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Comparison of social adjustment between home and traditionally schooled students

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Comparison of social adjustment between home and traditionally schooled students
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Shyers, Larry Edward, 1948-
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x, 299 leaves : ; 29 cm.

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Child development ( jstor )
Child psychology ( jstor )
Children ( jstor )
Home schooling ( jstor )
Observational research ( jstor )
Parents ( jstor )
Schools ( jstor )
Self concept ( jstor )
Social adjustment ( jstor )
Traditional schools ( jstor )
Counselor Education thesis Ph.D
Dissertations, Academic -- Counselor Education -- UF
Home schooling -- Florida ( lcsh )
School children -- Florida ( lcsh )
Social adjustment ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 1992
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 260-297)
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Larry Edward Shyers.

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University of Florida
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COMPARISON OF SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT BETWEEN HOME AND TRADITIONALLY
SCHOOLED STUDENTS







By

LARRY EDWARD SHYERS


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1992


UNIVERSITY OF FLOrmA LI2RflrES


























































Copyright 1992

by

Larry Edward Shyers















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


I would first like to thank my God for giving me

the knowledge, strength, and opportunity to complete

this project. Without Him I could not have been

successful.

Next to Him, I thank my parents who have provided

constant and consistent emotional support and encourage-

ment. They were always confident the project would be

successfully completed.

A very special thanks goes to my committee chair-

person, Dr. Joe Wittmer. His guidance, support, and

friendship have been especially appreciated. His

willingness to become my committee chairperson during

the final stages has won my highest esteem.

I also thank the rest of my committee for their

consistent encouragement, assistance, and perseverance.

Each of them provided considerable guidance and tech-

nical assistance.

I wish to thank Dr. Larry Loesch for the time and

effort he spent providing statistical assistance. I

also thank Dr. Mark Young for providing access to

Stetson University's computer system and hours of

instruction in its use.









Appreciation is also extended to the hundreds of

children and parents with whom I had the privilege to

work. Without their cooperation, this study would not

be possible.

Last, but definitely not least, I thank my wife and

children. They had to endure numerous days and nights

without me while the doctoral studies were completed.

Their love and devotion kept me going, especially during

the rough times.













TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................... iii

ABSTRACT .......................................... ix

CHAPTERS

I INTRODUCTION ............................ 1

Need for the Study ...................... 6
Purpose of the Study ................... 10
Statement of the Problem ............... 11
Definitions ............... ............... 12
Organization of the Study ............... 12

II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ............ 14

Social Adjustment ....................... 14

Social Development in Children ........ 14
Psychosexual Theory of Social
Development ........................ 17
Psychosocial Theory of Social
Development ........................ 19
Social Learning Theory of Social
Development ........................ 26
Cognitive-Development Theory of Social
Development ........................ 32
Summary of Social Development ......... 42

Correlates of Childhood Social Adjustment 45

Age and Social Adjustment ............. 45
Sex Differences and Social Adjustment 48
Assertiveness and Social Adjustment ... 52
Self-Concept and Social Adjustment .... 54
Socioeconomic Status and Social
Adjustment ......................... 57
Schooling Experience and Social
Adjustment ......................... 59

Comparative Literature on Schooling
Alternatives ....................... 64

The Public School Movement ............ 64









The Home-School Movement ............. 75
Summary of School Alternatives and
Social Adjustment ................. 88

Assessment of Social Adjustment ......... 89

Evidence of Social Adjustment ......... 92

Assertiveness ...................... 92
Self-Concept ....................... 93
Behavior ........................... 95

Assessment Instruments ............... 96

Children's Assertive Behavior Scale. 96
Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept
Scale ............................ 101
Direct Observation Form ............ 104

Summary ................................. 109

III METHODOLOGY ............................ 112

Research Design ......................... 113
Research Questions ...................... 113
Population .............................. 114

Traditional School Population........... 116
Home School Population ............... 117

Selection of Participants ............... 119
Research Procedures ..................... 124

Paper and Pencil Assessments .......... 124
Free Play and Group Behavior Procedures 126

Observer Training and Observation
Procedures ............................ 129

Instrumentation ......................... 133

Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept
Scale .............................. 133
Children's Assertive Behavior Scale ... 135
Direct Observation Form .............. 137
Demographic Questionnaire ............. 138

Hypotheses .............................. 139
Data Analysis .......................... 139
Delimitations .......................... 141
Limitations ............................. 141









IV RESULTS ................................. 143

Research Subjects ....................... 143
Test Results ............ ................ 162
Hypotheses .................... .......... 162

Hypothesis One ........................ 172
Hypothesis Two ........................ 175
Hypothesis Three ...................... 175

V LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY, DISCUSSION OF
THE RESULTS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR
FURTHER RESEARCH ...................... 183

Limitations of the Study ................ 184
Evaluation and Discussion of the Results. 185

Hypothesis One ........................ 185
Hypothesis Two ........................ 186
Hypothesis Three ...................... 187

Implications and Recommendations for
Further Research ...................... 198
Conclusions ... .. ........................ 203

APPENDICES

A CHILDREN'S ASSERTIVE BEHAVIOR SCALE .... 206

B LETTER TO HOME SCHOOL PARENTS .......... 217

C LETTER TO PUBLIC SCHOOL SUPERINTENDENT 219

D LETTER TO TRADITIONAL SCHOOL PARENTS ... 221

E LETTER OF INFORMED CONSENT ............. 223

F DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE .............. 226

G LETTER OF INVITATION ................... 230

H STEP-BY-STEP INSTRUCTIONS ............. 232

I GROUP INTERACTION ACTIVITY ............. 235

J LETTER TO CHURCHES AND PARENT GROUPS ... 238

K DEMOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION OF HOME SCHOOL
RESPONDENT POPULATION ............. 240

L DEMOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION OF TRADITIONAL
SCHOOL RESPONDENT POPULATION ...... 247

vii










M ANALYSIS OF SPLIT-PLOT DESIGN .......... 256

M-1 ANALYSIS FOR 8-YEAR-OLDS ......... 257

M-2 ANALYSIS FOR 9-YEAR-OLDS ......... 258

M-3 ANALYSIS FOR 10-YEAR-OLDS ........ 259

REFERENCES ....................................... 260

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ............................. 299


viii














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fullfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

COMPARISON OF SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT BETWEEN HOME AND
TRADITIONALLY SCHOOLED STUDENTS

By

Larry Edward Shyers

May 1992

Chairman: Paul J. Wittmer
Major Department: Counselor Education

Traditional schools provide for regular classroom

contact with children of the same age, and it is assumed

that this regular contact with other children aids appro-

priate social adjustment. By their very nature, home

schools do not provide for regular formal classroom contact

with children other than siblings. Because of this obvious

difference, parents, educators, legislators, and courts have

questioned whether children schooled at home are as socially

well adjusted as their agemates in traditional programs.

Investigation of this possible difference was the focus of

this study.

This study compared the social adjustment of 70

children educated at home with that of 70 children educated

in a traditional school setting. Three correlates of social

adjustment were identified through a review of the









literature: self-concept, behavior, and assertiveness.

Each was assessed in children of both populations.

The results of this study imply that children between

the ages of 8 and 10 have similar beliefs about themselves

regardless of how they are schooled. All age groups in both

research populations had self-concept scores higher than the

national average as measured by the Piers-Harris Children's

Self-Concept Scale.

The results of this study further indicate that

children from both schooling environments participating in

this study achieved scores on the Children's Assertive

Behavior Scale revealing slightly passive understanding of

social situations.

According to the results of this study, children

between the ages of 8 and 10 who had been educated entirely

in a home school had significantly fewer problem behaviors,

as measured by the Direct Observation Form of the Child

Behavior Checklist, than children of the same age from

traditional schools. Children of this age in this study,

who had been educated entirely in traditional schools,

revealed problem behaviors above the normal range for

national populations of the same age.

It can be concluded from the results of this study that

appropriate social skills can develop apart from formal

contact with children other than siblings. This supports

the belief held by home school proponents.















CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION



Although home-centered schooling appears to some as

a new and revolutionary phenomenon (Pollard, 1987;

Stayer, 1987), home-centered education has existed since

the beginning of humanity's existence (Beckham, 1985;

Moore, 1984; Nolte, 1982; Taylor, 1986). Formal educa-

tion in the United States for the masses did not exist

until the turn of the twentieth century. Anything a

child needed to learn, whether it was language, a voca-

tion, survival skills, or the "social graces," had to

come from his or her parents (Beckham, 1985; Nolte,

1982; Rothstein, 1986). Many of America's most notable

personalities, such as John Quincy Adams, William Penn,

Abraham Lincoln, Thomas Edison, Andrew Carnegie, and

Franklin D. Roosevelt, were the products of a home-

centered education (Moore, 1984; Taylor, 1986).

Home and parent-centered education, so common

historically, began to take a back seat to formal public

instruction in the late 1800s as states implemented laws

to protect children from being exploited in the labor

force (Cremin, 1970, 1977; Nolte, 1982; Spring, 1982,











1986). During the days of the Industrial Revolution

(1880-1924), as millions of immigrant and American

families moved into urban society to take advantage of

new jobs, formal schools became essential agencies to

prepare youngsters to become productive citizens of

their community. Schools became the source of basic

education and the primary center for social adjustment

(Cremin, 1951, 1977; Rothstein, 1986; Spring, 1986;

Tyack, 1967). By 1918 all states had adopted some form

of compulsory attendance laws that placed the state in

primary control of the socialization process (Ovard,

1978). With the exception of deep rural and isolated

territories, the home school nearly disappeared as

parents placed their trust in public institutions to

prepare their children for life in the modern world

(Arons, 1981).

Roger Sipher (1978) described conditions in the

public educational system which existed after World War

II that set the stage for a renewed interest in home

schooling. As the post war "baby boomers" swamped the

public school system, more teachers were needed to fill

the additional classrooms created by the sudden increase

in student population. Sipher claimed that in the rush

to fill these needed teaching positions, many of the

teachers lacked adequate training to instruct this new

generation. Poor teacher preparation, lowered quality











of instruction, and deteriorating social control led the

National Commission on Excellence in Education to issue

its report titled, A Nation at Risk, in April of 1983.

Erickson, Bryan, and Walker (1972) described conditions

in some schools that made quality education impossible.

Kenneth Fish (1970) disclosed that conditions within

some schools were so bad that they had to be closed.

Similar concerns have continued to be expressed into the

1980s and 1990s (Frady & Dunphy, 1985; Helpl Teacher

can't teach, 1980; Kirst, 1984; Tomorrow, 1982; Slater &

Slater, 1990). A lack of ability on the part of some

teachers, over-crowded conditions in the classroom, and

lack of civil control have led to interpersonal problems

between increasing numbers of students and a drop in

academic quality (Moore, 1985b).

As the state and federal governments struggled to

reform the educational system during the 1960s and

1970s, many parents also started to reassess their view

of formal education (Lines, 1987). Fearing a lack of

moral control and a reduction of quality in public

education, many parents began to search for alternative

sources of schooling for their children. Some of the

more affluent families found hope in the multitude of

private religious institutions that had sprung up since

1950 (Gustavsen, 1981; Sipher, 1978; Whitehead & Bird,

1984). Other families merely chose to break with the











system and educate their children themselves (Hansen,

1988; Naisbitt, 1982; Tobak, 1983; Whitehead & Bird,

1984).

A fear of legal reprisal for violating state com-

pulsory attendance laws has made it impossible to obtain

accurate figures on the number of parents who are

choosing home-centered education. Current estimates

range from a low of 10,000 to well over one million

(Lines, 1987, 1991; McCurdy, 1985; Moore, 1982; Nais-

bitt, 1982; Tobak, 1983; Whitehead & Bird, 1984).

However, there is little doubt that the movement toward

home schooling is growing (Common & MacMullen, 1987;

Lines, 1987, 1991; Naisbitt, 1982). Raymond Moore

(1985b), a major proponent of the home school movement,

stated that home schooling is the "fastest growing

educational movement in America." It has been estimated

that the numbers of home schoolers is growing at the

rate of 100,000 new students per year (Gothard, 1983).

John Naisbitt (1982) predicted that the numbers of

parents choosing to educate their children at home will

continue to increase well into the 21st century.

The growing number of parents who are willing to

risk a fine and/or imprisonment in order to provide what

they believe is a quality and responsible schooling

experience has generated numerous questions that must be

addressed (Gustavsen, 1981; Johnson, 1991; Ray & Wartes,











1991; Taylor, 1986). For example, at the turn of the

century, adequate socialization meant that each child

had the ability to become a productive citizen of his or

her community (Clausen, 1978; Cremin, 1951; Kaestle,

1983). In order for the child to become a productive

member, he or she had to be able to read and write

English, understand the common laws of the land,

maintain a vocation, and live in harmony with other

members of the community (Cremin, 1970; Nolte, 1982;

Ovard, 1978; Rothstein, 1986). It was the belief that

adequate socialization could only be guaranteed through

formal education that prompted implementation of compul-

sory attendance laws (Beckham, 1985; Cremin, 1988;

Franzosa, 1984; McCaul, 1989). If adequate socializa-

tion can be achieved only through formal education, the

question of the effect of home schooling on the process

of socialization should be raised.

Attempts to answer this question have included

consideration of the academic achievement of home

schooled children and the adequacy of their preparation

for higher education and employment. The results of

numerous studies have indicated that home schooled

children received scores on nationally standardized

achievement tests that were equal to or higher than

children in traditional educational programs (Devins &

Zirkel, 1986; Gustavsen, 1981; Home Education, 1986;











Moore, 1982; Ray & Wartes, 1991). Other researchers

also suggested that home schooled children were ade-

quately prepared for higher education and employment

(Lines, 1987; Montgomery, 1989; Moore, 1982, 1984,

1985a, 1985b; Taylor, 1986; Williams, Arnoldsen & Rey-

nolds, 1984). However, one question has continued to

surface throughout the literature; that was, are home

schooled children as well adjusted socially as their

agemates in traditional educational programs (Adams,

1984; Devins & Zirkel, 1986; Franzosa, 1984; Johnson,

1991; Kendall, 1982; Moore, 1982, 1984, 1985b; Pollard,

1987; Smith, 1986)?

Need For The Study

This study was designed to address the question of

how home schooled children compared in social adjustment

to their agemates attending traditional public educa-

tional programs. Leading proponents of the home school

movement believed that children educated at home were as

socially well adjusted as children attending traditional

schools, if not more so (Moore & Moore, 1981). Replic-

able research, however, has not yet been conducted among

home-schoolers to support this belief.

Parents who consider educating their children at

home are frequently fearful of the impact upon their

children's social lives (Johnson, 1991; Moore & Moore,

1975; Williams et al., 1984). Taylor (1986) described a











study of 441 families in the state of Washington in

which most of the people who heard about home schooling

for the first time questioned its social impact before

they asked about academics. McCurdy (1985) suggested

that many parents were concerned about how their

children's social development might affect their

becoming good and productive citizens. Some children

have also expressed concerns over the social implica-

tions of home schooling (Golowoch, 1991; "More parents,"

1991; Slater & Slater, 1990). For example, Pollard

(1987), in an interview with one home school family from

Middletown, Ohio, disclosed that the children often

expressed feelings of social isolation.

A prevalent societal belief is that adequate social

adjustment can only take place in an environment of

group interaction (Crockenberg & Bryant, 1978; "Educa-

tors say," 1989; Johnson, 1981). Ladd (1979) and LeCroy

(1983) suggested that the consequences of a lack of peer

contact may be severe, and include phenomena such as

dropping out of school, juvenile delinquency, and mental

health problems. The West Virginia Supreme Court echoed

this concern when it ruled against home school parents,

stating in their opinion that the children were being

separated from organized society and would therefore

become ". incapable of coping with life outside of

their own families" (State v. Riddle, 1981).











Decisions concerning schooling and social adjust-

ment have often been made solely upon feelings and

assumptions and not upon empirical research; therefore,

laws affecting home schooling vary considerably from

state to state (Tobak & Zirkel, 1983). Taylor (1986)

suggested that the prevalence of opposing views indi-

cated "the need for substantial evidence upon which to

base decisions of social implication" (p. 10). The

results of this study can provide empirical data upon

which parents, school systems, courts, and legislatures

can base their decisions about the impact of home

schooling on social adjustment.

Partly because of their concerns about social

adjustment, and partly because of financial considera-

tions, it is estimated that between 50% and 75% of the

families who begin home-centered education for their

children will eventually enroll them in either public or

private religious schools (Lines, 1987; Williams et al.,

1984). If it could be shown that some children in the

home-school movement were not as socially well adjusted

as their agemates, as some suggested (Franzosa, 1984;

Johnson, 1981; Ladd, 1979), it would be necessary for

school guidance and counseling personnel to be prepared

to remediate the problems that could occur when these

children began to interact on a daily basis with their

traditionally schooled peers.











Myrick (1987) stated that guidance and counseling

programs "are designed to enhance personal, social,

vocational, and academic growth" (p. 2). He further

suggested that through special counseling and guidance

interventions children found deficient in social skills

can "catch up before their lack of preparation creates

problems" (p. 14). It is the basic premise of school

guidance to provide for the well being of all learners

(Aubrey, 1982; Bernard & Fulmer, 1977; Capuzzi & Gross,

1989; Lee & Pallone, 1966; Myrick, 1987; Ryan, 1978;

Shertzer & Stone, 1966). Ryan (1978) described school

guidance as being "made up of a number of related ele-

ments: (1) individual analysis; (2) information dis-

semination; (3) counseling; (4) placement; and (5)

followup" (p. 10-11). Ryan further stated:

In any setting the guidance program supports
the mission of pupil-student services by as-
sisting each individual to become a fully
functioning person, capable of maintaining
healthy social relationships, performing as a
responsible citizen of the community, being a
part of the larger society, and contributing
to that society. Guidance services are
concerned with the total person and are
directed to optimizing the potential of the
individual in light of factors in the social
situation and environmental opportunities.
(Ryan, 1978, p.11)

Because a large population of home-educated

children will eventually be enrolled in traditional

schools (Lines, 1987; Myers, 1990; Williams et al.,

1984), it will be necessary for the schools and the rest











of society to be adequately prepared. Thus, this study

was needed to provide empirical data to school coun-

selors, parents, teachers, courts, and legislatures upon

which they can base decisions about home schooling and

social adjustment.

Purpose of the Study

This study was designed to compare the social

adjustment of children aged 8 through 10 from two

different educational backgrounds: home school and

traditional schools. Formal education was made com-

pulsory during the late 1800s and early 1900s to provide

for the common welfare of America (Beckham, 1985;

Cremin, 1951, 1970, 1977, 1980; Cubberly, 1934; Kaestle,

1983; Nolte, 1982; Seybolt, 1971; Spring, 1986). The

primary concern was to guarantee that children would be

adequately socialized to become productive citizens by

providing for common basic skills such as reading,

writing, and arithmetic (Nolte, 1982; Rothstein, 1986;

Sipher, 1978).

Since 1909, the schooling process also has included

an increased involvement by school guidance and counsel-

ing personnel for the purpose of developing the whole

person for his or her role in society (Aubrey, 1982;

Bernard & Fulmer, 1977; Capuzzi & Gross, 1989; Muro &

Dinkmeyer, 1977). Until the 1950s, it was widely

accepted by parents that their children were receiving,











through the formal schools, the quality of social

training and guidance necessary to be good Americans

(Sipher, 1978). Since that time, as parents have begun

to question the role of the state in educating and

socializing their children, many parents have sought

alternative sources of the schooling experience (Dylan,

1990; Nolte, 1982). One such alternative chosen by

parents is the home school ("Home schooling," 1990;

Williams et al., 1984). Although it has been shown that

home schooled children achieve academically at a level

equal to or greater than their agemates in traditional

programs (Lines, 1987; Moore, 1982, 1984, 1985a, 1985b;

Ray & Wartes, 1991; Taylor, 1986), the effect of home

schooling on the social skills of children has not been

determined.

Statement of the Problem

The primary question raised by parents, educators,

school counselors, judges, and this researcher was

whether children who are educated in a home school away

from the interactions provided by formal education as

socially well adjusted as their agemates in traditional

programs (Franzosa, 1984; Ray & Wartes, 1991; Tobak &

Zirkel, 1983; Williams et al., 1984). Although some

researchers have been able to show that children

educated at home have a high self-concept and academic

achievement at levels equal to or higher than their











agemates in traditional schools (Lines, 1987, 1991;

Moore, 1982, 1984, 1985a, 1985b; Taylor, 1986), the

effect of home schooling on social adjustment is largely

unknown.

Definitions

For the purpose of this study, the following terms

are defined.

A home school is any home or parent-centered learn-

ing situation in which children are educated at home

rather than in a conventional school setting. Parents

or guardians assume full responsibility for the educa-

tional program of their children (Mattingly, 1990;

Moore, 1984).

Social adjustment refers to the combination of a

knowledge of appropriate assertive social responses,

high self-concept, and the ability to behave in socially

acceptable ways (McCandless, 1967).

Traditional education (or conventional school

programs) refers to any program, either public or

private, which is responsible for educating children and

is regulated or licensed by a state government.

Organization of the Study

This study is organized into five chapters. Chapter

1 includes an introduction to the problem, need for the

study, purpose of the study, statement of the problem,

and definition of the specialized terms used. Chapter 2









13

presents a review of related literature pertaining to

schooling experience and social adjustment. Chapter 3

is a description of the methodology employed in this

study, including a description of the population, the

sample used for this study, procedures used, and

research hypotheses. Chapter 4 is a description of the

data generated by the research methods delineated in

Chapter 3. Chapter 5 is composed of a discussion of the

data, conclusions, and recommendations.















CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE


In this chapter the researcher presents a review of

the professional literature regarding schooling and

social adjustment of children. A discussion of social

development and adjustment is presented first. Litera-

ture on schooling options is then reviewed, including an

examination of traditional and home schools as they

affect a child's social adjustment. Finally, literature

supporting the use of the Children's Assertive Behavior

Scales (CABS), Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept

Scale (PHSCS), and Direct Observation Form (DOF) of the

Child Behavior Checklist in socialization research is

examined.

Social Adjustment

Social Development in Children

It has been said that a person who is deemed

socially well adjusted "has acquired the beliefs, at-

titudes, and behaviors that are thought to be appro-

priate for members of his or her culture" (Shaffer,

1979, p. 7). However, one who is socially maladjusted

is "unable to affect the behaviour and feelings of

others in the way he intends and society accepts"

14









15

(Trower, Bryant, Argyle, & Margillier, 1978, p.2). The

process by which one develops these socially appropriate

behaviors is difficult to define due to the numerous

components deemed as constructs (Gresham & Elliott,

1984; Jordan-Davis & Butler, 1985; Rathjen & Foreyt,

1980). For this reason there are dozens of theories of

social development which attempt to explain this complex

process (Craig, 1983; McCandless, 1967; Mussen, Conger,

& Kagan, 1974; Schell, 1975; Shaffer, 1979). Turiel

(1983) stated:

The study of social development requires two inter-
related analyses: the nature of realms of social
interaction and the explanation of processes of
acquisition or development. Social scientists have
extensively considered development and categories
of social interaction, culture, and society.
However, each of the concerns has been dealt with
by separate social scientific disciplines. The
most extensive and explicit investigations of in-
dividual social development, as would be expected,
come from the discipline of psychology. (Turiel,
1983, p. 1)

In an attempt to explain social development, Shaf-

fer (1979) and Hoffman (1970) discussed their belief

that modern theories have evolved from three basic

philosophical and historical perspectives. The first

was espoused by Thomas Hobbes (1904) during the seven-

teenth century and coincides with the religious doctrine

of original sin. The basic premise of this doctrine is

that the individual from the moment of birth begins a

selfish search for satisfaction of urges and self

gratification. A person's social behavior, according to











this philosophy, is determined by his or her selfish

needs (Shaffer, 1979).

The second philosophical perspective was also

introduced during the seventeenth century by British

philosopher John Locke (Kessen, 1965; Muro & Dinkmeyer,

1977; Shaffer, 1979). Locke's philosophy of tabula rasa

describes the child as being neither bad nor good but

rather a blank slate upon which the environment and

experience can write his or her personality. Children

who learn to control inappropriate childhood impulses

are considered to be well adjusted. In order to be well

adjusted socially, children need to be trained in self-

denial by their parents from "their very cradles"

(Locke, as quoted in Shaffer, 1979, p. 12).

The third philosophical perspective suggested by

Shaffer (1979) and Hoffman (1970) viewed the child as an

active participant in his or her social development and

was labeled the doctrine of innate purity. This doc-

trine, represented by eighteenth century philosophers

Immanuel Kant and Jean Jacques Rousseau, states that

children are inherently good, possessing an inborn moral

sense that often can be misdirected by societal demands

and experiences (Kessen, 1965). Children are capable of

shaping their own personalities and can develop "in a

healthy direction if not unduly hampered by the demands

and restrictions of society" (Shaffer, 1979, p.13).











Four psychological theories emerged in the litera-

ture that appear to follow these philosophical perspec-

tives. According to Shaffer (1979), Freud's psycho-

sexual and Erikson's psychosocial theories of develop-

ment are related to the doctrine of original sin.

Bandura and Walter's learning theories of social

development looked more like Locke's philosophy of

tabula rasa. The doctrine of innate purity is best

represented by Piaget and Kohlberg's theories of

cognitive development. Each of these theories of social

development will be briefly described in the pages that

follow.

Psychosexual Theory of Social Development

The psychosexual theory of development was sug-

gested, in some of the literature, as an example of

Hobbes' doctrine of original sin (Muro & Dinkmeyer,

1977; Shaffer, 1979). The basic premise of Freud's

(1947) psychoanalytic theory, is "that human beings were

'seething cauldrons' who must constantly seek to gratify

a number of innate sexual and aggressive instincts"

(Shaffer, 1979, p. 13). From this perspective, it

becomes the responsibility of parents and society to

divert the child's socially undesirable behaviors from

his or her natural selfish tendencies to more socially

acceptable ones (George & Cristiani, 1986; Klein, 1975;

McConnell, 1974; Shaffer, 1979). Freud (1964) believed











that appropriate social adjustment is accomplished as

children learn to satisfy their basic drives in ways

acceptable to the adults around them.

Freud (1933) suggested that each individual's

personality and social awareness is shaped as he or she

strives to satisfy these drives in several psychosexual

stages. The first three stages, oral, anal, and phal-

lic, all occur before puberty. During these stages,

children focus their pleasure and drives on different

body areas known as erogenous zones (Craig, 1983; George

& Cristiani, 1986; Mussen et al., 1974). The other two

stages, the latency period and genital stage, occur as

children enter the social world of school and continue

through adolescence (Craig, 1983). If children are

frustrated or receive too much gratification in their

attempts to achieve satisfaction during these stages,

they may develop fixations which may lead to socially

unacceptable behaviors (Craig, 1983; George & Cristiani,

1986; Shaffer, 1979).

Appropriate social adjustment is attained when the

individual achieves a balance among the three struggling

components of the personality, the id, ego, and the

superego (Mussen et al., 1974; Shaffer, 1979). Children

are born with a storehouse of instinctual energy known

as the id (Mussen et al., 1974). As they interact with

adults, they learn more about themselves and their place











in the world in which they live. This knowledge helps

form the level of skills, wishes, fears, language, and

sense of self known as the ego (George & Cristiani,

1986). As their primary drives and urges come into

conflict with the adult world, they are forced to

develop a sense of conscience and a knowledge of accept-

able versus unacceptable behaviors known as the superego

(Mussen et al., 1974; Shaffer, 1979). It is the

superego that acts as the "moral arbiter" in the social

development of children (Hall, 1954). As children

develop the ability to balance the id, ego, and super-

ego, and thereby delay gratification of impulses, they

are capable of learning the skills necessary for social

adjustment (Shaffer, 1979).

It was the emphasis upon adaptation and learning to

cope that led some theorists to believe that social

development may not be as negative as first espoused by

Freud. Several theorists also began the move toward a

more positive perspective. One such theorist was Erik

Erikson.

Psychosocial Theory of Social Development

Erikson (1963, 1972) disagreed with Freud's belief

that children are passive bottles of energy that have to

be diverted and controlled. Although Erikson accepted

the basic belief that people are driven by urges and

instincts, he chose to stress the ego rather than the id









20
as the primary force in social development (Craig, 1983;

George & Cristiani, 1986). Erikson also believed that

parents are only two of the many social agents by which

children will be influenced. Maier (1969) presented

Erikson's position by stating

Culture adds the human aspect of living. Man lives
by instinctual forces, and culture insists upon the
"proper" use of these forces. It is the
cultural environment which determines the
nature of each individual's experience. The child
and his parents are never alone; through the par-
ent's conscience, generations are looking upon a
child's actions, helping him to integrate his rela-
tionships with their approval. A culture,
class, or ethnic group's basic ways of organizing
experience are transmitted to the child and
tie the child forever to his original milieu.
(Maier, 1969, p. 28)

Because Erikson stressed the sociocultural influen-

ces on personality, his approach is better termed psy-

chosocial rather than psychosexual development (Shaffer,

1979). According to Erikson's theory, a person develops

into a socially adjusted individual through the resolu-

tion of a series of crises involving interactions with

socializing agents (Erikson, 1963, 1968, 1972). McCand-

less (1967) described this process when he stated:

The process of social control and adaptability
starts with the child's interactions with his par-
ents and family, and continues with his playmates,
relatives, and teachers. These socializing agents
must provide a pattern of reward, acceptance, per-
missiveness, and punishment that enables the child
to gain law- and amenity-abiding adulthood yet
remain or become relatively secure, calm, happy,
appropriately masculine or feminine, and vocation-
ally self-sustaining. (McCandless, 1967, p. 418)











According to Erikson (1963, 1972) this process of

human socialization takes place in eight distinct

stages. Appropriate social adjustment requires the

successful resolution of each of eight crises which

occur at certain points in the life cycle (Craig, 1983;

McCandless, 1967; Shaffer, 1979). Although the resolu-

tion of these conflicts is cumulative (each stage of

development affecting the way a person handles the

next), the adjustments a person makes at each stage can

be altered or reversed at a later level (Craig, 1983).

In order to illustrate this point, Craig (1983) des-

cribed children who were denied affection in infancy,

growing to normal adulthood once they received extra

attention at other stages in their development.

The first four stages described by Erikson traced

children's development from birth through the age of

eleven and, therefore, had the greatest relevance to

this study (Craig, 1983; McCandless, 1967; Shaffer,

1979). Stage one is called trust versus mistrust and

covers a period from birth to approximately the end of

the first year. It is during this stage that children

learn about their environment. Their environment either

provides warmth and the fulfillment of basic needs which

generates a sense of trust, or it is perceived as being

cold and unfulfilling and generates a sense of mistrust

(Maier, 1969).










The primary socializing agents during this stage

are the children's mothers. If they provide tender

caresses, soothing vocalizations, as well as the basic

necessities of life, children develop the basis for

trusting interpersonal relations later in life (Shaffer,

1979). If children perceive neglect or inconsistent

care, they learn to mistrust their environment and see

the world as a dangerous, unpredictable place in which

to live (Craig, 1983).

The second stage extends from approximately the

first year of life until age three (Shaffer, 1979).

According to Erikson's (1963) theory, this stage is

characterized by the conflict between autonomy and shame

or doubt. During this period of time, young children

develop mobility and begin to explore their worlds.

They are naturally curious and often find themselves at

odds with parental authority (Craig, 1983; Shaffer,

1979). Children begin to learn bodily control and are

either praised or punished based upon their performance.

Parents begin to restrict their children's assertiveness

for the purpose of creating social responsibility and

self-control (Shaffer, 1979).

The resolution of the crisis between children's

desires to become autonomous and their desires to

regress to the more dependent first stage depends upon

parental reaction to their rapidly emerging assertive









23
behaviors. Overreaction in the form of extreme punitive

measures or over restriction could cause children to

doubt their ability to act independently or cause them

to feel great shame when they fail to accomplish ex-

pected tasks (Craig, 1983; McCandless, 1967; Shaffer,

1979). Children who are successful in resolving this

crisis through the assistance of firm yet patient

parents learn independence and assertive skills neces-

sary for appropriate social interactions (Erikson, 1963;

Maier, 1969).

Initiative versus guilt is the crisis that has to

be resolved according to Erikson's third stage of social

development (Erikson, 1963). This stage begins sometime

during the third year and continues until approximately

age 5 or 6 (McCandless, 1967). During this time child-

ren begin to assume responsibility for their own care

and hygiene as well as their belongings (Shaffer, 1979).

This is also the time of healthy imagination and curios-

ity. Children begin to learn to cooperate with others

and to initiate play (McCandless, 1967).

If parents stimulate healthy curiosity and applaud

efforts that are appropriate while they carefully guide

the young minds away from dangerous or inappropriate

activities, children gain a sense of initiative for the

pursuit of socially acceptable goals (Shaffer, 1979).

If, on the other hand, parents criticize, severely









24

punish or otherwise stand in the way of their children's

initiative, the children learn to repress their drives

and develop a sense of guilt for their own inactions

(Craig, 1983; Maier, 1969; McCandless, 1967).

The fourth of Erikson's stages of development

begins around the sixth year and continues until around

age 12 (Erikson, 1963, 1972). This period is character-

ized by a crisis between industry and inferiority

(Craig, 1983; Maier, 1969). It is also characterized by

the usual entrance of children into formal education.

Children begin to turn away from the primary focus of

the family and to seek an identity among school-age

peers. This is the time of intense social comparison

for those children who become part of the formal educa-

tional system (Shaffer, 1979).

Shaffer (1979) suggested that the reason children

turn toward peer groups is a recognition that they are

still children and lack the skills necessary to compete

with typical adults. This feeling of inferiority is

what generates the crisis. Children become concerned

that they might not become sufficiently competent in

their own eyes nor the eyes of others. If children

manage to develop the social and technical skills neces-

sary to compete effectively in the social world around

them, they develop a sense of industriousness that

prepares them for the crises to come. If, however, they











do not become proficient within their own eyes, they

develop a sense of inferiority which makes it difficult

for them to progress into adulthood (Maier, 1969).

The primary socializing agents during this period

are the children's social contacts other than their

parents. The influence of peers, teachers, and tele-

vision heros become the focus of attention and the

standard by which children compare and measure their

progress toward competence (Craig, 1983).

The next four stages presented by Erikson cover the

period of time from adolescence to the end of life

(Erikson, 1963, 1972; Maier, 1969). The success of an

individual progressing through the last four stages

depends largely upon how successful he or she has been

in becoming socially well adjusted during the initial

four stages (McCandless, 1967).

Although Erikson's psychosocial theory of develop-

ment is more positive than Freud's psychosexual theory,

it still relies upon the development of coping skills

and adapting to the environment around a person. The

social learning theories of Bandura and Walters (1967)

however, rely upon the ability of children to learn

appropriate social behaviors rather than merely reacting

to the circumstances surrounding them.











Social Learning Theory of Social Development

Shaffer (1979) suggested that the learning theories

of social development evolved from Locke's philosophy of

tabula rasa. According to learning theorists, all

behavior, whether good or bad, has to be learned. One

of the earliest learning theorists, John B. Watson,

stated:

Give me a dozen healthy infants, well formed, and
my own specified world to bring them up in and I'll
guarantee to take any one at random and train him
to become any type of specialist I might select --
doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant, chief, and yes,
even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his
talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities, voca-
tions, and race of his ancestors. There is no such
thing as an inheritance of capacity, talent, tem-
perament, mental constitution, and behavioral char-
acteristics. (as quoted in Shaffer, 1979, p. 14)

Few contemporary social learning theorists would

agree with the extreme stance presented by Watson.

Others, such as Albert Bandura and his associates, have

maintained that children, although born naive and

unknowing, are capable of some degree of self-deter-

mination (Shaffer, 1979). Bandura (1977) suggested that

the child and the environment are in a constant state of

reciprocal interaction. The child is capable of affect-

ing the environment in which he or she lives, and the

environment in turn affects the child.

Social learning theory, as described by Bandura

(1977), suggests that all social behaviors are learned

as individuals imitate modeled behaviors. The model may









27

be anything that conveys observable information (Hergen-

han, 1984). According to Bandura and Walters (1967),

humans learn from observation. Social learning is,

therefore, a cognitive and perceptual process called

"observational learning" (Bandura, 1971a, p.17). Social

learning is affected by attending to the consequences of

their own or other people's behaviors. Depending upon

how behaviors are treated by others, whether applauded

or punished, humans learn which actions benefit them

most (Bandura, 1977).

Bandura (1977) described four processes which he

believed influenced what people would attend to, what

they would retain, and how learning would produce social

behavior. The first is the attentional process which

includes aspects of the environment that helps determine

what will demand a person's attention. Since children

are constantly exposed to numerous social models, Ban-

dura (1971a) suggested that these models had to have

certain characteristics before children would pay atten-

tion to the exhibited social behavior. Some of those

characteristics are a willingness to reward, an ability

to nurture, competence, and a position of social power.

If the child perceives that the modeled behavior is

positively rewarded, he or she is more likely to pay

attention and imitate it than if the behavior receives

no reward or is treated negatively (Craig, 1983; Mussen









28

et al., 1974; Schell, 1975). Bandura and his associates

also suggested that children pay more attention to

models they consider sources of warmth, prestige, or

power (Bandura, 1971a, 1971b, 1977; Bandura & Mischel,

1965; Bandura & Walters, 1967). Other factors which

determine what will hold children's attention include

self-esteem, their similarity to the model, and an

intrinsic interest in the modeled activity (Craig, 1983;

Shaffer, 1979; Staub, 1979).

Bandura (1971a) called the second step in learning

social behavior the retention process. Observers must

be able to commit modeled behaviors to memory if they

are to be able to reproduce them later on their own.

Two methods of retention are used by the observer

according to Bandura (1971a, 1977). One method requires

storing the observed behavior in the form of visual

images which the observer can replay, substituting

themselves in place of the model. Other observations

are stored as verbal codes which serve as cues the

observer can call upon as social situations require

reproduction of the action (Shaffer, 1979). These

verbal codes also enable the observer to store complex

information that would otherwise be difficult to recall

(Bandura, 1977; Coates & Hartup, 1969).

After the observer has committed the modeled behav-

iors to some form of symbolic memory, it is necessary to











translate these symbols into consistent actions (Shaf-

fer, 1979). Bandura (1971a, 1977) referred to this

third step as the motoric reproduction process. In

order for social behavior to be consistent, the

individual must have the physical ability to execute all

of the component responses (Shaffer, 1979). Some behav-

iors require little or no practice for perfect emulation

of the model. Many behaviors, however, require regular

practice with success measured in small steps and fre-

quent adjustments. Bandura (1971b) described this when

he stated, "In most everyday learning, people usually

achieve only rough approximations of new patterns of

behavior by modeling and refining them through self-

corrective adjustments on the basis of informative

feedback from performance" (p. 8).

In order for socially acceptable behavior to con-

tinue, the observer must receive some form of positive

reinforcement through Bandura's (1977) fourth step which

he referred to as the motivational process. Reinforce-

ment can be given directly or vicariously through the

observation of rewards given to other social models.

Likewise, without some form of reinforcement, the

learned social behavior will eventually disappear

(McCandless, 1967; Schell, 1975). Although reinforce-

ment is necessary for a response to be performed consis-

tently, Bandura (1969) explained that a response did not











have to be performed to be learned. It can be stored

away for use much later in the future or rehearsed

mentally as often as the observer chooses.

Social training requires that the modeling of

behaviors and their consequences be directed toward

helping a child learn to express aggression, dependency

and other social responses in appropriate ways through

these four processes (Bandura & Walters, 1967). Social

adjustment also requires that the individual learn both

adequate generalization and sharp discrimination, since

learned patterns of response often must be applied to

situations other than the original learning experience.

McCandless (1967) stated that it is this generalization

of appropriate behaviors that is necessary for a child

to be socially well adjusted. Adequate social adjust-

ment also requires that a child learn to control his or

her own behaviors by delaying personal gratification or

ceasing socially unacceptable activities. Bandura

(1977) described the social learning process as being

self-regulating once a child has accepted the social

behavior as his or her own through internalization. He

explained:

The anticipation of self-reproach for conduct that
violates one's standards provides a source of moti-
vation to keep behavior in line with standards in
the face of opposing inducements. There is no more
devastating punishment than self-contempt.
(Bandura, 1977, p. 154)











The social-learning theory has been suggested as

having implications for understanding the development of

peer dependency in pre-adolescents and adolescents

(Brophy, 1977; Doise & Palmonari, 1984; Muus, 1976). As

Bandura (1971a) believed, children will learn anything

which they choose to observe. Muus (1976), who examined

numerous studies before coming to his conclusion, sug-

gested that adolescents pay close attention to their

agemates due to their similarities and seeming sense of

competence. Bronfenbrenner (1970) discovered that the

more time children spend with others of their same age,

the more peer dependent they become. Bandura and Wal-

ters (1967) suggested that this peer dependency, with

its modeled social behaviors, is consistently rewarded

through peer acceptance and therefore is self-reinforc-

ing. This cyclical social learning pattern was de-

scribed by Shaffer (1979) when he stated:

The environment surely affects the child; but the
child's response is thought to affect the environ-
ment. The implication is that children are activ-
ely involved in shaping the very environments that
influence their development. (Shaffer, 1979, p.
85)

Social learning theory provides an explanation that

permits children the opportunity to learn from their own

or others experience, whether or not the experience is

pleasant. The theory tends to place the burden for

social learning on others rather than on the child.

Adjustment takes place as a child learns to adjust his










or her understanding or desires to avoid unpleasant

consequences or create positive reward. The next theory

to be discussed, however, places more of the

responsibility for social adjustment on the natural

processes of human development.

Cognitive-Development Theory of Social Development

The cognitive-developmental theories of Jean Piaget

and Lawrence Kohlberg most resemble the doctrine of

innate purity as presented by the 18th century philos-

ophers Immanuel Kant and Jean Jacques Rousseau (Muro &

Dinkmeyer, 1977; Shaffer, 1979; Watson & Lindgren,

1973). The cognitive-developmental theory stresses the

ability of children to adapt to their social environ-

ments as they develop cognitive skills. Instead of

mirroring experiences or learning to restrict behaviors

in order to gain the favor of parents as described in

the theories previously presented, children create

experiences and by doing so make changes themselves

(Craig, 1983; Langer, 1969). As they develop the neces-

sary cognitive skills, children learn how to interpret

interpersonal relations and react according to their

understandings (Kohlberg, 1969). For this reason, cog-

nitive-developmental theorists conclude that intellec-

tual and social development occur together (Piaget &

Inhelder, 1969; Shaffer, 1979).











Jean Piaget, through years of observation and

experimentation, concluded that intellectual and social

development progress through four distinct stages.

These stages are sensorimotor, which lasts from birth up

to age 2; preoperational, from ages 2 to 7; concrete-

operational, lasting from ages 7 to 11; and formal-

operational, covering ages 12 and above (Craig, 1983;

Mussen et al., 1974; Piaget & Inhelder, 1969; Shaffer,

1979). As children progress through these stages, they

either assimilate or accommodate information, percep-

tions, or experiences, depending on how they fit into

their structures of understanding (Craig, 1983; Shaffer,

1979).

The first of Piaget's developmental stages is the

sensorimotor stage, which begins with birth and con-

tinues to approximately age 2 (Beard, 1969; Boyle, 1969;

Piaget, 1952). Although this stage is divided into six

substages, they are all characterized by sensual learn-

ing. In other words, children begin to explore their

surroundings through their five senses. As they mature,

they learn that they can manipulate objects to reproduce

sensual stimulation or satisfy basic desires. For exam-

ple, through the process of trial and error, a child who

learns that squeezing a rubber duck produces a quack,

can continue to squeeze it each time he or she wants to

hear the quack (Shaffer, 1979). By the end of the











sensorimotor stage, children have learned to think out

basic solutions to problems with out engaging in trial-

and-error. Piaget (1952) illustrated the ability of

children to anticipate the outcome of their actions with

his son Laurent:

Laurent is seated before a table and I place a
bread crust in front of him, out of reach. Also,
to the right of the child I place a stick about 25
cm. long. At first Laurent tries to grasp the
bread and then he gives up Laurent
again looks at the bread, without moving, looks
very briefly at the stick, then suddenly grasps it
and directs it toward the bread he draws the
bread to him. (Piaget, 1952, p.335)

At the end of the sensorimotor stage the child

learns to internalize the problem solving process. The

child progresses from being a reflexive individual, to

being a thinking organism capable of interacting with

his or her environment (Beard, 1969; Boyle, 1969; Pulas-

ki; 1971; Shaffer, 1979). The ability of the child to

use mental symbols for problem solving becomes an impor-

tant element of thought as he or she enters the second

of Piaget's developmental stages (Shaffer, 1979).

Piaget called his second stage the preoperational

phase, which he further divided into two sub-stages.

The first is the preconceptual stage, which lasts from

about 2 to 4 years of age; and the second is the intui-

tive stage, which lasts from age 4 until approximately

age 7 (Muro & Dinkmeyer, 1977; Piaget, 1952; Piaget &

Inhelder, 1969). During the preconceptual stage









35

children's language develops rapidly, further enhancing

their intellectual development (Muro & Dinkmeyer, 1977).

Their understandings, however, are marked by flawed

concepts. Thoughts of children during this period are

egocentric, considering everything in relationship to

themselves (Shaffer, 1979). This egocentrism makes it

difficult for children to accept other points of view

(Harter, 1983).

In the intuitive sub-stage, children learn to think

in terms of classes, numbers and relationships. They

can respond using appropriate terminology, but can not

provide reasons for their responses (Muro & Dinkmeyer,

1977). It is called intuitive because the child's com-

prehension of objects and events is centered on their

single most salient feature (Shaffer, 1979). Piaget

(1952) demonstrated that children lack the ability to

view events or objects separate from its physical ap-

pearance in his well-known conservation experiments

(Beard, 1969; Craig, 1983; Shaffer, 1979). Children's

thoughts are concrete and are based upon experiences in

the here and now. They lack the ability to mentally

reverse the process (Craig, 1983).

During the preoperational stage, children have not

yet developed the social ability to understand some of

the complexities of relationships. A child may be able

to recognize that Mommy and Daddy are husband and wife,











but may not understand that Mommy can also be someone's

aunt (Longstreth, 1974). Children recognize that they

are either boys or girls, but can be fooled whether

others are male or female based upon their clothing.

This lack of understanding of relationships and gender

identification must be clarified within the next stage

before social reason and role identification can be

accomplished (Boyle, 1969; Chandler, 1982; Harter, 1983;

Shaffer, 1979).

The third stage, which spans from approximately age

seven to age eleven, is called the concrete-operational

stage (Piaget, 1952). During this stage children learn

to think in relational terms developing logic, mental

representations, and an ability to think in numerical

concepts (Shaffer, 1979). All of these cognitive abil-

ities are higher levels of reason and are necessary, for

children to develop adequate social relationships (Pia-

get & Inhelder, 1969). Children learn that people are

not objects but individuals with feelings and reactions

as valid as their own.

Because of the ability of children to develop

reasonable and logical conclusions, Piaget and Inhelder

(1969) stated that

the child of seven and over is more socialized than
the self of early childhood .. It is at the
stage of concrete operations that new interpersonal
relations of a cooperative nature are established,
and there is no reason why these should be limited
to cognitive exchanges. (pp. 117-118)











Social exchanges prior to this stage are pre-

cooperative. Piaget and Inhelder (1969) explained that

they are "at once social from the point of view of the

subject and centered upon the child and his own activity

from the point of view of the observer" (p. 118).

This period of time, also referred to as middle

childhood by some authorities (Clarke-Stewart & Koch,

1983; Craig, 1983; Mussen et al., 1974), is the period

in which children learn to reason and carry out logical

operations. They learn to manipulate objects in a

series as well as in reversible order. With these

abilities they begin to develop the complex reasoning

necessary for interpersonal relationships (Clark-Stewart

& Koch, 1983). They start developing the ability to

think in different dimensions, being able to coordinate

the multitude of roles, attitudes, and values of others.

They become capable of mutual cooperation in groups of

three or more people (Clark-Stewart & Koch, 1983).

The concrete-operational stage of development was

described by Piaget as being the period in which child-

ren begin to recognize that individuals within a society

need to live by a set of rules (Piaget & Inhelder,

1969). Rules are seen by children as rigid moral ab-

solutes (Piaget, 1932). Anyone who chooses to break one

of the rules would be classed as a "cheat" by his or her

playmates (Shaffer, 1979). It is not until children









38

reach the age of 12, which begins the formal-operational

stage, that they learn that rules are arbitrary

agreements that can be challenged and changed through

mutual agreement (Shaffer, 1979).

The formal-operational stage, which Piaget (1952)

stated starts at age 12 and continues through adulthood,

is characterized by the individual's ability to use all

of the cognitive abilities gained during the previous

three stages. The individual learns to think abstractly

and use hypothetical situations to test beliefs or

actions (Shaffer, 1979). Although some researchers have

indicated that not all adolescents or adults will attain

the level of formal operations (Bruner, Oliver, & Green-

field, 1966; Goodnow & Bethon, 1966; Inhelder, 1966;

Jackson, 1965), others support Piaget's belief that all

adults progress from sensorimotor through preconceptual

to concrete-operations and finally formal-operations in

their social development (Brainerd, 1976; Flavell, 1977;

Tulkin & Konner, 1973).

Lawrence Kohlberg (1969) expanded Piaget's theory

in order to create an understanding of social phenomena

such as attachment and dependency, sex-role development,

altruism, and the growth of morality. Although dif-

fering in some areas, Kohlberg felt that his work sup-

ported the concepts of morality that had been suggested

by Piaget (Kohlberg, 1963). He proposed that children's











social and moral development progressed through three

levels, each containing six stages (Muro & Dinkmeyer,

1977). Kohlberg (1976) gave a brief description of the

meaning of the three levels when he wrote:

One way of understanding the three levels is to
think of them as three different types of relation-
ships between the self and society's rules and
expectations. From this point of view, Level I is
a preconventional person, for whom rules and social
expectations are something external to the self;
Level II is a conventional person, in whom the self
is identified with or has internalized the rules
and expectations of others, especially those of
authorities; and Level III is a postconventional
person, who has differentiated his self from the
rules and expectations of others and defines his
values in terms of self-chosen principles.
(Italics in the original. p. 33)

Kohlberg (1976) suggested that a different socio-

moral perspective forms the foundation at each level of

moral judgement. At Level I it is the concrete indivi-

dual's perspective, at Level II it is the perspective of

a member of society, and at Level III it is the per-

spective of an individual prior to entering as an active

addition to society (Staub, 1979). For example, at

Level I, a child thinks only about his or her interests

and those of others he or she cares about. A Level II

child shares viewpoints that focus on the needs of the

group to which he or she belongs. The Level III in-

dividual's commitment to moral principles precedes his

or her acceptance of society's perspective (Staub,

1979). The Level III person "holds the standards on











which a good or just society must be based" (Kohlberg,

1976, p. 36).

The characteristics that mark each social stage

depend upon the interplay between two important factors

which are, the child's level of cognitive development,

and the kinds of social experiences the child encounters

(Colby & Kohlberg, 1984; Kohlberg, 1969; Shaffer, 1979).

Explaining his emphasis on cognitive development, Kohl-

berg (1969) stated:

On the logical side, our approach claims that
social development is cognitively based because any
description of the shape or pattern of social re-
sponses necessarily entails some cognitive dimen-
sions. Description of the organization of the
child's social responses entails a description of
the way in which he perceives, or conceives, the
social world and the way in which he conceives
himself.
On the empirical side the cognitive-devel-
opmental approach derives from the fact that
most marked changes in the psychological
development of the child are cognitive, in the
mental age or IQ sense. The influence of
intelligence on children's social attitudes
and behavior is such that it has a greater
number of social-behavior correlates than any
other aspect of personality. (pp. 372-373)

The kinds of social experiences Kohlberg (1969)

believed must accompany cognitive development in order

for a child to achieve social adjustment are those that

require the taking of roles. Staub (1979) suggested

that the following list represents the kinds of exper-

iences Kohlberg believed were necessary for children to

adjust socially:











1. Frequent interaction with others in varied
situations and occupying different roles in these
situations in relation to others.
2. Participation in varied social groups. A
member of a group may consider the effects of
a decision on himself, as well as on other
members of the group.
3. Leadership in a group. Leadership pro-
vides additional and different opportunities
for role taking. The leader has to consider
the point of view of each member and the ef-
fect of a decision or action on them, in ad-
dition to viewing the event from his (sic) own
perspective.
4. Membership in groups having potentially
conflicting aims. Membership in such groups
may make it necessary for the individual to
examine the implications of the conflicting
consequences of action on different people, or
on different ideals or goals. (Staub, 1979,
pp. 43-44)

Both Piaget and Kohlberg emphasized that social

adjustment can not take place before a child has devel-

oped the cognitive ability to understand how his or her

actions affect the actions and reactions of others.

Kohlberg took the theory further when he stressed the

impact of social interactions upon the overall develop-

ment of social understanding. The height of social

adjustment occurs when a child has acquired the cogni-

Live ability to understand and this understanding is put

to Lhe LesL ia actual social situations. The period of

highest social development occurs with the added social

influence of formal education and between the ages of 7

and 11 (Kohlberg, 1969; Piaget, 1932).











Summary of Social Development

Each of the theories presented suggested that

saoi ad justement oeeus under the infieonce of other.

Freud's psychosexual theory suggested that children

learn to behave in a socially acceptable manner in order

to satisfy their basic drives. The greatest influence,

therefore, comes from parents who have the respons-

ibility of harnessing the energy of the id and assisting

in the development of an healthy superego. As the child

matures, the rest of society also begins to exert pres-

sure on the child to conform to the accepted behavioral

standards. Failure to conform creates socially mal-

adapted children.

Erikson was less negative when he espoused his

psychosocial theory of development. Social adjustment

occurs, according to this theory, as a child resolves a

series of social crises. Movement into a higher stage

of development depends upon healthy resolutions of the

crises presented in the previous stages. The influences

presented by Erikson begin with the mother and later

progress to teachers and peers. If a child senses posi-

tive resolution to each crisis, he or she develops

acceptable social attitudes such as warmth, trust, and

independence, which are necessary to cope with the next

series of crises. If the child senses negative










influence or a non-resolution of the current crisis, he

or she will learn to be cold, untrusting, and dependent.

Both psychosexual and psychosocial theories sug-

gested that the greatest influence on social development

comes from a child's parents. This belief has great

implications for parents of home school children who

believe that parents are the best source of social

instruction throughout a child's development (Gustavsen,

1981). Other theorists, however, shifted the greatest

level of influence from parents to other segments of

society.

The social learning theorists place lees emphasis

upon a child's inner struggles and more strese upon the

ability of children to learn from their environment.

Social adjustment occurs when children learn what is

acceptable to those around them. If children see cer-

tain behaviors being rewarded, and if they desire the

same reward, they are more likely to imitate the re-

warded behavior. The influence therefore comes from

parents, peers, and others children consider worth

observing. The older a child becomes, the more influen-

tial his or her peers become. aome school parents oft

te this peer influence as a major reason for choosing

to educate their children at home rather than in formal

institutions (Whitehead & Bird, 1984).











The cognitive-development theories of Piaget and

Kohlberg support the need for social interaction for

children to develop appropriate social skills. It was

their belief, however, that social adjustment could not

take place until children had developed the cognitive

abilities necessary to understand those social

interactions and the impact of their actions on others.

Children become socially well adjusted after they

develop the cognitive ability to judge the actions of

others rationally and choose to act in socially accepted

ways based upon positive experiences they or others may

create. The primary influence in this theory is the

environment, which consists of opportunities, sex roles,

modeled behaviors, and social interactions. The great-

eat period of social development comeS aurlng'the con-

creteoperational stage beginning at approximately age

seven and continuing until around age eleven. Many home

school parents have stated they avoid formal education

programs during this period because their children are

too vulnerable to negative social influences and peer

dependency (Monfils, 1991; Moore & Moore, 1975; Slater &

Slater, 1990).

In order for children to become socially well

adjusted, they must learn to control their impulses,

learn appropriate behaviors from others, or develop an

appropriate level of social understandings. How this











learning occurs is explained in various ways by dif-

ferent theorists (Craig, 1983; George & Cristiani, 1986;

Mussen et al., 1974; McCandless, 1967; Shaffer, 1977;

Staub, 1979). These theories also suggested that

childhood social adjustment is correlated with several

other phenomena such as age, sex, attitude towards self

and others, and perceived attitude of others toward the

child. Each of these will be discussed in the next

section.

Correlates of Childhood Social Adjustment

Age and Social Adjustment

One of the factors that affects social adjustment

according to the theories discussed above is age.

Shantz (1975) reviewed data produced by researchers who

studied the social development of children and came to

the following conclusions. Children under the age of 5

are egocentric. Although they are capable of recogn-

izing that other people have perspectives that differ

from their own, they are unable to specify what that

perspective is. They can identify some basic emotions

as displayed by other children, but cannot empathize.

When they are called upon to describe other children,

they tend to use descriptive terms that are highly ego-

centric. For this reason their social skills are min-

imal and based upon personal needs and wants (Shaffer,

1979; Shantz, 1975).











In the period between ages 5 and 7, social cog-

nition becomes more sophisticated, but continues to be

based primarily upon the needs and wants of the individ-

ual. Children are aware that others have thoughts that

do not match their own, although they still can not

accurately infer what those thoughts are (DeVries, 1970;

Flavell, 1968; Rubin, 1973). They have progressed to

the point that they are able to recognize the emotions

of others, but are unable to empathize (Bronfenbrenner,

Harding, & Gallwey, 1958; Feshbach & Roe, 1968; Mood,

Johnson, & Shantz, 1974). Most children in this age

group are capable of communicating their emotions

through facial cues, but are not always accurate in

their interpretation of the cues of others (Burns &

Cavey, 1957; Feshbach & Roe, 1968; Izard, 1971). They

are also capable of determining whether the actions of

others are intentional or accidental (Irwin & Ambron,

1973; Shantz & Voydanoff, 1973). The egocentricity of

the previous age group has also begun to abate, being

replaced by a more concrete description of others, for

example describing them by race, clothing, sex, or job

(Shaffer, 1979; Shantz, 1975).

The middle childhood years of 7 to 11 presents the

greatest advances in social development (Barenboim,

1977; Clark-Stewart & Koch, 1983; Craig, 1983; Mussen et

al., 1974; Shantz, 1975). In discussing his review of











research on children Shaffer (1979) reported his con-

clusions about this age group when he wrote:

The 7- to 11-year-old can infer the emotions of
others who are in situations that are not at all
familiar to him or her. The child's impressions of
others now contain attributes that are much more
subtle or precise in their meaning, such as "shy,"
"considerate," "helpful," "affectionate." When
observing social interactions, 7- to 11-year-olds
attend less to the overt responses of others than
to the underlying motives that may have prompted
these actions. (p. 123)

In the middle childhood period children learn to

reason and carry out logical operations. It is a period

of self-concept development in which the child forms a

sense of belongingness and acceptance (Clark-Stewart &

Koch, 1983; Flapan, 1968; Livesly & Bromley, 1973;

Scarlett, Press, & Crockett, 1971). It is also the

period of sex role identity in which children begin to

associate primarily with same sex peers (Chandler, 1972;

Feffer & Gourevitch, 1960; Flavell, Botkin, Fry, Wright,

& Jarvis, 1968; Mussen et al., 1974). For most child-

ren, this period marks the time in which they must learn

how to deal with some of the complexities and subtleties

of friendships and justice, social rules and manners,

sex-role conventions, obedience to authority, and moral

law (Capuzzi & Gross, 1989; Craig, 1983).

During middle childhood, children's thinking abili-

ties become more sophisticated due to their ability to

monitor their own thinking, memory, knowledge, goals,

and actions (Craig, 1983; Flavell, 1979; Mischel, 1983).










It is during this period of life, and largely due to

their more well developed ability to think, that most

children enter the social world of formal school (Craig,

1983; Higgins & Parsons, 1983; Inkeles, 1974; Suzman,

1974). Social ability and adjustment become crucial

areas of concern due to increased interaction with peers)

in formal school programs (Bauer, 1991; Hartup, 1977,

1979; Hoier & Foster, 1985; Mussen et al., 1974; Strain,

Cooke, & Apolloni, 1976). Much of this interaction

during middle childhood involves emerging sex roles and

the development of friendships. The emerging sex roles

and sexual identity have led some researchers to suggest

that males and females experience social development

differently.

Sex Differences and Social Adjustment

As children enter their middle childhood period

their interpersonal relationships are characterized by

segregation into same-sex friendships and play groups

(Chandler, 1972; Craig, 1983; Feffer & Gourevitch, 1960;

Flavell et al., 1968; Mussen et al., 1974; Schell,

1975). Whether this same-sex preference is developmen-

tal in nature, as suggested by some (Hops & Finch, 1985;

Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974; Shantz, 1975), or determined by

cultural and social forces, as suggested by others

(Higgins & Parsons, 1983; Mussen et al., 1974), it is











still an observable phenomena (Asher & Hymel, 1981;

Hops, 1983; McConnell & Odom, 1986).

Although children in middle childhood appear to

group together according to sex, research conclusions on

the possible effects of sex differences on social ad-

justment are inconclusive. Maccoby and Jacklin (1974)

reported in their findings that differences that do

exist may be modifiable. Both boys and girls who

received training in deficit skills areas improved, thus

wiping out any significant sex difference in those areas

(Conner, Schackman, & Serbin, 1978; Craig, 1983).

Most of the literature reflected a belief that

society has established the roles that males and females

fill. Kohlberg (1966) theorized that by the time a

child was 5 or 6 he or she had developed the sex-typed

virtues necessary to compete in society. Kagan (1964)

described the social sex-role sterotype when he wrote:

In sum, females are supposed to inhibit aggression
and open display of sexual urges, to be passive
with men, to be nurturant to others, to cultivate
attractiveness, and to maintain an affective, soci-
ally poised, and friendly posture with others.
Males are urged to be aggressive in face of attack,
independent in problem situations, sexually aggres-
sive, in control of regressive urges, and suppres-
sive of strong emotions, especially anxiety. (p.
143)

Although there has been an emphasis during the 1970s and

1980s to limit sex-role stereotyping (Chafel, 1988;

Craig, 1983: Turiel, 1978; Romatowski & Trepanier-

Street, 1987) the sterotype described by Kagan (1964)









50
remains strong today (Chafel, 1988; Goffman, 1979; Hops

& Finch, 1985; Michelson, Foster, & Ritchey, 1981).

Hymel and Franke (1985) suggested that gender-

related differences deserve critical consideration when

conducting research, because they observed different

patterns of interrelations for boys and girls. Others,

however, reported that the pattern of relationships are

similar for both boys and girls (Asher, Hymel, &

Renshaw, 1984; Craig, 1983; Harter, 1982). Some

researchers reported that girls display higher levels of

social anxiety than boys (Block, 1983; Buss & Brock,

1963; Hymel & Franke, 1985), whereas others suggested

that social anxiety is higher for boys than for girls

(Ollendick, 1981; Trent, 1963). Boys have been observed

to be more aggressive than girls (Kagan & Moss, 1962;

Mischel, 1983; Mussen et al., 1974), but the aggressive-

ness has often been attributed to social situations

rather than to an innate sex-difference (Bandura, Ross,

& Ross, 1962; Feshbach, 1970; Zahn-Waxler, lannotti, &

Chapman, 1982).

The inconsistency in reported sex-differences may

be due to the fact that much of the research on social

adjustment has been conducted using only male subjects

(Coie & Kupersmidt, 1983; Dodge, Schlundt, Schocken, &

Delugach, 1983; Milich & Landau, 1984; Olweus, 1979) and

can be considered to be inconclusive regarding











sex-differences (LaGreca & Stark, 1986; Michelson et

al., 1981). Research conducted using both sexes has

typically not yielded significant sex differences

(Campbell, Gluck, Lamperski, Romano, & Schultz, 1979;

Cullinan, Epstein, & Kauffman, 1984; Gibbs, Arnold, &

Burkhardt, 1984; Pellegrini, 1985; Selman, 1975;

Serafica, 1982; Shantz, 1983; Walker, 1984).

The only significant sex-differences were found in

children's concepts of friendship, where girls are more

likely to differentiate between best friendships and

regular friendships (Berndt, 1983; Gamer, 1977; Rose &

Serafica, 1979; Serafica, 1982). Girls also tend to

have more exclusive friendships consisting of one or two

other girls (Berndt, 1983; Berndt & Hoyle, 1981; Eder &

Hallinan, 1978; Savin-Williams, 1980; Waldrop & Halver-

son, 1975). Boys develop friends with other boys their

own age more frequently and with less depth than girls

(Berndt, 1983; Douvan & Adelson, 1966). Boys are also

quicker to accept outsiders of their own sex into their

activities (Feshbach, 1969; Feshbach & Sones, 1971).

Girls, however, are more likely to share equally with

all classmates whereas boys are prone to share less

(Berndt, 1983).

Berndt (1983) among others, suggested that this

difference in sharing may be due to a feeling of com-

petition among boys (Ahlgren & Johnson, 1979; Foot,









52

Chapman, & Smith, 1977; Newcomb, Brady, & Hartup, 1979;

Oskamp & Perlman, 1966; Straub & Noerenberg, 1981).

Competitive behaviors among boys, however, has been

credited by some researchers to societal pressures for

males to be more aggressive than females rather than a

sex-difference (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1962; Feshbach,

1970; Zahn-Waxler et al., 1982). Aggression among both

sexes has been considered socially inappropriate

(Bandura et al., 1962).

Assertiveness and Social Adjustment

Social skills training programs have attempted to

turn aggressive behavior in both girls and boys into

more socially accepted assertive behaviors (Hops, 1983;

Ladd, 1979; LeCroy, 1983; Michelson et al., 1983).

Assertiveness has been suggested by some researchers as

an example of prosocial behavior and proper social

adjustment (Bower, Amatea, & Anderson, 1976; Conger &

Keane, 1981; Michelson et al., 1983; Payne, Halpin,

Ellett, & Dale, 1974; Tolor, Kelly, & Stebbins, 1976)

because it allows for the expression of feelings in

socially appropriate manners (Alberti & Emmons, 1982;

Wolpe & Lazarus, 1966).

Several studies concluded that individuals who are

considered assertive display less social anxiety than

those who are seen as passive (Asher, 1982; Horvath,

1984; Kazdin, 1975; Wampler & Amira, 1980). It has been











suggested by some researchers that the less anxiety a

person feels the more competent he or she is in social

situations (Norton-Ford & Norton-Ford, 1979; Paterson,

Dickson, Layne, & Anderson, 1984; Rotheram, 1987; Waks-

man & Messmer, 1979). Passive children are seen as more

withdrawn and eliciting fewer positive social responses

than assertive children (Greenwood, Walker, Todd, &

Hops, 1977, 1979; Hartup, Glazer, & Charlesworth, 1967;

Michelson et al., 1983; Rubin, 1985).

A lack of social assertiveness in children has also

been linked to feelings of inadequacy, incompetence, and

depression (Michelson et al., 1983; Michelson & Mann-

arino, 1986). Some researchers have demonstrated that

non-assertive children often withdraw from social sit-

uations due to a higher level of anxiety. Due to this

phenomenon, they eventually suffer from varying degrees

of childhood, and later adult, psychopathology (Cowen,

Pederson, Babigian, Izzo, & Trost, 1973; Kagan & Moss,

1962; Kohn, 1977; Michelson et al., 1983).

Assertiveness within children has been suggested by

some researchers to be a positive social attribute

because it allows children to develop higher levels of

competence and confidence (Norton-Ford & Norton-Ford,

1979; Payne et al., 1974; Rotheram, 1987; Waksman &

Messmer, 1979; Wojnilower & Gross, 1984, 1988). Child-

ren who are perceived as being assertive rather than











passive or aggressive, are chosen more frequently as

friends or are rated as more popular in sociometric

studies (Asher, 1982; Horvath, 1984; Paterson et al.,

1984; Waldrop & Halverson, 1975; Wojnilower & Gross,

1984, 1988). Assertive children also have been shown to

have more positive self-concepts which often affects

interpersonal relationships (Craig, 1983; Crandall,

1988; Horvath, 1984; McCandless, 1967; Mussen et al.,

1974; Rotheram, 1987; Tolor et al., 1976; Waksman,

1984).

Self-concept and Social Adjustment

A positive self-esteem or self-concept plays an

important role in the social behaviors of middle-child-

hood children, because it describes their perceptions of

themselves and their relationship to others (Cooper-

smith, 1967; Elliot, 1984; Piers & Harris, 1969;

Shavelson, Hubner, & Stanton, 1976; Wells & Marwell,

1976). Children with low self-esteem have been observed

to withdraw from social situations whereas those with

higher self-esteem become active within the social

environment surrounding them (Coopersmith, 1967; DeMan &

Devisse, 1987; Gergen, 1971; Rosenberg, 1965).

McIntire and Drummond (1977) discovered that child-

ren with a low self-concept

tend to get emotional when frustrated, are easily
perturbed, tend to give up early, and are change-
able in attitude and interests. In addition to the
emotional aspects, some tend to be evasive of











responsibilities, obstructive, and wrapped up in
themselves. (McIntire & Drummond, 1977, p. 296)

Some of the tendencies enumerated by McIntire and Drum-

mond have been cited as reasons for low popularity,

higher levels of social anxiety, and exclusion by others

(Craig, 1983; LaGreca & Stark, 1986; Michelson et al.,

1983; Stein & Friedrich, 1975; Staub, 1979). The more

children sense failure in social situations, the lower

their self-esteem becomes. The lower their self-esteem

becomes, the less success they experience in social

settings (Glidewell, Kantor, Smith, & Stringer, 1976;

Sobol & Earn, 1985). As Craig (1983) stated, "Personal

successes or failures in different social situations can

lead children to see themselves as leaders, loners, or

criminals, as well-adjusted or maladjusted" (p. 341).

Children with high self-concepts tend to become

active in both formal and informal social situations

(Coopersmith, 1967; Rosenberg, 1965). Coopersmith

(1967) also reported that children with high self-con-

cepts are "happier and more effective in meeting en-

vironmental demands than are persons with low self-

esteem" (p. 19). Galluzzi and Zucker (1977) discovered

that a high self-concept is a high predictor of appro-

priate personality adjustment.

McCandless (1967), described the relationship

between the self-concept and social adjustment when he

wrote:










The maladjusted, self rejecting person, if he also
rejects others, is likely to be rejected by them in
turn, with resulting exacerbation of his maladjust-
ment. If in counseling, the self-concept can be
improved and if this improvement results in in-
creased acceptance of and by other people, then a
spiraling effect of "cure" or personal improvement
will result. (McCandless, 1967, p. 283)

He further described self-accepting children as being

less cynical about life in general, viewing the world as

a friendlier place than those who have lower self-con-

cepts. Therefore, he stated, "self acceptance .

seems associated with accepting other people" (p. 283).

Pellegrini (1985) explained that the way one reasons

about or accepts other people is a major determinant of

his or her social behavior and adjustment.

Children's self-concepts have also been considered

an important measure of social adjustment because they

remain considerably constant over time and are usually

resistant to modification (Brownfain, 1952; Coopersmith,

1967; Mirels & McPeek, 1977; Marotz, 1983; Piers, 1985;

Piers & Harris, 1969). Although the self-concept has

been reported to remain fairly constant over a person's

life span (Ketcham & Snyder, 1977; Taylor, 1986; Wylie,

1974b), some researchers have found an indication that

there is a period of lowered self-concept between the

first and fifth grades in school (Gerken, Allen, &

Snider, 1980; Taylor, 1986). Wylie (1961, 1974a), how-

ever, in his research on self-concept concluded that the











majority of studies show no significant relationship

between age and self-concept.

A few researchers have suggested that the self-

concept may be a significant variable affecting social

interactions among children from families with different

socio-economic status. It has also been suggested that

a child's socioeconomic status might directly affect his

or her social adjustment (Levine, Mendez-Caratini, &

Snyder, 1982; Ruble 1983; Schwarzer, Jerusalem, & Lange,

1981).

Socioeconomic Status and Social Adjustment

Taylor (1986) noted that research on the effect of

socioeconomic status on children's social adjustment has

yielded conflicting conclusions. Some research indi-

cates that there may be a direct relationship between

how people view their social status and how they per-

ceive themselves socially. In other words, children

from lower socioeconomic backgrounds have lower self-

concepts than those of middle or upper socioeconomic

status (Oigbokie, 1983; Richman, Clarke, & Brown, 1984;

Scott-Jones & Clark, 1986; Wylie, 1974b).

McPherson and Rust (1987) in an analysis of 79

second grade students, discovered that children from a

high socioeconomic status background were considered by

their peers to be more popular. They further stated









58

that unpopularity correlated significantly with reading

ability, self-concept, and social status.

Other researchers concluded that there is an in-

verse relationship between socioeconomic status and how

children perceive themselves. In these studies, child-

ren from lower income and social environments had higher

measured self-concepts than their age-mates in the

higher economic strata (Smith, Zingale, & Coleman, 1978;

Soares & Soares, 1970).

Nevertheless, a majority of the studies revealed no

significant differences in self-perception across socio-

economic levels (Atolagbe, 1975; Coopersmith, 1967;

Healey, 1969; Healey & Deblassie, 1974; Rosenberg, 1965;

Wylie, 1974a). The results reported in some studies

indicate that the differences which do exist may be due

to adult perceptions and interactions rather than to an

actual phenomena (McKenzie, 1986; Miller, 1986; Parks &

Smeriglo, 1986; Quay & Jarrett, 1986). The fact that

the results of relevant studies on the effects of socio-

economic status upon a person's social adjustment are

inconclusive makes it important to control for this

variable in any research conducted involving social

adjustment (Scott-Jones & Clark, 1986).

Most of the research which was reviewed focused the

impact of a child's status on peer acceptance in the

formal school setting. One of the original thrusts of











formal schooling was to cut across socioeconomic bound-

aries and socialize all children for the good of the

nation (Cremin, 1951, 1977; King, 1986; Nolte, 1982;

Rothstein, 1986; Spring, 1982, 1986; Tyack, 1967).

Schooling experience, therefore, has become the primary

source of social adjustment in America.

Schooling Experience and Social Adjustment

Vallance (1973) stated that with an increasing

population schools became "an active socializing agent

to guarantee stability in the face of the growing diver-

sity of the populace" (p. 12). To socialize the popu-

lace, it becomes important for children to learn a

standardized set of socially appropriate norms. It has

been said ". schooling helps pupils to learn what

the norms are, to accept those norms, and to act accor-

ding to them" (Dreeben, 1968, p. 46). Until children

reach the traditional age for entrance into school, the

rules needed for adequate social adjustment are modeled

by their parents (Chandras, 1991; Craig, 1983; Mussen et

al., 1974). Schools, therefore, become an extension of

a child's family, occupying almost half of his or her

waking hours (Craig, 1983; Mussen et al., 1974; Schell,

1975). Mussen and his associates (1974) expressed:

As one of the principal socializing agents of our
society, the school should be in a uniquely favor-
able position to supplement, and sometimes to com-
pensate for, parental training. By teaching the
child academic skills, and by giving him
supervised practice in social relationships both









60

with adults and a wider range of peers, the school
should make him better able to deal comfortably
with the ever-widening range of challenges and
opportunities, as well as problems, that lie ahead
of him on the road toward psychological maturity.
(Mussen et al., 1974, p. 488)

Some researchers have expressed a belief that

formal schooling provides the best opportunity for

adequate social adjustment because it forces group

interaction (Crockenberg & Bryant, 1978; Franzosa, 1984;

Hartup, 1977, 1979; Johnson, 1981; Ladd, 1979; LeCrory,

1983; Murphy, 1991; Mussen et al., 1974; Strain, Cooke,

& Apolloni, 1976). The basis for their conclusions was

the belief that the formal group interaction required in

schools provided for the development of individual,

interpersonal, and social adequacies through regular

peer contact (Adams, Shea, & Kacerguis, 1978; "Educators

say," 1989; Greenberger & Sorensen, 1974; Murphy, 1991).

Morris (1961) stated it clearly:

Since the basic epistemology of scientific logic
depends so much on the sharing of findings, all
learning founded on that logic must become
thoroughly social in character. Progressivist
schools, therefore, are places where boys and girls
work together more than they work alone. (p. 363)

Researchers into the effects of a lack of peer

contact have demonstrated that poor social interactions

often lead to mental illness, alienation, juvenile

delinquency, and other problems for society (Hartup,

1977; Ladd, 1979; LeCroy, 1983; Roff & Sells, 1968).

Partly because of a need to guarantee adequate social











skills development and thus avoid problems for society,

all states passed compulsory attendance laws by 1918

(Cremin, 1951, 1977; Ovard, 1978; Rothstein, 1986;

Spring, 1986; Tyack, 1967). Since that time, the aver-

age number of years a child experiences schooling has

gradually increased from a low of eight in 1918 to over

fourteen years by 1980 (Cremin, 1988; McCurdy, 1985;

Moore, 1984).

A proliferation of literature focusing on school

based social skills programs offers further evidence

that many researchers, parents, and educators view

formal schooling as the best location for adequate

social adjustment (Borstein et al., 1977; Bower et al.,

1976; Crandall, 1988; Glidewell et al., 1976; Gray &

Tindell, 1978; Gresham & Elliott, 1984; LeCroy, 1983;

Michelson & Mannarino, 1986; Michelson et al., 1981;

Murphy, 1991). Much of this literature emphasized the

role of peers as models of social behavior (Adams, Shea,

& Kacerguis, 1978; Gray & Tindell, 1978; Hallinan, 1976;

Hamburg & Varenhorst, 1972; Murphy, 1991; Myrick, 1987;

Schmuck, 1978; Strain et al., 1976).

Other researchers have expressed a deepening belief

that formal educational systems are failing to provide

adequate social adjustment for children (Holt, 1982;

Illich, 1971; Moore, 1984; Moore & Moore, 1986; Roth-

stein, 1986; Rubin, 1985; Slater & Slater, 1990; Waller,











1961, 1962; Wynne, 1979). Although most agreed that

positive peer relationships enhance social development,

they also believed that the very nature of formal

schooling prohibits, rather than promotes, peer interac-

tion due to the need to keep order within the classroom

(Coleman, 1979; Holt, 1982; Johnson, 1981; Kozol, 1967;

Monfils, 1991; Rothstein, 1986; Silberman, 1970; Waller,

1961).

Many researchers have also questioned the actual

value of peer interactions in the process of developing

socially appropriate behaviors (Bronfenbrenner, 1970;

Gorder, 1985; Moore, 1982, 1987; Moore & Moore, 1986;

Slater & Slater, 1990; Smith, 1986). They stated that

constant peer interaction often generates peer depen-

dency that restricts the development of a positive self-

concept and creates aggressive rather than assertive

attitudes. John Holt (1981) expressed his results when

he wrote:

When I point out to people that the social life of
most schools and classrooms is mean-spirited, stat-
us-oriented, competitive, and snobbish, I am always
astonished by their response. Not one person of
the hundreds with whom I've discuss~ this has yet
said to me that the social life at school is
kindly, generous, supporting, democratic, friendly,
loving, or good for children. (p. 49, italics in
original)

Additionally, some researchers found evidence that

formal schooling promotes an unrealistic view of society

(Johnson, 1985). Wynne (1979) stated a concern that










children, forced into loose relationships with other

children of like backgrounds and abilities, form little

commitment to the diverse society as a whole. Norton

(1970) expressed a concern that schooling reinforces

dependency rather than independence. Lamm (1976) be-

lieved that this unrealistic view of society creates a

conflict within schooling itself when he stated:

Socialization is, on the one hand, essentially a
technique for adapting young people to existing
social conditions. On the other hand, social con-
ditions may demand innovative rather than
conformist behavior. But the school, guided by the
idea of socialization, cannot at the same time
promote the adaption of its pupils to existing
society and their willingness to accept or effect
social change the school cannot maintain a
system of instruction that simultaneously promotes
both creativity and conformity, both open- and
closemindedness. (Lamm, 1976, p. 117)

Many parents have voiced a conviction that the

burden of socializing their children belongs to them and

not the formal educational systems (Gorder, 1985; Home

education, 1986; Kink, 1983; "Parents like to include",

1990: Slater & Slater, 1990; Smith, 1986; Wilson, 1988).

To them, the needed peer involvement and social inter-

action can be provided through positive activities such

as church, scouting, YMCA, and appropriate adult role

models (Holt, 1981, 1983a, 1983b; Kendall, 1982; Lines,

1987; Olson, 1990; Wilson, 1988). Due to their concerns

that formal schooling is failing to provide adequate and

appropriate social training as well as a belief that

public education in general is deteriorating, some










parents look for other alternatives for their children's

schooling experience (Gustavsen, 1981; Naisbitt; 1982;

Seuffert, 1990; Sipher, 1978; Tobak & Zirkel, 1983;

Whitehead & Bird, 1984). Currently there are two major

sources of schooling experience, the traditional formal

school and home schools. In the next section, each of

these alternatives will be discussed in the context of

social adjustment.

Comparative Literature on Schooling Alternatives

The Public School Movement

Society has consistently demanded that its citizens

display appropriate social behaviors (Pratte, 1973).

Teaching appropriate behavior and guiding children

toward developing positive social skills was originally

considered part of the religious duty of all parents

(Cremin, 1951, 1970; Cubberly, 1934; Demos, 1970).

The Massachusetts Bay Colony was so concerned that

parents might not live up to this responsibility that

they passed a statute in 1647 known as the "Old Deluder

Satan Law." This law required that every township of

fifty families appoint one person to teach all the

children within that township (Cremin, 1970; Spring,

1986; Tyack, 1967). It further required that once the

township grew to over 100 families, "they shall set up a

grammar school, the master thereof being able to in-

struct youth so far as they may be fitted for the










university" (Tyack, 1967, p. 16). This law, which per-

mitted parents to delegate some of the responsibility

for educating and socializing their children to the

government, became the forerunner of current day compul-

sory attendance laws (Katz, 1976, 1977).

As the population of the Colonies grew, concerns

over social development also grew, and more of the

social functions of the family were shared with

religious organizations, formal schools, and other com-

munity agencies (Cremin, 1980). Cremin (1980) suggested

that the shared responsibility for the social develop-

ment of children coincided with other social changes in

the early national period of America. For example, the

size of the average family was declining rapidly as the

tendency for households to include two or more nuclear

families or additional kin decreased. Because family

size was decreasing, more of the work was shifting from

the home to the shop, factory, and market. It was this

shift that Cremin stated

dramatically altered the character of apprentice-
ships and the educative role of parents vis-a-vis
those of other adults. The shift occurred first in
the cities and the factory towns of the East, but
it augured changes that became increasingly wide-
spread during the later years of the century.
(Cremin, 1980, pp. 371-72)

The household changed from being the center of all

social development to one that shared that responsi-

bility with others.











People began to see formal schools as a viable

alternative to the family for socializing children.

Parents demonstrated little concern over allowing other

mothers to teach their children how to read, write and

behave in what came to be called "Dame schools" (Spring,

1986).

Many families also viewed schools as a convenient

way in which large settlements of immigrants could be

introduced into the American culture (Cremin, 1951).

The need to guarantee that the immigrants developed the

same social manners as the rest of society became so

great that several colonies suggested the use of formal

schools to force immigrants and Americans together. One

such proposal came from Benjamin Franklin who proposed

the establishment of charity schools (Cremin, 1970).

Charity schools were religious institutions established

to educate poor German children in the provinces. Re-

quests for money to support these charity schools reach-

ed London in 1753 where William Smith proclaimed:

By a common education of English and German youth
at the same schools, acquaintances and connections
will be formed, and deeply impressed upon them in
their cheerful and open moments. The English lan-
guage and a conformity of manners will be acquired.
(Cremin, 1970, p. 261)

Although these early charity schools failed, they helped

establish the concept that social adjustment could best

be accomplished through group interaction. It is this

belief that is the basis for using formal education as a











means to develop appropriate social skills in the Amer-

ican system, a goal seen as necessary and acceptable to

most communities (Cremin, 1970; Tyack, 1974).

Several prominent people of the late eighteenth

century stressed the need for government control of

education in order to protect American society by

providing uniform socialization. One of the first to

argue for the superiority of the formal school over the

family was Benjamin Rush. Writing in the late 1700s,

Rush claimed that formal schools had to assume the roles

held by what he saw as a collapsing family. He stated,

"Society owes a great deal of its order and happiness to

the deficiencies of parental government being supplied

by those habits of obedience and subordination which are

contracted at schools" (Rush, 1965, p. 16). To some,

formal education would have to maintain the balance

between order and freedom by producing virtuous, well-

behaved citizens (Kaestle, 1983; Spring, 1986).

After the American Revolution, several factors

contributed to the rise of formal education as a govern-

ment function, rather than one reserved for the family.

Cremin (1951) listed three important demands that led to

the creation of the common schools during the mid 1800s.

The first was the demands of a republican government

which "argued that if there was to be universal exercise

of the rights of suffrage and citizenship, all of









68

society would have to be educated to this task" (Cremin,

1951, p. 29). The new American government formed by the

Constitution did not provide for a national education

system. It was obvious however, that some form of

systematic and organized education was on the minds of

the founding fathers when James Madison asserted

A popular Government, without popular information,
or the means of acquiring it, is but a Prologue to
a Farce or a Tragedy; or perhaps both. Knowledge
will forever govern ignorance: And a people who
mean to be their own governors, must arm themselves
with the power which knowledge gives. (In Cremin,
1951, p. 30)

The second factor cited by Cremin (1951) was the

demand for equality. Thousands of families had migrated

to industrialized urban areas. As labor groups formed,

they were "fearful of the political and social conse-

quences of the new industry and commerce, and mindful of

the gaps between principle and reality in the democratic

ethic" (p. 33). Therefore, they waged a campaign for an

educated citizenry that would guarantee that all child-

ren could be socially equal.

Newly enfranchised workers recognized that the only

way to guarantee that the United States did not break

apart into rigid social classes would be for all

children to be educated together in equal environments,

a task impossible as long as individual families con-

trolled the educational process. Cremin (1951) quotes

Robert Dale Owen, an early labor leader who stated











I believe in a National System of Equal, Republi-
can, Protective, Practical Education, the sole
regenerator of a profligate age, and the only re-
deemer of our suffering country from the equal
curses of chilling poverty and corrupting riches,
of gnawing want and destroying debauchery, of blind
ignorance and of unprincipled intrigue. (Cremin,
1951, p. 33)

Labor groups believed so strongly in the need for

free public education to socialize their children that

they pressed their state legislatures to appropriate

funds to implement "Free, Equal, and Republican" schools

(Cremin, 1951, p. 33). This pressure became a deciding

factor in the creation and institution of the American

free public school systems (Tyack, 1967).

Cremin (1951) listed the demand for American

Nationality as the third factor which led to the for-

mation of common schools. He described the 1830s as

being filled with concern that the American republic

might be weakened by the incompatibility of non-English

speaking people. The common school, just as the charity

schools of the eighteenth century, had the task of

"inculcation of those values vital to adequate partici-

pation in the American community" (p. 45). The demands

and concerns for a strong American society were so great

that few of the electorate resisted the belief that

public schools should provide universal socialization

for good citizenship. The governments of each state

took a stance that they could no longer leave this

responsibility in the hands of families, religious











organizations, or local communities (Cremin, 1951;

1977).

Public schooling remained a voluntary and inci-

dental process, however, until the twentieth century

(Spring, 1986). Attendance varied enormously from day

to day and from season to season (Tyack, 1974). The

family continued to control the educational process by

selecting how often and which of their children would

attend school. In spite of parental control, formal

education continued to provide an attractive alternative

to home education, so that by the late nineteenth cen-

tury, the typical young American could expect to receive

five years of formal education (Cremin, 1951, 1970;

Spring, 1986; Tyack, 1974).

Public education became a training process in

consonance with an idealized family. It was a form of

preventive socialization in which children could be

trained for a more complex society. Immigrants and the

newly urbanized American family were convinced that the

good of all society could only be guaranteed by regular

social interaction provided in public schools (Spring,

1982; Tyack, 1967).

Tyack (1974) stated that American families in

making schools available, in sending their children to

those schools without governmental compulsion, and in

underwriting the schools with their own money, were











demonstrating their faith in the ability of formal

schools to teach the social skills necessary for sur-

vival. Quoting reformers of the late nineteenth cen-

tury, Tyack further clarified the drive for compulsory

attendance laws that would remove the control of educa-

tion and socialization from the family. Many advocates

of compulsory schooling referred to stories of neglected

children who learned their social skills from the

streets. These advocates cited disobedience to parents,

obscenity, lewdness, thievery, and even murder as exam-

ples of what they claimed was a break down of family

discipline. Some parents were deemed as unfit guardians

of their children. The only remedy would be "stringent

legislation, thoroughly carried out by an efficient

police" (Tyack, 1974, p. 68) that would force these

children into school.

Many attempts were made during the last of the

nineteenth century to make public education compulsory.

Ironically a primary source of the drive for mandatory

schooling came from parents who deemed formal education

an important part of their children's socialization. So

many parents demanded that their children be accepted in

schools that thousands were turned away in San Fran-

cisco, New York and Philadelphia (Tyack, 1974). Hist-

orian Elwood Cubberley (1934) declared that "each year











the child is coming to belong more and more to the

state, and less and less to the parent" (p. 34).

Gradually school accommodations began to catch up

with demand and states began to view compulsory atten-

dance as an achievable goal (Tyack, 1974). By 1918 all

states had passed some form of compulsory attendance

laws that placed the state in full control of the

socialization process (Cremin, 1977, 1988; Ovard, 1978).

To assist children in their social development, public

schools have often made use of trained counselors. In

1907 Jesse B. Davis, a principal of the Grand Rapids,

Michigan, High School required that a weekly period in

English composition be devoted to "vocational and moral

guidance" (Mathewson, 1962, p. 72). Since that time

formal guidance and counseling programs have grown and

been integrated into the social adjustment process of

nearly every public school (Aubrey, 1982; Bernard &

Fulmer, 1977; Lee & Pallone, 1966; Myrick, 1987;

Shertzer & Stone, 1966; Traxler, 1957). School coun-

selors assisted children in making vocational and

academic decisions. Through the years school counselors

have gained increasing understanding and experience in

human development (Muro & Dinkmeyer, 1977; Myrick, 1987;

Simonis, 1973).

With the incorporation of school counselors into

the academic process, it was believed that all facets of











a child's social development could be adequately ad-

dressed through formal public schooling (Ryan, 1978).

As their roles expanded, school counselors were relied

upon to intervene in crisis situations, help individuals

remediate social weaknesses, and assist in social devel-

opment through preventative developmental counseling

(Bernard & Fulmer, 1977; Muro & Dinkmeyer, 1977; Myrick,

1987; Simonis, 1973). Ryan (1978) defined the role of

school counseling:

In any setting the guidance program supports the
mission of pupil-student services by assisting each
individual to become a fully functioning person,
capable of maintaining healthy social relation-
ships, performing as a responsible citizen of the
community, being a part of the larger society, and
contributing to that society. (p. 11)

Formal public schooling was able to provide more ser-

vices and at a greater efficiency than could the family

(Cremin, 1977, 1988).

The prevalent view that formal education was super-

ior to the home as a source of social development was

demonstrated by the rapid increase in the school en-

rollment from a low of 10 percent of the child popula-

tion in the late nineteenth century, to over 91 percent

by the 1950s (Moore, 1985b). Since the 1950s, however,

public school attendance has been on the decline due to

parental concerns over a lack of moral control, peer

influence, and lowered academic quality (Lines, 1982;











Moore, 1985b; Naisbitt, 1982; Ornstein, 1989; "Parents

like," 1990).

Roger Sipher (1978) described conditions in the

public schools during the 1950s that created the con-

cerns that were expressed by many parents. He described

over crowded classrooms filled with post war "baby

boomers." Many school systems were not ready for the

increase in the student population and resorted to the

use of poorly trained teachers, cramped classrooms, and

outdated materials.

In 1983, the National Commission on Excellence in

Education issued its report entitled A Nation at Risk in

which they described the state of mediocrity of American

schools. Kenneth Fish (1970) described conditions simi-

lar to a war zone that required that some schools be

closed. Erickson et al. (1972) disclosed that the

social conditions in the schools they observed were so

bad that quality education was impossible. Others have

expressed similar concerns well into the 1990s (Algoz-

zine, 1991; Frady & Dunphy, 1985; Helpl Teacher can't

teach, 1980; Kirst, 1984; Tomorrow, 1982).

A deepening concern that formal schools were not

accomplishing the task of helping their children achieve

social adjustment led many parents to seek other alter-

natives. One alternative was to educate their children

themselves.











The Home School Movement

Some parents express a concern that they, not

organized institutions, are better suited to teach their

children the moral, social and character attributes

necessary for a successful life (Gustavsen, 1981;

"Parents like," 1990; Slater & Slater, 1990). These

parents choose to break with modern tradition and

educate their children at home (Naisbitt, 1982; Tobak,

1983; Whitehead & Bird, 1984).

Home schooling, or home centered education as it is

sometimes described (Whitehead & Bird, 1984), had its

origin in the earliest stages of human existence when

Moses delivered the Law of God to the Israelites

commanding them to

teach them diligently unto your children, and talk
of them when you sit in your houses, and when you
walk by the way, and when you lie down, and when
you rise up at dawn. (Deuteronomy, 6:7)

In the Biblical tradition, the basis and model for

learning and social skills development was left in the

hands of the parents (Ephesians, 6:4). The Ordinances

delivered by Moses, and commanded to be taught by the

parents, included all of the information needed for

human survival (Gustavsen, 1981).

The primary source of knowledge during the early

American Colonial period continued to be the family

(Cremin, 1970; Spring, 1986). As political upheaval

threatened domestic tranquility in Europe, it forced











many to flee to the American continent in search of a

new beginning. As they came, early colonial families

brought with them the traditions and directives that had

been established in Europe. Among those were Royal

Injunctions that dated back to Henry VIII charging

parsons to

admonish the fathers and mothers, masters and gov-
ernors of youth, being under their care, to teach,
or cause to be taught, their children and servants,
even from their infancy, their Pater Noster, the
Articles of our Faith, and the Ten Commandments, in
their mother tongue: and the same so taught, shall
cause the said youth to repeat and understand. (In
Cremin, 1970, p. 120)

King Henry's Injunction further directed fathers and

mothers to

bestow their children and servants, even from their
childhood, either to learning, or to some other
honest exercise, occupation or husbandry: exhor-
ting, counseling, and by all the ways and means
they may, lest any time afterward they be
driven, for lack of some mystery or occupation to
live by, to fall to begging, stealing, or some
other unthriftiness where if they had been
well educated and brought up in some good litera-
ture, occupation, or mystery, they should, being
rulers of their own family, have profited, as well
themselves as divers other persons, to the great
commodity and ornament of the commonwealth. (In
Cremin, 1970, p. 120-121)

Although Colonial America was vastly different from

their European heritage, many families continued to

maintain their Protestant religious beliefs and thereby

ensure social stability (Spring, 1986). The family

became the focal point of everything that was deemed

important for social development and survival. It was a











business, a school, a vocational institution, a church,

and a welfare center supplying the needs of their own

and other families (Demos, 1970).

As more people fled the political upheavals in

Europe and came to the New World they were faced with a

greater responsibility to provide for the social devel-

opment of their children at home than before they left

the metropolitan areas of the Old World. There was less

access to churches, colleges and other institutions that

might have shared the task (Cremin, 1970). In spite of

this emphasis, a concern that parents might not fulfill

their divinely appointed responsibility led the Mas-

sachusetts Bay Colony to implement a law in 1642 em-

powering the selectmen of each town

to take account from time to time of all parents
and masters, and of their children, concerning
their calling and employment of their children,
especially of their ability to read and understand
the principles of religion and the capital laws of
this country. (In Tyack, 1967, pp. 14-15)

The Royal Injunctions of Henry VIII were slowly being

placed into the hands of the Colonial governments (Cre-

min, 1970).

The context of the Massachusetts law of 1642 sug-

gested that education by parents was not only for the

preservation of religious beliefs, but also the preser-

vation of social order and continuation of the skills

and trades necessary for the survival of the community

(Spring, 1986). The family was the earliest source of









78

information for youth concerning the real world and how

individuals ought to behave. It provided the examples

children needed in order to learn the skills and jobs

necessary for society's survival (Cremin, 1977). As

Cremin (1977) stated, "the pedagogy of household educa-

tion was the pedagogy of apprenticeship, that is, a

relentless round of imitation, explanation, and trial

and error" (p. 12).

Until the late 1800s, parents were entrusted with

complete control of what and how their children learned

(Gordon, 1983; Katz, 1977; Moore, 1985a; Nolte, 1982;

Whitehead & Bird, 1984). This early form of socializing

children at home rather than in a formal educational

setting, although not always adhered to by some fam-

ilies, assured that a child was able to read and write,

understand the local laws of the land, behave in social-

ly accepted ways, and become skilled at a vocation or

trade (Cremin, 1970). It was so successful that John

Adams observed in 1765 that "a native of America,

especially of New England, who cannot read and write is

a rare a phenomenon as a Comet" (Butterfield, 1961).

As the population of the Colonies grew, more of the

educative functions of the family were shared with

religious organizations, formal schools and other com-

munity agencies (Cremin, 1980). In the more scarcely

populated areas of the frontier, however, parents









79

continued the socialization process much as it had been

introduced (Cremin 1951, 1970; Spring, 1986).

Several factors marked the decline of home centered

education and an increase in the demand for free public

schools in America. As was presented in the previous

discussion of the formal school movement in this chap-

ter, the American family was beginning to shrink in

number, making it easier for parents to combine training

efforts with other parents or institutions (Cremin,

1980). Cremin (1980) also stated that the family was

more mobile than ever before, illustrated by the fact

that by 1850, roughly a fifth of the original population

were residing in states other than where they had been

born. This mobility, the changing size of the family,

and the shift of work from the home to the community

gave rise to new institutions to protect and guarantee

social order in America. Cremin (1980) stated:

Paralleling the contrapuntal influences acting upon
the household itself was the proliferation of new
institutions to assume functions formerly carried
on by the household, with a heightened con-
cern for finding institutional means for maintain-
ing social order. But what was significant about
these institutions was the extent to which they
were explicitly seen, on the one hand, surrogates
for families and, on the other hand, as com-
plements to families in the building and mainten-
ance of the virtuous society. (p. 373)

Parents viewed social survival in the early Amer-

ican period as a cooperative effort of many families.

For that reason, they felt little concern over









80

entrusting the social development of their children to

neighbors or the local minister and his wife (Butts &

Cremin, 1953; Cubberly, 1934; Spring, 1986).

American families were also afraid of losing con-

trol of their culture to the large numbers of immigrants

that were establishing settlements throughout the ter-

ritories (Cremin, 1951; Tyack, 1974). It was generally

believed that combined formal schooling would be the

best method to socialize the immigrants into the Ameri-

can culture (Butts & Cremin, 1954; Cremin, 1951, 1970;

Spring, 1986; Tyack, 1974).

Home education among the immigrants was considered

by some a subversive activity that had to be counter-

acted by the free public school. This became especially

clear in the ever present need to promote Protestant

Christianity among the many Catholic newcomers. George

Cheever, a conservative nativist, illustrated this

belief when he said,

If the Bible be read in them (free public schools),
its daily lessons cannot but be attended by the
Divine blessing, and in many instances may beget
such a reverence for the Word of God, and instil
such a knowledge of its teachings, that the
infidelity of their home education shall be effec-
tually counteracted. (In Cremin, 1951, p. 47)

Many Americans in the late eighteenth century were

concerned that the family was collapsing and would no

longer be able to provide adequate social example (Kae-

stle, 1983; Rush, 1965; Spring, 1986). In order to










guarantee universal social skills for the good of all

society, more parents consented to send their children

to formal organized schools rather than educate them at

home (Cremin, 1951, 1970; Spring 1982; Tyack, 1967).

Tyack (1974) stated that American families in making

schools available, in sending their children to those

schools without government compulsion, and in underwrit-

ing the schools with their own money, demonstrated their

faith in the ability of formal schools to teach the

social skills necessary for living.

As the industrial revolution grew and spread

throughout America, states began to implement laws aimed

at protecting children from becoming forced labor.

Because most parents in the urban areas no longer worked

at home, it was also more expedient for them to rely

upon formal schooling to teach their children the neces-

sary social skills (Cremin, 1970, 1977; Nolte, 1982;

Spring 1982, 1986). By 1918, the free public school

became the primary source of social instruction (Cremin,

1951; Ovard, 1978; Rothstein, 1986; Tyack, 1967). With

the exception of deep rural and isolated territories,

the home school nearly disappeared (Arons, 1981).

Interest in home schooling began to revive during

the early twentieth century. In the period after World

War II when school populations surged with "baby

boomers," the quality of academic education came under











close scrutiny (Sipher, 1978). Parents were concerned

that in the interest of keeping order and maintaining

attendance, their children were no longer being ade-

quately taught (Holt, 1969; Seuffert, 1990; Slater &

Slater, 1990). Holt (1969) expressed this concern when

he claimed,

It is no more possible to have open, friendly, and
mutually helpful relationships between most
teachers and students than it is between prison
guards and prison convicts--and for exactly the
same reasons. If, on the other hand, compulsory
attendance were abolished, the relationship would
be entirely different, for the teacher would not be
a jailer, therefore not an enemy. (p. 74)

Concerns over adequate education and social condi-

tions within public schools were expressed well into the

1980s. In its 1983 report, A Nation at Risk, the

National Commission on Excellence in Education painted a

dim picture of what was happening in American class-

rooms. Many reports of declining test scores (Kniker,

1984; Naisbitt, 1982), inability of teachers to com-

petently perform (A Nation at Risk, 1983; Helpl Teacher

can't teach, 1980), and deteriorating moral and social

controls (Erickson et al., 1972; Fish, 1970; Frady &

Dunphy, 1985; Slater & Slater, 1990) led some parents to

distrust organized education and look seriously at home

schooling (Moore, 1985b).

Led by educators, such as the late John Holt and

Raymond Moore, the home school movement is estimated to

be growing at the rate of 100,000 new students per year










(Gothard, 1983). Some have suggested that home school-

ing will continue to grow well into the twenty-first

century (Common & MacMullen, 1987; Moore, 1985b; Nais-

bitt, 1982; Olson, 1990). The actual number of children

schooled at home is not possible to obtain due to fears

many parents have of legal reprisal for violating state

compulsory attendance laws. Current estimates, however,

range upward to over one million children (Lines, 1987,

1991; McCurdy, 1985; Monfils, 1991; Naisbitt, 1982;

Tobak & Zirkel, 1983; Whitehead & Bird, 1984).

Home schools have had to face numerous legal chal-

lenges (Arons, 1986; Staver, 1987; Whitehead & Bird,

1984). The first case of importance was Pierce v.

Society of Sisters (1925). In deciding this case, the

Supreme Court established the right of parents to decide

where their children would be educated, declaring that

children were not the property of the State. The second

major case cited by home school proponents as asserting

parental rights was Farrington v. Toksuhige (1927). By

rendering this decision, the Court affirmed the right of

parents to control what their children were taught, as

long as it was not harmful to society as a whole (Sta-

ver, 1987; Whitehead & Bird, 1984).

Probably the most important case, however, was

Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972). The Court decided in favor

of parental rights to avoid compulsory school attendance










based upon free exercise of religion. Members of the

Old Order Amish faith had been convicted of violating

Wisconsin's compulsory attendance law which required

school attendance until age sixteen. The Amish members

believed that requiring their children to attend school

beyond the eighth grade was a threat to their religion

(Arons, 1986). By deciding in favor of the Amish par-

ents, the Court provided a future defense for home

schools through the use of the First Amendment of the

Constitution when it stated:

A State's interest in universal education, however
highly we rank it, is not totally free from a bal-
ancing process when it impinges on fundamental
rights and interests, such as those specifically
protected by the Free Exercise Clause of the First
Amendment, and the traditional interest of parents
with respect to the religious upbringing of their
children. (Wisconsin v. Yoder, 1972)

Legal battles have not only focused upon parental

rights to educate their children at home, but also on

whether such education provides for adequate social

development. In 1929 the New Hampshire Supreme Court

decided against a home school family in State v. Hoyt.

Quoting from an earlier case involving the need to teach

appropriate citizenship (Fogg v. Board of Education,

1912), the New Hampshire Court stated:

The association with those of all classes of
society, at an early age and upon a common level,
is not unreasonably urged as a preparation for
discharging the duties of a citizen. The object of
our school laws is not only to protect the state
from the consequences of ignorance, but also to










guard against the dangers of "incompetent citizen-
ship." (Cited in Staver, 1987, p. 98)

One of the primary concerns expressed in the Hoyt

decision was that a home school lacked the socialization

element of traditional educational programs (Staver,

1987).

Acting on the belief that children could not

receive adequate social instruction apart from group

interactions, two New Jersey cases ruled against home

school parents (Knox v. O'Brian, 1950; Stephens v.

Bongart, 1937). The court in the Stephens case stated:

Education must impart to the child the way to live.
This brings me to the belief that it is al-
most impossible for a child to be adequately taught
in his home. I cannot conceive how a child can
receive in the home instruction and experiences in
group activity and in social outlook in any manner
or form comparable to that provided in the public
school. (Cited in Staver, 1987, p. 51)

This belief that adequate social development can

only take place within organized formal school programs

(Crokenberg & Bryant, 1978; Johnson, 1981) has led some

to suggest that an absence of peer interaction can

create severe consequences, such as juvenile delinquency

or mental health problems (Ladd, 1979; LeCroy, 1983;

McCaul, 1989). Adding further support to this belief,

the West Virginia Supreme Court ruled against home

schooling when it declared that the children were being

separated from organized society and would become











"incapable of coping with life outside of their own

families" (State v. Riddle, 1981).

Although peer relationships have been shown to be a

vital part of the life of all children (Bandura, 1977;

Craig, 1983; Erikson, 1972; Kohlberg, 1969; Mussen et

al., 1974; Piaget, 1952), recent studies have taken a

critical view of peer pressure for its negative effects

on the individual (Bronfenbrenner, 1970; Elmes &

Gemmill, 1990; Frady & Dunphy, 1985; Holt, 1982; Moore,

1982, 1984; Whitehead & Bird, 1984). The possibility

that peer influence can have an impact aversive to that

desired by parents, formed part of the reasoning behind

the Supreme Court's decision in Wisconsin v. Yoder

(1972). In that decision the Court stated:

Formal high school education beyond the eighth
grade places Amish children in an environment
hostile to Amish beliefs with pressure to
conform to the styles, manners, and ways of the
peer group. (Cited in Whitehead & Bird, 1984, p.
87)

In more recent court cases, judges have decided to

follow the precedent established in State v. Massa

(1967) and reject socialization as an argument against

home schooling. One of the most significant cases

reported by home school proponents was Perchemlides v.

Frizzle (1978). In reporting their decision the court

explained:

The question here is, of course, not whether the
socialization provided in the school is beneficial
to a child, but rather, who should make that











decision for any particular child. Under our
system, the parents must be allowed to decide
whether public school education, including its
socialization aspects, is desirable or undesirable
for their children. (Perchemlides v. Frizzle,
1978, at 137)

Most home school parents strongly believe that the

peer relationships found in traditional educational

programs are more negative than they are positive

(Adams, 1984; Arons, 1981; Common & MacMullen, 1987;

Divoky, 1983; Holt, 1981, 1982, 1983a; Monfils, 1991;

Moore & Moore, 1986; Slater & Slater, 1990). Positive

social interactions are provided for their children

through church, YMCA, scouting, and home school support

groups (Golowoch, 1991; Gordon, 1983; Gustavsen, 1981;

Holt, 1981, 1983b; Kendall, 1982; Lines, 1987, 1991).

These parents believe that, through parental instruction

and modeling of prosocial behavior, their children

develop more socially appropriate skills than their

agemates in traditional schools (Maarse-Delahooke, 1986;

Moore, 1987; Nagel, 1979; Richoux, 1987; Schemmer, 1985;

Seligman & Zabarsky, 1979; Williams et al., 1984).

Although the home school alternative is growing by

approximately 100,000 new students each year (Gothard,

1983), it has been estimated that between fifty and

seventy-five percent of the families who begin home

schooling will eventually enroll their children in

either public or private religious institutions (Lines,

1987; Williams et al., 1984). In spite of their










concerns for higher quality academics, more religious

freedom, and more control over their children's social

development, financial considerations force many parents

to abandon home schooling. Some parents discontinue

home schooling as part of their original plan to enroll

their children in traditional education after age 8 or 9

(Moore & Moore, 1975). Still others merely burnout from

the pressures of legal hassles, society, and the every-

day routine of teaching (Moore & Moore, 1988). Whether

home school parents are accurate in their beliefs or

not, they will have a profound effect upon schooling as

thousands of their children enter the traditional school

systems (Lines, 1987).

Summary of School Alternatives and Social Adjustment

Formal education has been supported in history,

research, and in legal decisions as being a valid source

of social adjustment for children. To some, the formal

group peer interaction found in schools is the yard

stick by which social adjustment is measured. Problems

within public schools have forced many to move their

children to other sources of social instruction.

Home schooling is one of those alternatives. Home

schools, however, have raised numerous questions that

must be answered. Courts have given parents the privi-

lege to educate their children at home in many states.

Some research has shown that the academic achievement of









89

home school children is equal to that of their agemates

in the more traditional school programs. Two questions

that remain unanswered in the literature are: Are

children educated at home as socially adjusted as their

agemates from traditional education programs? And, if

home schooled children are not as socially adjusted as

their agemates, what do counselors need to know in order

to assist those children who will eventually enter their

schools?

In order to answer these questions, it will be

necessary to assess the social adjustment of children

from home schools. Once the social adjustment of home

schooled children has been determined, it must be

compared to that of children from traditional schools

who society accepts as being socially adjusted.

Assessment of Social Adjustment

Social adjustment, however, is complex and dif-

ficult to measure (Jordan-Davis & Butler, 1985; Gresham

& Elliott, 1984; Rathjen & Foreyt, 1980). Assessment of

social skills has included at least six different meth-

ods including behavior ratings by others, observations,

role play, self-reporting, interviews, and sociometrics

(Asher & Hymel, 1981; Foster & Ritchey, 1979; Green &

Forehand, 1980; Gresham & Elliott, 1984; Hops, 1983).

Gresham and Elliott (1984) suggested that in order

to assess social skills, it is necessary to define











social skills, and then provide a framework for clas-

sifying social skill difficulties. They suggested three

different definitions for social skills. The first,

peer acceptance, relies upon the use of peer socio-

metrics or peer nominations. If children or adolescents

are accepted by their peers, they are considered social-

ly skilled. This definition and approach has been used

in several research studies (Asher & Hymel, 1981; Ladd,

1979).

The second definition suggested by Gresham and

Elliott (1984) is behavioral in nature. Social skills

are situation specific, and reinforcement or extinction

is determined by each individual's behavior.

Appropriate behaviors bring reward and reinforcement,

whereas inappropriate behaviors bring punishment and

extinction. This definition uses naturalistic observa-

tions and role plays to assess whether children possess

social skills (Strain, 1977; Strain et al., 1976).

Social validity is the label given to Gersham and

Elliott's (1984) third definition. They suggested that

this definition of social behavior predicts important

social outcomes such as "(a) peer acceptance or

popularity, (b) significant others' judgments of

behavior, or (c) other social behaviors known to

correlate consistently with peer acceptance or sig-

nificant others' judgments" (pp. 292-293). This




Full Text
274
Hersen, M., & Barlow, D. H. (1976). Single-case exper
imental designs: Strategies for studying behavior
change. New York: Pergamon Press.
Higgins, E. T., & Parsons, J. E. (1983). Social cog
nition and the social life of the child: Stages as
subcultures. In E. T. Higgins, D. N. Ruble, & W.
W. Hartup (Eds.), Social cognition and social de
velopment: A sociocultural perspective (pp. 15-
62). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Hobbes, T. (1904). Leviathan. Cambridge, England:
Cambridge University Press.
Hoffman, M. L. (1970). Moral development. In P. H.
Mussen (Ed.). Carmichael's manual of child psych
ology, (Vol. 2, 3rd ed., pp. 261-359) New York:
Wiley.
Hoier, T. S., & Foster, S. L. (1985). Methods of asses
sing children's social skills: Current status and
future directions. Journal of Special Education
Technology, 7(2), 18-27.
Holmes, D. S. (1988). Characteristics found in success
ful programs for adolescents who are at risk
(Doctoral dissertation, Saint Louis University,
1988). Dissertation Abstracts International, 49,
1756A.
Holt, J. (1969). The under-achieving school. New York:
Pitman Publishing Corp.
Holt, J. (1981). Teach your own: A hopeful path for
education. New York: Delacorte Press/Seymour Law-
rence.
Holt, J. (1982). How children fail. New York: Dela
corte Press.
Holt, J. (1983a). How children learn. New York: Dela
corte Press.
Holt, J. (1983b). Schools and home schoolers: A fruit
ful partnership. Phi Delta Kappan, 64, 391-94.
Home education: Is it working? (1986). Report of the
Texas Home School Coalition. (Available from THSC,
P. 0. Box 835105, Richardson, TX 75083)


100
other self-report measures of assertiveness in children.
Based upon their analysis, they concluded that the CABS
is accurate in discriminating aggressive from assertive
response styles, and is a reliable instrument for col
lecting data. They also warned that their results were
found to differ from the normative data reported by
Michelson and Wood (1982) in that status and sex had a
significant effect in their study. For this reason they
suggested interpreting the results in light of the local
norms.
The CABS was originally normed on Florida children
(Wood et al., 1978) and has been demonstrated to be a
reliable and valid measure of assertive behavior (Miche
lson & Wood, 1982; Michelson et al., 1981, 1983; Scanlon
& Ollendick, 1986). It is a brief self-report measure
that requires a minimum of instructions which can be
administered to children within the age group proposed
in this study. For these reasons, the CABS was selected
as the instrument to measure assertive behavior in this
study (see Appendix A).
Just as assertive responses have been shown to be a
sign of social knowledge and comfort, a positive self-
concept is also indicative of social comfort. The self-
concept is also further evidence of appropriate social
adjustment that can be measured by self-reports (Taylor,
1986).


24
punish or otherwise stand in the way of their children's
initiative, the children learn to repress their drives
and develop a sense of guilt for their own inactions
(Craig, 1983; Maier, 1969; McCandless, 1967).
The fourth of Erikson's stages of development
begins around the sixth year and continues until around
age 12 (Erikson, 1963, 1972). This period is character
ized by a crisis between industry and inferiority
(Craig, 1983; Maier, 1969). It is also characterized by
the usual entrance of children into formal education.
Children begin to turn away from the primary focus of
the family and to seek an identity among school-age
peers. This is the time of intense social comparison
for those children who become part of the formal educa
tional system (Shaffer, 1979).
Shaffer (1979) suggested that the reason children
turn toward peer groups is a recognition that they are
still children and lack the skills necessary to compete
with typical adults. This feeling of inferiority is
what generates the crisis. Children become concerned
that they might not become sufficiently competent in
their own eyes nor the eyes of others. If children
manage to develop the social and technical skills neces
sary to compete effectively in the social world around
them, they develop a sense of industriousness that
prepares them for the crises to come. If, however, they


12
o Male H.S.
Female H.S.
MaleT.S.
Female T.S.
8 9 10
AGE
Figure 1. Affects of interaction of age, gender, and school-type on
social behavior as measured by the Direct Observation Form (DOF).
(DOF scores are in direct proportion to frequency of observed problem
behaviors.)


114
as are their ageraates in traditional schools, an attempt
was made to answer the following three questions:
1. Would the level of assertiveness possessed by
home-schooled children differ from that of their age-
mates in traditional school programs?
2. Would the level of self-concept possessed by
home-schooled children differ from that of their age-
mates in traditional school programs?
3. Would the social behavior of home-schooled
children differ from that of other children in tradi
tional school programs?
The methods and procedures used in addressing these
questions are discussed in this chapter. Characteris
tics of the student population are discussed in the next
section.
Population
The largest population for this study consisted of
students between the ages of 8 and 10 residing and being
educated within Orange, Lake, and Seminole counties in
central Florida. A review of literature suggested that
the period of greatest social development is between the
ages of 7 and 11 (Barenboim, 1977; Shantz, 1975). In
order to assess social adjustment within this age range,
and allow for possible developmental differences (i.e.,
reading level differences, cognitive development


20
as the primary force in social development (Craig, 1983;
George & Cristiani, 1986). Erikson also believed that
parents are only two of the many social agents by which
children will be influenced. Maier (1969) presented
Erikson's position by stating
Culture adds the human aspect of living. Man lives
by instinctual forces, and culture insists upon the
"proper" use of these . forces. It is the
cultural environment . which determines the
nature of each individual's experience. The child
and his parents are never alone; through the par
ent's conscience, generations are looking upon a
child's actions, helping him to integrate his rela
tionships with their approval. ... A culture,
class, or ethnic group's basic ways of organizing
experience are transmitted to the child . and
tie the child forever to his original milieu.
(Maier, 1969, p. 28)
Because Erikson stressed the sociocultural influen
ces on personality, his approach is better termed psy
chosocial rather than psychosexual development (Shaffer,
1979). According to Erikson's theory, a person develops
into a socially adjusted individual through the resolu
tion of a series of crises involving interactions with
socializing agents (Erikson, 1963, 1968, 1972). McCand-
less (1967) described this process when he stated:
The process of social control and adaptability
starts with the child's interactions with his par
ents and family, and continues with his playmates,
relatives, and teachers. These socializing agents
must provide a pattern of reward, acceptance, per
missiveness, and punishment that enables the child
to gain law- and amenity-abiding adulthood yet
remain or become relatively secure, calm, happy,
appropriately masculine or feminine, and vocation
ally self-sustaining. (McCandless, 1967, p. 418)


125
(PHSCS), 1 copy of the Children's Assertive Behavior
Scale (CABS), 1 answer sheet for the CABS, and one self
addressed and stamped return envelope. These instru
ments were completed by all research subjects. A re
quest was made that the completed materials be returned
within 10 days.
In the event that the materials were not returned
within 10 days, the nature and reason for the delay was
determined by a telephone call or followup letter. The
respective subject was encouraged to complete the as
sessments and return them. Duplicate materials were
provided as necessary. If the materials were still not
returned within an additional five days, that subject
was removed from the project.
The same instruments were completed by the 70 home
schooled and 70 traditional schooled participants who
participated in the observation procedures. These stu
dents completed the paper and pencil portion upon their
arrival for the video taped observation period described
later in this chapter. The researcher read the instruc
tions for completing the Piers-Harris Children's Self-
Concept Scale and the Children's Assertive Behavior
Scale. Once the students completed the instruments,
their answer sheets were collected in mass.
Each child's responses to the Children's Assertive
Behavior Scale (CABS) and the Piers-Harris Children's


APPENDIX C
LETTER TO PUBLIC SCHOOL SUPERINTENDENT


191
Although several games were still available, it appeared
that many of these girls preferred to entertain them
selves by talking loudly and disturbing the boys' play.
This was especially true for 10 of the 8-year-old
traditionally schooled girls who expressed delight that
the boys in their group were annoyed and distracted by
the noise. When children become bored, they are likely
to seek things to do to overcome the boredom. In the
case of this study, the 8-year-old traditionally
schooled girls apparently chose loud talking and
constant motion.
Eight-year-old boys from both schooling environ
ments consistently engaged in quieter play and received
lower problem behavior scores than the 8-year-old
traditionally schooled girls who were more active and
louder. Eight-year-old, traditionally schooled girls
tended to avoid group play in favor of playing alone.
This could be considered withdrawal and thereby rate
higher as a problem behavior. In those cases where 8-
year-old traditionally schooled girls included other
girls in their play, they were louder and more active
(i.e. running and jumping) than boys of their same age.
Such activity also is considered as problem behavior.
The 10-year-old boys in this study obtained higher
mean DOF scores than the other boys whereas 10-year-old
girls received one of the lowest means among the girls


57
majority of studies show no significant relationship
between age and self-concept.
A few researchers have suggested that the self-
concept may be a significant variable affecting social
interactions among children from families with different
socio-economic status. It has also been suggested that
a child's socioeconomic status might directly affect his
or her social adjustment (Levine, Mendez-Caratini, &
Snyder, 1982; Ruble 1983; Schwarzer, Jerusalem, & Lange,
1981) .
Socioeconomic Status and Social Adjustment
Taylor (1986) noted that research on the effect of
socioeconomic status on children's social adjustment has
yielded conflicting conclusions. Some research indi
cates that there may be a direct relationship between
how people view their social status and how they per
ceive themselves socially. In other words, children
from lower socioeconomic backgrounds have lower self-
concepts than those of middle or upper socioeconomic
status (Oigbokie, 1983; Richman, Clarke, & Brown, 1984;
Scott-Jones & Clark, 1986; Wylie, 1974b).
McPherson and Rust (1987) in an analysis of 79
second grade students, discovered that children from a
high socioeconomic status background were considered by
their peers to be more popular. They further stated


Someone says to you, "I think you are a very nice
person." You would usually:
(a) Say "No, I'm not that nice."
(b) Say "Yes, I think I am the bestl"
(c) Say "Thank you."
(d) Say nothing and blush.
(e) Say "Thanks, I am really great."
Someone does something that you think is really
great. You would usually:
(a) Act like it wasn't that great and say "That was
alright."
(b) Say "That was alright, but I've seen better."
(c) Say nothing.
(d) Say "I can do better than thatl"
(e) Say "That was really great!"
You are working on something that you like and
think is very good. Someone says, "I don't like
it!" You would usually:
(a) Say "You're a dummy!"
(b) Say "I think it's good."
(c) Say "You are right," although you don't really
agree.
(d) Say "I think this is great; besides what do you
know!"
(e) Feel hurt and say nothing.
You forget something you were supposed to bring and
someone says, "You're so dumb! You'd forget your
head if it weren't screwed on!" You would usually:
(a) Say "I'm smarter than you any day; besides
what do you know!"
(b) Say "Yes, you're right, sometimes I do act
dumb."
(c) Say "if anybody is dumb, it's you!"
(d) Say "Nobody's perfect. I'm not dumb just be
cause I forgot something!"
(e) Say nothing or ignore it.
Someone you were supposed to meet arrives 30 min
utes late, which makes you upset. The person says
nothing about why they are late. You would
usually:
(a) Say "I'm upset that you kept me waiting like
this."
(b) Say "I was wondering when you'd get here."


40
which a good or just society must be based" (Kohlberg,
1976, p. 36).
The characteristics that mark each social stage
depend upon the interplay between two important factors
which are, the child's level of cognitive development,
and the kinds of social experiences the child encounters
(Colby & Kohlberg, 1984; Kohlberg, 1969; Shaffer, 1979).
Explaining his emphasis on cognitive development, Kohl
berg (1969) stated:
On the logical side, our approach claims that
social development is cognitively based because any
description of the shape or pattern of social re
sponses necessarily entails some cognitive dimen
sions. Description of the organization of the
child's social responses entails a description of
the way in which he perceives, or conceives, the
social world and the way in which he conceives
himself.
On the empirical side the cognitive-devel
opmental approach derives from the fact that
most marked . changes in the psychological
development of the child are cognitive, in the
mental age or IQ sense. The influence of
intelligence on children's social attitudes
and behavior is such that it has a greater
number of social-behavior correlates than any
other aspect of personality. (pp. 372-373)
The kinds of social experiences Kohlberg (1969)
believed must accompany cognitive development in order
for a child to achieve social adjustment are those that
require the taking of roles. Staub (1979) suggested
that the following list represents the kinds of exper
iences Kohlberg believed were necessary for children to
adjust socially:


CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
This study was designed to determine if children
educated in a home school setting differ significantly
in social adjustment from children educated in tradi
tional schools. A review of relevant literature
concerning social development suggested that the primary
source of appropriate social adjustment was within the
formal group interactions provided by traditional
schools (Beckham, 1985; Franzosa, 1984; McCaul, 1989).
Home schools, by their nature, do not provide for formal
group interactions (Mayberry, 1989; Seligman & Zabarsky,
1979; Smith, 1986; Williams et al., 1984). The effect
of home schooling on the social adjustment of children
had not yet been determined.
The research methodology and procedures used in the
collection and analyses of data concerning social ad
justment are described in this chapter. The chapter is
organized into twelve sections: research design, re
search questions, population, sampling procedures,
research procedures, observer training and observation
procedures, instrumentation, hypotheses, data analyses,
delimitations, limitations, and summary.
112


102
based upon several facts: the norms were established
using middle childhood aged children (Piers, 1985; Piers
& Harris, 1969), it has been used extensively in
research with middle childhood children (Wylie, 1961,
1974a, 1974b), and it has been previously used in
research with a home school population (Taylor, 1986).
Based upon an extensive evaluation of research, the
PHSCS has also been described as "one of the best in
struments available for assessing children's self-
regard" (Smith & Rogers, 1977, p. 554).
The PHSCS is an eighty item forced choice question
naire. Each declarative statement is answered with
either yes, if the item is a true statement about him or
herself, or no, if it is not. The use of a large number
of response items was supported by Wells and Harwell
(1976) when they stated that it "may permit a more
thorough sampling from the domain of possible descrip
tions, producing a more heterogenous and representative
instrument and resulting in increased validity and
generality" (p. 82).
The instrument was normed using 1,183 public school
children in grades four through twelve (Piers & Harris,
1969). Although normed on children beginning in the
fourth grade. Piers and Harris (1964) stated that it has
been administered successfully to students in grade


68
society would have to be educated to this task" (Cremin,
1951, p. 29). The new American government formed by the
Constitution did not provide for a national education
system. It was obvious however, that some form of
systematic and organized education was on the minds of
the founding fathers when James Madison asserted
A popular Government, without popular information,
or the means of acquiring it, is but a Prologue to
a Farce or a Tragedy; or perhaps both. Knowledge
will forever govern ignorance: And a people who
mean to be their own governors, must arm themselves
with the power which knowledge gives. (In Cremin,
1951, p. 30)
The second factor cited by Cremin (1951) was the
demand for equality. Thousands of families had migrated
to industrialized urban areas. As labor groups formed,
they were "fearful of the political and social conse
quences of the new industry and commerce, and mindful of
the gaps between principle and reality in the democratic
ethic" (p. 33). Therefore, they waged a campaign for an
educated citizenry that would guarantee that all child
ren could be socially equal.
Newly enfranchised workers recognized that the only
way to guarantee that the United States did not break
apart into rigid social classes would be for all
children to be educated together in equal environments,
a task impossible as long as individual families con
trolled the educational process. Cremin (1951) quotes
Robert Dale Owen, an early labor leader who stated


APPENDIX K
DEMOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION OF RESPONDENT HOME SCHOOL
POPULATION


16
this philosophy, is determined by his or her selfish
needs (Shaffer, 1979).
The second philosophical perspective was also
introduced during the seventeenth century by British
philosopher John Locke (Kessen, 1965; Muro & Dinkmeyer,
1977; Shaffer, 1979). Locke's philosophy of tabula rasa
describes the child as being neither bad nor good but
rather a blank slate upon which the environment and
experience can write his or her personality. Children
who learn to control inappropriate childhood impulses
are considered to be well adjusted. In order to be well
adjusted socially, children need to be trained in self-
denial by their parents from "their very cradles"
(Locke, as quoted in Shaffer, 1979, p. 12).
The third philosophical perspective suggested by
Shaffer (1979) and Hoffman (1970) viewed the child as an
active participant in his or her social development and
was labeled the doctrine of innate purity. This doc
trine, represented by eighteenth century philosophers
Immanuel Kant and Jean Jacques Rousseau, states that
children are inherently good, possessing an inborn moral
sense that often can be misdirected by societal demands
and experiences (Kessen, 1965). Children are capable of
shaping their own personalities and can develop "in a
healthy direction if not unduly hampered by the demands
and restrictions of society" (Shaffer, 1979, p.13).


171
Table 16
and School
Age Gender
School
n
Mean*
SD
H.S.
15
2.00
4.17
M
T.S.
15
16.27
5.96
8
H.S.
15
1.67
1.76
F
T.S.
15
21.20
5.42
H.S.
11
2.00
2.14
M
T.S.
11
16.18
5.98
9
H.S.
11
1.45
1.97
F
T.S.
11
12.09
4.64
H.S.
9
2.77
3.99
M
T.S.
9
22.00
9.31
10
H.S.
9
2.44
2.45
F
T.S.
9
13.78
4.27
*
DOF scores are in direct proportion to the number and
frequency of observed problem behaviors.


36
but may not understand that Mommy can also be someone's
aunt (Longstreth, 1974). Children recognize that they
are either boys or girls, but can be fooled whether
others are male or female based upon their clothing.
This lack of understanding of relationships and gender
identification must be clarified within the next stage
before social reason and role identification can be
accomplished (Boyle, 1969; Chandler, 1982; Harter, 1983;
Shaffer, 1979).
The third stage, which spans from approximately age
seven to age eleven, is called the concrete-operational
stage (Piaget, 1952). During this stage children learn
to think in relational terms developing logic, mental
representations, and an ability to think in numerical
concepts (Shaffer, 1979). All of these cognitive abil
ities are higher levels of reason and are necessary, for
children to develop adequate social relationships (Pia
get & Inhelder, 1969). Children learn that people are
not objects but individuals with feelings and reactions
as valid as their own.
Because of the ability of children to develop
reasonable and logical conclusions, Piaget and Inhelder
(1969) stated that
the child of seven and over is more socialized than
the self of early childhood .... It is at the
stage of concrete operations that new interpersonal
relations of a cooperative nature are established,
and there is no reason why these should be limited
to cognitive exchanges. (pp. 117-118)


94
responsibilities, obstructive, and wrapped up in
themselves. (Mclntire & Drummond, 1977, p. 296)
These tendencies have been cited as reasons for low
popularity and higher levels of social anxiety (Craig,
1983; LaGreca & Stark, 1986; Michelson et al., 1983).
The more social anxiety a person has, the less success
he or she has in social situations. A sense of failure
in social situations has the effect of lowering the
self-concept even further (Craig, 1983; Glidewell et
al., 1976; Sobol & Earn, 1985).
McCandless (1967) described the relationship be
tween the self-concept and social adjustment when he
wrote:
The maladjusted, self-rejecting person, if he also
rejects others, is likely to be rejected by them in
turn, with resulting exacerbation of his maladjust
ment. (p. 283)
He further concluded that "self acceptance . seems
associated with accepting other people" (p. 283).
Self-concepts play an important role in the social
behaviors of children, because they describe their
perceptions of themselves and their relationship to
others (Coopersmith, 1967; Piers & Harris, 1969; Shavel-
son et al., 1976; Wells & Marwell, 1976). Depending
upon whether the self-concept is low or high, children
either withdraw from or become more involved in social
activities (Coopersmith, 1967; DeMan & Devisse, 1987;
Gergen, 1971; Rosenberg, 1985).


79
continued the socialization process much as it had been
introduced (Cremin 1951, 1970; Spring, 1986).
Several factors marked the decline of home centered
education and an increase in the demand for free public
schools in America. As was presented in the previous
discussion of the formal school movement in this chap
ter, the American family was beginning to shrink in
number, making it easier for parents to combine training
efforts with other parents or institutions (Cremin,
1980). Cremin (1980) also stated that the family was
more mobile than ever before, illustrated by the fact
that by 1850, roughly a fifth of the original population
were residing in states other than where they had been
born. This mobility, the changing size of the family,
and the shift of work from the home to the community
gave rise to new institutions to protect and guarantee
social order in America. Cremin (1980) stated:
Paralleling the contrapuntal influences acting upon
the household itself was the proliferation of new
institutions to assume functions formerly carried
on by the household, . with a heightened con
cern for finding institutional means for maintain
ing social order. But what was significant about
these institutions was the extent to which they
were explicitly seen, on the one hand, surrogates
for families . and, on the other hand, as com
plements to families in the building and mainten
ance of the virtuous society. (p. 373)
Parents viewed social survival in the early Amer
ican period as a cooperative effort of many families.
For that reason, they felt little concern over


270
of the complete works of Sigmund Freud (Vol. 23,
pp. 141-205). London, England: Hogarth Press.
Galluzzi, E. G., & Zucker, K. B. (1977). Level of ad
justment and the self-and others-concepts. Psycho
logy in the Schools, 14, 104-108.
Gamer, E. (1977). Children's reports of friendship cri
teria. Paper presented at the meeting of the Mass
achusetts Psychological Association, Boston.
Gardner, R. A. (1979). Understanding children: A par
ent's guide to child rearing. Cresskill, NJ:
Creative Therapeutics.
Gardner, R. A. (1982). Family evaluation in child cus
tody litigation. Cresskill, NJ: Creative Thera
peutics .
Gesell, A., Ilg, F. L., & Ames, L. B. (1977). The child
from five to ten. New York: Harper and Row.
George, R. L., & Cristiani, T. S. (1986). Counseling:
Theory and practice. Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice-Hall, Inc.
Gergen, K. J. (1971). The concept of self. New York:
Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.
Gerken, K. C., Allen, J., & Snider, B. C. (1980). The
relationship between voluntary reduction of minor
ity isolation and varied measures of affect. Iowa
City, IA: University of Iowa, (ERIC Document Re
production Service No. ED 209 314).
Gibbs, J. C., Arnold, K. D., & Burkhardt, J. E. (1984).
Sex differences in the expression of moral judge
ment. Child Development, 55, 1040-1043.
Glidewell, J. C., Kantor, M. B., Smith, L. M., & Strin
ger, L. A. (1976). Socialization and social struc
ture in the classroom. In L. W. Hoffman & M. L.
Hoffman (Eds.), Review of child development re
search (Vol. 2). New York: Russell Sage Founda
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Goettler-Sopko, S. (1990). The effect of class size on
reading achievement. Report to the Office of
Education Research and Improvment, U. S. Department
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No. ED 325 826).


APPENDIX A
CHILDREN'S ASSERTIVE BEHAVIOR SCALE


3
of instruction, and deteriorating social control led the
National Commission on Excellence in Education to issue
its report titled, A Nation at Risk, in April of 1983.
Erickson, Bryan, and Walker (1972) described conditions
in some schools that made quality education impossible.
Kenneth Fish (1970) disclosed that conditions within
some schools were so bad that they had to be closed.
Similar concerns have continued to be expressed into the
1980s and 1990s (Frady & Dunphy, 1985; Helpl Teacher
can't teach, 1980; Kirst, 1984; Tomorrow, 1982; Slater &
Slater, 1990). A lack of ability on the part of some
teachers, over-crowded conditions in the classroom, and
lack of civil control have led to interpersonal problems
between increasing numbers of students and a drop in
academic quality (Moore, 1985b).
As the state and federal governments struggled to
reform the educational system during the 1960s and
1970s, many parents also started to reassess their view
of formal education (Lines, 1987). Fearing a lack of
moral control and a reduction of quality in public
education, many parents began to search for alternative
sources of schooling for their children. Some of the
more affluent families found hope in the multitude of
private religious institutions that had sprung up since
1950 (Gustavsen, 1981; Sipher, 1978; Whitehead & Bird,
1984). Other families merely chose to break with the


216
SCORING PROCESS
1. Using the scoring key, score each response on the
answer sheet.
2. Note that a high score represents unassertiveness,
as each response is scored -2 for a very passive
response, -1 for a partial passive response, 0 for
an assertive response, 1 for a partially aggressive
response, or 2 for a very aggressive response.
Therefore a negative score would mean a passive
response and a positive score would denote an ag
gressive response.


119
parents and children (Moore & Moore, 1988). Moore and
Moore (1988) expressed their firm belief in the value of
support groups when they stated, "If you don't have a
support group, start one!" (p. 221).
Home-school researchers have discovered that most of
the national home school population is composed of
students representative of the age group found in the
lower four grades of traditional education programs
(Maarse-Delahooke, 1986; Moore, 1979; Shirkey, 1987).
Other researchers have found that home schoolers are
primarily from white lower-middle to upper-middle income
families with strong fundamental religious beliefs
(Gustavsen, 1981; Lines, 1991; Taylor, 1986; Williams et
al., 1984). Demographic information about the home
school population used in this study was gathered
through a demographic questionnaire (See Appendix F).
In order to answer the questions postulated by the
researcher, an accessible population was defined for
each of the student target populations described above.
The procedures used in choosing the study participants
is outlined in the next section.
Selection of Participants
Due to the concerns parents of home school children
have concerning anonymity, the accessible population for
this study consisted of volunteers from members of the
student population described above who were contacted by


271
Goffman, E. (1979). Gender advertisements. New York!
Harper & Row.
Golowoch, M. (1991, July 1). My word. Orlando Sen
tinel, p. All.
Goodnow, J., & Bethon, G. (1966). Piaget's task: The
effects of schooling and intelligence. Child De
velopment 37, 573-582.
Gorder, C. (1985). Home schools; An alternative.
Columbus, OH: Blue Bird Publishing.
Gordon, E. E. (1983). Home tutoring programs gain re
spectability. Phi Delta Kappan, 64, 398-99.
Gothard, B. (1983, January). Honors. The Parent
Educator and Family Report, 1_, 3.
Gray, H. D., & Tindell, J. (1978). Peer counseling.
Muncie, IL: Accelerated Development.
Green, K. D., & Forehand, R. (1980). Assessment of
children's social skills: A review of methods.
Journal of Behavioral Assessment, 2, 143-159.
Green, K. D., Forehand, R., Beck, S. J., & Vosk, B.
(1980). An assessment of the relationship among
measures of children's social competence and child
ren's academic achievement. Child Development, 51,
1149-1156.
Greenberger, E., & Sorensen, A. B. (1974). Toward a
concept of psychosocial maturity. Journal of Youth
and Adolescence, 3_, 329-358.
Greenwood, C. R., Walker, H. M., Todd, N. M., & Hops, H.
(1977). Normative and descriptive analysis of pre
school free play social interactions. Eugene, OR:
University of Oregon Press.
Greenwood, C. R., Walker, H. M., Todd, N. M., & Hops, H.
(1979). Selecting a cost effective screening mea
sure for the assessment of preschool social with
drawal. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 12,
639-652.
Gresham, F. M. (1981). Social skills training with han
dicapped children: A review. Review of Educa
tional Research, 51, 139-176.


Copyright 1992
by
Larry Edward Shyers


284
Murphy, M. B. (1991, March). Pupils as partners; Site-
based management in elementary classrooms. Paper
presented at the annual meeting of the Association
for Supervision and Curriculum Development, San
Francisco, CA.
Mussen, P. H., Conger, J. J., & Kagan, J. (1974). ChiId
development and personality (4th ed.). New York:
Harper and Row.
Muus, R. E. (1976). The implication of social learning
theory for understanding of adolescent development.
Adolescence, 1^1(41), 64-85.
Myers, L. L. H. (1990). An exploratory study of home
schoolers: How do these students fare when they
enter or return to public high schools? (Doctoral
dissertation, Michigan State University, 1990).
Dissertation Abstracts International, 51, 1449A.
Myrick, R. D. (1987). Developmental guidance and coun
seling: A practical approach. Minneapolis, MN:
Educational Media Corporation.
Nagel, E. (1979). Home schooling: The epitome of
parental involvement. Compact, 1_3(3), pp. 31,33.
Naisbitt, J. (1982). Megatrends: Ten new directions
transforming our lives. New York: Warner Books.
National Commission on Excellence in Education. (1983).
A nation at risk: The imperative for education
reform. A report to the Nation and the Secretary
of Education, United States Department of Educa
tion. Washington, DC: U. S. Government Printing
Office.
Newcomb, A. F., Brady, J. E., & Hartup, W. W. (1979).
Friendship and incentive conditions as determinants
of children's task-oriented social behavior. Child
Development, 50, 878-881.
Nolte, M. C. (1982). Home instruction in lieu of public
school attendance. In M. A. McGehey (Ed.), School
law in changing times (pp. 1-15). Topeka, KA:
National Organization on Legal Problems of Educa
tion .
Norton, D. L. (1970). The rites of passage from depen
dence to autonomy. School Review, 79, 19-41.


186
they obtain their academic training. Because both
groups had higher than average measured self-concepts,
they could be expected to be active in both formal and
informal social situations as suggested by Coopersmith
(1967) and Rosenberg (1965). Children who have high
self-concepts also are less likely to be withdrawn or
aggressive (Hedin, 1990; Mclntire & Drummond, 1977).
Hypothesis Two
It was indicated in the second null hypothesis that
no significant difference would be found in the mean
assertiveness scores between the groups. The analysis
of the data supported this statement and null hypothesis
two also was not rejected.
According to the authors of the Children's Asser
tive Behavior Scale (CABS), a raw score of zero is
indicative of assertiveness, whereas a negative score
denotes passiveness and a positive score suggests
aggression (Michelson et al., 1983). Both groups of
children participating in this study received raw scores
indicating that they were slightly passive (see Table
12). Very few of the children received scores that
could be considered aggressive (i.e., had a positive
total raw score). This indicates that the children in
this study were not aggressive, but rather somewhat
passive in their understanding of social situations.
Because children in this age group (8- to 10-year-olds)


147
Table 5
Demographic Description of Home School Sample
Question3
n
Cell %
Cum %k
Child's Residence is:
Rural
13
19
19
Urban
7
10
29
Suburban
50
71
100
Child's Age:
8
30
43
43
9
22
31
74
10
18
26
100
Child's Gender:
Male
35
50
50
Female
35
50
100
Number of Years in Current
School Environment:
Two
4
5.7
5.7
Three
19
27.1
32.8
Four
18
25.7
58.5
Five
23
32.9
91.4
Six
6
8.6
100.0


22
The primary socializing agents during this stage
are the children's mothers. If they provide tender
caresses, soothing vocalizations, as well as the basic
necessities of life, children develop the basis for
trusting interpersonal relations later in life (Shaffer,
1979). If children perceive neglect or inconsistent
care, they learn to mistrust their environment and see
the world as a dangerous, unpredictable place in which
to live (Craig, 1983).
The second stage extends from approximately the
first year of life until age three (Shaffer, 1979).
According to Erikson's (1963) theory, this stage is
characterized by the conflict between autonomy and shame
or doubt. During this period of time, young children
develop mobility and begin to explore their worlds.
They are naturally curious and often find themselves at
odds with parental authority (Craig, 1983; Shaffer,
1979). Children begin to learn bodily control and are
either praised or punished based upon their performance.
Parents begin to restrict their children's assertiveness
for the purpose of creating social responsibility and
self-control (Shaffer, 1979).
The resolution of the crisis between children's
desires to become autonomous and their desires to
regress to the more dependent first stage depends upon
parental reaction to their rapidly emerging assertive


258
Appendix M-2
Analysis of Split-Plot Design for 9-year-olds
Variable
Source
ss
df
F
PR
PHSCS
Between
Gender
81.82
1
.74
.3997
Error
2209.73
20
Within
School
2.27
1
.17
.6816
Gender/Sch
1.45
1
.11
.7426
Error
262.27
20
CABS
Between
Gender
12.02
1
.31
.5811
Error
764.36
20
Within
School
46.02
1
1.49
.2361
Gender/Sch
156.57
1
5.08
.0356'
Error
616.91
20
DOF
Between
Gender
59.11
1
2.77
.1118
Error
427.18
20
Within
School
1693.84
1
147.23
.0001'
Gender/Sch
34.57
1
3.00
.0984
Error
230.09
20
p < .016

p < .05


Date
, Florida
Dear
I am a doctoral candidate in the Department of
Counselor Education and am currently conducting research
for my degree from the University of Florida in Gaines
ville. My study is entitled "A comparison of social
adjustment between home and public schooled students."
Based upon my research, I hope to address the questions
raised about the impact of home schooling on a child's
social adjustment.
To collect data for this study, I need to compare
the social cognition, self-concept, and social behavior
of at least 70 home school children from the 8 to 10
year age group to that of an equal number of children in
traditional education programs. With the exception of a
brief period of group observation, all assessments can
be accomplished via the mail at no cost to you. Except
for general demographic information (age, sex, family
size, etc.), the identity of the participants will be
kept confidential.
Your family was identified as a home school by
. If you would be willing to include your child-
(ren) in this important research concerning home
schools, please complete the enclosed demographic
questionnaire sign the letter of informed consent and
return them to me at: 3900 Lake Center Drive, Suite 5;
Mount Dora, Florida 32757.
I will share all research results with anyone who
is interested. I am also willing to meet with you or
answer any questions you may have concerning this
proposed research. I may be contacted at (904) 383-2194.
Sincerely,
Larry E. Shyers
218


52
Chapman, & Smith, 1977; Newcomb, Brady, & Hartup, 1979;
Oskamp & Perlman, 1966; Straub & Noerenberg, 1981).
Competitive behaviors among boys, however, has been
credited by some researchers to societal pressures for
males to be more aggressive than females rather than a
sex-difference (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1962; Feshbach,
1970; Zahn-Waxler et al., 1982). Aggression among both
sexes has been considered socially inappropriate
(Bandura et al., 1962).
Assertiveness and Social Adjustment
Social skills training programs have attempted to
turn aggressive behavior in both girls and boys into
more socially accepted assertive behaviors (Hops, 1983;
Ladd, 1979; LeCroy, 1983; Michelson et al., 1983).
Assertiveness has been suggested by some researchers as
an example of prosocial behavior and proper social
adjustment (Bower, Amatea, & Anderson, 1976; Conger &
Keane, 1981; Michelson et al., 1983; Payne, Halpin,
Ellett, & Dale, 1974; Tolor, Kelly, & Stebbins, 1976)
because it allows for the expression of feelings in
socially appropriate manners (Alberti & Emmons, 1982;
Wolpe & Lazarus, 1966).
Several studies concluded that individuals who are
considered assertive display less social anxiety than
those who are seen as passive (Asher, 1982; Horvath,
1984; Kazdin, 1975; Wampler & Amira, 1980). It has been


5
1991; Taylor, 1986). For example, at the turn of the
century, adequate socialization meant that each child
had the ability to become a productive citizen of his or
her community (Clausen, 1978; Cremin, 1951; Kaestle,
1983). In order for the child to become a productive
member, he or she had to be able to read and write
English, understand the common laws of the land,
maintain a vocation, and live in harmony with other
members of the community (Cremin, 1970; Nolte, 1982;
Ovard, 1978; Rothstein, 1986). It was the belief that
adequate socialization could only be guaranteed through
formal education that prompted implementation of compul
sory attendance laws (Beckham, 1985; Cremin, 1988;
Franzosa, 1984; McCaul, 1989). If adequate socializa
tion can be achieved only through formal education, the
question of the effect of home schooling on the process
of socialization should be raised.
Attempts to answer this question have included
consideration of the academic achievement of home
schooled children and the adequacy of their preparation
for higher education and employment. The results of
numerous studies have indicated that home schooled
children received scores on nationally standardized
achievement tests that were equal to or higher than
children in traditional educational programs (Devins &
Zirkel, 1986; Gustavsen, 1981; Home Education, 1986;


93
assertive skills are less anxious in social situations
than those who are seen to be passive (Asher, 1982;
Horvath, 1984; Kazdin, 1975). Assertiveness also has
been linked to feelings of adequacy and competence,
allowing an individual to move forward in gaining more
knowledge and control of his or her environment (Michel-
son et al., 1983; Michelson & Mannarino, 1986). These
feelings of adequacy and competence assist a person in
developing a sense of social comfort which allows for
social adjustment.
Self-Concept
Positive self-concepts have been shown to be an
other affirmative sign of comfort with self and others
(Coopersmith, 1967; DeMan & Devisse, 1987; McCandless,
1967; Rosenberg, 1965; Taylor, 1986). Children with
high self-concepts tend to be more involved in both
formal and informal social situations (Coopersmith,
1967; Darby & Schlenker, 1986; Rosenberg, 1965). High
self-concepts also have been shown to predict feelings
of happiness (Coopersmith, 1967), appropriate per
sonality adjustment (Galluzzi & Zucker, 1977), and
acceptance of others (Pellegrini, 1985).
Researchers have also shown that children with
lower self-concepts often
tend to get emotional when frustrated, are easily
perturbed, tend to give up early, and are change
able in attitude and interests. In addition to the
emotional aspects, some tend to be evasive of


80
entrusting the social development of their children to
neighbors or the local minister and his wife (Butts &
Cremin, 1953; Cubberly, 1934; Spring, 1986).
American families were also afraid of losing con
trol of their culture to the large numbers of immigrants
that were establishing settlements throughout the ter
ritories (Cremin, 1951; Tyack, 1974). It was generally
believed that combined formal schooling would be the
best method to socialize the immigrants into the Ameri
can culture (Butts & Cremin, 1954; Cremin, 1951, 1970;
Spring, 1986; Tyack, 1974).
Home education among the immigrants was considered
by some a subversive activity that had to be counter
acted by the free public school. This became especially
clear in the ever present need to promote Protestant
Christianity among the many Catholic newcomers. George
Cheever, a conservative nativist, illustrated this
belief when he said,
If the Bible be read in them (free public schools),
its daily lessons cannot but be attended by the
Divine blessing, and in many instances may beget
such a reverence for the Word of God, and instil
such a knowledge of its teachings, that the
infidelity of their home education shall be effec
tually counteracted. (In Cremin, 1951, p. 47)
Many Americans in the late eighteenth century were
concerned that the family was collapsing and would no
longer be able to provide adequate social example (Kae-
stle, 1983; Rush, 1965; Spring, 1986). In order to


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98
choose between responses that were either forms of
negative or positive assertion. Each child was required
to pick the response which would best match his choice
in a real-life experience (Michelson et al., 1983).
Michelson et al. (1983) reported that Reardon was unable
to provide evidence of external validity for the SRAT-B.
The instrument was also limited in that it only assessed
assertiveness among one gender (LaGreca & Stark, 1984;
Michelson et al., 1981).
In 1978 Wood, Michelson and Flynn developed the
Children's Assertive Behavior Scale (CABS). The CABS
was designed to measure reported assertive and nonasser-
tive behaviors in both male and female children. It is
a 27 item multiple-choice questionnaire requiring
children to respond to both positive and negative
interpersonal situations (Scanlon & Ollendick, 1986).
Once scored, the instrument provides scores for asser
tive, passive, and aggressive responses.
The 27 items of the CABS provide for responses
along a continuum of passive-assertive-aggressive
possibilities. Each item has five possible answers in
random order which include very passive, passive, asser
tive, aggressive, and very aggressive (Michelson et al.,
1983). The separate passive and aggressive scores
generated along with the total assertive score, provides
information as to "whether the child is deficient in


279
Lamm, Z. (1976). Conflicting theories of instruction.
Berkeley, CA: McCutchan.
Langer, J. (1969). Theories of development. New York:
Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
LeCroy, C. W. (1983). Social skills training with
adolescents: A review. In C. W. LeCroy (Ed.),
Social skills training for children and youth (pp.
91-116). New York: The Haworth Press.
Ledingham, J. E., Younger, A., Schwartzman, A., & Berg
eron, G. (1982). Agreement among teacher, peer,
and self-ratings of children's aggression, with
drawal and likability. Journal of Abnormal Child
Psychology, 10, 363-372.
Lee, J. M., & Pallone, N. J. (1966). Guidance and coun
seling in schools: Foundations and processes, New
York: McGraw-Hill Company.
Levine, J. M., Mendez-Caratini, G., & Snyder, H. N.
(1982). Task performance and interpersonal attrac
tion in children. Child Development, 53, 359-371.
Lines, P. M. (1982). State regulation of private educa
tion. Phi Delta Kappan, 64, 119-123.
Lines, P. M. (1987). An overview of home instruction.
Phi Delta Kappan, 68, 510-517.
Lines, P. M. (1991). Home instruction: The size and
growth of the movement. In J. V. Galen & M. A.
Pitman (Eds.), Home schooling: Political, histor
ical, and pedagogical perspectives (pp. 9-41).
Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Corp.
Lipinski, D., & Nelson, R. (1974). Problems in the use
of naturalistic observation as a means of behavior
al assessment. Behavior Therapy, 5_, 341-357.
Lipsitt, L. P. (1958). A self-concept scale for child
ren and its relation to the children's form of the
manifest anxiety scale. Child Development, 29,
463-472.
Livesley, W. J., & Bromley, D. B. (1973). Person per
ception in childhood and adolescence. London:
Wiley.


CHAPTER IV
RESULTS
The focus of this study centered upon the social
adjustment of home schooled and traditionally schooled
children. A sample was drawn from volunteers from both
schooling populations based on the criteria enumerated
in the previous chapter. Data were gathered utilizing
the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale (PHSCS),
the Children's Assertive Behavior Scale (CABS), the
Direct Observation Form (DOF), and a demographic
questionnaire. Descriptive statistics were compiled and
the hypotheses tested. This chapter is a presentation
of the results of the data analyses.
Research Subjects
Although the Florida Department of Education listed
541 registered home school children in the three county
area covered by this study (Florida Department of Educa
tion, August 1989), an additional 520 were located
through home school support groups throughout the coun
ties. Table 1 shows the known population by county.
Letters describing the study, and requesting their
cooperation, were sent to the parents of these children.
143


32
or her understanding or desires to avoid unpleasant
consequences or create positive reward. The next theory
to be discussed, however, places more of the
responsibility for social adjustment on the natural
processes of human development.
Cognitive-Development Theory of Social Development
The cognitive-developmental theories of Jean Piaget
and Lawrence Kohlberg most resemble the doctrine of
innate purity as presented by the 18th century philos
ophers Immanuel Kant and Jean Jacques Rousseau (Muro &
Dinkmeyer, 1977; Shaffer, 1979; Watson & Lindgren,
1973). The cognitive-developmental theory stresses the
ability of children to adapt to their social environ
ments as they develop cognitive skills. Instead of
mirroring experiences or learning to restrict behaviors
in order to gain the favor of parents as described in
the theories previously presented, children create
experiences and by doing so make changes themselves
(Craig, 1983; Langer, 1969). As they develop the neces
sary cognitive skills, children learn how to interpret
interpersonal relations and react according to their
understandings (Kohlberg, 1969). For this reason, cog
nitive-developmental theorists conclude that intellec
tual and social development occur together (Piaget &
Inhelder, 1969; Shaffer, 1979).


250
Appendix LContinued
Question3
b
n
Cell %
Cum %'
Current grade in school:
K
4
2.2
2.2
First
14
7.9
10.1
Second
13
7.3
17.4
Third
50
28.1
45.5
Fourth
32
17.9
63.4
Fifth
35
19.6
83.0
Sixth
7
3.9
86.9
Seventh
13
6.7
93.6
Eighth
8
4.5
98.1
Ninth
2
1.1
99.2
Number of children in current
class:
10 15
16 20
21 25
20
11.2
11.
.2
35
19.6
30.
.8
79
44.3
75.
.1
44
24.7
99.
.8
26 30


109
section and a .92 on the behavior problem section of the
DOF. Evidence of validity has also been provided in the
form of comparisons between scores obtained on the DOF
and teacher-reported school performance, adaptive func
tioning, and total behavior problems (McConaughy, 1985).
Reed and Edelbrock (1983) also reported a significant
negative correlation of -.66 (p < .01) when the instru
ment was used to compare normal and disturbed boys.
They cited this significant relationship as evidence of
discriminant validity. Their research led Reed & Edel
brock to conclude:
The DOF appears to provide valid and reliable in
dices of children's on-task and problem behavior,
and it has advantages over previously developed
systems in that it is workable in applied settings
and requires no special observational coding equip
ment and only minimal observer training. (Reed &
Edelbrock, 1983, p. 528)
Summary
The process of social adjustment is difficult to
define due to the numerous components deemed as con
tributing constructs. Four theories of social develop
ment were presented in this review, each of which
stressed the importance of other people in developing a
child's social ability.
According to these theories, the greatest period of
social development occurs during the middle-childhood
ages of 7 to 11 years. It is also during this period
that most children enter the social world of formal


11
through the formal schools, the quality of social
training and guidance necessary to be good Americans
(Sipher, 1978). Since that time, as parents have begun
to question the role of the state in educating and
socializing their children, many parents have sought
alternative sources of the schooling experience (Dylan,
1990; Nolte, 1982). One such alternative chosen by
parents is the home school ("Home schooling," 1990;
Williams et al., 1984). Although it has been shown that
home schooled children achieve academically at a level
equal to or greater than their agemates in traditional
programs (Lines, 1987; Moore, 1982, 1984, 1985a, 1985b;
Ray & Wartes, 1991; Taylor, 1986), the effect of home
schooling on the social skills of children has not been
determined.
Statement of the Problem
The primary question raised by parents, educators,
school counselors, judges, and this researcher was
whether children who are educated in a home school away
from the interactions provided by formal education as
socially well adjusted as their agemates in traditional
programs (Franzosa, 1984; Ray & Wartes, 1991; Tobak &
Zirkel, 1983; Williams et al., 1984). Although some
researchers have been able to show that children
educated at home have a high self-concept and academic
achievement at levels equal to or higher than their


158
Table 6Continued
Question3
n
H.S.
(T.S.)
Cell %b
H.S.
(T.S.)
Community Activities (Cont.):
Scouting (Cont.)
Weekly
7
10.0
(7)
(10.0)
Monthly
0
0.0
(0)
(0.0)
4-H
None
62
88.6
(68)
(97.1)
Dai ly
0
0.0
(0)
(0.0)
Weekly
2
2.9
(2)
(2.9)
Monthly
6
8.5
(0)
(0.0)
FFA
None
70
100.0
(70)
(100.0)
Otherc
None
16
22.9
(38)
(54.3)
Daily
5
7.1
(0)
(0.0)


29
translate these symbols into consistent actions (Shaf
fer, 1979). Bandura (1971a, 1977) referred to this
third step as the motoric reproduction process. In
order for social behavior to be consistent, the
individual must have the physical ability to execute all
of the component responses (Shaffer, 1979). Some behav
iors require little or no practice for perfect emulation
of the model. Many behaviors, however, require regular
practice with success measured in small steps and fre
quent adjustments. Bandura (1971b) described this when
he stated, "In most everyday learning, people usually
achieve only rough approximations of new patterns of
behavior by modeling and refining them through self
corrective adjustments on the basis of informative
feedback from performance (p. 8).
In order for socially acceptable behavior to con
tinue, the observer must receive some form of positive
reinforcement through Bandura's (1977) fourth step which
he referred to as the motivational process. Reinforce
ment can be given directly or vicariously through the
observation of rewards given to other social models.
Likewise, without some form of reinforcement, the
learned social behavior will eventually disappear
(McCandless, 1967; Schell, 1975). Although reinforce
ment is necessary for a response to be performed consis
tently, Bandura (1969) explained that a response did not


122
Florida, Rollins College, and Stetson University offered
the names of classroom teachers in the three county
area. In addition, a letter was sent to local churches,
and parent-teacher groups requesting traditionally
schooled volunteers within the specified age group (See
Appendix J). Letters were sent to the parents of
students identified by the classroom teachers requesting
volunteer research subjects (See Appendix D). This
letter included the demographic questionnaire and
Informed Letter of Consent. Parents who responded to
the requests sent to churches and parent-teacher groups
were also sent a letter further describing the study and
including the demographic questionnaire and Letter of
Informed Consent. The parents were asked to complete
the demographic questionnaire, sign the Letter of
Informed Consent, and return them to the researcher if
they were willing to include their child or children in
the study.
Volunteers who responded were screened by the
researcher using the demographic questionnaire to assure
they were within the ages of 8 and 10 and had been
educated only in their current setting. The first 35
male and the first 35 female home school children who
met the criteria were assigned a research number and
invited to participate in the full research project (See
Appendix G). Every respondent over the initial 70 who


101
Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale
Wylie (1974a) discovered that four self-concept
scales for children are most prevalent in research
literature. These four are the Piers-Harris Children's
Self-Concept Scale (Piers & Harris, 1969), the Copper
smith Self-Esteem Inventory (Coopersmith, 1967), Lip-
sitt's Self-Concept Scale for Children (Lipsitt, 1958),
and the Bill Test for Children (author and date not
given). Data reviewed by Wylie (1974a) led to the con
clusion that these four instruments appear to be highly
comparable and reliable measures of children's self-
concepts. More studies, however, have examined and used
the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale (PHSCS)
than the other three instruments (Taylor, 1986).
Taylor (1986) conducted an exhaustive search for a
self-concept instrument that would contain language that
was less objectionable to the home school population
used in his research. His search also included an in-
depth analysis of the PHSCS as it compared to other
measures of self-concept. Based upon his search, Taylor
(1986) chose the PHSCS as the best instrument to assess
self-concept in his study on home schooling and self-
concept .
The Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale
(1969) was used to assess self-concept among the popula
tions being compared in this research. It was chosen


4
System and educate their children themselves (Hansen,
1988; Naisbitt, 1982; Tobak, 1983; Whitehead & Bird,
1984).
A fear of legal reprisal for violating state com
pulsory attendance laws has made it impossible to obtain
accurate figures on the number of parents who are
choosing home-centered education. Current estimates
range from a low of 10,000 to well over one million
(Lines, 1987, 1991; McCurdy, 1985; Moore, 1982; Nais
bitt, 1982; Tobak, 1983; Whitehead & Bird, 1984).
However, there is little doubt that the movement toward
home schooling is growing (Common & MacMullen, 1987;
Lines, 1987, 1991; Naisbitt, 1982). Raymond Moore
(1985b), a major proponent of the home school movement,
stated that home schooling is the "fastest growing
educational movement in America." It has been estimated
that the numbers of home schoolers is growing at the
rate of 100,000 new students per year (Gothard, 1983).
John Naisbitt (1982) predicted that the numbers of
parents choosing to educate their children at home will
continue to increase well into the 21st century.
The growing number of parents who are willing to
risk a fine and/or imprisonment in order to provide what
they believe is a quality and responsible schooling
experience has generated numerous questions that must be
addressed (Gustavsen, 1981; Johnson, 1991; Ray & Wartes,


Appendix L
Demographic Description
of Respondent
Traditionally
Schooled Population
Question3
b
n
Cell %
Cum %c
Child's Residence is:
Rural
49
20
20
Urban
16
9
29
Suburban
126
71
100
ChiId's Age:
5
4
2.2
2.2
6
14
7.9
10.1
7
13
7.3
17.4
8
50
28.1
45.5
9
32
17.9
63.4
10
35
19.6
83.0
11
7
3.9
86.9
12
13
6.7
93.6
13
8
4.5
98.1
14
2
1.1
99.2
248


99
assertive responses due to passive or aggressive social
behaviors" (Michelson et al., 1983, p. 30).
Wood et al. (1978) administered the CABS to 149
Florida fourth grade students. The scores these child
ren received were then compared to both behavioral
observations and teachers' ratings of social skills.
Michelson and Wood (1982) reported that the CABS cor
related .38 with behavioral observations. They further
stated that teachers' ratings showed significant, though
variable, correlations. The test-retest reliability in
this study was reported to be .87 (Michelson & Wood,
1982).
Michelson, Andrasik, Vucelic, and Coleman (1981)
also investigated the psychometric properties of the
CABS using 90 fourth, fifth, and sixth grade Pennsyl
vania school children. In their study they compared the
children's responses on the CABS with peer, parent, and
teacher ratings of popularity, social competence, and
overall social skills. They reported significant cor
relations between these measures, but did not give
specific details. Their test-retest reliability was
.66. Neither Wood et al. (1978) nor Michelson et al.
(1981) found significant correlations between the CABS
and potential moderator variables such as intelligence,
social desirability, and sex (Michelson & Wood, 1982).
Scanlon and Ollendick (1986) compared the CABS to two


48
It is during this period of life, and largely due to
their more well developed ability to think, that most
children enter the social world of formal school (Craig,
1983; Higgins & Parsons, 1983; Inkeles, 1974; Suzman,
1974). Social ability and adjustment become crucial ?
areas of concern due to increased interaction with peers
in formal school programs (Bauer, 1991; Hartup, 1977,
1979; Hoier & Foster, 1985; Mussen et al., 1974; Strain,
Cooke, & Apolloni, 1976). Much of this interaction
during middle childhood involves emerging sex roles and
the development of friendships. The emerging sex roles
and sexual identity have led some researchers to suggest
that males and females experience social development
differently.
Sex Differences and Social Adjustment
As children enter their middle childhood period
their interpersonal relationships are characterized by
segregation into same-sex friendships and play groups
(Chandler, 1972; Craig, 1983; Feffer & Gourevitch, 1960;
Flavell et al., 1968; Mussen et al., 1974; Schell,
1975). Whether this same-sex preference is developmen
tal in nature, as suggested by some (Hops & Finch, 1985;
Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974; Shantz, 1975), or determined by
cultural and social forces, as suggested by others
(Higgins & Parsons, 1983; Mussen et al., 1974), it is


27
be anything that conveys observable information (Hergen-
han, 1984). According to Bandura and Walters (1967),
humans learn from observation. Social learning is,
therefore, a cognitive and perceptual process called
"observational learning" (Bandura, 1971a, p.17). Social
learning is affected by attending to the consequences of
their own or other people's behaviors. Depending upon
how behaviors are treated by others, whether applauded
or punished, humans learn which actions benefit them
most (Bandura, 1977).
Bandura (1977) described four processes which he
believed influenced what people would attend to, what
they would retain, and how learning would produce social
behavior. The first is the attentional process which
includes aspects of the environment that helps determine
what will demand a person's attention. Since children
are constantly exposed to numerous social models, Ban
dura (1971a) suggested that these models had to have
certain characteristics before children would pay atten
tion to the exhibited social behavior. Some of those
characteristics are a willingness to reward, an ability
to nurture, competence, and a position of social power.
If the child perceives that the modeled behavior is
positively rewarded, he or she is more likely to pay
attention and imitate it than if the behavior receives
no reward or is treated negatively (Craig, 1983; Mussen


156
Table 6Continued
Question3
n
H.S.
(T.S.)
Cell %b
H.S.
(T.S.)
Number of Younger Siblings:
None
22
31.4
(22)
(31.4)
One
21
30.0
(21)
(30.0)
Two
16
22.9
(16)
(22.9)
Three
9
12.9
(9)
(12.9)
Four
1
1.4
(1)
(1.4)
Five
1
1.4
(1)
(1.4)
Approximate Number of Children
Subject Plays with Outside of
The Schooling Experience:
none five
21
30.0
(21)
(30.0)
six ten
30
42.9
(30)
(42.9)
eleven fifteen
11
15.7
(11)
(15.7)
sixteen or more
8
11.4
(8)
(11.4)


107
frequently used in research are behavior rating scales
which require responses from a parent or teacher
concerning a child's behavior (Edelbrock, 1983; Elliott
& Gresham, 1987; Quay, 1983). Another form includes
adaptive behavior scales which are used primarily to
assess and record behaviors in special populations such
as the mentally retarded, physically handicapped, or
socially deviant (Harrison, 1987; Mealor & Richmond,
1980; Sparrow & Cicchetti, 1987). The purpose of this
study was to compare the social adjustment of 8- to 10-
year old children from two apparently normal back
grounds. Those are traditional and home school popula
tions. In order to assess appropriate social behavior,
it was necessary to choose an instrument that would
provide an opportunity to collect information about
social behavior using identical methods for both groups.
Most of the behavior rating scales were eliminated due
to the need for teacher ratings, classroom behavior
observations, or because the norming population was
inappropriate. A measure requiring responses from a
teacher or observation of classroom behavior would not
be an adequate assessment for children from a home
school. Some of the rating scales which were reviewed
were the Behavior Rating Profile, (1983); Walker Problem
Behavior Identification Checklist, (1976); Burks


128
Following a primary viewing of the tape, the child
ren were instructed by the researcher that for the next
20 minutes they could continue to play in the room.
They were shown the toys and games that had been placed
in the room. Once the instructions had been completed,
the activity within the room was video taped. The
operator included all children in the tape during the 20
minute segment. At the end of the first 20 minute seg
ment, the group was asked by the researcher to sit in
one of the chairs arranged along the wall.
In order to guarantee that the instructions for the
"group interaction activity" (See Appendix I) were
identical for all groups, it was directed by the re
searcher. The instructions included the statement that
everyone could participate in the activity or they could
choose to be an observer and not participate. Once the
instructions had been given and all subjects had verbal
ly responded to the researcher's satisfaction that they
understood the task at hand, the researcher stepped out
of view of the subjects, and the activity began. The
entire procedure was video taped with the assurance that
all children had been recorded.
The procedures described above continued until all
groups of children had been video taped in both the free
play and group interaction activity described previous
ly. A separate tape was made of each group. Two copies


149
Table 5Continued
Question9
n
Cell %
Cum i*3
Number of Younger Siblings
Four
(Cont
1
1.4
98.6
Five
1
1.4
100.0
Approximate Number of Children
Subject Plays with Outside of
The Schooling Experience:
none five
21
30.0
30.0
six ten
30
42.9
72.9
eleven fifteen
11
15.7
88.6
sixteen or more
8
11.4
100.0
Community Activities:
Church
None
1
1.4
1.4
Dai ly
2
2.9
4.3
Weekly
67
95.7
100.0
Monthly
0
0.0
100.0
YMCA
None
60
85.7
85.7
Dai ly
1
1.4
87.1
Weekly
8
11.5
98.6
Monthly
1
1.4
100.0


273
Harrison, P. L. (1987). Research with adaptive behavior
scales. The Journal of Special Education, 21,37-
44.
Harter, S. (1982). The perceived competence scale for
children. Child Development, 53, 87-97.
Harter, S. (1983). Children's understanding of multiple
emotions: A cognitive-developmental approach, In
W. F. Overton (Ed.), The relationship between
social and cognitive development (pp. 147-194).
Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Hartup, W. W. (1977). Peer relations: Developmental
implications and interaction in same- and mixed-age
situations. Young Children, 33, 4-13.
Hartup. W. W. (1979). The social worlds of childhood.
American Psychologist, 34 (10), 944-950.
Hartup, W. W., Glazer, J. A., & Charlesworth, R. (1967).
Peer reinforcement and sociometric status. Child
Development, 38, 1017-1024.
Hays, W. J. (1963). Statistics. New York: Holt, Rine
hart and Winston.
Healey, G. W. (1969). Self-concept: A comparison of
Negro, Anglo, and Spanish-American students across
ethnic, sex, and socioeconomic variables. (Doc
toral dissertation, New Mexico State University,
1969). Dissertation Abstracts International, 30,
2849A, 2850A.
Healey, G. W., & DeBlassie, R. R. (1974). A comparison
of Negro, Anglo, and Spanish-American adolescents'
self-concepts. Adolescence, 9_, 15-24.
Hedin, N. S. (1990). A study of the self concept of
older children in selected Texas churches who
attend home schools as compared to older children
who attend Christian schools and public schools
(Doctoral dissertation, Southwestern Baptist
Theological Seminary, 1990). Dissertation
Abstracts International, 51, 2333A.
Helpl Teacher can't teach, (1980, June 16). Time.
Hergenhahn, B. R. (1984). An introduction to theories
of personality. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-
Hall, Inc.


77
business, a school, a vocational institution, a church,
and a welfare center supplying the needs of their own
and other families (Demos, 1970).
As more people fled the political upheavals in
Europe and came to the New World they were faced with a
greater responsibility to provide for the social devel
opment of their children at home than before they left
the metropolitan areas of the Old World. There was less
access to churches, colleges and other institutions that
might have shared the task (Cremin, 1970). In spite of
this emphasis, a concern that parents might not fulfill
their divinely appointed responsibility led the Mas
sachusetts Bay Colony to implement a law in 1642 em
powering the selectmen of each town
to take account from time to time of all parents
and masters, and of their children, concerning
their calling and employment of their children,
especially of their ability to read and understand
the principles of religion and the capital laws of
this country. (In Tyack, 1967, pp. 14-15)
The Royal Injunctions of Henry VIII were slowly being
placed into the hands of the Colonial governments (Cre
min, 1970).
The context of the Massachusetts law of 1642 sug
gested that education by parents was not only for the
preservation of religious beliefs, but also the preser
vation of social order and continuation of the skills
and trades necessary for the survival of the community
(Spring, 1986). The family was the earliest source of


214
ANSWER SHEET
PARTICIPANT NUMBER DATE SCORE
CIRCLE THE LETTER THAT REPRESENTS WHAT YOU WOULD USUALLY
DO.
1.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
2.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
3.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
4.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
5.
a,
b,
c,
d.
e
6.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
7 .
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
8.
a,
b.
C,
d,
e
9.
a,
b.
C,
d.
e
10.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
11.
a,
b,
C,
d.
e
12.
a,
b,
C,
d.
e
13.
a,
b,
C,
d.
e
14.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
15.
a,
b,
C,
d.
e
16.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
17.
a,
b,
c,
d,
e
18.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
19.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
20.
a,
b,
C,
d.
e
21.
a,
b,
C,
d.
e
22.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
23.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
24.
a,
b,
C,
d,
e
25.
a,
b.
C,
d,
e
26.
a,
b.
C,
d,
e
27.
a,
b.
C,
d,
e
COMMENTS:


164
Table 9
Distribution of Scores on the Children's Assertive
Behavior Scale
Raw Score *
Freq.
n=140
Cell %
Cum %
-28
1
.7
.7
-21
2
1.4
2.1
-19
2
1.4
3.6
-18
3
2.1
5.7
-17
1
.7
6.4
-16
6
4.3
10.7
-15
2
1.4
12.1
-14
2
1.4
13.6
-13
3
2.1
15.7
-12
8
5.7
21.4
-11
7
5.0
26.4
-10
5
3.6
30.0
-9
8
5.7
35.7
-8
13
9.3
45.0
-7
14
10.0
55.0
-6
8
5.7
60.7
-5
6
4.3
65.0
-4
7
5.0
70.0
-3
7
5.0
75.0
-2
17
12.1
87.1
-1
3
2.1
89.3
1
1
.7
90.0
2
5
3.6
93.6
3
4
2.9
96.4
5
2
1.4
97.9
8
1
.7
98.6
9
1
.7
99.3
11
1
.7
100.0
A negative raw score indicates passive responses
whereas a positive raw score indicates aggressive
responses.


97
1976; Michelson et al., 1983; Payne et al., 1975; Tolor
et al., 1976).
Several attempts have been made to develop self-
report measures of assertiveness that could be effec
tively used with children. The first involved the modi
fication of adult assertiveness scales, such as the
Rathus Assertiveness Scale (1973). Although this in
strument was simplified for use with either elementary
or middle school aged children (D'Amico, 1976; Vaal &
McCullogh, 1975), reliability and validity were not
established (Wood, Michelson, & Flynn, 1978).
Another instrument, the Children's Action Tendency
Scale (CATS) by Deluty (1979), was designed to measure
aggression, assertion, and submissiveness in situation-
specific interpersonal conflicts. Because the CATS
relied upon conflicts, it was not deemed effective in
measuring assertive traits in children (Michelson et
al., 1983). Michelson et al. (1983) also reported that
it was limited in that it lacked external validation,
such as comparisons with behavioral observations, and
was based upon a limited number of interpersonal
situations.
In 1979 Reardon and his associates developed an
instrument to measure assertiveness in male children.
The Self-Report Assertiveness Test for Boys (SRAT-B)
(Reardon, Hersen, Bellack, & Foley, 1979) asked boys to


APPENDIX J
LETTER TO CHURCHES AND PARENT-TEACHER GROUPS


Purpose: The purpose of this activity is to provide for
the maximum opportunity for social interaction
within a brief period of time.
Materials needed:
2 medium sized Walt Disney character puzzles
for every three children in the large group.
Burger King or McDonald food coupons for first
prize.
Small bags of M&M candies for second prize.
Stickers for third prize.
Time Needed: Approximately 30 minutes.
Instructions:
1. The larger group of 6 to 10 will be seated
in a semi-circle where each child can see each
other and the group leader.
2. Group leader holds 3 large bags containing
2 empty puzzle boards and all the pieces.
3. The group leader announces that everyone
can participate, or they can simply observe.
4. The group leader announces that the
children are going to work as teams of 3 or 4
to put together 2 puzzles. (Puzzles have not
yet been shown to the group)
5.The group leader announces that the first
team to put their puzzles together and return
to their seats will win the food coupons.
(Group leader should hold up the coupons for
all to see.)
6.The group leader announces that the second
team to complete their puzzles and return to
their seats will win the bags of M&M's. (Group
leader should hold up the M&M's.)
236


51
sex-differences (LaGreca & Stark, 1986; Michelson et
al., 1981). Research conducted using both sexes has
typically not yielded significant sex differences
(Campbell, Gluck, Lamperski, Romano, & Schultz, 1979;
Cullinan, Epstein, & Kauffman, 1984; Gibbs, Arnold, &
Burkhardt, 1984; Pellegrini, 1985; Selman, 1975;
Serfica, 1982; Shantz, 1983; Walker, 1984).
The only significant sex-differences were found in
children's concepts of friendship, where girls are more
likely to differentiate between best friendships and
regular friendships (Berndt, 1983; Gamer, 1977; Rose &
Serfica, 1979; Serfica, 1982). Girls also tend to
have more exclusive friendships consisting of one or two
other girls (Berndt, 1983; Berndt & Hoyle, 1981; Eder &
Hallinan, 1978; Savin-Williams, 1980; Waldrop & Halver
son, 1975). Boys develop friends with other boys their
own age more frequently and with less depth than girls
(Berndt, 1983; Douvan & Adelson, 1966). Boys are also
quicker to accept outsiders of their own sex into their
activities (Feshbach, 1969; Feshbach & Sones, 1971).
Girls, however, are more likely to share equally with
all classmates whereas boys are prone to share less
(Berndt, 1983).
Berndt (1983) among others, suggested that this
difference in sharing may be due to a feeling of com
petition among boys (Ahlgren & Johnson, 1979; Foot,


189
which the group interaction activities occurred.
Although the activities took place over a period of
weeks, the weekday on which the groups participated was
not controlled. Group activities were scheduled for
Thursdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. Neither home schools
nor traditional schools ordinarily operate on Saturdays
or Sundays. Because weekends are commonly considered
"free" days, children may be more animated and verbal as
the weekend approaches. Records to determine if one age
group was assigned a specific day of the week more
frequently than either of the other age groups were not
maintained.
A significant (p = .003) two-way interaction
between age and gender also was found for 8- and 10-
year -olds. Eight-year-old, traditionally schooled
females and 10-year-old males from both groups achieved
higher mean problem behavior scores on the Direct
Observation Form (DOF). On the other hand, the 9- and
10-year-old females of both groups obtained lower mean
problem behavior scores on the DOF than did their fellow
participants (see Table 16). As a group, however, 9-
year-old females received the lowest mean scores.
A curious finding in the results of data analysis
was the high mean problem behavior scores achieved by 8-
year-old traditionally schooled females. Typically, 8-
year-old girls are less aggressive and more docile than


180
Table 22
Analysis of Variance of Social Behavior by Gender and
Schooling for 9-year-olds
Source
SS
DF
MS
F
PR
Gender
59.114
i
59.114
3.598
.065
School
1693.840
i
1693.840
103.083
.000
Gender/Sch
34.568
i
34.568
2.104
.155
Residual
657.273
40
16.435
Total
2444.800
43
Table 23
Analysis of
Variance of
Social
Behavior
by Gender
and
Source
SS
DF
MS
F
PR
Gender
164.694
1
164.694
5.191
.029
School
2100.690
1
2100.690
66.207
.000
Gender/Sch
140.028
1
140.028
4.413
.044
Residual
1015.330
32
31.730
Total
3420.750
35


272
Gresham, F. M. (1982). Social interactions as predic
tors of children's Usability and friendship pat
terns: A multiple regression analysis. Journal of
Behavioral Assessment, 4, 39-54.
Gresham, F. M. (1983). Social skills assessment as a
component of mainstreaming placement decisions.
Exceptional Children, 49, 331-336.
Gresham, F. M., & Elliott, S. N. (1984). Assessment and
classification of children's social skills: A
review of methods and issues. School Psychology
Review, 13, 292-01.
Griffiths, A. T. (1988). Ethnographic perspectives of
selected home school families in Pennsylvania
(Doctoral dissertation, Lehigh University, 1988).
Dissertation Abstracts International, 49, 1759A.
Guddemi, M. P., & Duff, R. E. (1991, April). Messages
sentMessages received: A closer look at emerging
moral behaviors. A paper presented at the annual
conference of the Association for Childhood Educ
ation International, San Diego, CA.
Gustavsen, G. A. (1981). Selected characteristics of
home schools and parents who operate them. (Doc
toral dissertation, Andrews University, Berrien
Springs, MI, 1981). Dissertation Abstracts Inter
national, 42(10), 4381A, 4382A.
Hall, C. S. (1954). A primer of Freudian psychology,
New York: World.
Hallinan, M. T. (1976). Friendship patterns in open and
traditional classrooms. Sociology of Education,
49, 254-265.
Hamburg, B. A., & Varenhorst, B. B. (1972). Peer coun
seling in the secondary schools: A community
health project for youth. American Journal of
Orthopsychiatry, 42, 566-581.
Hansen, B. J. (1988). Analysis and comparison of the
causal factors of home school education between the
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school district and the intermediate school dis
tricts' superintendents in the state of Michigan
(Doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University,
1988). Dissertation Abstracts International, 49,
2468A.


APPENDIX F
DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE


7
study of 441 families in the state of Washington in
which most of the people who heard about home schooling
for the first time questioned its social impact before
they asked about academics. McCurdy (1985) suggested
that many parents were concerned about how their
children's social development might affect their
becoming good and productive citizens. Some children
have also expressed concerns over the social implica
tions of home schooling (Golowoch, 1991; "More parents,"
1991; Slater & Slater, 1990). For example, Pollard
(1987), in an interview with one home school family from
Middletown, Ohio, disclosed that the children often
expressed feelings of social isolation.
A prevalent societal belief is that adequate social
adjustment can only take place in an environment of
group interaction (Crockenberg & Bryant, 1978; "Educa
tors say," 1989; Johnson, 1981). Ladd (1979) and LeCroy
(1983) suggested that the consequences of a lack of peer
contact may be severe, and include phenomena such as
dropping out of school, juvenile delinquency, and mental
health problems. The West Virginia Supreme Court echoed
this concern when it ruled against home school parents,
stating in their opinion that the children were being
separated from organized society and would therefore
become "... incapable of coping with life outside of
their own families" (State v. Riddle, 1981).


58
that unpopularity correlated significantly with reading
ability, self-concept, and social status.
Other researchers concluded that there is an in
verse relationship between socioeconomic status and how
children perceive themselves. In these studies, child
ren from lower income and social environments had higher
measured self-concepts than their age-mates in the
higher economic strata (Smith, Zingale, & Coleman, 1978;
Soares & Soares, 1970).
Nevertheless, a majority of the studies revealed no
significant differences in self-perception across socio
economic levels (Atolagbe, 1975; Coopersmith, 1967;
Healey, 1969; Healey & Deblassie, 1974; Rosenberg, 1965;
Wylie, 1974a). The results reported in some studies
indicate that the differences which do exist may be due
to adult perceptions and interactions rather than to an
actual phenomena (McKenzie, 1986; Miller, 1986; Parks &
Smeriglo, 1986; Quay & Jarrett, 1986). The fact that
the results of relevant studies on the effects of socio
economic status upon a person's social adjustment are
inconclusive makes it important to control for this
variable in any research conducted involving social
adjustment (Scott-Jones & Clark, 1986).
Most of the research which was reviewed focused the
impact of a child's status on peer acceptance in the
formal school setting. One of the original thrusts of



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81!\(56n79 2) )/25,'$


165
Table 10
Distribution of Scores on the Direct Observation Form
Raw Score *
Freq.
n=140
Cell %
Cum %
0
25
17.9
17.9
1
17
12.1
30.0
2
9
6.4
36.4
3
6
4.3
40.7
5
11
7.9
48.6
6
4
2.9
51.6
10
10
7.1
58.6
12
8
5.7
64.3
13
3
2.1
66.4
14
7
5.0
71.4
15
4
2.9
74.3
16
1
.7
75.0
18
7
5.0
80.0
19
2
1.4
81.4
20
11
7.9
89.3
22
1
.7
90.0
24
4
2.9
92.9
28
3
2.1
95.0
29
2
1.4
96.4
30
5
3.6
100.0

The raw score is in direct proportion to the number
and frequency of problem behaviors observed.


literature: self-concept, behavior, and assertiveness.
Each was assessed in children of both populations.
The results of this study imply that children between
the ages of 8 and 10 have similar beliefs about themselves
regardless of how they are schooled. All age groups in both
research populations had self-concept scores higher than the
national average as measured by the Piers-Harris Children's
Self-Concept Scale.
The results of this study further indicate that
children from both schooling environments participating in
this study achieved scores on the Children's Assertive
Behavior Scale revealing slightly passive understanding of
social situations.
According to the results of this study, children
between the ages of 8 and 10 who had been educated entirely
in a home school had significantly fewer problem behaviors,
as measured by the Direct Observation Form of the Child
Behavior Checklist, than children of the same age from
traditional schools. Children of this age in this study,
who had been educated entirely in traditional schools,
revealed problem behaviors above the normal range for
national populations of the same age.
It can be concluded from the results of this study that
appropriate social skills can develop apart from formal
contact with children other than siblings. This supports
the belief held by home school proponents.
x


145
Table 1
Home School Population By County
County
Registered
Non-Registered
Totals
Orange
322
47 2
794
Seminole
144
28
172
Lake
75
20
95
Totals
541
520
1061
Table 2
Results Of Initial Letter To Home School Parents
Response
n
Percentage3
No response
802
75.59
Desired to be included
209
19.70
Moved, no new address
29
2.70
No longer Home Schooling
9
.80
Requested more information
8
.75
Negative, remove address from
listing
4
.40
Does not add up to 100 percent due to rounding


264
Butts, F. R., & Cremin, L. A. (1953). An history of
education in American culture. New York: Henry
Holt & Co.
Campbell, S. B. G., Gluck, D. S., Lamparski, D. M.,
Romano, J. M., & Schultz, H. T. (1979). A develop
mental study of children's ideas about friendship.
Unpublished manuscript, University of Pittsburgh.
Capuzzi, D., & Gross, D. R. (1989). Youth at risk: A
resource for counselors, teachers, and parents.
Alexandria, VA: American Association for Counsel-
ing and Development.
Chafel, j. A. (1988). Social comparisons by children:
An analysis of research on sex differences. Sex
Roles: A Journal of Research, 18, (7-8), 461-487.
Chandler, M. J. (1972). Egocentrism in normal an patho
logical child development. In F. Monks, W. Hartup,
& J. DeWitt (Eds.), Determinants of behavioral
development (pp. 569-576) New York: Academic
Press.
Chandler, M. J. (1982). Social cognition and social
structure. In F. C. Serfica (Ed.), Social-cogni
tive development in context (pp. 222-239). New
York: The Guilford Press.
Chandras, K. V. (1991, April). Changing role of the
father in the United States. Paper presented at
the annual convention of the American Association
for Counseling and Development, Reno, NV.
Clark-Stewart, A., & Koch, J. B. (1983). Children:
Development through adolescence. New York: John
Wiley & Sons.
Clausen, J. A. (1978). American research on the family
and socialization. Children Today, 7(2), pp. 7-
10,46. ~
Coates, B., & Hartup, W. W. (1969). Age and verbal
ization in observational learning. Developmental
Psychology, 1^, 556-562.
Coie, J. D., Kupersmidt, J. B. (1983). A behavioral
analysis of emerging social status in boy's groups.
Child Development, 54, 1400-1416.


242
Appendix KContinued
Question3
1
cl
Cell %
Cum %C
Ever been enrolled in another
school environment:d
Yes
58
32.5
32.5
No
120
67.4
99.9
Number of Years in Current
School Environment:
One
26
14.6
14.6
Two
40
22.4
37.0
Three
37
20.7
57.7
Four
34
19.1
76.8
Five
32
17.9
94.7
Six
8
4.4
99.1
Seven
0
0.0
99.1
Eight
1
.5
99.6
Number of other children
in the Home School:
None
One
Two
Three
48
26.9
26.9
80
44.9
71.8
37
20.7
92.5
9
5.1
97.6
4
2.2
99.8
Four


9
Myrick (1987) stated that guidance and counseling
programs "are designed to enhance personal, social,
vocational, and academic growth" (p. 2). He further
suggested that through special counseling and guidance
interventions children found deficient in social skills
can "catch up before their lack of preparation creates
problems" (p. 14). It is the basic premise of school
guidance to provide for the well being of all learners
(Aubrey, 1982; Bernard & Fulmer, 1977; Capuzzi & Gross,
1989; Lee & Pallone, 1966; Myrick, 1987; Ryan, 1978;
Shertzer & Stone, 1966). Ryan (1978) described school
guidance as being "made up of a number of related ele
ments: (1) individual analysis; (2) information dis
semination; (3) counseling; (4) placement; and (5)
followup" (p. 10-11). Ryan further stated:
In any setting the guidance program supports
the mission of pupil-student services by as
sisting each individual to become a fully
functioning person, capable of maintaining
healthy social relationships, performing as a
responsible citizen of the community, being a
part of the larger society, and contributing
to that society. . Guidance services are
concerned with the total person and are
directed to optimizing the potential of the
individual in light of factors in the social
situation and environmental opportunities.
(Ryan, 1978, p.ll)
Because a large population of home-educated
children will eventually be enrolled in traditional
schools (Lines, 1987; Myers, 1990; Williams et al.,
1984), it will be necessary for the schools and the rest


197
Most of the traditionally schooled children were
aware of competition, as evidenced by their demand for
equal turns and their physical behaviors when they would
lose at a game. When traditionally schooled children
withdrew, there was no attempt by other children to
bring them back into the activity; instead, there
became a cooperative effort by the remaining group to
continue play unabated.
In the case of the home schooled children most of
their day is spent with their parents and very few
children. The primary models for behavior, therefore,
are adults. Based on the social learning theory that
children learn by imitating the behaviors of people whom
they observe (Bandura, 1977), home schooled children
would thus most likely imitate the behaviors of their
parents. Furthermore, as noted, the home schooled
children in this study tended to be quiet, nonaggres-
sive, and noncompetitive. Each child appeared to make
up his or her own mind on how to behave. If one child
spoke loudly, the others did not necessarily follow
suit. Individual body movements also appeared to be
independent of those of the children around them.
The home schooled children tended to play as well
alone as in a group. Each child who participated in
group play waited patiently for his or her turn. When a
child would lose, he or she would smile and/or make


201
traditional school (Lines, 1987; Myers, 1990; Williams
et al., 1984). Many of these children have been
returned to traditional programs due to their parents'
fear that their children may not develop appropriate
social skills. The results of this study indicate that
appropriate social development may depend more on adult
contact and less on contact with other children than
previously thought. Thus parents may be able to make
decisions concerning their children's education,
choosing home schooling with much less anxiety.
The results of this study also suggest that home
school children who eventually enter traditional
programs may be less competitive and less aggressive
than other children in the school. The finding of
significant differences between the groups in behaviors,
but not in self-concept and assertiveness, suggests that
although both groups have similar self-concepts and are
equally assertive, they do not behave in similar
manners. The results of this study should assist
educators as they determine the best methods to expedite
the adjustment of home schooled children who enter
traditional programs. Typically, traditional school
administrators are as skeptical of home schooling as
home school parents have been of traditional programs
(McGraw, 1989; O'Neill, 1988; Reavis, 1988). The
results of this study suggest that much of that skep-


64
parents look for other alternatives for their children's
schooling experience (Gustavsen, 1981; Naisbitt; 1982;
Seuffert, 1990; Sipher, 1978; Tobak & Zirkel, 1983;
Whitehead & Bird, 1984). Currently there are two major
sources of schooling experience, the traditional formal
school and home schools. In the next section, each of
these alternatives will be discussed in the context of
social adjustment.
Comparative Literature on Schooling Alternatives
The Public School Movement
Society has consistently demanded that its citizens
display appropriate social behaviors (Pratte, 1973).
Teaching appropriate behavior and guiding children
toward developing positive social skills was originally
considered part of the religious duty of all parents
(Cremin, 1951, 1970; Cubberly, 1934; Demos, 1970).
The Massachusetts Bay Colony was so concerned that
parents might not live up to this responsibility that
they passed a statute in 1647 known as the "Old Deluder
Satan Law." This law required that every township of
fifty families appoint one person to teach all the
children within that township (Cremin, 1970; Spring,
1986; Tyack, 1967). It further required that once the
township grew to over 100 families, "they shall set up a
grammar school, the master thereof being able to in
struct youth so far as they may be fitted for the


285
Norton-Ford, J. & Norton-Ford, B. (1979). What is
assertiveness? Integrating social, personality
and clinical methodologies. Paper presented at the
annual convention of the American Psychological
Association, New York, September 1979. (ERIC Docu
ment Reproduction Service No. 183 982).
Oigbokie, P. I. (1983). A descriptive study on the
self-concept of black children from two countries.
(Doctoral dissertation, Mississippi State Univer
sity, 1983). Dissertation Abstracts International,
45, 467A.
Ollendick, T. H. (1981). Assessment of social interac
tion skills in school children. Behavioral Coun
seling Quarterly, 1^, 227-343.
Ollendick, T. H. (1984). Development and validation of
the Children's Assertiveness Inventory. Child and
Family Behavior Therapy, 5_( 3) 1-15.
Ollendick, T. H., Meador, A. E., & Villanis, C. (1987).
Relationship between the Children's Assertive
Inventory (CAI) and the Revised Behavioral Asser
tiveness Test for Children (BAT-CR). ChiId and
Family Behavior Therapy, S_(3), 27-36.
Olson, L. (1990). Home schooling undergoes a resur
gence. Governing, 8^(10), 56-57.
Olweus, D. (1979). Stability of aggressive reaction
patterns in males: A review. Psychological Bulle
tin, 86, 852-875.
O'Neill, C. B. (1988). The perceptions of a selected
group of Georgia superintendents and home schooling
parents on related issues (Doctoral dissertation,
Georgia State University, 1988). Dissertation
Abstracts International, 49, 2883A.
Ornstein, A. C. (1989). The growing nonpublic school
movement. Educational Horizons, 67, 71-74.
Oskamp, S., & Perlman, D. (1966). Effects of friendship
and dislinking on cooperation in a mixed motive
game. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 10, 221-226.
Ovard, G. F. (1978). Compulsory attendance: The right
thing for the wronq reason. NASSP Bulletin,
62(418), 120-25.


95
Behavior
Withdrawal or involvement in social activities are
observable behaviors. Probably the most valid measure
of actual social adjustment is observed behavior (Gre
sham & Elliott, 1984; Keller, 1986; Richarz, 1980; Rose-
Krasnor, 1985). Children have a tendency to display
their true feelings and attitudes through their actions
(Craig, 1983; Hutt & Hutt, 1970; Mussen et al., 1974;
Richarz, 1980).
Observations of childhood behaviors have contri
buted much to the understanding of a child's physical
and emotional development (Hutt & Hutt, 1970). Research
based upon childhood behavior has assisted professionals
working with children to make decisions concerning
parenting, education, psychological treatment, and
parental custody (Gardner, 1979, 1982; Kohlberg, 1969,
1976; Krumboltz & Krumboltz, 1972; Piaget, 1932, 1952;
Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980).
Prosocial behavior is described as the performance
of acquired skills considered appropriate by normal
society (Bandura, 1969, 1977). It is also portrayed as
the use of assertive rather than aggressive responses
(Bornstein et al., 1977; Dodge, 1985).
In order to determine if a child is socially well
adjusted, it was necessary to assess each of the con
ditions discussed above. The level of social knowledge


185
reluctant to volunteer, and do so only after careful
consideration. Home school participants also had more
to gain or more to lose depnding on the nature of the
final results of this study. It is possible that this
fact may have caused parents of home schooled students
who were less socially well adjusted to not volunteer
their children. This may mean that the participants in
this research were not representative of the general
population for the latter group.
The very nature of social adjustment may also be a
limitation of this study. According to Gresham and
Elliott (1984), social adjustment is complex and
difficult to assess; therefore, certain aspects of
social adjustment may not have been accurately measured.
Evaluation and Discussion of the Results
Hypothesis One
Indicated in null hypothesis one was that no sig
nificant difference would be found between the mean
self-concept scores achieved by home schooled and
traditionally schooled children. The results of the
data analysis supported this statement, and therefore
null hypothesis one was not rejected.
Both groups of children received scores on the
Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale (PHSCS) that
were above the national average. This suggests that how
children view themselves may be independent of where


86
"incapable of coping with life outside of their own
families" (State v. Riddle, 1981).
Although peer relationships have been shown to be a
vital part of the life of all children (Bandura, 1977;
Craig, 1983; Erikson, 1972; Kohlberg, 1969; Mussen et
al., 1974; Piaget, 1952), recent studies have taken a
critical view of peer pressure for its negative effects
on the individual (Bronfenbrenner, 1970; Elmes &
Gemmill, 1990; Frady & Dunphy, 1985; Holt, 1982; Moore,
1982, 1984; Whitehead & Bird, 1984). The possibility
that peer influence can have an impact aversive to that
desired by parents, formed part of the reasoning behind
the Supreme Court's decision in Wisconsin v. Yoder
(1972). In that decision the Court stated:
Formal high school education beyond the eighth
grade . places Amish children in an environment
hostile to Amish beliefs . with pressure to
conform to the styles, manners, and ways of the
peer group. (Cited in Whitehead & Bird, 1984, p.
87)
In more recent court cases, judges have decided to
follow the precedent established in State v. Massa
(1967) and reject socialization as an argument against
home schooling. One of the most significant cases
reported by home school proponents was Perchemlides v.
Frizzle (1978). In reporting their decision the court
explained:
The question here is, of course, not whether the
socialization provided in the school is beneficial
to a child, but rather, who should make that


170
Table 15
and School
Age Gender
School
n
Mean*
SD
H.S.
15
-7.47
7.88
M
T.S.
15
-5.73
4.77
8
H.S.
15
-8.93
8.87
F
T.S.
15
-5.87
5.37
H.S.
11
-4.64
7.05
M
T.S.
11
-6.18
4.64
9
H.S.
11
-9.27
5.93
F
T.S.
11
-3.64
5.94
H.S.
9
-9.22
3.83
M
T.S.
9
-9.67
4.74
10
H.S.
9
-6.89
4.70
F
T.S.
9
-6.44
7.47
*
A negative
score indicates
passive responses


160
Table 6Continued
n_
Cell %b
H.S.
H.S.
Question3
(T.S.)
(T.S.)
Approximate Household Annual
Income (Cont.):
51,000 and Above
9
12.8
(9)
(12.8)
The first five questions pertained to name, address,
parents' names, and telephone numbers. This confid
ential information is not reported here.
b May not add up to 100% due to rounding.
c
Other activities reported by parents were ballet,
gymnastics, youth group activities associated with
church, and Home School support group meetings.


249
Appendix LContinued
Question3
b
n
Cell %
Cum %C
Child's Sex:
Male
87
48.8
48.8
Female
91
51.1
100.0
Ever been enrolled in another
school environment:d
Yes
58
32.5
32.5
No
120
67.4
99.9
Number of Years in Current
School Environment:
One
3
1.7
1.7
Two
12
6.7
8.4
Three
16
8.9
17.3
Four
52
29.2
46.5
Five
32
17.9
64.4
Six
35
19.6
84.0
Seven
5
2.8
86.8
Eight
11
6.2
93.0
Nine
9
5.0
98.0
Ten
3
1.6
99.6


60
with adults and a wider range of peers, the school
should make him better able to deal comfortably
with the ever-widening range of challenges and
opportunities, as well as problems, that lie ahead
of him on the road toward psychological maturity.
(Mussen et al., 1974, p. 488)
Some researchers have expressed a belief that
formal schooling provides the best opportunity for
adequate social adjustment because it forces group
interaction (Crockenberq & Bryant, 1978; Franzosa, 1984;
Hartup, 1977, 1979; Johnson, 1981; Ladd, 1979; LeCrory,
1983; Murphy, 1991; Mussen et al., 1974; Strain, Cooke,
& Apolloni, 1976). The basis for their conclusions was
the belief that the formal group interaction required in
schools provided for the development of individual,
interpersonal, and social adequacies through regular
peer contact (Adams, Shea, & Kacerguis, 1978; "Educators
say, 1989; Greenberger & Sorensen, 1974; Murphy, 1991).
Morris (1961) stated it clearly:
Since the basic epistemology of scientific logic
depends so much on the sharing of findings, all
learning founded on that logic must become
thoroughly social in character. Progressivist
schools, therefore, are places where boys and girls
work together more than they work alone. (p. 363)
Researchers into the effects of a lack of peer
contact have demonstrated that poor social interactions
often lead to mental illness, alienation, juvenile
delinquency, and other problems for society (Hartup,
1977; Ladd, 1979; LeCroy, 1983; Roff & Sells, 1968).
Partly because of a need to guarantee adequate social


69
I believe in a National System of Equal, Republi
can, Protective, Practical Education, the sole
regenerator of a profligate age, and the only re
deemer of our suffering country from the equal
curses of chilling poverty and corrupting riches,
of gnawing want and destroying debauchery, of blind
ignorance and of unprincipled intrigue. (Cremin,
1951, p. 33)
Labor groups believed so strongly in the need for
free public education to socialize their children that
they pressed their state legislatures to appropriate
funds to implement "Free, Equal, and Republican" schools
(Cremin, 1951, p. 33). This pressure became a deciding
factor in the creation and institution of the American
free public school systems (Tyack, 1967).
Cremin (1951) listed the demand for American
Nationality as the third factor which led to the for
mation of common schools. He described the 1830s as
being filled with concern that the American republic
might be weakened by the incompatibility of non-English
speaking people. The common school, just as the charity
schools of the eighteenth century, had the task of
"inculcation of those values vital to adequate partici
pation in the American community" (p. 45). The demands
and concerns for a strong American society were so great
that few of the electorate resisted the belief that
public schools should provide universal socialization
for good citizenship. The governments of each state
took a stance that they could no longer leave this
responsibility in the hands of families, religious


172
literature as possible confounding variables (Crokenberg
& Bryant, 1978; Hartup, 1977, 1979; Hymel & Franke,
1985). Accordingly, a multivariate analysis of variance
(MANOVA) was computed using age, gender, and schooling
as independent variables and the three measures (PHSCS,
CABS, and DOF) as dependent variables. The MANOVA
indicated that there were significant differences
between the samples on the vector of three dependent
measures (see Table 17); therefore the data were
analyzed individually for each dependent variable
utilizing a factorial analysis of variance to test
hypotheses concerning age, gender, and schooling.
Hypothesis One
The first null hypothesis stated:
No significant differences will exist between the
mean self-concept scores of children educated in
home or traditional schools as measured by the
Piers-Harris Children's Self Concept Scale.
A three-way factorial ANOVA was computed to deter
mine the extent to which variance in self-concept could
be attributed to differences based on or interactions
among age, gender, or schooling environment. As can be
seen in Table 18, there were no statistically sig
nificant (p = .05) main effect or interaction F values
for this analysis. Therefore, null hypothesis one was
not rejected.


187
are rarely given much power and credibility by adults,
they may not yet feel socially competent. A lack of
social competence creates feelings of anxiety within the
individual and thereby generates passive responses
(Norton-Ford & Norton-Ford, 1979; Paterson et al., 1984;
Rotheram, 1987). Neither group, however, received mean
assertiveness scores that could be considered "very
passive."
Hypothesis Three
Indicated in the third null hypothesis was that no
significant difference would be found in the mean social
behavior scores between children educated at home or in
a traditional setting. However, significant differences
were found due to age and schooling and a three-way
interaction among age, gender, and schooling. Followup
analyses indicated that significant differences also
existed due to an interaction between age and gender for
8- and 10-year-olds. Thus, the third null hypothesis
was rejected.
A significant difference (p = .028) existed between
the mean behavior scores of the groups due to age.
Examination of Table 13 suggests that 9-year-old child
ren, regardless of their schooling experience, tended to
have fewer observed problem behaviors, whereas little
difference was observed between 8- and 10-year-olds.


254
Appendix LContinued
Question3
b
n_
Cell %
Cum %c
Community Activities (Cont.):
Otherf
None
101
56.7
56.7
Daily
0
0.0
56.7
Weekly
12
6.7
63.4
Monthly
65
36.5
99.9
Approximate Household Annual
Income:
15,000-20,000
12
6.7
6.7
21,000-25,000
20
11.2
17.9
26,000-30,000
53
29.7
47.6
31,000-35,000
43
24.2
71.8
36,000-40,000
16
8.9
80.7
41,000-45,000
12
6.7
87.4
46,000-50,000
10
5.6
93.0
51,000 and Above
12
6.7
99.7
The first five questions pertained to name, address,
parents' names, and telephone numbers. This confiden
tial information is not reported here.
b Total respondent traditionally schooled population
equaled 178.
c
May not add up to 100% due to rounding.


This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the College of Education and to the Graduate School and
was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
May 1992
Dean, College of Education
Dean, Graduate School


229
15. Approximate number of children with whom your child
plays, outside of the schooling experience and on a
weekly basis (CHECK ONE):
0-5; 6-10; 11-15; 16 or more
16. Number and frequency of community activities, check
the activity and check the frequency of
involvement:
16-1. Church: daily, weekly, monthly
16-2. YMCA: daily, weekly, monthly
16-3. Scouting: daily, weekly, monthly
16-4. 4-H: daily, weekly, monthly
16-5. FFA: daily, weekly, monthly
16-6. Other (please specify)
_ daily, weekly, monthly
17. Approximate household annual income


74
Moore, 1985b; Naisbitt, 1982; Ornstein, 1989; "Parents
like," 1990).
Roger Sipher (1978) described conditions in the
public schools during the 1950s that created the con
cerns that were expressed by many parents. He described
over crowded classrooms filled with post war "baby
boomers." Many school systems were not ready for the
increase in the student population and resorted to the
use of poorly trained teachers, cramped classrooms, and
outdated materials.
In 1983, the National Commission on Excellence in
Education issued its report entitled A Nation at Risk in
which they described the state of mediocrity of American
schools. Kenneth Fish (1970) described conditions simi
lar to a war zone that required that some schools be
closed. Erickson et al. (1972) disclosed that the
social conditions in the schools they observed were so
bad that quality education was impossible. Others have
expressed similar concerns well into the 1990s (Algoz-
zine, 1991; Frady & Dunphy, 1985; Helpl Teacher can't
teach, 1980; Kirst, 1984; Tomorrow, 1982).
A deepening concern that formal schools were not
accomplishing the task of helping their children achieve
social adjustment led many parents to seek other alter
natives. One alternative was to educate their children
themselves.


268
self-consciousness. Journal of Youth and Adoles
cence, T3(4), 285-307.
Elliott, S. N., & Gresham, F. M. (1987). Children's
social skills: Assessment and classification prac
tices. Journal of Counseling and Development, 66,
96-99.
Elmes, M. B., & Gemmill, G. (1990). The psychodynamics
of mindlessness and dissent in small groups. Small
Group Research: An International Journal of
Theory, Investigation, and Application, 21(1), 28-
431
Erickson, E., Bryan, C., & Walker, L. (1972). Social
change, conflict and education. Columbus, OH:
Charles E. Merrill Co.
Erikson, E. H. (1963). Childhood and society, New York:
Norton.
Erikson, E. H.
New York:
(1968). Identity, youth and crisis.
W. W. Norton & Co.
Erikson, E. H. (1972). Eight stages of man. In C. S.
Lavatelli & F. Stendler (Eds.), Readings in child
behavior and child development (pp. 19-30). New
York: Harcourt, Brace, & Jovanovich.
Farrington V. Tokushige, 273 U. S. 284 (1927).
Feffer, M. H., & Gourevitch, V. (1960). Cognitive as
pects of role-taking in children. Journal of Per
sonality, 28, 383-396.
Feshbach, N. (1969). Sex differences in children's
modes of aggressive response toward outsiders.
Merrill-Palmer Quarterly of Behavior and Develop
ment 15, 249-258.
Feshbach, N., & Roe, K. (1968). Empathy in six and
seven year olds. Child Development, 39, 133-145.
Feshbach, N., & Sones, G. (1971). Sex differences in
adolescent reactions toward newcomers. Develop
mental Psychology, 4_, 381-386.
Feshbach, S. (1970). Aggression. In P. H. Mussen
(Ed.), Charmichael's manual of child psychology
(Vol. 21 pp. 159-259). New York: Wiley.


199
compares to traditional education programs in the area
of a child's social skills development. From these
findings, there are numerous implications for research,
education, and future legislation.
The results of this study draw into question the
conclusion made by many educators that traditionally
educated children are more socially well adjusted than
are those who are home schooled (Educators say, 1989;
Ladd, 1979; LeCroy, 1983; State v. Riddle, 1981).
Although the traditionally educated children partic
ipating in this study achieved high mean self-concept
and acceptable assertiveness scores, their mean problem
behavior scores were well above the normal range of 0 to
6 suggested by the authors of the DOF (Achenbach &
Edelbrock, 1983), indicating a lack of appropriate
social behaviors. This finding supports many parents',
educators', and researchers' suggestions that tradition
ally schooled children may not be socially well adjusted
(Bates, 1990; Bronfenbrenner, 1970; Holt, 1981; Illich,
1971; Slater & Slater, 1990; Smith, 1986).
In contrast, the home schooled children in this
study received mean problem behavior scores well within
the normal range on the DOF. This finding supports the
belief held by home school proponents that home schooled
children are socially well adjusted (Moore, 1982, 1984,
1985a; Slater & Slater, 1990; Taylor, 1986). If


46
In the period between ages 5 and 7, social cog
nition becomes more sophisticated, but continues to be
based primarily upon the needs and wants of the individ
ual. Children are aware that others have thoughts that
do not match their own, although they still can not
accurately infer what those thoughts are (DeVries, 1970;
Flavell, 1968; Rubin, 1973). They have progressed to
the point that they are able to recognize the emotions
of others, but are unable to empathize (Bronfenbrenner,
Harding, & Gallwey, 1958; Feshbach & Roe, 1968; Mood,
Johnson, & Shantz, 1974). Most children in this age
group are capable of communicating their emotions
through facial cues, but are not always accurate in
their interpretation of the cues of others (Burns &
Cavey, 1957; Feshbach & Roe, 1968; Izard, 1971). They
are also capable of determining whether the actions of
others are intentional or accidental (Irwin & Ambron,
1973; Shantz & Voydanoff, 1973). The egocentricity of
the previous age group has also begun to abate, being
replaced by a more concrete description of others, for
example describing them by race, clothing, sex, or job
(Shaffer, 1979; Shantz, 1975).
The middle childhood years of 7 to 11 presents the
greatest advances in social development (Barenboim,
1977; Clark-Stewart & Koch, 1983; Craig, 1983; Mussen et
al., 1974; Shantz, 1975). In discussing his review of


6
Moore, 1982; Ray & Wartes, 1991). Other researchers
also suggested that home schooled children were ade
quately prepared for higher education and employment
(Lines, 1987; Montgomery, 1989; Moore, 1982, 1984,
1985a, 1985b; Taylor, 1986; Williams, Arnoldsen & Rey
nolds, 1984). However, one question has continued to
surface throughout the literature; that was, are home
schooled children as well adjusted socially as their
agemates in traditional educational programs (Adams,
1984; Devins & Zirkel, 1986; Franzosa, 1984; Johnson,
1991; Kendall, 1982; Moore, 1982, 1984, 1985b; Pollard,
1987; Smith, 1986)7
Need For The Study
This study was designed to address the question of
how home schooled children compared in social adjustment
to their agemates attending traditional public educa
tional programs. Leading proponents of the home school
movement believed that children educated at home were as
socially well adjusted as children attending traditional
schools, if not more so (Moore & Moore, 1981). Replic
able research, however, has not yet been conducted among
home-schoolers to support this belief.
Parents who consider educating their children at
home are frequently fearful of the impact upon their
children's social lives (Johnson, 1991; Moore & Moore,
1975; Williams et al., 1984). Taylor (1986) described a


129
of each tape were made and made available with the
appropriate subject's photographs to two different
trained observers for rating. Each observer followed
the instructions and training provided for the Direct
Observation Form (DOF) of the Child Behavior Checklist
in completing a rating form for each child on the tape.
A request was made that the DOFs be returned to the
researcher within 10 days. The average total rating
score recorded by the two observers was used as each
child's behavior score.
Observer Training and Observation Procedures
To complete the direct observation segment of the
proposed research, it was necessary to train a minimum
of 35 observers. Observers were volunteers who were
either graduate students in Counselor Education at
Stetson University or the University of Central Florida,
or individuals with an advanced degree in Counseling.
Each observer was asked to commit to at least 5 hours
during the research project. Each observer had access
to a VHS video tape player and a watch displaying
seconds. Each volunteer was responsible for observing
the videotaped behavior of 10 different children during
two separate periods of activity. Six of the observers
were chosen as alternates in case any of the other
observers were unable to complete the project. Three of


44
The cognitive-development theories of Piaget and
Kohlber.g support the need for social interaction for
children to develop appropriate social skills. It was
their belief, however, that social adjustment could not
take place until children had developed the cognitive
abilities necessary to understand those social
interactions and the impact of their actions on others.
Children become socially well adjusted after they
develop the cognitive ability to judge the actions of
others rationally and choose to act in socially accepted
ways based upon positive experiences they or others may
create. The primary influence in this theory is the
environment, which consists of opportunities, sex roles,
modeled behaviors, and social interactions. The great
est period of social development comes during the con
crete-operational stage beginning at approximately age
seven and continuing until around age eleven. Many home
school parents have stated they avoid formal education
programs during this period because their children are
too vulnerable to negative social influences and peer
dependency (Monfils, 1991; Moore & Moore, 1975; Slater &
Slater, 1990).
In order for children to become socially well
adjusted, they must learn to control their impulses,
learn appropriate behaviors from others, or develop an
appropriate level of social understandings. How this


62
1961, 1962; Wynne, 1979). Although most agreed that
positive peer relationships enhance social development,
they also believed that the very nature of formal
schooling prohibits, rather than promotes, peer interac
tion due to the need to keep order within the classroom
(Coleman, 1979; Holt, 1982; Johnson, 1981; Kozol, 1967;
Monfils, 1991; Rothstein, 1986; Silberman, 1970; Waller,
1961).
Many researchers have also questioned the actual
value of peer interactions in the process of developing
socially appropriate behaviors (Bronfenbrenner, 1970;
Gorder, 1985; Moore, 1982, 1987; Moore & Moore, 1986;
Slater & Slater, 1990; Smith, 1986). They stated that
constant peer interaction often generates peer depen
dency that restricts the development of a positive self-
concept and creates aggressive rather than assertive
attitudes. John Holt (1981) expressed his results when
he wrote:
When I point out to people that the social life of
most schools and classrooms is mean-spirited, stat
us-oriented, competitive, and snobbish, I am always
astonished by their response. Not one person of
the hundreds with whom I've discussed this has yet
said to me that the social life at school is
kindly, generous, supporting, democratic, friendly,
loving, or good for children. (p. 49, italics in
original)
Additionally, some researchers found evidence that
formal schooling promotes an unrealistic view of society
(Johnson, 1985). Wynne (1979) stated a concern that


282
Lahey & A. E. Kazdin (Eds.) Advances in clinical
child psychology (Vol. 4, pp. 119-165). New York:
Plenum Press.
Michelson, L., & Mannarino, A. (1986). Social skills
training with children: Research and clinical ap
plication. In P. S. Strain, M. J. Guralnick, & H.
M. Walker (Eds.), Children's social behavior: De
velopment, assessment, and modification (pp. 373-
406). Or lando, FL: Academic Press.
Michelson, L., Sugai, D. P., Wood, R. P., & Kazdin, A.
E. (1983). Social skills assessment and training
with children: An empirically based handbook. New
York: Plenum Press.
Michelson, L., & Wood, R. P. (1982). Development and
psychometric properties of the Children's Assertive
Behavior Scale. Journal of Behavioral Assessment,
4, 3-13.
Milich, R., & Landau, S. (1984). A comparison of the
social status and social behavior of aggressive and
aggressive/withdrawn boys. Journal of Abnormal
Child Psychology, 12, 277-288.
Miller, J. W. (1986). Public elementary schools which
deviate from the traditional S.E.S. achievement
relationship. Educational Research Quarterly,
10(3), 31-50.
Miris, H. L., McPeek, R. W. (1977). Self-advocacy and
self-esteem. Journal of Consulting and Clinical
Psychology, 45, 1132-1138.
Mischel, W. (1983). Metacognition and the rules of
delay. In J. H. Flavell & L. Ross, (Eds.), Social
cognitive development: Frontiers and possible
futures (pp. 240-271). New York: Cambridge-Uni
versity Press.
Monfils, G. (1991, March). On home schooling. USAir
Magazine, pp. 13-17.
Montgomery, L. R. (1989). The effects of home schooling
on the leadership skills of home schooled students
(Doctoral dissertation, Seattle University, 1989).
Dissertation Abstracts International, 50, 2447A.


65
university" (Tyack, 1967, p. 16). This law, which per
mitted parents to delegate some of the responsibility
for educating and socializing their children to the
government, became the forerunner of current day compul
sory attendance laws (Katz, 1976, 1977).
As the population of the Colonies grew, concerns
over social development also grew, and more of the
social functions of the family were shared with
religious organizations, formal schools, and other com
munity agencies (Cremin, 1980). Cremin (1980) suggested
that the shared responsibility for the social develop
ment of children coincided with other social changes in
the early national period of America. For example, the
size of the average family was declining rapidly as the
tendency for households to include two or more nuclear
families or additional kin decreased. Because family
size was decreasing, more of the work was shifting from
the home to the shop, factory, and market. It was this
shift that Cremin stated
dramatically altered the character of apprentice
ships and the educative role of parents vis-a-vis
those of other adults. The shift occurred first in
the cities and the factory towns of the East, but
it augured changes that became increasingly wide
spread during the later years of the century.
(Cremin, 1980, pp. 371-72)
The household changed from being the center of all
social development to one that shared that responsi
bility with others.


76
many to flee to the American continent in search of a
new beginning. As they came, early colonial families
brought with them the traditions and directives that had
been established in Europe. Among those were Royal
Injunctions that dated back to Henry VIII charging
parsons to
admonish the fathers and mothers, masters and gov
ernors of youth, being under their care, to teach,
or cause to be taught, their children and servants,
even from their infancy, their Pater Noster, the
Articles of our Faith, and the Ten Commandments, in
their mother tongue: and the same so taught, shall
cause the said youth to repeat and understand. (In
Cremin, 1970, p. 120)
King Henry's Injunction further directed fathers and
mothers to
bestow their children and servants, even from their
childhood, either to learning, or to some other
honest exercise, occupation or husbandry: exhor
ting, counseling, and by all the ways and means
they may, . lest any time afterward they be
driven, for lack of some mystery or occupation to
live by, to fall to begging, stealing, or some
other unthriftiness . where if they had been
well educated and brought up in some good litera
ture, occupation, or mystery, they should, being
rulers of their own family, have profited, as well
themselves as divers other persons, to the great
commodity and ornament of the commonwealth. (In
Cremin, 1970, p. 120-121)
Although Colonial America was vastly different from
their European heritage, many families continued to
maintain their Protestant religious beliefs and thereby
ensure social stability (Spring, 1986). The family
became the focal point of everything that was deemed
important for social development and survival. It was a


31
The social-learning theory has been suggested as
having implications for understanding the development of
peer dependency in pre-adolescents and adolescents
(Brophy, 1977; Doise & Palmonari, 1984; Muus, 1976). As
Bandura (1971a) believed, children will learn anything
which they choose to observe. Muus (1976), who examined
numerous studies before coming to his conclusion, sug
gested that adolescents pay close attention to their
agemates due to their similarities and seeming sense of
competence. Bronfenbrenner (1970) discovered that the
more time children spend with others of their same age,
the more peer dependent they become. Bandura and Wal
ters (1967) suggested that this peer dependency, with
its modeled social behaviors, is consistently rewarded
through peer acceptance and therefore is self-reinforc
ing. This cyclical social learning pattern was de
scribed by Shaffer (1979) when he stated:
The environment surely affects the child; but the
child's response is thought to affect the environ
ment. The implication is that children are activ
ely involved in shaping the very environments that
influence their development. (Shaffer, 1979, p.
85)
Social learning theory provides an explanation that
permits children the opportunity to learn from their own
or others experience, whether or not the experience is
pleasant. The theory tends to place the burden for
social learning on others rather than on the child.
Adjustment takes place as a child learns to adjust his


85
guard against the dangers of "incompetent citizen
ship." (Cited in Staver, 1987, p. 98)
One of the primary concerns expressed in the Hoyt
decision was that a home school lacked the socialization
element of traditional educational programs (Staver,
1987).
Acting on the belief that children could not
receive adequate social instruction apart from group
interactions, two New Jersey cases ruled against home
school parents (Knox v. O'Brian, 1950; Stephens v.
Bongart, 1937). The court in the Stephens case stated:
Education must impart to the child the way to live.
This brings me to the belief that ... it is al
most impossible for a child to be adequately taught
in his home. I cannot conceive how a child can
receive in the home instruction and experiences in
group activity and in social outlook in any manner
or form comparable to that provided in the public
school. (Cited in Staver, 1987, p. 51)
This belief that adequate social development can
only take place within organized formal school programs
(Crokenberg & Bryant, 1978; Johnson, 1981) has led some
to suggest that an absence of peer interaction can
create severe consequences, such as juvenile delinquency
or mental health problems (Ladd, 1979; LeCroy, 1983;
McCaul, 1989). Adding further support to this belief,
the West Virginia Supreme Court ruled against home
schooling when it declared that the children were being
separated from organized society and would become


70
organizations, or local communities (Cremin, 1951;
1977).
Public schooling remained a voluntary and inci
dental process, however, until the twentieth century
(Spring, 1986). Attendance varied enormously from day
to day and from season to season (Tyack, 1974). The
family continued to control the educational process by
selecting how often and which of their children would
attend school. In spite of parental control, formal
education continued to provide an attractive alternative
to home education, so that by the late nineteenth cen
tury, the typical young American could expect to receive
five years of formal education (Cremin, 1951, 1970;
Spring, 1986; Tyack, 1974).
Public education became a training process in
consonance with an idealized family. It was a form of
preventive socialization in which children could be
trained for a more complex society. Immigrants and the
newly urbanized American family were convinced that the
good of all society could only be guaranteed by regular
social interaction provided in public schools (Spring,
1982; Tyack, 1967).
Tyack (1974) stated that American families in
making schools available, in sending their children to
those schools without governmental compulsion, and in
underwriting the schools with their own money, were


49
still an observable phenomena (Asher & Hymel, 1981;
Hops, 1983; McConnell & Odom, 1986).
Although children in middle childhood appear to
group together according to sex, research conclusions on
the possible effects of sex differences on social ad
justment are inconclusive. Maccoby and Jacklin (1974)
reported in their findings that differences that do
exist may be modifiable. Both boys and girls who
received training in deficit skills areas improved, thus
wiping out any significant sex difference in those areas
(Conner, Schackman, & Serbin, 1978; Craig, 1983).
Most of the literature reflected a belief that
society has established the roles that males and females
fill. Kohlberg (1966) theorized that by the time a
child was 5 or 6 he or she had developed the sex-typed
virtues necessary to compete in society. Kagan (1964)
described the social sex-role sterotype when he wrote:
In sum, females are supposed to inhibit aggression
and open display of sexual urges, to be passive
with men, to be nurturant to others, to cultivate
attractiveness, and to maintain an affective, soci
ally poised, and friendly posture with others.
Males are urged to be aggressive in face of attack,
independent in problem situations, sexually aggres
sive, in control of regressive urges, and suppres
sive of strong emotions, especially anxiety. (p.
143)
Although there has been an emphasis during the 1970s and
1980s to limit sex-role stereotyping (Chafel, 1988;
Craig, 1983: Turiel, 1978; Romatowski & Trepanier-
Street, 1987) the sterotype described by Kagan (1964)


278
Kohlberg, L. (1963). The development of children's
orientation toward a moral order. 1. Sequence in
the development of moral thouqht. Vista Humana, 6,
pp. 11-33, 424-425.
Kohlberg, L. (1966). A cognitive-developmental analysis
of children's sex-role concepts and attitudes. In
E. E. Maccoby (Ed.), The development of sex dif
ferences (pp. 82-173). Stanford, CA: Stanford
University Press.
Kohlberg, L. (1969). Stage and sequence: The cogni
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D. A. Goslin (Ed.), Handbook of socialization
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Kohlberg, L. (1976). Moral stages and moralization:
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ona (Ed.), Moral development and behavior (pp. 31-
53). New York: Holt.
Kohn, M. (1977). Social competence, symptoms and under
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Koorland, M. A., Moda, L. E., & Vail, C. 0. (1988).
Recording behavior with ease. Teachinq Exceptional
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Kozol, J. (1967). Death at an early age. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin.
Krumboltz, J. D., & Krumboltz, H. B. (1972). Changing
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Ladd, G. W. (1979). Social skills and peer acceptance:
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LaGreca, A. M., & Stark, P. (1986). Naturalistic obser
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ment, and modification (pp. 181-213) Orlando, FL:
Academic Press.


131
opportunity to score their observations according to the
instructions given earlier.
A copy of the same video tape was played for each
group of observers for a period of 10 minutes while the
group completed the observation procedures. At the end
of the 10 minute period, they were allowed an additional
10 minutes to score the protocol. Members of the group
compared their rating scores and discrepancies were
discussed. The researcher pointed out specific be
haviors which represented questions on the DOF. This
process was repeated using another target child and an
additional 10 minute segment of the tape until at least
28 of the observers began to achieve consistent results.
The trial observations continued until it was possible
to pair observers who were able to maintain at least an
inter-rater reliability coefficient of .90. The orig
inal observers who left the project were replaced with
alternates who were able to meet the same level of
inter-rater reliability.
Each group was given an opportunity to discuss
concerns, problems, and to answer all questions. The
observers were provided with 20 DOFs and the resear
cher's address and telephone number. They were informed
that the researcher would be available to answer ques
tions during all phases of the research process.


276
Paper presented at the meeting of the Society for
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Izard, C. E. (1971). The face of emotion. New York:
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Jackson, S. (1965). The growth of logical thinking in
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Kaestle, C. F. (1983). Pillars of the republic: Common
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Katz, M. S. (1977). Compulsion and the discourse on
compulsory school attendance. Educational Theory,
27(3), 179-185.


215
CABS SCORING KEY
PARTICIPANT NUMBER DATE
A
B
C
D
E
1.
-2
2
0
-i
i
2.
-1
1
-2
2
0
3.
2
0
-2
1
-1
4.
1
-2
2
0
-1
5.
0
-1
1
-2
2
6.
-2
2
0
-1
1
7.
0
-1
1
-2
2
8.
-2
2
0
-1
1
9.
2
0
-1
1
-2
10.
1
-2
2
0
-1
11.
1
-2
2
0
-1
12.
0
-1
1
-2
2
13.
-2
2
0
-1
1
14.
-1
1
-2
2
0
15.
2
0
-1
1
-2
16.
1
-2
2
0
-1
17.
0
-1
1
-2
2
18.
-2
2
0
-1
1
19.
-1
1
-2
2
0
20.
2
0
-1
1
-2
21.
1
-2
2
0
-1
22.
-2
2
0
-1
1
23.
-2
1
-1
2
0
24.
0
-1
1
-2
2
25.
-1
1
-2
2
0
26.
2
0
-1
1
-2
27.
1
-2
2
0
-1
SCORE
COMMENTS


266
Cremin, L. A. (1988). American education: The metro
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Crokenberg, S., & Bryant, B. (1978). Socialization:
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Development, 41, 759-770.


245
Appendix KContinued
Question3
1
1
1
Cell %
Cum %c
Community Activities (Cont.):
4-H
None
165
92.7
92.7
Dai ly
0
0.0
92.7
Weekly
5
2.8
95.5
Monthly
8
4.5
100.0
FFA
None
173
97.2
97.2
Daily
1
0.5
97.5
Weekly
3
1.6
99.3
Monthly
1
0.5
99.8
Other^
None
61
34.2
34.2
Daily
11
6.1
40.3
Weekly
88
49.4
89.7
Monthly
18
10.1
99.8
Approximate Household Annual
Income:
Did not Report
3
1.6
1.6
15,000-20,000
13
7.3
8.9
21,000-25,000
19
10.7
19.6
26,000-30,000
51
28.7
48.3


UN>y.ERS'TV OF FLORIDA
3 1262 08554 9995


47
research on children Shaffer (1979) reported his con
clusions about this age group when he wrote:
The 7- to 11-year-old can infer the emotions of
others who are in situations that are not at all
familiar to him or her. The child's impressions of
others now contain attributes that are much more
subtle or precise in their meaning, such as "shy,"
"considerate," "helpful," "affectionate." When
observing social interactions, 7- to 11-year-olds
attend less to the overt responses of others than
to the underlying motives that may have prompted
these actions. (p. 123)
In the middle childhood period children learn to
reason and carry out logical operations. It is a period
of self-concept development in which the child forms a
sense of belongingness and acceptance (Clark-Stewart &
Koch, 1983; Plapan, 1968; Livesly & Bromley, 1973;
Scarlett, Press, & Crockett, 1971). It is also the
period of sex role identity in which children begin to
associate primarily with same sex peers (Chandler, 1972;
Feffer & Gourevitch, 1960; Flavell, Botkin, Fry, Wright,
& Jarvis, 1968; Mussen et al., 1974). For most child
ren, this period marks the time in which they must learn
how to deal with some of the complexities and subtlties
of friendships and justice, social rules and manners,
sex-role conventions, obedience to authority, and moral
law (Capuzzi & Gross, 1989; Craig, 1983).
During middle childhood, children's thinking abili
ties become more sophisticated due to their ability to
monitor their own thinking, memory, knowledge, goals,
and actions (Craig, 1983; Flavell, 1979; Mischel, 1983).


181
Table 24
Analysis of Variance of Social Behavior by Schooling for
8-year-old Males
Source
SS DF MS F PR
School 1526.530 1 1526.530 57.689 .000
Residual 740.933 28 26.462
Total 2267.470 29
Table 25
Analysis of Variance of Social Behavior by Schooling for
8-year-old Females
Source
SS DF MS F PR
School 2861.630 1 2861.630 175.817 .000
Residual 455.733 28 16.276
3317.370 29
Total


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Larry E. Shyers was born on August 16, 1948, in
Middletown, Ohio. He is the younger of two sons born to
Ed and Ruth Shyers.
In 1966 he graduated from Middletown High School in
Middletown, Ohio. He attended David Lipscomb College in
Nashville, Tennessee, where he met and eventually
married Linda Faye Shearon. In 1970 he graduated from
David Lipscomb College with a degree in Bible and began
teaching and preaching throughout Central Florida. In
1973 he completed a Master of Arts in Teaching degree at
Stetson University in DeLand, Florida, with a major in
social studies. In 1981 he completed a Master of
Education degree in guidance and counseling at the
University of Central Florida and received his Florida
license as a Mental Health Counselor. It was also in
1981 that he enrolled at the University of Florida to
study toward the doctoral degree in agency, correction
al, and developmental counseling.
Larry has been active in a variety of professional
organizations including Chi Sigma Iota, American
Association for Counseling and Development, American
Mental Health Counselors Association, Florida
298


243
Appendix KContinued
Question3
b
n
Cell %
Cum %c
Other children not in the
Home School:e
Yes
8
4.5
4.5
No
170
95.5
100.0
Number of Older Siblings:
None
73
41.0
41.0
One
64
35.9
76.9
Two
33
18.5
95.4
Three
7
3.9
99.3
Four
0
0.0
99.3
Five
1
0.5
99.5
Number of Younger Siblings:
None
71
39.8
39.8
One
50
28.1
67.9
Two
37
20.7
88.6
Three
15
8.4
97.0
Four
3
1.6
98.6
Five
2
1.1
99.7


296
Whitehead, J. W., & Bird, W. R. (1984). Home education
and constitutional liberties. Weschester, IL:
Crossway Books.
Williams, D. D., Arnoldsen, L. M., & Reynolds, P.
(1984, April). Understanding home education: Case
studies of home schools. Paper presented at the
Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research
Association, New Orleans, LA. (ERIC Document
Reproduction Service No. ED 244 392)
Wilson, S. (1988). Can we clear the air about home
schooling? Instructor 9J7 ( 5), 11.
Wisconsin v. Yoder 406 U. S. 205 (1972).
Wojnilower, D. A., & Gross, A. M. (1984). Assertive
behavior and likability in elementary school boys.
Child and Family Behavior Therapy, 6, 57-70.
Wojnilower, D. A., & Gross, A. M. (1988). Knowledge,
perception, and performance of assertive behavior
in children with learning disabilities. Journal of
Learning Disabilities, 21, 109-117.
Wolpe, J., & Lazarus, A. A. (1966). Behavior therapy
technigues. Oxford, England: Pergamon.
Wood, R. Michelson, L., & Flynn, J. (1978). Assessment
of assertive behavior in elementary school child
ren. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Association for Advancement of Behavior Therapy,
Chicago, IL.
Wylie, R. C. (1961). The self-concept: A critical
survey of pertinent research literature^ Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press.
Wylie, R. C. (1974a). The self-concept: A review of
methodological considerations and measuring instru
ments Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Wylie, R. C. (1974b). The self-concept: Theory and re
search on selected topics. Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press.
Wynne, E. A. (1979). Schools and socialization. Educa
tional Leadership, 36, 464-468.
Yastrow, S. (1990). Home instruction: A national study
of state law. Home School Researcher, 6(1), 13-18.


45
learning occurs is explained in various ways by dif
ferent theorists (Craig, 1983; George & Cristiani, 1986;
Mussen et al., 1974; McCandless, 1967; Shaffer, 1977;
Staub, 1979). These theories also suggested that
childhood social adjustment is correlated with several
other phenomena such as age, sex, attitude towards self
and others, and perceived attitude of others toward the
child. Each of these will be discussed in the next
section.
Correlates of Childhood Social Adjustment
Age and Social Adjustment
One of the factors that affects social adjustment
according to the theories discussed above is age.
Shantz (1975) reviewed data produced by researchers who
studied the social development of children and came to
the following conclusions. Children under the age of 5
are egocentric. Although they are capable of recogn
izing that other people have perspectives that differ
from their own, they are unable to specify what that
perspective is. They can identify some basic emotions
as displayed by other children, but cannot empathize.
When they are called upon to describe other children,
they tend to use descriptive terms that are highly ego
centric. For this reason their social skills are min
imal and based upon personal needs and wants (Shaffer,
1979; Shantz, 1975).


33
Jean Piaget, through years of observation and
experimentation, concluded that intellectual and social
development progress through four distinct stages.
These stages are sensorimotor, which lasts from birth up
to age 2; preoperational, from ages 2 to 7; concrete-
operational, lasting from ages 7 to 11; and formal-
operational, covering ages 12 and above (Craig, 1983;
Mussen et al., 1974; Piaget & Inhelder, 1969; Shaffer,
1979). As children progress through these stages, they
either assimilate or accommodate information, percep
tions, or experiences, depending on how they fit into
their structures of understanding (Craig, 1983; Shaffer,
1979).
The first of Piaget's developmental stages is the
sensorimotor stage, which begins with birth and con
tinues to approximately age 2 (Beard, 1969; Boyle, 1969;
Piaget, 1952). Although this stage is divided into six
substages, they are all characterized by sensual learn
ing. In other words, children begin to explore their
surroundings through their five senses. As they mature,
they learn that they can manipulate objects to reproduce
sensual stimulation or satisfy basic desires. For exam
ple, through the process of trial and error, a child who
learns that squeezing a rubber duck produces a quack,
can continue to squeeze it each time he or she wants to
hear the quack (Shaffer, 1979). By the end of the


137
passive responses, whereas a positive score signifies
aggressiveness.
Direct Observation Form
The Direct Observation Form (DOF) of the Child
Behavior Checklist (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1983) was
chosen as the measure of social behavior. It was chosen
over other possible rating scales, because it was normed
on normal populations, did not require classroom obser
vation or teacher ratings, and has been shown to be a
valid and reliable measure of behaviors.
Reed and Edelbrock (1983) reported interobserver
agreement reliability coefficients of .83 on the on-task
section, and a .92 on the behavior problem section of
the DOF. Evidence of validity has also been provided,
in the form of comparisons between scores obtained on
the DOF and teacher-reported school performance, adap
tive functioning, and total behavior problems (McCon-
aughy, 1985). A significant negative correlation of
-.66 (p < .01) was also reported when the DOF was used
to compare normal and disturbed boys.
The DOF is made up of 96 behavior problem items and
includes a measure of on-task behavior. A child is
observed for 10 minutes. While observing the child, the
observer writes a narrative description of the behav
iors. This procedure assists the observer in maintain
ing attention on the target child (Achenbach &


COMPARISON OF SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT BETWEEN HOME AND TRADITIONALLY
SCHOOLED STUDENTS
By
LARRY EDWARD SHYERS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1992
UNIVERSITY IF F10R1DA UBRK


12
agemates in traditional schools (Lines, 1987, 1991;
Moore, 1982, 1984, 1985a, 1985b; Taylor, 1986), the
effect of home schooling on social adjustment is largely
unknown.
Definitions
For the purpose of this study, the following terms
are defined.
A home school is any home or parent-centered learn
ing situation in which children are educated at home
rather than in a conventional school setting. Parents
or guardians assume full responsibility for the educa
tional program of their children (Mattingly, 1990;
Moore, 1984).
Social adjustment refers to the combination of a
knowledge of appropriate assertive social responses,
high self-concept, and the ability to behave in socially
acceptable ways (McCandless, 1967).
Traditional education (or conventional school
programs) refers to any program, either public or
private, which is responsible for educating children and
is regulated or licensed by a state government.
Organization of the Study
This study is organized into five chapters. Chapter
1 includes an introduction to the problem, need for the
study, purpose of the study, statement of the problem,
and definition of the specialized terms used. Chapter 2


15
(Trower, Bryant, Argyle, & Margillier, 1978, p.2). The
process by which one develops these socially appropriate
behaviors is difficult to define due to the numerous
components deemed as constructs (Gresham & Elliott,
1984; Jordan-Davis & Butler, 1985; Rathjen & Foreyt,
1980). For this reason there are dozens of theories of
social development which attempt to explain this complex
process (Craig, 1983; McCandless, 1967; Mussen, Conger,
& Kagan, 1974; Schell, 1975; Shaffer, 1979). Turiel
(1983) stated:
The study of social development requires two inter
related analyses: the nature of realms of social
interaction and the explanation of processes of
acquisition or development. Social scientists have
extensively considered development and categories
of social interaction, culture, and society.
However, each of the concerns has been dealt with
by separate social scientific disciplines. The
most extensive and explicit investigations of in
dividual social development, as would be expected,
come from the discipline of psychology. (Turiel,
1983, p. 1)
In an attempt to explain social development, Shaf
fer (1979) and Hoffman (1970) discussed their belief
that modern theories have evolved from three basic
philosophical and historical perspectives. The first
was espoused by Thomas Hobbes (1904) during the seven
teenth century and coincides with the religious doctrine
of original sin. The basic premise of this doctrine is
that the individual from the moment of birth begins a
selfish search for satisfaction of urges and self
gratification. A person's social behavior, according to


Appendix M-l
Analysis of Split-Plot Design for 8-year-olds
Variable
Source
ss
df
F
PR
PHSCS
Between
Gender
46.82
1
.35
.5600
Error
3761.67
28
Within
School
6.02
1
.26
.6200
Gender/Sch
464.82
1
19.97
.0001*
Error
651.67
28
CABS
Between
Gender
15.00
1
.28
.5986
Error
1481.33
28
Within
School
112.07
1
2.55
.1218
Gender/Sch
3.27
1
.07
.7873
Error
1232.67
28
DOF
Between
Gender
79.35
1
3.87
.0592
Error
574.33
28
Within
School
4284.15
1
192.75
.0001*
Gender/Sch
104.02
1
4.68
.0392**
Error
622.33
28
* p < .016
* *
p < .05
257


202
ticism may be unwarranted. Open communication between
traditional school personnel and home school educators
could allow for a smoother transition as home schooled
children enter regular schools. A longitudinal study
following home schooled children who enter traditional
programs would be valuable to both parents and educa
tors .
Implications exist for cooperation between home
school educators and traditional program staff.
Researchers using home school students have consistently
indicated that these students are academically equi
valent to their agemates from traditional schools
(Richman, Girten, & Snyder, 1990; Wartes, 1990). This
study implies that home school students are no less
socially well adjusted. The primary disadvantage in
home schooling is the lack of facilities and materials.
As the home school movement becomes more common, tradi
tional school staff and home school educators should
cooperate to provide maximum benefit to all students
from available facilities and programs.
Implications also exist for courts and legisla
tures. In the past, courts have questioned how home
schooling might affect a child's social development
(State v. Riddle, 1981; Staver, 1987). The results of
this study suggest that children educated at home
interact with others in ways similar to the adults they


133
behavior score on the DOFs for each child represented
his\her social behavior.
In the next section of this chapter the researcher
describes the instruments used to assess assertiveness,
self-concept, and behaviors. Each of the instruments
used for this study was carefully selected to address
the questions in this research and was determined to be
valid for the population.
Instrumentation
Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale
The Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale
(1969) was used to assess self-concept among the popula
tions being compared in this research. The PHSCS was
chosen because the age of the norming population was
similar to that of the research subjects. The PHSCS has
also been used extensively in research with children,
including children from home schools. It has been
described as "one of the best instruments available for
assessing children's self-regard" (Smith & Rogers, 1977,
p. 554).
The PHSCS is an 80-item forced-choice questionnaire.
Each declarative statement is answered with either yes,
if the item is a true statement about him or herself, or
no if it is not. The instrument was normed using 1,183
public school children in grades four through twelve
(Piers & Harris, 1969). Although normed on children


142
children to behave differently under varying circum
stances and over extended periods of time. Attempts
were made to provide an equal amount of time for all
subgroups to get acquainted before the video tape
session began.
Attempts were made to control for rater-bias through
the training procedures described in this chapter. Each
observer was not aware of the subject's schooling
environment. Although controls were initiated, this
study is also limited in that all rater biases may not
be controllable.


18
that appropriate social adjustment is accomplished as
children learn to satisfy their basic drives in ways
acceptable to the adults around them.
Freud (1933) suggested that each individual's
personality and social awareness is shaped as he or she
strives to satisfy these drives in several psychosexual
stages. The first three stages, oral, anal, and phal
lic, all occur before puberty. During these stages,
children focus their pleasure and drives on different
body areas known as erogenous zones (Craig, 1983; George
& Cristiani, 1986; Mussen et al., 1974). The other two
stages, the latency period and genital stage, occur as
children enter the social world of school and continue
through adolescence (Craig, 1983). If children are
frustrated or receive too much gratification in their
attempts to achieve satisfaction during these stages,
they may develop fixations which may lead to socially
unacceptable behaviors (Craig, 1983; George & Cristiani,
1986; Shaffer, 1979).
Appropriate social adjustment is attained when the
individual achieves a balance among the three struggling
components of the personality, the id, ego, and the
superego (Mussen et al., 1974; Shaffer, 1979). Children
are born with a storehouse of instinctual energy known
as the id (Mussen et al., 1974). As they interact with
adults, they learn more about themselves and their place


118
The Florida Department of Education reported 2,894
children were registered in home schools as their pri
mary source of education during the school year ending
June 1988 (Florida Department of Education, Office of
Management Information Services, October, 1988). By
June 1989 that number had more than doubled to over
6,000 (Florida Department of Education, August, 1989).
Of that home school population, 75 students reside in
Lake County (Lake County Board of Public Instruction,
1989), 322 in Orange County (Orange County School Board,
1989), and 144 in Seminole County (Seminole County
School Board, 1990).
Each county has organized home-school support
groups. These organizations are made up of home-school
parents who meet monthly to share instructional informa
tion and provide guidance. These home-school support
groups are patterned after similar support groups
throughout the United States (Moore & Moore, 1988).
Although not all home schools make use of these support
groups, a majority of home-school families rely upon the
monthly meetings to help their children meet other home-
school children (Lines, 1987; Monfils, 1991; Smith,
1986; Wilson, 1988). While the parents meet to share
common concerns and curriculum, their children are
encouraged to play and get acquainted with each other.
Often group activities are planned that involve both


174
Table 18
Analysis of Variance of
Self-Concept by Age
, Gender
, and
Schooling
Source
SS
DF
MS
F
PR
Within Cells
9671.56
128
75.56
Age
227.69
2
113.85
1.51
.226
Gender
46.62
1
46.62
.62
.434
School
2.86
1
2.86
.04
.846
Age/Gender
271.77
2
135.89
1.80
.170
Age/School
17.60
2
8.80
.12
.890
Gender/School
123.64
1
123.64
1.64
.203
Age/Gender/Sch
255.21
2
127.60
1.69
.189


234
responses or prompt them for answers. PLEASE allow your
child all the time they need to respond. If they have
questions concerning words or meanings of words, you may
assist them.
STEP 5:
Have your child complete the Children's Assertive
Behavior Scale using the enclosed answer sheet. They are
to circle ONLY one letter for each situation. Again,
there are no "Right" or "Wrong" answers. Make sure your
child responds to all 27 situations. Do NOT prompt or
suggest answers. If your child has a question regarding
words or meanings of words, you may assist them.
STEP 6:
Place all completed materials (Piers-Harris
Children's Self-Concept Scale, Children's Assertive
Behavior Scale and its answer sheet) in the stamped and
addressed return envelope.
STEP 7:
Mail the return envelope as soon as all materials
have been completed.
All materials must be returned no later than
Thank you for your cooperation.


166
Table 11
Means and Standard Deviations for the Piers-Harris
Children's Self-Concept Scale
Variable
n
Mean*
SD
Minimum
Maximum
Age
a
60
64.52
9.14
37
79
9
44
66.68
7.71
46
78
10
36
63.42
9.23
36
77
Gender
Male
70
64.39
9.44
36
78
Female
70
65.44
8.08
45
79
School
Home
70
64.99
10.31
36
79
Traditional
70
64.84
6.98
50
78
Total
140
64.91
8.77
36
79
High mean scores indicate high self-concept.


198
statements that indicated that it was okay. None of the
home schooled children withdrew from participation.
During the initial stages, several home schooled
children encouraged others in their group to join them
in game play. It was obvious that the behavior of home
schooled children was more adult-like than was that of
the traditionally schooled group as a whole. This
observation is similar to those made by other resear
chers (Gudderai & Duff, 1991; Tisak, 1986).
It could be suggested that home-schooled children
who begin to suffer social maladjustment might be placed
in traditional schools and therefore would not be part
of the group used in this study. A review of the
reasons for home schooling listed on the Demographic
Questionnaire, however, indicated that many parents did
just the opposite by removing their children from
traditional schools when they suffered social diffi
culties. Although these children were not included in
this research because they had not been entirely home
schooled, the implication is that home school parents
prefer to teach their children appropriate social
behaviors rather than delegate that authority to
teachers in traditional schools (Holt, 1981; Ray, 1990).
Implications and Recommendations for Further Research
Completion of this study has resulted in an
increased understanding of home schooling and how it


43
influence or a non-resolution of the current crisis, he
or she will learn to be cold, untrusting, and dependent.
Both psychosexual and psychosocial theories sug
gested that the greatest influence on social development
comes from a child's parents. This belief has great
implications for parents of home school children who
believe that parents are the best source of social
instruction throughout a child's development (Gustavsen,
1981). Other theorists, however, shifted the greatest
level of influence from parents to other segments of
society.
The social learning theorists place less emphasis
upon a child's inner struggles and more stress upon the
ability of children to learn from their environment.
Social adjustment occurs when children learn what is
acceptable to those around them. If children see cer
tain behaviors being rewarded, and if they desire the
same reward, they are more likely to imitate the re
warded behavior. The influence therefore comes from
parents, peers, and others children consider worth
observing. The older a child becomes, the more influen
tial his or her peers become. Home school parents often
cite this peer influence as a major reason for choosing
to educate their children at home rather than in formal
institutions (Whitehead & Bird, 1984).


289
Romatowski, J. A., & Trepanier-Street, M. L. (1987).
Gender perceptions: An analysis of children's cre
ative writing. Contemporary Education, 59, 17-19.
Rose, S., & Serfica, F. C. (1979, October). Women's
friendships: Implications for building profes
sional networks. Paper presented at a Women's
Studies Research Forum held at The Ohio State
University, Columbus, OH.
Rose-Krasnor, L. (1985). Observational assessment of
social problem solving. In B. H. Schneider, K. H.
Rubin, & J. E. Ledingham (Eds.), Children's peer
relations: Issues in assessment and intervention
(pp. 58-74). New York: Springer-Verlag.
Rosenberg, M. (1965). Society and the adolescent self-
image Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Rotheram, M. J. (1987). Children's social and academic
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206-211.
Rothstein, S. W. (1986). The sociology of schooling:
Selection, socialization, and control in urban
education. Urban Education, 21, 295-315.
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tary construct? Child Development, 44, 102-110.
Rubin, K. H. (1985). Socially withdrawn children: An
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(pp. 125-139) New York: Springer-Verlag.
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lated self-socialization. In E. T. Higgins, D. N.
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Press.
Rush, B. (1965). Thoughts upon the mode of education
proper in a Republic. In F. Rudolph (Ed.), Essays
of education in the early republic (pp. 9-23T~-
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.


157
Table 6Continued
Question3
n
Cell %
H.S.
H.S.
(T.S.)
(T.S.)
Community Activities:
Church
None
1
1.4
(1)
(1.4)
Dai ly
2
2.9
(0)
(0.0)
Weekly
67
95.7
(67)
(95.7)
Monthly
0
0.0
(2)
(2.9)
YMCA
None
60
85.7
(60)
(85.7)
Dai ly
1
1.4
(0)
(0.0)
Weekly
8
11.5
(10)
(14.3)
Monthly
1
1.4
(0)
(0.0)
Scouting
None
63
90.0
(63)
(90.0)
Daily
0
0.0
(0)
(0.0)


141
public schools their total average scores on the Direct
Observation Form of the Child Behavior Checklist were
compared. The means, standard deviations, and differ
ence from the means in each cell was computed. In order
to test the third hypothesis at the .05 level of sig
nificance, a factorial analysis of variance was used to
compute an F ratio (Howell, 1987).
Delimitations
Although demographic information may allow for
certain generalizations, this study was delimited to
children ranging in ages 8 to 10 currently residing and
being home or traditionally educated in Lake, Orange,
and Seminole Counties of central Florida.
Limitations
This study was limited insofar that certain aspects
of social adjustment may not be adequately measurable.
As stated by Gresham and Elliott (1984), social adjust
ment is complex and difficult to assess.
A further limitation was caused by the nature of
selecting subjects. Although all subjects were volun
teers, the attitude of volunteers and its impact upon
social adjustment may be different than that of non
volunteers. Since all subjects were volunteers, the
sample is not random and may be biased.
The restricted amount of time provided for observa
tions is another limitation. It is possible for


26
Social Learning Theory of Social Development
Shaffer (1979) suggested that the learning theories
of social development evolved from Locke's philosophy of
tabula rasa. According to learning theorists, all
behavior, whether good or bad, has to be learned. One
of the earliest learning theorists, John B. Watson,
stated:
Give me a dozen healthy infants, well formed, and
my own specified world to bring them up in and I'll
guarantee to take any one at random and train him
to become any type of specialist I might select
doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant, chief, and yes,
even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his
talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities, voca
tions, and race of his ancestors. There is no such
thing as an inheritance of capacity, talent, tem
perament, mental constitution, and behavioral char
acteristics. (as quoted in Shaffer, 1979, p. 14)
Few contemporary social learning theorists would
agree with the extreme stance presented by Watson.
Others, such as Albert Bandura and his associates, have
maintained that children, although born naive and
unknowing, are capable of some degree of self-deter
mination (Shaffer, 1979). Bandura (1977) suggested that
the child and the environment are in a constant state of
reciprocal interaction. The child is capable of affect
ing the environment in which he or she lives, and the
environment in turn affects the child.
Social learning theory, as described by Bandura
(1977), suggests that all social behaviors are learned
as individuals imitate modeled behaviors. The model may


56
The maladjusted, self rejecting person, if he also
rejects others, is likely to be rejected by them in
turn, with resulting exacerbation of his maladjust
ment. If in counseling, the self-concept can be
improved and if this improvement results in in
creased acceptance of and by other people, then a
spiraling effect of "cure" or personal improvement
will result. (McCandless, 1967, p. 283)
He further described self-accepting children as being
less cynical about life in general, viewing the world as
a friendlier place than those who have lower self-con
cepts. Therefore, he stated, "self acceptance . .
seems associated with accepting other people" (p. 283).
Pellegrini (1985) explained that the way one reasons
about or accepts other people is a major determinant of
his or her social behavior and adjustment.
Children's self-concepts have also been considered
an important measure of social adjustment because they
remain considerably constant over time and are usually
resistant to modification (Brownfain, 1952; Coopersmith,
1967; Miris & McPeek, 1977; Marotz, 1983; Piers, 1985;
Piers & Harris, 1969). Although the self-concept has
been reported to remain fairly constant over a person's
life span (Ketcham & Snyder, 1977; Taylor, 1986; Wylie,
1974b), some researchers have found an indication that
there is a period of lowered self-concept between the
first and fifth grades in school (Gerken, Allen, &
Snider, 1980; Taylor, 1986). Wylie (1961, 1974a), how
ever, in his research on self-concept concluded that the


263
Boyle, D. G. (1969). A student's guide to Piaget, New
York: Pergamon Press.
Brainerd, C. J. (1976). "Stage," "structure," and de
velopmental theory. In G. Steiner, (Ed.), The
psychology of the twentieth century. Munich, W.
Germany: Kindler.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1970). Two worlds of childhood:
U.S. and U,S.S,R. New York: Russell Sage Foun
dation.
Bronfenbrenner, U., Harding, J., & Gallwey, M. (1958).
The measurement of skill in social perception. In
D. C. McClelland, A. L. Baldwin, U. Bronfenbrenner,
& F. L. Strodtbeck (Eds.), Talent and society (pp.
29-111). Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand.
Brophy, J. E. (1977). Child development and socializa
tion. Chicago, IL: Science Research Associates,
Inc.
Brownfain, J. (1952). Stability of self-concept as a
dimension of personality. Journal of Abnormal and
Social Psychology, 47, 596-606.
Bruner, J. S., Oliver, R. R., & Greenfield, P. M.
(1966). Studies in cognitive growth. New York:
Wiley.
Burde, R. (1989). A study of the relationship of class
size and student achievement on the Michigan
educational assessment program fourth grade test
(Doctoral dissertation, Western Michigan Univer
sity, 1989). Dissertation Abstracts International,
50, 1858A.
Burns, N., & Cavey, L. (1957). Age differences in em-
pathic ability among children. Canadian Journal of
Psychology, 11, 227-230.
Buss, A. H., & Brock, T. C. (1963). Repression and
guilt in relation to aggression. Journal of Abnor
mal and Social Psychology, 66, 345-350.
Butterfield, L. (Ed.). (1961). Diary and autobiography
of John Adams. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.


204
with numerous children in order to develop appropriate
social skills. The primary source for this contact has
historically been the traditional school. It can be
concluded from the results of this study that appro
priate social skills can develop apart from formal
contact with children other than siblings. This
supports the belief held by home school proponents
(Johnson, 1991; Moore, 1979; 1985a; Moore & Moore, 1975;
Richoux, 1987; Slater & Slater, 1990).
The results of this study imply that children
between the ages of 8 and 10 have similar beliefs about
themselves regardless of how they are schooled. All
ages in both research groups had self-concept scores
higher than the national average as measured by the
Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale. When
children feel comfortable with themselves, they are more
likely to think and act with less concern over how
others will view their actions (Galluzzi & Zucker,
1977). A high self-concept without knowledge of
appropriate assertive responses, however, could lead to
aggressive or inappropriate behavior (Alberti & Emmons,
1982; Wolpe & Lazarus, 1966).
The results of this study indicate that children
from both schooling environments participating in this
study achieved scores on the Children's Assertive
Behavior Scale that were slightly passive. This would


The Home-School Movement 75
Summary of School Alternatives and
Social Adjustment 88
Assessment of Social Adjustment 89
Evidence of Social Adjustment 92
Assertiveness 92
Self-Concept 93
Behavior 95
Assessment Instruments 96
Children's Assertive Behavior Scale. 96
Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept
Scale 101
Direct Observation Form 104
Summary 109
III METHODOLOGY 112
Research Design 113
Research Questions 113
Population 114
Traditional School Population 116
Home School Population 117
Selection of Participants 119
Research Procedures 124
Paper and Pencil Assessments 124
Free Play and Group Behavior Procedures 126
Observer Training and Observation
Procedures 129
Instrumentation 133
Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept
Scale 133
Children's Assertive Behavior Scale ... 135
Direct Observation Form 137
Demographic Questionnaire 138
Hypotheses 139
Data Analysis 139
Delimitations 141
Limitations 141
vi


168
Table 13
Means and
Standard
Deviations for
the Direct
Observation
Form
Variable
n
Mean* SD
Minimum
Maximum
Age
8
60
10.28
9.79
0
30
9
44
7.93
7.54
0
28
10
36
10.25
9.88
0
30
Gender
Male
70
9.96
9.63
0
30
Female
70
9.11
8.74
0
30
School
Home
70
2.00
2.85
0
16
Traditional
70
17.07
6.79
5
30
Total
140
9.54
9.17
0
30
*
DOF scores
are
in direct
proportion
to
the number and
frequency of observed problem behaviors.


1
APPENDIX I
GROUP INTERACTION ACTIVITY


APPENDIX G
LETTER OF INVITATION


39
social and moral development progressed through three
levels, each containing six stages (Muro & Dinkmeyer,
1977). Kohlberg (1976) gave a brief description of the
meaning of the three levels when he wrote:
One way of understanding the three levels is to
think of them as three different types of relation
ships between the self and society's rules and
expectations. From this point of view, Level I is
a preconventional person, for whom rules and social
expectations are something external to the self;
Level IX is a conventional person, in whom the self
Ts identified with or has internalized the rules
and expectations of others, especially those of
authorities; and Level III is a postconventional
person, who has differentiated his self from the
rules and expectations of others and defines his
values in terms of self-chosen principles.
(Italics in the original, p. 33)
Kohlberg (1976) suggested that a different socio
moral perspective forms the foundation at each level of
moral judgement. At Level I it is the concrete indivi
dual's perspective, at Level II it is the perspective of
a member of society, and at Level III it is the per
spective of an individual prior to entering as an active
addition to society (Staub, 1979). For example, at
Level I, a child thinks only about his or her interests
and those of others he or she cares about. A Level II
child shares viewpoints that focus on the needs of the
group to which he or she belongs. The Level III in
dividual's commitment to moral principles precedes his
or her acceptance of society's perspective (Staub,
1979). The Level III person "holds the standards on


72
the child is coming to belong more and more to the
state, and less and less to the parent" (p. 34).
Gradually school accommodations began to catch up
with demand and states began to view compulsory atten
dance as an achievable goal (Tyack, 1974). By 1918 all
states had passed some form of compulsory attendance
laws that placed the state in full control of the
socialization process (Cremin, 1977, 1988; Ovard, 1978).
To assist children in their social development, public
schools have often made use of trained counselors. In
1907 Jesse B. Davis, a principal of the Grand Rapids,
Michigan, High School required that a weekly period in
English composition be devoted to "vocational and moral
guidance" (Mathewson, 1962, p. 72). Since that time
formal guidance and counseling programs have grown and
been integrated into the social adjustment process of
nearly every public school (Aubrey, 1982; Bernard &
Fulmer, 1977; Lee & Pallone, 1966; Myrick, 1987;
Shertzer & Stone, 1966; Traxler, 1957). School coun
selors assisted children in making vocational and
academic decisions. Through the years school counselors
have gained increasing understanding and experience in
human development (Muro & Dinkmeyer, 1977; Myrick, 1987;
Simonis, 1973).
With the incorporation of school counselors into
the academic process, it was believed that all facets of


APPENDIX D
LETTER TO TRADITIONAL SCHOOL PARENTS


REFERENCES
Achenbach, T. M., & Edelbrock, C. S. (1983). Manual for
the Child Behavior Checklist and Revised Child
Behavior Profile. Burlington, VT: Department of
Psychiatry, University of Vermont.
Adams, G. R., Shea, J., & Kacerguis, M. A. (1978).
Development of psychosocial maturity: A review of
selected effects of schooling. Urban Education,
13^, 255-282.
Adams, J. (1984). Home schooling: An idea whose time
has returned. Human Events, 54, 12-15.
Ahlgren, A., & Johnson, D. W. (1979). Differences in
cooperative and competitive attitudes from the 2nd
through the 12th grades. Developmental Psychology,
15, 45-49.
Alberti, R. E., & Emmons, M. L. (1982). Your perfect
right. San Luis Obispo, CA: Impact Publishers.
Alessi, G. J. (1980). Behavioral observation for the
school psychologist: Responsive-discrepancy model.
School Psychology Review, 9_, 31-45.
Algozzine, B. (1991). Implications of school reform in
the 1990s for teachers of students with behavior
problems. Preventing School Failure, ^5(2), 6-10.
Arons, S. (1981). Value conflict between American fam
ilies and American schools (Final Report).
Amherst, MA: Massachusetts University, National
Institute of Education.
Arons, S. (1986). Compelling belief: The culture of
American schooling. Amherst, MA: The University
of Massachusetts Press.
Asher, S. R. (1982). Some kids are nobody's best
friend. Today's Education: Social Studies Ed
ition, 71, 23-29.
Asher, S. R., & Hymel, S. (1981). Children's social
competence in peer relations: Sociometric and
260


290
Ryan, T. A. (1978). Guidance services: A systems ap
proach to organization and administration. Dan-
ville, IL: The Interstate Printers & Publishers,
Inc.
Savin-Williams, R. C. (1980). Social interactions of
adolescent females in natural groups. In H. C.
Foot, A. J. Chapman, & J. R. Smith (Eds.), Friend
ship and social relations in children. New York:
Wiley.
Scanlon, E. M., & Ollendick, T. H. (1986). Children's
assertive behavior: The reliability and validity
of three self-report measures. Child and Family
Therapy, 7_( 3 ), 9-21.
Scarlett, H. H., Press, A. N., & Crockett, W. H. (1971).
Children's description of peers: A Wernerian de
velopmental analysis. Child Development, 42, 439-
453.
Schell, R. E. (1975). Developmental psychology today
(2nd ed.). New York: Random House, Inc.
Schemmer, B. A. S. (1985). Case studies of four fam
ilies engaged in Home Education. (Doctoral disser
tation, Ball State University). Dissertations
Abstracts International, 46, 2560A-2561A.
Schmuck, R. A. (1978). Peer groups as settings for
learning. Theory into Practice, 16, 272-279.
Schwarzer, R., Jerusalem, M., & Lange, B. (1981,
August). The development of academic self-concept
with respect to reference groups in school. Paper
presented at the International Society for Be
havioral Development meetings, Toronto, Canada.
Scott-Jones, D., & Cark, M. L. (1986). The school ex
periences of black girls: The interaction of gen
der, race, and socioeconomic status. Phi Delta
Kappan, 67, 520-526.
Seligman, J., & Zabarsky, M. (1979, April 16). Home is
where the school is. Newsweek, p.99.
Selman, R. L. (1975). Interpersonal thought in child
hood, preadolescence, and adolescence: A struc
tural analysis of developing conceptions of peer
relationships. A paper presented at the meeting of
the American Psychological Association, Chicago.


196
addresses or telephone numbers for further contact at
the conclusion of the interaction activity.
According to Bandura (1977), children learn how to
behave from observing and imitating others. It is
reasonable to expect that children will imitate the
behaviors that they observe most often. Traditionally
schooled children spend an average of seven hours per
week day over a nine month period in the presence of
other children and few adults. It would seem then, that
their behaviors would most often reflect those of the
majority of the children with whom they associate. In
the case of this study, it was observed that tradition
ally schooled children tended to be considerably more
aggressive, loud, and competitive than were the home
schooled children of the same age.
Although the traditionally schooled children often
opted for individual play, their behaviors continued to
be similar to those around them. For example, as the
volume of noise increased, each child seemed to increase
his or her volume. Also, as body motion increased, it
eventually increased for each of the children in the
group. The tendency for traditionally schooled children
to imitate the behaviors of their peers supports the
conclusions made by Diachuk (1990) in his research with
behavior disordered elementary school pupils.


67
1
means to develop appropriate social skills in the Amer
ican system, a goal seen as necessary and acceptable to
most communities (Cremin, 1970; Tyack, 1974).
Several prominent people of the late eighteenth
century stressed the need for government control of
education in order to protect American society by
providing uniform socialization. One of the first to
argue for the superiority of the formal school over the
family was Benjamin Rush. Writing in the late 1700s,
Rush claimed that formal schools had to assume the roles
held by what he saw as a collapsing family. He stated,
"Society owes a great deal of its order and happiness to
the deficiencies of parental government being supplied
by those habits of obedience and subordination which are
contracted at schools" (Rush, 1965, p. 16). To some,
formal education would have to maintain the balance
between order and freedom by producing virtuous, well-
behaved citizens (Kaestle, 1983; Spring, 1986).
After the American Revolution, several factors
contributed to the rise of formal education as a govern
ment function, rather than one reserved for the family.
Cremin (1951) listed three important demands that led to
the creation of the common schools during the mid 1800s.
The first was the demands of a republican government
which "argued that if there was to be universal exercise
of the rights of suffrage and citizenship, all of


146
Table 3
Respondent Home School Population By County
County
Orange
122
Seminole
43
Lake
13
Table 4
Sample Home School Population by Age, Gender, and County
Age (n = 70)
County
8
9
10
Orange
Male
10
7
6
Female
10
7
6
Seminole
Male
4
3
2
Female
4
3
2
Lake
Male
1
1
1
Female
1
1
1


87
decision for any particular child. Under our
system, the parents must be allowed to decide
whether public school education, including its
socialization aspects, is desirable or undesirable
for their children. (Perchemlides v. Frizzle,
1978, at 137)
Most home school parents strongly believe that the
peer relationships found in traditional educational
programs are more negative than they are positive
(Adams, 1984; Arons, 1981; Common & MacMullen, 1987;
Divoky, 1983; Holt, 1981, 1982, 1983a; Monfils, 1991;
Moore & Moore, 1986; Slater & Slater, 1990). Positive
social interactions are provided for their children
through church, YMCA, scouting, and home school support
groups (Golowoch, 1991; Gordon, 1983; Gustavsen, 1981;
Holt, 1981, 1983b; Kendall, 1982; Lines, 1987, 1991).
These parents believe that, through parental instruction
and modeling of prosocial behavior, their children
develop more socially appropriate skills than their
agemates in traditional schools (Maarse-Delahooke, 1986;
Moore, 1987; Nagel, 1979; Richoux, 1987; Schemmer, 1985;
Seligman & Zabarsky, 1979; Williams et al., 1984).
Although the home school alternative is growing by
approximately 100,000 new students each year (Gothard,
1983), it has been estimated that between fifty and
seventy-five percent of the families who begin home
schooling will eventually enroll their children in
either public or private religious institutions (Lines,
1987; Williams et al., 1984). In spite of their


71
demonstrating their faith in the ability of formal
schools to teach the social skills necessary for sur
vival. Quoting reformers of the late nineteenth cen
tury, Tyack further clarified the drive for compulsory
attendance laws that would remove the control of educa
tion and socialization from the family. Many advocates
of compulsory schooling referred to stories of neglected
children who learned their social skills from the
streets. These advocates cited disobedience to parents,
obscenity, lewdness, thievery, and even murder as exam
ples of what they claimed was a break down of family
discipline. Some parents were deemed as unfit guardians
of their children. The only remedy would be "stringent
legislation, thoroughly carried out by an efficient
police" (Tyack, 1974, p. 68) that would force these
children into school.
Many attempts were made during the last of the
nineteenth century to make public education compulsory.
Ironically a primary source of the drive for mandatory
schooling came from parents who deemed formal education
an important part of their children's socialization. So
many parents demanded that their children be accepted in
schools that thousands were turned away in San Fran
cisco, New York and Philadelphia (Tyack, 1974). Hist
orian Elwood Cubberley (1934) declared that "each year


148
Table 5Continued
Question3
n
Cell %
b
Cum %
Number of other children
in the Home School:
None
18
25.7
25.7
One
29
41.4
67.1
Two
18
25.7
92.8
Three
3
4.2
97.0
Four
2
2.8
99.8
Other children not in the
Home School:c
Yes
3
4.2
4.2
No
67
95.7
99.9
Number of Older Siblings:
None
26
37.1
37.1
One
24
34.3
71.4
Two
16
22.9
94.3
Three
4
5.7
100.0
Number of Younger Siblings:
None
One
Two
22
31.4
31.4
21
30.0
61.4
16
22.9
84.3
9
12.9
97.2
Three


13
presents a review of related literature pertaining to
schooling experience and social adjustment. Chapter 3
is a description of the methodology employed in this
study, including a description of the population, the
sample used for this study, procedures used, and
research hypotheses. Chapter 4 is a description of the
data generated by the research methods delineated in
Chapter 3. Chapter 5 is composed of a discussion of the
data, conclusions, and recommendations.


291
Serfica, F. C. (1982). Conceptions of friendship and
interaction between friends: An organismic-de-
velopmental perspective. In F. C. Serfica (Ed.),
Social-cognitive development in context (pp. 100-
132). New York: Guilford Press.
Seuffert, V. (1990). Horae remedy: A mom's prescription
for ailing schools. Policy Review, 52, 70-75.
Seybolt, R. F. (1971). Source studies in American
colonial education: The private school. New York:
Arno Press & The New York Times.
Shaffer, D. R. (1979). Social and personality develop
ment Monterey, CAl Brooks/Cole Co.
Shantz, C. U. (1975). The development of social cog
nition. In E. M. Hetherington (Ed.), Review of
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Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press.
Shantz, C. U. (1983). Social cognition. In J. H. Fla-
vell & E. M. Markum (Eds.), Handbook of chiId
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pp. 495-555). New York: John Wiley & Sons.
Shantz, D. W., & Voydanoff, D. A. (1973). Situational
effects on retaliatory aggression at three age
levels. Child Development, 44, 149-153.
Shavelson, R. J., Hubner, J. J., & Stanton, G. C.
(1976). Self-concept: Validation of construct
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Shirkey, B. T. (1987). Students' perspective of home
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Abstracts International, 49, 2095A.
Silberman, C. E. (1970). Crisis in the classroom: The
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Simonis, S. (1973). Learning centers: An approach to
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and Counseling, 8_(1), 58-63.


91
approach makes use of behavior ratings, sociometric
scales, and observation (Green, Forehand, Beck, & Vosk,
1980; Gresham, 1982, 1983).
Gresham and Elliott (1984) also provided classifi
cations for social skill difficulties which assist in
assessing the existence of appropriate social behavior.
They claimed that social skill problems can be placed
into four general areas. The first is a skill deficit,
in which the child simply does not know the skill neces
sary to act appropriately. The second is performance
deficit, where the child knows the appropriate skill but
is unable to perform at acceptable levels. The other
two problem areas involve the child's level of self-
control and relies upon the amount of emotional involve
ment. Either a child is hindered from learning an
appropriate social skill due to a lack of control caused
by anxiety, or they have the knowledge of the skill but
are unable to perform because of anxiety or some other
emotional block.
For a child to be socially well adjusted, there
fore, he or she must meet several conditions. First, he
or she must possess a knowledge of the skill to be
performed (Bandura, 1971b. 1977; Gresham, 1981; Michel-
son et al., 1983; Wolpe & Lazarus, 1966). Second, he or
she must feel comfortable enough to both learn and
perform the skill acceptably (Gresham, 1981; Greenwood


8
Decisions concerning schooling and social adjust
ment have often been made solely upon feelings and
assumptions and not upon empirical research; therefore,
laws affecting home schooling vary considerably from
state to state (Tobak & Zirkel, 1983). Taylor (1986)
suggested that the prevalence of opposing views indi
cated "the need for substantial evidence upon which to
base decisions of social implication" (p. 10). The
results of this study can provide empirical data upon
which parents, school systems, courts, and legislatures
can base their decisions about the impact of home
schooling on social adjustment.
Partly because of their concerns about social
adjustment, and partly because of financial considera
tions, it is estimated that between 50% and 75% of the
families who begin home-centered education for their
children will eventually enroll them in either public or
private religious schools (Lines, 1987; Williams et al.,
1984). If it could be shown that some children in the
home-school movement were not as socially well adjusted
as their agemates, as some suggested (Franzosa, 1984;
Johnson, 1981; Ladd, 1979), it would be necessary for
school guidance and counseling personnel to be prepared
to remediate the problems that could occur when these
children began to interact on a daily basis with their
traditionally schooled peers.


297
Zahn-Waxler, C., Iannotti, R., & Chapman, M. (1982).
Peers and prosocial development. In K. H. Rubin &
H. S. Ross (Sds.), Peer relationships and social
skills in childhood (pp. 133-162). New York:
Springer-Verlag.


251
Appendix LContinued
Question3
nb
Cell %
Cum %c
Number of children in last
years class:
10 15
15
8.4
8.4
16 20
38
21.3
29.7
21 25
81
45.5
75.2
26 30
44
24.7
99.9
Other school aged children
not in a traditional school:e
Yes
6
3.4
3.4
No
172
96.6
100.0
Number of Older Siblings:
None
One
Two
Three
Four
73
41.0
41.0
64
35.9
76.9
33
18.5
95.4
7
3.9
99.3
0
0.0
99.3
1
0.5
99.5
Five


123
met the criteria were assigned a research number and
his\her name placed on an alternate research subject
list. This list was used in the event any of the
original subjects became ineligible for the observation
segment due to sickness, moving, change in schooling
status, withdrawal from the project, or for any other
reason. Three subjects (two male and one female) even
tually were drawn from this alternate list in order to
maintain the balance between male and female partici
pants during the observation segment. Each of these
subjects was sent a packet consisting of the paper and
pencil portion of the research project. They were asked
to complete the packet according to the instructions
supplied and return it to the researcher within the time
specified.
The same procedure was used in the selection of the
traditionally schooled children. The first 35 male and
35 female children who met the criteria listed above,
and were of the same age, race, and gender as one of the
home schooled children previously selected, were
assigned research numbers and invited to participate in
the full research project. Each additional respondent
from a traditional school was assigned a research number
and his\her name placed on an alternate subjects list.
Six subjects (two girls and four boys) were drawn from
this list as needed to replace original participants in


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fullfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
COMPARISON OF SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT BETWEEN HOME AND
TRADITIONALLY SCHOOLED STUDENTS
By
Larry Edward Shyers
May 1992
Chairman: Paul J. Wittmer
Major Department: Counselor Education
Traditional schools provide for regular classroom
contact with children of the same age, and it is assumed
that this regular contact with other children aids appro
priate social adjustment. By their very nature, home
schools do not provide for regular formal classroom contact
with children other than siblings. Because of this obvious
difference, parents, educators, legislators, and courts have
questioned whether children schooled at home are as socially
well adjusted as their agemates in traditional programs.
Investigation of this possible difference was the focus of
this study.
This study compared the social adjustment of 70
children educated at home with that of 70 children educated
in a traditional school setting. Three correlates of social
adjustment were identified through a review of the
IX


293
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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40,
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117-131). Leiden: Brill.
Sweetman, J. (1987). Observational research: A study
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sity, Berrien Springs, MI, 1986). Dissertation
Abstracts International, 47, 4708A.


175
Hypothesis Two
The second null hypothesis stated:
No significant differences will exist between the
mean assertiveness scores of children educated in
home or traditional schools as measured by the
Children's Assertive Behavior Scale.
A three-way factorial ANOVA was computed to deter
mine the extent to which variance in assertiveness could
be attributed to differences based on or interactions
among age, gender, or schooling environment. As can be
seen in Table 19, there were no statistically sig
nificant (p = .05) main effect or interaction F values
for this analysis. Therefore, null hypothesis two also
was not rejected.
Hypothesis Three
The third null hypothesis stated:
No significant differences will exist between the
mean social behavior scores of children educated in
home or traditional schools as measured by the
Direct Observation Form of the Child Behavior
Checklist.
A three-way factorial ANOVA was computed to deter
mine the extent to which variance in social behaviors
could be attributed to differences based on or interac
tions among age, gender, or schooling environment. As
can be seen in Table 20, statistically significant (p <
.05) main effect differences were found for age and
school. A further review of Table 20 reveals a sig
nificant three-way interaction of age, gender, and
school-type (see Figure 1 for illustration). This


136
or aggressive social behaviors" (Michelson et al., 1983,
p. 30).
The CABS was administered to 149 Florida fourth-
grade students. The scores these children received were
then compared to both behavioral observations and
teachers' ratings of social skills. Michelson and Wood
(1982) reported that the CABS correlated at .38 with
behavioral observations. They further stated that
teachers' ratings showed significant, though variable,
correlations. The test-retest reliability in that study
was reported to be .87.
Another study on the psychometric properties of the
CABS was conducted using 90 fourth-, fifth-, and sixth-
grade students from Pennsylvania. That study compared
the children's responses on the CABS with peer, parent,
and teacher ratings of popularity, social competence,
and overall social skills. Significant correlations
between these measures were reported, although specific
details were not printed. The test-retest reliability
was computed to be .66 (Michelson et al., 1981).
Using a scoring key, children's responses on the
CABS are assigned a -2 for a very passive response, -1
for a partially passive response, 0 for an assertive
response, 1 for a partially aggressive response, or 2
for a very aggressive response. A total score close to
0 is considered assertive. A negative score represents


96
and self-concept can be most accurately assessed by
collecting that information directly from the individ
ual. Whether a child's behaviors are socially accep
table will be best determined by direct observation and
comparison with a standard considered valid.
Assessment Instruments
Children's Assertive Behavior Scale
Self-reports have been accepted and used as valu
able sources of information concerning individuals
(Deluty, 1979; Michelson & Wood, 1982; Purkey, 1970;
Taylor, 1986). Although considered a weak method of
obtaining data by some researchers (Elliott & Gresham,
1987; Gresham & Elliott, 1984), self-report measures
have been shown to be both an efficient and reliable
method of obtaining personal information (Greenwood et
al., 1979; Ledingham, Younger, Schwartzman, & Bergeron,
1982; Michelson & Wood, 1982; Ollendick, 1981; Ollendick
et al., 1987; Prout, 1986).
A child's ability to recognize assertive, aggres
sive and passive responses is one piece of information
that can be determined through the use of self-report
measures (Deluty, 1979; Ledingham et al., 1982; Michel
son et al., 1983; Michelson & Wood, 1982; Ollendick,
1984). A child who can display a knowledge of socially
appropriate assertive responses satisfies one of the
criteria for adequate social adjustment (Bower et al.,


53
suggested by some researchers that the less anxiety a
person feels the more competent he or she is in social
situations (Norton-Ford & Norton-Ford, 1979; Paterson,
Dickson, Layne, & Anderson, 1984; Rotheram, 1987; Waks-
man & Messmer, 1979). Passive children are seen as more
withdrawn and eliciting fewer positive social responses
than assertive children (Greenwood, Walker, Todd, &
Hops, 1977, 1979; Hartup, Glazer, & Charlesworth, 1967;
Michelson et al., 1983; Rubin, 1985).
A lack of social assertiveness in children has also
been linked to feelings of inadequacy, incompetence, and
depression (Michelson et al., 1983; Michelson & Mann-
arino, 1986). Some researchers have demonstrated that
non-assertive children often withdraw from social sit
uations due to a higher level of anxiety. Due to this
phenomenon, they eventually suffer from varying degrees
of childhood, and later adult, psychopathology (Cowen,
Pederson, Babigian, Izzo, & Trost, 1973; Kagan & Moss,
1962; Kohn, 1977; Michelson et al., 1983).
Assertiveness within children has been suggested by
some researchers to be a positive social attribute
because it allows children to develop higher levels of
competence and confidence (Norton-Ford & Norton-Ford,
1979; Payne et al., 1974; Rotheram, 1987; Waksman &
Messmer, 1979; Wojnilower & Gross, 1984, 1988). Child
ren who are perceived as being assertive rather than


184
children educated in a traditional school setting.
Three correlates of social adjustment were identified
through a review of the literature: self-concept,
behavior, and assertiveness (Bandura, 1977; Bornstein et
al., 1977; Dodge, 1985) and were measured in sample
children of both populations. This chapter includes the
limitations of the study, an evaluation of the hypothe
ses, discussion of the results, implications and recom
mendations for further study, and conclusions.
Limitations of the Study
The limitations of this study are primarily in
regard to the generalizability of the results. Although
the demographic descriptions of the Central Florida
samples used in the study are similar to those of
previous studies (Bates, 1990; Griffiths, 1988; Maarse-
Delahooke, 1986; Mayberry, 1989; Ray, 1990; Taylor,
1986), no members of ethnic minorities participated,
therefore, it cannot be concluded that the samples are
the same.
The results of this study are further limited in
that the participants were volunteers from both types of
schooling populations. Parents of traditionally
schooled children are commonly called upon to volunteer
their children for various projects. Many of these
parents do so without regard to the nature or outcome of
the request. Home school parents, however, are more


Date
, Florida
Dear
I am a doctoral candidate in the Department of
Counselor Education and am currently conducting research
for my degree from the University of Florida in Gaines
ville. My study is entitled "A comparison of social
adjustment between home and public schooled students."
Based upon my research, I hope to address the questions
raised about the impact of home schooling on a child's
social adjustment.
To collect data for this study, I need to compare
the social cognition, self-concept, and social behavior
of at least 70 children from traditional school programs
to that of an equal number of children from home
schools. With the exception of a brief period of group
observation, all assessments can be accomplished via the
mail at no cost to the parent(s). Except for general
demographic information (age, sex, family size, etc.),
the identity of the participants will be kept confiden
tial.
In order to identify this population, I respect
fully request your cooperation. Would you please
announce this research and make my address and telephone
number available at your next meeting. I would also
welcome the opportunity to provide a program to your
organization regarding this important project. If you
are interested or should have further questions, please
contact me at: 3900 Lake Center Drive, Suite 5; Mount
Dora, Florida 32757.
I will share all research results with anyone who
is interested. I may also be contacted at (904) 383-
2194.
Sincerely,
Larry E. Shyers
239


41
1. Frequent interaction with others in varied
situations and occupying different roles in these
situations in relation to others.
2. Participation in varied social groups. A
member of a group may consider the effects of
a decision on himself, as well as on other
members of the group.
3. Leadership in a group. Leadership pro
vides additional and different opportunities
for role taking. The leader has to consider
the point of view of each member and the ef
fect of a decision or action on them, in ad
dition to viewing the event from his (sic) own
perspective.
4. Membership in groups having potentially
conflicting aims. Membership in such groups
may make it necessary for the individual to
examine the implications of the conflicting
consequences of action on different people, or
on different ideals or goals. (Staub, 1979,
pp. 43-44)
Both Piaget and Kohlberg emphasized that social
adjustment can not take place before a child has devel
oped the cognitive ability to understand how his or her
actions affect the actions and reactions of others.
Kohlberg took the theory further when he stressed the
impact of social interactions upon the overall develop
ment of social understanding. The height of social
adjustment occurs when a child has acquired the cogni
tive ability to understand and this understanding is put
to the test in actual social situations. The period of
highest social development occurs with the added social
influence of formal education and between the ages of 7
and 11 (Kohlberg, 1969; Piaget, 1932).


2
1986). During the days of the Industrial Revolution
(1880-1924), as millions of immigrant and American
families moved into urban society to take advantage of
new jobs, formal schools became essential agencies to
prepare youngsters to become productive citizens of
their community. Schools became the source of basic
education and the primary center for social adjustment
(Cremin, 1951, 1977; Rothstein, 1986; Spring, 1986;
Tyack, 1967). By 1918 all states had adopted some form
of compulsory attendance laws that placed the state in
primary control of the socialization process (Ovard,
1978). With the exception of deep rural and isolated
territories, the home school nearly disappeared as
parents placed their trust in public institutions to
prepare their children for life in the modern world
(Arons, 1981).
Roger Sipher (1978) described conditions in the
public educational system which existed after World War
II that set the stage for a renewed interest in home
schooling. As the post war "baby boomers" swamped the
public school system, more teachers were needed to fill
the additional classrooms created by the sudden increase
in student population. Sipher claimed that in the rush
to fill these needed teaching positions, many of the
teachers lacked adequate training to instruct this new
generation. Poor teacher preparation, lowered quality


38
reach the age of 12, which begins the formal-operational
stage, that they learn that rules are arbitrary
agreements that can be challenged and changed through
mutual agreement (Shaffer, 1979).
The formal-operational stage, which Piaget (1952)
stated starts at age 12 and continues through adulthood,
is characterized by the individual's ability to use all
of the cognitive abilities gained during the previous
three stages. The individual learns to think abstractly
and use hypothetical situations to test beliefs or
actions (Shaffer, 1979). Although some researchers have
indicated that not all adolescents or adults will attain
the level of formal operations (Bruner, Oliver, & Green
field, 1966; Goodnow & Bethon, 1966; Inhelder, 1966;
Jackson, 1965), others support Piaget's belief that all
adults progress from sensorimotor through preconceptual
to concrete-operations and finally formal-operations in
their social development (Brainerd, 1976; Flavell, 1977;
Tulkin & Konner, 1973).
Lawrence Kohlberg (1969) expanded Piaget's theory
in order to create an understanding of social phenomena
such as attachment and dependency, sex-role development,
altruism, and the growth of morality. Although dif
fering in some areas, Kohlberg felt that his work sup
ported the concepts of morality that had been suggested
by Piaget (Kohlberg, 1963). He proposed that children's


163
Table 8
Distribution of Scores on the Piers-Harris Children's
Self-Concept Scale
Raw Score *
Freq.
n=140
Cell %
Cum %
36
1
.7
.7
37
1
.7
1.4
45
1
.7
2.1
46
1
.7
2.9
47
1
.7
3.6
48
1
.7
4.3
49
1
.7
5.0
50
6
4.3
9.3
51
3
2.1
11.4
54
3
2.1
13.6
55
7
5.0
18.6
56
3
2.1
20.7
58
1
.7
21.4
59
1
.7
22.1
60
6
4.3
26.4
62
2
1.4
27.9
63
10
7.1
35.0
64
11
7.9
42.9
65
2
1.4
44.3
66
5
3.6
47.9
67
12
8.6
56.4
68
8
5.7
62.1
69
4
2.9
65.0
70
7
5.0
70.0
71
6
4.3
74.3
72
8
5.7
80.0
73
8
5.7
85.7
74
5
3.6
89.3
75
7
5.0
94.3
77
3
2.1
96.4
78
4
2.9
99.3
79
1
.7
100.0
*
High raw scores equate to high self-concept.


103
three. Piers (1985) reported that there were no
consistent gender or grade differences.
Although Taylor (1986) attempted to find an instru
ment that would be a valid measure of self-concept among
home schoolers, some of the respondents stated an objec
tion to several statements that made reference to school
or classmates. Some home school parents expressed the
belief that because the instrument was normed on a
public school population, it would not adequately re
flect a home schooler's self-concept. Taylor's results,
however, indicated that the references to school and
classmates had little, if any, effect upon his study
(Taylor, 1986).
In a study using third graders, the PHSCS was shown
to have a test-retest reliability of .86 (Parish &
Taylor, 1978). In a study over a seven-month period,
Smith and Rogers (1977) reported a test-retest reliabil
ity of .62. Robinson and Shaver (1976) observed that
the reliability ranged between .78 to .93. Piers (1985)
suggested that the median test-retest reliability coef
ficient was .73. Wylie (1974a) concluded that the
reliability of the PHSCS is satisfactory for use in
research.
The validity of the PHSCS has also been measured.
Robinson and Shaver (1976) discovered that a positive
score on the PHSCS correlates well with peer acceptance


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18.


261
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Strachey (Ed. and Trans.), The standard edition


167
Table 12
Means and
Standard
Deviations for the Children's
Assertive
Behavior
Scale
Variable
n
Mean*
SD
Minimum
Maximum
Age
8
60
-7.00
6.89
-28
11
9
44
-5.93
6.13
-18
8
10
36
-8.08
5.35
-19
5
Gender
Male
Female
70
70
-6.96
-6.93
5.90
6.71
-19
-28
11
9
School
Home
70
-7.79
6.92
-28
11
Traditional
70
-6.10
5.52
-21
5
Total
140
-6.94
6.29
-28
11

A negative score indicates passive responses whereas
a positive score indicates aggressive responses.


APPENDIX B
LETTER TO HOME SCHOOL PARENTS


155
Table 6Continued
Question3
n
H.S.
(T.S.)
Cell %b
H.S.
(T.S.)
Number of Years in Current
School Environment:
Two
4
5.7
(4)
(5.7)
Three
19
27.1
(19)
(27.1)
Four
18
25.7
(18)
(25.7)
Five
23
32.9
(23)
(32.9)
Six
6
8.6
(6)
(8.6)
Number of Older Siblings:
None
26
37.1
(26)
(37.1)
One
24
34.3
(24)
(34.3)
Two
16
22.9
(16)
(22.9)
Three
4
5.7
(4)
(5.7)


283
Mood, D., Johnson, J., & Shantz, C. U., (1974). Affect
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Moore, R. S., & Moore, D. N. (1988). Home school
burnout: What it is. What causes it. And how to
overcome it. Brentwood, TN: Wolgemuth & Hyatt.
More parents are turning their homes into schoolhouses.
(1991, June 24). Orlando Sentinel, p. A1.
Morris, V. C. (1961). Philosophy and the American
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Muro, J. J., & Dinkmeyer, D. (1977). Counseling in the
elementary and middle schools: A pragmatic ap
proach Dubuque, IA: William C. Brown Company.


182
Table 26
10-year-old
Males
Source
SS
DF
MS
F
PR
School
1662.720
i
1662.720
32.382
000
Residual
821.556
16
51.347
Total
2484.280
17
Table 27
Analysis of
Variance of
Social
Behavior
by Schoolinq
for
10-year-old
Females
Source
SS
DF
MS
F
PR
School
578.000
i
578.000
47.725
000
Residual
193.778
16
12.111
Total
771.778
17


106
observers and continuously check accuracy and inter
observer reliability.
To determine the reliability of data collected from
observations, the data from two or more observers who
observe the same behaviors at the same time must be
compared (Alessi, 1980; Keller, 1980). Repp et al.
(1988) cited research that indicates that observer
accuracy increases when observers are made aware that
they will be monitored and their data compared to other
observers. This increased accuracy improves the reli
ability of the observations.
Validity is another issue considered a potential
source of error by Keller (1980). Keller suggested that
discriminant validity is demonstrated through clear
differences between problem and non-problem children.
He also stated that construct validity of behavioral
observations has been demonstrated through the fact that
the observed behaviors are sensitive to interventions.
A review of observational research indicates that
there is a paucity of standardized measures of observa
tion that control for the sources of error mentioned
above (Sweetman, 1987). Most of the reviewed research
required the collection of data on specific target
behaviors that had been identified by the researcher and
recorded by trained observers (Koorland, Monda, & Vail,
1988; Repp et al., 1988). Standardized instruments most


Permission to reproduce the Children's Assertive
Behavior Scale for this dissertation has been granted by
the publisher.
Children's Assertive Behavior Scale
Instructions
You are going to answer some questions about what
you do in various situations. There are not any "right"
or "wrong" answers. You are just to answer what you
would really do. For example, a question might be:
"What do you do if someone does not listen to you
when you are talking to them?"
You have to choose the answer which is like what you
usually do. You would usually:
(a) Tell them to listen.
(b) Keep on talking.
(c) Stop talking and ask them to listen.
(d) Stop talking and walk away.
(e) Talk louder.
From these 5 answers, you decide which one is most like
the one you would do. Now circle the letter on the
answer sheet for each question.
DO NOT WRITE ON THE TEST. WRITE ON THE ANSWER SHEET
ONLY.
Now turn the page and answer each question by
circling the letter (a, b, c, d, or e) beside each
question on the answer sheet. After you have marked your
answer for the question, go on to the next one.
Remember to answer honestly about how you would
act. There is no time limit, but you should answer as
quickly as possible.
207


25
do not become proficient within their own eyes, they
develop a sense of inferiority which makes it difficult
for them to progress into adulthood (Maier, 1969).
The primary socializing agents during this period
are the children's social contacts other than their
parents. The influence of peers, teachers, and tele
vision heros become the focus of attention and the
standard by which children compare and measure their
progress toward competence (Craig, 1983).
The next four stages presented by Erikson cover the
period of time from adolescence to the end of life
(Erikson, 1963, 1972; Maier, 1969). The success of an
individual progressing through the last four stages
depends largely upon how successful he or she has been
in becoming socially well adjusted during the initial
four stages (McCandless, 1967).
Although Erikson's psychosocial theory of develop
ment is more positive than Freud's psychosexual theory,
it still relies upon the development of coping skills
and adapting to the environment around a person. The
social learning theories of Bandura and Walters (1967)
however, rely upon the ability of children to learn
appropriate social behaviors rather than merely reacting
to the circumstances surrounding them.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
ABSTRACT ix
CHAPTERS
I INTRODUCTION 1
Need for the Study 6
Purpose of the Study 10
Statement of the Problem 11
Definitions 12
Organization of the Study 12
II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 14
Social Adjustment 14
Social Development in Children 14
Psychosexual Theory of Social
Development 17
Psychosocial Theory of Social
Development 19
Social Learning Theory of Social
Development 26
Cognitive-Development Theory of Social
Development 32
Summary of Social Development 42
Correlates of Childhood Social Adjustment 45
Age and Social Adjustment 45
Sex Differences and Social Adjustment 48
Assertiveness and Social Adjustment ... 52
Self-Concept and Social Adjustment .... 54
Socioeconomic Status and Social
Adjustment 57
Schooling Experience and Social
Adjustment 59
Comparative Literature on Schooling
Alternatives 64
The Public School Movement 64
v


299
Association for Counseling and Development, and the
Florida Mental Health Counselors Association. He has
served as the President of the Florida Mental Health
Counselors Association and Government Relations Commit
tee cochairman of the American Mental Health Counselors
Association. He has also served on the Government
Relations Committee of the American Association for
Counseling and Development. He has made numerous
professional presentations at local, state, and national
levels.
Larry has been instrumental in efforts to license
professional counselors in the state of Florida. In
1987 he was appointed to the Florida Board of Clinical
Social Work, Marriage and Family Therapy, and Mental
Health Counseling representing Licensed Mental Health
Counselors. He has served as Chairman of that Board and
as its legislative liaison. Because of his experience
in professional development, Larry has been a frequent
presenter at state and national workshops.
Larry's professional interests include counseling,
professional identity issues, and teaching. His hobbies
include golf, target shooting, and photography.


134
beginning in the fourth grade, Piers and Harris (1964)
stated that it had been administered successfully to
students in grade three. Piers (1985) reported that
there were no consistent gender or grade differences.
In a study using third graders, the PHSCS was shown
to have a test-retest reliability of .86 (Parish &
Taylor, 1978). In a study over a seven-month period, a
test-retest reliability of .62 was reported (Smith &
Rogers, 1977). In other studies the reliability ranged
between .78 and .93 (Robinson & Shaver, 1976). Piers
(1985) suggested that the median test-retest reliability
coefficient was .73.
The validity of the PHSCS has also been assessed.
In one study scores on the PHSCS correlated well with
peer acceptance over a four-year period. Robinson and
Shaver (1976) computed a predictive validity coefficient
of .61. Shavelson et al. (1976) supported the conclu
sion that the instrument possessed good construct valid
ity. When compared with instruments such as the Cali
fornia Test of Personality and the Coppersmith Self-
Esteem Inventory, convergent validities as high as .71
have been computed (Taylor, 1986). Based upon an exten
sive review of self-concept literature, the PHSCS was
determined to be a valid measure of self-concept in
children (Wylie, 1974a).


Ill
home schools, on the other hand, believe that social
adjustment is best provided by parental instruction and
social interaction within the community. Although some
concerns were raised, a review of the literature sup
ported the belief that children in traditional schools
are socially well adjusted. The literature, however,
did not provide conclusive support for social adjustment
in home schools.
The literature does raise the possibility that up
to 75% of home school children will eventually be en
rolled in traditional schools. With so many home school
children entering formal schooling for the first time
suggests several important questions that have not yet
been answered. One of those questions is, are home
school children as socially adjusted as their agemates
in the traditional education system?
Several criteria emerged as significant correlates
to social adjustment: a knowledge of appropriate social
skills, a comfort level high enough to both learn and
perform the skill acceptably, and the ability to perform
the skill at levels deemed acceptable to others. These
three factors may be operationalized and evaluated using
measures of assertiveness, self-concept, and behavior.


124
the observation segment who became ineligible due to
illness, moving, change in schooling status, or with
drawal from the project. Each of these subjects also
received the packet containing the paper and pencil
portion of the research project. They were asked to
complete the materials and return them to the re
searcher .
The participants from traditional schools were
stratified to coincide with the home school participants
according to gender and age. The final research group,
therefore, consisted of two subgroups of 70 children
from each schooling experience. There was an equal
number of males and females in each subgroup. Each
subgroup contained children between the ages of 8 and
10. All volunteers completed the same paper and pencil
procedures as discussed in the next section. In ad
dition to the paper and pencil portion of the study, the
students also participated in an observation segment
that is described later in this chapter.
Research Procedures
Paper and Pencil Assessments
All but the first 140 selected subjects (70 from
home school and 70 from public school) were mailed a
packet consisting of step-by-step instructions for
completing the included instruments (See Appendix H), 1
copy of the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale


138
Edelbrock, 1983). Each item on the DOF is rated on a 0
to 3 scale where 0 indicates that the behavior was not
observed and 3 signifies that the behavior was observed
for at least 3 minutes. A sum of the 96 items provides
a total problem behavior score (Reed & Edelbrock, 1983).
Demographic Questionnaire
The demographic questionnaire was used to assist in
screening and blocking research subjects as well as
provide information on possible confounding variables.
Each questionnaire asked for the name and address of the
subject child, number of years that child had been in
his\her current schooling environment, the age and
gender of the subject, the number of siblings older and
younger than the research subject, and specific infor
mation on social interactions. An estimate of the
household income was also requested so that children
could be selected from similar economic backgrounds in
order to control for economic influences on social
adjustment (Scott-Jones & Clark, 1986).
The information on age and number of years in
current schooling environment was used to select
research subjects between the ages of 8 and 10 who had
been educated exclusively in their current schooling
environment. The remaining information was used to
describe the sample and to assist in explaining dif
ferences that might exist between the two groups.


237
7. The group leader announces that the final
team to complete their puzzles and return to
their seats will also win something. (Group
leader should hold up the stickers.)
8. The group leader tells the group to divide
themselves into teams of no more than 4
people.
9. The group leader should allow the children
to decide on their own teams, taking as long
as they need. The leader should intervene only
if the children can not choose at all, and
then only to suggest captains.
10. Once the teams have been chosen. The
puzzle bags are opened in three different
areas of the room equal distance from the
semi-circle. Each team is then assigned one of
the three locations.
11. The children are told to go to their
assigned team location and wait for the signal
to begin the activity.
12. Once the teams are in place, the group
leader shouts "go."
13. The activity continues until all teams
have returned to their seats.
14. The prizes are awarded to the appropriate
team.
15. A brief discussion is conducted allowing
all group members the opportunity to express
their feelings.
16. The group leader closes the activity by
congratulating each child on his or her
cooperation.


161
Table 7
Final Research Group by Age, School, County, and Gender
Age and School
8 9 10
County
H. S.
T. S.
H. S.
T. S.
H. S.
T. :
Orange
Male
10
10
7
7
6
6
Female
10
10
7
7
6
6
Seminole
Male
4
4
3
3
2
2
Female
4
4
3
3
2
2
Lake
Male
1
1
1
1
1
1
Female
1
1
1
1
1
1


104
over a four year period. They were able to compute a
predictive validity coefficient of .61. Shavelson et
al. (1976) supported the conclusion that the instrument
also possesses good construct validity. Taylor reported
several studies that provided convergent validities as
high as .71 with such instruments as the California Test
of Personality and the Coppersmith Self-Esteem Inventory
(Taylor, 1986). A positive correlation with the Lipsitt
Self-Concept Scale at a level of .68 has also been
reported (Piers & Harris, 1969; Robinson & Shaver,
1976). Based upon the extensive review of self-concept
literature, Wylie (1974a) determined that the PHSCS is a
valid measure of self-concept and worthy of use in
research (Taylor, 1986) .
Once a child's knowledge of assertive responses and
self-concept has been assessed, it will be necessary to
determine if they can put the knowledge and self-concept
together in appropriate social behaviors.
Direct Observation Form
It has been stated that a child's behavior is the
most valid measure of whether they are socially well
adjusted (Gresham & Elliott, 1984; Keller, 1986; Rose-
Krasnor, 1985). Although observed behavior is perhaps
the most valid assessment of adjustment, the collection
and interpretation of data from behavioral observations
presents numerous problems (Alessi, 1980).


30
have to be performed to be learned. It can be stored
away for use much later in the future or rehearsed
mentally as often as the observer chooses.
Social training requires that the modeling of
behaviors and their consequences be directed toward
helping a child learn to express aggression, dependency
and other social responses in appropriate ways through
these four processes (Bandura & Walters, 1967). Social
adjustment also requires that the individual learn both
adequate generalization and sharp discrimination, since
learned patterns of response often must be applied to
situations other than the original learning experience.
McCandless (1967) stated that it is this generalization
of appropriate behaviors that is necessary for a child
to be socially well adjusted. Adequate social adjust
ment also requires that a child learn to control his or
her own behaviors by delaying personal gratification or
ceasing socially unacceptable activities. Bandura
(1977) described the social learning process as being
self-regulating once a child has accepted the social
behavior as his or her own through internalization. He
explained¡
The anticipation of self-reproach for conduct that
violates one's standards provides a source of moti
vation to keep behavior in line with standards in
the face of opposing inducements. There is no more
devastating punishment than self-contempt.
(Bandura, 1977, p. 154)


121
in their respective counties. In the case of Orange and
Seminole Counties permission was denied and a list was
obtained through the Florida Department of Education,
Management and Information Services office. Lake County
permitted this researcher to obtain the list by review
ing their files maintained in the board office. A
letter was sent to the parents of these children at the
address indicated by the parents when they registered
their home school. This letter described the nature of
the research and requested volunteers (See Appendix B).
Respondents to this letter were sent a packet of mater
ials that included the demographic questionnaire and the
Informed Letter of Consent. The home school parents
were requested to complete the demographic question
naire, sign the Letter of Informed Consent, and return
them to the researcher if they agreed to include their
child or children in the study.
A letter was also sent to the public school superin
tendents of each county requesting the names and
addresses of parents whose children are in the 8- to 10-
year-old age group attending public school (See Appendix
C). As in the case of this researcher's inquiry
concerning Home School students, the request was
politely denied. In order to obtain the necessary
number of traditionally schooled children, several
professors of education at the University of Central


209
(c) Say "This is the last time I'll wait for youl"
(d) Say nothing to the person.
(e) Say "You're a jerk 1 You're latei"
6. You need someone to do something for you. You
would usually:
(a) Not ask for anything to be done.
(b) Say "You gotta do this for me!"
(c) Say "Would you please do something for me?" and
then explain what you want.
(d) Give a small hint that you need something done.
(e) Say "I want you to do this for me."
7. You know that someone is feeling upset. You would
usually:
(a) Say, "You seem upset; can I help?"
(b) Be with the person and not talk about his or
her being upset.
(c) Say, "What's wrong with you?"
(d) Not say anything and leave the person alone.
(e) Laugh and say, "You're just a big baby!"
8. You are feeling upset, and someone says, "You seem
upset." You would usually:
(a) Turn your head away or say nothing.
(b) Say, It's none of your business!"
(c) Say, "Yes, I am upset, thank you for asking."
(d) Say, "It's nothing."
(e) Say, "I'm upset, leave me alone."
9. Someone blames you for a mistake made by another.
You would usually:
(a) Say, "You're crazy!"
(b) Say, "That wasn't my fault; someone else made
the mistake."
(c) Say, "I don't think it was my fault."
(d) Say, "Wasn't me, you don't know what you're
talking about!"
(e) Take the blame or say nothing.
10. Someone asks you to do something, but you don't
know why it has to be done. You would usually:
(a) Say, "This doesn't make any sense, I don't want
to do it."
(b) Do as you're asked and say nothing.
(c) Say, "This is dumb; I'm not going to do it!"


253
Appendix LContinued
Question3 n'3 Cell % Cum %C
Community Activities (Cont.):
YMCA
None
Daily
Weekly
Monthly
Scouting
None
Dai ly
Weekly
Monthly
4-H
None
Dai ly
Weekly
Monthly
FFA
None
Dai ly
Weekly
Monthly
162
0
16
0
160
0
18
0
171
0
7
0
174
2
2
0
91.0
0.0
8.9
0.0
89.0
0.0
10.1
0.0
96.0
0.0
3.9
0.0
97.7
1.1
1.1
0.0
91.0
91.0
99.9
99.9
89.0
89.0
99.1
99.1
96.0
96.0
99.9
99.9
97.7
98.8
99.9
99.9


78
information for youth concerning the real world and how
individuals ought to behave. It provided the examples
children needed in order to learn the skills and jobs
necessary for society's survival (Cremin, 1977). As
Cremin (1977) stated, "the pedagogy of household educa
tion was the pedagogy of apprenticeship, that is, a
relentless round of imitation, explanation, and trial
and error" (p. 12).
Until the late 1800s, parents were entrusted with
complete control of what and how their children learned
(Gordon, 1983; Katz, 1977; Moore, 1985a; Nolte, 1982;
Whitehead & Bird, 1984). This early form of socializing
children at home rather than in a formal educational
setting, although not always adhered to by some fam
ilies, assured that a child was able to read and write,
understand the local laws of the land, behave in social
ly accepted ways, and become skilled at a vocation or
trade (Cremin, 1970). It was so successful that John
Adams observed in 1765 that "a native of America,
especially of New England, who cannot read and write is
a rare a phenomenon as a Comet" (Butterfield, 1961).
As the population of the Colonies grew, more of the
educative functions of the family were shared with
religious organizations, formal schools and other com
munity agencies (Cremin, 1980). In the more scarcely
populated areas of the frontier, however, parents


42
Summary of Social Development
Each of the theories presented suggested that
social adjustment occurs under the influence of others.
Freud^s psychosexual theory suggested that children
learn to behave in a socially acceptable manner in order
to satisfy their basic drives. The greatest influence,
therefore, comes from parents who have the respons
ibility of harnessing the energy of the id and assisting
in the development of an healthy superego. As the child
matures, the rest of society also begins to exert pres
sure on the child to conform to the accepted behavioral
standards. Failure to conform creates socially mal-
adapted children.
Erikson was less negative when he espoused his
psychosocial theory of development. Social adjustment
occurs, according to this theory, as a child resolves a
series of social crises. Movement into a higher stage
of development depends upon healthy resolutions of the
crises presented in the previous stages. The influences
presented by Erikson begin with the mother and later
progress to teachers and peers. If a child senses posi
tive resolution to each crisis, he or she develops
acceptable social attitudes such as warmth, trust, and
independence, which are necessary to cope with the next
series of crises. If the child senses negative


225
the research. Your child's (children's) and your own
responses will be confidential and will remain anon
ymous. Demographic data will contain age, sex, family
size, schooling choice, social interactions, and
economic status.
I have read and I understand the procedures
described above. I agree to participate in this study,
and I have received a copy of this description. I
maintain the right to withdraw this consent at any time.
Signed:
Child (children^ participant
Your signature and relationship Date
to participant(s)
Witness
Date
Researcher's Name
Date


205
suggest that children of this age may feel less com
petent and less sure about what behaviors are socially
appropriate (Michelson & Mannarino, 1986).
According to the results of this study, children
between the ages of 8 and 10, who had been educated
entirely in a home school, had significantly fewer
problem behaviors than children of the same age from
traditional schools. Children of this age who have been
educated entirely in traditional schools have problem
behaviors that are above normal ranges for national
populations (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1983).


246
Appendix KContinued
Question3
b
Cell %
Cum %c
Approximate Household Annual
Income (Cont.):
31,000-35,000
43
24.2
72.5
36,000-40,000
14
7.9
80.4
41,000-45,000
7
3.9
84.3
46,000-50,000
10
5.6
89.9
51,000 and Above
18
10.1
100.0
The first five questions pertained to name, address,
parents' names, and telephone numbers.
Total number of respondents equaled 17S.
c
May not add up to 100% due to rounding.
^ A majority (48) of the respondents who answered yes
to this question stated that their children had been
enrolled in a private day care or pre-school. The other
10 had started home schooling some time after the first
year of traditional school.
@
The respondents who answered yes to this question had
older children who had returned to traditional schools
in order to participate in extracurricular activities.
^ Other activities reported by parents were ballet,
gymnastics, youth group activities associated with
church, and home school support group meetings.


179
Table 20
Analysis of Variance of Social Behavior by Age, Gender,
and Schooling
Source
ss
DF
MS
F
PR
Within Cells
2869.27
128
22.42
Age
165.09
2
82.55
3.68
.028
Gender
68.69
1
68.69
3.06
.082
Sch
7398.91
1
7398.91
330.07
.000
Age/Gender
278.29
2
139.15
6.21
.003
Age/Sch
128.51
2
64.25
2.87
.061
Gender/Sch
35.39
1
35.39
1.58
.211
Age/Gender/Sch
271.75
2
135.87
6.06
.003
Table 21
Analysis of
Variance of
Social
Behavior
by Gender
and
Schooling for 8-year-olds
Source
SS
DF
MS
F
PR
Gender
79.350
1
79.350
3.713
.059
School
4284.150
1
4284.150
200.484
.000
Gender/Sch
104.017
1
104.017
4.868
.031
Residual
1196.670
56
21.369
Total
5664.180
59


110
schooling. Factors during this age which seem to
correlate with social adjustment include gender, asser
tive behavior, self-concept, socioeconomic status, and
schooling experience.
Existing research into the influence of gender
differences and socioeconomic status on social adjust
ment during middle-childhood has produced inconclusive
results. A majority of the researchers suggested no
significant influence.
Assertiveness was suggested as an example of pro
social behavior among middle-childhood children. Asser
tive children were shown to be less passive, more self-
confident, and were chosen more frequently as friends by
peers. Assertive children also displayed higher self-
concepts, which had been identified as another example
of social adjustment. Children with high self-concepts
had less social anxiety and were more active in social
situations.
The greatest influence upon social adjustment is
schooling experience. Schools are seen as the best
location for children to learn a standardized set of
socially appropriate norms. Two schooling alternatives
have been identified: traditional classrooms and home
schools.
Group interaction in public schools has been used
as the standard for social adjustment. Advocates of


213
(c) Interrupt the other person by starting to talk
again.
(d) Say nothing and let the other person continue
to talk.
(e) Say, "Shut up, I was talkingl"
25. Someone asks you to do something which would keep
you from doing what you really want to do. You
would usually:
(a) Say "I did have other plans, but I'll do what
you want."
(b) Say "No wayl Find someone else."
(c) Say "OK, I'll do what you want.
(d) Say "Forget it, shove off!"
(e) Say "I've already made other plans, maybe next
time."
26. You see someone you would like to meet. You would
usually:
(a) Yell at the person and tell them to come over
to you.
(b) Walk over to the person, introduce yourself,
and start talking.
(c) Walk over near the person and wait for him or
her to talk to you.
(d) Walk over to the person and start talking about
great things you have done.
(e) Not say anything to the person.
27. Someone you have not met before stops and says
"hello" to you. You would usually:
(a) Say "What do you want?"
(b) Not say anything.
(c) Say "Don't bother me. Get lost!"
(d) Say "Hello," introduce yourself, and ask who
they are.
(e) Nod your head, say "hi," and walk away.


THE LETTER OF INFORMED CONSENT WAS PRINTED ON BOTH SIDES
OF ONE SHEET OF PAPER.
Respondent1s Name
Research Title: Comparison of Social Adjustment
Between Home and Public Schooled
Students
Social adjustment among children is an extremely
important issue. For the last 70 years, it has been
believed and accepted by the American public that
regular interaction between peers in traditional school
programs was the best source of social instruction. In
ever increasing numbers parents are becoming dissat
isfied with the social situations often found in formal
educational institutions. For these parents, the only
option is to educate their children at home.
The question being addressed by this research is:
How does the social adjustment of home schooled 8 to 10
year old children compare with that of their agemates in
traditional schools?
Social adjustment for this study has been defined
as the combination of social cognition (an awareness of
appropriate social responses) and social ability (the
putting into practice of appropriate social responses).
For this study social cognition will be measured through
your childs (children's) responses to two brief tests.
Social ability will be assessed by trained observers
viewing a 1 hour video of your child (children) inter
acting with other children.
In order to complete this study, I will mail copies
of all assessment materials to you. I will also arrange
to videotape your child (children) along with other
participants of this study at a time and location which
is as convenient as possible. Your child(ren) will be
identified on the tape and on all assessments by a
research number. The video tapes will be viewed only by
trained observers and kept on file at my office. No
other person will be given access to the test instru
ments or video tapes.
You may observe all procedures and refuse for your
child to participate in the research at any time. Your
participation is voluntary and without payment. I will
be available to answer any questions you have regarding
224


63
children, forced into loose relationships with other
children of like backgrounds and abilities, form little
commitment to the diverse society as a whole. Norton
(1970) expressed a concern that schooling reinforces
dependency rather than independence. Lamm (1976) be
lieved that this unrealistic view of society creates a
conflict within schooling itself when he stated:
Socialization is, on the one hand, essentially a
technique for adapting young people to existing
social conditions. On the other hand, social con
ditions may demand innovative rather than
conformist behavior. But the school, guided by the
idea of socialization, cannot at the same time
promote the adaption of its pupils to existing
society and their willingness to accept or effect
social change . the school cannot maintain a
system of instruction that simultaneously promotes
both creativity and conformity, both open- and
closemindedness. (Lamm, 1976, p. 117)
Many parents have voiced a conviction that the
burden of socializing their children belongs to them and
not the formal educational systems (Gorder, 1985; Home
education, 1986; Kink, 1983; "Parents like to include",
1990; Slater & Slater, 1990; Smith, 1986; Wilson, 1988).
To them, the needed peer involvement and social inter
action can be provided through positive activities such
as church, scouting, YMCA, and appropriate adult role
models (Holt, 1981, 1983a, 1983b; Kendall, 1982; Lines,
1987; Olson, 1990; Wilson, 1988). Due to their concerns
that formal schooling is failing to provide adequate and
appropriate social training as well as a belief that
public education in general is deteriorating, some


292
Sipher, R. (1978, September). Compulsory education: An
idea whose time has passed. USA Today, p. 17-19.
Slater, J. & Slater, M. (1990). Educating children at
home. Gospel Advocate, 132(1), 50-51.
Smith, D. (1986, October). Home schools: Getting back
to the basics. The Cause.
Smith, M. D., & Rogers, C. M. (1977). Item instability
on the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale
for academic underachievers with high, middle, and
low self-concepts: Implications for construct
validity. Educational and Psychological Measure
ment, 37, 553-558.
Smith, M. D., Zingale, S. A., & Coleman, J. M. (1978).
The influence of adult-expectancy/child-performance
discrepancies upon children's self-concepts. Amer
ican Educational Research Journal, 15, 259-265.
Soares, L. M., & Soares, A. T. (1970). Self-concepts of
disadvantaged and advantaged students. Child Study
Journal, ]^, 69-73.
Sobol, M. P., & Earn, B. M. (1985). Assessment of
children's attributions for social experiences:
Implications for social skills training. In B. H.
Schneider, K. H. Rubin, & J. E. Ledingham (Eds.),
Children's peer relations: Issues in assessment
and intervention (pp~¡ 93-110) New York: Spring-
er-Verlag.
Sommers, M. K. (1990). Effects of class size on student
achievement and teacher behaviors in third grade
(Doctoral dissertation, Purdue University, 1990).
Dissertation Abstracts International, 51, 1899A.
Sparrow, S. S., & Cicchetti, D. V. (1987). Adaptive
behavior and the psychologically disturbed child.
The Journal of Special Education, 21, 89-100.
Spring, J. (1982). American education: An introduction
to social and political aspects. New York: Long
man Inc.
Spring, J. (1986). The American school; 1642-1985.
New York: Longman Inc.
State v. Hoyt, 146 A. 170 (N. H. 1929).


177
Table 19
Analysis of Variance of Assertiveness by Age, Gender,
and Schooling
Source
SS
DF
MS
F
PR
Within Cells
5044.02
128
39.41
Age
92.00
2
46.00
1.17
.314
Gender
2.86
1
2.86
.07
.788
School
75.40
1
75.40
1.91
.169
Age/Gender
88.29
2
44.14
1.12
.329
Age/School
32.99
2
16.50
.42
.659
Gender/School
84.24
1
84.24
2.14
.146
Age/Gender/Sch
67.44
2
33.72
.86
.427


190
their male agemates (Gesell et al., 1977; Xlg & Ames,
1955). During the group interaction period of this
research, 8-year-old boys from both schooling environ
ments tended to play together and ignore the girls.
While traditionally schooled 8-year-old boys in general
chose to play with board games that had been supplied,
girls from traditional schools involved themselves in
parallel play using stuffed animals and dolls. It was
observed that traditionally schooled 8-year-old girls'
play involved tossing and catching the stuffed animals,
loud talking, and constant motion.
Eight-year-old girls from home schools split
between parallel play and cooperative use of games.
Those home school girls who chose to play alone tended
to talk softly to the dolls or stuffed animals. Eight-
year -old home school girls who chose to play games took
turns and played quietly beside the boys in their group.
The higher mean problem behavior score received by
the 8-year-old females from traditional schools in this
study may be due in part to boredom. Because most of
the board games took long periods of time to complete,
and boys did not include girls in their play, the girls
appeared to become bored. Boredom tended to be mani
fested among the female participants by their walking
around, looking at other toys in the room, and/or
teasing the boys, and talking loudly among themselves.


212
(e) Stop working and explain what you were doing.
20. You see someone trip and fall down. You would
usually:
(a) laugh and say, "Why don't you watch where you
are going?"
(b) Say, "Are you all right? Is there anything I
can do?"
(c) Ask, "What happened?"
(d) Say, "That's the breaks."
(e) Do nothing and ignore it.
21. You bump your head on a shelf and it hurts.
Someone says, "Are you all right?" You would
usually:
(a) Say, "I'm fine, leave me alone!"
(b) Say nothing and ignore the person.
(c) Say, "Why don't you mind your own business?"
(d) Say, "No, I hurt my head, thanks for asking."
(e) Say, "It's nothing, I'm OK."
22.
You make a mistake and someone else is blamed for
it. You would usually:
(a) Say nothing.
(b) Say, "It's their mistake!"
(c) Say, I made the mistake."
(d) Say, "I don't think that person did it.
(e) Say, "That's their tough luck!"
23. You feel insulted by something someone said to you.
You would usually:
(a) Walk away from the person without saying that
you were upset.
(b) Tell the person not to do it again.
(c) Say nothing to the person, although you feel
insulted.
(d) Insult the person back and call him or her a
name.
(e) Tell the person you don't like what was said
and tell the person not to do it again.
24. Someone often interrupts you when you're speaking.
You would usually:
(a) Say, "Excuse me, I would like to finish what I
was saying."
(b) Say, "This isn't fair; don't I get to talk?"


CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
In this chapter the researcher presents a review of
the professional literature regarding schooling and
social adjustment of children. A discussion of social
development and adjustment is presented first. Litera
ture on schooling options is then reviewed, including an
examination of traditional and home schools as they
affect a child's social adjustment. Finally, literature
supporting the use of the Children's Assertive Behavior
Scales (CABS), Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept
Scale (PHSCS), and Direct Observation Form (DOF) of the
Child Behavior Checklist in socialization research is
examined.
Social Adjustment
Social Development in Children
It has been said that a person who is deemed
socially well adjusted "has acquired the beliefs, at
titudes, and behaviors that are thought to be appro
priate for members of his or her culture" (Shaffer,
1979, p. 7). However, one who is socially maladjusted
is "unable to affect the behaviour and feelings of
others in the way he intends and society accepts"
14


286
Parens,
H.
(1987). Aggression
in our
children.
North-
vale,
NJ: Jason Aronson,
Inc.
Parish,
T.
S., & Taylor, J. C.
(1978),
. The Personal
Attributes Inventory for children: A report on its
validity and reliability as a self-concept scale.
Educational and Psychological Measurement, 38, 565-
T&r.
Parks, P. L., & Smeriglo, V. L. (1986). Relationships
among parenting knowledge, quality of stimulation
in the home and infant development. Family Rela
tions, 35, 411-416.
Parents like to include values in teaching. (1990,
August 23). Orlando Sentinel, p. 1.
Paterson, C. R., Dickson, A. L., Layne, C. C., &
Anderson, H. N. (1984). California Psychological
Inventory profiles of peer-nominated assertives,
unassertives, and aggressives. Journal of Clinical
Psychology, 40, 534-538.
Payne, D. A., Halpin, W. G., Ellett, C. D., S, Dale, J.
B. (1974). General personality correlates of
creative personality in academically and artis
tically gifted youth. The Journal of Special
Education, 9, 105-108.
Pellegrini, D. S. (1985). Social cognition and com
petence in middle childhood. Child Development,
56, 253-264.
Perchemlides v. Frizzle, No. 16641 (Mass. Super. Ct.,
Hampshire County, Nov. 13, 1978).
Piaget, J. (1932). The moral judgement of the child.
New York: Harcourt, Brace.
Piaget, J. (1952). The origins of intelligence in
children. New York: International Universities
Press.
Piaget, J., & Inhelder, B. (1969). The psychology of
the chiId. New York: Basic Books, Inc.
Pierce V. Society of Sisters, 268 U. S. 510 (1925).
Piers, E. V. (1985). Piers-Harris Children's Self-Con
cept Scale: Revised Manual 1984. Los Angeles:
Western Psychological Services.


Date
Florida
Dear
Thank you for your willingness to include your
child(ren) in the research project entitled "A com
parison of social adjustment between home and public
schooled students."
In order to maintain confidentiality, your child-
(ren) has (have) been assigned the number This
number will be used on all assessment instruments and on
all records. When corresponding with me, please be sure
to include this number for clarity of communication.
In a few days I will be calling to discuss the
arrangements that have been made for a group observa
tion. Your child(ren) will be video taped along with
other children of his (her) same age and schooling
experience involved in 20 minutes of free play and 20
minutes of an organized group activity. I have enclosed
a copy of the proposed group activity for your informa
tion. At that time I will also have your child(ren)
complete the two paper and pencil assessments.
Your cooperation will be greatly appreciated. If
you should have any questions, you may reach me at: 383-
2194 during the day Monday through Friday or 383-6880 in
the evening.
Sincerely,
Larry E. Shyers
231


75
The Home School Movement
Some parents express a concern that they, not
organized institutions, are better suited to teach their
children the moral, social and character attributes
necessary for a successful life (Gustavsen, 1981;
"Parents like," 1990; Slater & Slater, 1990). These
parents choose to break with modern tradition and
educate their children at home (Naisbitt, 1982; Tobak,
1983; Whitehead & Bird, 1984).
Home schooling, or home centered education as it is
sometimes described (Whitehead & Bird, 1984), had its
origin in the earliest stages of human existence when
Moses delivered the Law of God to the Israelites
commanding them to
teach them diligently unto your children, and talk
of them when you sit in your houses, and when you
walk by the way, and when you lie down, and when
you rise up at dawn. (Deuteronomy, 6:7)
In the Biblical tradition, the basis and model for
learning and social skills development was left in the
hands of the parents (Ephesians, 6:4). The Ordinances
delivered by Moses, and commanded to be taught by the
parents, included all of the information needed for
human survival (Gustavsen, 1981).
The primary source of knowledge during the early
American Colonial period continued to be the family
(Cremin, 1970; Spring, 1986). As political upheaval
threatened domestic tranquility in Europe, it forced


152
$38,000. Most of the children in the sample were the
youngest child in the family and had at least one older
sibling.
The children averaged 4.1 years in a home-school
environment which included at least one other child,
most often an older sibling. The majority of the sub
jects indicated that they played with an average of 6 to
10 children outside of the schooling experience. Weekly
church attendance was the predominant outside of school
activity in which the students were involved. Weekly
youth group meetings associated with church or home
school support group meetings also were high in involve
ment .
Using this information and methods described in the
previous chapter, an equivalent population of tradition
ally schooled children were located through church
groups, letters to principals, and word of mouth. A
request was made for children who would match the home
school subjects in regard to age, gender, residential
setting, and economic background. Three hundred
children who met the criteria were identified in the
three county area. Of that group, the first 178 who
most closely matched the respondent home school research
sample were selected to participate in the project.
Appendix L provides the demographic description of the
respondent traditional school population.


Date
, Florida
Dear
I am a doctoral candidate in the Department of
Counselor Education and am currently conducting research
for my degree from the University of Florida in Gaines
ville. My study is entitled "A comparison of social
adjustment between home and public schooled students."
Based upon my research, I hope to address the questions
raised about the impact of home schooling on a child's
social adjustment.
To collect data for this study, I need to compare
the social cognition, self-concept, and social behavior
of at least 70 children from traditional school programs
to that of an equal number of children from home
schools. With the exception of a brief period of group
observation, all assessments can be accomplished via the
mail at no cost to you. Except for general demographic
information (age, sex, family size, etc.), the identity
of the participants will be kept confidential.
Your child was identified as a possible participant
by Your cooperation would be greatly
appreciated. Your participation or non-participation
will not affect your child's grades in any way.
If you would be willing to include your child(ren)
in this important research, please complete the enclosed
demographic questionnaire sign the letter of informed
consent and return them to me at: 3900 Lake Center
Drive, Suite 5; Mount Dora, Florida 32757.
I will share all research results with anyone who
is interested. I am also willing to meet with you or
answer any questions you may have concerning this
proposed research. I may be contacted at (904) 383-2194.
Sincerely,
Larry E. Shyers
222


203
have observed. They openly and freely interacted with
other children without hesitation or fear. Tradition
ally schooled children, however, interacted in ways
similar to other children. In addition, the tradition
ally schooled children in this study were hesitant to
interact with children with whom they were not acquaint
ed. They were more aggressive and displayed more
anxiety than their agemates from home schools.
Home schooling is a rapidly growing movement
(Lines, 1991). Questions will continue to be asked
regarding social adjustment and home schooling. For
example, what will happen to home school children who
eventually do enter traditional programs? Will they
continue to follow the modeled behaviors of their
parents, or will they follow the modeled behaviors of
their peers? Questions also will continue regarding
social adjustment among children whose parents do not
volunteer them for research. Because the research
groups used in this study were fairly homogeneous, it
would be interesting to determine what differences, if
any, would exist between more heterogeneous groupings.
Conclusions
Prior to this study, the effects of home schooling
on a child's social adjustment were largely unknown.
Parents, educators, courts, and legislators relied upon
the belief that children had to have regular contact


115
difference, etc.) the age group for this study was
narrowed to the 8- to 10-year range.
Orange, Lake, and Seminole Counties were chosen
because the availability of a large number of both
traditionally and home-schooled children. These coun
ties are also demographically similar to other regions
of the United States (Mayberry, 1989; Monfils, 1991;
Richoux, 1987; Schemmer, 1985; Taylor, 1986). The
counties consist of urban, suburban, and rural commun
ities. With a federal highway serving as a major artery
through the counties, residents have the opportunity to
share in a broad variety of social and cultural activ
ities and events.
The Florida Department of Education, Office of
Management Information Services (1989) indicated that
the general population of these counties continues to
grow and consist of students from throughout the United
States. The students in these counties are predominant
ly from white lower-middle to upper-middle income famil
ies (Florida Department of Education, Office of Manage
ment Information Services, 1989; Lake County Board of
Public Instruction, 1989; Orange County School Board,
1989; Seminole County School Board, 1990). This popula
tion was divided into two distinct subgroups: students
from the traditional educational system and students who
had been educated entirely at home.


169
Table 14
and School
Age Gender
School
n
Mean
SD
H.S.
15
60.53
11.84
M
T.S.
15
66.7 3
6.26
8
H.S.
15
67.87
9.69
F
T.S.
15
62.93
6.47
H.S.
11
68.09
8.42
M
T.S.
11
68.00
7.18
9
H.S.
11
65.73
8.45
F
T.S.
11
64.91
7.30
H.S.
9
61.78
12.10
M
T.S.
9
60.56
7.49
10
H.S.
9
66.11
10.13
F
T.S.
9
65.22
6.57


108
Behavior Rating Scales, (1977); and the Child Behavior
Checklist, (1983).
The instrument that provided the best opportunity
for obtaining data from social behaviors observed within
both research groups was the Direct Observation Form
(DOF) of the Child Behavior Checklist developed by
Achenbach and Edelbrock (1983). The DOF was designed to
"fill the need for a simple and efficient observational
assessment system that does not require special data-
collection equipment, clinically sophisticated obser
vers, or lengthy observer training" (Reed & Edelbrock,
1983, p. 522).
The DOF is made up of 96 behavior problem items and
includes a measure of on-task behavior. A child is
observed for 10 minutes. While observing the child, the
observer writes a narrative description of the behaviors
(Reed & Edelbrock, 1983). This procedure assists the
observer in maintaining attention on the target child
(Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1983). Each item on the DOF is
rated on a 0 to 3 point scale where 0 indicates that the
behavior was not observed and 3 signifies that the
behavior was observed for at least 3 minutes. A sum of
96 items provides a total problem behavior score (Reed &
Edelbrock, 1983).
Reed and Edelbrock (1983) reported interobserver
agreement reliability coefficients of .83 on the on-task


195
In contrast, two of the 8-year-olds and one of the
9-year-old traditionally schooled children expressed
concern over where their parents would be during the
time the activities were taking place. During the brief
introduction period, most of the traditionally schooled
children sat alone and observed each other or walked
around the room alone. Five of the children (three 8-
year-old girls and two 10-year-old boys) chose to not
interact with other children during the activities.
Traditionally schooled children from all age groups
initially engaged in individual parallel play and slowly
moved into game play. As conversations began, they were
generally loud and centered around game rules or
instructions that had been given by the researcher. In
each age group of traditionally schooled children, at
least one child became agitated when he or she was not
included in games they wanted to play. The agitation
was displayed through pouting, crossed arms, withdrawal,
or harsh statements. When they were disappointed,
either due to not getting a turn or because they lost at
a game, the most common response was to withdraw. None
of the traditionally schooled groups involved male-
female integrated play. In most cases the traditionally
schooled children apparently used the difference between
the sexes as a reason for competition. As mentioned
previously, none of the children made attempts to get


281
McConnell, J. V. (1974). Understanding human behavior:
An introduction to psychology. New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, Inc.
McConnell, S. R., & Odom, S. L. (1986). Sociometrics:
Peer-referenced measures and the assessment of
social competence. In P. S. Strain, M. J. Gural-
nick, H. M. Walker (Eds.), Children's social behav
ior: Development, assessment, and modification
(pp. 215-284). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.
McCurdy, J. (1985). Choices in schools: What's ahead
and what to do. Education USA: Special report.
Arlington, VA: National School Public Relations
Association.
McGraw, R. K. (1989). Selected aspects of home school
ing as reported by home schooling parents and
reported with perceptions of Indiana public school
superintendents and principals of home schooling in
Indiana (Doctoral dissertation, Ball State Univer
sity, 1989). Dissertation Abstracts International,
50, 2736A.
Mclntire, W. G., & Drummond, R. J. (1977). Multiple
predictors of self-concept in children. Psychology
in the Schools, 14, 295-298.
McKenzie, J. A. (1986). The influences of identific
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McPherson, C., & Rust, J. O. (1987). Relationships
among popularity, reading ability, and self-concept
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24(4), 282-289.
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havior: Teachers and parents disagree. Excep
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Michelson, L., Andrasik, F., Vucelic, J., & Coleman, D.
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Social-skills assessment of children. In B. B.


211
(a) Shout, "You're a creep, I hate youl"
(b) Say, "I'M angry, I don't like what you did."
(c) Act hurt about it but not say anything to the
person.
(d) Say, "I'm mad. I don't like you!"
(e) Ignore it and not say anything to the person.
16.Someone has something that you want to use. You
would usually:
(a) Tell the person to give it to you.
(b) Not ask to use it.
(c) Take it from the person.
(d) Tell the person you would like to use it and
then ask to use it.
(e) Make a comment about it but not ask to use it.
17.Someone asks if they can borrow something that
belongs to you, but it is new and you don't want to
let the person use it. You would usually:
(a) Say, "No, I just got it and I don't want to
lend it out; maybe some other time."
(b) Say, "I really don't want to, but you can use
it."
(c) Say, "No, go get your own!"
(d) Give it to the person even though you don't
want to.
(e) Say, "You're crazy!"
18.Some people are talking about a hobby you really
like, and you want to join in and say something.
You would usually:
(a) Not say anything.
(b) Interrupt and immediately start telling about
how good you are at this hobby.
(c) Move closer to the group and enter into the
conversation when you have a chance.
(d) Move closer and wait for the people to notice
you.
(e) Interrupt and immediately start talking about
how much you like the hobby.
19.
You are working on a hobby and someone asks, "What
are you doing?" You would usually:
(a) Say, "Oh, just something." or, "Oh nothing."
(b) Say, "Don't bother me. Can't you see I'm work
ing?"
(c) Keep on working and say nothing.
(d) Say, "It's none of your business!"


M ANALYSIS OF SPLIT-PLOT DESIGN 256
M-l ANALYSIS FOR 8-YEAR-OLDS 257
M-2 ANALYSIS FOR 9-YEAR-OLDS 258
M-3 ANALYSIS FOR 10-YEAR-OLDS 259
REFERENCES 260
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 299
vii i


90
social skills, and then provide a framework for clas
sifying social skill difficulties. They suggested three
different definitions for social skills. The first,
peer acceptance, relies upon the use of peer socio
metrics or peer nominations. If children or adolescents
are accepted by their peers, they are considered social
ly skilled. This definition and approach has been used
in several research studies (Asher & Hymel, 1981; Ladd,
1979).
The second definition suggested by Gresham and
Elliott (1984) is behavioral in nature. Social skills
are situation specific, and reinforcement or extinction
is determined by each individual's behavior.
Appropriate behaviors bring reward and reinforcement,
whereas inappropriate behaviors bring punishment and
extinction. This definition uses naturalistic observa
tions and role plays to assess whether children possess
social skills (Strain, 1977; Strain et al., 1976).
Social validity is the label given to Gersham and
Elliott's (1984) third definition. They suggested that
this definition of social behavior predicts important
social outcomes such as "(a) peer acceptance or
popularity, (b) significant others' judgments of
behavior, or (c) other social behaviors known to
correlate consistently with peer acceptance or sig
nificant others' judgments" (pp. 292-293). This


176
precludes straightforward interpretation of lower order
interactions and main effects. Consequently, separate
two-way ANOVAs were run for each of the three age
levels. Results of these analyses are presented in
Tables 21 through 23 for 8-, 9-, and 10-year-olds
respectively.
A review of Tables 21 through 23 reveals significant
two-way interactions of gender and school-type for 8-
and 10-year-olds. Subsequently, separate one-way ANOVAs
were run for each gender to test for differences in
social behavior related to school enrollment. For 9-
year-olds there was only a significant effect due to
type of school attended. As shown in Figure 1, mean
incidents of problem behavior were substantially lower
for home schooled children of both genders.
Results of the followup analyses for male and female
8- and 10-year-olds are shown in Tables 24 through 27.
Each analysis indicated that the differences observed in
Figure 1 for type of school at each age/gender category
was significant.
Thus a review of Tables 20-27 and Figure 1 indicates
that significant differences in social behaviors were
found between home-and traditionally-schooled children.
It appears that schooling is the most significant
variable based upon an analysis of the data. Null
hypothesis three is, therefore, rejected.


1
66
People began to see formal schools as a viable
alternative to the family for socializing children.
Parents demonstrated little concern over allowing other
mothers to teach their children how to read, write and
behave in what came to be called "Dame schools" (Spring,
1986).
Many families also viewed schools as a convenient
way in which large settlements of immigrants could be
introduced into the American culture (Cremin, 1951).
The need to guarantee that the immigrants developed the
same social manners as the rest of society became so
great that several colonies suggested the use of formal
schools to force immigrants and Americans together. One
such proposal came from Benjamin Franklin who proposed
the establishment of charity schools (Cremin, 1970).
Charity schools were religious institutions established
to educate poor German children in the provinces. Re
quests for money to support these charity schools reach
ed London in 1753 where William Smith proclaimed:
By a common education of English and German youth
at the same schools, acquaintances and connections
will be formed, and deeply impressed upon them in
their cheerful and open moments. The English lan
guage and a conformity of manners will be acquired.
(Cremin, 1970, p. 261)
Although these early charity schools failed, they helped
establish the concept that social adjustment could best
be accomplished through group interaction. It is this
belief that is the basis for using formal education as a


APPENDIX L
DEMOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION OF RESPONDENT TRADITIONALLY
SCHOOLED POPULATION


50
remains strong today (Chafed, 1988; Goffman, 1979; Hops
& Finch, 1985; Michelson, Foster, & Ritchey, 1981).
Hymel and Franke (1985) suggested that gender-
related differences deserve critical consideration when
conducting research, because they observed different
patterns of interrelations for boys and girls. Others,
however, reported that the pattern of relationships are
similar for both boys and girls (Asher, Hymel, &
Renshaw, 1984; Craig, 1983; Harter, 1982). Some
researchers reported that girls display higher levels of
social anxiety than boys (Block, 1983; Buss & Brock,
1963; Hymel & Franke, 1985), whereas others suggested
that social anxiety is higher for boys than for girls
(Ollendick, 1981; Trent, 1963). Boys have been observed
to be more aggressive than girls (Kagan & Moss, 1962;
Mischel, 1983; Mussen et al., 1974), but the aggressive
ness has often been attributed to social situations
rather than to an innate sex-difference (Bandura, Ross,
& Ross, 1962; Feshbach, 1970; Zahn-Waxler, Iannotti, &
Chapman, 1982).
The inconsistency in reported sex-differences may
be due to the fact that much of the research on social
adjustment has been conducted using only male subjects
(Coie & Kupersmidt, 1983; Dodge, Schlundt, Schocken, &
Delugach, 1983; Milich & Landau, 1984; Olweus, 1979) and
can be considered to be inconclusive regarding


277
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Normative study of the Piers-Harris Children's
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King, S. E. (1986). Inquiry into the hidden curriculum.
Journal of Curriculum and Supervision, 2, 82-90.
Kink, L. L. (1983). An analysis of Sacramento area
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Kirst, M. W. (1984). Who controls our schools. New
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Knox v. O'Brian, 72 A. 2d 389, (1950).


294
Tisak, M. S. (1986). Children's conceptions of parental
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Tobak, J. W., & Zirkel, P. (1983). The law of home in
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Assertiveness, sex-role stereotyping and self-
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Traxler, A. B. (1957). Techniques of guidance. New
York: Harper and Brothers.
Trent, R. D. (1963). The relationship of anxiety to
popularity and rejection among institutionalized
delinquent boys. Child Development, 28, 379-384.
Trower, P., Bryant, B., Argyle, M., & Margillier, B.
(1978). Social skills and mental health. Pitt
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Tulkin, S. R., & Konner, M. J. (1973). Alternative con
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Tyack, D. B. (1974). The one best system: A history of
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267
Diachuk, C. M. P. (1990). Children as behavior change
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J. D. (1983). Social competence and children's
sociometric status: The role of peer group entry
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Doise, W., & Palmonari, A. (1984). Social interaction
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Dreeben, R. (1968). On what is learned in school.
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A source of further distinctions in the nature of


150
Table 5Continued
Question3
n
Cell %
Cum %
b
Community Activities (Cont.):
Scouting
4-H
FFA
Other
None
63
90.0
90.0
Dai ly
0
0.0
90.0
Weekly
7
10.0
100.0
Monthly
0
0.0
100.0
None
62
88.6
88.6
Dai ly
0
0.0
88.6
Weekly
2
2.9
91.5
Monthly
6
8.5
100.0
None
70
100.0
100.0
d
None
16
22.9
22.9
Daily
5
7.1
30.0
Weekly
38
54.3
84.3
Monthly
11
15.7
100.0


61
skills development and thus avoid problems for society,
all states passed compulsory attendance laws by 1918
(Cremin, 1951, 1977; Ovard, 1978; Rothstein, 1986;
Spring, 1986; Tyack, 1967). Since that time, the aver
age number of years a child experiences schooling has
gradually increased from a low of eight in 1918 to over
fourteen years by 1980 (Cremin, 1988; McCurdy, 1985;
Moore, 1984).
A proliferation of literature focusing on school
based social skills programs offers further evidence
that many researchers, parents, and educators view
formal schooling as the best location for adequate
social adjustment (Borstein et al., 1977; Bower et al.,
1976; Crandall, 1988; Glidewell et al., 1976; Gray &
Tindell, 1978; Gresham & Elliott, 1984; LeCroy, 1983;
Michelson & Mannarino, 1986; Michelson et al., 1981;
Murphy, 1991). Much of this literature emphasized the
role of peers as models of social behavior (Adams, Shea,
& Kacerguis, 1978; Gray & Tindell, 1978; Hallinan, 1976;
Hamburg & Varenhorst, 1972; Murphy, 1991; Myrick, 1987;
Schmuck, 1978; Strain et al., 1976).
Other researchers have expressed a deepening belief
that formal educational systems are failing to provide
adequate social adjustment for children (Holt, 1982;
Illich, 1971; Moore, 1984; Moore & Moore, 1986; Roth
stein, 1986; Rubin, 1985; Slater & Slater, 1990; Waller,


151
Table 5Continued
. a
Question
n
Cell %
Cum s'3
Approximate Household Annual
Income:
Did not Report
2
2.9
2.9
15,000-20,000
5
7.1
10.0
21,000-25,000
7
10.0
20.0
26,000-30,000
20
28.6
48.6
31,000-35,000
10
14.3
62.9
36,000-40,000
6
8.6
71.5
41,000-45,000
4
5.7
77.2
46,000-50,000
7
10.0
87.2
51,000 and Above
9
12.8
100.0
a The first five questions
pertained
to name,
address,
parents' names, and telephone numbers. This confidential
information is not reported here.
13 May not add up to 100% due to rounding.
Q
The respondents who answered yes to this question had
older children who had returned to traditional schools
in order to participate in extracurricular activities
such as sports or band.
^ Other activities reported by parents were ballet,
gymnastics, youth group activities associated with
church, and home school support group meetings.


Number of consecutive years child has been in
current school environment
If your child is in public school:
12-1. What grade is he or she in?
12-2. How many students are in his or her class?
12-3. How many students in last year's class?
12-4. Do you have any other school aged children
who are not attending public school?
YES NO _
If so, please answer the following:
12A-1. how many children attend other schools?
12A-2. what other type(s) of school are they
attending?
12A-3. what grade(s)?
12A-4. have they ever been in public school?
YES NO
If your child is in a home school:
12B-1. Why did you choose home schooling?
12B-2. How many other children are under your home
school?
12B-3. Do you have any other children of school age
who are not in the home school? YES NO _
If so, please answer the following:
12C-1. how many children attend other schools?
12C-2. what type of school are they attending?
12C-3. what grade(s)?
12C-4. have they ever been in the home school?
YES NO
Number of older siblings in the home
Number of younger siblings in the home


120
the following procedures. As of June, 1989, the Florida
Department of Education, Management Information Services
reported that 541 home school students had been
registered in Lake, Orange, and Seminole counties. A
large number of home and traditionally schooled students
in these counties allowed the selection of participants
from each population from equivalent environments.
A telephone contact was made with the leadership of
the Florida Parent Educators Association, which
represents homes schools, requesting their assistance in
identifying home-school support groups in each of the
three counties. A telephone contact was made with each
of these support groups requesting an opportunity to
describe the research project and to ask for volunteers
at one of their scheduled meetings. A list of all
volunteers whose children were between the ages of 8 and
10 was compiled. The parents of each of these children
were given a copy of the demographic questionnaire (See
Appendix F) and Letter of Informed Consent (See Appendix
E). Each of these forms were completed and returned to
the researcher at the close of the meeting or at their
earliest convenience.
In order to reach those children who were not part
of the organized home school support groups, the
superintendent of schools in each county was contacted
requesting access to the list of home schools registered


73
a child's social development could be adequately ad
dressed through formal public schooling (Ryan, 1978).
As their roles expanded, school counselors were relied
upon to intervene in crisis situations, help individuals
remediate social weaknesses, and assist in social devel
opment through preventative developmental counseling
(Bernard & Fulmer, 1977; Muro & Dinkmeyer, 1977; Myrick,
1987; Simonis, 1973). Ryan (1978) defined the role of
school counseling:
In any setting the guidance program supports the
mission of pupil-student services by assisting each
individual to become a fully functioning person,
capable of maintaining healthy social relation
ships, performing as a responsible citizen of the
community, being a part of the larger society, and
contributing to that society. (p. 11)
Formal public schooling was able to provide more ser
vices and at a greater efficiency than could the family
(Cremin, 1977, 1988).
The prevalent view that formal education was super
ior to the home as a source of social development was
demonstrated by the rapid increase in the school en
rollment from a low of 10 percent of the child popula
tion in the late nineteenth century, to over 91 percent
by the 1950s (Moore, 1985b). Since the 1950s, however,
public school attendance has been on the decline due to
parental concerns over a lack of moral control, peer
influence, and lowered academic quality (Lines, 1982;


88
concerns for higher quality academics, more religious
freedom, and more control over their children's social
development, financial considerations force many parents
to abandon home schooling. Some parents discontinue
home schooling as part of their original plan to enroll
their children in traditional education after age 8 or 9
(Moore & Moore, 1975). Still others merely burnout from
the pressures of legal hassles, society, and the every
day routine of teaching (Moore & Moore, 1988). Whether
home school parents are accurate in their beliefs or
not, they will have a profound effect upon schooling as
thousands of their children enter the traditional school
systems (Lines, 1987).
Summary of School Alternatives and Social Adjustment
Formal education has been supported in history,
research, and in legal decisions as being a valid source
of social adjustment for children. To some, the formal
group peer interaction found in schools is the yard
stick by which social adjustment is measured. Problems
within public schools have forced many to move their
children to other sources of social instruction.
Home schooling is one of those alternatives. Horae
schools, however, have raised numerous questions that
must be answered. Courts have given parents the privi
lege to educate their children at home in many states.
Some research has shown that the academic achievement of


117
were from non-English speaking households (Florida
Department of Education, Management Information Ser
vices, 1989).
Home School Population
Although considerable data are available concerning
public school children, information concerning the home
school population is vague. This may be due, in part,
to the fact that many home school parents continue to
fear legal reprisal for violating state compulsory
attendance laws. Estimates of the number of children
who are part of the national home school movement varies
from 10,000 to a high of one million (Lines, 1987, 1991;
McCurdy, 1985; Moore, 1982; Naisbitt, 1982; Tobak, 1983;
Whitehead & Bird, 1984).
Although statistics are lacking on the national
level, the Florida Department of Education, Office of
Management Information Services provided limited infor
mation on the estimated number of home school children
in Florida. The state of Florida has permitted home
schooling as an alternative to compulsory public school
attendance since 1985 (Chapter 232.02, Florida
Statutes). The primary provisions of the Florida law
are that parents of home schools register with the local
superintendent, maintain records of instructional
materials used, and allow for an annual evaluation of
the student's academic progress.


37
Social exchanges prior to this stage are pre
cooperative. Piaget and Inhelder (1969) explained that
they are "at once social from the point of view of the
subject and centered upon the child and his own activity
from the point of view of the observer" (p. 118).
This period of time, also referred to as middle
childhood by some authorities (Clarke-Stewart & Koch,
1983; Craig, 1983; Mussen et al., 1974), is the period
in which children learn to reason and carry out logical
operations. They learn to manipulate objects in a
series as well as in reversible order. With these
abilities they begin to develop the complex reasoning
necessary for interpersonal relationships (Clark-Stewart
& Koch, 1983). They start developing the ability to
think in different dimensions, being able to coordinate
the multitude of roles, attitudes, and values of others.
They become capable of mutual cooperation in groups of
three or more people (Clark-Stewart & Koch, 1983).
The concrete-operational stage of development was
described by Piaget as being the period in which child
ren begin to recognize that individuals within a society
need to live by a set of rules (Piaget & Inhelder,
1969). Rules are seen by children as rigid moral ab
solutes (Piaget, 1932). Anyone who chooses to break one
of the rules would be classed as a "cheat" by his or her
playmates (Shaffer, 1979). It is not until children


92
et al., 1977; Mclntire & Drummond, 1977; Norton-Ford &
Norton-Ford, 1979) And thirdly, he or she must be able
to perform the skill appropriately at levels deemed
acceptable by others (Asher & Hymel, 1981; Hartup et
al.( 1967; Richarz, 1980). The next section will des
cribe evidence of these conditions and methods of asses
sing each.
Evidence of Social Adjustment
Assertiveness
One of the first conditions mentioned above as
necessary for social adjustment is a knowledge of appro
priate social response. Assertiveness has been iden
tified by some researchers as being an example of social
knowledge (Bower et al., 1976; Michelson et al., 1983;
Payne et al., 1974; Tolor et al., 1976). Because it
allows for expression of feelings in appropriate man
ners, it is a desirable social skill (Alberti & Emmons,
1982; Wolpe & Lazarus, 1966). In sociometric studies,
children who were classified by their peers as being
assertive rather than passive or aggressive, were chosen
more frequently as friends or rated as being more pop
ular (Asher, 1982; Horvath, 1984; Paterson et al., 1984;
Waldrop & Halverson, 1975; Wojnilower & Gross, 1984,
1988) .
Individuals who are determined to possess a know
ledge of assertive responses and are able to use


APPENDIX M
ANALYSIS OF SPLIT-PLOT DESIGN


275
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262
Barenboim, C. (1977). Developmental changes in the
interpersonal cognitive system from middle child
hood to adolescence. Child Development, 48, 1467-
1474.
Bates, V. L. (1990). Motivation and resource mobiliza
tion in the new Christian right home schooling
movement. Home School Researcher, 6_(1), 1-11.
Bauer, K. L. (1991). Growing up today: Challenges
children face. PTA Today, 1^(3), 10-12.
Beard, R. M. (1969). An outline of Piaget's develop
mental psychology for students and teachers. New
York: Basic Books, Inc.
Beckham, J. C. (1985). Legal challenges to compulsory
attendance laws. In T. N. Jones & D. P. Semler
(Eds.), School law update (pp. 259-272). Topeka,
KA: National Organization on Legal Problems of
Education. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No.
ED 268 684)
Bernard, H. W., & Fullmer, D. W. (1977). Principles of
guidance, New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company.
Berndt, T. J. (1983). Social cognition, social be
havior, and children's friendships. In E. T. Hig
gins, D. N. Ruble, & W. W. Hartup (Eds.), Social
cognition and social development: A sociocultural
perspective (pp. 158-189). New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Berndt, T. J., & Hoyle, S. G. (1981). Sociometric mea
sures of friendship: Age changes, sex differences,
and temporal stability. Unpublished manuscript.
Block, J. H. (1983). Differential premises arising from
differential socialization of the sexes: Some con
jectures. Child Development, 54, 1335-1354.
Borstein, M., Bellack, A. S., & Hersen, M. (1977).
Social skills training for unassertive children: A
multiple-baseline analysis. Journal of Applied
Behavior Analysis, 10, 183-195.
Bower, S., Amatea, E., & Anderson, R. (1976). Asser
tiveness training with children. Elementary School
Guidance and Counseling, 10, 236-245.


17
Four psychological theories emerged in the litera
ture that appear to follow these philosophical perspec
tives. According to Shaffer (1979), Freud's psycho-
sexual and Erikson's psychosocial theories of develop
ment are related to the doctrine of original sin.
Bandura and Walter's learning theories of social
development looked more like Locke's philosophy of
tabula rasa. The doctrine of innate purity is best
represented by Piaget and Kohlberg's theories of
cognitive development. Each of these theories of social
development will be briefly described in the pages that
follow.
Psychosexual Theory of Social Development
The psychosexual theory of development was sug
gested, in some of the literature, as an example of
Hobbes' doctrine of original sin (Muro & Dinkmeyer,
1977; Shaffer, 1979). The basic premise of Freud's
(1947) psychoanalytic theory, is "that human beings were
'seething cauldrons' who must constantly seek to gratify
a number of innate sexual and aggressive instincts"
(Shaffer, 1979, p. 13). From this perspective, it
becomes the responsibility of parents and society to
divert the child's socially undesirable behaviors from
his or her natural selfish tendencies to more socially
acceptable ones (George & Cristiani, 1986; Klein, 1975;
McConnell, 1974; Shaffer, 1979). Freud (1964) believed


I
21
According to Erikson (1963, 1972) this process of
human socialization takes place in eight distinct
stages. Appropriate social adjustment requires the
successful resolution of each of eight crises which
occur at certain points in the life cycle (Craig, 1983;
McCandless, 1967; Shaffer, 1979). Although the resolu
tion of these conflicts is cumulative (each stage of
development affecting the way a person handles the
next), the adjustments a person makes at each stage can
be altered or reversed at a later level (Craig, 1983).
In order to illustrate this point, Craig (1983) des
cribed children who were denied affection in infancy,
growing to normal adulthood once they received extra
attention at other stages in their development.
The first four stages described by Erikson traced
children's development from birth through the age of
eleven and, therefore, had the greatest relevance to
this study (Craig, 1983; McCandless, 1967; Shaffer,
1979). Stage one is called trust versus mistrust and
covers a period from birth to approximately the end of
the first year. It is during this stage that children
learn about their environment. Their environment either
provides warmth and the fulfillment of basic needs which
generates a sense of trust, or it is perceived as being
cold and unfulfilling and generates a sense of mistrust
(Maier, 1969).


159
Table 6Continued
Question3
n
H.S.
(T.S.)
Cell %b
H.S.
(T.S.)
Community Activities (Cont.):
Other0
Weekly
38
54.3
(3)
(4.3)
Monthly
11
15.7
(29)
(41.4)
Approximate Household Annual
Income:
Did not Report
2
(0)
2.9
(0.0)
15,000-20,000
5
(5)
7.1
(7.1)
21,000-25,000
7
(8)
10.0
(11.4)
26,000-30,000
20
(21)
28.6
(30.0)
31,000-35,000
10
(10)
14.3
(14.3)
36,000-40,000
6
(6)
8.6
(8.6)
41,000-45,000
4
(4)
5.7
(5.7)
46,000-50,000
7
(7)
10.0
(10.0)


116
Traditional School Population
The largest segment of the student population
studied herein is found in the public school system.
The latest enrollment figures available for public
schools were for the school year ending June 1990. The
student population in kindergarten through sixth grade
for that year was 28,000,000. Of that number, 5,000,000
students were in grades that contained the age group
used in this study (United States Department of Educa
tion, Office of Educational Research and Improvement,
1990). According to the Florida Department of Educa
tion, 200,000 of those public school children attend
school in Florida (The Florida Department of Education,
Office of Management Information Services, August,
1990). According to the Lake, Orange, and Seminole
County school boards, 42,296 children were enrolled in
their schools within grades that included the research
age group of this study.
Because of compulsory attendance laws, the public
school population of this study included students from
every social and economic level as well as race and
gender. The Florida public school population was made
up of 51.6 percent male and 48.4 percent female stu
dents. Sixty-four percent of the children were white.
Approximately 68 percent were from upper-lower to upper
income families. Less than 3 percent of the children


244
Appendix KContinued
Question3
b
n
Cell %
Cum %c
Approximate Number of Children
Subject Plays with Outside of
The Schooling Experience:
Zero to Five
41
23.0
23.0
Six to Ten
88
49.4
72.4
Eleven to Fifteen
36
20.2
92.6
Sixteen or More
13
7.3
99.9
Community Activities:
Church
None
3
1.6
1.6
Daily
3
1.6
3.2
Weekly
166
93.3
96.5
Monthly
6
3.3
99.8
YMCA
None
160
89.8
89.8
Dai ly
2
1.1
90.9
Weekly
11
6.1
97.0
Monthly
5
2.8
99.8
Scouting
None
155
87.0
87.0
Dai ly
0
0.0
87.0
Weekly
23
12.9
99.9
Monthly
0
0.0
99.9


APPENDIX E
LETTER OF INFORMED CONSENT


130
the original observers asked to be replaced prior to the
project beginning.
A sample video tape was made with 10 volunteer
children between the ages of 8 and 10 who were not
included in the research project. In order to assure
that each child could be readily identified on the video
tape, he\she was photographed individually. Four copies
were made of both the tape and the photographs.
At a time and location convenient to the volunteer
observers, the researcher described the nature of the
research project and trained the observers in the use of
the Direct Observation Form. Training consisted of
distribution of samples of the instrument, a detailed
description of the instrument, instruction in rating
child behaviors using the DOF, and trial observation
sessions using the sample video tape discussed above.
In order to train all of the observers, five training
sessions were necessary.
After a brief description of the research project
and observation procedures, each group was given a
photograph of one child on the sample video tape. The
observers were told that they were going to watch a
video tape of 10 children involved in free play. As
they watched the video tape, they were to observe the
sample child's behavior and make narrative comments on
the DOF as instructed. They were also given the


81
guarantee universal social skills for the good of all
society, more parents consented to send their children
to formal organized schools rather than educate them at
home (Cremin, 1951, 1970; Spring 1982; Tyack, 1967).
Tyack (1974) stated that American families in making
schools available, in sending their children to those
schools without government compulsion, and in underwrit
ing the schools with their own money, demonstrated their
faith in the ability of formal schools to teach the
social skills necessary for living.
As the industrial revolution grew and spread
throughout America, states began to implement laws aimed
at protecting children from becoming forced labor.
Because most parents in the urban areas no longer worked
at home, it was also more expedient for them to rely
upon formal schooling to teach their children the neces
sary social skills (Cremin, 1970, 1977; Nolte, 1982;
Spring 1982, 1986). By 1918, the free public school
became the primary source of social instruction (Cremin,
1951; Ovard, 1978; Rothstein, 1986; Tyack, 1967). With
the exception of deep rural and isolated territories,
the home school nearly disappeared (Arons, 1981).
Interest in home schooling began to revive during
the early twentieth century. In the period after World
War II when school populations surged with "baby
boomers," the quality of academic education came under


82
close scrutiny (Sipher, 1978). Parents were concerned
that in the interest of keeping order and maintaining
attendance, their children were no longer being ade
quately taught (Holt, 1969; Seuffert, 1990; Slater &
Slater, 1990). Holt (1969) expressed this concern when
he claimed,
It is no more possible to have open, friendly, and
mutually helpful relationships between most
teachers and students than it is between prison
guards and prison convictsand for exactly the
same reasons. If, on the other hand, compulsory
attendance were abolished, the relationship would
be entirely different, for the teacher would not be
a jailer, therefore not an enemy. (p. 74)
Concerns over adequate education and social condi
tions within public schools were expressed well into the
1980s. In its 1983 report, A Nation at Risk, the
National Commission on Excellence in Education painted a
dim picture of what was happening in American class
rooms. Many reports of declining test scores (Kniker,
1984; Naisbitt, 1982), inability of teachers to com
petently perform (A Nation at Risk, 1983; Helpl Teacher
can't teach, 1980), and deteriorating moral and social
controls (Erickson et al., 1972; Fish, 1970; Frady &
Dunphy, 1985; Slater & Slater, 1990) led some parents to
distrust organized education and look seriously at home
schooling (Moore, 1985b).
Led by educators, such as the late John Holt and
Raymond Moore, the home school movement is estimated to
be growing at the rate of 100,000 new students per year


287
Piers, E. V., & Harris, D. B. (1964). Age and other
correlates of self-concept in children. Journal of
Educational Psychology, 5_5(2), 91-95.
Piers, E. V., & Harris, D. B. (1969). The Piers-Harris
Children's Self-Concept Scale: The way I feel
about myself. Nashville, TN: Counselor Recordings
and Tests.
Pollard, T. (1987, June 21). Parents, kids happy with
"school" at home. Middletown Journal. Middletown,
OH, pp. 1A.3A.
Pratte, R. (1973). The public school movement: A
critical study. New York: David McKay Company.
Prout, H. T. (1986). Personality assessment and in
dividual therapeutic interventions. In H. M. Knoff
(Ed.), The assessment of child and adolescent per
sonality (pp. 609-632). New York: The Guilford
Press.
Pulaski, M. A. S. (1971). Understanding Piaget. New
York: Harper and Row.
Purkey, W. W. (1970). Self-concept and school achieve
ment Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Quay, L. C. (1983). A dimensional approach to behavior
disorder: The revised Behavior Problem Checklist.
School Psychology Review, 12, 244-249.
Quay, L. C., & Jarrett, O. S. (1986). Teachers' inter
actions with middle and lower S.E.S. preschool boys
and girls. Journal or Educational Psychology, 78,
495-498.
Rathjen, D. P., & Foreyt, J. P. (1980). Social compet
ence: Interventions for children and adults. New
York: Pergamon Press.
Rathus, S. A. (1973). A 30-item schedule for assessing
assertive behavior. Behavior Therapy, 4, 398-406.
Ray, B. D. (1990). A nationwide study of home educa
tion: Family characteristics, legal matters, and
student achievement. (Available from National Home
Education Research Institute, 25 West Cremona
Street, Seattle, WA 98119).
A


1
139
y
Hypotheses
Using the procedures and instruments described
above, the following null hypotheses were tested:
1. No significant differences will exist between
the mean self-concept scores of children educated in
home or traditional schools as measured by the Piers-
Harris Children's Self Concept Scale.
2. No significant differences will exist between
the mean assertiveness scores of children educated in
home or traditional schools as measured by the Child-
ren's Assertive Behavior Scale.
3. No significant differences will exist between
the mean social behavior scores of children educated in
home or traditional schools as measured by the Direct
Observation Form of the Child Behavior Checklist.
Data Analysis
In order to increase the power of the statistical
tests of these null hypotheses, other independent vari
ables that might have an influence on social adjustment
were controlled or explained (Hays, 1963). As described
earlier, gender, age, and socioeconomic status were
controlled by selecting an equal number of male and
female children from each age group and from similar
economic environments. Potential racial influence on
social adjustment was controlled by using volunteers
from only one racial group. Other variables, size of


255
Appendix LContinued
Notes (Cont.)
^ The respondents who answered yes to this question
stated that their children had been enrolled in a
private day care or pre-school,
s
The respondents who answered yes to this question had
younger children who were currently enrolled in private
preschool programs.
^ Other activities reported by parents were ballet,
dance, gymnastics, and youth group activities associated
with church.


Date
Superintendent
County Schools
, Florida
Dear
I am a doctoral candidate in the Department of
Counselor Education and am currently conducting research
for my degree from the University of Florida in Gaines
ville. My study is entitled "A comparison of social
adjustment between home and public schooled students."
Based upon my research, I hope to address school
counselors, administrators, and parents on the impact of
home schooling on a child's social adjustment.
To collect data for this study, I need to compare
the social cognition, self-concept, and social behavior
of 70 home school children from the 8 to 10 year age
group to that of an equal number of children in public
education programs. With the exception of a brief period
of observation, all assessments can be accomplished via
the mail at no cost to the participants. Except for
general demographic information (age, sex, family size,
etc.), the identity of the participants will be kept
confidential.
I would like your cooperation in identifying
children in the 8 to 10 year age group. The parents of
these children will be contacted by mail to gain their
cooperation in this study. The final research sample
will be selected after parents return an informed letter
of consent and a brief demographic questionnaire.
I will share all research results with anyone who
is interested. X am also willing to meet with you or
answer any questions you or parents may have concerning
this proposed research. I may be contacted at (904) 383-
2194 or written to at Post Office Box 1203; Mount Dora,
Florida 32757.
Sincerely,
Larry E. Shyers
220


CHAPTER V
LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY, DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS,
AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
Compulsory school attendance laws had been legis
lated in all 50 states by 1918, based partially on the
assumption that traditional schools provided the best
source of social skills training as well as appropriate
social adjustment (Cremin, 1977, 1988; Ovard, 1978;
Yastrow, 1990). Traditional schools provide for regular
classroom contact with children of the same age and it
is assumed that this regular contact with other children
aids appropriate social adjustment (McCaul, 1989;
Spring, 1982; Tyack, 1967). By their very nature, home
schools do not provide for regular formal classroom
contact with children other than siblings (Ray, 1990).
Because of this obvious difference, parents, educators,
legislators, and courts have questioned whether children
schooled at home are as socially well adjusted as their
agemates in traditional programs (Johnson, 1991).
Investigation of this possible difference was the focus
of this study.
The purpose of this study was to compare the social
adjustment of children educated at home with that of
183


153
The first 35 male and 35 female traditionally
schooled students who matched the home school sample for
age, gender, family size, residential setting, and
economic status were selected to take part in the video
portion of the project. Table 6 is a demographic
comparison of the final research samples from both
respondent populations. Table 7 shows these samples
broken down by age, county, and schooling experience.
The final sample, therefore, was composed of 70 home
educated children and an equal number of students from
traditional schools. Each home school student was
compared to a child from a traditional school who
matched according to age, gender, economic status, and
residential setting. An attempt also was made to match
the children in as many other areas as possible to
reduce the effects of confounding variables.
As the data was collected and analyzed, it became
apparent that it had been possible to obtain a near
perfect match of traditionally schooled children to home
schooled children in the areas described previously.
Although standard ANOVAs were run to analyze the data, a
more precise split-plot design was also used. The
results from that analysis did not significantly alter
the findings and conclusions that follow. The results
of the split-plot design are found in Appendix M.


83
(Gothard, 1983). Some have suggested that home school
ing will continue to grow well into the twenty-first
century (Common & MacMullen, 1987; Moore, 1985b; Nais-
bitt, 1982; Olson, 1990). The actual number of children
schooled at home is not possible to obtain due to fears
many parents have of legal reprisal for violating state
compulsory attendance laws. Current estimates, however,
range upward to over one million children (Lines, 1987,
1991; McCurdy, 1985; Monfils, 1991; Naisbitt, 1982;
Tobak & Zirkel, 1983; Whitehead & Bird, 1984).
Home schools have had to face numerous legal chal
lenges (Arons, 1986; Staver, 1987; Whitehead & Bird,
1984). The first case of importance was Pierce v.
Society of Sisters (1925). In deciding this case, the
Supreme Court established the right of parents to decide
where their children would be educated, declaring that
children were not the property of the State. The second
major case cited by home school proponents as asserting
parental rights was Farrington v. Toksuhige (1927). By
rendering this decision, the Court affirmed the right of
parents to control what their children were taught, as
long as it was not harmful to society as a whole (Sta
ver, 1987; Whitehead & Bird, 1984).
Probably the most important case, however, was
Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972). The Court decided in favor
of parental rights to avoid compulsory school attendance


259
Appendix M-3
Analysis of Split-Plot Design for 10-year-olds
Variable Source SS df F PR
PHSCS Between
Gender
205.44
1
1.40
.2537
Error
2344.44
16
Within
School
5.44
1
.21
.6510
Gender/Sch
1.78
1
.07
.7956
Error
409.77
16
Between
Gender
78.03
1
1.67
.2146
Error
747.44
16
Within
School
.69
1
.05
.8243
Gender/Sch
4.69
1
.34
.5655
Error
218.11
16
Between
Gender
164.67
1
6.91
.0183
Error
381.56
16
Within
School
2100.69
1
53.03
.0001
Gender/Sch
140.02
1
3.54
.0784
Error
633.78
16
*
p < .016
**
p < .05


28
et al., 1974; Schell, 1975). Bandura and his associates
also suggested that children pay more attention to
models they consider sources of warmth, prestige, or
power (Bandura, 1971a, 1971b, 1977; Bandura & Mischel,
1965; Bandura & Walters, 1967). Other factors which
determine what will hold children's attention include
self-esteem, their similarity to the model, and an
intrinsic interest in the modeled activity (Craig, 1983;
Shaffer, 1979; Staub, 1979).
Bandura (1971a) called the second step in learning
social behavior the retention process. Observers must
be able to commit modeled behaviors to memory if they
are to be able to reproduce them later on their own.
Two methods of retention are used by the observer
according to Bandura (1971a, 1977). One method requires
storing the observed behavior in the form of visual
images which the observer can replay, substituting
themselves in place of the model. Other observations
are stored as verbal codes which serve as cues the
observer can call upon as social situations require
reproduction of the action (Shaffer, 1979). These
verbal codes also enable the observer to store complex
information that would otherwise be difficult to recall
(Bandura, 1977; Coates & Hartup, 1969).
After the observer has committed the modeled behav
iors to some form of symbolic memory, it is necessary to


23
behaviors. Overreaction in the form of extreme punitive
measures or over restriction could cause children to
doubt their ability to act independently or cause them
to feel great shame when they fail to accomplish ex
pected tasks (Craig, 1983; McCandless, 1967; Shaffer,
1979). Children who are successful in resolving this
crisis through the assistance of firm yet patient
parents learn independence and assertive skills neces
sary for appropriate social interactions (Erikson, 1963;
Maier, 1969).
Initiative versus guilt is the crisis that has to
be resolved according to Erikson's third stage of social
development (Erikson, 1963). This stage begins sometime
during the third year and continues until approximately
age 5 or 6 (McCandless, 1967). During this time child
ren begin to assume responsibility for their own care
and hygiene as well as their belongings (Shaffer, 1979).
This is also the time of healthy imagination and curios
ity. Children begin to learn to cooperate with others
and to initiate play (McCandless, 1967).
If parents stimulate healthy curiosity and applaud
efforts that are appropriate while they carefully guide
the young minds away from dangerous or inappropriate
activities, children gain a sense of initiative for the
pursuit of socially acceptable goals (Shaffer, 1979).
If, on the other hand, parents criticize, severely


105
Keller (1980) suggested:
While the current and potential utility of obser
vation in our assessment process is tremendous,
there are a number of problems and concerns with
its use that must be addressed. Direct measures of
children in school and home settings must meet
basic psychometric standards in the same manner as
our already existing standardized indirect mea
sures. (p. 25)
Keller (1980) also listed sources of error that can
influence both the reliability and validity of obser
vation instruments. One of the sources of error that
must be considered is reactivity. Keller defined this
as "the influence of the observer's presence upon the
behaviors of those being observed" (p. 26). He further
suggested several methods to reduce reactivity in be
havioral observations. These include providing instruc
tions to those being observed as to the beneficial
purposes of the observation, decreasing the conspicuous
ness of the procedures, and minimizing the interactions
between observer and observed.
Another error source is the observer (Keller, 1980;
Repp, Nieminen, Olinger, & Brusca, 1988). The most
significant problem involving the observer is observer
drift which is defined as a gradual shift from the
original response criteria by the observer (Hersen &
Barlow, 1976; Lipinski & Nelson, 1974; Repp et al.,
1988). Keller (1980) suggested that in order to control
for observer drift, it is necessary to use multiple


89
home school children is equal to that of their agemates
in the more traditional school programs. Two questions
that remain unanswered in the literature are: Are
children educated at home as socially adjusted as their
agemates from traditional education programs? And, if
home schooled children are not as socially adjusted as
their agemates, what do counselors need to know in order
to assist those children who will eventually enter their
schools?
In order to answer these questions, it will be
necessary to assess the social adjustment of children
from home schools. Once the social adjustment of home
schooled children has been determined, it must be
compared to that of children from traditional schools
who society accepts as being socially adjusted.
Assessment of Social Adjustment
Social adjustment, however, is complex and dif
ficult to measure (Jordan-Davis & Butler, 1985; Gresham
& Elliott, 1984; Rathjen & Foreyt, 1980). Assessment of
social skills has included at least six different meth
ods including behavior ratings by others, observations,
role play, self-reporting, interviews, and sociometrics
(Asher & Hymel, 1981; Foster & Ritchey, 1979; Green &
Forehand, 1980; Gresham & Elliott, 1984; Hops, 1983).
Gresham and Elliott (1984) suggested that in order
to assess social skills, it is necessary to define


Appreciation is also extended to the hundreds of
children and parents with whom I had the privilege to
work. Without their cooperation, this study would not
be possible.
Last, but definitely not least, I thank my wife and
children. They had to endure numerous days and nights
without me while the doctoral studies were completed.
Their love and devotion kept me going, especially during
the rough times.
IV


59
formal schooling was to cut across socioeconomic bound
aries and socialize all children for the good of the
nation (Cremin, 1951, 1977; King, 1986; Nolte, 1982;
Rothstein, 1986; Spring, 1982, 1986; Tyack, 1967).
Schooling experience, therefore, has become the primary
source of social adjustment in America.
Schooling Experience and Social Adjustment
Vallance (1973) stated that with an increasing
population schools became "an active socializing agent
to guarantee stability in the face of the growing diver
sity of the populace" (p. 12). To socialize the popu
lace, it becomes important for children to learn a
standardized set of socially appropriate norms. It has
been said "... schooling helps pupils to learn what
the norms are, to accept those norms, and to act accor
ding to them (Dreeben, 1968, p. 46). Until children
reach the traditional age for entrance into school, the
rules needed for adequate social adjustment are modeled
by their parents (Chandras, 1991; Craig, 1983; Mussen et
al., 1974). Schools, therefore, become an extension of
a child's family, occupying almost half of his or her
waking hours (Craig, 1983; Mussen et al., 1974; Schell,
1975). Mussen and his associates (1974) expressed:
As one of the principal socializing agents of our
society, the school should be in a uniquely favor
able position to supplement, and sometimes to com
pensate for, parental training. By teaching the
child academic skills, . and by giving him
supervised practice in social relationships both


DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SHEET
Please answer each of the questions below. As
explained in the "Informed Letter of Consent," all names
and addresses will be kept confidential. The information
requested below is necessary to assist the researcher
block subjects during the project an describe the
subjects used.
If more than one child is to participate, please
complete a separate questionnaire for each.
Your cooperation will be greatly appreciated.
1. Child's Name
2. Child's Address
3 Parents' names
4. Parents' home telephone number
5. Parent's work telephone number
ALL INFORMATION ABOVE WILL BE KEPT CONFIDENTIAL
[office use only: research number ]
THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION IS TO BE USED IN DESCRIBING
THE RESEARCH SAMPLE AND BLOCKING THE PARTICIPANTS
6. Child's Residence is (CHECK ONE):
RURAL URBAN SUBURBAN
7. Child's Age Date of Birth / /
8. Child's Sex
9. Child's Current School Environment (CHECK ONE):
HOME SCHOOL
TRADITIONAL SCHOOL
10. Has your child EVER been enrolled in another school
environment? YES NO
If so what type?
If so how long? yrs.
227


54
passive or aggressive, are chosen more frequently as
friends or are rated as more popular in sociometric
studies (Asher, 1982; Horvath, 1984; Paterson et al.,
1984; Waldrop & Halverson, 1975; Wojnilower & Gross,
1984, 1988). Assertive children also have been shown to
have more positive self-concepts which often affects
interpersonal relationships (Craig, 1983; Crandall,
1988; Horvath, 1984; McCandless, 1967; Mussen et al.,
1974; Rotheram, 1987; Tolor et al., 1976; Waksman,
1984).
Self-concept and Social Adjustment
A positive self-esteem or self-concept plays an
important role in the social behaviors of middle-child
hood children, because it describes their perceptions of
themselves and their relationship to others (Cooper-
smith, 1967; Elliot, 1984; Piers & Harris, 1969;
Shavelson, Hubner, & Stanton, 1976; Wells & Marwell,
1976). Children with low self-esteem have been observed
to withdraw from social situations whereas those with
higher self-esteem become active within the social
environment surrounding them (Coopersmith, 1967; DeMan &
Devisse, 1987; Gergen, 1971; Rosenberg, 1965).
Mclntire and Drummond (1977) discovered that child
ren with a low self-concept
tend to get emotional when frustrated, are easily
perturbed, tend to give up early, and are change
able in attitude and interests. In addition to the
emotional aspects, some tend to be evasive of


140
family, size of traditional classroom, and number and
types of social interactions, were addressed in the
description of the sample. By choosing to use volun
teers from a location that was basically demographically
and culturally equal for all subjects, possible con
founding complications by these variables were limited.
To determine if a significant difference existed
between the self-concepts of children from home and
public schools their scores on the Piers-Harris Child
ren's Self-Concept Scale (1969) were compared. The
means, standard deviations, and difference of the means
of each cell were computed. In order to test the first
hypothesis at the .05 level of significance, a factorial
analysis of variance was used to compute an F ratio
(Howell, 1987).
To determine if a significant difference existed
between the assertiveness of children from home and
public schools, their assertiveness scores on the Child
ren's Assertive Behavior Scale were compared. The
means, standard deviations, and difference of the means
in each cell were computed. In order to test the second
hypothesis at the .05 level of significance, a factorial
analysis of variance was used to compute an F ratio
(Howell, 1987).
To determine if a significant difference existed
between the social behaviors of children from home and


84
based upon free exercise of religion. Members of the
Old Order Amish faith had been convicted of violating
Wisconsin's compulsory attendance law which required
school attendance until age sixteen. The Amish members
believed that requiring their children to attend school
beyond the eighth grade was a threat to their religion
(Arons, 1986). By deciding in favor of the Amish par
ents, the Court provided a future defense for home
schools through the use of the First Amendment of the
Constitution when it stated:
A State's interest in universal education, however
highly we rank it, is not totally free from a bal
ancing process when it impinges on fundamental
rights and interests, such as those specifically
protected by the Free Exercise Clause of the First
Amendment, and the traditional interest of parents
with respect to the religious upbringing of their
children. (Wisconsin v, Yoder, 1972)
Legal battles have not only focused upon parental
rights to educate their children at home, but also on
whether such education provides for adequate social
development. In 1929 the New Hampshire Supreme Court
decided against a home school family in State v. Hoyt.
Quoting from an earlier case involving the need to teach
appropriate citizenship (Fogg v. Board of Education,
1912), the New Hampshire Court stated:
The association with those of all classes of
society, at an early age and upon a common level,
is not unreasonably urged as a preparation for
discharging the duties of a citizen. The object of
our school laws is not only to protect the state
from the consequences of ignorance, but also to


Although no significant differences were found
between the groups on self-concept or assertiveness
scores, 9-year-olds also achieved slightly different
188
scores than their 8- and 10-year-old fellow participants
regardless of schooling group. Nine-year-olds obtained
a slightly higher mean self-concept score on the PHSCS
than either 8- or 10-year-olds in this study (see Table
11). Likewise, 9-year-olds obtained a slightly more
assertive mean score on the CABS (see Table 12). This
finding suggests that the 9-year-olds in this study felt
better about themselves than the other participants and
therefore experienced less social anxiety. With less
social anxiety, they may have felt more competent and
thus provided more assertive responses and displayed
fewer problem behaviors (Hedin, 1990; Norton-Ford &
Norton-Ford, 1979; Paterson et al., 1984; Rotheram,
1987). These findings support conclusions made by
Gesell, Ilg, and Ames (1977) when they observed
The nine-year-old is no longer a mere child; nor
is he yet a youth. Nine is an intermediate age, in
the middle zone that lies between kindergarten and
junior high school. Significant reorientations
take place during this intermediate period. The
behavior trends of the eighth year come to clearer
issue; the child gets a better hold upon himself;
he acquires new forms of self-dependence which
greatly modify his relations to his family, to
school and classmates, and to the culture in
general. (p. 190)
A confounding variable that also may have contri
buted to this difference was the day of the week in


192
(see Table 16). Many other researchers have observed
that boys of this age are generally more active and/or
aggressive than girls of their same age (Kagan & Moss,
1962; Mischel, 1983; Mussen et al., 1974). According to
Gesell et al. (1977):
The psychology of a ten-year-old girl is clearly
distinguishable from that of a ten-year-old boy of
equivalent background and experience. The girl has
more poise, more folk wisdom, and more interest in
matters pertaining to marriage and family. This
difference appears to be fundamental. (pp. 216-
217)
The 10-year-old boys from both groups tended to be
more verbal, more competitive, and louder than girls of
the same age. During the group interaction activity,
10-year-old boys, in general, were slower at completing
the task than the girls. When the girls finished the
group task first, many of the 10-year-old boys talked
louder and became more animated in their physical
behaviors. Several of the 10-year-old boys jokingly
expressed that they "let" the girls finish first. A few
of the boys followed their comments with childish be
haviors such as making strange noises with their mouth,
embarrassed giggling, and exaggerated body movements.
The 10-year-old girls of both groups tended to
display a higher level of maturity during the group
interaction activity by sitting quietly while the boys
completed their tasks. Although some of the boys


127
each group (i.e. at least 3 boys and 3 girls). The
parents of each respective group were requested to bring
their children to the designated room at a time that
allowed at least one and one half hours for becoming ac
quainted, answering questions, completion of the Piers-
Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale and Children's
Assertive Behavior Scale, desensitizing the children to
the video camera and operator, and completion of the
observation procedure.
In order to assist in the identification of subjects
on the video tape, each child was photographed. Each
photograph was inscribed with the subject's research
number. Ho reference was made as to the subject's
schooling environment. The children were introduced to
the researcher, video camera operator, and each other.
Once the entire group had arrived, the group was brought
to the observation room. The subjects were given 30
minutes to get acquainted without interference from the
researcher.
Following the initial 30 minutes, they were shown
the video camera and a brief video tape (not more than 5
minutes) was made and viewed by the operator, researcher
and the group. This preliminary tape served two pur
poses. The first was to test the equipment. The second
purpose was to desensitize the children to the observa
tion process and therefore reduce reactivity.


154
Table 6
Demographic Comparison of Home (H.S.) and Traditional
School (T.S.) Sample
Question3
n
H.S.
(T.S.)
Cell %b
H.S.
(T.S.)
Child's Residence is:
Rural
13
19
(13)
(19)
Urban
7
10
(7)
(10)
Suburban
50
71
(50)
(71)
Chi Id's Age:
8
30
43
(30)
(43)
9
22
31
(22)
(31)
10
18
26
(18)
(26)
ChiId's Gender:
Male
35
50
(35)
(50)
Female
35
50
(35)
(50)


I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Paul J. ¡rittmery Chairman
Professor of Counselor Education
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for ¡he degree o£Doctor of Philosophy.
Peter A. D. Sherrard
Assistant Professor of Counselor
Education
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
JL
inda Crocker
Professor of Foundations of
Education
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Sharon Hiett
Assistant Professor of Instruction
and Curriculum


55
responsibilities, obstructive, and wrapped up in
themselves. (Mclntire & Drummond, 1977, p. 296)
Some of the tendencies enumerated by Mclntire and Drum
mond have been cited as reasons for low popularity,
higher levels of social anxiety, and exclusion by others
(Craig, 1983; LaGreca & Stark, 1986; Michelson et al.,
1983; Stein & Friedrich, 1975; Staub, 1979). The more
children sense failure in social situations, the lower
their self-esteem becomes. The lower their self-esteem
becomes, the less success they experience in social
settings (Glidewell, Kantor, Smith, & Stringer, 1976;
Sobol & Earn, 1985). As Craig (1983) stated, "Personal
successes or failures in different social situations can
lead children to see themselves as leaders, loners, or
criminals, as well-adjusted or maladjusted" (p. 341).
Children with high self-concepts tend to become
active in both formal and informal social situations
(Coopersmith, 1967; Rosenberg, 1965). Coopersmith
(1967) also reported that children with high self-con
cepts are "happier and more effective in meeting en
vironmental demands than are persons with low self
esteem" (p. 19). Galluzzi and Zucker (1977) discovered
that a high self-concept is a high predictor of appro
priate personality adjustment.
McCandless (1967), described the relationship
between the self-concept and social adjustment when he
wrote:


19
in the world in which they live. This knowledge helps
form the level of skills, wishes, fears, language, and
sense of self known as the ego (George & Cristiani,
1986). As their primary drives and urges come into
conflict with the adult world, they are forced to
develop a sense of conscience and a knowledge of accept
able versus unacceptable behaviors known as the superego
(Mussen et al., 1974; Shaffer, 1979). It is the
superego that acts as the "moral arbiter" in the social
development of children (Hall, 1954). As children
develop the ability to balance the id, ego, and super
ego, and thereby delay gratification of impulses, they
are capable of learning the skills necessary for social
adjustment (Shaffer, 1979).
It was the emphasis upon adaptation and learning to
cope that led some theorists to believe that social
development may not be as negative as first espoused by
Freud. Several theorists also began the move toward a
more positive perspective. One such theorist was Erik
Erikson.
Psychosocial Theory of Social Development
Erikson (1963, 1972) disagreed with Freud's belief
that children are passive bottles of energy that have to
be diverted and controlled. Although Erikson accepted
the basic belief that people are driven by urges and
instincts, he chose to stress the ego rather than the id


162
Test Results
Each of the participating students completed the
Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale (PHSCS) and
the Children's Assertive Behavior Scale (CABS). Each of
the children also participated in a 40-minute video
taped exercise as described in the previous chapter.
This video tape was viewed by trained observers who then
completed a Direct Observation Form (DOF) for each
child. The frequency distribution of the PHSCS, CABS
and DOF are presented in Tables 8 through 10, respec
tively. Tables 11 through 13 illustrate the means and
standard deviations for the three instruments, whereas
Tables 14 through 16 list the means and standard
deviations for each instrument by age, gender, and
schooling experience.
An examination of Tables 14 through 16 discloses a
disparity in standard deviations. Normally this would
mean that the assumption of equal within-cell variances
has been violated. However, F statistics derived using
ANOVAs are relatively robust to violation of this
assumption when cell sizes are equal (Kennedy & Bush,
1985).
Hypotheses
Three null hypotheses were tested in this study.
Age and gender had been presented in the review of


PARENT INSTRUCTIONS
PLEASE FOLLOW CAREFULLY
IF YOU HAVE QUESTIONS, PLEASE CALL THE RESEARCHER
This packet of materials should include:
1 instruction sheet
1 copy of the Piers-Harris Children's Self-
Concept Scale
1 copy of the Children's Assertive Behavior
Scale
1 answer sheet for the Children's Assertive
Behavior Scale
1 postage paid return envelope
STEP 1:
Check the contents of the package carefully. Each
of the items listed above should be found. If any items
are missing, call the research number immediately and
replacements will be sent by express mail.
STEP 2:
Make sure all items include your child's individual
research number. This number will identify your child in
all phases of this research. If it is missing or in
error, please call the researcher.
Your child's number is .
STEP 3:
Choose a quiet location in your home for your child
to complete the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept
Scale and Children's Assertive Behavior Scale. They
should be well rested and told of the importance of this
study. Explain to them that there are no right or wrong
answers. Tell them that we are interested in his or her
own feelings on both of these scales. We are not looking
for "right" or "wrong" responses.
STEP 4:
Have your child complete the Piers-Harris Child
ren's Self-Concept Scale by circling his or her YES or
NO response on each of the 80 items. Do NOT suggest
233


252
Appendix LContinued
Question3
b
n
Cell %
Cum %c
Number of Younger Siblings:
None
71
39.8
39.8
One
50
28.1
67.9
Two
37
20.7
88.6
Three
15
8.4
97.0
Four
3
1.6
98.6
Five
2
1.1
99.7
Approximate Number of Children
Subject Plays with Outside of
The Schooling Experience:
Zero to Five
40
22.5
22.5
Six to Ten
90
50.5
73.0
Eleven to Fifteen
37
20.7
93.7
Sixteen or More
11
6.1
99.8
Community Activities:
Church
None
22
12.4
12.4
Dai ly
1
.6
13.0
Weekly
142
79.7
92.7
Monthly
13
7.3
100.0


210
(d) Before doing it, say, "I don't understand why
you want this done."
(e) Say, "If that's what you want," and then do it.
11.Someone says to you they think that something you
did was terrific. You would usually:
(a) Say, "Yes, I usually do better than most."
(b) Say, "No, that wasn't so hot."
(c) Say, "That's right, because I'm the best."
(d) Say, "Thank you."
(e) Ignore it and say nothing.
12.Someone has been very nice to you. You would
usually:
(a) Say, "You have been really nice to me, thanks.
(b) Act like the person weren't that nice and say,
"Yea, thanks."
(c) Say, "You have treated me all right, but I
deserve even better.
(d) Ignore it and say nothing.
(e) Say, "You don't treat me good enough1"
13.You are talking very loudly with a friend and some
one says, "Excuse me, but you are being too noisy."
You would usually:
(a) Stop talking immediately.
(b) Say, "If you don't like it, get lostl" and keep
on talking loudly.
(c) Say, I'm sorry, I'll talk quietly," and then
talk in a quiet voice.
(d) Say, "I'm sorry," and stop talking.
(e) Say, "All right" and continue to talk loudly.
14.You are waiting in line and someone steps in front
of you. You would usually.
(a) Make quiet comments such as, "Some people have
a lot of nerve," without actually saying any
thing directly to the person.
(b) Say, "Get to the end of the linel"
(c) Say nothing to the person.
(d) Say in a loud voice, "Get out of this line, you
creep!"
(e) Say, "I was here first; please go to the end of
the line."
15.
Someone does something to you that you don't like
and it makes you angry. You would usually:


194
less of age or gender, consistently received lower
problem behavior scores on the DOF (see Figure 1). All
three home school age groups were observed to separate
from their parents easily for the group activities.
None of the children expressed apparent anxiety over
where their parents would be during the activities.
None of the children expressed concern over not knowing
other children in their group. During the brief period
allowed for children to become acquainted, home school
children introduced themselves and sought common
interests for conversations (e.g., favorite game or
television program). Home schooled children from each
age group tended to play well together, cooperated in
the group interaction activity, and were quiet. In
several settings, children would invite others within
their group to join them in group play. During games
they cooperated by taking turns. When they "lost" in
the games, they would often smile or otherwise indicate
that it was "okay" and continue to play. Although boys
and girls most often engaged in segregated play, during
9-year-olds' group interactions, play frequently became
integrated. As the activities ended, several of the
home schooled children exchanged addresses or telephone
numbers for future contact. The same was not observed
among the traditionally schooled children.


200
children have fewer problem behaviors due to imitating
adult behaviors, as suggested by this study, less
emphasis may need to be placed on social interactions
between children. Adult caretakers, whether parent or
teacher, may need to become more active in providing
appropriate social interactions with the children in
their care. More research should be conducted focusing
on the social adjustment of traditionally schooled
children.
Fewer problem behaviors among the home schooled
participants may also be a result of smaller class size.
Typically, home school classes are composed of fewer
than five students (see Table 5) whereas traditional
school classes generally average twenty students or more
(see Appendix L). Although some research has indicated
that class size has little influence upon academic
achievement (Burde, 1989), most researchers agree that
smaller class size provides for more direct teacher/stu-
dent interaction (Barber, 1988; Goettler-Sopko, 1990;
Sommers, 1990). More direct teacher/student interaction
provided for better social role modeling and reduced
problem behaviors as observed by Holmes (1988) in her
review of successful school programs.
It has been estimated that between 50% and 75% of
the families who begin home-centered education will
eventually enroll their children in some form of


Self-Concept Scale (PHSCS) were totaled following the
instructions for scoring each instrument. The total
assertive score on the CABS was used to represent that
child's assertiveness. Each child's total positive
score on the PHSCS was used to represent his or her
level of self-concept.
Free Play and Group Behavior Procedures
In order to provide a location in which each of the
research subjects could be observed equally, arrange
ments were made to use a room similar in size to a large
traditional classroom at a local church in Mount Dora,
Florida. The room included a space large enough to
comfortably hold 10 children, 11 chairs, a video camera
on a tripod, and a free play area. The room was ar
ranged with the 11 chairs in a row against a wall.
Various toys (games that more than one can play, pup
pets, puzzles, and dolls) were placed in the free play
area. The video camera was located so that its operator
could video tape all activity taking place in the room.
Posters, slogans or other material that were on the
walls were removed or covered to avoid distractions.
The subjects were divided into groups of at least 6
students each from the same schooling population, keep
ing the age difference in each group within a one year
range of one another. Attention was also given to
keeping an equal number of male and female subjects in


135
A raw score is computed by counting the number of
statements considered by the authors to be examples of
positive self-concept. The higher the child's score,
the more positive the child's self-concept. The total
score can also be converted to either a stanine or
percentile score. For the purpose of this study, each
child's self-concept was his or her total raw score on
the PHSCS.
Children's Assertive Behavior Scale
The Children's Assertive Behavior Scale (1978) was
designed to measure reported assertive and nonassertive
behaviors in both male and female students. It is a 27
item multiple-choice questionnaire requiring children to
respond to both positive and negative interpersonal
situations (Scanlon & Ollendick, 1986). Once scored the
instrument provides scores for assertive, passive, and
aggressive responses.
The 27 items of the CABS provides for responses
along a continuum of passive-assertive-aggressive pos
sibilities. Each item has five possible answers in
scrambled order which include very passive, passive,
assertive, aggressive, and very aggressive responses
(Michelson et al., 1983). The separate passive and
aggressive scores generated, along with the total asser
tive score, provides information as to "whether the
child is deficient in assertive responses due to passive


35
children's language develops rapidly, further enhancing
their intellectual development (Muro & Dinkmeyer, 1977).
Their understandings, however, are marked by flawed
concepts. Thoughts of children during this period are
egocentric, considering everything in relationship to
themselves (Shaffer, 1979). This egocentrism makes it
difficult for children to accept other points of view
(Harter, 1983).
In the intuitive sub-stage, children learn to think
in terms of classes, numbers and relationships. They
can respond using appropriate terminology, but can not
provide reasons for their responses (Muro & Dinkmeyer,
1977). It is called intuitive because the child's com
prehension of objects and events is centered on their
single most salient feature (Shaffer, 1979). Piaget
(1952) demonstrated that children lack the ability to
view events or objects separate from its physical ap
pearance in his well-known conservation experiments
(Beard, 1969; Craig, 1983; Shaffer, 1979). Children's
thoughts are concrete and are based upon experiences in
the here and now. They lack the ability to mentally
reverse the process (Craig, 1983).
During the preoperational stage, children have not
yet developed the social ability to understand some of
the complexities of relationships. A child may be able
to recognize that Mommy and Daddy are husband and wife,


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Research Design
Social adjustment has been defined in this study as
a combination of assertiveness, positive self-concept,
and appropriate social behavior. Because the experimen
tal manipulation of these concepts could be potentially
harmful to children, a quasi-experimental block design
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Research Questions
Three correlates of social adjustment were iden
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132
Each observation team consisted of 2 observers who
had achieved an inter-rater reliability coefficient of
.90 during training. Each team of observers received
and viewed the same copy of a research video tape and
numbered photographs of the children on the tape. In
order to maintain consistency and limit problems of
observer drift, the video tapes were viewed at locations
central to the observers over several Saturdays. The
researcher was present to time the observations, assure
that appropriate breaks were taken, and answer technical
questions (i.e. setting up of equipment, scoring of the
DOFs, etc.) .
Each observation team selected one of the children
on the tape to be their first target child. They
observed that child for the first 10 minutes and
followed the instructions for completing the DOF. They
then fast forwarded the tape to the group interaction
activity and completed a second DOF for the same child.
They continued this process for each of the other child
ren on the video tape. Each observer was instructed to
take at least a 10 minute break between observations and
to not observe more than 3 children at any one setting
in order to reduce the chances of observer drift. All
DOFs were completed and returned to the researcher at
the end of the observation period. The average total


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historic conception. New York: Teachers College,
Columbia University.
Cremin, L. A. (1970). American education: The colonial
experience 1607-1783. New York: Harper and Row.
Cremin, L. A. (1977). Traditions of American education.
New York: Basic Books, Inc.
Cremin, L. A. (1980). American education: The national
experience 1783-1876. New York: Harper and Row.


193
displayed embarrassment, the girls did not exacerbate
the situation.
Perhaps the different level of maturity between 10-
year -old boys and girls created the observed behaviors.
The girls accepted the group interaction activity with
calm deliberation whereas the boys, in general, faced
the task as a matter of competition with the girls. It
would appear that the 10-year-old females in this study
generally had begun to channel their attention to more
serious matters, and therefore were less competitive
with males of their same age. The findings of Gesell et
al., (1977) agree with this observation. Having a more
serious attitude is often a sign of social maturity
(Bornstein et al., 1977; Dodge, 1985). Boys of this age
can observe that 10-year-old girls are more mature
acting and may feel out of place and self-conscious.
This would create a need to "prove" to themselves and
others that they are as mature or competent as the girls
in their presence. Because of awkward feelings, their
behaviors could become exaggerated and therefore
generate higher problem behavior scores.
Although significant differences existed between
the mean DOF scores based on age, and significant
interactions were found between age and gender, the most
significant influence in this study appears to be
schooling (p < .001). Home schooled children, regard-


IV RESULTS 143
Research Subjects 143
Test Results 162
Hypotheses 162
Hypothesis One 172
Hypothesis Two 175
Hypothesis Three 175
V LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY, DISCUSSION OF
THE RESULTS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR
FURTHER RESEARCH 183
Limitations of the Study 184
Evaluation and Discussion of the Results. 185
Hypothesis One 185
Hypothesis Two 186
Hypothesis Three 187
Implications and Recommendations for
Further Research 198
Conclusions 203
APPENDICES
A CHILDRENS ASSERTIVE BEHAVIOR SCALE .... 206
B LETTER TO HOME SCHOOL PARENTS 217
C LETTER TO PUBLIC SCHOOL SUPERINTENDENT 219
D LETTER TO TRADITIONAL SCHOOL PARENTS ... 221
E LETTER OF INFORMED CONSENT 223
F DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE 226
G LETTER OF INVITATION 230
H STEP-BY-STEP INSTRUCTIONS 232
I GROUP INTERACTION ACTIVITY 235
J LETTER TO CHURCHES AND PARENT GROUPS ... 238
K DEMOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION OF HOME SCHOOL
RESPONDENT POPULATION 240
L DEMOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION OF TRADITIONAL
SCHOOL RESPONDENT POPULATION 247
vii


173
Table 17
Multivariate Tests of Significance for PHSCS, CABS, and
DOF by Age, Gender, and School
Source
Value
DF
F*
PR
Age
.906
6
2.117
.052
Gender
.972
3
1.232
.301
School
.278
3
109.038
.000
Age/Gender
.868
6
3.058
.007
Age/School
.948
6
1.130
.345
Gender/School
.962
3
1.646
.182
Age/Gender/Sch
.880
6
2.779
.012

F statistic
for Wilk's
Lambda
is exact.


34
sensorimotor stage, children have learned to think out
basic solutions to problems with out engaging in trial-
and-error. Piaget (1952) illustrated the ability of
children to anticipate the outcome of their actions with
his son Laurent:
Laurent is seated before a table and I place a
bread crust in front of him, out of reach. Also,
to the right of the child I place a stick about 25
cm. long. At first Laurent tries to grasp the
bread . and then he gives up ... Laurent
again looks at the bread, without moving, looks
very briefly at the stick, then suddenly grasps it
and directs it toward the bread ... he draws the
bread to him. (Piaget, 1952, p.335)
At the end of the sensorimotor stage the child
learns to internalize the problem solving process. The
child progresses from being a reflexive individual, to
being a thinking organism capable of interacting with
his or her environment (Beard, 1969; Boyle, 1969; Pulas
ki; 1971; Shaffer, 1979). The ability of the child to
use mental symbols for problem solving becomes an impor
tant element of thought as he or she enters the second
of Piaget's developmental stages (Shaffer, 1979).
Piaget called his second stage the preoperational
phase, which he further divided into two sub-stages.
The first is the preconceptual stage, which lasts from
about 2 to 4 years of age; and the second is the intui
tive stage, which lasts from age 4 until approximately
age 7 (Muro & Dinkmeyer, 1977; Piaget, 1952; Piaget &
Inhelder, 1969). During the preconceptual stage


Table 2 displays the responses to the initial mailing.
The 209 favorable responses, and the 8 respondents who
requested further information, were sent the Letter of
Informed Consent and the Demographic Questionnaire. Of
this number, 178 were completed and returned. Table 3
contains the home school population for this study by
county. In addition to the Demographic Questionnaire
completed by their parents (see Appendix K), each of
these children completed the Piers-Harris Children's
Self-Concept Scale and the Children's Assertive Behavior
Scale.
The first 35 male and 35 female children between the
ages of 8 and 10 who had been entirely home educated
were selected to participate in the video segment of the
research project. The home school subjects used in the
research represented 39.3 percent of the responding home
school population. Table 4 presents this sample by age,
gender, and county.
An analysis of the Demographic Questionnaire (see
Table 5) revealed that the mean age of the children in
the home school sample was 8.8 years. Due to the manner
in which the study was designed, there was an equal
number of males and females. As in the responding home
school population, the majority of the sample resided in
a suburban setting with an average household income of
144


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would first like to thank my God for giving me
the knowledge, strength, and opportunity to complete
this project. Without Him I could not have been
successful.
Next to Him, I thank my parents who have provided
constant and consistent emotional support and encourage
ment. They were always confident the project would be
successfully completed.
A very special thanks goes to my committee chair
person, Dr. Joe Wittmer. His guidance, support, and
friendship have been especially appreciated. His
willingness to become my committee chairperson during
the final stages has won my highest esteem.
I also thank the rest of my committee for their
consistent encouragement, assistance, and perseverance.
Each of them provided considerable guidance and tech
nical assistance.
I wish to thank Dr. Larry Loesch for the time and
effort he spent providing statistical assistance. I
also thank Dr. Mark Young for providing access to
Stetson University's computer system and hours of
instruction in its use.
iii


Appendix K
Demographic Description of Respondent Home School
Population
Question3
Cell %
Cum %c
Child's Residence is:
Rural
49
20
20
Urban
16
9
29
Suburban
126
71
100
Chi Id's Age:
5
4
2.2
2.2
6
14
7.9
10.1
7
13
7.3
17.4
8
49
27.5
44.9
9
30
16.9
61.8
10
35
19.6
81.4
11
7
3.9
85.3
12
13
6.7
92.0
13
8
4.5
96.5
14
3
1.6
98.1
15
2
1.1
99.2
Child's Sex:
Male
87
48.8
48.8
Female
91
51.1
100.0
241


10
of society to be adequately prepared. Thus, this study
was needed to provide empirical data to school coun
selors, parents, teachers, courts, and legislatures upon
which they can base decisions about home schooling and
social adjustment.
Purpose of the Study
This study was designed to compare the social
adjustment of children aged 8 through 10 from two
different educational backgrounds: home school and
traditional schools. Formal education was made com
pulsory during the late 1800s and early 1900s to provide
for the common welfare of America (Beckham, 1985;
Cremin, 1951, 1970, 1977, 1980; Cubberly, 1934; Kaestle,
1983; Nolte, 1982; Seybolt, 1971; Spring, 1986). The
primary concern was to guarantee that children would be
adequately socialized to become productive citizens by
providing for common basic skills such as reading,
writing, and arithmetic (Nolte, 1982; Rothstein, 1986;
Sipher, 1978).
Since 1909, the schooling process also has included
an increased involvement by school guidance and counsel
ing personnel for the purpose of developing the whole
person for his or her role in society (Aubrey, 1982;
Bernard & Fulmer, 1977; Capuzzi & Gross, 1989; Muro &
Dinkmeyer, 1977). Until the 1950s, it was widely
accepted by parents that their children were receiving.


APPENDIX H
STEP-BY-STEP INSTRUCTIONS


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Although home-centered schooling appears to some as
a new and revolutionary phenomenon (Pollard, 1987;
Staver, 1987), home-centered education has existed since
the beginning of humanitys existence (Beckham, 1985;
Moore, 1984; Nolte, 1982; Taylor, 1986). Formal educa
tion in the United States for the masses did not exist
until the turn of the twentieth century. Anything a
child needed to learn, whether it was language, a voca
tion, survival skills, or the "social graces," had to
come from his or her parents (Beckham, 1985; Nolte,
1982; Rothstein, 1986). Many of Americas most notable
personalities, such as John Quincy Adams, William Penn,
Abraham Lincoln, Thomas Edison, Andrew Carnegie, and
Franklin D. Roosevelt, were the products of a home-
centered education (Moore, 1984; Taylor, 1986).
Home and parent-centered education, so common
historically, began to take a back seat to formal public
instruction in the late 1800s as states implemented laws
to protect children from being exploited in the labor
force (Cremin, 1970, 1977; Nolte, 1982; Spring, 1982,
1