The Journal of Haitian Culture and Society 2013

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The Journal of Haitian Culture and Society 2013
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Serial
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English
Creator:
Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite (Editor)
Megan Raitano (Editor)
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The Digital Library of the Caribbean
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Univeristy of Florida

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Caribbean Area   ( lcsh )
Haiti
Haitian Culture
Haitian Society
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serial   ( sobekcm )
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Haiti

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Abstract:
The Journal of Haitian Culture and Society is a collection of student essays selected from the Haitian Culture and Society class offered at the University of Florida. New additions are published annually following the spring semester. The topics are selected by the students. Postitions taken and ideas discussed within the essays reflect those of the students and are not necessarily shared by the editors, the Digital Library of the Caribbean, or the University of Florida.

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THE JOURNAL OF HAITIAN CULTURE AND SOCIETY


TABLE OF CONTENTS
SPRING 2013

I. Beekeeping in Haiti: Hope for a Sweeter Future- Benjamin Blue..................................2...
II. A Glance at the Boat People of Haiti- Krisinda Bouton.................................................8...
III. The Negative Portrayal of Haitian Culture vs. the Positive Attributes of the Haitian
P eop le- A lisa Conser ........................... ... ................. ............ ........... ... ...... ............ .... 13
IV. Torture: Something of the Past or Still Our Foe Today?- Jane Eur..............................18
V. The Roots and Significance of Haitian Cuisine- Alexandra Gioseffi.............................23
VI. Haitian-American Transnationalism- Sarah McDermott.............................................. 28









Beekeeping in Haiti: Hope for a Sweeter Future
Benjamin Blue, University of Florida

Introduction and Brief History of Haitian Beekeeping

Beekeeping has a long history in Haiti, with the first colonies of European honeybees
being imported to the island of Hispaniola during the eighteenth century by colonizing
Europeans. Even prior to the introduction of European honeybees, Haitians had an ancestral link
to beekeeping through the practice of honey hunting in Africa over the last several thousand
years. Since the colonial period, Haitians have developed their own unique beekeeping culture,
complete with indigenous designs for hives, smokers, and protective equipment. During the last
several decades, numerous international groups have emphasized modernizing and increasing the
efficiency of beekeeping to provide an additional source of income for rural communities. Many
of these aid and outreach programs have achieved noteworthy results with meaningful impacts
for Haitians, especially during the twenty-first century. A stronger and more efficient beekeeping
industry in Haiti has the potential to provide a higher quality of life for Haitians and certainly
deserves further investment.

Traditional Methods of Haitian Beekeeping

Tending Feral Hives

The most basic management relationship between honeybees and rural Haitians is the
tending of feral honeybee colonies wherever they naturally lie (USAID 2010). This technique
cannot truly be considered honeybee management or beekeeping because the honeycomb is fixed
and often cannot be inspected by the beekeeper. Feral honeybee colonies in Haiti have tested
positively for the presence of European foulbrood and Varroa mites, two serious maladies of
honey bees that cannot be managed without movable frame hives (Jameson 2009: 482).

Indigenous Log Hives

Many Haitians who lack the material resource or apicultural education necessary to
manage more modern types of hives often keep bees in hollow logs within their apiaries (Sterk
2012: 284). These log hives are an improvement over the tending of feral hives, but are also a
fixed honeycomb technique that does not allow adequate management to modern standards.
Aside from the threats posed to log hives by pests and disease, these hives also limit honey
production efficiency, because in order for honey to be harvested, the hive structure must be
severely disrupted or possibly even destroyed completely; this greatly threatens the post-harvest
chance for survival of the colony (286).

Educating Haitian Beekeepers

Langstroth's "Bee Space"

Possibly the greatest challenge that international beekeeping mentors have faced in
educating Haitian beekeepers is conveying the idea of "bee space" as pioneered by the great









American apiculturist L. L. Langstroth. Numerous volunteer missions have noted that many
beekeepers are unaware of this concept that is so critical to the efficient management of movable
frame bee colonies (Horsburgh 2011: 1061, Partners of the Americas 2010, Wallace 2012: 2).
Langstroth's "bee space" principle relies on the fact that honeybees will attempt to fill any space
within the hive smaller than one centimeter with a cement-like hive product called propolis,
while attempting to fill any space within the hive greater than one centimeter with brace comb.
Essentially this means that, if at any point, the space between frames and the hive body or each
individual frame exceeds or falls under one centimeter, then the bees will attach the frames to the
hive body or to one another with either propolis or brace comb (Caron 1999: 6.71-2). For the
Haitian beekeeper this means that attempts to use more modern, movable frame hives without a
thorough grasp of the bee space concept results in the bees independently converting the hive
back to a fixed frame design that requires extensive damage to the colony to rectify. This
situation negates the increased efficiency and honey production that a movable frame hive can
provide, but with time and continued education there is no doubt among most volunteers that
Haitians, who have "a genuine interest in learning how to improve their apiculture" will master
this concept, too (Horsburgh 2011: 1062). One possible way to increase understanding would be
the utilization of Krey6l instructional materials instead of the French materials used by some
groups which are exclusionary to 95% of the country's population (Hebblethwaite 2012: 255,
Sterk 2010).

Pests and Diseases

Categorically, the greatest threats to Haitian beekeeping are pests and diseases. In
addition to nearly every continent where honeybees are present, Haiti has been under assault in
recent years by a vicious honeybee parasite called Varroa destructor; a mite that sucks the bees'
fluids and transmits viral infections. Prior to training by international volunteers, the Varroa mite
and treatment for it was virtually unheard of in Haiti (Farmer-to-Farmer 2011). Volunteer and
Florida apiary inspector Todd Jameson detailed in a 2009 account of a volunteer mission to Haiti
two beekeepers who did not even believe in the existence of the miniscule mites until volunteers
extracted drone brood (immature male bees) from the comb; plucked two mites from them; and
physically placed the mites into the hands of the beekeepers. Jameson also notes that feral hives,
which are often captured by beekeepers to increase their number of colonies, are being especially
hard hit by infestations of Varroa throughout Haiti; this hurts beekeepers and the industry
because they often do not have access to or cannot afford the purchase of packaged bees (482).
In addition to Varroa, beekeepers also struggle with the bacterial infections of American and
European Foulbrood. All of these pests and diseases threaten the production efficiency and
sustainability of hives if left undiagnosed and untreated (Partners of the Americas 2012: 2).

Applying Modern Apiculture in Haiti

Movable Frame Hives

A great improvement to the Haitian beekeeping industry is the gradual conversion of
motley fixed frame hives to standardized movable frames hives. There are primarily two
standardized types of movable frame hives currently in use in Haiti: the Langstroth hive, which
is also used by most Americans, and a Kenya Top-Bar Hive (TBH) variant called the Haitian









TBH, which was developed by a Florida beekeeper specifically for use in Haiti (Sterk 2012:
286). The Haitian TBH is a much more popular and economically realistic option for Haitians for
several reasons. The first is that most areas of Haiti do not have access to wood shops that are
capable of crafting the precise frames of the Langstroth hive which relies so heavily on the one
centimeter "bee space" (Geckler 2010: 5) The second is that even in areas were skilled
woodworkers are available, wood of the appropriate quality to construct Langstroth hives is
unavailable or unaffordable due to deforestation and the charcoal production economy of last
resort (Arthur and Dash 1999: 83-4). Unlike the Langstroth hive, which requires four carefully
crafted pieces of wood for each frame within a hive, the Haitian TBH only uses one small piece
of wood per frame that can be substituted with relatively cheap and simple materials such as a
wooden paint stirring stick (Geckler 2010: 5). Florida beekeeper Bo Sterk created the Haitian
TBH design and has since modified it so four hives can be made from a single sheet of plywood
to make it a somewhat more affordable option for Haitians (Sterk 2012: 286). Equipping
beekeepers with hives in which each frame can be removed and inspected means easier
management of colonies and greater honey yields.

Integrated Pest Management (IPM)

As honeybee pests and diseases become more prevalent in Haiti, it is important that
sustainable methods of detection and control be taught to avoid unnecessary colony loses. The
first step in establishing IPM in Haiti is the encouragement of movable frame hives necessary for
the efficient detection and treatment of pests and diseases. Because the Varroa mite is the biggest
threat to Haitian beekeeping, most IPM training has revolved around it. Volunteers have begun
teaching Haitians to detect the mite via three methods: counting mite falls on gridded, sticky-
boards placed at the bottom of hives, counting the number of mites on a given number of brood,
and counting the number of mites detected when a given quantity of adult bees are rolled in jar
with powdered sugar, which results in the detachment of the mites from the bees (Farmer-to-
Farmer 2011: 2). There are also three primary methods of chemical-free Varroa management
being taught to beekeepers. The first treatment is the use of screened, instead of solid, bottom
boards that allow dislocated mites to fall to the ground beneath the hive where they are less
likely to find their way back in. The second method is the removal of drone brood that is
preferentially targeted for egg laying by adult mites, which disrupts the cycle of mite propagation
in a hive. The final treatment for Varroa is one that sometimes clashes with the cultural
sensibilities of many Haitians; that is the dusting of bees in a hive with powdered sugar to trigger
hygienic grooming behavior in the bees, causing mites to be dislodged. Volunteers have quickly
realized that Haitians respond much better to this method if a device is put into place to collect
the sugar after it falls from the bees, instead of letting it wastefully spill onto the ground beneath
the hive. (Jameson 2009: 482-3).

Protective Equipment

Protective gear, such as gloves and veils, are in short supply in Haiti and there are
virtually no pre-manufactured sources for these items that are affordable for the average Haitian.
With this in mind, several volunteers have begun teaching tailors and beekeepers how to
construct protective equipment from more affordable, local materials (FAVACA 2010: 2). As
aggressive, "Africanized" honeybee genetic traits appear to be spreading into Haiti from the









Dominican Republic, it is especially important that access to this type of equipment remain
available if beekeeping is to continue safely in Haiti (Farmer-to-Farmer 2011: 2).

Proven Economic Success

Haitians Return to Beekeeping

Beekeeping in Haiti has experienced a turbulent modern history along with the general
political climate in the country. During the 1986 dechoukaj of the Duvalier regime, most
institutions responsible for the training of beekeeping skills were dissolved (USAID 2010).
During the 1990's with the help of peasant groups, beekeeping began to regain ground in rural
Haiti and for a time, Haitian honey was even exported to European markets (Arthur and Dash,
eds. 1999: 169-70). With the arrival of the Varroa mite in the early 2000's, Haitian colonies
began to rapidly collapse, some within mere weeks of infestation and some accounts suggest that
up to three quarters of colonies were wiped out (Jameson 2009: 480). Since that time, more than
21 volunteer missions to instruct and assist beekeepers have been conducted and thousands of
Haitians have returned to the field, with reported hive losses decreasing twelvefold (Partners of
the Americas 2012, USAID 2010).

Increasing Honey & Other Hive Goods Production

Since the beginning of volunteer work to train Haitian beekeepers, progress has also been
made in the production and sale of honey. Hives that were producing as little as a half-gallon
annually are now producing three to seven gallons annually, with extreme cases such a
beekeeper who has increased annual production from 17 to 175 gallons. A survey of 35
beekeepers comparing gross sales in 2008 and 2011 saw an average increase of $3,878 and an
average annual income increase of $2,989. Also, introduced filtering techniques have in some
cases increased honey value by up to 250%. In addition to honey, Haitians have also begun
producing more soaps, candles, and crafts products from beeswax. This has particular appeal to
women, whose number in a volunteer network increased more than 650% between 2006 and
2008. (Caron 2007, Farmer-to-Farmer 2011, Partners of the Americas 2012: 2).

Conclusion and the Future of Haitian Beekeeping

Beekeeping in Haiti has persisted for several centuries despite extraordinary challenges
during that time. As with other aspects of Haitian society, beekeeping seems subject to
pendulous rhythms, but currently appears to be on the upswing. Over the past several years,
Haitians have demonstrated a thirst for apicultural knowledge and continued success in the
application of that knowledge. With careful strategy and continued investment in beekeeping,
now could be a once-in-a-generation opportunity to improve the quality of life for rural Haitians
in a meaningful way.









Works Cited


Arthur, Charles, and Michael Dash. A Haiti Anthology: Libete. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener,
1999. Print.

Caron, Dewey M. "Caribbean Update: Haiti Farmer to Farmer Beekeeping Project." Bee for
Development 82 (2007): 10. Web. .

Caron, Dewey M. Honey Bee Biology and Beekeeping. 2nd ed. Cheshire, CT: Wicwas, 1999.
Print.

Farmer-to-Farmer. Beekeeping Improves Lives in Haiti. Rep. USAID, 2011. Web.
.

Florida Association for Volunteer Action in the Caribbean and the Americas. "Veteran
Beekeeper Improves Hive Construction in Haiti." Communi-clik (June 2010): n. pag.
Web. .

Geckler, Sofie. Haiti Beekeeping Mission. Rep. Bees for Development, 2010. Web.
.

Hebblethwaite, Benjamin. "French and Underdevelopment, Haitian Creole and Development:
Educational Language Policy Problems and Solutions in Haiti." Journal ofPidgin and
Creole Languages 27.2 (2012): 255-302. University of Florida Silthei and Health
Science Center Libraries. Web.

Horsburgh, Rob. "My Experience with Haitian Beekeeping." American Bee Journal 151.11
(2011): 1061-062. FAVACA. Web. .

Jameson, Todd. "Haiti: A Struggling Nation with Determined Beekeepers." American Bee
Journal 149.5 (2009): 479-83. American Bee Journal Digital Archive. Web.
.

Partners of the Americas. Haiti Beekeeping Project. Rep. USAID, 2012 Web.
.

Sterk, Bo. "Haiti Beekeeping Project." Bees for Development 95 (2010): 10. Web.
.

Sterk, Bo. "Haitian Beekeeping." The Australasian Beekeeper 113.7 (2012): 284-87. Florida
State Beekeepers Association. Web. .

USAID. Beekeeping Industry Reinvigorated in Haiti. Rep. N.p., 2010 Web.
.









Wallace, Damon. "Reflections on Teaching Beekeeping in Haiti." The Stinger (June 2012): 1-2.
Alabama Beekeepers Association. Web. .









A Glance at the Boat People of Haiti
Krisinda Bouton, University of Florida

Introducing the Haitian Boat People

The era of "Haitian Boat People" started in 1972. There were Haitian immigrants before
this but the flood of the Haitians coming to the United States began around this time. This era
was a time when many Haitians seeking asylum from the hardships in their lives in Haiti jumped
into boats and tried to make the long journey to Southern Florida. This was a rough time for
those trying to get out of Haiti due to both the Haitian and United States governments and the
difficulty of the journey. The United States denied access to many because they were considered
to be economic refugees rather than political refugees. Additionally, not all made it to their
destination. Of those who did make it, most were denied asylum and sent back to Haiti. From
1972 to 1980, 50,000 Haitians applied and pleaded for asylum. Of that 50,000, about 25 cases
were actually approved (Lennox 1993: 700).
The United States started using the derogatory term Haitian "Boat People" to refer to the
refugees in their attempt to deter the Haitians from making their voyage. This was hurtful but
some tried to turn it into a positive term. Felix Morisseau-Leroy wrote a poem entitled Boat
People that tried to challenge the use of the derogatory term Haitian "Boat People."

"We run from the rain at Fort Dimanche
But land in the river at Krome
It's them that call us boat people" (Mirisseau-Leroy 1991)

This little excerpt encompassed the whole era of the Haitian immigration period to
Miami. Haitians tried to flee their own country to escape the cruelties of their government and
the hardships that came with it. The rain at Fort Dimanche refers to the protesters of Duvalier's
party who were shot upon with machine guns at the prison Fort Dimanche in 1986. The Krome
reference refers to the immigration detention centre in Miami, Florida. This was where many
Haitians seeking asylum were detained prior to being sent back to Haiti (Arthur 1999:185).

Marriage of Duvalier and the United States

Haiti was the first black republic and gained their freedom earlier than many other
countries. This does not mean that they did not have their problems. The Haitian presidency is
something throughout history that has almost always come with violence. The Boat People era
was no different.
First, the rule of Francois Duvalier, aka "Papa Doc", was hard on the people of Haiti. He
became president of Haiti in 1957. In the early 1960s, Papa Doc became worried that the Haitian
army would remain more faithful to the United States overseers than to him (Lennox 1993:696).
From this fear stemmed the creation of Francois Duvalier's own personal army, the Tonton
Macoute. They did not follow any law but worked exclusively from Papa Doc's orders. This
meant that he could call on them to kill or beat up anyone who got in his way, disagreed with
him, or spoke out against him. This corrupt group was one of the many reasons that the Haitian
people searched for asylum on the coast of southern Florida.









He had help with his rise to power. The United States assisted in Francois Duvalier
become president. Though the United States had moved out of Haiti, the Kennedy administration
was still involved in Haitian government (Lennox 1993:696). The Kennedy administration
provided military assistance for Papa Doc's personal army in exchange for Haitian support for
anti-Cubanism. The United States ignored Duvalier's human rights violations. As long as the
United States had their anti-Cuba support from Haiti, they maintained their support of Duvalier's
tyrannical rule. This was ironic because the whole reason that many Haitians tried to leave Haiti
for the United States, where they were not wanted, was because of the cruelty they received from
Duvalier, who was supported by the United States. This web makes it hard for some to see which
side the United States is actually on.
After Papa Doc died, his son known as Baby Doc took over the presidency and
"mimicked" everything his father did for Haiti (Lennox 1993:698). The United States kept
providing financial aid to this regime of corrupt presidents. This money funded the Tonton
Macoute. The people did not see any benefit. This financial backing was a way of keeping the
Haitian people down. They were constantly living in fear of retaliation from the Tonton Macoute.
They could lose their land, family members, job, or their own life just from an encounter from
the Tonton Macoute. In many ways, the United States was the cause of the Haitians' desire to
flee Haiti.

How the American Government Dealt with the Haitian Refugees

America had to find some way to deal with the mass of Haitians trying to gain asylum in
southern Florida. There were a few approaches that International and Naturalization Service used
to deal with this flood of incoming Haitians. There were case hearings, detention camps, and
interdiction at sea. These various approaches were flawed, but they were still used.
In order to attain asylum, the Haitians had to make their case to the department of
International and Naturalization Service. They presented this case before the INS District
Director. If he or she thought that there was reason to doubt the validity of the case, then they
were denied the right to asylum. Those who were given the right to try for asylum had to present
their case in an interview. The lawyers helping them were given the "impossible load" of having
55 court case hearings a day (Lennox 1993:700). The lack of time allowed in these interviews
alone made it impossible for the Haitians to fully apply for political asylum.
Another way the United States denied asylum to the Haitians was through detention
camps. INS made a program that the "Boat People" could enter into. They would be detained for
their whole asylum process, which can take years, in cold "prison-like" facilities (Lennox
1993:701). Here, they were denied legal representation and were thrown into whichever center
fit best for the United States government. There were a few detention facilities in the United
States, such as West Virginia, Texas, and of course, Florida. Life in these facilities was rough on
the Haitians. They were detained for months to years at a time with no knowledge of what
tomorrow would bring. When they were moved from place to place, they were stripped and
forced to walk around nude in front of males and females, after which they were splashed with
water and dressed badly (Lennox 1993:702). Food came whenever INS decided the Haitians
were hungry. There was a group sent to Puerto Rico which vowed, after months of being held
there, that they would kill themselves by the end of the next month if they were not freed
(Lennox 1993:702).









The United States Coast Guard was sent out to sit in the ocean to await new arrivals of
Haitians on boats. They were there to stop them from reaching soil. Those who were interdicted
at sea did not have the right to asylum. If they did not reach soil, they were not qualified for
asylum. Refugees at sea were given a chance for an interview. The person they talked with
determined if their story was asylum worthy. Out of all who were interviewed from 1981 to
1990, only 11 were "deemed" worthy of asylum (Lennox 1993:704). As soon as they were
interviewed, many were sent back to Haiti or to detention camps to wait to be sent back to Haiti.

Reasons for the Voyage of Suffering

One of the many tragic stories of the Haitian immigrants during this time was that of a
man called Odilius Jean. Jean grew up in Haiti and had a bicycle. A Tonton Macoute came up to
him and asked if he could rent Jean's bicycle for a dollar. Jean said yes but couldn't find the
Macoute or his bike later on. He finally ran upon the Macoute and the Macoute told him that he
had bought the bike from Jean. Jean reached to get his bike back and was attacked for it. Jean got
away and hid in the woods for 3 months. The Macoute took one of Jean's brothers and killed him
in a public place trying to draw out Jean. Jean found out later that another one of his brothers
were grabbed by the Macoute. His throat was sliced with a knife but he survived. There was no
way that Jean could go back. He decided to head to America. He headed north and sold a part of
his land, which had been in his family since the time of Dessalines, for the $1,500 boat fare to
get to Miami. He thought he could earn the money back in Miami and buy more land later. He
boarded a twenty foot wooden boat with 144 other people. The trip was 720 miles long and after
two weeks, they had only gotten 600 miles and the water and food ran out. The Coast Guard
found them at this point (Stepick 1982:1).
There are many stories like this that happened to the Haitian immigrants. However, many
were not granted access to America and were sent back. They were not seen as "political
refugees" but were looked at as "economic refugees". Once Jean got to Miami, he had to talk to
the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) about why he was coming to America. He was
denied asylum because he was coming to earn money. He was told he left based on a personal
dispute and that he would remain in jail if he decided to stay in the United States (Stepick
1982:2). If a Haitian decided he or she would like to just go back to Haiti freely, they would just
have to sign a paper and they would be flown back to Haiti for free. There was talk of people
disappearing once they got back to Haiti but there were not many facts verifying this. The rights
of the Haitian refugees seeking asylum were ignored. The injustices that Haitians dealt with were
not always as extreme as what outsiders thought of them being. There was a different norm for
those growing up in Haiti. This being said, they still needed someone in the United States to
stand up for them.
Luckily, not all Americans were against the Haitians trying to find a better life in
America. They saw that the Haitians refugees were trying to come over to escape hard times
under Papa Doc in Haiti and being turned away while the Cuban refugees fleeing the reign of
Fidel Castro were welcomed with the open arms of America. They knew that Duvalier gave the
Haitians no option but to flee for their lives. They fought in case after case, newspaper article
after article, but for the most part went unheard. These people were fighting for human rights
when the Haitians immigrants were not always looked at as humans. They saw inhumane
treatment in detention camps, daily attacks in Haiti, and the shunning of the Haitians as human
rights violations that made these "Boat People" refugees.










Concluding the Glance of the Haitian Boat People


Later, Anthony Lake, the United States national security advisor concluded that the era of
the Haitian Boat People was a "dark stain" on the relationship between Haiti and America
(Holmes 1993). Many people believe that there should have been different approaches to many
things during this time. One can only hope that we can look back and learn from our mistakes, so
that we do not have anymore "dark stains" in our history.









Works Cited


Arthur, Charles and Michael Dash. 1999. A Haiti Anthology: Libete. New York: Markus Wiener
Publishers.

Dubois, Laurent. 2012. Haiti: The Aftershocks of History. New York: Metropolitan Books.

Holmes, Steven A. 1993. Pressure builds over return of boat people to Haiti.New York: New
York Times.

Lennox, Malissia. 1993. Refugees, Racism, and Reparations: A Critique of the United States'
Haitian Immigration Policy. Article in Stanford Law Review. Vol. 45, No. 3. pp.
687-724.

Mirrisseau-Leroy, Felix. 1991. Boat People.

Stepick, Alex.1982. Haitian Boat People: A Study in the Conflicting Forces Shaping U.S.
Immigration Policy. Article in Law and Contemporary Problems. Vol. 45, No. 2.
pp. 163-196

Unknown. 1991. Haitian Boat People. Article in U.S. Department Of State Dispatch 2.47: 865.









The Negative Portrayal of Haitian Culture versus the Positive attributes of Haitian People

Alisa Conser, University of Florida

Haiti has been riddled by instability and poverty since its beginnings as a country of
slaves rebelling against their owners. The seemingly continuous misfortune experienced is not
the fault of its people, but rather of its own history (Dubois 2012: 4). Haiti's history and
subsequent catastrophes: social, environmental, political, and otherwise have created conflicting
attitudes of shame and pride by the Haitian people resulting in a repression of the origins and
traditions of Haitian culture. However, contrasting with this is the acceptance of other aspects of
culture by the Haitian people.

Jean Price-Mars, the Haitian writer, diplomat, and teacher has documented the
suppression of Haiti's pride. His writings during the 20th century criticized the Haitian elite who
were denying their African ancestry in favor of a white, European background (Dubois 2012:
291). He named this behavior, "collective bovarism." Price-Mars used the term collective
bovarism to describe the behavior of the elite identifying themselves with elements of European
ancestry while denouncing any ties to their African legacy (Miguel 2006: 69). He observed this
phenomenon mostly in the elite class in Haiti. He found that many of the elite chose to associate
more with their European background. Price-Mars felt that the elite class in Haiti attempted to
deny their true origins of African heritage, of the salve revolution, their rural culture, and their
religion (Dubois 2012: 292). One of the consequences of this failing to appreciate its own
culture, Price-Mars argued, was that Haiti made herself vulnerable to foreign occupation. He
subsequently chose to embrace slavery as a source of Haitian culture and identity (Miguel 2006:
70). Price-Mars writings show the flawed philosophy of many Haitians who chose to deny the
origins of their own culture in favor of a foreign one. This is in essence a renunciation of many
aspects of one's own culture.

Pierre (2006: 309) discusses the causes and consequences of this bovarism in the Haitian
context. He feels that the fear of the inferiority of one's own culture, supported by the attitudes
Western developed nations embrace, cause elites of poor nations to attempt to replicate
everything that is "Western." According to Pierre, this attitude can be harmful to the people and
culture that hold this belief, with the direct result being the impediment of social progress. The
cause of cultural bovarism in Haiti has a variety of origins, which are discussed by Pierre. Pierre
(2006: 309) states that one of them is the "structural and administrative deficiencies in the
system." He holds the opinion that the multiculturalism of Haitian culture is at fault for many of
these problems. Pierre (2006: 307) points out that some go as far to say that a truly modernized
Haitian person does not become that way until he/she has adopted the culture of the West. He
states that it is natural to wish to imitate successful cultures, because indeed every successful
country has aspects that imitate another. Because of this, according to Pierre, Haiti has suffered
immensely. Price-Mars writings concur with Pierre's opinion. Price-Mars writes that Haitians
were trapped by the slaveholder's logic in which blacks are "cast-offs of humanity, without
history, without morality, without religion" (Dubois 2012: 291). He observes the glorification by
the elite of their ancestry from French masters to be absurd. He goes on to argue that after
overcoming colonialism and slavery, Haitians leaders have tried to improve Haiti by imitating
France. Price-Mars argued that if Haiti wanted to secure legitimate independence, it "needed to
look to its own culture as the necessary foundation of true sovereignty" (Dubois 2012: 292).
Unfortunately, the imitation of American/Western culture can be harmful if Haiti's core culture









is not utilized as an essential source of pride. Pierre (2006: 307) illustrates that Haiti must be able
to fully appreciate its own culture as a fundamental base in order to move forward in any way.

Another possible cause of the inferiority felt by Haitians is the negative portrayal of their
country by outside sources. Since the 19th century, many unfavorable stereotypes of Haitian
people have been perpetrated. Haitian culture as a whole has been depicted as violent in the
political, criminal and sexual spheres (James 2004: 133). Recurrent images of the violence of the
Haitian Revolution and onward have stereotyped the Haitian people as a particularly brutal
group. Violent behavior is represented as the norm in Haitian society. Negative historical
stereotypes of Haiti make it easier for Haitians to adopt inferior positions (James 2004: 129).
According to James (2004: 134), the Haitian people, as publicized by outsiders, are deficient in
both intellectual and moral capacity, superstitious, hysterical, and easily influenced by the
charisma of Vodou priests and priestesses. Haitians as a racial group are labeled as a danger for
the spread of infection, further igniting fears of the spread of AIDs and other diseases to other
countries (James 2004: 134). What is clear through these examples is that the vehement
depiction of the Haitian people can only have a negative effect on the conscious of its people and
thus on how they view their own culture.

Forces inside of Haiti also work to downgrade the power of the people. Pierre (2006:
304) outlines the fact that if the people of Haiti do not feel like their voices are being heard
politically, then they will be unwillingly to protect and defend the system. It is understood that
for political stability to occur, fair elections have to occur (Dubois 2012: 365). Instead, Haiti has
a history of corrupt and often intensely violent political conflict. Pierre (2006: 305) continues
with the argument that if a government or group does not respect a culture, it is of little
consequence to mistreat its people. Without empowered citizens, it is easier for governments and
groups to oppress the people. The government can accomplish this by doing anything from
misappropriating funds to denying the people their basic human rights (Pierre 2006: 305). Thus,
the inner workings of Haiti's political system toil to reinforce the repression of its people.

Another aspect that plays into the overall repression of Haitian culture is the dismissal of
many native practices. The rejection of Vodou as a legitimate religion, the rejection of Haitian
Creole as the national language, and a variety of other instances reveal the repression of
traditional culture seen throughout Haitian history.

It seems Vodou has been associated with malevolence since its original use in Haiti by
slaves before Haiti's independence. Vodou has been portrayed as raw and undefined and thus has
been considered a threat to many outside of its realm (Pierre 2006: 309). It is clear that many
outside of Haiti see Vodou as an evil religion. This judgment from outside sources can be
detrimental to the people who live in Haiti. An example of this is televangelist Pat Robinson who
blamed the 2010 earthquake on a pact made by the Haitians with the devil during the Haitian
Revolution. Statements like these have a profoundly negative effect on the psyche of practicing
Vodouists who are in essence being told their religion is at fault for their country's misfortune.
There are also people within the infrastructure of Haiti who reject Vodou, and continue the
repression of traditional culture. According to Arthur (1999: 273), there are some Haitian
intellectuals who consider Vodou a hindrance on the progression to a modern state. He reveals
this line of thinking to say that some feel that Vodou lacks the ability to benefit the rural
population in a tangible way. He considers that Vodou has lost its revolutionary spirit and is now
a "conservative institution which condones and feeds upon the backwardness of the peasantry"









(Bastien 1999: 273). This type of attitude shows that even within Haiti, there are rejections of
Vodou, and thus a rejection of the traditional aspects of Haitian culture.

In addition to the other dismissals of native practices, Pierre describes the discomfort
with the national language in Haiti. Pierre (2006: 315) blames this lack of appreciation for the
native tongue on the attitude of many Haitians in favor of more European ways of speaking and
acting. Pierre feels that the people born and raised in Haiti speak "Haitian," that the language has
outgrown the label of "Creole." He feels that calling it Creole is an impediment on the embrace
of Haitian culture. He places much of the blame on the educational systems favoring of the
French language (Pierre 2006: 315). In Haiti, speaking French is seen as enhancing one's social
status, while the Haitian language lowers it. Pierre (2006: 316) states that this outlook is
basically constraining Haitian Creole as the language of the slaves, rather than an educational or
communicative tool. Another explanation of the lack of faith in the Haitian language is that the
law is written in French, a language the majority of Haitians cannot read. This plays into the lack
of empowerment of many Haitians in their own traditions.

A similar problem exists in terms of food, art and music in Haiti. There is a lack of
appreciation for the native artistic traditions in preference for foreign ones. This is seen as a
problem in Haitian society because if Haitians do not appreciate their music and art as an
invaluable resource, then they continue to downgrade their own culture. According to Pierre
(2006: 317), some Haitians have in general had a fondness of foreign music over their own. It is
not until other countries have shown an interest in Haitian music that many Haitians have come
to fully appreciate their culture's sound (Pierre 2006: 317). Much of the time the world of art and
music in Haiti is seen as naive until its recognition by westerners (Pierre 2006: 317). This
information reveals the oppression of the culture in Haiti in preference for ones overseas. This is
damaging to the people of Haiti who should be rejoicing in traditions native to Haiti. The
consequence of this type of ideology is the detrimental outlook on Haitian's own irreplaceable
traditions.

Much of the inferiority and oppression of Haitian culture described above is not meant to
disclaim the rich history of resiliency and pride felt by the Haitian people. There is equally as
much pleasure and appreciation of Haitian culture vying to counteract much of the negative
attitudes toward Haitian culture. There are a huge number of groups aiming to promote the rights
of the Haitian people (Arthur 1999: 142). These organizations address a variety of issues,
including human rights, labor laws, justice and land reform. After World War II ends there was a
rise of unions, strikes and peasant movements. These grassroots efforts push themselves and the
issues they are trying to promote onto the national stage of politics. These organizations show
that Haitians value their rights and aim to protect their culture and way of living. Haiti is reported
to be the poorest nation in the Americas, suffering everything from political corruption to
environmental destruction (Will 2000: 15). The spirit of the Haitian people is a resilient one.
They are a people surviving and trying to thrive in a structurally impeded environment.

Haiti has been affected by injustice since its very beginning. What allowed the Haitian
people to stand up and fight against the bonds of slavery was their unifying spirit. Their
attachment to the land and the religious aspect of Vodou allowed the slaves of Saint Domingue
to defeat the French against all odds. The Haitian people originated from a collective cause to
rise up as one massive entity with a singular goal in mind. As Price-Mars put it, although
Haitians had a past that was "certainly the most engaging and moving history of the world," they









still felt ashamed of their African roots (Dubois 2012: 291). This opinion encompasses the
conflicting ideologies of the Haitian people; a people who have a past to be immensely proud of
yet often seem ashamed of it.









Works Cited


Arthur, Charles, and Michael Dash. 1999. A Haiti Anthology: Libete. Jamaica: Ian Randle
Publishers.

Dubois, Laurent. 2012. Haiti: The Aftershocks of History. New York: Metropolitan Books.

James, Erica. 2004. "The Political Economy of 'Trauma' in Haiti in the Democratic Era of
Insecurity." Article in Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, Volume 28, No. 2, pp. 129-134.

Miguel, Pedro. 2006. The Imagined Island: History, Identity, and Utopia in Hispaniola:
University of North Carolina Press.

Pierre, Hyppolite. 2006. Haiti, Rising Flames From Burning Ashes. Lanham: University Press of
America.

Will, Emily. 2000. Haiti. San Diego: Lucent Books.









Torture: Something of the Past or Still Our Foe Today?
Jane Eur, University of Florida

Introduction

Torture has been present in Haiti ever since Christopher Columbus and the Spanish came
in search of gold. Along with its longevity, torture in Haiti can also be identified by its
consistency in means, motives, and effect. While some aspects of torture have evolved and
changed over time, many characteristics of torture have remained the same. Before diving into
ways in which torture in Haiti has remained the same or has changed, it is important to note that
Haiti is not the only country that has a history of torture.
For example, take the torture of detainees in Abu Ghraib by United States soldiers in
2004. The detainees were beaten and forced to commit indecent acts, all while being objectified
by being used as props in pictures taken by the soldiers. There are two theories as to why the
detainees were tortured as they were: the first being that the senior leaders in the government
ordered the actions and the other which states that the soldiers who committed these actions did
so by their own will and for their own enjoyment (Graveline 2010, 142). When the America
public heard of this news, they were astonished and shocked that Americans had committed such
shameful acts of torture.
Another more well-known occurrence of torture would be the torture inflicted onto
Jewish, gypsy, and homosexual people by the Nazi Germans. This included being starved,
cramped into tiny spaces, treated like cattle, used as lab rats in experiments led by Nazi
Germans, and much more. Reasons for these tortures include the fact that the Nazi Germans
believed that the Jewish were something much less than human and also attempts to find cures
for certain diseases or circumstances, such as re-warming the body after being frozen, typhus,
and being poisoned by mustard gas (Spitz 2005, 90, 106, 137).
And the last country to mention in regards to torture before discussing Haiti's history of
torture is Rwanda. In 1994, the Rwandan Genocide erupted and over half a million people were
killed. In the midst of the murder during this time, both men and women (although more
frequently women) were exposed to injustice as they were sexually tortured. Women of the Tutsi
clan were subjected to rape, and men, although not exposed to rape as often as the women, were
tortured in the form of castration (Nowrojee 1996, 42-43).
Just by briefly glancing at a part of these three countries' history with torture, it is evident
that Haiti is not peculiar when it comes to torture. Torture, it seems, is actually quite common in
the world as a whole. Torture in Haiti has varied with regard to the means of torture, the motives
for torture, and the effects that torture has on the people of the country between Haiti during the
15th century to the early 19th century and after Haiti gains its independence.

The Horrendous Distant Past

Torture was evident during the times before Haiti had gained independence due to the
masses of slaves and slave owners in the small area of land. In colonial times, French colonists
and slave owners would torture their slaves by cutting off body parts, drowning them, crucifying
them on planks, and placing black men and women naked into barrels that were spiked with nails
(Arthur 1999, 29). Slave owners would even go to the extreme of killing their slaves, which was
not uncommon. This was probably so because it would be more expensive to treat wounds and
injuries inflicted on the slave from the torture than to replace them. Even before the French came









into Saint Domingue and began importing slaves to work on their plantations, the Spanish came
in search of gold (Arthur 1999, 17). In the midst of the search for gold, King Ferdinand declared
that the indigenous on the land had to convert to the Catholic faith or they would suffer
consequences (Arthur 1999, 22-23). He stated in the letter that the Spanish would harm the
indigenous as much as they needed to in order to make them obey and that the resulting deaths
and injuries would be blamed on the people's disobedience and resistance. The Spanish used
their religion as an excuse to come into the Tainos' land and demand for goods while using
torture to get their way.
The French colonists used torture as a means of punishment and to keep slaves obedient.
For example, the Maroons would at times pillage and raid plantations, stealing horses and cattle
necessary for them to live where they were. In retaliation, the plantation owners would try their
best to capture the Maroons and punish them. They tortured them and used them as examples to
show other Maroons what would happen if they continued (Arthur 1999, 30). French colonists
tormented disobedient and rebellious workers in order to discourage others who were similar and
those who desired to rise and revolt against their owners. According to the Code Noir, which was
passed by King Louis XIV in 1685, they were justified in their use of corporal punishment
(Ghachem 2012, 30-31).
The acts of torture led to the retaliation of the Haitian people which manifested as
marronage, the poisoning of slave masters and others, and revolts, including the one that would
lead to Haiti's independence (Arthur 1999, 31-32). But with the retaliation of the Haitian people
came the revenge of the French. For instance, when the Maroons would come in and raid the
plantations to get necessities, slave owners would try to capture a few of the fugitives and then
would torture them in order to discourage slaves considering running away (Arthur 1999, 30). In
the case of the poisoning and the revolts, slave masters would be ambiguous in who they chose
to torture and punish, also in an attempt to dishearten those who were preparing to fight for their
freedom (Ghachem 2012, 132, 158-159). Due to the consumption of the land by slavery, torture
was present in almost every corner of Haitian life, and it would continue to be this way even
after the revolution of 1801.

The Recent Past and Her Horrors

Once Haiti became an independent country, Haitians used torture in order to do the same
thing that it had done in the past; to quiet down those who posed as potential threats and to
discourage those who were encouraged by them. The means and the effects that this torture had
on the Haitian people were similar to those during the time before independence. For instance,
we have the Duvaliers and the Tonton Macoute, the Duvaliers' private militia. They bullied and
scared the people in Haiti into being cooperative under the rule of the Duvaliers (Arthur 1999,
48-49). Both father and son would use their power to put down people who threatened their
political power and economic riches (Arthur 1999, 60). In most cases, people who posed
potential threats of overthrowing Papa Doc or Baby Doc would disappear during the night and
would never be seen again (Arthur 1999, 48).
Even before the Duvaliers gained power, there were incidences of torture in the early 20th
century during the United States occupation of Haiti. The Cacos, who had been trying to
challenge the rule of the central government, began to fight the United States. In response, the
United States established the corvee which had not been enforced since Boyer's rule (Dubois
2012, 239). The corvee is a forced labor system where people unable to pay taxes are required to









do manual labor to pay off their debts. They were forced to build roads over the rugged terrain to
make fighting easier. Also, the new roads provided assistance in the circulation of goods and
were intended to encourage outside investments into Haiti (Dubois 1999, 239). In some cases,
the governments would take Haitians from their homes in the middle of the night. When people
began hiding and running away, both Marines and Haitian Gendarmerie went to the extremes of
breaking into funerals or places of worship to find people (Dubois 1999, 241). Some ways in
which the Marines or the Gendarmerie would torture these forced workers were by throwing
their paychecks onto the ground and then releasing dogs to attack the workers when they went to
pick it up. They also attacked workers whenever they felt the need to. As a result, men would run
away, making it extremely difficult for the Gendarmeries to find laborers. These men who were
forced to work believed that corvee was equivalent to slavery, and thus they should retaliate in
the same way that their ancestors had done; through revolt. Charlemagne Peralte organized a
revolution in order to push out the Americans completely, but it did not have the effect that he
desired (Dubois 2012, 249). After looking at all these past details about Haiti, it is clear that
torture is not a foreign concept to the people, even after Haiti achieved independence.

Difference Between the Past and the Present

When comparing torture from before and after Haiti gained independence, there are many
similarities and a few differences in the means, motives, and effects. The means of torture were
different in that tortures were more brutal before independence. There are not as many
documented events of how people were burned or placed into barrels full of nails after the
revolution of 1804. However, when comparing the motives of torture, there are many more
similarities. For instance, take the marronages and the Duvaliers. Slave masters would torture
fugitives caught on raids in order to warn potential maroons, and in the same way, the Duvaliers
would torture people who posed as potential threats in order to frighten others who might have
had desires to overthrow them.
Another similarity is that slave owners and the US who implemented the corvee would
torture those in order to fulfill selfish desires, one being the cultivation of plantations and the
other, making smooth roads so defeating the Cacos would be easier. The similarities continue as
when discussing the effects that torture had on the Haitian people. Both slavery and the corvee, a
form of slavery, caused people to run away in fear of being captured and being forced to work as
prisoners (Dubois 2012, 242). It also resulted in fostering a desire to revolt against the people
who kept them as captives. In return, both the slave owners and the United States Marines and
Haitian Gendarmerie would retaliate because they felt threatened. When the three aspects of
torture from the 15th century to the early 19th century are compared to the three aspects from the
19th century and beyond, it is evident that they are rather similar and that torture has remained
quite constant.

Conclusion

Torture is not a foreign concept to Haiti, nor is it something strange to the rest of the
world. Events of torture occurred in the Middle East where detainees were objectified by
Americans in 1994 (Graveline 2010, 142), in Europe with the brutal Nazis, and in Africa
between two neighboring ethnic groups, the Hutus and the Tutsis. The list does not end there.









But when discussing torture in Haiti, we look to two different periods; the time before
Haiti was an independent country and the time after gaining independence. Whilst comparing
and contrasting the means, the motives, and the effects that torture had and has on the Haitian
people, it is understood that not much has changed in that realm. The means of torture might
have lessened in severity, but the motives and the effects that it has on the people remains
constant.









Works Cited

Arthur, Charles, and J. Michael. Dash. Libete: A Haiti Anthology. London: Latin America
Bureau, 1999.

Dubois, Laurent. Haiti: The Aftershocks of History. New York: Metropolitan, 2012.

Ghachem, Malick W. The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge UP,
2012.

Graveline, Christopher and Clemens, Michael. The Secrets ofAbu Ghraib Revealed: American
Soldiers on Trial. Washington, D.C.: Potomac, 2010.

Nowrojee, Binafer, Fleischman, Janet. Nhtunie/ elJLives: Sexual Violence During the Rwandan
Genocide and Its Aftermath. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1996.

Spitz, Vivien. Doctors from Hell: The Horrific Account of Nazi Experiments on Humans.
Boulder, CO: Sentient Publications, 2005.









The Roots and Significance of Haitian Cuisine


Alexandra Gioseffi, University of Florida

Introduction

Haitian cuisine succeeds in making the best of challenging economic and agricultural
conditions in the country. Although domestic food crops are limited and many people lack the
financial means to afford numerous ingredients, Haitians use locally grown herbs and spices and
other fresh ingredients to develop satisfying flavors and produce a finished creation that is
unique to the gastronomic genre of Haitian cuisine or manje krey6l. Manje krey6l is a complex
compilation of historical and foundational influences, religious and social aspects, and domestic
and imported ingredients. Haitian cuisine is also exemplified in several national dishes that
combine these historical, cultural, and compositional factors.

Historical and Foundational Influences

Manje krey6l is a representation of the people who inhabited Haiti throughout history.
The indigenous population of Haiti included the Taino and Arawak Indians who occupied
Hispaniola before the colonization efforts of Spain and France. Elements of the native peoples'
culture, such as the presence of staple crops, are evident in Haitian cuisine today. For example,
the Taino and Arawak people initially cultivated some of the same crops that are grown and
relied upon for food in modern day Haiti. One of these crops is cassava. Cassava, also known as
manioc or yucca, is a member of the tuber family. It has a thick, fibrous peel, but the white inside
can be boiled or mashed. The cassava root is a valuable carbohydrate source for Haitians today,
just as it was for the Taino and Arawak Indians.

During the colonial period, the Spanish and the French both inhabited Haiti. The Spanish
brought with them many spices. Today, the Spanish spice tradition is still a significant
characteristic of Haitian cuisine. Many traditional Haitian ingredients, such as conch and
snapper, are accentuated by adding spicy chili peppers and sauces that were first popularized in
Haiti by the Spanish settlers, such as ti-malice, (Robertiello 2000: 58-59). The French brought
classical techniques for preparing food. Some of these techniques are commonly used in Haitian
cuisine today, such as the techniques for making light and flaky pastries. Another aspect of
French history that is present in Haitian cuisine is the popularity of desserts. Pastries, mousses,
and puddings are all typical Haitian desserts that have roots in French cuisine.

Another area of historical influence for manje krey6l is African cuisine. With the
thousands of slaves who were transported from Africa to Haiti came traditional African recipes
and ingredients. The African slaves brought with them ideas for dishes, and they applied the
same methods and techniques used in those African dishes to the ingredients available in tropical
Haiti. They substituted ingredients that were not available for those that were readily available,
but they also brought with them some ingredients new to the Haitian agricultural environment,
such as okra and pigeon peas. Okra and pigeon peas were both originally cultivated in Africa and
then were brought to Haiti via the slave trade (Hall 2007: 34). Today, both okra and pigeon peas
are common fixtures in Haitian cuisine. The African roots in manje krey6l are present in both the
methods and the ingredients used to make dishes.









Religious and Social Aspects


In addition to the historical influences of manje kreyol, there are also religious and social
influences. Christianity and the traditions associated with the Christian religion have had a
notable impact on the development of modem Haitian cuisine. Many Catholics in Haiti, like
devout Christians around the world, abstain from consuming meat during the Lenten period prior
to Easter Sunday; instead, they eat mostly vegetarian and seafood dishes (Jacquet 2008: 9). On
Easter, Haitians celebrate their faith with a large meal that includes meat. For Christmas,
Haitians often repeat this sentiment and treat themselves to dishes of rice and beans, fried
bananas, and fresh salads. Christian holidays in Haiti are often celebrated with feasts of
traditional Haitian cuisine.

Similarly, manje kreyol plays an important role in Vodou traditions in Haiti. Vodou
spirits are often paid tribute to with offerings that include foods and beverages (Robertiello 2000:
58-59). Also, there are Vodou festivals in which Haitian cuisine serves as an important
component of the celebration. These include harvest festivals, which are celebrations of
agriculture and acknowledgements of the importance of crops such as yams.

There are also many social influences in manje kreyol, including social class
stratification. Ng Cheong-Lum (1997: 115) suggests that the Haitian elite regularly feast on
large, extravagant meals; whereas, the peasants sometimes eat only one starchy meal per day.
This distinct separation between the cuisine enjoyed by wealthy Haitians and that consumed by
poor Haitians divides manje kreyol into two categories, the elite and the common. The elite
Haitian cuisine features more expensive and exclusive ingredients, such as spiny lobster and
snapper. The common Haitian cuisine is centered primarily on starch because it provides dense
portions of calories for the poor and undernourished.

Another way in which Haitian cuisine is representative of social influences is the
popularity of street vendors in markets. Markets are a place for both commerce and socialization.
Haitians venture to the markets to explore and to meet people, and the markets often stay open
for several hours. Street vendors sell prepared food to the people enjoying the market. This
prepared food includes griot, or fried pork, and porridge made of pulverized corn, sugar, and
dairy (Ng Cheong-Lum 1997: 121). Another example of social gatherings that involve Haitian
food is the konbit feast. In exchange for cooperative farm work, workers receive a large feast.
These feasts often include meats prepared according to Haitian culinary traditions, like barbeque,
crops that were harvested during the konbit, and alcoholic beverages common throughout Haiti,
such as clairin (Courlander 1960: 87).

Available Ingredients

Apart from the historical and cultural influences of manje kreyol, there are limitations and
allowances based on what ingredients are available for use in Haiti. What Haitians cook depends
largely on what raw materials they have to work with. The final product is determined by the raw
materials made available by agriculture, fishing, and importation. First, there are ingredients that
are made available locally through agricultural efforts. These ingredients include sugar cane,
tropical fruits, corn, beans, tubers, and livestock. Sugar cane has been an important ingredient in
Haitian cuisine since the age of the plantation system in Haiti. Today, sugar supplies a valuable
source of calories for the undernourished and satisfaction for all. Haitians make rapadou, a









sugary syrup that is used in a variety of ways, including to sweeten drink and to make clairin, a
strong alcoholic beverage (Ng Cheong-Lum 1997: 120). Another ingredient made available
through local agriculture is tropical fruit. Bananas, mangoes, avocados, and citrus fruits are
common examples of the fruit grown and consumed in Haiti. These fruits supply many important
vitamins and minerals, including Vitamins C and A. In 1980, Haitians consumed more fruits than
any other category of food (Kite and Pryor 1983: 21b). Corn is another ingredient that is
commonly used in Haitian cuisine. It can be ground and made into porridge or it can be eaten in
its original form. Further, a variety of beans are grown in Haiti. Beans are an important element
of Haitian cuisine because they provide an inexpensive source of protein. Tubers, or roots, are
also a frequently used category of ingredients in Haitian cuisine; these include potatoes, yams,
and cassava. They can be mashed, boiled, or fried and served alongside other Haitian dishes as a
source of starch.

Livestock is also an important source of Haitian cuisine. Pork is used in many traditional
Haitian dishes, such as griot, but pigs, and thus pork products, temporarily became less common
after the Creole pig eradication. In 1983, the U.S. Agency for International Development
slaughtered approximately two million pigs in Haiti in order to halt the spread of the swine flu
(Dubois 2012: 352). After the eradication, they tried to replenish the population with American
white pigs, but the attempts were unsuccessful because the white pigs were not suited to the
tropical climate. But, the pig population in Haiti and the domestic pork product availability has
since begun recovering. Goat and chicken are also commonly used in manje kreyol (Chapin
2001: 396).

In addition to the ingredients available through local agriculture, seafood is also
available because of Haiti's 1,054-mile coast (Arthur 2002: 44). Among the five thousand tons of
fish caught off Haiti's coast annually, are lambi, shellfish, and fish (Chapin 2001: 396).

Finally, there are ingredients that are made accessible through importation into Haiti.
Because of the troubling agricultural situation due to topsoil loss and deforestation, Haiti imports
many goods, mainly rice. Rice, which is a necessity in Haitian cuisine, is grown in Haiti, but the
crops are supplemented with rice imported from other countries.

Examples of Haitian Cuisine

Once the ingredients are acquired via agriculture, fishing, and importation, the process of
creating manje krey6l continues and finished dishes are assembled. Several examples of
traditional Haitian dishes are soup joumou, diri kole ak pwa, diri djon djon, and porridge (Ng
Cheong-Lum 1997: 121). Soup joumou is pumpkin soup that is made year-round in celebration
of Haiti's 1804 independence. Therefore, the historical influences of Haiti's past are evident in
this classical Haitian dish, which is made by stewing pumpkin and vegetables together until they
are tender and flavorful.

Diri kole ak pwa, or rice and beans, is the national dish of Haiti. It is an extremely
popular dish in Haiti, and it can be found on many dinner tables throughout the country. Rice and
beans are both relatively inexpensive ingredients, so the combination makes for a budget-
conscious meal. It also provides protein and starch, necessary components of a balanced diet.
Therefore, diri kole ak pwa provides nutrition while still being moderately priced. The
ingredients are also readily available in Haiti. Red and black beans are both grown locally in









Haiti. Rice has also been grown in Haiti's Arbitonite Valley for decades (Ng Cheong-Lum 1997:
115). Additional rice is also imported to Haiti on a regular basis.

Another traditional Haitian dish is diri djon djon. This dish is made by cooking rice with
black mushrooms. It is unique to Haiti because the Haitian black mushroom, one of the main
ingredients in the recipe, is only found in the local ecosystems of Haiti. The stems of the
mushrooms are used to color the rice and to create the signature dark tone. They are later
removed because they are not to be consumed. The caps, however, are diced and added to the
rice for consumption. The historical influences are also present in this dish because the technique
used to flavor and color the rice is similar to the process of steeping saffron in broth to color and
flavor Spanish paellas.

Porridges, labouyi or mayi moulen, are also common throughout Haiti. Porridges are
served by street vendors, marketplace merchants, and home cooks. The recipe is flexible, and a
variety of different grains can be used as the base. Typically, the foundation is ground corn or
sorghum, which is a cereal crop similar to wheat or barley. The base grain is ground and
combined with other ingredients, such as milk and sugar. The final porridge can be adorned with
the addition of fruits and nuts. Peasants regularly consume porridge in Haiti because it is a dense
source of carbohydrates, more affordable than other alternatives, and flavorful.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Haitian cuisine, or manje krey6l, is an intricate composite of various
historical influences, religious and social influences, and ingredient influences. The final product
is often affordable, starchy, and flavorful. These characteristics are imperative to the majority of
Haitians because they are aiming to achieve affordably sufficient nutrition without
compromising flavor. They pick ingredients that are affordable and nutritive, such as beans and
fruits. Then they prepare them according to traditional Haitian methods so that they are packed
with the flavor of local herbs and spices. On the other hand, the upper social classes are less
concerned with affordability and calorie-density, so they indulge in the more exclusive
ingredients found throughout Haiti. However neither the lower nor upper social classes ever
sacrifice the spice, flavor, or freshness that is the foundation of manje krey6l.









Works Cited

Arthur, Charles. Haiti: A Guide to the People, Politics and Culture. New York: Interlink
Books, 2002.

Chapin Metz, Helen. Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies. Washington, D.C.:
Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 2001.

Courlander, Harold. 1960. The Drum and the Hoe. In A Haiti Anthology: Libete. Ed by Arthur
and Dash. New York: Markus Weiner Publishers.

Dubois, Laurent. 2012. Haiti: The Aftershocks of History. New York: Metropolitan
Books.

Hall, Robert L. 2007. Africa and the American South: Culinary Connections. Article in Sninlhel
Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 2, pp. 19-52.

Jacquet, Jennifer. 2008. Holy Mackerel. Article in Science and Spirit, Vol. 19, No. 2, pp. 9-10.

Kite, Rodney C., and S.A. Pryor. Haiti, Food Policy Options. S.I.: s.n.

Ng Cheong-Lum, Roseline. Haiti. New York: Marshall Cavendish, 1997.

Robertiello, Jack. 2000. Haiti's Kreyol Cookery. Article in Americas, Vol. 52, No. 2, pp.
58-59









Haitian-American Transnationalism
Sarah McDermott, University of Florida

Due to the globalization of technological advances, transmigration has become an ever-
increasing phenomenon found throughout the world. Naturally, the people of Haiti are no
exception. Like many nations, Haiti struggles with political and economic control; so much that
more than a few people take their chances in another country in pursuit of a better life. Mass
migrations between nations, like Haiti and the United States, have created not only multinational
ethnic identities, but an ongoing external influence on the countries involved. Many Haitian-
Americans today are living in a transnational world adapting their identities to harmoniously fit
into the host land while remaining apart of the homeland.
Labeling the Haitian-American migrant experience as transnational is based on the
definition that migrants develop and maintain relations across national boundaries creating multi-
national identities. Transnational migrants are able to move fluently through multiple nations
while keeping a sensible frame of mind regarding the homeland. Some scholars have used
diaspora to describe the Haitian-American experience from focusing on the political and
economic exiling from Haiti in the 20th century. Even though ethnic exile of the homeland is a
defining characteristic of a diaspora, it is a less suitable term for Haitian-Americans in today's
world. Following the framework of a diaspora, that it links "a present population with an
imagined community, a community that is often elevated to mythical status", this expression
fails to be useful for Haitian-Americans who develop ties to Haiti daily (Vasquez 2008: 163).
Haitians may have left for political or economic relief, but those in Haiti and in the United States
mutually rely on each other for physical and spiritual purposes which make transnationalism the
appropriate definition. By looking at the reasons for migration and the outcome of dislocation,
the transnational lives of Haitian-Americans can be understood.

Historical Reasons for Leaving Haiti

More than most, Haitians knows what it is like to battle suppression and to arrive on top,
just to be faced with another obstacle. After the country won its independence in 1804 to become
the first black nation of the world, the country fell into a pattern of dictatorships. Meanwhile,
encroachment of outside forces that were displeased with the running of the country and wanted
control of Haiti's resources kept the new nation strained. Through all of this, the ones who
suffered the most were the peasant farmers, who make up the majority of the population. The
demanding financial problems created by the elite rulers were endured by the peasants. Whether
it was to pay the 1825 indemnity to France or to enhance the infrastructure of the country, the
Haitian peasants were manipulated to bear the brunt of the cost in ways such as forced labor and
heavy taxation.
One of the first major waves of Haitian emigration to the United States occurred in the
1950s due to political strife. When Francois Duvalier became president in 1957, the traditional
elite who were opposed to the Duvalier regime became a target of violence and oppression. For
many, the only options were imprisonment, death, or migration. For the financially able, the
obvious choice was migration. Others who were less wealthy were unable to leave Haiti until the
1970s during a time that became known by people in the United States as the 'boat people
phenomenon.' This flood of migration occurred because Haitian peasants increasingly found
themselves living in intolerable situations due to economic struggle. With hope of a better life
outside Haiti's borders, peasants would sell everything they owned for enough money to









purchase a ride on a boat heading north. Sadly, these boats were often poorly made for the tightly
packed 700 mile trip to Southern Florida; sometimes they would sink in the middle of the ocean.
Even so, these economic exiles took their chances for a standard of living taken for granted by
many.
Many of the boats that left the Haitian shore for to the United States were intercepted by
the United States Coast Guard and forced to return to Haiti. Even so, numerous boats made it to
South Florida and began the shift into North American life. Initially, the Haitian immigrants
were faced with barriers like racial discrimination and language difference, but through the
years, Haitian-Americans have managed to develop Haitian communities throughout the United
States in cities like New York, Miami, and New Orleans. To distinguish themselves from the
discriminated "black people," Haitians displayed their foreign background by speaking French or
Creole, practicing Catholicism or Vodou, and dressing in French influenced styles. This allowed
them to create their own community of Haitian culture among the many ethnic groups in the
United States. Although Haitian-Americans have experienced hostility from their adopted
homeland, they have been able to develop an identity that reinforces their physical and spiritual
ties to the mother country.

Physical Connections between the Homeland and the Host Land

Since many people still struggle to support their families in Haiti, it is common for
financial support to come from a relative or friend who lives and works in another country. In
2010, about US$1.5 billion was sent to Haiti from foreign countries, according to United States
Migration Policy Institute. It is not uncommon for Haitian-Americans to work two jobs in order
to have enough money to support themselves, as well as send some back to Haiti. This is
especially the case for Haitians living in cities like New York, where there is a higher cost of
living. These remittances received from transnational Haitians have become a necessity for the
people and the economy of Haiti. According to the American Immigration Council,
approximately one in five households in Haiti receives remittances. Families in Haiti depend on
the funds received from transnational Haitians for basic everyday needs like housing, food, and
medicine. Even so, the funds received do not fully compensate for the cost of upbringing the
migrant and the loss of their labor in Haiti (Richman 2008: 5). Another source of income that
flows between nations is due to ownership of Haitian land. If Haitian-Americans had not already
sold their land in Haiti to get the funds to migrate, there is the option of renting it to local people.
This practice creates a flow of income not only from the United States to Haiti, but also from
Haiti to the United States, further showing the reciprocity of Haitians between nations.
Traveling between countries has become an increasingly realistic option and has been
taken advantage of by the common Haitian. Over time, the United States has developed its own
Haitian pilgrimage sites, where annual ceremonies that Haitians from varying countries travel to
attend. Religious sites in the United States have been "added to the American landscape; they
multiply, rather than replace, spiritual centers of the home country" (Warner and Wittner 1998:
126). This means that pilgrimage sites in the United States are no less significant than sites in
Haiti; instead they represent the expanding religious world of transnational Haitians.
Furthermore, transnational Haitians will plan trips back to Haiti around important religious
ceremonies to maintain traditional customs. For Haitians, the United States has mainly become a
place for healing and intervention in times of great need (Warner and Wittner 1998: 131). The
more traditional "works- initiations, funerary rituals, or becoming a priest or priestess- are all









carefully planned for trips back to Haiti" (Warner and Wittner 1998: 131). Even so, when the
spirit calls for them to attend a ceremony or make a pilgrimage, wherever it may be, "it is
thought that to ignore the call is to court misfortune" (Arthur and Dash 1999: 205).

Spiritual Connections between the Homeland and the Host Land

Transnational Haitians maintain ties to the homeland through their religious practices of
Catholicism and Vodou. In the United States, Haitians often incorporate Vodou traditions into
Catholic society by using the technique of 'code-switching.' 'Code-switching' is used
strategically by transnational Haitians to swap between Catholicism and Vodou to match the
socially appropriate situation at hand (McAlister 2009: 239). At ceremonies that appear to be
Catholic, underlying signs of Vodou can be noticed by the trained eye. The Fete du Notre Dame
du Mont Carmel (Festival of Our Lady of Mount Carmel) in New York has become a major
pilgrimage site for Haitians. Our Lady of Mount Carmel, whom the festival honors, is another
name for the Virgin Mary in Catholicism, but Mount Carmel can also represent the Vodou spirit,
Ezili Danto, for Haitians. In the Festival of Our Lady of Mount Carmel the popping from
fireworks announces when to salute the Virgin, however "the sound of bursting gunpowder is
also an aural semiotic sign for Ezili Danto, goddess who "walks behind" the Viej Mirak (miracle
virgin)" (Warner and Wittner 1998: 128). Even though the Festival of Our Lady of Mount
Carmel was created for the Italian community in East Harlem, the transnational Haitians have
influenced the ceremony with Haitian traditions to the point that now the ceremony has a French
Mass and the Haitian flag flies next to the Italian flag in the parade (Warner and Wittner 1998:
151).
Another pilgrimage site that attracts many transnational Haitians, which coincides with
the Festival of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, is found in Sodo, Haiti. In Sodo the Fet Viej Mirak
(Feast of the Miracle Virgin) has become a religious site that attracts all classes in the
transnational community (Warner and Wittner 1998: 135). The site can be found next to a
waterfall that has caused tired pilgrims from a long travel to become possessed by the Vodou
spirits. Nearby, it was rumored that a peasant farmer had seen the Virgin Mary in a palm tree,
which led to a French priest cutting the tree down for fear of superstition (Warner and Wittner
1998: 135). Vodou is incorporated into the Feast of the Miracle Virgin through songs made
specifically for the lwa. Vodouist Catholics often feel as though the requests that are made to the
Catholic saints are "governed by the logic of Vodou" and that they are dealing "with the spirit
behind the saint" (Warner and Wittner 1998: 138). This represents the Haitians' ability to 'code-
switch' between faiths to fit into multiple communities.
Since the 1970's, an intensification of conversions from Vodou and Catholicism to
Protestantism has had an adverse effect on transnational Haitians. It has led to the breaking of
spiritual and physical ties between migrants and the homeland. Karen Richman argues that
Haitians find Protestantism as an "escape route" of obligations and interdependence with their
transnational domestic and ritual ties (Richman 2008: 5). Evangelical Protestant missionaries
regard Haitian culture as satanic, calling the people enemies "fighting against Christian
redemption" (McAlister and Richman 2009). To become fully converted, one must reject their
relations to the mother country, which presents an opportunity for an individualistic form of
spirituality. Through Protestantism, Haitian migrants have justified their disassociation to kin
and spirit relationships back in Haiti and their declining repatriations. Transnational Haitians
view Protestantism as a tool to achieve greater individual, social, and economic success









(Richman 2008: 4). Nevertheless, "backsliding" to Vodou and Catholicism when the conversion
fails to protect or help them in life is not uncommon.

Transnational Haitian-American Experience Condensed

The Haitian emigration may have stemmed out of political and economic exile, but the
outcome has not been a tragic one. In fact, if it were not for the migration of Haitians out of
Haiti, the country today would be poorer and the people less religiously globalized. With the
help of Haitian-Americans sending remittances and economically contributing by making visits,
peasant families in Haiti are more able to meet basic needs of food and shelter meanwhile
encountering new ideas and practices of the transmigrants. The transnational experience benefits
the Haitians-Americans by providing them with ongoing spiritual and emotional support from
the homeland, preventing an unrealistic and utopia-like memory. It has caused many to develop
complex identities incorporating many aspects into their lives including Catholicism, Vodou,
American identity, Haitian identity, French identity, and more.









Works Cited


Arthur, Charles and Michael Dash. Libete: A Haitian Anthology. Markus Wiener Publishers,
1999.

McAlister, Elizabeth. The Madonna of 115th St. Revisited. Vodou and Haitian Catholicism in the
Age of Transnationalism. In American Studies: An Anthology. Edited by Janice A.
Radway, Kevin K. Gaines, Barry Shank, and Penny Von Eschen

McAlister, Elizabeth and Karen Richman. Catholic, Vodou, and Protestant:Being Haitian,
Becoming American- Religious Pluralism, Immigrant Incorporation, and
Transnationalism. In Immigration and Religion: Comparative and Historic Perspectives.
Edited by Richard Alba, Albert J. Raboteau, and Josh DeWind. New York University
Press, 2009.

Richman, Karen E. A More Powerful Sorcerer: Conversion, Capital, and Haitian Transnational
Migration. New West Indian Guide, 2008. Vol. 82, Issue 1&2, pp. 3-45.

Vasquez, Manuel A. Studying Religion in Motion: A Networks Approach. Koninklijke Brill, NV:
Leiden, 2008.

Warner, Stephen R. and Judith G. Wittner. Gi, nhei ing% in Diaspora: Religious Communities and
the New Immigration. Temple University Press, 1998.




Full Text

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1 THE JOURNAL OF HAITIAN CULTURE AND SOCIETY TABLE OF CONTENTS SPRING 2013 I. Beekeeping in Haiti: Hope for a Sweeter Future Benjamin Blue .2 II. A Glance at the Boat People of Haiti Krisinda Bouton 8 III. The Negative Portrayal of Haitian Culture vs. the Positive Attributes of the Haitian People Alisa Conser .. 13 IV. Torture: Something of the Past or Still Our Foe Today? Jane Eur 18 V. The Roots and Significance of Haitian Cuisine Alexandra Gioseffi ..23 VI. Haitian American Transnationalism Sarah McDermott 28

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2 Beekeeping in Haiti: Hope for a Sweeter Future Benjamin Blue University of Florida Introduction and Brief History of Haitian Beekeeping Beekeeping has a long history in Haiti, with the first colonies of European honeybees being imported to the island of Hispaniola during the eighteenth century by colonizing Europeans. Even prior to the introduction of European honeybees, Haitians had an an cestral link to beekeeping through the practice of honey hunting in Africa over the last several thousand years. Since the colonial period, Haitians have developed their own unique beekeeping culture, complete with indigenous designs for hives, smokers, an d protective equipment. During the last several decades, numerous international groups have emphasized modernizing and increasing the efficiency of beekeeping to provide an additional source of income for rural communities. Many of these aid and outreach p rograms have achieved noteworthy results with meaningful impacts for Haitians, especially during the twenty first century. A stronger and more efficient beekeeping industry in Haiti has the potential to provide a higher quality of life for Haitians an d certainly deserves further investment. Traditional Methods of Haitian Beekeeping Tending Feral Hives The most basic management relationship between honeybees and rural Haitians is the tending of feral honeybee colonies wherever they naturally l ie (USAID 2010). This technique cannot truly be considered honeybee management or beekeeping because the honeycomb is fixed and often cannot be inspected by the beekeeper. Feral honeybee colonies in Haiti have tested positively for the presence of European foulbrood and Varroa mites, two serious maladies of honey bees that cannot be managed without movable frame hives (Jameson 2009: 482). Indigenous Log Hives Many Haitians who lack the material resource or apicultural education necessary to manage mor e modern types of hives often keep bees in hollow logs within their apiaries (Sterk 2012: 284). These log hives are an improvement over the tending of feral hives, but are also a fixed honeycomb technique that does not allow adequate management to modern s tandards. Aside from the threats posed to log hives by pests and disease, these hives also limit honey production efficiency, because in order for honey to be harvested, the hive structure must be severely disrupted or possibly even destroyed completely; t his greatly threatens the post harvest chance for survival of the colony (286). Educating Haitian Beekeepers Possibly the greatest challenge that international beekeeping mentors have faced in educating Haitian beekeepers

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3 American apiculturist L. L. Langstroth. Numerous volunteer missions have noted that many beekeepers are unaware of this concept that is so critical to the efficient management of movable frame bee colonies (Horsburgh 2011: 1061, Partners of the Americas 2010, Wallace 2012: 2). within the hive smaller than one centimeter with a cement like hive pr oduct called propolis, while attempting to fill any space within the hive greater than one centimeter with brace comb. Essentially this means that, if at any point, the space between frames and the hive body or each individual frame exceeds or falls under one centimeter, then the bees will attach the frames to the hive body or to one another with either propolis or brace comb (Caron 1999: 6.71 2). For the Haitian beekeeper this means that attempts to use more modern, movable frame hives without a thorough g rasp of the bee space concept results in the bees independently converting the hive back to a fixed frame design that requires extensive damage to the colony to rectify. This situation negates the increased efficiency and honey production that a movable fr ame hive can provide but with time and continued education there is no doubt among most volunteers that this concept too (Horsburgh 2011 : 1062). One possible way to increase understanding would be the utilization of Kreyl instructional materials instead of the French materials used by some Sterk 201 0). Pests and Diseases Categorically, the greatest threat s to Haitian beekeeping are pests and diseases. In addition to nearly every continent where honeybees are present, Haiti has been under assault in recent years by a vicious honeybee parasite call ed Varroa destructor fluids and transmits viral infections. Prior to training by international volunteers, the Varroa mite and treatment for it was virtually unheard of in Haiti (Farmer to Farmer 2011). Volunteer and Florida ap iary inspector Todd Jameson detailed in a 2009 account of a volunteer mission to Haiti two beekeepers who did not even believe in the existence of the miniscule mites until volunteers extracted drone brood (immature male bees) from the comb; plucked two mi tes from them; and physically placed the mites into the hands of the beekeepers. Jameson also notes that feral hives, which are often captured by beekeepers to increase their number of colonies, are being especially hard hit by infestations of Varroa throu ghout Haiti; this hurts beekeepers and the industry because they often do not have access to or cannot afford the purchase of packaged bees (482). In addition to Varroa, beekeepers also struggle with the bacterial infections of American and European Foulbr ood. All of these pests and diseases threaten the production efficiency and sustainability of hives if left undiagnosed and untreated (Partners of the Americas 2012 : 2). Applying Modern Apiculture in Haiti Movable Frame Hives A great improvement to the Haitian beekeeping industry is the gradual conversion of motley fixed frame hives to standardized movable frames hives. There are primarily two standardized types of movable frame hives currently in use in Haiti: the Langstroth hive, which is also u sed by most Americans, and a Kenya Top Bar Hive (TBH) variant called the Haitian

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4 TBH, which was developed by a Florida beekeeper specifically for use in Haiti (Sterk 2012: 286). The Haitian TBH is a much more popular and economically realistic option for H aitians for several reasons. The first is that most areas of Haiti do not have access to wood shops that are capable of crafting the precise frames of the Langstroth hive which relies so heavily on the one d is that even in areas were skilled woodworkers are available, wood of the appropriate quality to construct Langstroth hives is unavailable or unaffordable due to deforestation and the charcoal production economy of last resort (Arthur and Dash 1999: 83 4 ). Unlike the Langstroth hive, which requires four carefully crafted pieces of wood for each frame within a hive, the Haitian TBH only uses one small piece of wood per frame that can be substituted with relatively cheap and simple materials such as a woode n paint stirring stick (Geckler 201 0 : 5). Florida beekeeper Bo Sterk created the Haitian TBH design and has since modified it so four hives can be made fr om a single sheet of plywood to make it a somewhat more affordable option for Haitians (Sterk 2012 : 28 6). Equipping beekeepers with hives in which each frame can be removed and inspected means easier management of colonies and greater honey yields. Integrated Pest Management (IPM) As honeybee pests and diseases become more prevalent in Haiti, it is i mportant that sustainable methods of detection and control be taught to avoid unnecessary colony loses. The first step in establishing IPM in Haiti is the encouragement of movable frame hives necessary for the efficient detection and treatment of pests and diseases. Because the Varroa mite is the biggest threat to Haitian beekeeping, most IPM training has revolved around it. Volunteers have begun teaching Haitians to detect the mite via three methods: counting mite falls on gridded, sticky boards placed at the bottom of hives, counting the number of mites on a given number of brood, and counting the number of mites detected when a given quantity of adult bees are rolled in jar with powdered sugar, which results in the detachment of the mites from the bees (F armer to Farmer 2011 : 2). There are also three primary methods of chemical free Varroa management being taught to beekeepers. The first treatment is the use of screened, instead of solid, bottom boards that allow dislocated mites to fall to the ground bene ath the hive where they are less likely to find their way back in. The second method is the removal of drone brood that is preferentially targeted for egg laying by adult mites, which disrupts the cycle of mite propagation in a hive. The final treatment fo r Varroa is one that sometimes clashes with the cultural sensibilities of many Haitians; that is the dusting of bees in a hive with powdered sugar to trigger hygienic grooming behavior in the bees, causing mites to be dislodged. Volunteers have quickly rea lized that Haitians respond much better to this method if a device is put into place to collect the sugar after it falls from the bees, instead of letting it wastefully spill onto the ground beneath the hive. (Jameson 2009: 482 3). Protective Equipmen t Protective gear, such as gloves and veils, are in short supply in Haiti and there are virtually no pre manufactured sources for these items that are affordable for the average Haitian. With this in mind, several volunteers have begun teaching tailors an d beekeepers how to construct protective equipment from more affordable, local materials (FAVACA 2010: 2). As

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5 Dominican Republic, it is especially important that a ccess to this type of equipment remain available if beekeeping is to continue safely in Haiti (Farmer to Farmer 2011 : 2). Proven Economic Success Haitian s Return to Beekeeping Beekeeping in Haiti has experienced a turbulent modern history along with the general political climate in the country. During the 1986 dechoukaj of the Duvalier regime, most institutions responsible for the training of beekeeping skills were dissolved (USAID 2010 ). During the 1990 s with the h elp of peasant groups, beekeeping began to regain ground in rural Haiti and for a time, Haitian honey was even exported to European markets (Arthur and Dash, eds. 1999: 169 70). With the arrival of the Varroa mite in the early 2000 s, Haitian colonies began to rapidly collapse, some within mere weeks of infestation and some accounts suggest that up to three quarters of colonies were wiped out (Jameson 2009: 480). Since that time, more than 21 volunteer missions to instruct and assist beekeepers have been con ducted and thousands of Haitians have returned to the field, with reported hive losses decreasing twelvefold (Partners of the Americas 2012 USAID 2010 ). Increasing Honey & Other Hive Goods Production Since the beginning of volunteer work to train Ha itian beekeepers, progress has also been made in the production and sale of honey. Hives that were producing as little as a half gallon annually are now producing three to seven gallons annually, with extreme cases such a beekeeper who has increased annual production from 17 to 175 gallons. A survey of 35 beekeepers comparing gross sales in 2008 and 2011 saw an average increase of $3,878 and an average annual income increase of $2,989. Also, introduced filtering techniques have in some cases increased honey value by up to 250%. In addition to honey, Haitians have also begun producing more soaps, candles, and crafts products from beeswax. This has particular appeal to women, whose number in a volunteer network increased more than 650% between 2006 and 2008. ( Caron 2007, Farmer to Farmer 2011 Partners of the Americas 2012 : 2). Conclusion and the Future of Haitian Beekeeping Beekeeping in Haiti has persisted for several centuries despite extraordinary challenges during that time. As with other aspects of H aitian society, beekeeping seems subject to pendulous rhythms, but currently appears to be on the upswing. Over the past several years, Haitians have demonstrated a thirst for apicultural knowledge and continued success in the application of that knowledge With careful strategy and continued investment in beekeeping, now could be a once in a generation opportunity to improve the quality of life for rural Haitians in a meaningful way.

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6 Works Cited Arthur, Charles, and Michael Dash. A Haiti Anthology: Libte Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 1999. Print. Caron, Dewey M. "Caribbean Update: Haiti Farmer to Farmer Beekeeping Project." Bee for Development 82 (2007): 10. Web. . Caron, Dewey M. Honey Bee Biology and Beekeeping 2nd ed. Cheshire CT: Wicwas, 1999. Print. Farmer to Farmer. Beekeeping Improves Lives in Haiti Rep. USAID, 2011. Web. . Florida Association for Volunteer Action in the Caribbean and the Americas. "Veteran Beekeeper Improves Hive Construction i n Haiti." Communi clik (June 2010): n. pag. Web. . Geckler, Sofie. Haiti Beekeeping Mission Rep. Bees for Development, 2010. Web. . Hebblethwaite, Benjamin. "French and Underdevelopment, Haitian Creole and De velopment: Educational Language Policy Problems and Solutions in Haiti." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 27.2 (2012): 255 302. University of Florida Smathers and Health Science Center Libraries Web. Horsburgh, Rob. "My Experience with Haitian Beek eeping." American Bee Journal 151.11 (2011): 1061 062. FAVACA Web. . Jameson, Todd. "Haiti: A Struggling Nation with Determined Beekeepers." American Bee Journal 149.5 (2009): 479 83. American Bee Journal Digital Archive Web. . Partners of the Americas. Haiti Beekeeping Project Rep. USAID, 2012 Web. . Sterk, Bo. "Haiti Beekeeping Project." Bees for Development 95 (2010): 10. Web. . Sterk, Bo. "Haitian Beekeeping ." The Australasian Beekeeper 113.7 (2012): 284 87. Florida State Beekeepers Association Web. . USAID. Beekeeping Industry Reinvigorated in Haiti Rep. N.p., 2010 Web. .

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7 Wallace, Damon. "Reflections on Teaching Beekeeping in Haiti." The Stinger (June 2012): 1-2. Alabama Beekeepers Association. Web. .

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8 A Glance at the Boat People of Haiti Krisinda Bouton University of Florida Introducing the Haitian Boat People this but the flood of the Haitians coming to the United States began around this time. This era was a time when many Haitians seeking asylum from the hardships in their lives in Haiti jumped into boats and tried to make the long journey to Southern Florida. This was a rough time for those trying to get out of Haiti due to both the Haitian and United States governments and the difficulty of the journey The United States d enied access to many because they were considered to be economic refugees rather than political refugees. Additionally, n ot all made it to their destination. Of those who did make it, most were denied asylum and sent back to Haiti. From 1972 to 1980, 50,00 0 Haitians applied and pleaded for asylum. Of that 50,000, about 25 cases were actually approved (Lennox 1993: 700). The United States started using the derogatory term Haitian to refer to the refugees in their attempt to deter the Haitians from making their voyage. This was hurtful but some tried to turn it into a positive term. Flix Morisseau Leroy wrote a poem entitled Boat People But land in the river at Krome Leroy 1991) This little excerpt encompassed the whole era of the Haitian immigration period to Miami. Haitians tried to flee their own cou ntry to escape the cruelties of their government and the hardships that came with it. The rain at Fort Dimanche refers to the protesters of Duvalier's party who were shot upon with machine guns at the prison Fort Dimanche in 1986. The Krome reference refer s to the immigration detention centre in Miami, Florida. This was where many Haitians seeking asylum we re detained prior to being sent back to Haiti (Arthur 1999:185). Marriage of Duvalier and the United States Haiti was the first black republic and gained their freedom earlier than many other countries. This does not mean that they did not have their problems. The Haitian presidency is something throughout history that has almost always c o me with violence. The Boat People era was no different. First became president of Haiti in 1957. In the early 1960s, Papa Doc became worried that the Haitian army would remain more faithful to the United States overseers than to him (Lennox 1993:696). Tonton Macoute They did not follow any law but This meant that he could call on them to kill or beat up anyone who got in his way, disagreed with him, or spoke out against him. This corrupt group was one of the many reasons that the Haitian people searched for asylum on the coast of southern Florida.

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9 He had help with his rise to power. The United States assisted i n Francois Duvalier become president. Though the United States had moved out of Haiti, the Kennedy administration was still involved in Haiti an government (Lennox 1993:696). The Kennedy administration provided my in exchange for Haitian support for anti Cubanism. The United States ignored human rights violations As long as the United States had their anti Cuba support from Haiti, they maintained their support of Duvalier tyrannical rule. This was ironic because the whole reason that many Haitians tried to leave Haiti for the United States, where they were not wanted, was because of the cruelty they received from Duvalier, who was supported by the United States. This web makes it hard for some to se e which side the United States is actually on. After Papa Doc died, his son known as Baby Doc took over the presidency and providing financial aid to this regime of corrupt presidents. Th is money funded the Tonton Macoute The people did not see any benefit This financial backing was a way of keeping the Haitian people down. They were constantly living in fear of retaliation from the Tonton Macoute They could lose t heir land, family members, job, or their own life just from an encounter from the Tonton Macoute In many ways flee Haiti. How the American Gover n ment Dealt with the Haitian Refugees America ha d to find some way to deal with the mass of Haitians trying to gain asylum in s outhern Florida. There were a few approaches that International and Naturalization Service used to deal with this flood of incoming Haitians. There were case hearings, detention camps, and interdiction at sea. These various approaches were flawed, but they were still used. In order to attain asylum, the Haitians had to make their case to the department of International and Naturalization Service. They presented this case before the INS District Director. If he or she thought that there was reason to doubt the validity of the case, then they were denied the right to asylum. Those who were given the right to try for asylum had to present their case in an interview. The lawyers help 55 court case hearings a day (Lennox 1993:700). The lack of time allowed in these interviews alone made it impossible for the Haitians to fully apply for political asylum. Another way the United States d enied asylum to the Haitians was through detention 1993:701). Here, the y were denied legal representation and were thrown into whichever center fit best for the United States government. There were a few detention facilities in the United States, such as West Virginia, Texas, and of course, Florida. Life in these facilities w as rough on the Haitians. They were detained for months to years at a time with no knowledge of what tomorrow would bring. When they were moved from place to place, they were stripped and forced to walk around nude in front of males and females, after whic h they were splashed with water and dressed badly (Lennox 1993:702). Food came whenever INS decided the Haitians were hungry. There was a group sent to Puerto Rico which vowed, after months of being held there, that they would kill themselves by the end of the next month if they were not freed (Lennox 19 93:702).

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10 The United States Coast Guard was sent out to sit in the ocean to await new arrivals of Haitians on boats. They were there to stop them from reaching soil. Those who were interdicted at sea did not have the right to asylum. If t hey did not reach soil they were not qualified for asylum. Refugees at sea were given a chance for an interview. The person they talked with determined if their story was asylum worthy. Out of all who were interviewed from 1981 to lum (Lennox 1993:704). As soon as they were interviewed, many were sent back to Haiti or to detention camps to wait to be sent back to Haiti. Reasons for the Voyage of Suffering One of the many tragic stories of the Haitian immigrants during this time w as that of a man called Odilius Jean. Jean grew up in Haiti and had a bicycle. A Tonton Macoute came up to Macoute or his bike later on. He finally ran upon the Macoute and the Macoute told him that he had bought the bike from Jean. Jean reached to get his bike back and was attacked for it. Jean got away and hid in the woods for 3 months. The Macoute in a public place tr ying to draw out Jean. Jean found out later that another one of his brothers were grabbed by the Macoute His throat was sliced with a knife but he survived. There was no way that Jean could go back. He decided to head to America. He headed north and sold a part of his land, which had been in his family since the time of Dessalines, for the $1,500 boat fare to get to Miami. He thought he could earn the money back in Miami and buy more land later. He boarded a twenty foot wooden boat with 144 other people. T he trip was 720 miles long and after two weeks, they had only gotten 600 miles and the water and food ran out. The Coast Guard found them at this point (Stepick 1982:1). There are many stories like this that happened to the Haitian immigrants. However, ma ny the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) about why he was com ing to America. He was denied asylum because he was coming to earn money. He was told he left based on a personal dispute and that he would remain in jail if he decided to stay in the United States (Stepick 1982:2). If a Haitian decided he or she would lik e to just go back to Haiti freely, they would just have to sign a paper and they would be flown back to Haiti for free. There was talk of people disappearing once they got back to Haiti but there were not many facts verifying this. The rights of the Haitia n refugees seeking asylum were ignored. The injustices that Haitians dealt with were not always as extreme as what outsiders thought of them being. There was a different norm for those growing up in Haiti. This being said, they still needed someone in the United States to stand up for them. Luckily, not all Americans were against the Haitians trying to find a better life in America. They saw that the Haitians refugees were trying to come over to escape hard times under Papa Doc in Haiti and being turned awa y while the Cuban refugees fleeing the reign of Fidel Castro were welcomed with the open arms of America. They knew that Duvalier gave the Haitians no option but to flee for their lives They fought in case after case, newspaper article after article, but for the most part went unheard. These people were fighting for human rights when the Haitians immigrants were not always looked at as humans. They saw inhumane treatment in detention camps daily attacks in Haiti, and the shunning of the Haitians as human

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11 Concluding the Glance of the Haitian Boat People Later, Anthony Lake, the U nited States national security advisor concluded that the era of onship between Haiti and America (Holmes 1993). Many people believe that there should have been different approaches to many things during this time. One can only hope that we can look back and learn from our mistakes, so

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12 Works Cited Arthur, Charles and Michael Dash. 1999. A Haiti Anthology: Libte. New York: Markus Wiener Publishers. Dubois, Laurent. 2012. Haiti: The Aftershocks of History. New York: Metropolitan Books. Holmes, Steven A.1993. Pressure builds over return of boat people to Haiti.New York: New York Times. Lennox, Malissia. 1993. Refugees, Racism, and Reparations: A Critique of the United States' Haitian Immigration Policy. Article in Stanford Law Rev iew Vol. 45, No. 3. pp. 687 724. Mirrisseau Leroy, Flix. 1991. Boat People. Stepick, Alex.1982. Haitian Boat People: A Study in the Conflicting Forces Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy. Article in Law and Contemporary Problems Vol. 45, No. 2. p p. 163 196 Unknown. 1991. Haitian Boat People. Article in U.S. Department Of State Dispatch 2.47: 865.

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13 The Negative Portrayal of Haitian Culture versus the Positive a ttributes of Haitian People Alisa Conser University of Florida Haiti has been riddled by instability and poverty since its beginnings as a country of slaves rebelling against their owners. The seemingly continuous misfortune experienced is not the fault of its people, but rather of its own history (Dubois 2012: 4). Ha subsequent catastrophes : social, environmental, political and otherwise have created conflicting attitude s of shame and pride by the Haitian people resulting in a repression of the origins and traditions of Haitian culture. However, cont rasting with this is the acceptance of other aspects of culture by the Haitian people. Jean Price Mars the Haitian writer, diplomat, and teacher has documented the s during the 20th century criticized the Haitian e lite who were deny ing their African ancestry in favor of a white, European background (Dubois 2012: Price Mars used the term collective bovarism to describe the behavior of the elite identifying themselves with elements of European ancestry while denouncing any ties to their African legacy (Miguel 2006: 69) He observed this phenomenon mostly in the elite class in Haiti. He found that many of the elite chose to associate more with their European b ackground. Price Mars felt that the elite class in Haiti attempted to deny their true origins of African heritage, of the salve revolution, their rural culture, and their religion (Dubois 2012: 292). One of the consequences of this failing to appreciate it s own culture Price Mars argued was that Haiti made herself vulnerable to foreign occupation. He subsequently chose to embrace slavery as a source of Haitian culture and identity (Miguel 2006: 70) Price Mars writings show the flawed philosophy of many H aitians who chose to deny the origins of their own culture in favor of a foreign one. This is in essence a renunciation of many Pierre (2006: 309) discusses the causes and consequences of this bovarism in the Haitian context. Western developed nations embrace, cause elites of poor nations to attempt to replicate mful to the people and culture that hold this belief, with the direct result being the impediment of social progress. The cause of cultural bovarism in Haiti has a variety of origins, which are discussed by Pierre. Pierre (2006: 309) states that one of the these problems. Pierre (2006: 307) points out that some go as far to say that a truly modernized Haitian person does not become that way until he /she has adopted the culture of the West. He states that it is natural to wish to imitate successful cultures, because indeed every successful country has aspects that imitate another. Because of this, accord ing to Pierre, Haiti has suffered immensely. Price Mars writes that Haitians offs of humanity, without history, without morality, without re the elite of their ancestry from French masters to be absurd. He goes on to argue that after overcoming colonialism and slavery, Haitians leaders have tried to improve Haiti by imitating France. Price Unfortunately, the imitation of American/Western culture can be harmful if

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14 is not utilized as an essential source of pride. Pierre (2006: 307) illustrates that Haiti must be able to fully appreciate its own culture as a fundamental base in order to move forward in any way. Another possible cause of the inferi ority felt by Haitians is the negative portrayal of their country by outside sources. Since the 19 th century, many unfavorable stereotypes of Haitian people have been perpetrated. Haitian culture as a whole has been depicted as violent in the political, cr iminal and sexual sphere s (James 2004: 133). Recurrent images of the violence of the Haitian Revolution and onward have stereotyped the Haitian people as a particularly brutal group. Violent behavior is represented as the norm in Haitian society. Negative historical stereotypes of Haiti make it easier for Haitians to adopt inferior positions (James 2004: 129). According to James (2004: 134), the Haitian people, as publicized by outsiders, are deficient in both intellectual and moral capacity, superstitious, hysterical, and easily influenced by the charisma of Vodou priests and priestesses. Haitians as a racial group are labeled as a danger for the spread of infection, further igniting fears of the spread of AIDs and other diseases to other countries (James 2 004: 134). What is clear through these examples is that the vehement depiction of the Haitian people can only have a negative effect on the conscious of its people and thus on how they view their own culture. Forces inside of Haiti also work to downgrade the power of the people. Pierre (2006: 304) outlines the fact that if the people of Haiti do not feel like their voices are being heard politically, then they will be unwillingly to protect and defend the system. It is understood that for political stabili ty to occur, fair elections have to occur (Dubois 2012: 365). Instead, Haiti has a history of corrupt and often intensely violent political conflict. Pierre (2006: 305) continues with the argument that if a government or group does not respect a culture, i t is of little consequence to mistreat its people. Without empowered citizens, it is easier for governments and groups to oppress the people. The government can accomplish this by doing anything from misappropriating funds to denying the people their basic human rights (Pierre 2006: 305). Thus, Another aspect that plays into the overall repression of Haitian culture is the dismissal of many native practices. The r ejection of Vodou as a legitimate religion, the rejection of Haitian Creole as the national language, and a variety of other instances reveal the repression of traditional culture seen throughout Haitian history. It seems Vodou has been associated with ma levolence since its original use in Haiti by has been portrayed as raw and undefined and thus has been considered a threat to many outside of its realm (Pierre 2006: 309). It is clear that many outside of Haiti see Vodou as an evil religion. This judgment from outside sources can be detrimental to the people who live in Haiti. An example of this is televangelist Pat Robinson who blamed the 2010 earthquake on a pact made by the Haitians with the devil during the Hait ian Revolution. Statements like these have a profoundly negative effect on the psyche of practicing There are also people within the infrastructure of Haiti who reject Vodou, and continue the repression of traditional culture. According to Arthur (1999: 273), there are some Haitian intellectuals who consider Vodou a hindrance on the progression to a modern state. He reveals this line of thinking to say that so me feel that Vodou lacks the ability to benefit the rural population in a tangible way. He considers that Vodou has lost its revolution ary spirit and is now

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15 ( Basti en 1999: 273). This type of attitude shows that even within Haiti, there are rejection s of Vodou, and thus a rejection of the traditional aspects of Haitian culture. In addition to the other dismissals of native practices Pierre describes the discomfort with the national language in Haiti. Pierre (2006: 315) blames this lack of appreciation for the native tongue on the attitude of many Haitians in favor of more European ways of speaking and acting. Pierre feels that the people born and raised in Haiti spe ak Haitian, that the language has of Haitian culture. H e places much of the blame on the educational systems favoring of the French language (Pierre 2006: 315 status, while the Haitian language lowers it. Pierre (2006: 316) states that this outlook is basically constraining Haiti an Creole as the language of the slaves, rather than an educational or c ommunicative tool. Another explanation of the lack of faith in the Haitian language is that the law is written in French, a language the majority of Haitians cannot read. This plays into the lack of empowerment of many Haitians in their own traditions. A similar problem exists in terms of food, art and music in Haiti. There is a lack of appreciation for the native artistic traditions in preference for foreign ones. This is seen as a problem in Haitian society because if Haitians do not appreciat e their mus ic and art as an invaluable resource, then they continue to downgrade their own culture. According to Pierre (2006: 317), some Haitians have in general had a fondness of foreign music over their own. It is not until other countries have shown an interest i n Haitian music that many Haitians have come music in Haiti is seen as nave until its recognition by westerners (Pierre 2006: 317). This information reveal s the oppression of the culture in Haiti in preference for ones overseas. This is damaging to the people of Haiti who should be rejoicing in traditions native to Haiti. The replaceable traditions. Much of the inferiority and oppression of Haitian culture described above is not meant to disclaim the rich history of resiliency and pride felt by the Haitian people. There is equally as much pleasure and appreciation of Haitian culture vying to counterac t much of the negative attitudes toward Haitian culture. There are a huge number of groups aiming to promote the rights of the Haitian people (Arthur 1999: 142). These organizations address a variety of issues, including human rights, labor laws, justice a nd land reform. After World War II ends there was a rise of unions, strikes and peasant movements. These grassroots efforts push themselves and the issues they are trying to promote onto the national stage of politics. These organizations show that Haitian s value their rights and aim to protect their culture and way of living. Haiti is reported to be the poorest nation in the Americas, suffering everything from political corruption to environmental destruction (Will 2000: 15). The spirit of the Haitian peop le is a resilient one. They are a people surviving and trying to thrive in a structurally impeded environment. Haiti has been affected by injustice since its very beginning. What allowed the Haitian people to stand up and fight against the bonds of slave ry was their unifying spirit. Their attachment to the land and the religious aspect of Vodou allowed the slaves of Saint Domingue to defeat the French against all odds. The Haitian people originated from a collective cause to rise up as one massive entity with a singular goal in mind. As Price Mars put it, although

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16 still felt ashamed of their African roots (Dubois 2012: 291). This opinion encompasses the conflicting ideologies of the Haitian people; a people who have a past to be immensely proud of yet often seem ashamed of it.

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17 Works Cited Arthur, Charles, and Michael Dash. 1999. A Haiti Anthology: Libete. Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. Dubois, Laurent. 2012. Haiti: The Aftershocks of History. New York: Metropolitan Books. Insecurity." Article in Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, Volume 28, No. 2, pp. 129 134. Miguel, Pedro. 2006. The Imagined Island: History, Identity, and Utopia in Hispaniola : University of North Carolina Press. Pierre, Hyppolite. 2006. Haiti, Rising Flames From Burning Ashes Lanham: University Press of America. Wil l, Emily. 2000. Haiti. San Diego: Lucent Books.

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18 Torture: Something of the Past or Still Our Foe Today? Jane Eur, University of Florida Introduction Torture has been present in Haiti ever since Christopher Columbus and the Spanish came in search of go ld. Along with its longevity, torture in Haiti can also be identified by its consistency in means, motives, and effect. While some aspects of torture have evolved and changed over time, many characteristics of torture have remained the same. Before diving into ways in which torture in Haiti has remained the same or has changed, it is important to note that Haiti is not the only country that has a history of torture. For example, take the torture of detainees in Abu Ghraib by United States soldiers in 2004 The detainees were beaten and forced to commit indecent acts, all while being objectified by being used as props in pictures taken by the soldiers. There are two theories as to why the detainees were tortured as they were: the first being that the senior leaders in the government ordered the actions and the other which states that the soldiers who committed these actions did so by their own will and for their own enjoyment (Graveline 2010, 142). When the America public heard of this news, they were aston ished and shocked that Americans had committed such shameful acts of torture. Another more well known occurrence of torture would be the torture inflicted onto Jewish, gypsy, and homosexual people by the Nazi Germans. This included being starved, cramped into tiny spaces, treated like cattle, used as lab rats in experiments led by Nazi Germans, and much more. Reasons for these tortures include the fact that the Nazi Germans believed that the Jewish were something much less than human and also attempts to f ind cures for certain diseases or circumstances, such as re warming the body after being frozen, typhus, and being poisoned by mustard gas (Spitz 2005, 90, 106, 137). f torture is Rwanda. In 1994, the Rwandan Genocide erupted and over half a million people were killed. In the midst of the murder during this time, both men and women (although more frequently women) were exposed to injustice as they were sexually tortured Women of the Tutsi clan were subjected to rape, and men, although not exposed to rape as often as the women, were tortured in the form of castration (Nowrojee 1996, 42 43). e, it is evident that Haiti is not peculiar when it comes to torture. Torture, it seems, is actually quite common in the world as a whole. Torture in Haiti has varied with regard to the means of torture, the motives for torture, and the effects that tortur e has on the people of the country between Haiti during the 15th century to the early 19th century and after Haiti gains its independence. The Horrendous Distant Past Torture was evident during the times before Haiti had gained independence due to the masses of slaves and slave owners in the small area of land. In colonial times, French colonists and slave owners would torture their slaves by cutting off body parts, dro wning them, crucifying them on planks, and placing black men and women naked into barrels that were spiked with nails (Arthur 1999, 29). Slave owners would even go to the extreme of killing their slaves, which was not uncommon. This was probably so because it would be more expensive to treat wounds and injuries inflicted on the slave from the torture than to replace them. Even before the French came

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19 into Saint Domingue and began importing slaves to work on their plantations, the Spanish came in search of go ld (Arthur 1999, 17). In the midst of the search for gold, King Ferdinand declared that the indigenous on the land had to convert to the Catholic faith or they would suffer consequences (Arthur 1999, 22 23). He stated in the letter that the Spanish would h arm the indigenous as much as they needed to in order to make them obey and that the resulting deaths emand for goods while using torture to get their way. The French colonists used torture as a means of punishment and to keep slaves obedient. For example, the Maroons would at times pillage and raid plantations, stealing horses and cattle necessary for th em to live where they were. In retaliation, the plantation owners would try their best to capture the Maroons and punish them. They tortured them and used them as examples to show other Maroons what would happen if they continued (Arthur 1999, 30). French colonists tormented disobedient and rebellious workers in order to discourage others who were similar and those who desired to rise and revolt against their owners. According to the Code Noir, which was passed by King Louis XIV in 1685, they were justified in their use of corporal punishment (Ghachem 2012, 30 31). The acts of torture led to the retaliation of the Haitian people which manifested as marronage the poisoning of slave masters and others, and revolts, including the one that would s independence (Arthur 1999, 31 32). But with the retaliation of the Haitian people came the revenge of the French. For instance, when the Maroons would come in and raid the plantations to get necessities, slave owners would try to capture a few of the fug itives and then would torture them in order to discourage slaves considering running away (Arthur 1999, 30). In the case of the poisoning and the revolts, slave masters would be ambiguous in who they chose to torture and punish, also in an attempt to dishe arten those who were preparing to fight for their freedom (Ghachem 2012, 132, 158 159). Due to the consumption of the land by slavery, torture was present in almost every corner of Haitian life, and it would continue to be this way even after the revolutio n of 1801. The Recent Past and Her Horrors Once Haiti became an independent country, Haitians used torture in order to do the same thing that it had done in the past; to quiet down those who posed as potential threats and to discourage those who were en couraged by them. The means and the effects that this torture had on the Haitian people were similar to those during the time before independence. For instance, we have the Duvaliers and the Tonton Macoute, scared the people in Haiti into being cooperative under the rule of the Duvaliers (Arthur 1999, 48 49). Both father and son would use their power to put down people who threatened their political power and economic riches (Arthur 1999, 60). In most cases, people who posed potential threats of overthrowing Papa Doc or Baby Doc would disappear during the night and would never be seen again (Arthur 1999, 48). Even before the Duvaliers gained power, there were incidences of torture in the early 20 th century du ring the United States occupation of Haiti. The Cacos, who had been trying to challenge the rule of the central government, began to fight the United States. In response, the United States established the corve le (Dubois 2012, 239). The corve is a forced labor system where people unable to pay taxes are required to

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20 do manual labor to pay off their debts. They were forced to build roads over the rugged terrain to make fighting easier. Also, the new roads provide d assistance in the circulation of goods and were intended to encourage outside investments into Haiti (Dubois 1999, 239). In some cases, the governments would take Haitians from their homes in the middle of the night. When people began hiding and running away, both Marines and Haitian Gendarmerie went to the extremes of breaking into funerals or places of worship to find people (Dubois 1999, 241). Some ways in which the Marines or the Gendarmerie would torture these forced workers were by throwing their pa ychecks onto the ground and then releasing dogs to attack the workers when they went to pick it up. They also attacked workers whenever they felt the need to. As a result, men would run away, making it extremely difficult for the Gendarmeries to find labor ers. These men who were forced to work believed that corve was equivalent to slavery, and thus they should retaliate in the same way that their ancestors had done; through revolt. Charlemagne Peralte organized a revolution in order to push out the America ns completely, but it did not have the effect that he desired (Dubois 2012, 249). After looking at all these past details about Haiti, it is clear that torture is not a foreign concept to the people, even after Haiti achieved independence. Difference Betw een the Past and the Present When comparing torture from before and after Haiti gained independence, there are many similarities and a few differences in the means, motives, and effects. The means of torture were different in that tortures were more bruta l before independence. There are not as many documented events of how people were burned or placed into barrels full of nails after the revolution of 1804. However, when comparing the motives of torture, there are many more similarities. For instance, take the marronages and the Duvaliers. Slave masters would torture fugitives caught on raids in order to warn potential maroons, and in the same way, the Duvaliers would torture people who posed as potential threats in order to frighten others who might have h ad desires to overthrow them. Another similarity is that slave owners and the US who implemented the corve would torture those in order to fulfill selfish desires, one being the cultivation of plantations and the other, making smooth roads so defeating t he Cacos would be easier. The similarities continue as when discussing the effects that torture had on the Haitian people. Both slavery and the corve a form of slavery, caused people to run away in fear of being captured and being forced to work as priso ners (Dubois 2012, 242). It also resulted in fostering a desire to revolt against the people who kept them as captives. In return, both the slave owners and the United States Marines and Haitian Gendarmerie would retaliate because they felt threatened. Whe n the three aspects of torture from the 15 th century to the early 19 th century are compared to the three aspects from the 19 th century and beyond, it is evident that they are rather similar and that torture has remained quite constant. Conclusion Tortu re is not a foreign concept to Haiti, nor is it something strange to the rest of the world. Events of torture occurred in the Middle East where detainees were objectified by Americans in 1994 (Graveline 2010, 142), in Europe with the brutal Nazis, and in A frica between two neighboring ethnic groups, the Hutus and the Tutsis. The list does not end there.

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21 But when discussing torture in Haiti, we look to two different periods; the time before Haiti was an independent country and the time after gaining independence. Whilst comparing and contrasting the means, the motives, and the effects that torture had and has on the Haitian people, it is understood that not much has changed in that realm. The means of torture might have lessened in severity, but the motives and the effects that it has on the people remains constant.

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22 Works Cited Arthur, Charles, and J. Michael. Dash. Libte: A Haiti Anthology London: Latin America Bureau, 1999. Dubois, Laurent. Haiti: The Aftershocks of History New York: Metropolitan, 2012. Ghachem, Malick W. The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2012. Graveline, Christopher and Clemens, Michael. The Secrets of Abu Ghraib Revealed: American Soldiers on Trial Washington, D.C.: Potomac, 2010. Nowrojee, Binafer, Fleischman, Janet. Shattered Lives: Sexual Violence During the Rwandan Genocide and Its Aftermath New York: Human Rights Watch, 1996. Spitz, Vivien. Doctors from Hell: The Horrific Account of Nazi Experiments on Humans Boulder, CO: Sentient Publications, 2005.

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23 The Roots and Significance of Haitian Cuisine Alexandra Gioseffi, University of Florida Introduction Haitian cuisine succeeds in making the best of challenging economic and agricultural conditions in the country. Although domestic food crops are limited and many people lack the financial means to afford numerous ingredients, Haitians use locally grown her bs and spices and other fresh ingredients to develop satisfying flavors and produce a finished creation that is unique to the gastronomic genre of Haitian cuisine or manje kreyl. Manje kreyl is a complex compilation of historical and foundational influen ces, religious and social aspects, and domestic and imported ingredients Haitian cuisine is also exemplified in several national dishes that combine these historical, cultural, and compositional factors. Historical and Foundational Influences Manje krey l is a representation of the people who inhabited Haiti throughout history. The indigenous population of Haiti included the Taino and Arawak Indians who occupied Hispaniola before the colonization efforts of Spain and France. Elements of the native people culture, such as the presence of staple crops, are evident in Haitian cuisine today. For example, the Taino and Arawak people initially cultivated some of the same crops that are grown and relied upon for food in modern day Haiti. One of these crops is cassava. Cassava, also known as manioc or yucca, is a member of the tuber family. It has a thick, fibrous peel, but the white inside can be boiled or mashed. The cassava root is a valuable carbohydrate source for Haitians today, just as it was for the Tain o and Arawak Indians. During the colonial period, the Spanish and the French both inhabited Haiti. The Spanish brought with them many spices. Today, the Spanish spice tradition is still a significant characteristic of Haitian cuisine. Many traditional Ha itian ingredients, such as conch and snapper, are accentuated by adding spicy chili peppers and sauces that were first popularized in Haiti by the Spanish settlers such as ti malice, (Robertiello 2000: 58 59). The French brought classical techniques for p reparing food. Some of these techniques are commonly used in Haitian cuisine today, such as the techniques for making light and flaky pastries. Another aspect of French history that is present in Haitian cuisine is the popularity of desserts. Pastries, mou sses, and puddings are all typical Haitian desserts that have roots in French cuisine. Another area of historical influence for manje kreyl is African cuisine. With the thousands of slaves who were transported from Africa to Haiti came traditional African recipes and ingredients. The African slaves brought with them ideas for dishes, and they applied the same methods and techniques used in tho se African dishes to the ingredients available in tropical Haiti. They substituted ingredients that were not available for those that were readily available, but they also brought with them some ingredients new to the Haitian agricultural environment, suc h as okra and pigeon peas. Okra and pigeon peas were both originally cultivated in Africa and then were brought to Haiti via the slave trade (Hall 2007: 34). Today, both okra and pigeon peas are common fixtures in Haitian cuisine. The African roots in manj e kreyl are present in both the methods and the ingredients used to make dishes.

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24 Religious and Social Aspects In addition to the historical influences of manje kreyl there are also religious and social influences. Christianity and the traditions associated with the Christian religion have had a notable impact on the development of modern Haitian cuisine. Many Catholics in Haiti, like devout Christians around the world, abstain from consuming meat during the Lenten period prior to Easter Sunday; in stead, they eat mostly vegetarian and seafood dishes (Jacquet 2008: 9). On Easter, Haitians celebrate their faith with a large meal that includes meat. For Christmas, Haitians often repeat this sentiment and treat themselves to dishes of rice and beans, fr ied bananas, and fresh salads. Christian holidays in Haiti are often celebrated with feasts of traditional Haitian cuisine. Similarly, manje kreyl plays an important role in Vodou traditions in Haiti. Vodou spirits are often paid tribute to with offering s that include foods and beverages (Robertiello 2000: 58 59). Also, there are Vodou festivals in which Haitian cuisine serves as an important component of the celebration. These include harvest festivals, which are celebrations of agriculture and acknowled gements of the importance of crops such as yams. There are also many social influences in manje kreyl including social class stratification. Ng Cheong Lum (1997: 115) suggests that the Haitian elite regularly feast on large, extravagant meals; whereas, the peasants sometimes eat only one starchy meal per day. This distinct separation between the cuisine enjoyed by wealthy Haitians and that consumed by poor Haitians divides manje kreyl into two categories, the elite and the common. The elite Haitian cuis ine features more expensive and exclusive ingredients, such as spiny lobster and snapper. The common Haitian cuisine is centered primarily on starch because it provides dense portions of calories for the poor and undernourished. Another way in which Haiti an cuisine is representative of social influences is the popularity of street vendors in markets. Markets are a place for both commerce and socialization. Haitians venture to the markets to explore and to meet people, and the markets often stay open for se veral hours. Street vendors sell prepared food to the people enjoying the market. This prepared food includes griot or fried pork, and porridge made of pulverized corn, sugar, and dairy (Ng Cheong Lum 1997: 121). Another example of social gatherings that involve Haitian food is the konbit feast. In exchange for cooperative farm work, workers receive a large feast. These feasts often include meats prepared according to Haitian culinary traditions like barbeque, crops that were harvested during the konbit and alcoholic beverages common throughout Haiti, such as clairin (Courlander 1960: 87). Available Ingredients Apart from the historical and cultural influences of manje kreyl, there are limitations and allowances based on what ingredients are available for use in Haiti. What Haitians cook depends largely on what raw materials they have to work with T he final product is determined by the raw materials made available by agricultu re, fishing, and importation. First, there are ingredients that are made available locally through agricultural efforts. These ingredients include sugar cane, tropical fruits, corn, beans, tubers, and livestock. Sugar cane has been an important ingredient in Haitian cuisine since the age of the plantation system in Haiti. Today, sugar supplies a valuable source of calories for the undernourished and satisfaction for all. Haitians make rapadou a

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25 sugary syrup that is used in a variety of ways, including to s weeten drink and to make clairin a strong alcoholic beverage (Ng Cheong Lum 1997: 120). Another ingredient made available through local agriculture is tropical fruit. Bananas, mangoes, avocados, and citrus fruits are common examples of the fruit grown and consumed in Haiti. These fruits supply many important vitamins and minerals, including Vitamins C and A. In 1980, Haitians consumed more fruits than any other category of food (Kite and Pryor 1983: 21b). Corn is another ingredient that is commonly used in Haitian cuisine. It can be ground and made into porridge or it can be eaten in its original form. Further, a variety of beans are grown in Haiti. Beans are an important element of Haitian cuisine because they provide an inexpensive source of protein. Tube rs, or roots, are also a frequently used category of ingredients in Haitian cuisine; these include potatoes, yams, and cassava. They can be mashed, boiled, or fried and served alongside other Haitian dishes as a source of starch. Livestock is also an impo rtant source of Haitian cuisine. Pork is used in many traditional Haitian dishes, such as griot but pigs, and thus pork products, temporarily became less common after the Creole pig eradication. In 1983, the U.S. Agency for International Development slaug htered approximately two million pigs in Haiti in order to halt the spread of the swine flu (Dubois 2012: 352). After the eradication, they tried to replenish the population with American white pigs, but the attempts were unsuccessful because the white pig s were not suited to the tropical climate. But, the pig population in Haiti and the domestic pork product availability has since begun recovering. Goat and chicken are also commonly used in manje kreyl (Chapin 2001: 396). In addition to the ingredients available through local agriculture, seafood is also mile coast (Arthur 2002: 44). Among the five thousand tons of lambi shellfish, and fish (Chapin 2001: 396). Finally, ther e are ingredients that are made accessible through importation into Haiti. Because of the troubling agricultural situation due to topsoil loss and deforestation, Haiti imports many goods, mainly rice. Rice, which is a necessity in Haitian cuisine, is grown in Haiti, but the crops are supplemented with rice imported from other countries. Examples of Haitian Cuisine Once the ingredients are acquired via agriculture, fishing, and importation, the process of creating manje kreyl continues and finished dishes are assembled. Several examples of traditional Haitian dishes are soup joumou, diri kole ak pwa, diri djon djon, and porridge (Ng Cheong Lum 1997: 121). Soup joumou is pumpkin soup that is made year round in celebration this classical Haitian dish, which is made by stewing pumpkin and vegetables together until they are tender and flavorful. Diri kole ak pwa or rice and beans, is the national dish of Haiti. It is an extremely popular dish in Haiti, and it can be found on many dinner tables throughout the country. Rice and beans are both relatively inexpensive ingredients, so the combination makes for a budget conscious meal. It also provides protein and starch, necessary components of a balanced diet. Therefore, diri kole ak pwa provides nutrition while still being moderately priced. The ingredients are also readily available in Haiti. Red and black beans are both grown locally in

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26 Lum 1997: 115). Additional rice is also imported to Haiti on a regular basis. Another traditional Haitian dish is diri djon djon This dish is made by cooking rice with black mushrooms. It is unique to Haiti because the Haitian black mushroom, one of the main ingredients in the recipe, is only found in the local ecosystems of Haiti. The stems of the mushrooms are used to color the rice and to create the signature dark ton e. They are later removed because they are not to be consumed. The caps, however, are diced and added to the rice for consumption. The historical influences are also present in this dish because the technique used to flavor and color the rice is similar to the process of steeping saffron in broth to color and flavor Spanish paellas. Porridges, labouyi or mayi moulen, are also common throughout Haiti. Porridges are served by street vendors, marketplace merchants, and home cooks. The recipe is flexible, and a variety of different grains can be used as the base. Typically, the foundation is ground corn or sorghum, which is a cereal crop similar to wheat or barley. The base grain is ground and combined with other ingredients, such as milk and sugar. The final p orridge can be adorned with the addition of fruits and nuts. Peasants regularly consume porridge in Haiti because it is a dense source of carbohydrates, more affordable than other alternatives, and flavorful. Conclusion In conclusion, Haitian cuisine, or manje kreyl is an intricate composite of various historical influences, religious and social influences, and ingredient influences. The final product is often affordable, starchy, and flavorful. These characteristics are imperative to the majority of Hai tians because they are aiming to achieve affordably sufficient nutrition without compromising flavor. T hey pick ingredients that are affordable and nutritive, such as beans and fruits. Then they prepare them according to traditional Haitian methods so that they are packed with the flavor of local herbs and spices. On the other hand, the upper social classes are less concerned with affordability and calorie density, so they indulge in the more exclusive ingredients found throughout Haiti. However neither the lower nor upper social classes ever sacrifice the spice, flavor, or freshness that is the foundation of manje kreyl.

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27 Works Cited Arthur, Charles. Haiti: A Guide to the People, Politics and Culture. New York: Interlink Books, 2002. Chapin Metz, Helen. Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies. Washington, D.C.: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 2001. Courlander, Harold. 1960. The Drum and the Hoe. In A Haiti Anthology: Libte. Ed by Arthur and Dash. New York: Markus Weiner Publishers. Dubois, Laurent. 2012. Haiti: The Aftershocks of History. New York: Metropolitan Books. Hall, Robert L. 2007. Africa and the American South: Culinary Connections. Article in Southern Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 2, pp. 19 52. Jacquet, Jennifer. 2008. Holy Mackerel. Article in Science and Spirit, Vol. 19, No. 2, pp. 9 10. Kite, Rodney C., and S.A. Pryor. Haiti, Food Policy Options. S.I.: s.n. Ng Cheong Lum, Roseline. Haiti. New York: Marshall Cavendish, 1997. Robertiello, Jack. 2000. Haiti's Kreyol Cookery. Article in Amricas, Vol. 52, No. 2, pp. 58 59

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28 Haitian American Transnationalism Sarah McDermott, University of Florida Due to the globalization of techno logical advances, transmigration has become an ever increasing phenomenon found throughout the world. Naturally, the people of Haiti are no exception. Like many nations, Haiti struggles with political and economic control; so much that more than a few peop le take their chances in another country in pursuit of a better life. Mass migrations between nations, like Haiti and the United States, have created not only multinational ethnic identities, but an ongoing external influence on the countries involved. Man y Haitian Americans today are living in a transnational world adapting their identities to harmoniously fit into the host land while remaining apart of the homeland. Labeling the Haitian American migrant experience as transnational is based on the defini tion that migrants develop and maintain relations across national boundaries creating multi national identities. Transnational migrants are able to move fluently through multiple nations while keeping a sensible frame of mind regarding the homeland. Some s cholars have used diaspora to describe the Haitian American experience from focusing on the political and economic exiling from Haiti in the 20 th century. Even though ethnic exile of the homeland is a defining characteristic of a diaspora, it is a less sui table term for Haitian fails to be useful for Haitian Americans who develop ties to Haiti daily (Vasquez 2008: 163). Haitians may have left for political or economic relief, but those in Haiti and in the United States mutually rely on each other for physical and spiritual purposes which make transnationalism the appropriate definition. By looking at the reasons for migration and the outcome of dislocation, the transnational lives of Haitian Americans can be understood. Historical Reasons for Leaving Haiti More than most, Haitians knows what it is like to b attle suppression and to arrive on top, just to be faced with another obstacle. After the country won its independence in 1804 to become the first black nation of the world, the country fell into a pattern of dictatorships. Meanwhile, encroachment of outsi de forces that were displeased with the running of the country and wanted kept the new nation strained. Through all of this, the ones who suffered the most were the peasant farmers, who make up the majority of the population. T he demanding financial problems created by the elite rulers were endured by the peasan ts Whether it was to pay the 1825 indemnity to France or to enhance the infrastructure of the country, the Haitian peasants were manipulated to bear the brunt of the cos t in ways such as forced labor and heavy taxation. One of the first major waves of Haitian emigration to the United States occurred in the 1950s due to political strife. When Francois Duvalier became president in 1957, the traditional elite who were oppo sed to the Duvalier regime became a target of violence and oppression. For many, the only options were imprisonment, death, or migration. For the financially able, the obvious choice was migration. Others who were less wealthy were unable to leave Haiti un til the 1970s during a time that became known by people themselves living in intolerable situations due to economic struggle. With hope of a better life sants would sell everything they owned for enough money to

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29 purchase a ride on a boat heading north. Sadly, these boats were often poorly made for the tightly packed 700 mile trip to Southern Florida; sometimes they would sink in the middle of the ocean. Ev en so, these economic exiles took their chances for a standard of living taken for granted by many. Many of the boats that left the Haitian shore for to the United States were intercepted by the United States Coast Guard and forced to return to Haiti Even so, numerous boats made it to South Florida and began the shift into North American life. Initially, the Haitian immigrants were faced with barriers like racial discrimination and language difference, but through the years, Haitian Americans have ma naged to develop Haitian communities throughout the United States in cities like New York, Miami, and New Orleans. To distinguish themselves from the Creole, pr acticing Catholicism or Vodou, and dressing in French influenced styles. This allowed them to create their own community of Haitian culture among the many ethnic groups in the United S tates. Although Haitian Americans have experienced hostility from their adopted homeland, they have been able to develop an identity that reinforces their physical and spiritual ties to the mother country. Physical Connections between the Homeland and the Host Land Since many people still struggle to support their families in Haiti, it is common for financial support to come from a relative or friend who lives and works in another country. In 2010, about US$1.5 billion was sent to Haiti from foreign countries, according to United States Migration Policy Institute. It is not uncommon for Haitian Americans to work two jobs in order to have enough money to support themselves, as well as send some back to Haiti. This is especially the case for Haitians living in cities like New York, where there is a higher cost of living. These remittances received from transnational Haitians have become a necessity for the people and the economy of Haiti. Accord ing to the American Immigration Council a pproximately one in five households in Haiti receives remittances. Families in Haiti depend o n the funds received from transnational Haitians for basic everyday needs like housing, food, and medicine. Even so, the funds received do not fully compensate for the cost of upbringing the migrant and the loss of their labor in Haiti (Richman 2008: 5). A nother source of income that flows between nations is due to ownership of Haitian land. If Haitian Americans had not already sold their land in Haiti to get the funds to migrate, there is the option of renting it to local people. This practice creates a fl ow of income not only from the United States to Haiti, but also from Haiti to the United States, further showing the reciprocity of Haitians between nations. Traveling between countries has become an increasingly realistic option and has been taken advan tage of by the common Haitian. Over time, the United States has developed its own Haitian pilgrimage sites, where annual ceremonies that Haitians from varying countries travel to landscape; they 126). This means that pilgrimage sites in the United States are no less significant than sites in Haiti; instead they represent the expanding religious world of transnational Haitians. Furthermore, transnational Haitians will plan trips back to Haiti around important religious ceremonies to maintain traditional customs. For Haitians, the United States has mainly become a place fo r healing and in tervention in times of great need (Warner and Wittner 1998: 131). The initiations, funerary rituals, or becoming a priest or priestess are all

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30 Even so wh en the spirit calls for them to attend a ceremony or make a pilgrimage Spiritual Connections between the Homeland and the Host Land Transnat ional Haitians maintain ties to the homeland through their religious practices of Catholicism and Vodou. In the United States, Haitians often incorporate Vodou traditions into used strategically by transnational Haitians to swap between Catholicism and Vodou to match the socially appropriate situation at hand (McAlister 2009: 239). At ceremonies that appear to be Catholic, underlying signs of Vodou can be noticed by the trained eye. The Fte du Notre Dame du Mont Carmel (Festival of Our Lady of Mount Carmel) in New York has become a major pilgrimage site for Haitians. Our Lady of Mount Carmel, whom the festival honors, is another name for the Virgin Mary in Catholicism, but Moun t Carmel can also represent the Vodou spirit, Ezili Dant, for Haitians. In the Festival of Our Lady of Mount Carmel the popping from also an aural semiotic sign for Vij Mirak (miracle Carmel was created for the Italian community in East Harlem, the transnational Haitians have influenced the ceremony with Haitian traditions to the point that now the ceremony has a French Mass and the Haitian flag flies next to the Italian flag in the parade (Warner and Wittner 1998: 151). Another pilgrimage site that attracts many transnational Haitians, which coincides with the Festival of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, is found in Sodo, Haiti. In Sodo the Ft Vij Mirak (Feast of the Miracle Virgin) has become a religious site that attracts all classes in the transnational community (Warner and Wittner 1998: 135 ). The site can be found next to a waterfall that has caused tired pilgrims from a long travel to become possessed by the Vodou spirits. Nearby, it was rumored that a peasant farmer had seen the Virgin Mary in a palm tree, which led to a French priest cutting the tree down for fear of superstition (Warner and Wittner 1998: 135). Vodou is incorporated i nto the Feast of the Miracle Virgin through songs made specifically for the lwa Vodouist Catholics often feel as though the requests that are made to the Sin ce the 1970 s, an intensification of conversions from Vodou and Catholicism to Protestantism has had an adverse effect on transnational Haitians It has led to the breaking of spiritual and physical ties between migrants and the homeland. Karen Richman arg ues that transnational do mestic and ritual ties (Richman 2008: 5). Evangelical Protestant missionaries regard Haitian culture as satanic, calling the people relations to the mother country, which presents an opportunity for an individualistic form of spirituality. Through Protestantism Haitian migrants have justified their disassociation to kin and spirit relationships back in Haiti and their declining repatriations. Transnational Haitians view Protestantism as a tool to achieve greater individual, social, and economic success

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31 (Richman fails to protect or help them in life is not uncommon. Transnational Haitian American Experience Condensed The Haitian emigration may have stemmed out of political and economic exile, but the outcome has not been a tragic one. In fact, if it were not for the migration of Haitians out of Haiti, the country today would be poorer and the people less religiously globalized. With the help of Haitian Americans sending remittan ces and economically contributing by making visits, peasant families in Haiti are more able to meet basic needs of food and shelter meanwhile encountering new ideas and practices of the transmigrants. The transnational experience benefits the Haitians Amer icans by providing them with ongoing spiritual and emotional support from the homeland, preventing an unrealistic and utopia like memory. It has caused many to develop complex identities incorporating many aspects into their lives including Catholicism, Vo dou, American identity, Haitian identity, French identity, and more.

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32 Works Cited Arthur, Charles and Michael Dash. Libte: A Haitian Anthology. Markus Wiener Publishers, 1999. McAlister, Elizabeth. The Madonna of 115 th St. Revisited: Vodou and Hait ian Catholicism in the Age of Transnationalism. In American Studies: An Anthology Edited by Janice A. Radway, Kevin K. Gaines, Barry Shank, and Penny Von Eschen McAlister, Elizabeth and Karen Richman. Catholic, Vodou, and Protestant:Being Haitian, Bec oming American Religious Pluralism, Immigrant Incorporation, and Transnationalism. In Immigration and Religion: Comparative and Historic Perspectives Edited by Richard Alba, Albert J. Raboteau, and Josh DeWind. New York University Press, 2009. Richman, Karen E. A More Powerful Sorcerer: Conversion, Capital, and Haitian Transnational Migration. New West Indian Guide, 2008. Vol. 82, Issue 1&2, pp. 3 45. Vasquez, Manuel A. Studying Religion in Motion: A Networks Approach Koninklijke Brill, NV: L eiden, 2008. Warner, Stephen R. and Judith G. Wittner. Gatherings in Diaspora: Religious Communities and the New Immigration Temple University Press, 1998.



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The Journal of Haitian Culture and Society Hosted by the Vodou Archive Edited by Benjamin Hebblethwaite and Megan Raitano A production of the University of Florida Photo credit: Richard Freeman