remained were in isolated pockets along the southern
coast or in the tsetse areas to which the traders could not
get their transport. It yet again stresses that the major
constraint upon large-scale ivory trading has always been
ability to move the commodity.



THE IVORY BASE FOR SLAVING
That the ivory trade was a primary stimulus to slaving in
east, central and Sudanic Africa has long been recognized by
historians (e.g. Northway, 1954) but ignored by the public.
The evidence is clear; ivory was more valuable than men and










those sent to suppress the slave trade were well aware of this.


Livingstone commenting from the southern end of the slaving
system wrote in 1863 (Fletcher 1950) :
"Get possession of the ivory trade as I propose to do
on the lake and you render the trade in slaves
unprofitable. I tried it though unintentionally in the
Makololo country. Slave merchants came from Banguella
to the subject tribes east of that people and annually
carry off large quantities of ivory and slaves. The
ivory was purchased for hoes and Sekeletu having many
smiths under him who yield an annual tribute in hoes -
I suggested he should purchase the ivory of the eastern
tribes with them. He did so for the sake of the profit
on the ivory and the Banguella traders ceased to go to
that district. One of them told me that it was better
to get slaves nearer the coast if no ivory was to be
obtained for them to carry. The fact of the matter is
slaves cost so much for sustenance when a long way from
the coast that without ivory they are a losing
speculation."


Gessi (1892) presents a similar appreciation from the
Nile :
"One of the principal objects of this expedition... was
the suppression of the slave-trade. The Colonel
(referring to Gordon then Governor of the Sudan) did
not therefore think of treaties, but went straight to
his end, cutting off the evil at the very root and
prohibiting the trade in ivory. A proclamation by the
Commander-in-Chief of the expedition, declared that
from that day the article ivory was a Government
monopoly; whoever possessed ivory must, by a certain
date, deliver it up and dissolve the Company of traders.
This was a blow at the very heart of the slave-trade."


Schweinfurth (1872) complements the picture :
"It is a fallacy to suppose that the pursuit of elephants
is merely a secondary consideration in these enterprises
of the Khartoum merchants...If it had not been for the
high value of ivory, the countries about the sources of
the Nile would even now been unfolded to us as the
equatorial centre of the great continent: they are
regions which of themselves could produce absolutely nothing
to remunerate transport. The settlements (of the traders)
owe their original existence to the ivory trade." (Note,
in contradiction of this lucid view and in keeping with the
overall picture, Schweinfurth did also hold that slaves
were more profitable than ivory.)






<14



Johnston (1903), one of the most able and erudite of the
early British administrators said :
"In the forties of the last century Nubian slave-traders
started in numbers to explore these regions, firstly to
purchase ivory, and secondly to acquire slaves."


Once again the decline of the East African-Sudanic ivory
trade came about through the British suppression of slaving.
The American merchants who were dominating Zanzibar's commerce
to the west in the mid-nineteenth century noted this with
dismay. Charles Ward (merchant and later U.S. Consul in
Zanzibar) wrote to his Principal, John Clayton, on July 3rd 1850:
"The people of the Interior of Africa use Slaves to
bring Ivory to the Coast and will not sell one
without the other... In consequence of the acts of
Her Majesty's Ship of War Castor & the Edict of the
Sultan (banning many aspects of slavery) the American
trade must be very seriously affected. Zanzibar is the
Depot of American trade on the East Coast of Africa.
The last year it amounted to about 1,000,000 dollars."
(Bennett & Brooks, op.cit.)


After a British man o'war had blown an Arab slave-ship
out of the water the U.S. Consul was highly incensed and on
May llth 1861 wrote the following to his Secretary of State in
Washington :
"The strong measures taken by the English Government
to suppress the Slave trade are very injurious to
business and as Slavery among the Arabs is merely a
name, their Slaves being treated like members of
their families, these proceedings seem unnecessary"
(Bennett & Brooks, op.cit.)


These merchants were something of an anachronism. Being
from the Puritan north-eastern U.S. they were (at least at
home) abolitionists where slavery was concerned. The first
U.S. Consul to Zanzibar (appointed in 1839) was Richard P.
Waters a vociferous anti-slaver in Salem. Yet in Zanzibar
he typified his peers by selling cloth, guns and powder to the
Arabs to enable them to obtain slaves, and the product
- elephants' teeth which made their ventures worthwhile. On
the one hand they condemned the institution, yet on the other










they facilitated it and benefitted from it enormously.
Northway (1954) commented thus :
"The manufacture of ivory combs in Connecticut, besides
the desire for highly spiced foods, helped extend a
vicious system; at the same time the manufacture and
trade in American firearms made it possible for the
Arabs to do so (slave) on a larger scale than ever."


The value of slaves relative to ivory in Zanzibar's
imports between 1861-1865 was: slaves $600,000; ivory
$1,773,481 (from Bennett & Brooks table E, op.cit.) In the
decade 1860-69 Zanzibar's imports of slaves reached c.20,700
per annum (Martin & Ryan, 1977).


However, the most telling evidence of the connection between
the ivory trade and slaving, and how the former brought about
the necessity of the latter, emerges from Baker's account of his
endeavours to end slavery in the Sudan (Baker 1874). Ivory was
so valuable that even though the anti-slavers recognized its
role in setting up the institution they so opposed, when they
came across it they had to accept it if only on their
employers' account (with Baker this was the impecunious Khedive
of Egypt). They would no more think of abandoning a stock of
ivory than they would a sack of gold. Even if they couldn't
carry it, it would be buried or hidden for subsequent retrieval.


It was inevitable that in harassing the slavers and setting
their captives free, Baker should become possessed of large
quantities of ivory. He had obviously foreseen this, for on
his way southward he obtained cattle to use as carriers in place
of slaves. These were entrusted to local people to be recovered
on his return or so he hoped, but he hadn't reckoned with the
African pastoralists' attitude toward cattle. Returning down
the Nile he accumulated 3,200 tusks:
"The cattle that had been given to the native carriers
for the transport of ivory to Gondokoro had only
partially been returned...It was now necessary to move
the ivory together with all the establishments to
Gondokoro. This would require at least 6,000 cows. It
was a complete fix."









And so it was, for he never did get his cattle, learning lesson
one of the slavers: if tsetse didn't bar cattle transport,
militant native pastoralists would! He then fell back on
humans and employed porters only they were not keen on the
idea. Not being one to accept defeat, he wrote:
"It would have been the height of imprudence to have
permitted the immediate departure of our carriers
before I had arranged for the future, thus about
eighty were secured by the soldiers, including the
Sheik's (local chief) son, from a general stampede
that took place...In the evening they were secured by
a slight line round each man's neck and connected in
gangs of five."
However in the night they bit through the lines and rushed
away. Three were shot dead in the escape (Baker was sorry!)
The man sent to suppress the slave trade was forced by
circumstance to quite literally make slaves in order to
transport ivory.


The anti-slavers and explorers of the mid-19th century
gave way to administrators as the continent was partitioned
by the European powers after the Berlin Conference of 1884.
By gaining complete control of the ports, by denying the
institution of slavery the only mass transport system that
was workable without industrial capital they changed the
great nineteenth century ivory trade. The flow of ivory did
not stop as Pax Europus now permitted the safety of unarmed
portage and the introduction of roads, rail and steamers on
the waterways. Once in control and governing, the colonial
administrators needed funds. Among the first acts of colonial
government was laying claim to the ivory of the land, not for
the impediment of slavers, but for revenue.


Until 1905, ivory was Uganda's foremost commercial export
(Thomas & Scott, 1935).


Nalder (1936) writing of Equatoria in the Sudan, wrote :
"Ivory was for many years the only produce of any
importance...the chief deterrent (of trade) has
undoubtedly been transport costs. Mongalla (on










the upper Nile) is probably as far from a port as
any place in Africa and in spite of having the Nile
at its doors, freight charges to the coast were such
as to prohibit the carriage of everything except
ivory...In this undeveloped land money, except for
ivory, is not to be had for nothing."
The same theme repeated itself the length and breadth of Africa
and receives further consideration in chapter 8.



THE ABYSSINIAN TRADE
In Abyssinia (Ethiopia), and the farthest reaches of the
southern Sudan and northwest Kenya, the 19th century trade
persisted well into our own times. Nalder (1936) provides the
base for the following outline.


Abyssinian trading caravans had long had peaceable contact
with the people in south-eastern Sudan. At some point early in
the nineteenth century this region was entered by Swahili
entrepreneurs from the eastern coast, who came up from Mbale on
the western slopes of Mt. Elgon. In consequence a tsetse free
trade route developed between this settlement and the Abyssinian
town of Maji, traversed by donkeys and mules carrying ivory.
"This no doubt attracted the riff-raff of what is now
Kenya, the Swahilis, Baluchis and the rest arriving
at Maji were employed by the Abyssinians, and
especially the Bank of Abyssinia (a private Bank until
1931) to hunt ivory for them at rates of interest which
could never be paid off and plunged them deeper and
deeper into servitude. They received a big
reinforcement from a number of Darley's (Captain Darley
an explorer of the region about the turn of the
century) carriers who, paid off at Addis Ababa,
struggled south homewards and found themselves completely
destitute by the time they reached Maji. The Swahili
were apparently not, as is often assumed, free bands of
brigands doing what they listed, but financially enslaved
to the Abyssinians who used them not only as elephant
hunters, but as the chief instrument of their raids."


In 1900 the extent of this ivory trade was substantial,
routed through either Addis Ababa or Harrar. Powell-Cotton
(1902) observed that the volumes for that year were c.60 and










c.43 tons respectively an addition of c.100 tons to the
annual Sudanic exports.


Long after the Sudan was under British 'control', the
Abyssinian-Swahilis ventured as far as the Nile and, on occasion,
crossed it and hunted its western bank.
"Ivory was what they wanted and a favourite modus
operandi was to issue rifles and ammunition to the
(local) chiefs on the understanding that there
would be a supply of ivory ready when they returned
next year. Hence they were not unpopular and were
on particularly good terms with the Topotha (a local
tribe) ... Investigations...revealed...that practically
all the Bari (another Sudanese tribe) Chiefs had
poachers' rifles" (Nalder op.cit.)


Yardley (1931) gives some idea of the vigorous British
reaction; co-ordinated military operations were launched from
Kenya and Uganda in the south and from the Nile in the west.
In 1910, a company of the 4th Battalion King's African Rifles
was formed as the Northern Uganda Patrol with the specific
task of closing the Maji-Mbale trade route. The conflict was
protracted and resulted in numerous military skirmishes. In
1917 the ivory hunters were 'roughly handled' at Tibitib, but
certainly not defeated, for they continued ivory raiding in
this area until 1929 at least, often taking reprisals on the
local population. In 1929 they were actually camped on the
Nile, 28 miles north of Mongalla (the seat, at the time, of the
British administration of the southern Sudan) when set upon by
Moysey Bey of the Sudan Defence Force (army). Eight were
killed and the rest rounded up as they struggled back eastwards
towards their Abyssinian bases :
"With motor roads and wireless communication it is now
extremely difficult for them to get away" (Nalder 1936).


The salient feature of this Abyssinian ivory trade was
that it was almost impossible to stop for as long as the raiders
could retreat into Ethiopia. It had reached the point requiring
military solution similar to the numerous guerilla situations
that have prevailed since World War 2 in which nothing suffices










short of 'hot pursuit' over the border. More detail is given
on the problem in Appendix 2. The issue was approached by the
British representatives in Ethiopia :
"In 1922 Hawkins, then Consul of Maji, gave an amnesty
to the original Swahili who had been financed by the
Bank of Abyssinia. In 1928 Captain Holland was able
to repatriate via Kapoeta (in the Sudan) a large number
of men women and children, Uganda or Kenya subjects"
(whose origins were mainly at the Omani Arab/Swahili
Coast) (Nalder op.cit.)
However this extension of the nineteenth century ivory trade
did not disappear completely until the conquest of Abyssinia
by the Italians in the 1930s.


I have quoted this Abyssinian example at some length for
several reasons. It illustrates that ivory was worth
'military' action well into this century some of those
involved in the 1920s may still be alive. It has a number of
parallels in modern times and provides a background against
which they may be discussed later in this report.


The historical evidence is unequivocal. Other than gold,
ivory was for centuries Africa's most valuable export. Unlike
gold, which could be found in few places, ivory was available
everywhere. Its carriage presented difficulties which
triggered major political developments. As much as any other
single item ivory shaped modern Africa.













VOLUME 1 (2) TUSKS THE TRADE COMMODITY


To give perspective to the commercial chapters which
follow, this section introduces ivory as seen from within the
trade. Underlying all aspects of the business is the
psychological phenomenon that we hold things valuable if made
of ivory: however ivory is not valuable because things are
made from it. It has little utilitarian worth and in
consequence is not open to substitution. In the same way that
glass may look like diamonds, brass may look like gold and
cultured pearls are difficult to tell from those which are
natural, the look-alike, the artificial, never detracts from
the value of the genuine article. The uses to which ivory may
be put are legion and have but one thing in common they will
be valuable.


Elephants' tusks exhibit great variation in size, shape.
and quality. They range.in weight from 225 grams to over
100 kilograms; in length from 15 cms to nearly 300 cms and in
circumference from 8 cms to over 60 cms. As will be seen in
Volume 2 these qualities are the products of growth, age, sex
and region of origin. Male tusks are larger than females'
which seldom exceed 10 kg in weight. Male tusks are thicker and
more conical than female tusks of the same weight. Tusks from
Africa's savannahs are referred to as "soft" or "white"; those
from the lowland equatorial forests are "hard" or "yellow".
Soft ivory tends to be curved, hard ivory is rather straight.
However while all these variations are recognized and taken
-into account by ivory traders (even if they are unaware of the
biological causes for them) the basic measure in the business
is weight.


There are many trade terms for tusks which vary from region
to region. Some of the more common which are still in use or
which appear in the historical literature are :










European
Weight
Kg Male Tusks
0 2.2 Milk teeth, small
scrivelloes and hollows.
2.2- 4.5 Hollow scrivelloes.


4.5- 9.0 Half hollow scrivelloes.

9.0-18.0 Small, medium, bangle
18.0-25.0 Medium-large or large,
prime.
25.0 + Extra-large, large-primne.


Indian
0 2.2 Dandia
2.2- 4.5 Maksub
4.5- 9.0 Fankda
9.0-18.0 Cutchi
18.0-25.0 Vilaiti
25.0 + Big Vilaiti


Female Tusks
Milk teeth, small
scrivelloes.
Solid scrivelloes,
bagatelles.

Solid scrivelloes, ball
scrivelloes.
Small.








Dandia
Maksub
Calasia
Calasia


A tusk is often considered of 3 parts (Fig. 1) the
hollow, the centre and the tip or point. In addition all tusks
have an outer "skin", "bark" or "crust" which manufacturers
have to remove before working on the ivory. Running
longitudinally down the centre of a tusk is a small hole -
frequently only apparent as the minutest pinprick. This is the
"heart".


Tusks are of top quality when they are straight or nearly
so, have short hollows i.e. not more than one quarter of total
length and are round or nearly round in cross-section. A tusk
is said to be round if the larger diameter does not exceed the
smaller diameter by more than one fifth of the latter, both
measurements taken where the tusk emerges from the gum.
























BUTT-END
HOLLOW


External
lip line


FIG. 1 A TUSK DIAGRAMMATICALLY


CENTRE


Hollow


Heart










Defects looked for in tusks are :
1) "Shakes" : these are longitudinal surface cracks from which
few tusks are free. Normally they go no deeper
than the bark and are not serious flaws. However,
occasionally a shake goes deeper and becomes a
"Split".
2) "Splits" and "Cracks" : in essence these are an advanced form
of shakes. Whereas shakes are essentially confined
to the outer surface of a tusk, some splits occur
on the inner surface of the hollow and are invisible
to exterior examination. Splits are a serious flaw.
3) "Ribs" : Irregular longitudinal ridges which may run the whole
length of a tusk.
4) "Seams" : These are the reverse of ribs, being longitudinal
furrows; both are serious defects.
5) "Rings" : Transverse ridges across a tusk.
6) "Beans" : Small independent bodies of dentine embedded in the
matrix of a tusk usually near the heart.
7) "Open Heart" : The heart is open and a clearly definable hole
rather than a virtually invisible channel. Open
hearts are often associated with irregularities in
the tusk grain.
8) "Coarse grain" : An open as opposed to close tight graining
in the cross-section, and
9) Any obvious surface blemish or damage.


As a general rule the larger the tusk, the higher its price.
However this is not invariable as for each use there is an
optimum tusk form. Obviously large or vilaiti tusks provide
greater scope for working than scrivelloes. Thus it would be
inconceivable for large vilaiti to be used in making bangles.
For such work Cutchi is the more appropriate size. Large female
tusks ball scrivelloes were used for billiard balls.
Jewelry, inlay material and very small ornaments are fashioned
from waste. Even the ivory dust. from grinding and sawing had
many uses until recently, in tempering certain steel tools, in
the manufacture of some acids, as medicine for both humans and










cattle, calcined to make the basis of a fine printer's ink or
paint (ivory black), in confectionery and as a fertilizer for
roses.


Many historical comments on the value of ivory have been
made in ignorance of the wide range of uses and prices which
prevail at any one time. The error persists today. Prices
are quoted without reference to the type of ivory involved.
This will receive further illustration in following chapters.


Elephant tusks are obtained in many ways both legal and
illegal. Sportsmen seek the largest tuskers; poachers are less
discriminating. Elephants killed for crop raiding are
frequently female or immature. Many tusks become available
through natural mortality. In areas which are thoroughly
searched, the tusks found will tend to be small as mortality
is high among immatures. In areas inefficiently searched they
will be large, as smaller tusks break down and disappear
faster, leaving a residue of large, weathered teeth. Thus
different sources produce different types of ivory often in
irregular or small amounts. Individually they do not offer
traders or manufacturers wide selection. With so variable a
commodity any market which offers the buyer a wide choice of
form will be at advantage.


In response, and as a generalisation, the flow of ivory
in Africa is from numerous sources in small amounts towards the
hands of a few people. It is a process of constriction ending
in the great ivory marts which over the past two hundred years
have included Zanzibar, India, London, Antwerp and Hong Kong.
These points offer buyers the widest choice of tusk qualities
and sizes. Once selection is made, the flow of the trade
reverses and becomes an ever wider dispersal each successive
step toward a more specialised use culminating in the final
retail product.






24


In principle the foregoing process is simple. In practice
it is complex. A dealer seeking to fulfil an order for tusks
of a specific weight and form may only be able to acquire them
by purchasing lots which include others which he does not want.
These surpluses have to be set aside, sold separately as they
are, or recombined with other lots. They may even be sold back
to the original seller. The trade is thus characterized by
flow and counterflow and is yet further complicated by the
movement of ivory between countries purely as a vehicle for the
movement of capital.













VOLUME 1 (3) THE IVORY TRADE PRE-1914 VOLUME AND VALUE


Data on the world ivory trade before 1914 may be abundant,
but scattered in dribs and drabs in dusty archives and as
occasional sentences through literature. In the course of this
survey I have collected but few: sufficient to give only a
crude outline of the trade in the past. The data are seldom
contemporaneous and have to be linked with assumption and
historical insight.


The evidence is assembled in Tables 1, 2 and 3 to give
what I have been able to find on Africa's exports, the overseas
imports and the price of ivory respectively, before 1914. The
origins of the material in these three tables are also presented
separately and in greater detail in Tables 4-36. From them the
following picture emerges.


The data on African exports (Table 1) spans 394 years,
1520-1914. They are solely concerned with Mozambique prior to
1852. There are 5 export records for the 16th and 17th
centuries combined, which give an average of 68 tonnes per
annum.


The 18th century Mozambique records form a larger sample
11 years which give an average 129 tonnes per annum.


S Five records from Mozambique between 1800 and 1850 give an
average of 113 tonnes a year. Yet Peters (1852) quoted by
Sikes (1971) claimed that the annual output from Mozambique was
i c.138 tonnes a year. In view of the inevitable lapse between
collecting data and producing a published work, Peters' record
is more likely to pertain to pre- rather than post-1850.


The second half of the 19th century gives wider coverage
of African exports. Zanzibar has 5 years' data to give an
average of 214 tonnes per annum. Khartoum Sudan has 27 years
with an average of 137 tonnes, the Abyssinian outlet for Sudanese










ivory unknown but probably 50-100 tonnes p.a., and the Congo
basin 12 years, averaging 230 tonnes per annum.


Between 1900 and 1914 the annual averages were Zanzibar
37 tonnes, Khartoum Sudan 107 tonnes, Abyssinian Sudan 100 tonnes
and Congo basin 370 tonnes.


The data on European, American and Indian imports covers a
lesser span of 126 years, 1788-1914, albeit I have one quote
from Garcias ab Horto (Kunz 1916) which stated that India was
importing 272 tonnes of ivory a year late in the 16th century.
The British record is the longest and most detailed, covering
106 out of the 126 year span.


Late in the 18th century Britain's ivory imports averaged
87 tonnes a year. Between 1800 and 1849 these rose to 204 tonnes
annually, between 1850 and 1899 they were 511 tonnes, and from
1900-1914 they ran at 472 tonnes.


Belgian records cover imports for the last years of the
19th century (1888-1899) when they averaged 175 tonnes of ivory
a year, and 1900-1914 when they averaged 337 tonnes.


German imports of ivory cover a similar period, averaging
116 tonnes between 1880 and 1889; 203 tonnes between 1890 and
1899 and 313 tonnes per year from 1900-1914.


In addition to Garcias ab Horto's estimate of 272 tonnes
in late 1500s the Indian data present-a single record of 143
tonnes in 1848. This is followed by a lone estimate of 101
tonnes in 1863 (Bennett & Brooks 1965) and an average of 223
tonnes a year between 1874 and 1884.


The data obtained on the U.S.A. only cover the last two
decades of the 19th century and the period 1900-1914. The
average imports were 81 tonnes a year between 1880 and 1889;
107 tonnes annually from 1890-1899, and 242 tonnes from 1900-14.










Both sets of data in Tables 1 and 2 indicate a progressive
increase in ivory exports from Africa and imports overseas
through the period reviewed. In this time the price of ivory
also increased from c.0.2 per kg in 1770 to c.E1.O per kg in
1900-1914. This is documented in Table 3 and illustrated in
Figure 2. Price variations appear in Tables 21, 22, 26, 28,
32, 33 and 36.


Prior to the 19th century it is difficult to construct any
picture of the development of the ivory trade other than through
assumption. The 16th and 17th century Mozambique export data
establish a minimum estimate of 68 tonnes a year. Yet at the
same time ivory was leaving the East African coast through the
Kamba trade to the north of Mozambique, and from the West
African coast through the European trade. The solitary estimate
of Indian imports of 272 tonnes a year from this period sets an
upper ceiling and it is not outside my belief of what could
have been coming out of Africa in this era. The demand for
ivory in Europe had yet to become extensive, and it is likely
that at least some of the West African ivory went eastwards to
India to procure the spices and other commodities so desired in
the west. Suffice it that the ivory leaving Africa between
1500 and 1699 may have averaged between 100 and 200 tonnes a
year.


The Mozambique data indicate a substantial rise in ivory
exports in the 18th century. This is also the age in which
the Cape ivory trade developed as the Boers spread east and
north from the southernmost point of Africa (Bryden 1903).
This may have reached .100 tonnes per year at its height. At
the same time the West African. trade expanded with Europeans
and Americans competing against one another. As the century
closed, the Arabs to the north of Mozambique had regained some
of the Yao-Makua ivory trade lost earlier to the Portuguese
(Alpers, 1975). Taking two figures only Mozambique's exports
of 129 tonnes per annum and Britain's imports of 87 tonnes
(which may have had an Indian and therefore Mozambique element,






















1.3-

1.2-
1.I


1.0-

0.9-
p
e 0.8-
A
r / \
0.7- /
rr

k 0.6-
g l
0.5- A k
I
- ^ \
/ \ l
0.4- / \
/ !N
/ \ !
0.3

0.2- ./

0.1-


1770 8bo 1830 1860 1890 1920





FIG. 2 IVORY PRICES 1770- 1914.










but were more likely to have been predominantly from West
Africa, see Table 14), we can postulate that Africa's exports
exceeded 200 tonnes a year, and it is likely that the excess
was substantial.


The 19th century witnessed a considerable increase in
ivory exports. This was already pronounced before 1850. The
Arabs reached Lake Tanganyika in search of it and were well
established to the south in what is now Malawi. The flow of
ivory from the Sudan had also commenced. Mozambique continued
to export at least c.113 tonnes a year and Zanzibar had been
sending out perhaps as much as 100 tonnes a year to the U.S.A.
alone. (Bennett & Brooks, 1965, show that there were two
American ivory firms established in Zanzibar at this time.
One of them referred to their target as between 54 and 68 tonnes
a year. Increase this by half to account for a minimum from
their rivals = c.100 tonnes.) The Cape trade was also
flourishing and Britain was drawing an average of 204 tonnes
a year from West Africa. The combined data suggest Africa's
output is likely to have exceeded 400 tonnes a year in the
first half of the last century.


Between 1850 and 1899 first the Arabs consolidated their
grip on the African hinterlands, then, when they were
dislodged, European powers took over the flow of ivory by
permitting safe, long distance portage in substitution of
slaves. In addition Belgium took over the Congo basin and
added a new source of exports to those already established.
By themselves, Zanzibar, Sudan (including Ethiopia) and the
Congo basin produced an average of 681 tonnes of ivory a year.
The declining outputs of West Africa, the Cape and Mozambique
would almost certainly have augmented this to over 700 tonnes.


In the final years 1900-1914 the combined Zanzibar,
Sudanic and Congo basin exports record a decline of nearly 100
tonnes per annum from 681 to 584 tonnes (assuming Abyssinia
kept going at 100 tonnes per annum). It remains to be seen










whether these estimates tally with ivory imports to Europe,
India and America.


At first glance there appear to be substantial
discrepancies. The sum of British, Belgium, German, Indian and
American imports average for 1880-1889 is 1076 tonnes a year.
Assuming Indian imports retained their level, this will have
increased to 1143 tonnes a year in 1890-1899 and to 1587 tonnes
between 1900 and 1914. Fortunately imports are ascribed to
countries of origin in some data from Britain, Belgium, Germany
and the U.S.A. These breakdowns are not entirely contemporaneous,
but stem from the same era, 1880-1914. Taking the following
"mix of nearest years" Britain 1906, Belgium 1899, Germany
1896, U.S.A. 1896 their sum of imports direct from Africa is
565 tonnes (see Tables 20, 25, 27 and 33). Taking a later mix
of nearest years Britain 1912, Belgium 1899, Germany 1912 and
U.S.A. 1911 their sum of African imports if 667 tonnes
(Tables 20, 25, 29 and 33). To both should be added a guess
of India's imports say 150 tonnes (based on Table 34). This
would raise the mix of earlier years to 715 tonnes and the later
mix to 817 tonnes. They do not reflect a decline in the period
1900-1914 as suggested by the African figures.


Further calculation is pointless with such incomplete data.
Countries other than the 5 ivory "powers" mentioned also
imported tusks direct from Africa albeit in smaller quantities.
Nonetheless the evidence clearly indicates that by the end of
the 19th century Africa's exports of ivory were at least 700
tonnes a year, and these rose to'at least 800 tonnes before
1914.


The breakdown of imports to countries of origin also
reveals an important aspect of the past ivory trade.
Substantial quantities of ivory recorded as imports do not come
direct from Africa, but from nations which merely trade in
ivory. These countries were principally the 5 ivory "powers"
of the time and the British record of 1912 presented in Table










37 provides a typical example of flow and counterflow
between them. Fifty-two per cent of ivory imported into
Britain was not new ex-Africa, but had come from Belgium,
Germany, India or the U.S.A. Similarly 75% of exports was to
Germany, India and the U.S.A. Only 32% of imports was retained
for manufacture and use in Britain. The major activity of the
business was not so much importing new ivory as trading it
between industrialized countries. Evidence that this took place
as a matter of course is apparent in Tables 20, 25, 27 and 28.
This process was of long standing and involved all the major
ivory markets. Thus even before 18.86 the U.S.A. were exporting
ivory to India (Holder 1886).


To conclude this chapter I have summarised the development
of the African ivory trade diagrammatically in Figures 3 a-e.
In four centuries the outflow of ivory increased from at least
100-200 tonnes in 1500-1699., to over 800 tonnes a year between
1900 and 1914. Prices rose from c.0.2 per kg in 1770 to
c.E1.0 per kg between 1900 and 1914. Contrary to popular belief
the trade was not a simple process whereby ivory moves from
producer in Africa through a merchant (or merchants) to a
manufacturer, but involved complex flows and counterflows
between the trading nations.



































/
I
f
/


? 100 Tonnes p.a.


FIG. 3 a. THE IVORY TRADE PRE-1500. A GUESS.







































100 Tonnes p.a.


100 Tonnes p.a.


? 30 Tonnes p.a.


FIG. 3 b. THE IVORY FLOW 1500 1699.











































150 roes Pa.


o0 nes p.a








'.9 To,^ -9


? eO "j a"


-G 3 C.


r~j~ 1iOo~oo
























.:::. 137
........ D.c
N. I


230 Tonnes
p.a.


.. .... :::: .::::::::.
............. : .....

......... ...... 1:......
............
SII II .......' ,..


.. o.. . o.. o.. 5
...... o...
....... ...
":i~i5Qr


214 Tonnes p.a.


Tonnes p.a.


? 80 Tonnes p.a.


FIG. 3 d. THE IVORY TRADE LATE 19TH CENTURY.





































3 p a. ~=_:. .......... :..
. ..... .......:;:

370 Tonnes-
p.a. ............ 200 Tonnes p.a.
















10 Tonnes p.a.
FIG. 3 e. THE IVORY TRADE 1900 1914.........
.......... :: ::::
.. ........ .....!ii !!

.- .... .......: : : :: :










10 Tbnnes p.a.




FIG. 3 e. THE IVORY TRADE 1900 1914.













VOLUME 1 (4) THE RAW IVORY TRADE 1915-1978 VOLUME AND VALUE


My brief (Appendix 1) calls for description of the
component links in the ivory trade. These are too numerous
to detail within the survey's time limits and I have therefore
summarised general patterns into two charts: the intra-African
national flow chart (Figure 4) and the overseas international
flow chart (Figure 5). Both are largely self-explanatory.


The national chart encompasses intra-African movements
across borders, and this is treated as a source of ivory along
with crop-protection, sport-hunting, found and poached. It is
difficult to ascribe proportions of the trade to the various
sources as they vary from country to country. Burundi's only
ivory source is trans-border. Botswana's predominant source
is sport-hunting. Tanzania's is heavily weighted by control
shooting, Zaire's, Uganda's and Kenya's main sources have been
largely illegal in recent years.


Little ivory leaves Africa as obviously illicit. By the
time it appears on the international chart, it has usually
acquired appropriate documents and, by virtue of these pieces
of paper, is legal. Such .documentation is almost invariably
acquired through bribery, and the fact that this can be done
so easily the length and breadth of the continent, is a point
that will be considered later.


The inter-continental carriage of ivory until 1970 was by
sea, after which airfreight became widely preferred. Recently
there has been a reversion to seafreight for a variety of
reasons the most important undoubtedly being cost.


Figure 5 illustrates a major aspect of the trade: that it
is still very strongly influenced by colonial legacies:
Anglophone Africa shipping to Anglophone entrep6ts, and
Francophone countries shipping to Francophone countries -
predominantly Belgium.
















ILLEGAL NEIGHBORING


PROPERTY


GOVT. SALE ) NATIONAL LEGAL TRADER NATIONAL ILLEGAL TRADER


NATIONAL BOUNDARY- - -- INTERNATIONAL------- -


TRADER


NATIONAL OUTFLOW
OF IVORY


FIG. 4 THE NATIONAL (INTRA-AFRICAN) IVORY FLOW CHART


LEGAL FOUND


PROTECTION OF






















FRANCOPHONE AFRICA


GERMANY BRITAIN PORTUGAL ITALY


HONG KONG


INDIA


SPAIN HOLLAND FRANCE


CHINA


JAPAN


FIG. 5 THE INTERNATIONAL IVORY FLOW CHART


BELGIUM


USA


ANGLOPHONE AFRICA


OTHERS










This chapter is based on annual trade statistics compiled
from Customs and Excise data on international trade. They are
extensive and some give great detail. There is no more
comprehensive a set of records wherefrom to analyse trade but
they are not perfect. If they were, the export statements on
the quantity of a commodity should tally with the import
statements of the recipient country. This seldom happens for a
wide variety of reasons.


An export made at the end of one year would be recorded as
having taken place within that year by the dispatching country.
However if it arrived at its destination early in the following
new year, that is where it would be recorded and thereby confuse
annual comparisons. It is also perfectly legitimate to
re-route cargo in shipment from one destination to another.
While this does happen, it is an irregular, rather than regular
feature of the trade. With ivory there may be weight changes
of up to 3% while in transit for fresh or 'green' ivory has
a high moisture content, which is lost with varying speed
according to temperature, humidity and atmospheric pressure.
Then again, there may be differences between countries in the
manner of taking records, and weighing commodities. The
'rounding' of weights and values for bureaucratic convenience

alone will introduce variations between two records of the same
consignment. Thus, in the data presented here, some ivory was
originally weighed in lbs, presented as rounded hundredweights
in annual trade statistics of export, recorded in kilos of
import and rounded to tonnes in the published statistics of
import. Each conversion may have introduced substantial error,
particularly with small shipments; e.g. 1,400 kg to the nearest
tonne = 1, and the 400 kg or 28.6% of the original consignment
are expunged from the record. These errors will have been
further exacerbated in the conversions and roundings I have made
for uniformity in this report. Similarly the values quoted
have also been subjected to roundings and then by my conversions
into a common currency. They have been based on a single (and
where possible average) annual conversion rate, whereas there










may have been a wide range of currency ratios in any 12 month
period. Monetary conversions are presented in Appendix 3.


The salient point then is that one should not expect
export figures from one country to tally exactly with the
corresponding import records in another. All that can be
assumed is that there will be a broad agreement between them
over time. Where possible I have avoided year to year
comparisons, for these are where differences will be greatest.
Instead, and where possible, I have favoured spans of longer
than 5 years. Arbitrarily I have considered import/export
differences which are less than 15% of the export figure to
be of no significance.


The data reported in annual trade statistics are derived
from the dispatchers' invoices. These may be subject to a variety
of biases for business or political reasons. This is
particularly the case with value where there are many
incentives to avoid duties and taxes by under-pricing
commodities. Similarly, political concealment of volume -
amounts going unrecorded at an official level may have wide
use: e.g. recently to remove the base for ignorant and hostile
comment from the western conservation press, whose major source
of fact has been published trade statistics. In almost all
cases, however, the biases tend to under, rather than over
estimate volumes and values. Thus the facts presented herein
are more likely to be minima than maxima.


Each country for which I have data is reviewed first
independently and then from an international overview.


AFRICA
1. Zanzibar
As far as is known Zanzibar has never had indigenous
elephants, although its fauna indicate that at one time it must
have been part of the African mainland. Its role as an ivory
entrep6t has been known for centuries. With the diminishment











of the Sultan's territories in the last century the Zanzibar
trade went into decline, so that by 1914 its import/export
trade had dropped from over 200 tonnes a year to substantially
less than 100 tonnes (Table 7). Data on the years 1914-1924
are absent, but from 1925 to 1976 are available and presented
in Table 38. From these it would seem that the missing years
(1915-1924) saw trade at a low ebb. In 1925 imports were at
26 tonnes and appeared to be increasing, for the following
year they rose to 41 tonnes. However, with the onset of the
Great Depression, they fell back to a low of 11 tonnes in
1931. From that point on they rose more or less continuously
until 1962 when they reached 228 tonnes a growth of over
750% or c.15% per annum. Thus, by the early 60s, Zanzibar had
regained the level of imports that it had a century previously.


Zanzibar's exports closely followed imports and are
presented in Figure 6 and Table 39. Until the outbreak of war
in 1939, Britain was the island's largest market. India took
over from Britain throughout the war and held dominance until
1958 when, in turn, it was replaced by Hong Kong.


Zanzibar's return to prominence in the ivory trade came
about through Indian traders and their dispersal throughout
British and BelgianAfrica in the early years of colonisation.
Their distribution is reflected in the varied and far-flung
sources of its ivory: over the period reviewed, Zaire supplied
31% of ivory imports, Tanganyika 24%, Mozambique 18%, Uganda
8%, Kenya 7% and both Somalia and Zambia 5%. Many other
countries produced smaller amounts (Table 38).


Having no elephants, the island had no incentive to try
to 'regulate' the ivory trade, hence it was free. Anyone who
wished to might trade in tusks and the business went beyond
merely buying and selling raw tusks. Many were cut into their
component parts, debarked and polished, making for a far more
valuable (and complicated) trade.























150".




T f\ .
l :
0 I
I* a
n





10"















1925- 1930 i940 1950 1960 63 1970 1977


FIG. 6 ZANZIBAR'S RE-EXPORTS OF RAW4 IVORY
1925-1963
n -
e :

S









50e






1925 1930 1940 1950 1960 631970 1977


FIG. 6 ZANZIBAR'S RE-EXPORTS OF RAW IVORY
192 5-19 63










The revolution in 1964 destroyed Zanzibar's ivory trade.
The Indians and Arabs who managed it, fled or died. Since
then there have been occasional small exports, initially of
residual stock from before the troubles, and latterly from
mainland Tanganyikan ivory smuggled across. After the
revolution, Zanzibar united with Tanganyika to become Tanzania.
Since this union, it has been difficult to separate Zanzibar's
trade from the mainland's, and its very occasional exports of
ivory are only apparent from Hong Kong's import data (Table 86).


2. Tanganyika
For the purpose of historical comparison I retain the name
Tanganyika because the two elements of Tanzania (Zanzibar and
Tanganyika have had different roles in the ivory trade.


Tanganyika has had large numbers of elephants throughout the
white man's knowledge of the region. It was probably the major
source of Zanzibar's ivory during the last century. The
Germans introduced regulations to control the killing of
elephant and directed the trade in ivory into the hands of
German companies and away from Zanzibar. However, they also
encountered widespread rebellion from many of the tribes of
Tanganyika throughout the late 1890s to c.1910. These
culminated in the Maji-maji war, which laid waste half the
country and caused immense loss of life. It also disrupted
the ivory trade very effectively.


With the advent of British rule after the 1914-18 war,
the game regulations were modelled on the prevailing British
ideas. However, unlike in neighboring Kenya, these were
relatively humane, in that they permitted the local populace
to hunt elephants as well as other species.


Tanzania's ivory production is mirrored in the country's
export statistics for 1929-1976 which are presented in Figure 7
and Table 40. This ivory, which was all classified as
originating within Tanganyika, rose in volume from c.16 tonnes







250-













200













T 150 1

0

n

n

e

s
100-












50










10-


1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1976

FIG. 7 TANGANYIKA'S EXPORTS OF RAW IVORY
1929-1976










in 1929 to a peak of 251 tonnes in 1972. In 1973 exports fell
back sharply and are recorded as having stayed below 40 tonnes
per annum from 1974-1976.


From the onset of British administration, Tanganyika's
ivory trade was dominated by Indians many of whom were little
more than forwarding agents for their kin in Zanzibar or Kenya.
Between 1929 and 1948 Kenya and Zanzibar were the country's
main markets, with India occasionally taking large
consignments. From 1949 to 1965, Zanzibar is listed as by far
the larger outlet, after which Hong Kong took over.


Tanganyika's Indians also ran a small entrepot trade
between 1929 and 1952 when it petered out. Supplies came
mainly from neighboring Zambia and Zaire (Congo in the records).
In 1962 it was banned altogether, in concert with similar
actions in Kenya and Uganda. Various reasons were put forward
for this: "to prevent poaching in neighboring states", and
"to remove incentive for corruption for the incoming African
administrators" being two I heard most frequently.


In pursuance of its socialist policies the government
declared a state monopoly on ivory exports in 1969. In 1973
elephant hunting was banned to discourage poaching: the
decline in exports that year being attributed directly to this.


Responsibility for managing the state ivory monopoly has
passed through the hands, first of the STC (State Trading
Corporation), then another parastatal body GAPEX (General
Agricultural Produce Export Corporation), before becoming the
responsibility of TAWICO (Tanzania Wildlife Development
Corporation). In theory all ivory accruing to the state should
be delivered to TAWICO for marketing overseas. In practice
the situation is confused, and corrupt.


Ivory from elephants shot on control, confiscated or
found outside national parks is surrendered to the nearest











administrative centre, registered, and sent to the Government
Ivory Room in Dar es Salaam. Here it is sorted, graded and
available for buyers to inspect. At this point its disposal
should become the responsibility of TAWICO. However, TAWICO
has to buy the ivory from the Ivory Room. As it has
insufficient funds to do so, the pipeline is blocked in an
intricate tangle. Thus between 1971 and 1976 the Customs
record indicates that 552 tonnes left Tanzania while flow
between Ivory Room and TAWICO or its precursors is only 168
tonnes.


Ivory from the national parks by-passes the Ivory Room
and is delivered direct to TAWICO. It is unlikely, however,
that the difference of what has gone from the Ivory Room and
what has been exported (389 tonnes) came from the Parks. That
private companies do manage to buy ivory and export it is
common knowledge and evidence is presented in Figures 8 a-e.
Figure 8 a is a modern Tanzanian export permit made out, as
it should be, to TAWICO; 8 b is a similar permit in the name
of a private company; 8 c is an obsolete form of permit issued
by a game warden to a private company in 1978 and 8 d and e
are Chamber of Commerce certificates of origin made out in the
names of two companies exporting ivory from Tanzania in 1978.
Such practice is common, so much so that many traders were
surprised to hear that a state monopoly exists.


The modern situation is not entirely unexpected for, even
before independence, the Tanganyika Game Department was never
able to reconcile the increases in ivory exports, with its
own knowledge of what should have been available.


3. Kenya
As soon as Mombasa became the base for British penetration
of Kenya and Uganda it attracted ivory traders. Thus by the
turn of the century it was seen as a serious competitor with
Zanzibar (Kuntz 1916). The Uganda railway to Lake Victoria
and the steamer services to the Zaire borders on Lake Albert




JAMHURI YAIMUNUMO INIA A I U j17'


HLATI YA KUTOA VIPUSA NJE N_0 O06571
,,,/' / (Isihawilishwe)


Tarehe ya kutolcwa............... 3 ..... .. 7... .....
Tarehe ya kumalizika .......2... .....
Malipo Sh. 2/-


1. Vipusa vilivyotajwa hapa lazima visafirishwe mnamo muda wa siku thelathini za kutolewa hati hii.
2. Hati hii lazima wakati wote iandamane na vipusa vilivyotajwa mpaka kumfikia mpokeaji.
3. Iwapo vipusa vinavyosafirishwa viko chini ya himaya ya mapatano ya Biashara ya Kimataifa kuhusu aina za wanyama na-
mimea iliyomo hatarini, yaliyotiwa sahihi Washington, D.C. mnamo tarehe 3 Machi, 1973, kibali cha kusafirisha kutoka'
Mamlaka ya Wanyarna wa Porini ya nchi inayosafirishiwa lazima yaonyeshwe kabla ya hati hii kutolewa na vibali hivyo.
vitatolewa na Mkuruvnzimwenyewe. Sharti hill halihusu vipusa vilivyotengenezwa.


Hati hii imetolewakwa (Jina )... ......... .................................. .... ..........................
Anwani:................................. ....................... ................ ........ . ..

ikiwa ni idhini ya kusafirisha vip Aivyptajwa chini iii kumpelekeaJin a Anwani).................... .... ........... ...................
i...... .................................. .................................. .. . .. .
kwa ajili ya ......................... ................................ ............................................ .......
kw aolo ,,,,, ........,.......................o ,,,e 'x~ ... ,


H
0








0
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H



H
tll
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.... ...
..... ........ ..
. .. .


............. ............ t .,.;. .......................... .. .. ... ................................................
Sahlhi ya Mpelekafi Mtafiti Mkuu Mamlaka ya Kisayansi

Tarehe..... ................................ Tarehe .... .............................................
mom .. M-_


. .0 ... ............. ........
k .... .......... ............... ..........


. . . . . . .. . .. ... . . ... . . . .... ... . . ........ ...... ....


. .. . ....... .............. ....... ......... .... ... . .
. .. .................. .... ........ .....o ....... ................... .
... .. ... .. .. .. ... .. ... ..- .. .. .. -.. .... .. ............
... .... ..... I ..... . . ... ... o......................o





I[kuruenz! wa Wa a' a -a Usima"daji)

Vareh ....... ... ... .. ...Z............


.... ...............


......... V ...........


=.


.......................


. ... .. ... ...'. *... .. .. .. .. .. .. ..... .. .. .. .
..........................................
. ... o... . . .. . . .. ...


.............
.............
.............


.............
.............
.............


.........y.........


o... .. .. .. ........ .
t~i.......................









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tr

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j-.
H *
LII H


i i-I I-,fflmA1 1A '! I - !!-- Fl -

HA. YA KUTOA VPUSA NJE 0001511
<* ( *r *w.. 'W~ uU 1 1)
ANGAUA:- A..
Tarehe ya kutolewa 4. I ........ I Vipmvhio hap lmmazia vim fri ominMudsx wa ku thdathdd hntc.tl h I
I- *\if\I^ 2. Hmdhbbumwawdwo eandaMMvlpunvivyot~mminiakumfda=pokeoiL
Tareheyakumalizika.... ha XM h ouat vait cM .. .in.y., a samoa vbs ya lk -v- ,, am -
V...............m Womo boi.n yahyotiw.a wh i D.C oammB taene 3 Madh, 1973. kibab cbs kuafiriahe toka
Malipo Sh. 2/- Man-a-a y Wawym wa Porint y adichj IIgsi ys .myah la r at hii kutobim viWM hiyo
vkookwa m Mkuupmaawenyza we. bharti hup
Hati hii im etolewa k a (Jina ..... ..... ..................................................................................
A nw ar :.. ... ... ...... .. ... ................ ........ . .. .. .. . . ..... ... ....
ikiwa ni idhinii ya kusafirisha vipusa Vlivyotajw child ii Ikumpelekea (JUut ta Anwa.mo,



S K I Uzito/Dana p Kiba. au nihuss nyigine
SNambari Aia ya Kipusa Idadi ma ya Usajili- -
|_ 1: Kilo gramu Aina 'Nambari Mawi Tarehe
-LI~~ IT4~ ..

.. ...... ............... ............................. .............. .

. ..-. ..... ^ 4- ^ .; .;.. .. I .......... .......- ... ... ? /.......?y p ..........^<........ ... ^..... .............
.- .-... ... ...... .. . ...... .. .. ....... ,

... ...... ..... ........ ......
...: .: .. . ....... ....... .... .... ... .... ...... .......... .. ..... .. ......

S.... . ......... ....... ........ ............ ..... ..... .............. . .....
..... ... ... .... ...... ..' ....



... ...... "..v.
S .......... ............... .............. . .... ............... ..
1........~~7 .^ ^ .......... .3.-7-^ <^/j ^C~ l ^y Jj

.. ........... . .. .i ... . .. .. .. .. ... . .
....... .............. .... y .... / ^/ -? ^ ... .... .......


Sahih.a peekai Mtafi.i Mk. Maml.ka va Kisaw. .s.... M.........

....... .... .......... .




(.lme l-orm No. 5


II!U: UNITI) HEPI ILI(C OF TANZANIA

'I hr FiAu1a (, rvaliM i Ordinincr, -1951


Cc. iiii.iatC No. A


N 3:3469


Ccrtiiicatc of Lawful Export
% Section 40; (2)) (W
SStauon ......... .. ....... ...... ...............
Date ofi^i ,..........'.... ..........................

This Ccrtiticate of Lawful Export is. i lcl t .....I...... ...... 3
ol~d~drCS.)........................
o ,(a ,. ........... ... ........... ... .. ................. ...................
(aJrs)....................C ~ ~.. who
............................................................................. ff ^ ................ .................. who
being thc ho~er of a C.tyilicau cf Owner-;hip No....'"17L.. led at L.? i'.
on (date) .......... .. V ..! .. ..................... 2.7. .Yf iy otelier authority namely...................
................................................................ ..... is entitled to export Oh following hoplt ::- .


tj) Elephant ivor. or ihinocio-, horn:-
Ivory or IHorn \ cighlk
8 ~ ~ ...............?......
..- .- .............. t.o ............
... ^. ................... .........
..... /. ... ..... .................................
VI". 1c ................ ..: ..
~ S ........ .... ....


Reistraiioo Mark and Smial No.
I'-
.... .. .......... l. .... .. .?. ......
.....:r ........... ....oo .....

....4. ............. S.1 .. R.1 ....
.7..s .........../


(b)0lt -if ti uphwcs.-
Sr.:etfrom %hk-hirophyobtmaisnic Typcoftrophy No.







...... ......................... ............. .................................... ........... ..... ....|........












Signaiurc of Holdr, REGd(f~*J ^ ^ "'htrFICEA
( A. .',K.AJ .


FIG. 8 c. EXAMPLE OF A TANZANIA PERMIT.


if




1.'. oods consigned from (Exporter's busin*tsW'ame, address, -
country), "' '
N&TIONA3L. TBOIHI& CARVINGS C00.- LTD.
P. 0 BOX 5282, ., -
DAU-lkS SALAAM, TANZANIA. -
.2.Goods consigned to(Consignee'sa name, adresu, coatry) .


t._IONU KONU. : o ,*
e-Means of transport and route (as


far as known) -


AIR ALITALIA AZ 1821-


A.
- ~.


& Marks and
Numbers of
packages


-I.


ONE HFNDUE
AND FIVE


* ... .i*:K
*~


:7. Number and kind of packages; description of. .
goods -".; .




) ELEGANT TUSKS 210 PCS PACKAGES
--- ."IN- O '- .T.W-





, . ., .- A i ^ ^. . ... ,-* ,** ..-
^ ; ": - '%. ,.:- ... :'. '...
%7!.


",. .. ". ....' /.-- .. ... .'-- .,.' ;.. ...



" ." "- .'- . ;;; -_ "" '" ." .-" '"






Ji' *f 't .\ .-: .


~ ~ ~ '"*' ", ',*"" .
.: . .. ." t .aj ; : : .%
-.% ,. ./ ; ..

5

7 .


.i. Certification .. '" '
.."?:: .:,> - ..*
It Is hereby certified, on the basis of .-cotitrol 'earrIed
out, that the declaration by the exporier.' 'correct.
'*- *"- ; .--'
.1 :!-fEy" C',TIFY THAT THE GOODS PEFERFED TO
,FP..4: ORIGINATED AT TANZAM .....-
TFZ-DASS ,AaM C|.MBR Of Q E....;
AA'.itOVED oAt'.' ri:;'NATEO AS AN 1S'.J,;'G ALUrTOKlTY By.T. I
GOVEkNMp'i J r 7.-j U.,iLD %ELJuL1IC OF TANZANIA UNDC'..
THE CUSTOM$ rFORIALITILS AkhANGEM=NT7 P92:.
. : ' L . .. ":-' t a' A .


Place and date, signature ad atamp of certifying


:Re.4rence No. .';, .
.! :: ;: :::l" :--" O0 9.38 5 /,,.::

GENERALIZED SYSTEMJOF PREFRIENCES
-CERTIFICATE OF ORIGIN---
'(Combined declaration and certificate .
" "-* "- r . " -^ ".- "** i'.- .* < '* ^
,- ". -,, ; -, *" L ,-.- . .:. i "_ -
'FORM A

..: 4 .. Issued, i ..,....... -._,. .... ... .^. ......_
countryr)
-.:. -. ,t ed *v ar iea. .
.-. ,: ..; -*,* ...** *.. ,: .* _:-,- '. -..- iet..
:: .-" "',. '. "* ... T ,- t ," : -;< I ^ J


4. For official use N .-'. ,.*- ---
"*" ,. ..* '*- ,. .- ^-...-: *,r-= -
. . .,,.,; . .'..-




-... .S \.. -,. -.. .




A U6 i A


B. OAl2^5a
criteri'-
: (see Notesi
AoveNreafNU--
'," '. - ***',."-

TANZAN.A.





.


SIw.^- -.-


.uantity
:*.n .. *... ...


ooo -s '-



-
*. - '*









| 1 ;., : "* S .'*
*- *'' 'i" ,?
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""-* r .'.- : b -'
.- ,,I .1'1. ',Jt -.-"
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10& Number -
and date of
-invoices




** ..1*
-.'"- -p.. q -'
Jo,



', -. ,..




Si- : :: .




, : .,


12. Declaration by the exporter .. -.. .
The undersigled hereby declares that the above de-
tails and statements are correct; that all the goods were

...produced in ..-....... ......... ..... ,
:*: * .",-.': :^' ** eact nm ry) *i
and that they comply with the origin requirements specd-
fied for those goods in the eneralised System of Prefe-
.rences for goods exported to,..; :,r ; .
.'.- HONG KONG "


S" (importing country)
7 ~~...... .u .u .. .........
Place and date, signature of authorized signatory I
.-. nirl nni hhslf nfr. CA VI 'O LT
NATIONAL THO I'lY.& CARVINGS CO. LTD--


FIG. 8 d:.- EXAMPLE OF A TANZANIA PERMIT.- 7"'


5.Iem
g. num
-her


~1~


L j







SP.O BOX 141.
B M^ .' ARUSHA.
r .\. *.. ":TANZANIA.
Ow- n i 15th September, 19 78
.-' : -. 1;, '. . /*--------
( CERTIFICATE OF ORIGIN o. o lT


7"': 'Th.ndenB duly authorized by THE ARUSHA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
ANDM AjORICULTURE, himreby vcrifie the declaration made below by:
MJZ Tn pv IN JT nIT1, TAN7fMTA: P-.9- R13 TAfrl7.. .. .


_. _____ ____ _ _ _er (n__ of wssel K.. 5ra / E -:5. L 801 tr H


a/c
e 4i0n% tn Irwnr* on( A^4afinotirnn unmr. Knd~r.


HA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE AND AGRICULTUtR .


Tanganyka Management & Thust Co.. Lid.
Secreiaries


EXAMPLE OF A TANZANIA PERMIT.


K3.


FIG. 8 e.










tapped substantial ivory sources, all of which had to pass
through Mombasa.


Game laws in Kenya were radical from the outset and, unlike
in other colonial territories, they barred Africans from
hunting almost all animals let alone elephant. Nonetheless
the 'natives' were encouraged to bring ivory they found to
Government for a reward, white men and some Asians shot
elephants on licence, and under Government supervision elephants
were shot to make way for agriculture, or in retribution for
damage to crops. These policies gave rise to ivory exports
which moved from c.30 tonnes in 1925 to only c.40 tonnes in
1970, some 45 years later. From 1970 to 1973 exports rose
steeply so that in the latter years exports were 260% higher
than the average annual export of domestic ivory for the
decade 1960-1969. After 1973 they fell back slightly, but
remained above 100 tonnes in 1974 and 1975; they then slid
to a mere 12 tonnes in 1977. The data are presented in
Figure 9 and Table 43.


In addition to domestic ivory, Kenya also fostered a
substantial, if erratic, trade in tusks from other countries.
The dimensions of this business are given in Tables 44 and 45
and illustrated in Figure 9. From the mid 1930s it was
substantially larger than the country's internal legal
production.


Throughout the period 1925-1978, the Kenya ivory business
has been dominated by Indians. Dealers had to have a licence
to engage in the trade and were only permitted to buy from
persons with a 'Sale permit' to sell tusks, or from Government
at the biannual auctions of official ivory. After independence
some African entrepreneurs entered the business either in
partnership or as 'fronts' for Indians. This development
culminated in the issue of Collector's Permits giving carte
blanche to 'gather' ivory. In effect it both stimulated and
legalised widespread elephant killing. The permits were issued










FIG. 9 KENYA'S EXPORTS AND RE-EXPORTS OF
RAW IVORY 1925-1977


Exports-


'.


Re-exports ---


1977


1925 1930


0 150


1960


1970


1950










in the first instance on instructions from the highest authority
in the land. Once the system was established it expanded
rapidly. High prices in 1973 raised elephant hunting to a
'gold rush' syndrome, and Collector's permits were augmented by
licences to shoot elephants, issued at a rate of 7 per day.


Discipline within the Kenya Game Department collapsed
after 1970. Government ivory ceased to be sold entirely by
auction and much went by private treaty.
"For example, the ivory register in headquarters does
not give the impression of a document recording the
possession and transfer of articles to the value of
hundreds of thousands of pounds. Sources and
destinations of pieces of ivory taken on register
are not necessarily given; whole pages of entries
are crossed out without explanation. This register
reveals the sharp increase in the practice of ivory
transfer direct from HQ to individuals or dealers
rather than via public auction at the ivory rooms.
In the sixties over 90% of ivory went to the auctions
in Mombasa; in 1970 80% went to the Ivory Rooms; in
1971 and 1972 combined this fell to 44%; in January
to July 1973 only 23% of ivory recorded at HQ found
its way to the Ivory Rooms. Leading personalities
including both Assistant Ministers in our own Ministry
(Tourism and Wildlife) were among those buying from
HQ." (Internal Office Memo.)


Public outcry led to a closure of elephant hunting. The
Minister for Tourism and Wildlife announced in the local
press in August 1974 that there would be an end to private
export of ivory. However these were words aimed at placating
public outcry. Ivory kept coming into the country unrecorded
and the home trade continued in private hands until April 1978
when trophy dealing was banned by Presidential decree. Even
then business went on in private hands with Government sanction.
In March 1979, the Ministry of Tourism and Wildlife sent a
limited circular to 6 international traders for the sale of
ivory and rhino horn by confidential 'tender', the secrecy of
this sale being highly improper. They were asked to submit
bids for :










383 pieces of ivory weighing 861 kg
136 972 kg
34 427 kg
4 95 kg
1460 1634 kg
30 pieces of rhino horn 26.5 kg


Figures 10 a-d are evidence of the 'unusual' manner in
which the export of ivory was permitted. Figure 10 a shows a
permit issued to a private company the United Africa
Corporation for 11.1 tonnes of ivory on the 15th August 1975.
Figure 10 b is 'unusual' in that it is a permit issued to a
Uganda Company to cover cargo in transit. Normally cargo
travels on permits issued by the country of origin. In fact
the ivory was Kenyan and not Ugandan. Figure 10 c is a permit
issued by the Department of Wildlife Conservation and
Management to itself to 'possess' trophies, unnecessary as
being Government, it has never needed such documents. Figure
10 d is a permit allowing export of ivory, also made out in
the name of the Department. This evidence of departmental
'private' dealing is reinforced by the discovery of an account
in the name of the Kenya Department of Wildlife Conservation
and Management in a New York bank!


In addition to the traffic authorised by the Department
of Wildlife Conservation and Management, I have also seen ivory
exported in crates marked 'Wooden Carvings'.


4. Uganda
Uganda has a denser human population than either Tanganyika
or Kenya and throughout this century competition for space
between men and elephants has been intense. From the outset of
colonial government this was a problem.


In 1912 natives were issued with rifles to shoot crop-
raiding elephants. This proved insufficient. In 1918 District
Commissioners were empowered to hire European gunmen to kill







It


Original
Duplicate
Triplicate


.'" (Kenya)
to County of destination j"
.; L61 q n v g
to Customs Port of Ei\. L619f
in-.b oo "_ V V,-


FIG. 10 a. EXAMPLE OF A KENYA PERMIT.


45900
FORMS ". LE NO........

REPUBLIC OF KENYA

THE WILD ANIMALS PROTECTION ACT ,. ,,
S" (Cap. 376, Laws of Kenya)
,/ .. 1 . .*
"', . *- PERMIT OF LAWFUL EXPORT
S (Issued under.section 37 of the Wild Animals Protection Act)
, This Permit of Lawful Export is issued to P. 1 .. .. ....N..........
*.. of.. ........
c^.TOO~~.......Of (Address).1?.. who, being the holder of a Permit Legal Possession NO.l(-J ..f .(./.O2 ...
. 70. kA......... (or other authority) b.f '... O .'.. /.....
Is entitled to export the following game trophies to .................... ......
000 .0 0. .......... a...* * . ... . ..0 ... a..*** *** *.............**** *** '. .
(a) Ivory or Horn Weight (Kg) Registration Mark/Serial NO........
'0 ...0 0.........00..............r^ rr...........rr 7T ^ ...
. .. I .? .... .:t% 7 .''00 Y... A. ... ... 6

60. 0. ........ 0 ..
.. .. "'" o .. 0







(b) Other trophies:-
eYl 1 0l 0J 1 a o 0 0e 0 0 11 1 *1*oo a








Species Type of Trophy Quantity .(In words)
S o H r................. a
..... .... .... .. . .r T .' .. ......... ....... . .

. ^ -r.......... as .. ...... .. . ., ,(r. . .

^ .. ,, . ..111. @. o f sea .... . .. E t 4 i.... y/.......... *

Spce STgntur of TrphouattyAieors
0o o o a, al ole-ao oooae oao e aoaeoa oea ooe

.. .b .te .trop.hi.es.:-.




... .. .. .. .. ... .. . ..o. .. .. . . .



Signature of Holder .




ORIGINAL-to Country of destination


V 72898

L E N o ... .. ..................


FORM 9


REPUBLIC OF KENYA

THE WILD ANIMALS PROTECTION ACT
(Cap. 376, Laws of Kenya)

PERMIT OF LAWFUL EXPORT
(Issued under section 37 of the Wild Aninuils Protection Act)
This Permit of Lawful Export is issued to .......... ...... ..'
. ....of (A address) 0. A3 Ak
.... ... ...... ...................... of (A address) . .. ..... .. ..I,.. ....... ......
who, being the holder of a Permit of Legal Possession No./.. .... ......:C.. /
- ... .... .. 4 ........ (or other authority) ..........................................
is entitled to export the follow ame trophies to ....


............. ..........................
(a) hvory/-r Horn Weight (Kg.) Registration "lark / Serial No ...................

. .... e ....... .............................................
-t~ ~~~...... 6m(^ 7 -i- ... .-
-A u s --4 ... .-3 ',. ... .. r. .. ... .... ... .. .. ... ..... ........ ....







..... ........................ ............. ....................





S. ..a ..re..... of ....H l e...W.rden.
.... .. .. ......... .... ........................ ..........................








.............. ............... ....... ........................................
........... :...... .............. Klk.D. .......... : ........ . O F .I,..R...................................






.. ..... . ........ ... .. ...................... ........
.............................. -l.. ,. .
................................ ....[ ., ,: ,

A TE.. .......D" I'TI *..h l ...............................

........Signr ture" .'.o.d IS N- .. "" "". f u .....ne .... ...Warden, Kenya ........


GPK.1380-2m Bks.-7/75


FIG. 10 b. EXAMPLE OF A KENYA PERMIT.


I




ORIGINAL-to Couniry of destination
"

N9 72898 ------


LE N o ........................
REPUBLIC OF KENYA
--- '^ ,,,

THE WILD ANIMALS PROTECTION ACT
(Cap. 376, Laws of Kenya)

PERMIT OF LAWFUL EXPORT
(Issued tinder section 37 of the Wild Aninwas, Protection Act)
This Permit of Lawful Export is issued to./... ..U...9 .7..........'"
......................................... of (A address) . ...)f. . .. ...........
/, 1' __
who, being the holder of a Permit of Legal Possession No ......... .. A. ...........-/
-.1. ....'z Q... ... (or other authority)....
is f itled ito export the following trophies to .................
pa me,. . mimmai ... ... o... .... oo- .l .. ...*.... ..,.. *....

.4..................W -- w .. ............
(a) IvoryOT r Horn Weight (Kg.) Registration lark/Serial No ..................
-.. .. .. ... ...................................................
........ ........ ........... .... ......
. .. .. ... U.... .fQ ...^ .^ , .. ... ..................... .............................
-.^........ ,. ... ... ... .... ....................................................
.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .... .. . . . . . . . . . . . .






(b) Other trophies:-
Species Type of Trophy Quantity (in words)

.... ,,,, .. .... , .. .. ,, , .............. ,.,



................ ............. ... . . ....

................... . . . . . H. .....................................
.. .. . .. . .. . .. . .. .. .. ..L. .. .. .. . .. .... ..AO F C .. . . . . .
.. .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . . .. . .. . .. .... . . . .. .
......... ........... .............. E R .... ......................
WILD.L-RV

........................ ... .. .. .......... I ..'.... ..... .. .. . ...........

Signature of Hold '"Y"me Warden, Kenya
GPK.1380-2m Bks.-7/175


FIG. 10 b. EXAMPLE OF A KENYA PERMIT.





ORIGINAL MIN R Q FkM 8
REPUBLIC OF KENYA

MINISTRY OF TOURISM AND WILDLIFE -N 288257

CERTIFICATE OF OWNERSHIP (FOR POSSESSION OF TROPHIES)
ISSUED UNDER SECTION 42 OF THE WILDLIFE (CONSERVATION AND MANAGEMENT) ACT, 1976

Name of certificate holder (CAPITALS) .. 4LnD.. .C ....:. ,..V. .TZIW
.d r s .... .M ... ...... . .T........ ... .......................
.address ... ....... ..U .......
.ff17-i r ^/,i ,( 1AUG198'>J
who, being the holder of a Dealer's Licence No. 4 ^ ^ .. ........................
(or any other authority) ..... .J.... ..t..... .....................................

is entitled to possess the following trophies:
(a) Ivory or Horn (weight kg.) Registration Mark/Serial No.
........ .............


......... ..... ...... ...... ....

o....... .. ... .. ... ...o. ... ...... ..... . .

(b) Other trophies :-
Species Type of Trophy Quantity (in words)


.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ....... o. .... ... .o o . .



G iv ^ ^ ^ ... .... ... ...... .......... ..... f... :j.' . ..... .. ; day of "".". .... .............. 1.._. .
Givn 1974.
.'.,r,.rfl, F! DPA'ITMENT ,
/ W 6 .......- ........... . . ......
U jv Jirector
NOTE.-- Mi i dos notti tort the items) lit unles endorsned by the Minister.
The attention of the r owner is drmwn to section 42 of the Act


FIG. 10 c. EXAMPLE OF A KENYA PERMIT.




OIG.;IN Al.,-to Country of dcstill-aion

0N 72899


< LE N o .......................
REPUBLIC OF KENYA

THL WILD ANIMALS PROTECTION ACT
(Cap. 376, Laws of Kenya)

PERMIT OF LAWFUL EXPORT
(Issued under section 37 of the Wild AnillIs Protection Act)
This Permit of Lawful Export is issued to ...J4.tA. Q~ (. Q1X .......................................... of (A address) ........ i. ........... ............... .
who, being the holder of a Permit of Legal Possession No. .. ..j.........................
.............................. (or other authority) ........................ .....................................
is entitled to export the following game trophies to ....... .. .. .......
.................................................. ...... ........ ...., ..... ,......... .. .. .. .. .

. (a) Ivory or Horn NWeight (Kg.) Registration Mark/Serial No. ..................
Sl ............................................ . ........
... . .. . ............................ ...........................


............ ....... ........ ............................
S... .. .. .......................................................

............. ..................... ., ......... ......... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..... .


.. ... ... I... ./ . ... ... ... 7........ .. ... .. ...... ....... .. .. ... ...... .. ... ... ... ... .... .....
(b) Other trophies: -
Species Type of Trophy Quanu.j (in words)
....... ............................ ........ -- ^ ^^ ^.. ...... ...... .....
.......................... ......... ...... ............... . ......................



.......................... . ....... ... .. ....... .....................
................................... C ,-t-k.-. .. ............... . .... .. ..........................


.....................~ ~ /k ...
................................ .. ......... .. ......... ...... .. ....................
............................. ... l U t .....,' . ........ :, 4 |. ..................... ..


................................... .......... .... .. . ..................
Signature of Holder Chief Game Warden, Kenya
GPK 1380-2m Bks.-7/75



FIG. 10 d. EXAMPLE OF.A KENYA PERMIT.










elephants, payment being a proportion of the ivory handed in.
This system was closely followed by licensing which permitted
a sportsman to kill 20 elephants per licence. These efforts
did little to resolve the human-elephant conflict. In 1923
C.F.M. Swynnerton of the Tanganyika Government was sent to
advise the Uganda Government on the problem. As a result of
his recommendations, a new Department was formed to handle
elephant control which became the Uganda Game Department in
1925. In principle this new body was modelled on the Kenya
Game Department. Its officers claimed to be predominantly
interested in conserving wild life. In fact their main
pre-occupation was 'elephant control' and the Department has
been a major ivory producer. (Between 1925 and 1959 the
Departmental Annual Reports record 34,782 elephants killed in
protection of property.) A result of this work is that the
range of elephants declined from more than 70% of the country's
land area in 1929, to less than 7% today.


Elephant poaching was known to be widespread (Anon. 1939,
1946, 1947, 1948, 1949, 1955, 1957). When Government declared
an amnesty in 1968 for all with illicit ivory, paying a reward
for tusks handed in, many tonnes were surrendered within six
months. That so large an amount was readily available suggests
Government tapped an illicit trade. However, through the years
the extent of the illegal trade was never documented.


Lacking a seaport, Uganda never developed an entrepot
trade in the same manner as Kenya. Indeed, at the outset ivory
was sold by auction in Kampala, but before the second World War
this changed and the Kenya Government auctioned all Uganda's
ivory in Mombasa on commission. This system continued until
1967, when, once again, auctions were held in Kampala. Thus
while ivory in transit from Zaire moved through Uganda to get
to Mombasa, the country did not develop an entrepot trade. As
elsewhere in East Africa, Indians managed the Uganda trade until
1971 when all of their race were deported.










Law and order deteriorated so rapidly under Amin that from
1971 the official records of exports are of dubious value. The
series of data from 1929 to 1976 are presented in Figure 11 and
Table 46. These fluctuate about the 20-30 tonne level from
1929 until 1974 with a depression during the war years and a
major peak to over 60 tonnes in the late 1960s. This is
accounted for by the reduction of 2,000 elephants in the then
Murchison Falls National Park (Laws, Parker & Johnstone, 1975)
and the ivory amnesty already mentioned which crossed the
annual divide between 1968 and 1969. After 1974 exports
appear to have dropped steeply to c.5 tonnes in 1976 the
lowest official export since the preceding century.


The few imports of raw ivory are presented in Table 47.


It is known that the Customs record is incomplete.
Kyemba (1977) states that the former President Milton Obote -
and his then Chief of Staff, General Amin, were involved in
large-scale ivory smuggling from Zaire in the mid 1960s,
volumes of which never appeared in the official statistics.


With the disintegration of Government under Amin a variety
of permits were issued authorising ivory export some for
large enough amounts to belie the veracity of the Customs
record. Samples are presented in Figures 12 a-c.


5. Sudan
In the last chapter it was apparent that the Sudan was a
major ivory producer through much of the 19th century and up
until 1914. However, the trade diminished considerably and
though I have no data for the years 1915-1973, we have
Nalder's (1936) comment :
"Ivory was for many years the only product of any
importance: supplies gradually diminished and in
1932 the demand practically died away..."
From this it is apparent that the trade dropped substantially
after 1914 as was the case in East Africa, although the
volume taken by the Abyssinian-Swahili brigands (Chapter 1)









FIG. 11 UGANDA'S EXPORTS OF RAW
IVORY 1939-1976





50






40-
.T
0
n
n

e 30-
s





20-







10-


1950 1960


1940


1970 1976















OR..IfNAL"



THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA


THE GAME (PRESERVATION AND CONTROL)


LICENCE TO PURCHASE AND EX T GAI
(Issued under secti l of the Ar)


38596
Serial No ...................


"ote. ........../ ...... .. / ..?-. ......
Date ...... J 7 ....


the provisions of above Act.


Fee: Shs. 2/50


indicate here the nature of the trophy

GPRU-SOO-300 bk..x20x2-7-74. (S. C. 19).


Warden.


FIG. 12 a. EXAMPLE OF-A UGANDA PERMIT.




Ref: 58


covering

GAME TROPHIES FOR EXPORT


PLACE .. .*AI W ..-........*..-.e..............


DATE.... e L. 7 .o 7 o....


I hereby certify that the Game Trophies herein described
below have in my opinion been obtained legally in accordance with
thG. Ge.ne Trophies Act and that the said Game Trophies have been
licensed for export.


DESCRIPTION NO. OF PIECES OR PKGS WEIGHT


RAWl XVCIr I=OT S, BA RIA 1YCKY 522T KWS HET.




Identification marks .... ...... ..............................

***oeo**.*e*ooee eeeoelooeooeooooeeoeeO*ee.*ee ee*em@ eo*SS* eee*& a
Consignor ..VNOMe4 A ...s.... .. ..I.
and


and
A address
ConveyedbyROD T A1XM O RD SERJ.. TO KAMM. .... ANSt

Licence No. we *"e.... ew'...

( Shipping Marks) .. weeee.. .......... 3.e............ we
SOL LWI


/



Original to Consignee
Duplicate to Chief of Vessel
Triplicate to Consignor
QOadruplicate to Commissioner of
Customs & Excise, Ugaida,
P. 0. Box 444
KAMPALA, UGtIA. '


uj~jjii uuj y >--r '** a o a* P;Z7 I V*
Name 0A0 e e 7. e

Authorised Licencing Officer


FIG. 12 b. EXAMPLE OF A
UGANDA PERMIT


REPUBLIC OF UGANDA
MINIS'l-.Y OF ANIMAL RESOURCES
GAME DEPARTMENT

OFFICIAL GAME TROPHIES INSPECTION CERTIFICATE


I II I I




Ref: 58


covering

GAME TROPHIES FOR EXPORT


PLACE . ag i l 0. I .... ...... ... 4 g 0


A' f7* 1978.
DAM. eggggg T* *


I hereby certify that the Game Trophies herein described
below have in my opinion been obtained legally in accordance with
the Game Trophies Act and that the said Game Trophies have been
licensed for export.


DESCRIPTION NO. OF PIECES OR PKGS WEIGHT


RAW, 1YOM 1537 ZBSB OP 1vBI 6837 IGS, IEM





Identification marks ... .... ... ... g .. gge
* .,G 12J. i PAW.. .qU qyou.e. ..................... .....

Consignor o..oo..e-.........-..e* ....*.o eeaese*e*. -o.
and
AdrConsignee aS *..# ..... .. .... .............. ... a......

and
A address ..g..g.
R=Q&3 2HWGR ADUB& M=31C ROW SUV2i. B0 TO NA3ROBI 2N 2AMSlt.
Conveyed by g.. e.g.a.eee.. ..*...a*g-a...-...-.*--.-*ee....*....

Licence No. 8795 ..... ... ...

(Shipping Marks) "0*****a* '*'''*' ', a


Authorised Licending Officer


Original to Consignee
Duplicate to Chief of Vessel
Triplicate to Consignor
Quadruplicate to Commissioner of
Customs & Excise, Uganda,
P. 0. Box 444
KAPALA. UGANDA-


FIG. 12 c. EXAMPLE OF A
UGANDA PERMIT


REPUBLIC OF UGANDA
MINISTRY OF ANIMAL RESOURCES
GAME DEP. INSPEVT

OFFICIAL GAME TROPHIES INSPECTION CERTIFICATE










until 1930 went undocumented. However, the trade did not die
out completely, for a number of Arab ivory merchants in
Khartoum have an unbroken record of business which extends,
through fathers and grandfathers, back into the last century.
Further, there are a number of old ivory carvers in Omdurman
and Khartoum who have been in business all their lives.


In 1955 southern Sudanese troops mutinied in Juba and
precipitated a recessionist guerilla war which raged until
1972. The main source of Sudanese ivory was in the south and
the war greatly slowed down ivory trading in the traditional
manner: i.e. from the negro southerners, to urban, Arabised
northerners, thence down the Nile to Khartoum. However, the
southern rebels (AnyaNya) did use ivory to obtain provisions
and weapons, selling it across the Zaire, Uganda, Kenya and
Ethiopian borders.


Seventeen years of war destroyed the southern Sudanese
economy. At its end, the region was back in the same position
it had been at the turn of the century. The only source of
revenue of any consequence was, once again, ivory. In 1973,
as part of the celebrations to commemorate the first anniversary
of the war's end, it was decided to hold an auction of ivory.
This I organised for the Regional Government. It coincided
with the onset of a spectacular rise in the price of ivory
which precipitated a scramble for ivory throughout the south.
As part of a consultancy for a client firm, I used the
opportunity to enter the trade, buy ivory and obtain insight
into the business both locally and internationally.


Ivory stockpiled during the war poured forth and it was
instructive to see who had it. Prior to my arrival ivory had
not been moving fast or in quantity, as sufficient transport
did not yet exist to move it. However, by flying to outlying
posts, I was able to get to it, rather than it having to come
to me. Thus I bought from Negroes, Greeks, Indians, Arabs,
Englishmen, an Irishman, from traders and companies, from game










wardens, Government Ministers, peasants, pilots, policemen;
from administrators and AnyaNya rebels, hotel receptionists
and a judge. The incentive to digress on this episode is
great, but suffice it that I was shown that Sudan is still a
major source of ivory. It also showed conclusively that its
value and use is as embedded in Africa today as ever it was
a hundred years ago. It also brought home very forcefully
that, as always, transport is the major constraint upon the
flow of ivory, for I was totally unable to move what I knew
to be available, despite having funds to purchase everything
I saw.


The Sudan's exports of raw ivory from Customs records for
1973-1977 are presented in Table 48. From my own experience
I am certain that they are too low. The Sudan has rigorous
exchange control laws, and substantial duties have to be paid
on ivory exported. The economy is frail and many luxury goods
are difficult to obtain. It is thus an ideal climate for
illegal export. Figure 13 shows a permit issued to a trader
for 2190 tusks at least 1095 elephants. In the same period
(the latter half of 1978) I personally saw documents
authorising the export of a further 15.6 tonnes and an order
for an additional 16 tonnes from Sudan (which Would not have
been placed without some confidence that it would be fulfilled).
Thus from permits issued, the Sudan's exports in 1978 should
have been 52 tonnes (with a possibility of a further 16) but
this does not show in the Customs record.


While the trade figures for 1978 are incomplete at the
time of writing, the levels of 'export' are substantially
higher than in previous years and not in accordance with the
country's policy of 'limited' elephant hunting.


6. Ethiopia
Since the Italian conquest of Ethiopia in 1933, there
has been little official trade in ivory. The country has a few
elephants around Harrar and along the south-western border with







SFir qz Form Rev. No. 85 I A j A' L d


W:TiiE DEMOCIZATIC REPUBLIC F0 TtIIIE SUDiAN '


* "' GAME AND FISHERIES DEPARTMENT .

~ ~ tJ~ ~y~t~UI- ~i~ tt l 4 ,j l 31 OU c .uy u X
Export permit for live wild animals or parts thereof issued under Section 19 of the PreLservation .*ofr Wil
Animals .Ordinance,: 1935. :'
Mr.E M~*Lohamed Awadasl.l t P*
N A M E ... ... ... . . . ......... 'I ........ ........... ............... ...... .... .............. 1.
..C..A.lerchant ....... ..
OCCUPATION : ....... ............ ..... ....,. :;. "-' ..' .... ............ .... ......
OF .......... ..o. .4 . .o.... ............................................................J 3 .

Is hereby grp, .... e'xpor from the Sfl
Is hereby granted permission to export from the Sudan the following :-- '. -. ; ^ .
,:- _; ._. i_ v ji, I.. t c .ij^ _z eT. ^.c. ( t. icrf )


Animal..
Animal


0, 31.
orkull
Al: -,


I I-


Ivory Tusks


This is I
2190 pieces Ivo]
hants were hunt


or
horn















au loriz
Tha we
oft iaau


Fca-
Skin their


IUSK r' ", .
Tusk lnspeac. oby
u. GamcB. or. nlt
Qua-


Hirst
and
3econ
'lass






[ohanM
100 K!
lo0nn
eru j


Inspected by
'Game


Weight


23So0
Kilos


LS %S I


d Awadalla El Awad to extort
i1
los to Hlong Kong these ilep-
sion from this d partmen.


Country of O igin : ....SUD. ...................... ........................................ .
8 -Im-. *,-: *-' ~ "
This perm it expires on : .............................. *...........................................
*; -. ,:ll il. '..: ..... "
F. piid. LS ............ Video ......... ....... ,, ... ..... .
'.V a ~ . '
. PI..c t:pJ ,.t':::.x. ,
r,.c : 20t. h.. June^"., ............. ..... ........ .... ...................
2 t.... .. ......... ..... ... .. .. *. ..../

SDirector,
GAME DEPARTMENT. -- ..- .
.;..ILT T ....... ".

"'IT! l .. ,.,;:. ..... .


... L)a^-, : j4-.ll wi~
..: j l. ,- 11 L


&j
..... .....


,/ ^,. SJ.\


2 *


FIG. 13 .EXAMPLE OF A SUDAN PERMIT


2190
pieces


ji










the Sudan. In 1968 I made an aerial reconnaissance along the
border, saw no live elephants, but many tracks and a number
of skeletons indicative of hunting. I gained the impression
that elephant densities were light-to-moderate and that there
were probably more elephants than was or is held to be the
case in conservation circles. The areas in which there are
elephants, are.remote and somewhat lawless. They serve as
refuges for fugitives, both from the Sudan and Ethiopia at
that time a substantial number of Sudanese AnyaNya were there.
On these grounds alone there must have been an ivory trade of
sorts, but inhibited by the limited transport facilities.


In 1973 I visited Addis Ababa and enquired after the
availability of ivory. The maximum I could have purchased
was c.10 tonnes, most of which was said to have come from the
western border, or from within the Sudan.


In 1976 one firm offered a company -in the U.S.A. 7 tonnes
and seemed to be seeking outlets for regular supplies. From
this very limited evidence it would seem that there is still
a small flow of ivory from Ethiopia. Officially, however,
exports are less than 1 tonne a year. The only data available
are presented in Table 49.


The Department of Wildlife Conservation and Development
believes that less than 5 elephants were killed legally
between 1974 and 1979, but that illegal hunting took place to
an unknown degree (Survey Questionnaire).


7. Zambia
Zambia has a substantial elephant population (e.g.
Caughley 1973) but a 'low profile' in the public ivory eye.
Nevertheless it had both an external and internal trade in
ivory artefacts, which entailed importing carved items as well
as local manufacture the market for which was the relatively
large, urban and affluent mining community of expatriates.










Data on the import and export of ivory are presented in
Figure 14 and Tables 50-54. Table 51 gives the only Customs
data of this survey which are backed closely by evidence from
the local conservation authority in Table 52. The pattern of
raw ivory exports is of interest in that for nine of the 14
years covered 1964, 65, 66, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76 and 77 they
are remarkably constant, averaging 26 tonnes in a range of
20-33 tonnes. The intervening period of 1967-1971 averaged
49 tonnes, but exports were erratic, ranging between 2 and
113.9 tonnes. This was also the period in which the Government
was enmeshed in a controversial elephant cropping project in
the Luangwa Valley of Zambia and I assume that the pattern of
exports was in some way linked to the conservation politics
of the time.


In the past Zambia sold much of its ivory to Mozambique.
This stopped when that country became independent. With
physical isolation from sea ports, a political outlook which
denies rapprochement with Rhodesia, a fall in the price of
copper and a general economic performance far behind
expectations (Jolly 1978), Zambia has had to impose stringent
exchange controls. These have recently included a ban on
exporting ivory. At the same time the circumstances have
created considerable incentive to use it to move capital away
from the country. In the main this has taken two channels.
Until the ban on exports most ivory was grossly undervalued to
minimise what had to be returned to the country and to allow
the balance between the real and invoiced price to be paid
overseas.


The other channel has been the more unusual outright
smuggling through concealment. One ruse used was sealing ivory
in containers, bribing Customs officials not to inspect them
too closely, and shipping the containers out as "heavy machinery
parts" for repair. Thus Hong Kong obtained ivory imports from
Australia whence the 'machinery parts' had been shipped.










115

110




100




90




80




70


0

n 60

n

e
e 50-
s


40




30




20




10





1965 1970 1975

FIG. 14 ZAMBIA'S EXPORTS OF RAW IVOK
1964-1977











Other ruses have included equipping trucks with false
floors or hidden compartments and also dummy fuel tanks. In
addition to Zambia's own smuggling there is also a through-
flow of ivory from neighboring Zaire and a possible back-flow
from Malawi. Both streams have been predominantly directed
toward and through South Africa. Some attempts have also been
made to ship through Malawi where at least one such consignment
has been seized.


Assertions were heard from a wide variety of sources that
senior officials in the Zambian Government were implicated in
widespread ivory exports.


8. Malawi
Malawi has its elephants (c.4,000) concentrated in
sanctuaries national parks, game reserves or forest reserves
and under more effective supervision than any state with the
possible exceptions of South Africa and Rhodesia. Export of
raw ivory is not encouraged. That recovered from the country'
elephants is sold to local craftsmen. It is then carved and
sold to tourists who may export their purchases without let or
hindrance. The volume of these local raw ivory sales is given
in Table 55 and average c.1.2 tonnes a year. There is some
poaching of Malawi's elephants, but it is within the
population's capacity for replacement (Anstey and Bell, pers.
comm.)


Attempts to smuggle ivory into Malawi are recurring and
fall into two classes. The first concerns commercial
consignments from both Zaire and Zambia, which are routed to
overseas destinations through Malawi's Chileka airport.
Several such consignments have been intercepted by the Malawi
Customs Investigation Service and confiscated. (This ivory
is sold by international tender if it is greater than can be
absorbed into the local carving trade.) The photographs in
Figure 15 are in fact from such a case when a vehicle and its
contraband were seized.









/


I]I


TRUCKS FITTED WITH FALSE FLOORS ) HIDDEN
COMPARTMENTS TRADITIONAL DEVICE FOR MOVING
CONTRABAND MOVE ILLEGAL IVORY WIDELY IN
CENTRAL AFRICA.


(Photos : J. Clifford)


FIG. 15


- mm











Malawi's facilities are too small for any major ivory traffic
to develop without becoming conspicuous and detectable.


The second form of smuggling concerns ivory brought into
Malawi as barter currency to purchase goods unobtainable in
Mozambique and Zambia. In view of the depressed economies in
these two countries and the healthy conditions in Malawi,
there is said to be a constant dribble of tusks across the border.
Because these come in, carried by people on foot, using numerous,
unpoliced backwood trails, interceptions are infrequent but do
occur. What happens to this ivory is largely a matter of
supposition though it is believed that a certain amount is taken
in by the local carving industry.. Some has certainly been
bought by private individuals and freighted out as personal
effects. If it accumulates into larger consignments, the most
likely way in which it would leave the country would be by
heavy road transport.through Zambia and Botswana to South Africa.
However, only one such consignment has been detected in recent
years. Alternatively this ivory could be railed away from
Malawi through Mozambique, but by both rail and road it would
have to be disguised as something else or hidden as in
Figure 15.


9. Botswana
Botswana, South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho and Swaziland
share a common Customs and Excise Union. Trade Statistics are
published by the Union and do not give breakdowns for the
individual states. There are thus no published Customs data
for Botswana's ivory trade prior to 1975, when the country
commenced an independent annual trade record. The system for
doing this is still in the process of development and in 1975
and 76 values only were published. Such data as are available
from this source are presented in Table 56.


While an analysis of export permit duplicates might reveal
considerable information on Botswana's ivory trade, no such
examination was made and the Department of Wildlife and National











Parks has made no collation of the data. Short of substantial
research, the Botswana government is unable to give a clear
picture of its ivory trade. Fortunately, however, the major
concern trading ivory in the country, Botswana Game Industries
(Pty) Ltd. (BGI), provided an insight into volumes.


All tusks taken legally in Botswana are given individual
registry numbers; each year the numbers commence at 1. The
first tusk to be registered at any station in any year would be
given the station prefix of two letters, the number 1 and the
year. Thus the first tusk registered in Francistown in 1978
would be FT/1/78. The last number of each year will convey
the number of tusks that were registered at that station.


While BGI is unlikely to always purchase the last number
it is likely to obtain some numbers during the last weeks of
the year and thereby obtain a close idea of the year's total
registrations. On this basis it is estimated that for the
years 1975-78, BGI bought 59% of ivory registered in Botswana,
weighing 43,991 kg: an average of 8,798 kg a year. From this
one can deduce that the country's average annual production has
been c.14,912 kg per annum say 15 tonnes.


The number of licences to shoot elephants has varied
between c.550 and c.800 per annum over the same period, and
the average weight of tusk bought by BGI is c.12 kg, i.e. 24 kg
per elephant. On the basis of licences issued, annual ivory
production should have been between 13.2 and 19.2 tonnes.


The two estimates are not unrelated and both are imprecise.
Nevertheless as the BGI figure falls between what should become
available from licences, I feel that it is a worthwhile guide
to the order of Botswana's ivory production.


Unlike many other countries (e.g. Tanzania and Uganda),
where elephants conflicting with agriculturalists is a problem,
this is not the case in Botswana, and little ivory comes from










this source. Similarly, quantities found from natural mortality
are small.


In addition to its own production Botswana, largely through
BGI's international trading, imports ivory from elsewhere in
Africa. While this was in principle straightforward, the
disturbed political conditions around Botswana now complicate
the trade. 'The situations in Zambia, Rhodesia, Angola and
Namibia are all powerful incentives to move capital. Botswana's
position makes it an obvious first base into which ivory can be
moved. The country's early accession to the Washington
Convention on Trade in Endangered Species enhanced this
situation as it made Botswana Export Permits for ivory worth a
great deal more than those from the majority of countries that
held back from ratifying the treaty.


In the past two years there has been a proliferation of
small ivory exporters in Botswana and a rise in the number of
tusks shipped secretly over the border into South Africa. I
examined some such ivory in South Africa and in Hong Kong saw
applications for permission to import 6 tonnes of ivory from
Botswana. The only concern with the capital and established
trade position to produce this quantity out of Botswana is BGI,
who knew nothing of the applications or the applicant. The
conclusion, therefore, is that either there is an extensive
poaching operation in. Botswana (for which there is little
supporting data) or the country is having its name taken in
vain for other ivory.


10. South Africa and Namibia
South Africa has one source of ivory of any consequence:
the Kruger National Park. Annual cropping programmes to hold
elephant numbers to a predetermined level have produced between
1.9 and 6.2 tonnes annually over the past seven years.


Namibia has elephants in a narrow belt across the north of
the country, including the whole of the 'Caprivi Strip'.











Trade statistics for the Southern African Customs Union are
given in values only. The data are presented in Table 57 for
1972-77 imports and exports of both raw and worked ivory, and
include estimates of weight.


In addition to these exports, South Africa has an ivory
manufacturing industry which consumes at least 5 tonnes per
annum, and probably more (Trade sources).


The South African/Namibian data do not reconcile readily
with Botswana's statements and the low volumes I believe to be
produced internally. Suffice it that the information is too
imprecise to analyse accurately. This is in part a reflection
of the political turmoil racking southern Africa, which creates
a climate for concealment of trade statistics particularly
of a commodity such as ivory.


11. Zaire
Data on Zaire's ivory trade are given in Table 58. They
derive from two sources (1) the Department for the Environment,
Conservation of Nature and Tourisme (now the Zaire Institute
for the Conservation of Nature), and (2) the United States
Embassy in Kinshasa. The former covered 4 years 1973-76 and
exports are given as 1 to 29 tonnes per annum. The second
source covered six years 1972-77 ranging between 0.2 and 1,293
tonnes per annum. They do not correspond. Further, the second
source also indicates a very substantial export trade in worked
ivory of up to 78 tonnes per annum. All traders I have consulted
on the data feel that they are false. The general impression
is that Zaire's total exports are between 200 and 300 tonnes a
year. The Zairois Government did negotiate an arrangement for
selling all official ivory on commission. At the time c.6
years ago their 'official production' was c.120 tonnes per
annum. However, they planned to raise it to 200 tonnes per
annum. In the end the agreement was abandoned and sales are
now back in Government hands.











=LNPOI-


CONSEIL EXECUTIF
DEPARTMENT DE L'ENVIRONNEMENT
CONSERVATION DE LA NATURE ET TOURISM
DIVISION D CONSERVATION DE LA
MATURE ET GESTION DES
RESSOIRCES NATURELLES


K.P.P H3O-K=N
N 1 & IhS
Kinshasa, le


CERTIFICATE D'ORIGINE ET DE LEGITIME EXPOTATION.-


Je seunsigiae DITUZOILLE M'BONGI, Directeur i la Censor-
vatioM do Ia b. ture et Gestion dea Ressources Naturelles, atteute
par la present qua Honsieur DIALLO A, OUMAR, resident a NO 125
Avenue du Rail & KINSXASA/BARUMBU, eat iitenteur to 175 pointe.
Ldivoire (&oit trois tenaes) qu'il a achete coaform6ei*x a la
regleneatation *an viguour on Ripublique du Zafre.


La prxsento lti ost 6tablie pour une legitime oxperta-
tion.-


FIG. 16 a. EXAMPLE OF A ZAIRE PERMIT


15, Avenue des Cliniques No 15/KINSHASA GOMBE B. P. 73 Kin. 14-12348 Kin. 1 T6l6phone: 30235 .31252









REPUBLIQUE DU ZAIRE [ ..
RIOI01! DE L' BQUAT1,JR f ..."- -,/ '; : "
COORDT'1ATLUR DE L'VWIROIIIENT, .... : '"
COISH1VATION DE LA NATUiE E TROUfISI!iE I :-. -; .,'.


B. P,


.48- 1.BA1DAKA


- .'" U . "I'"
NO CH.P./TJ0_.O.~.En/~


CERTIFICAT DE LEGITI1I Dv ,'PrION DE L'IVOIRE D'EL.PHANT.- .



Je soussign : K'BE-''A II' XIDI wa 11IV1 23A, Inganieur, Cc:-'rdina-*
t, r R6gional de I'Erivirononent, Conservation de.la Naturo et Touria,.o pour
la Region de lItpquat'cur, atteste par Ia pr senate ; : '.
Conformement & la .Convention do Washington sur le commerce des
espboes de faune et flore sauvages inennc.cs d'extinction et en vertu de
l'autorisation d'achat de l'ivoiroebrut nO.7. ..... /DECLT/BCE/78 du 6/.5/70
.... ....* acoord6e par le Conaiossairo d'Etat 4 l'Enivironement, Conservation
do la Vlaturo ot Tourismo a Kinshasai-; ... ....... "
I({,,, ~BT 'Bd;l( ? . S.1r. KIrTSTIASA'. ...:
Lc I.UW W ............................ .
a prsent6, en mon office, an &ate du 18 Juillet 1978 222 .... points
pr~~sen% en.nofcl n~ u ........ 0........ .......
d'ivoire buut pesant au total ........ Kgs ........... don't los
carncteristiquos reproduitos ci-dossous et quo sa/ lour possession est 1 "
c i t o .- ...* "* '. :' : '. .. '.<, .. . .


I. toidr Quaiato 9Long. arc. :onr. I ilie. ,Observation
1 -222, 2700 Kr., 'Enliore F;=^ = ^ '1=2 =-===
.n llant do 1 o.b5 : : :"
,' I .,/ . : i g B. o. "' i ..i: :; I. ,-




:O A "' tJ J '0 '* I' "; 1* "'" ": : !* .: " : ^

"tt" n..1. '7/5^ ,. .' ... .,. -, ../'" ,. ,". ".: v-d<" .,.in o.. "
< '. ,ait.- a .. :'., :-.. y',.: .. .. ".:.. .'
. . . .. ,, ... .
. : ', -.. I .. : : : : : :-: .
I '1 ; .". ,.


. .... . : .. n .: t':Ja^ ...r 'All':T e
S ..r B i0ino I 6idlR si,,)9 U&FI iat? Your. "
o A 1.13.70 G ,D; 0210/7630. P.14 VOIG .iLO.:
Quitt. no .oI.V/l Fa" -- illet 7.1
Fa:i.. t NV. ...."..
.......du ,- ,\ ,
...-"~~~~Anl en' iI,: .114.


A ZATRIE PERMIT. "'..


EXAMPLE .OF


n G, 1: 6 b.






REPUBLIQUE DU ZAIRE
MOUVEMEMT POPULAR DE LA REVOLUTION



Region du Kivu
S / R6gion du Nord-Kivu
Zone de Berii
DUpartement de I'Enviromiemfnt
Conservation de la nature et Tourisme





ATTh'STATICN TENANT LIEU DE CERTIFICATE
D'ENREGISTREMENT DES POINTES D'IVGIRES N00 4578
/


Neus seusaignea NAMWISHO, Centroleur ie la Statiel
ie l'EvirexMneext Cotaervation ie la Nature & Touriame ex ZSNe
GIe lexi atteutoxs par la prisexte avoir enregistr 'l.50@ KC ie,
.xuw *xzvwirem appa2rtflxaxt au Citeye a
reprimext6 par le Citeye. .A S A I D l
aC.......... ........ u cette
fin par le Citeyex ..................... par aa nete iu ..........
ex Traxait par WGANDA.

Lea peintes e*t etg acketees Aepuis Janvier I978
et sext pret k l'expertatiex.

L& preaexte attestation eat sincere.-

LE CONTROLETR PRINCIPAL DE L'ENVIRONNEM4ENT
.**" CONSERVATION DE LA NATURE ET TVRISME STATION
DE ZNE,
IAMWISHO.- : .'

'. ,^^ :_i--'--T- .'. .

ATTACLDE iBrEAr DE 1ER CLASSES. -.-:. '


h *-. j Ua -. .^
\\ .. '-., -
l<; 1.


FIG. 16 c. EXAMPLE OF A ZAIRE PERMIT.










The traders recognize Zaire as the largest source of ivory
in Africa. However, they are also aware of the unmentionable
political fact that Zaire is virtually a non-state. Large
tracts in the east and north are, in many respects, independent
of Kinshasa certainly where rural life is concerned. This is
particularly true of the ivory trade. Over the past decade there
has been acute competition within the Government for control of
ivory exports. Thus in 1978 Kinshasa issued one export
document (Figure 16 a), the officers in Mbandaka issued a
Certificate of Legal Possession which they meant to be valid
for exporting ivory to Hong Kong (Fig 16 b see bottom right
corner above signature "pour exportation ver Hong Kong"), while
from Beni yet another document is used (Figure 16 c). In this
latter permit is a forgery: compare the shank of the figure 7
at the end of the second typed line in the heading with the
shank of the 7 in the fifth typed line in "7,500 kg". It is
obvious that it was originally 1,500 kg.


The bulk of Zaire's ivory exports come out illegally
through neighboring states Congo, Central African Empire,
Sudan, Uganda, Burundi and Zambia. In 1973 between 2 and 7
tonnes a week were being brought into Juba, a lot of which I
personally saw. The main entrepreneurs in this smuggling were
Senegalese. Small quantities are airfreighted to Europe or the
Far East as personal belongings; large consignments are sent
to Europe, usually Belgium, for disposal.


The magnitude of the Zaire ivory exports is difficult to
confirm because of the manner in which they are mixed with those
of neighboring countries.


12. Burundi
Burundi has no elephants, but exports substantial amounts
of ivory. These come from two sources Zaire and Tanzania -
in similar proportions. A Burundi export document is attached
as Figure 17.




Bujumbura, e tr ---t97i.


REPUBLIQUE DU BURUNDI


Ministere de l'Agriculture et de l'Elevage
Direction Genlrale de la Production et
de la Santi Animales
B. P. 1850 Ti. 4264
Bujumbura

N :
Annexe :
Objet :


- CERTIFICATE VWDERINAIRE ET WILDLIFE -


I1 certify that Pieces 838 soit 4.337 kgs = 100 colis of Ivory belong
to ,1ATJ-BURUNDI P.O. Box 2986 Bujumbura, were been examined and found in good
condition for exportation purposes.


TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN

R : Export licence BI/8.257 the ivory referred to in this licence was not
obtained in contrevention of the laws of this country for the protection of fauna
and flora and the export will not be detrimental to the survival of the species.


Destination :-O


REPUBLIQUE
-DU BURUNDI


REPUBLIQUE
DU BU-UNDI

%' 7NCES


Francs


REPUBLIQUE
DU BURUNDI


Dr. NZIBARIZA Fran9ois,



,~(t7P~1IQiuE DU BIJ
.tNISTERE .E L'AGRICULTURE
ET DE L'ELEVAGE

LAO50RATOIRE VETERINAIR"


Francas


FIG. 17 EXAMPLE OF A BURUNDI PERMIT.