Land Exploitative Activities and Economic Patterns in a Barbados Village

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Land Exploitative Activities and Economic Patterns in a Barbados Village
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355 p. : maps.
Handler, Jerome S.
Brandeis University
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Waltham, MA
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Barbados -- Economic conditions.
Land use -- Barbados.
Anthropology -- West Indies -- Barbados.
Social conditions -- West Indies -- Barbados.
Social organization -- West Indies -- Barbados.
theses   ( marcgt )


This study is concerned with one sector of the economic life of a small village in the hill area — known as the Scotland District — of the island of Barbados, British West Indies. It will focus upon a description and analysis of the ways in which land resources in and around the village of Chalky Mount are exploited, and upon the kinds of social relationships villagers form in the pursuance of economic activities related to land exploitation. Of secondary, but related, importance is a concern with the ways in which villagers combine their land-based and other economic activities in order to meet their cash and subsistence needs.
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Title Page and Front Matter Chapter I. Introduction Chapter II. The Setting Chapter III. Small-Scale Sugar Cane Farming Chapter IV. The Sugar Plantations Chapter V. Minor Land-Based Economic Complexes Chapter VI. Summary and Conclusions Tables, Illustrations and References

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.LAND EXPLOITATIVE ACTIVITIES AND ECONOMIC PATTERNS IN A BARBADOS VILLAGEHandler, Jerome S ProQuest Dissertations and Theses; 1965; ProQuest Dissertations & Theses (PQDT) pg. n/a .. i This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received HANDLER, Jerome S.; 1933-65-14,422 LAND EXPLOITATIVE ACTMTIES AND ECONOMIC PATTERNS IN A BARBADOS VILLAGE. Brandeis University, Ph.D., 1965 Anthropology I University Microfilms, Inc., Ann,ArboI, Michigan \ \


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. COPYRIGHT BY JEROME S. HANDLER 1965


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LAND EXPLOITATIVE ACTIVITIES AND ECONOMIC PATTERNS IN A BARBADOS VILLAGE A Dissertat10n Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and. Sc1ences Brande1s Un1vers1ty Department of Anthropology In Fulfillment of the Requ1rements of the Degree Doctor of Ph1losophy By Jerome S. Handler September, 1964


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. This dissertat1on, directed and approved bY' the candidate's Committee, has been accepted and approved by the Graduate FacultY' of Brandeis University in partial ,fulfillment of the requirements fo!' the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Dissertation Committee Chairman Date ..


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .'J' I am grateful to Brandeis University, the Samuel Rubin Foundation, and the Research Institute for the Study of'Man whose funds enabled me to conduct field work in Barbados. To Robert Manrlers lowe a special debt of gra ti tude for his help a.nd. encouragment while this ,thesis was being wri tten. Lambros Comi tas introduced me to and guided my initial field work in Balbados and to him, and to David Kaplan, Carroll Riley, and Arriold Strickon I am thankful for many helpful comments and criticisms of the thesis in various stages of its growth


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ... 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS LISr OF TABLES ii vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS viii Chapter I. II. III. INTRODUCTION e' THE SETTING .' . 1 21 tntroduction Barbados 21 Physical and Climate Fauna and Flora Economy and the Role of Sugar Bridgetown and Island Communications Population The Political System: National and ._ Local The Scotland Dis tric t 40 Chalky Mount 44 Introduction History Population Chalky Mount as a Community Social and Cultural Characteristics of the Community Klnship,-Households, and' Houses Occupations and Economic Life Land-Based Economic Complexes: Household Distributions and Combinations Emigrants and Remittances SMALL-SCALE SUGAR CANE FARMING 88 In troduc tion 0 88 Occupational and Demographic Characteristics of the Small Cane Farmers 89 Some Geographica.l Consid.erations 90 Location and Diversity of Working Lands SOils, 'Soil Erosion, and Water


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .. iv Lanq Holdings'. .:. :. .. .. .': 95 The Emergence of .. a Small Farmer Group in Chalky Mount' Size and Distribution of Land Holdings Rented Lands Non-Rented Lands Land.Prices Tenure and. Mode of Acquisi tion' of Non-Rented Holdings The Production .of. Sugar Cane .......... 112 In trod fIlc tion Cultivation in "Crop Tlmew in the Out-of-Crop Planting, Fertilizing, and Weeding Crop Time Cane Xields Transport 'to the Factory Choice of Factory Expenses and Profits 137 Working Relationships and Labor 140 Hired Labor Exchange Labor Work Output Labor Shortages .. .. .. 153 IV. THE SUGAR' PLP,.NTATIONS e e' .. 156 Intrqduc tion .. 156 Plantation Staff .............. 158 The Manager The Superintendant Other Staff Members The Workers .. .. 163 Introduction Class A Males Class B Males Class A and B Females Class C: The Children Labor and Work Patterns: An Overview 170 Tasks and the Agricultural Cycle 173 Introduction Crop Time Out-of-Crop Summary Earnings and Emplpyment .. .. .. .. .- .. 194 Introduction Holiday With Pay Production Bonus Earnings and Days Worked The Union .. .. .. .. .' 205 Labor Shortages .. .. .. -. 207 Summary and Conclusions .. .. .. 211


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Vo VI. MINOR LAND-BASED ECONOMIC 218 218 219 Intr'oduction Arrowroot ............. e Introduction History Production Distriblltic:m Concluslbns. Crops Crop Types and Production The Extent of Subsistence Crop Production Livestock .. .. D .. Introduction Income-Producing Livestock Subsistence Animals .,. '. .229 234 Pottery .. .. 246 Introduction Pottery Households and Personnel Production Distribution Conclusions Summary 263 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS .. 266. REFERENCES .,. 333


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vi LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1 Land Use and Distribution in Barbados, 1961 Z,89 2 Population ot Barbados, 1960, By Racial or Ethnic Group. 2'90 3 Population of Chalky Mount; 1961-1962, By Age and Sex Group 291 4 Chalky Mount Houses and Homaespots, 1962, By Type of Tenure and Mode of Acquisition.. 292 y 5 Size of.Chalky Mount Households, 1961-1962, 6 7 8 9 By Age and Sex of Household Members 293 Occupations of Mount's Adult Population, 1961-1962, By Sex Income-Producing Activities Engaged in By Chalky Mount Adult Males During 1961-1962. 295 Chalky Mount Household Combinations of Land Based Economic Complexes, 1961-1962. 298 Emigration to England from Chalky Mount as of April, 1962 300 10 Estimated Remittances Received from England by Chalky Mount Households in 1961. 302 11 Major Occupations of Chalky Mount Small Cane Farmers, 1961-1962. 303 12 Size Distribution of Chalky Mount Working Lands, Tenure Types 304 13 Distribution of Rented Working Lands in Chalky Mount, 1961-1962, By Type of Renter 305 14 15 Size Distribution of Non-Rented_Working Lands in Chalky Mount, 1961-1962, By Mode of Acquisition. -. 307 Forms of Tenure and Mode of Acquisition of Non-Rente.d Lands ("Buy Ground" ) in Chalky Mount, 1962. .,. 309


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vii Table Page 16 1961 Yield of Sugar Cane per Acre Rea.ped on Ho1.dings of Chalky Mount Small Cane Farmers .'. 310 17 1961 Yields of Sugar Cane per Acre Reaped' on Scotland District Plantations and Chalky Mount Small Cane Parmer Ho1dingst __ eN, .'. 311 18 19 20 21 22 23 21.f. 25 26 27 28 29 Sugar Cane Tonnages Delivered to Factories in 1961 by' Chalky Mount Small Cane Farmers Selected Expenditures and .Receipts of Chalky Mount Small Cane Farmers,-.. lliJm,-312 Rented Working 313 Acreages of Sugar Plantations which Employed Chalky Mount Labor in 1961-1962 314 Average Earnings and Days Worked of Chalky Mount Plantation Laborers Who Worked at Least 120 Days' During 1961. .. .' .. .' 315 Average Earni'ngs an.d Days Worked of Chalky Mount Plantation Laborers Who Worked Less Than 120 .During 1961 318 Major P1antati'on Class of Worker, Pay Rates, and Seasonal Performance 321 1961 and 1962 Average Weekly Earnings During Crop Season of' Chalky Mount Plantation Workers Who W.orked Ten Weeks or More -324 Major Subs1stence Crops Grown by Chalky Mount Small in 1961-1962. 325 Number of Subsistence Crop-s Grown by Chalky Mount Small Farmers in 1901-1962 '. 326 Distribution of Animals in Chalky Mount, 1962, By Animal Type. 327 Distribution and Tenure of Lands Used Solely as Pasturage in Chalky Mount, 1962 328 Income-Producing Livestock Disposed of by Chalky Mount Households in 1961y-By Type of Animal. 329


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. viii. LIST QE ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Map of Chalky Mount and Surrounding Region ... 330 2. Sketch Map of Chalky Mount 331 3. Plantation Status Ran'kings and Authority Lines .. 332


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPl'ER I INTRODUCTION ,,' This study is concerned with one sector of the eConomic life ofa vil,iage in ,the hill area--known as the Scotland District--of the island of Barbados, British West Indies. It will focus upon a and analysis of the ways in which land resources in and around the village of ChalkY. Mount are and upon tne kinds of social form in the pursuance of economic activities related to land exploitation. Of secondary, but related, importance is a concern with the ways in which villagers combine their land-based and other economic activities in order to meet their cash and sub-sistence needs. Since this study deals with Chalky Mount's system of land adaptations, it is phrased in those ecological terms which stress man in adju'stive and exploitative interaction through the agency of technology, with, his inorganic, and biotal milieu [and relations between men" (Helm 1962:6'7). It follows the perspective of cultural ecology which, in Steward's words, "pays primary attention to those features whichempir1cal analysis shows too be most closely involved in the utilization of 1


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 environment in culturally prescribed ways" (1955:37). In the largely agrarian world of Chalky Mount--and Barbados--land is clearly the most important element in the physical environment to which the villagers adapt. The economy of Barbados is overwhelmingly dependent upon the proq,uction and process1ng of sugar cane--over75 percent of its cultivable acreage being devoted to this crop--and Chalky Mount is involved in the national sugar economy. The majority of those persons engaged in wageearning and/or cash producing activities derive a good deal of their income from activities directly related to the land, even though not all of the income the village's inhabitants is directly derived from farming and other land-based economic Further, adults spend most '. of their working time in and around the village in pro-duction which involve some form or another of land use and exploitation. Land, then, in Chalky Mount is the major instrument of production, and the ways in which most individuals meet their subsistence and cash needs depend to a great extent upon their relationship to the land. Since Chalky Mount's adaptational system involves land use, this study is primarily concerned with Steward's first and second methodological points in his discussion of cultural ecology; that is, "an e.xamination of the relationship of technOlogy, or productive processes, to the environment" (1956:15), and "the behavior patterns involved in the


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. J exploitation of a particular area by means of a particular technology" (1955:40). In brief; I shall be concerned with the ways in which lands are exploited both ,in terms of "man-land" relations and "man-man" relations as these exist in the "socio-economic system of Barbados and the geographical setting of the Scotland District. I shall focus upon the exploitative patterns which themselves are a product of, the interplay between environment, technology and structure, and the economic patterns, e.g., which are related to these. In general, then, __ I shall be concerned with that sector of Chalky Mount's economy which is directly and specifically related to the land as the primary instrument of production. The method of presentation rests upon a detailed description of the kinds of productive activities 10 which the villagers engage, and I shall place major emphasis upon 'the ways in which these productive activities are organized and carried out, the kinds of social and/or labor relat10nships formed in the pursuance of these activities, and the ways in which the products of these activities are disposed of by their producers. Production activities throughout this paper will be discussed as complexes because such activities are organized in a aeries of unified steps surrounding a particular production focus. The villagers are involved in six of these land-based complexes, each complex playing a role of varying


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I ",' .,. 4 importance in Chalky Mount's total economic life. The' complexes include small-scale sugar' cane farming" plantation farming, the cultivation and processing of arrowroot '(a minor cash crop), the growing of or food crops, the raising of various types of livestock" and the production of pottery. However, sugar ,cane farming, whether it be on plantations or small .. predominates in the village's ecological system. Although there is a great deal' of overlap among most of the land-based complexes, e.g." emphasis upon caShproducing as opposed to SUbsistence activities" pecuniary considerations in the formation of work groups and dyadic labor relationships" dependency upon non-household labor, geographical factors affecting production activities, etc." the' complexes can nevertheless be isolated for purposes of description and analysis. In the ensuing chapters eacn complex is thus isolated and discussed in turn. I have chosen this method of organization" rather than discussing activities in one chapter and sociological and other'concomitants of economic arrangements in other chapters" because I want to show how each of these complexes emerges as a functionally related series of activ-i ties surrounding a given pr'oduction focus. In this way" it is hoped" lithe behavior patterns involved in the exploitation of a particular area by means of a particular technology" (Steward 1955:40) will emerge more clearly.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Yet, in order to avoid excessive repetition' of the patterned which cro'ss-cut the complexes, the of presentation shifts with the nature of the instance, in Chapter III (Small-Scale Sugar Cane Farming) .. production techniques, the agricul tural cycle, ,physical environment, and the of small land holdtngsare emphasized as well as such factors as land tenure and working relationships.' In the discussion of the sugar '( Chapter 'IV) I have stressed the organization of the plantations as this organization is revealed in the statuses and roles of the workers, the. work groups they form, and, in general, the ways in' which they acquire wages from the plantations' for which they work. Sugar producing activities which are unique to the plantations are also included and contrasted with activities on the small farms. Chapter V (Minor Land-Based Economic Complexes, i.e., arrowroot product1on, subs1stence crop cultivation, livestock raising and pottery making) om1ts and simply cross-references those patterns and act1v1ties which would duplicate materials presented in prec,eding chapters, concentrating upon unique features of the complexes under d1scussion. One problem that arises in the organization of these chapters and the presentation of data stems from the nature of the land exploiting units. Although the household is a basic unit of the village's structure, the nature of explo1tat1ve and economic patterns


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 mitigates its effeotive funotioning as a unit of produotion. The small farms, for instanoe, are not often even worked--by oorporate kin or household groups as suoh. As we shall see, the household's weakness as a unit of produotion seems, in part, to be funotionally related to the land exploitative patterns 'and produotive prooesses oonoentrated upon'in this paper. Consequently, eoonomio roles in a number of production settings, e.g., small-soale sugar oane farming, subsistenoe oultivation, eto. are defined less within what Steward has oalled "vertioal (1955:66), suoh as household or other looal groups, than on the basis of one's relationship to the land and/or teohnologioal prooessesH A farmer is a farmer beoause he (or she) rents and/or owns a paroel of land whioh is used in some eoonomic way. Similarly, the status of potter depends on the ability to make pottery upon'a wheel--persons unable to use the wheel but who might be actively engaged in the village's pottery industry are not oonsidered by themselves or others as potters. Such economic roles are not defined in terms of the household or other local groups because the exploiting unit is the iridividual. This feature of Chalky Mount is in' direot contrast to those "peasant" communities which have been described in other ,areas of the Caribbean, such as Martinique and Jamaioa (vide Horowitz 1960). However, on the sugar plantation the roles of individuals are defined in terms of their positions within the plantation's organization--the plantation being the exploiting


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7 unit--and tor this reason Chapter IV, which deals with the sugar plantations,has more of a "structural" orientation than other chapters devoted to the land-based economic complexes. But, the delineation ot economic roles is not 'complete when these roles are discussed as discrete units, even though this approach is taken as a matter ot convenience in presenting the' data. Following the emphasis on ,land use and exploitation" then, and interwoven with the main discussion, will be a discus,sion ot the villagers' multiple'involvement in a number ot income-produc1ng activities, or what Comitas (196" 1964) has called "occupational. plurality. ,,1 The multiple involvement in and/or activities makes it inappropriate to view many ot Chalky Mount's adults in uni-occupational terms, and also makes it difficult to "tit" Chalky Mount into the plantation andpeasanttramework that is often utilized in the delineation and identitication of rural Caribbean,socio-economic segments (Cf. Padilla 1957, Iiorow1tz 1960). Undoubtedly a variety of cultural features are attected, by the adaptive which form the major i"Occupational plurality is a condition wherein the modal. adult is systematically engaged in a number ot gainful activities which form for him an integrated economic complex" Comitas (1964:41). This concept will be developed and further explained in Chapter II where the village's occupational structure is discussed.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 ooncern of this paper, but for present purposes I shall try to suggest how "occupational plurality" is related to land exploitative patterns2 and how it affects the villagers' adaptations to the larger social and economic environments of The combination of land-based economic oomplexes with other income-producing activities increases the ability of Chalky Mount indivi4uals and households to the island' s erivironment. An important feature of this environment for the rural lower class is the need for cash income in order to obtain essential materials services, and an emphaSis upon the acquisition of a variety of "non-essential" consumer goods. The villagers' dependency upon cash cannot be overemphasized. Virtually all of the goods and services they regard as essential can only be realized with cash. And'of equal importance is the fact that a variety of 'tbiologically non-essential" items used to maintain and increase the villagers' culturally prescribed standards of consumption also are powerful inducements to the acquisition of--cash. Most of these goods and services come from sources outside of the village and are integral parts of a system of cash exchange and a market economy.: 2This concern is linked to another interest of cultural ecology which is "to ascertain the extent to which the behavior patterns entailed in exploitiijg the environment stfect other aspects of the (Steward 1955:41).


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 "Occupational plura11ty,p" then, is that aspect of the "cultural core" (Steward ,1955:'7) which facilitates the adjustment of the villagers to an economic environment with relatively high cash demands' placed ,upon the fulfillment of basic and ttsocially-derived" (Ibid. :40) needs, and to a social environment which often makes single occupational or income-producing activities inadequate to supply the needed cash.' In this socio-economic environment an enormous quant1tyof goods, such as tools, building materials, clothing, and most foods, are imported, placing them within a system of cash exchange with relatively high prices. At the same time, wages are relatively low, land holdings are of a limited size and often of marginal agricultural potential, consumption needs are increasing, and the occupational outlets or income-producing alternatives are limited for the relatively poorly educated and lower class Negroes of Chalky Mount. Consequently, combining several cashproducing activities enables individuals and/or households to acquire more of the cash they need, and is thus not only a concomitant of ecological processes, but a180 a vital feature ot the villagers' adaptation to the social and, economic environments in which they live. ,. In this paper, then,' I shall try to show the ways in which' villagers combine several of their cash-producing ,activities related to the land, and also how some of these ,land-based activities are merged with other economic activ1ties-:-divorced trom the land--in order to provide


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the cash which culturally defined needs have made mandatory. 10 It is apparent that the land-based complexes relate and dovetail with insular institutions and respond to forces which have arisen outside of the community. The extra-community dependency of the villagers will be indicated in succeeding chapters, although it will not be overly emphasized. This dependency involves such things as the overriding importance of sugar cane, the decline in recent years of markets for 'arrowroot starch and pottery, the minimizing of subsistence and non-cash oriented economic activities, and the fact of emigration with its effect,on land purchasing power and the village's'labor supply. These and many other features reveal how many which regulate and determine the daily lives of the villagers "originate" outside of theconununity. Chalky Mount's land-, based economy, then, 'is inextricably a part of the insular and extra-insular society, and the villagers' activities are responsive to pressures which arise outside the village. ; At this pOint, however, it is advisable to note that neither Chalky Mount nor its land-based economic complexes comprise a subsystem of Barbados' total economy. R. T. Smith's comments on a British ,Guianese Negro village aptly portray Chalky Mount in these respects, and reflect the approach taken in this paper: It i8 crucial to make clear the fact that the village is not a bounded economic unit, except insofar as we decide to treat it as one for the of


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 11 Farming activities and animal husbandry are balanced against participation in the labor market of the colony as a whole, for villagers sell their labor for, wages outside the village as well as cultivating the soil within it (1956:22). further, If we ,try to look at the economic system of the village as a whole we find that there really no sense in which the village functions as a subsystem of the total economy of the colony. There is ins.tead a series of lines where the economy of the whole society cuts across the village as a unit. For example, villagers partiCipate in the economic life of the sugar but these estates are external organizations so far as the village is concerned. Similarly farmers produce rice which is sold to external agencies, and they may even engage tractors to do part of the cultivation, but the tractors are also external to the village. Whilst we must bear in mind this intrusion of external factors .' we may look at the village as though it were a distinct unit (R. T. Smith 1956:25). Chalky Mount, then, is not a circumscribed or bounded economic unit; although, for descriptive purposes, I have often treated the land-based economic complexes as if this were 80. Further, I do not profess that Chalky Mount with its ecological adaptations is a microcosm reflecting in its particulars conditions found in all other rural villages of Barbados. However, from personal knowledge of the island and from discussions with others who have worked in ,Barbados, it seems probable that much ,of the following presentation is generally applicable to other villages in the island, especially those in,the Scotland District. Chalky Mount reveals the same fundamental economic behavior, household and family organizati0:r:t" munity structure" religious and educational patterns, etc.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. : ',' 12 as do other villages in Barbados (vide Greenfield 1959) even though it does certain features, pottery and arrowroot, which give its economic life a distinctive flavor. 'Consequent;ly, the problem of CODDnunity "distinctiveness", is not particularly germane for research in Barbados as is the case,f'or example, in Jamaica (Clarke,1957; Comitas 1962,1964), Puerto Rico '(Steward 1956), British Guiana (R. T. Smith 1956, J 1963), and Trinidad (Klass 1959, Freilich 1960). The lower class rural population on this small 166-square-mile island has been subject to fairly uniform pressures which have led to considerable cultural and ethnic homogeneity. In addition, the communication and ne,twork of Barbados is too well developed to permit the perpetuation of isolated, culturally differentiated population enclaves. To be sure, there are some differences in land adaptations in various ecological zones of the island," but these do not seem to have had an overriding influence in the sense of producing culturally "di.stinctive". communities. Mount as a village and community, especially its "informal structure" (M. G. "Smith 1956:309) and "weak sense of community cohesion" (Wagley 1957:8), is discussed in Chapter II where 'the more salient socio-cultural features of the village are delineated. The ecological points at which Chalky Mount appears to be at variance. with nonScotland District villages are deal't with in the chapters


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13 devoted to the various land-based economic complexes. This dissertation presents a type of,data not readily available in the growing anthropological literature on British West Indian Negro communities. It is hoped that these data will not only increase our understanding of life in rural Barbados, but will also contribute to future comparative work on ecological and economic problems in the Caribbean. Further, by describing a village that i's' neither "plantation" nor "peasant" this dissertation $ives further empirical support to the concept of "occupa-tional plurality" thereby extending our mowledge or rural socio-economic types ,existing in the British Caribbean. For the most part, "community-oriented" field studies of the British Caribbean by social or cultural anthropologists otter little intensive treatment of ecological adaptations and agrarian economic patterns in communities whose populations are largely Negro. Rather these topics have been minimally presented as a background tor other tocal interests ot the investigators, 'most often kin and domestic groups and/or other non-economic institutional and cultural features of the communities (Cf.Freilich 1960, Greenfield 1959, Hickerson 1954, Jayawardena 1963, Skinner 1955, M. G. Smith 1962a, R. T. Smith 1956). Where sugar cane farming has been emphaSized, this emphasis has often centered upon Utactory-and':'tield" plantations (Cf. Jayawardena 1963) which are organized on a


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14 much larger scale than the relatively small, owned, factory-lacking, and mechanized plantations for which Chalky Motint's laborers work (Chapter IV). Although detailed treatment of work organization on these "factories-in-the-field" is often lacking, technological processes and work organization appear to vary in a number' of significant respects from the plantations dealt with in this dissertation. There h8.s been little intensive research on the nature and .. specifics of small-scale sugar cane farming even though this type of farming assumes relatively major proportions 1ri parts of some of the more prominent sugar growing islands such as Jamaica, Trinidad, and Antigua. Furthermore, there is almost no of the ways in which small-scale sugar cane farming interlocks with plantation wage-labor in communities where it forms a major type of ec.ological a.daptation. In general, rural communities in the British Caribbean which have been the object of relatively.frequent and intensive investigation by anthropological field workers. are located in the three largest territories, Jamaica, Trinidad, and British Guiana. Barbados, which rariks fourth in the area in terms of social and economic importance, has received comparatively .little social scientific attention. The only anthropological "community-study' on a community which has appeared to date (Greenfield 1959) upon the family from a functional and cal perspective, deals with a village in a different


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15 "ecological zone" ot the island, and, in general, touches only very lightly on the' ,topics treated in this paper. Further, 'as I mentioned above, most ot the Negro agrarian communities upon which community studies have tocused, have been discussed, either tacitly or explicitly, in terms ot a "plantation-peasant" dichotomy which appears to be an organizing tramework ot considerable popularity in Caribbean studies. This tramework, however, does not have great analytical value tor Chalky Mount, and, probably tor many other villages in Barbados as well. I suspect that the "occupational plurality" which seems to be characteristic ot Chalky Mount isa more widespread teature in the Caribbean thanm1ght appear trom the literature, although I am not prepared tully to argue and SUbstantiate this pOint. This characteristic is not only an important aspect ot Jamaican society--tor which, as tar as I know, it was tirst explicitly named and described by Comitas (1963)--but exists in other areas such as British Guiana (vide R. T. Smith 1956) and perhaps Carriacou (M. G. Smith 1962a). It is also quite possible that this socio-economic type is appearing in,other areas ot the world where, for example, "peasant" or small tarmer com-. mun1ties under increased pressures trom wider societal souroes, and where a single agrarian or other economic activity will not provide the cash that is needed for subsistence and increasing consumption demands. Such areas would probably include those places where rural peoples


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. have faced what Geertz has termed the "depeasantizing process" (1962:6). That there might be an alternative to types such as cash crop farmers and rural proletarians that supposedly result from this "depeasantizing process" is suggested here, as indeed it has been suggested by Comitas As we shall see, for instance, a mixture of cash-crop farming and plantation wage-labor, quite often combined with other income-producing activities, is a fundamental characteristic of Chalky Mount's economic life. Such "occupational plurality" however, does not merely involve the supplementing of primary occupational pursuits with subsidiary ones, but rather forms for the participants "an integrated economic complex" (Comitas :41). Hence, analysis and identification of Chalky Mount in terms of "uni-occupational models" (Comitas 1964) will reflect inaccurately the actual occupational situation andthe"kind of socio-economic type this population represents. The possible practical or applied implications of such a misidentification are suggested by Comitas and are also touched upon in the final chapter of this paper. The data which form the basis ot this study were collected in Barbados from June to August in 1960, and from August 1961 to July 1962. During this time,. I lived in Chalky Mount and there was also ample opportunity to survey many other areas within Barbados and the Scotland District in particular. During the summer of 1960 research was concentrated upon the village's pottery industry, and


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 17 1961-1962 was largely devoted to investigating the other -, economic complexes to be discussed in'the following pages. While doing field work in the community, it became apparent that much information about the village'S economic life could be gatheredtrom sources outside 01' the village itselt i Sugar plantations adjacent to Chalky Mount provided a great deal ot materials on wages, earning capac-ities, rents paid on lands, etc. The account books 01' I sugar tactories were invaluable sources of precise information on cane tonnages delivered by small farmers, and the monies paid on these tonnages. Governmental and other documents on file in the Barbados Public Library were also extensively consulted, as were the archives of the Barbados Registry which contains an extensive collection of deeds and wills and baptismal, marriage, and burial records. Likewise, a great deal of time was spent in the library 01' the Barbados Museum which has an excellent collection 01' materials relating to the island's history. The files of the Government's Department 01' Science and Agriculture were especially useful in providing recent historical documentation on the village's now moribund arrowroot industry and on its pottery industry. Also the tiles and archives of various local governmental otfices (the parishes and regional districts) yielded much information on such matters as land taxes,. size ot land holdings, ,and land ownership.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18 In sum, the extra-village documentation on the village itself is fairly rich (though not always as copious and as accurate as one would like) and was intensively utilized as a source of data. Much data was also employing the more customary techniques of formal interviews, participant-observation, the collection of genealogies, census taking, etc. Particular emphasis 'was placed upon the co11ect'ion of quantifiable materials. Census materials, including data on age, sex, and relationships of household members, were gathered from each of the village's 117 h9useho1ds, and a lengthy, questionnaire was administered to most of them. This questionnaire was administered during March and April of 1962 after I had spent about nine or ten months in thefie1d. The questionnaire was sing1espaced on 9 legal 'cap pages and covered l?:major topical areas.' Within these areas I sought responses to approximately 260 items. in administering the questionnaire"and problems concerning sampling are discussed with respect to particular topics as they are raised in the ensuing pages. Also a variety of other sources, 'The major topical areas. include: house; land tenure, acquisition, and use; household compOSition; family outside' of Barbados; travel outsiiie of Barbados ; family outside of Chalky Mount but in family history; rediffusion and radio; education and literacy; church attendance and affi1ia.tion; Friendly Society and other organizational membership; voting; insurance; banks and loans; stores and expenditures;livestock.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 e.g., sugar factories and plantations, and various governmental agencies provided a great deal of statistical Most of these data were not subjected to any elaborate statistical analysis, but are used mainly to support, where possible, qualitative judgments and analyses, and to indicate distributions and modal or average behavior. Some of these data are presented in tabular form when I felt that a more extensive presentation of statistical distributions was needed. All of these tables, except for number 1 and part of 2, are comprised of data collecte,d by myself in the field, and were compiled from sources such as those described above. The overall presentation of this study 1s primarily synchronic. Acknowledging that, "the actual process of adaptation depends, to a great extent, on the previous cultural fprms" (Sahlins 1958:x), I have nonetheless viewed the various land-based complexes as a series of adaptations to present geographical conditions and the demands of a national economic system, a major feature of which inv,olves the dependency upon cash The emphasis in this paper'is upon the functioning of contemporary adaptive For this reason the specific historical events which may in large measure account for existing ecological and economic patterns will not be treated in any great detail. H1storical data--mostly the recent past-have been included, .. tney seem to be'


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. essential for an understanding and clarification of contemporary activities and adaptations. 20 With this general orientation to the aims, methods, and techniques of this dissertation I now move to.a discussion'of the island, regional, and village settings


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPrER II THE SETTING INTRODUCTION In this chapter I intend to briefly delineate some of the more salient geographical and socio-economic features of Barbados, to outline some of the regional idiosyncrasies of the Scotland District, and then present an"overview of the sociocultural. characteris.tics of Chalky t. MoUnt. Consequently, we "tIl be placing the land';'based complexes to be discussed in subsequent chapters iritheir village, regional, and island settings. BARBADOS Physical 'Features and'Climate Barbados is the most easterly of the,Caribbean islands and lies about 100 miles outside of the arc .of volcanic islands which constitute the Lesser Antilles. Resting upon the same submarine shelf--a continuation of the Paria peninsula of northeastern Venezuela--as its neighbor some 200 miles to the southwest, Trinidad, Barbados' 166 square mile surface is largely composed of a coral limestone cap which covers the faulted and folded 21 .. l-


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 22 sedementary rocks underneath. Rather than being flat, as it is sometimes misleadingly described, Barbados' relatively low altitudes are arranged, for the most part, in a series of plateaus (two major ones) of varying elevations. The overall picture in this respect is adequately described in one of ,the island's annual reports as follows: it is possible to distinguish several clearly defined regions. Tqe Scotland District extends along the middle of 'the N.E. coast This is the highest region and attains a height of 1,115' in Mount Hillaby. The coastline is rugged and is backed by cliffs and island scarps. On three sides of this Scotland District, to the west, southwest and, south, is ,the Upland Plateau, a--, terrace 800' above sea ,level at the foot of the Scotland' 'region de,scen41ng to 400 'wnere '. it ends" in an 80' high encarpement' (sic) which ;1s dis' 'sected ,by, usually dry' ,This scarp overlooks the Lowland Plateau, the third and biggest region which is below 400' and extends to the' coast all round, the island except in the Scotland District The Lowland Plateau has extensive areas of.uniforinheight but it descends to the coast by a series of minor steps and scarps (Barbados Annual Report 1958 and. ,1959:'106). As one drives towards the northeast from the capital of Bridgetown,' in the southwestern part of the island, the road gradually cltmbs'over these plateaus until the edge of the Upland Plateau is reached. From here the road drops sharply into 'the relatively rugged and limestone free landscape of the Scotland District. Before the District and the village are brought into clearer perspective a broader overview of the island itself can be given. Topographically Most of Barbado,s a series" of gently undulating plains the islahd is much more varied than' it at first appears.' Significant differences in


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. rainfall de'pend primarily on altitude and 'on looation with respect to the prevailing northeast and southeast trades; soils also vary greatly, even over six-sevenths of the island they from the underlying coral limestone. Generally speaking, the central and eastern parishes boast and fairly continuous and dependable rainfall without a long dry season, and red or thiok black soil. This is the moat productive part of the island and also the most up in great sugar plantat1ons The drier, thinner SOiled, more remote north whioh often sutfer severe dt-Ought s, more given over to peasant agriculture and less used for sugar and its suburbs together make up $ll 'urban I area which contrasts Sharply with the 'country' Completely different from the rest ot the island is the noncoral Scotland District of the northeast where fertile ,pockets alternate with steep slopes of sand and clay highly susceptible to erosion (Lowenthal 23 Regional variations, as suggested above, are manifest in rainfall and its distribution. The Upland Plateau receives between 60 and 75 inches per annum and has a distinct two to three month dry seasoni while the Lowland Plateau averages between 40-60 inches with a longer dry season of between four to five months (Barbados Annual Report 1958 and 1959:108). Parts of the Scotland District normally receive more rain than the lower areas, although rainfall distribution on the island as a whole can be extremely irregular not only from year to year, but within single years as well. Rain water, which percolates through the coral limestone, is trapped beneath the surface by older geological features, and underground streams or wells form reservoirs from which the island's water supply is derived. This water supply stands out as being one of the purest in


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 the Caribbean, and is partially responsib,le, along witb the general lack of swamps and disease carrying insects, for ,the relatively healthy conditions prevailing on the island. The trade winds blow almost constantly and are generally unimpeded because of the island's relatively low relief. The result is a cooling effect on what might otherwise be an oppressively hot climate. 'The average velocities of these winds vary between 7 miles per hour from AUgust to December and 11-14 miles-per hour from January to July" (Starkey 1961:3). The winds blowing from the southeast are felt the strongest in the Scotland District which experiences, on the average, lower temperatures than the rest of the island. The lowland regions get temperatures 'of between 74oF. during the wet season and between 70 o0p. during the dry season, but the averages for the Scotland are about 9F. below these (Barbados Annual Report 1958 and 1959: 108) The temperatures in Bridgetown can sometimes be uncomfortably high, but tea few hundred feet of elevation modifies the temperature and in the central uplands the thermometer rarely rises into the middle 80s and may dx'op "into the 60s at n1ghtft (Starkey 1961:3). Barbados is marginally located with relat'1on to the Caribbean's hurricane zone, though a number of storms have done considerable most recent one of serious ,consequence having ocourred in 1955.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 25 Fauna and Flora There are few wild animals on the island and none of these are dangerous, to man. Two species of snakes exist but these are harmless and rarely seen. There are'a few monkeys in the limited wooded areas, particularly in the Scotland District. These can be quite a nuisance to fruit trees and certain kinds of crops. Also there are some rabbits, mice, rats and mongooses. The 'latter were imported in the late 19th century to help destroy the rats which were causing a great deal of damage to the sugar cane. After the'rats were brought under control, the mongoose continued to breed so rapidly that the legislature passed an actin 1904 providing for its destruction. Nevertheless, the mongoose continues to thrive and destroy young animals and fowls. Today the mongoose can be seen frequently as it across roads from one cane field to another. As m1ght be expected, there is a great deal of 1nsect l1fe, but such tropical diseases as malaria have been eradicated and none of the insects, save the centipede and house fly--bothof which are more prevalent at certain times of the ,year than at others-offer a serious threat to the islanders' health. The relatively, dense forests which once covered Barbados are all but gone, and the one sign1ficant reminder of this floral is found tqday in' the 50 odd acres of Turner's Hall woods in the Scotland District par1sh of St. Andrew. Yet, even :the' primeval qualities, of Hall have been somewhat diluted for a number of trees, 'such


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. as mahogany, were introduced subsequent to the island's settlement. In fact most of the ,and':)plants found in Barbados today were introduced' after the island's settlement in 1627. Not least of these is sugar cane--the omnipresent grass--the production and pr'ocessing of which lies at the core of the Barbadian national economy. and the Role of Barbados is an agricultural island largely concerned with the cultivation of sugar cane and the manufacture of raw sugar, molasses and rum. There is little other industry to speak of, and aside from the sugar factories and a handful of rum distilleries, most of the industrial or manufacturing enterprises are largely geared towards the insular market.l Over the recent years there has been a concerted governmental effort to bring industries to the island, and various types of legislation designed to serve as incentives to prospective investors have been But Barbados is first and foremost a sUgar island as it has been since the mid-17th century when the plant was first introduced from Brazil. ivarious types of clothing are manufactured as well as such things as soap, edible, Oils, biscuits, ice, etc. There is a brick factory in the parish ot St. Andrew, two which primarily do work for the sugar factories, a recently constructed and functioning beer brewery, and other assorted small manufactories.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 27 The role of sugar in the contemporary national economy is aptly summed up the following: production of sugar considerably exceeds the s requirements of sugar. The surplus is exported to buy from the rest of the world other goods and services which' ,are required for the population of Barbados to consume, to use up in the process of producing sugar and other forms of production, and to add to equipment and stock. Down through the last three centuries Barbados has remained largely an exporter of sugar and its molasses and rum and an importer of goods for consumption or capital formation and raw This ar,rangement of the economy into a 'production-for-export' sector and an 'import-for-consumption-and-investment' sector is fundamental in understanding ,how the economy of the island works. Production in Barbados consists of more than sugar, molasses and rum. Included in tile total are subsistence production manutactures such as those that spring up 8,S offshoots in an agrarian economy to satisfy local markets installation and repair of capitalgoods services and so on. This" 'other' production' ,exceeds the value of sugar and. it'a ;by-pruct,8rOughly in the ratio of 2 to 1. What,is' significant is 'Rot' that this other output is greater than augar:i.butput but that it depends tor its size on the value of sugar production By and large, decisions to produce' new goods for the export market, or to satisfy new demands, or 'to take advantage of new supply conditions have added little to total production over the' 'last few years. So, broadly speaking, s,ar still sets the pace in the economy of Barbados The National Income of Barbados 1956-1959:1-2). Since 1951 Barbados' sugar prices have been set by the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement, and the favorable terms derived from this agreement have helped to introduce a new sol veney in the island's economy. For instan,ce, after the signatorie-s to the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement met in --, f ',.. :.; '\ .... .. .. ,' ... .. )'


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 London in late 1961, the 1962 price of $219.66 (B.W.I.)2 per of sugar was agreed upon--a ton increase "over 1961 prices' (Barbados Advocate December 20, 1961). Although it has been pointed out ,that a profit can be '. realized at aprice as low as per ton of sugar (Smithers 1962), the world price in February of 1962 was about $103.20 (Barbados Advocate, February 13, 1962), and in March about $105.60 (Barbados Advocate, March 29, 1962). During the ,1961 meeting referred to above. the agreement was also extended to 1969. An,editorial in the Barbados Advocate commented that Gove,rnments in the West Indies, dependent on sugar as the bulwark ot their economy, can make firm plans for the next seven years without tear ot the whole crop beifig thrust on the world market, 'where the price 1$ considerably lower than:thenegotiated price .. (December 20, 1961). But, when Britainls entry into the Eruopean Common Market was being discussed there was panie as to the possible deleterious effects this entry might have on the Sugar Agreement. This concern was epitomized in a' statement by Mr. Meneea Cox"who was then Barbados' Minister of Trade, Industry, and Labour, when he said It would be disasterous'for Barbados if our sugar industry were forced to sell sugar in the free markets of' the world ... The Commonwealth Sugar Agreemenif"has 2Note that all monetary figures quoted, both in the text and tables, are quoted, unless stated otherwise, in terms ot British West Indian doilars ($1.00 = .58 U.S.>.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 been a tremendous boon to our sugar industry,. and it is vitally to the economic welfare of Barbados that no action"whatevel:' should be taken which might in any way tend to diminish the value of the '-agreement., and the preferences accorded by the United Kingdom and Canada (Barbados Advocate, October 21, 1961). Not only does the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement pay better and guaranteed prices on sugar, but .... we have the advantage of the Commonwealth preferential tariff plus the Colonial Sugar Certificate System, which means that whereas on entering, the British import duties of up to lls. 8 d. are levied on non-Commonwealth sugar, a maximum of onlyls. "0'+/5d. is levied on outs ... (Smithers 1962). ," Further, and this is also of importance, especially in considering some of the problems discussed in Chapters III, IV, and V, As long as sugar continues to" be the: most profitable crop which can be grown on the island, the reiative security now provided by the market in sugar provides a strong inducement to continued concentration of a.nY available capital or land in the .crop. Granted exists a physical limit to the amount of land. which is available. for growing sugar cane in the island, this factor might explain the stability in the total acreage under sugar production as well as the failure of both output and productivity. to rise appreciably 00 holdings devoted to othe'r' crops (Bethel 1960:133).' Barbados' total land area is approximately 106,229 acres, of which 68,713.4"0 acres are estimated to be arable (see Table 1). Approximately seven-eights of the arable land is planted in sugar cane (Starkey 1961": 14), and most 3For a concise statement of" the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement and its effects on the Barbadian economy see the same author and work, pp. 129-133. :'


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of this cane is grown on plantations or estates. In'196l, for instance, pla:ntations reaped approximately 37,440 acres which yielded 1,160,143 tons of sugar cane--or 84.2 per cent of the islandls total p,rodliction (Inniss et ai. The remaining 12,000 acres reaped in 1961, or approximately one-quarter of the total reaped acreage, was reaped by peasants, i. e. ,: persons" cane on 10 or less acres of land (see Chapter III)" who ace ounted for but 15. 8 per ce,nt. of the total sugar cane output (Inniss et ale 1961:7). Th1s cane, in 1961, yielded 159.541 tons of sugar, most of which was exported in the form of sugar or molasses and Sugar and its by-products normally account for three-fourths to four-fifths of the total domestic production, and more than ninety per cent of the total monetary value of all 1.1-exports (Starkey 1961:21). Most of, the sugar cane, as indicated above, is produced under the plantation system. In 1961 there 239 plantations operating on the island. These, on the average, are much smaller than the vast sugar estates known in such places as Cuba, British Guiana or even Jamaica and Trinidad, etc. Most estates in Barbados are relatively 4In 1959 the value of sugar and sugar by-products was 94.2 per cent of the value of the total domestically pro-, duced exports. Comparable figures for 1955, 1956, 1957, 1958, and 1959 are 92.8, 92.6, 95.', 94.8, 94.2 per cent respec-, tive1y (Starkey 1961:21). In earlier years, as might be expected, sugar and its by-products accounted for even a greater proportion.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 over 400 acres being considered large. Most of the plantations are owned by citizens of Barbados. But interlocking and multiple .ownership is common. Thus, the figure of 230-odd estates is somewhat misleading as a reflection of ,the spread of' proprietorship. The cane is processed by factories which, over the years, have steadily decreased in numbers while the remaining ones have tended to increase in size. Some of the 20 factories that were operating in 1961 are owned by corporations which also own sugar estates so that the cane of these estates is committed to certain factories, but for the most part there is avid competition amongst factories for the cane of the independent producer. Despite the major role played by sugar in the 'Barbadian economy, it should be noted that a relative minor'ity of the working population is directly engaged in agricultural pursuits. However, it is difficult to ascertain, from census figures, how many persons are engaged in activities which indirectly relate to agriculture, and even if' this were possible, figurestwhich show the occupational distribution in Barbados can be misleading. Yet, according to Starkey tI only about one quarter of the population depends on agriculture for a living., The typical Barbadian today is engaged primarily in urban activitieslt .(1961:8), and the 1960 West Indies Population Census (Bulletin No.1) gives 20,653 persons, or 24.3 per.cent of' Barbados' working population, as being primarily engaged in agricultural work.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32 S1nce the labor requ1rements of sugar product10n have seasonal f1uctuat1ons a1lof these persons were gainfully employed throughout the yeaz).. The rema1nder of the working population was emp107ed 1n various service, professional; manager1a1, skilled-and unskilled labor capacities. There are numerous bus1nesses on the .island, and most ot these are concentrated 1n Br1dgetown. Starkey po1nts out that The.organization of Barbad1an business is extremely complicated: It includes .manutacturers representatives,. importers, exporters, banks .. attorne78, estate agents, insurance compan1es and agents, wholesalers, department stores, app11ance stores, spec1altyshops, supermarkets, public markets, small shops, and hucksters Few of the larger bus1nesses fall into only one classification-almost all have man7 functions. The s1 tuation is turther complicated by interlocking ownership and control (Starkey 1961: Bridgetown and Island Communications Bridgetown plays a central role in the island not only as the locus of most major businesses, shops, and govel'nJllent offices; but also as a major means whereby Barbadians become aware. o,fthe larger insular and extrainsular society. Indeed, the numerous shops and business concerns--to say nothing excitement--that Bridgetown offers, especially' to tqe rural populace, it a bustling and often times congested town with frequent traffic jams .. and parking problems. Simple expoSutte to the social and material milieu of Bridgetown helps greatly 1n creating


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33 new and increasing consumer demands, these demands in turn havingobvi.ous effects upon consumption patterns and the need for Over 600 miles of r9ads criss-cross the island facilitating internal travel" and the large number of private autos" plus a well developed bus system, which follows the major arterial highways, puts within easy access of most villages on the island. then, which attnacts people from allover Barbados and can be considered "crowded" much of the time, functions as a cultural "homogenizer" for rural peoples from diverse villages. External travel to and from the island is also fairly easy. LYing on the south equatorial current which flows trom West Africa to South America Barbados has always been in a geographic position, and was usually one ot the first ports ot call for the sailing ships which made the middle passage during the slave trade. Today" the island is a center tor trading scho.oners which ply the islands otthe Lesser Antilles. With the recent completion of a deep water harbor and bunkering facilities for ocean-going ships, more and more vessels Of. this type are also stopping at the Increasingly, Bridgetown is becoming a favored port of call for West Indies tourist cruises, and theisland is also served by the two "Federal" ships which stop at each of the islands of the British Caribbean. Seawell airport. is equipped to handle all kinds of planes and is served by a number of major airlines as


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ;J. 34 ,well as British ,West Indian Airways. All ot,th,ese' transportation fac11itie$, inQreased publicity,' ,and the social and physical appeal of the island'have aided a great deal to accelerate the expansion of the tourist iridustry upon which Barbados is coming to depend more and more. Today, gross value of the tourist business .1s second only to the sugar industry" (Starkey 1961:19). The island has two major daily newspapers and a few minor weekly ones, the major newspapers being well supplied not only with local news, but Caribbean and international news as well. Though the island does not have a radio station, rediftusion (a single wire transmission) is present in many homes, and virtually every village on the island. For a monthly rental teethe speaker is hooked up in the subscriber's house, ,and though one does not have a choice of station there is'awide variety of fare ranging from BBC news programs and various kinds of music to church services, soap operas and the Rediffusion, even if it 1s 'not present, in a house, has a much wider effect than a list of" its 20,000 or so subscribers might indicate, for speakers are in schools, community shops, etc. ASide from helping to bring every village into the larger context of the Caribbean, and the world, rediffusion provides a means whereby the members of families scattered throughout the island can congregate for such events as funerals and even weddings. Indeed, in 'the rural areas (as well as the urban ones) the death notices are


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35 one of the most popular of reditfusion's features, and not a few of the persons attending any given funeral are there because the funeral was announced over reditrus1on. News features keep isl"anders abreast of international and Caribbean affairs and 1t is no wonder "that, along with the ".' island's high literacy rate and extensive educational system, one f1nds a good many rural Barbadians aware, even if superf1cia11y, of the world around them. These factors, plus the travel of many Barbadians, whether as contract agricultural laborers to the United States or returning immigrants, correspondence with relatives abroad 1n England or the U.S. (and even visits trom American" family members), the frequent goings and comings to town, a well developed postal system, telephone system, cable Mod wireless system (which provides overseas communications), movie houses, transportation facilities, libraries and many other things all" contr1bute to an urbanity that one might" not expect to encounter on a small Car1bbean islanddepettdent upon a mono crop economy for its existence. Population Barbados is crowded. On its 166 lIquare miles live 2,2,"3 people (w.est Indies Population Census 1960), giving a density of close to 1400 persons per square mile. This makes the island one ot the most heavily populated agricultural regions in" the world (Lowenthal 1957:447). Over the past five or so large scale emigration to "England has acted as a temporary satety valve, yet populat1()n


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36 expansion is one of the island's socio-economic problems. The heaviest concentrations are to be found along the leeward or western coast facing.the Sea. Further inland moat ot the rural populat"ion is clustered in small villages which are either plantation tenantries or "tree villages" formed after emancipation by ex-slaves who were able to buy lands from sub-divided plantations (Greenfield 1959:77). These small villages are never very far from one another. In the rural areas, as one might expect, the population density decreases, but even within the two parishes that torm the, bulk of the Scotland District, St. Andrew and St. Joseph, there were, in 1960, 569.5 and 912.9 persons respectively per square mile, and these two are the lowest-derisity parishes on the island .. Of the island's total population, about 89.' per cent is Negro, 6 per cent colored or mixed, and 4., per oent white, the other three-tenths of a per cent being comprised of East Indians and other assorted ethnic groups (Table 2). Emigration bas somewhat altered the racial ratios presented in the 1946 census, but even, "as of 1960, tI the white minority forms a larger proportion of the total population" than in any other part of the British Caribbean" (Lowenthal 1957:468).5 s'or example, according to the 1960 West Indies Population Census, whites torm 1.8 per cent .o.f the population in Trinidad and Tobago, .4, .7, .5, and .5 per cent in Dominica, Grenada, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and. British Guiana, respectively.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37 The Political System: National and Local Whites dominate much of the islandls commercial and economic life as they have done throughout Barbados' history. They largely control the sugar and are merchants, business men, etc. However# political power is now clearly in the hands of the Negroes and colored, and in 1961 only one of the 24 representatives to the House of Assembly was white. the ministers, and the Premier are Negro, though.whites can still be found in the higher levels of the civil service--albeit in decreasing numbers and proportions. Barbados enjoys internal'self-government with the governor having nominal political duties as representative of the British Grown. The national law-making body, the House of Assembly, was established in 1639. Untii relatively recent times it was dominated by the white plantocracy, and, according to Starkey, functioned to n protect,the .,' interests of the upper classes by protecting aiding agriculture and commerce, and relieving the laboring class ,. sufficient1y,to preyent disturbances tt (Starkey 1939:192). Not long after these comments'were made Barbados and other West Indies islands experienced a number of riots. These were followed by a series of reforms and changes, in Barbados by the introduction of new types of social welfare and by an increase in the numbers of Negroes entering politics. Negro political representation has


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 inoreased.further as the income qua1ifioations for voting were reduced, first in 1944 (when the franchise was also extended to women), and then in.1950-when income qua1if1e' ::," .. cations for .voting were eliminated and adult suffrage. was introduced.6 A ministerial system of' government was inaugurated in 1954, and the cabinet, which is formed by the members of the dominant political party, is the ohief' polioy making body of the island' s national government. Members of the oabinet also in the House ot Assembly as representatives ot their parish.oonstituencies. There are two representatives from each of the island's parishes and two from the city of Bridgetown. A new system of local government, replacing the ,,0 year old vestry. system, was introduced on March 25, 1959. As of that date, the eleven parishes, into the island had been divided since 1645, were grouped into three local government administrative units. Today, the voters of these ; parishes. elect representatives who sit on the local district oounc11 ot which that parish is a part. These counoils (governed by elected otfioials but worked by starfs ot civil servants) perform suoh duties as the repair ot certain types BIn the 1961 general elections sometHing like 61.7 per cent ot the island's registered voters cast their votes (Barbados Advocate, December 7, 1961). But the high turnout ot voters, in the rural areas especially, can be at least partially attributed to the highly developed custom whereby the candidates hire cars which ply the villages and transport voters to the polla. instance, about 85 per cent of Chalky Mount's adult'population is registered and of' these ...


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39 of roads, upkeep of the alms houses, control of public health f,acilities, public lighting, eto'. Some of these functions were formerly the responsibility of the vestries. The did the vestries before them, largely derive their operating funds from the taxes which they levy upon lands and business enterprises carried out within the area of their jurisdiction. Though vestry members were elected, ,for one year, and for the most part of Barbados' history, as was pointed under a very limited voters' franchise, today' the council members are elected for three year.-,terms under the same 'syste,m of adult suffrage as prevails in elections for the national government. With this brief introduction to Barbados we can now deal with some of the distinctive features of the Scotland District, and then proceed to introduce the village upon which this paper will focus. 98.5 per cent voted in the 1961 general election. Voting day is one of relative festivity, people get dressed in their better clothes, and eagerly look forward to a drive ,to the polls even preferring the newer model cars to the older ones. It is doubtful, though still speculative, if such a proportion of Chalky Mount's registered voters would have voted had there not been transportation provided for them. In the local government elections held during January of 1962, the Barbados Advocate reported in its January 12 edition that only 30 per cent of the island's electorate voted, but in Chalky Mount 50.4 per cent voted. Once again this proportion, though lower than for the general election, may in part be attributed to the cars and festive nature of the situation


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4.0 THE SCOTLAND DISTRICT As mentioned above, the District is a disttnct physical zone of Barbados. It is situated in the northeastern section of the island and covers an area of about 22-23 square .miles, or approximately one-seventh of the island's total land area. Supposedly named Scotland by the earlier settlers reminded them of the Scottish highlands, the district quite a different aspect from the gentle and undulating topograpby of much of .", the rest of the island. Cla1m1ng to. be BarbadQs' highland area, the hills--most less than 1000 feet and many just a few hundred feet--are not very high, and yet the overall aspect -.presented is one of rugged and mountainous country in miniature. From Bridgetown along one of the main h1ghways northeast, the road gradually climbs over the rolling hills. of the Lowland and Upland plateaus to an. altitude of 1000 feet. This marks the rim of the Great Limestone Cliff, ,a semi-circular limestone escarpment, which is the natural barrier of the Scotland District and sets it off from the rest of the island (see Figure i). From the height of this cliff the road descends into the .,rugged terrain of the. Scotland District itself. Some of the mostp1cturesque views on the island may be had from various points along this cliff which extends northwest by southeast for 14-15 miles.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41 For many years of Barbadian history this cliff ser'ved to "isolate" the Scotland District from the rest of the islandl and as recently as the mid-1930's Starkey couid speak of' the isolation and relative backwardness of the area Even today, "urban" Barbadians.are apt to look upon the Scotland District espeCially its population as representing the epitome of rural life and the "backWardness of' the country folk." The natural beauty and relative ruggedness of' the area attracted tourists, and the surfs and heavy winds that 'blow off the Atlantic make the east coast an attraction for mot.oring and vacationing Barbadians from other parts of the island. The limestone capping which covers most of' Barbados is absent in the Scotland Districtl some geologists believing it to have been removed by the sea and other geologic action in the distant past-. At any rate, The Scotland District is geologically the oldest part of' Barbados and consists ot contorted grits, Silts, sandstones and sandy shales of' marine origin. Part of the submarine ridge on which Barbados lies has been raised by folding to a dome in the centre of the Scotland District and tromL'this rivers radiate in deep gullies which separate narrow inter-fluvial ridges. This is"a very clearly dettned geomorphological region and is notable for its reSidual peaks, such as Mount Hi1laby and. Chalky Mount, for its rugged landscape and f'or the presence of some permanent. short streams which flow to the sea in deep narrow valleys (Barbados Annual Report 1958 and 1959:107). .. These streams are largely empty of water during most of the year, but can fill up very quickly during the torrential dOwnpours of the rainy season carrying with them thousands


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42 of gallons of water and tons of mud and silt which are swept out to sea. During especially heavy rains large parts of the eastern coast are discolored by the sediment which is poured into the sea by these now raging rivers. Rainfall in the Scotland District is normally higher than in the rest of Barbados, and a fall of 75-80 inches a year towards the parts--near the Great Limestone cliff--is not uncommon, though in other parts of the District rainfall can drop as low as 45 inches per annum. Since it is exposed to the winds that blow from the ocean, the district's temperatures are generally lower than in other parts of Barbados. Scotland soils are somewhat different also, and cultivation in a nwnber of areas is quite dif'ficu1t because of the steepness of the slopes and erosion.' Soil erosion in the Scotland District poses a greater threat to agriculture ,than in any other area of Barbados. These and other related geographical features ,which affect the agricultural economy of the region, especially the village of Chalky Mount, will be taken up in the" mext chapter. About 97 per cent of the Scotland District's land area is within the three eastern coastal parishes of St. Andrew,"St ;-'Joseph and St. John. Of the Distriot' s total area, St. Andrew comprises approximately 57 per cent, St. Joseph 27 per cent, and St. John 13 per cent, most of the remaining 3 per cent or so lying in the inland parish of St. Thomas. 'However, most (95 per cent) of St. Andrew's


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43 land area, 63 'per cent of St. Joseph's and 23 per cent of St. John's are within the District. St. Andrew's parish, then, is typical of the Scotiand District in geological and topographic terms. The houses of Chalky Mount, for the most part, lie within the southeastern corner of St. Andrew, while some fall into St. Joseph's parish. In all, Chalky Mount lies at the approximate center of the eastern edges of the Scotland District, and most of its houses are a little less than a mile-or so from the island's eastern coast (Pigure 1). Belleplaine, the former parish seat of St. Andrew, can. be reached from Chalky Mount by a 20 minute walk over the footpaths. which have been cut through the hills,. In Belleplaine one finds the nearest post atfice, the alms house and par1sh doctor, a number of shops, Andrew parish Anglican church, gas station, a high school, communitycenter, etc., and frequently go to Belleplaine for types of business and vis1:ting. In many ways the "town" offers the goods and services that county'seat might offer elsewhere, though dependency on it 1s much less pronounced today than it was in the past.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 44 CHALKY MOUllT Introduction An hour's bus ride, or a half-hour's car ride over eleven miles of a twisting and narrow route northeast from Bridgetown brings one to Chalky Mount. As one enters Chalky Mount from the south (see Figure 1), one sees a 'handful of houses sprinkled on either side of this main road (i.e., Bissex road) which, after passing through the village for about 250 yards, then swings sharply to the east descending Coggins Hill to approximately sea level where it joins up with highway number two--the 'main route from Bridgetown to Belleplaine. However, if one were to continue north, for about 275 yards, rather than descending into the St. Andrew's valley, one would reach a fork with two roads leading from it. One of these roads is Less Beholden which descends from a height of about 500 feet to about 300 feet, dead-ending about 500 yards from the fork at the site of an old windmill which used to serve the now defunct plantation of Less Beholden. The other road, however, is ChalkY Mount--separated from Less Beholden by a deep revine--which follows the ridge of a 500 foot hill for about 1000 yards before it ends in the rugged and eroded landscape surrounding Chalky Mount peak (550 feet) from which the village draws name. Many of the village's houses are arranged, Strassendorf fashion, along the three roads described above,


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ,; 45 though the bulk of the dwellings are to be found along the ridge ,over which Chalky Mount road stretches. Each of these three roads indicates each 'of the three sections of the'village (i.e., Bissex,Les8 Beholden, and Chalky Mount), though these sections have little significance and ape demarcated here only for reasons of introduction. To all intents and purposes they comprise one village--the village fo Chalky Mount--and are discussed collectively, for the most part, in the ensuing, discussions. The settlement pattern and phySical plan of the village can be best grasped by reference to Figure 2. History Chalky Mount peak is indicated and named on the earliest known map of BarbadOS (Ligon 1657)--but the first direct evidence of habitation in the area derives from a" will and a deed recorded in 1678 (Barbados Registry:Wills, Vol. 13, folio 477; Deeds, Vol. 9, folio 577). These docwnents clearly show that small (i.e., 40-50 acre) sugar plantations, together with their complements of slaves, were operating in the Chalky Mount area from the,early days of the island's settlement. All available evidence further indicates that Chalky Mount's history reflects, in its major outlines, the .. history of the island as a whole. The triumvirate forces of plantations, slavery, and sugar, which are so dominant in Barbadian (and Caribbean) history were manifest in Chalky Mount from earliest times. Yet, the


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 46 v1llage, especially in the 19th century, had some relat1vely idiosyncratic features with respect to the rest of Barbados. For one, poor whites, in the 19th century, formed a greater percentage of Chalky Mount's population ,than they' did in non-Scotland District villages. Poor whites who, for the most part, were themselves plantation tenants or their descendents and had formed part of the island's militia comprised a quasi or true peasantry (vide Geert:z 1962:6)-depending upon how one would like to define peasantry--having certain obligations to the plantations from which some of them rented their lands. For the most part they subsisted upon food crops and their livestock, the latter 'being a main source of cash. Sometime in the early or middle 19th century, when these wh1tes more dominant as small land owners, they began to grow_arrowroot which was to form the main cash crop on both white and Negro holdings until the early 1940's. The whites, during the 19th century, formed tne main small, land own1ng group of Chalky Mount (see Chapter III). A number of them were, as well, artisans (though not potters) and shopkeepers. They did not work for the plantations as did most of Chalky Mount's Negro population. Older informants, reflecting upon cond,.tions within their memories, maintain that the two races "got 'along good," and though there is evidence of relatively frequent miscegenation, intermarriages seem to have been rather rare. There was ,(and still is) another distinctive feature of Chalky Mount, aside from arrowroot and poor whites--


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 47 which were also common to a number of villages in the Scotland District--and this was its relatively small Negro dQminated pottery industry, which by the mid-nineteenth century was the only "cottage" industry on the island. This will be dealt with more extensively in Chapter V. In all, an extensive treatment of Cha1ky-Mount's history would unnecessarily extend the length of this chapter, though historical materials will be presented in subsequent cpapters whenever it is felt that they can contribute to a better understanding of the problem or problems under discussion Population As of April, 1962, there were 5Y-ij. persons living in Chalky Mount (2'56 males, 289 females), 62 per cent of whom were twenty years old or younger (see Table 3). The smallest number of persons is, found in the age group and this seems to be due largely to the recent emigrations to England. These emigrations, part of a West Indies-wide phenomenon, have affected, among other things which will be dealt with later, not only the village's internal labor supply (Chapter III), but also the income of a number of its households. It should, be added that 520 persons are Negro, 19 are colored, and 5'white. Over the past forty or fifty' years whites have decreased both in proportion and 1n number. A person is considered colored if at least one parent was said to be white; but if more remote ancestors were to be included and other Barbadian phenotypical criteria were


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48 applied, the colored. group might be enlarged. at the expense of the Negroes. The proportions of Negro to colored to white are comparable to the proportions for the remainder of the Scotland District, and for most of the rest of the island. except for the urban areas which have alarger concentration of colored and whites (Table 2). Chalky Mount as a Community The. settlements or villages of rural Barbados are too well integrated int.o the island, and the island itself is too small to permit one to speak of cultural and/or institutional isolates. Nor can any of these territorial units be cons1dere(i as sociologically or economically independent. Enough of Chalky Mount's soc1al and cultural characteristics will be presented to show just how greatly dependent upon the wider island the village is and how much of the insular culture it reflects. An attempt will also be made to show how the networks of social and economic relations in which the villagers find themselves extend far beyond the confines of the geographically delimited area upon which this presentation is focused. Without attempting to enter into the often polemical discussions surrounding the definition and use ofthe.concept community in both anthropology and sociology,. we can nevertheless think of Chalky Mount, in a limited sense, as being a community. We can speak of it as a community largely because the phYSical proximity of the houses and the. occupations of most of the adults


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. :::':. 49 produce a situation wherein most of the people resident in the village spend more of their working and recreational time in the company of each other. than in the company of outsiders, i.e., most of the daily activities of most ot the population take place within the relatively circumscribed area of Chalky Mount and its environs. M.O. 8mi th I S almost neutral and non-committal definition of a community fits our purpose well: By a community, I shall mean a field ot soc1al relations based on regular face-to-face associations between persons. Such face-to-face associations imply co-existence within a defined area; and the simple fact of recurrence in such social contacts together with the likelihood that this will continue for s.ome indefinite period, makes for some elements or levels of .patterning. (1956:295) It is .in this sense that Chalky Mount can be considered a community, and for this reason the terms community and village will be used interchangeably. The definition of village here is that presented in Notes and Queries: A village defined as a territorially separate collection of homesteads, which is regarded as a distinct unit and of such a size that its inhabitants can all be personally acquainted (Ro,..l Anthropological Institute 1954-: 64-). Although the term village is more specifically intended to connote the aspects of Mount, and the concept community the soc1al and cultural, it does not seem to be of great importance to preserve these distinctions rigidly for purposes of the discussion that follows.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. '50 It should be pointed out that the term village sometimes has a special connotation in Barbados. It 'usually refers ,to'habitational clusters whose lands ,are not owned by plantations. These are distinguished from plantation tenantries where, though the houses may be owned, the lands upon which they are placed are owned by the plantations and rented from them. In' this sense, Chalky Mount _is neither a "tree village" nor entirely a tenantry, but combines both forms of 'land tenure in terms of housespots and working lands. To speak 01' Chalky Mount, then, as a community in j no way implies that the village functions as a corporate unit. For instance, ,Chalky Mount is very much a part of,the islandls national and local governmental system, but persons do not politically represent Chalky Mount gua Chalky Mount nor is the village defined as an administrative unit. Also there are no groups, secular or otherwise, which can make decisions for the village as a whole or significant parts of it. There are no formal leaders other than the religious ones, but the influence of these leaders beyond the immediate confines of their own churches is negligible. There are two civilian constables, both members of the community, and though they are legally empowered to make arrests, in practice they have extremely limited authority. The village is under the police jurisdiction, of the District F'police station--about a mile away. Here is also located the


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ," .51 -District,' s mag.1strate' s court in which the villagers' serious disputes and complaints are adjudicated, but this court serves all of St. Joseph's parish'and a good part of St. Andrew's as well. In all, Greenfield's statement about the village he studied in the parish' of St. George is, as well, applicable to Chalky Mount: Though the inhabitants of Enterprise Hall do not form an sociological commun1ty"they see themselves as "Enterprise as distinguished from the inhabitants of other villages -and plantation tenantries. There is a -sense of 'historical, connection to a place of residence with specific neighbors', rather than one of membership in a functlon.tng Though there are no legal (to the village.) there is informal agreement as to where each village begins and ends. (1959: 78). The people of Chalky Mount are in more-or-less ready agreement as to which houses belong to the village and which do not. And while the boundaries of the village are less easy to define the residents agree that Chalky Mount is a geographical'area which is differentiated from other areas both in name and by expanses of cultivated or uncultivated lands upon Which there is little or no habitation. In,all, Chalky Mount's population feels itself part of a common territorial'-unit and identifies this unit as Chalky Mount. Although a great deal of day-to-day interaction takes ,place among the village's and


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 52 81 percent were born there (another 15 per cent come from within a 2500 yard radius of the village), there 'is no strong local feeling, no tlesprit-de-corps, II ,and no local,' institutions which help to unite the village IS, population, i::nto' functioning and" corporate sociolog1cal community, .. i.e., Smith's, statement that 'It structur.e is informal in character f1ts Chalky Mount well. Social and Cultural Characteristics of the ,Community .,' The people of Chalky Mount form a relatively .. homo' geneous cultural group which reflects the culture "of Barbados' rural lower class. Although there are some distinct wealth differences among the villagers, most of, the population, with same minor exceptions, 'falls within' the lower socio-economic class of Barbados.' In fact, ,the most frequent expre'ssion the villagers use to refer to, themselves as a collectivity is "we poor people" which has a expressirig not only limited monetary resources, but a IIway of life" as well; and this "way of life",and the occupations the villagers pursue,are suff1cient 'indices of class position sett1ng the people of Chalky Mount', off from the Barbadian urban and rural anq classes. To itemize these cultural items and customs--though, needless 'to say, there is an enormous amount of cultural


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53 overlap between all classes of Barbados-';',is unnecessary here, but to consider the class membership of the villagers along purely economic lines--in spite of the wealth ferences among them--would be m1s1eading. In all, then, the relative cultural homogeneity of 'the villagers prevails, regardless of wealth, occupation, and property ownership, and far overShadows whatever differences exist. Although there are variations within the 'village, e.g., secondary school educated children and the parental generation, teenagers and adults, etc., these are not sufficient to set of'f' particular groups within the village f'rom their counterparts in other villages of the island, nor to align these groups with any but 'the rural class of Barbados. There are no f'ormal secular associations based wi thin the communi ty A. social club, formed in 1960 under the ,initiative of one of the school teachers (a resident o'f Belleplaine) had a short life of five months or so. An' attempt made by the government cooperative officer to tute a cooperative among the village's potters had a brief succes's in 1962, but by the time I left the field in July of' 1962 the cooperative was moribund. The cricket club, whiCh is found in a number 'of Barbadian villages, is lacking in Chalky Mount--perhaps because, there is a shortage of level land available for a playing field; yet most Chalky Mounters of all ages and both sexes are devotees of the


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54 game, and small children can often be found playing cricket in the using the stem of a palm leaf for a bat and empty beer bottles for a wicket--one of the most common sights to be seen in rural Barbados There" used to be a Friendly Society (i.e., mutual aid burial society) headquartered in the village this was disbanded a number of years ago; yet Friendly S,ocieties, more members in the'village than any other secular organization. S1xtyfour per'cent of the persons 16 years and over belong to to Friendly Societies and quite' a'"few of, these belong to more than one. Children under sixteen belons as well, and many of those who claimed no membership used to belong to the one on Chalky Mount. None of the plantation workers--the single largest occup'ational category--belong to the Barbados Workers' Union, although there were a couple of abortive attempts made a few years ago to unionize them. The type .?f local associations which are fundamental to the village'S social organization are the four Protestant churches or "meeting halls" which cater not only to Chalky Mount's population but to the population of surrounding villages as well; and these are pE;Lrt of an island-wide "net-' work whose top officialdom resides outside the village. Though forty-six per cent of the adults in Chalky Mount state their religious affiliation as the Church of England (i.e., Anglican) a minority of them regularly attend this church. They, and most others 1p the village, prefer one of the meeting halls in the village itself. The lack of


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .5.5 attendance at Anglican churches cannot be attributed solely to their distance from the village, but also to the greater emotional appealthat the fundamentalist churches have. Yet, the majority .of villagers, regardless of stated affiliation, patronize the Church of (especially the parish church in Belleplaine) for such events as baptisms, and funerals. The meeting halls are important recreational outlets not only for the. people who regularly attend them--a minori-.' '. tyof the population--but for those who are frequently found outside listening to the services within. The outsiders number more than those and this is even more true during the annual revival week when eongregat1ons from other villages with their own meeting halls come into Mount. In all, the churches, informal congregating in the rum shops, "walking up de road" at night visiting and gossiping with friends and/or kinsmen, or simply staying at home listening to rediffusion, are the major regular recreational outlets for Chalky Mount's population. Occasionally, a mobile cinema unit stops at the yard of a-neighboring plantationlind the films are attended by many of the men and boys. Sometimes, -some of the younger people, espec'ially during the cane harvest season, will go into town for a movie, but most of the population has neVen been to a commercialcinema. Most of the people go. into


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56 Bridgetown at least once a month7 e.ither to take care or some form of business (e.g., cash a remittance check, make a deposit in the government savings bank) or to shop, and trips of this kind a type of diversion. Sometimes there are dances in Belleplaine which are largely attended by the younger men, both married and unmarried. While I was in Chalky Mount the new headmaster of the school organized a dance on the Queenls birthday. This was the first event or its kind ever held in the village and was heavtly attended by males and females of all ages. On Bank Holidays the meeting halls or persons from outside the village might sponsor an '''excursionll in which a bus is rented and people, tor 'a fee, are taken on an outing to some spot on the island. Bringing their. own food and drink they will be gone for the better part of the day. National Holidays (which can as be bank holidays adopted from English ones) e.g., Guy Fawkes day,_, are a -minor extent, though 'such holidays as Christmas and Easter, especially the former, command the most attention. There' were a few he'avil,. attended political meetings in the village during the 1961 elections, but these are a relatively new experience for the villagers. 7For instance, of a random sample representing 55 per ,cent of the village's 16 and over population, 56.7 per cent traveled to between one and times during the months of March or April, 1962. Another 9 per cent went to town from 6 to 10 times during one of these months.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 57 The ,rum shops are the most common-loci of infol:'mal congregating by Chalky Mount males, although those who claim fundamentalist church membership generally refrain from lOitering in them. Teenage boys and girls, especially on Saturday night, are apt to congregate one of the rum shops which is located at the juncti0t:l of the main road descending 'into St. Andrew's valley, not only because the road receives more traffic than Chalky Mount road, but because of the attraction of a 'juke box which was installed a few years ago. Plantation workers usually in the rum shops during "hard times" and when rain prevents them from working. They often play whist and dominoes but there is no gambling, and except for Saturday nights and Sunday mornings, the drinking is relatively light': Most of the people are in, bed by 9 or 9: 30 except for '

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58 outlets, but, in all, the normal recreational life of the villagers, as I said, revolves around the mission halls, shops, and informal vis_iting among friends and/or kinsmen. An itinerant evangelist, East Indian who have regular customers on "The Mount," tourists who come to see the potters, and the various deliverymen who regularly deliver goods to the shops, are the most frequent outsiders (i.e., persons not from the village or neighboring villages) who come up to Chalky Mount. There are 139 "buildings" in the village. One hundred and sixteen of these are occupied houses, and 16 are unoccupied houses. There is a free primary school which was built about ten years ago by the government, and which caters to the children or surrounding villages as .well, one government built bath house (which is infrequently usedand rarely has water), four meeting halls, and one shop. There are four other shops as well, but these .are attached to the homes of their owners. Some of these five shops are more elaborate"ly stocked with goods than others and three of them serve rum. Foodstuffs purchased in the shops normally supplement what has been bought in town, since 76 per cent of the households acquire most of their food in Bridgetown--a few others buy food in Balleplaine. In all, the shops in Chalky Mount, though they play an important role in the village economy, are not the main" channels through which money flows out of the village.-Itinerant traders, Belleplaine shops, and, above


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59 all, Bridgetown play important roles. The 1atter1s role in consumption has increased enormously over the years as the villagers' cash resources have increased and improved transportation facilities have putthe capital withiri ready access of the village. Only three houses in Chalky Mount have electricity, and these are in the vicinity of the school (see Figure 2). The electric poles terminate at the school and were erected, at government expense, especially to serve it. The costs involved in bringing electricity to the rest of the village would be prohibitive from any single individua11s point of view, but a mOQest cooperative attempt to bring electricity failed in 1960. Most of the remaining houses .of the village rely kerosene storm lamps for night lighting, though the shops, meeting halls, and an occasional home are lit by more elaborate pressure lamps of the .. Coleman type .. The.r.e are only four radios in the vi1lage--three of them being battery operated. However, 33.6 per cent of the occupied hoUses have rediffusion, while an additional 26 per cent had it until relatively recently but gave it up for a variety of reasons, most of which relate to the $2.00 monthly rental fee. There are no regular newspaper subscribers in the vi.1lage, though a handful of the men who work in town read a newspaper fairly regularly. Most of the vi1lage1s adult population have some reading ability,


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 .though magazines and books, other than the Bible, are exceedingly rare except for households containing secondary school students who have a variety of textbooks. The village water supply is erratic, and there can be an actual scarcity especially the crop season. The reasons for this. lie less with the is1andls water re-sources for domestic use than with the village's physical location relative to the main water lines. Many times it. is extremely difficult for adequate pressure to up in the main which serves the village I s branch lines. During most of any given day it is not unusual to find the standpipes which serve the village w,ithout water. Sometimes during the crop season--wh1ohis also .the dry season--these standpipes may not yie1dwater.for as much as four or five days. In cas,es ot this kind vil.1agers have. to walk,:as much as a mile or more up the in order to till their buckets, or rely upon the undependable schedule of water tank seRt from Bridgetown. The village has four standpipes, one of which serves Bissex, ,another Iess Beholden, and two, spaced about 300-'+00 yards apart, serve Chalky Mount Road. '. ESrly in the morning or late at night, the times at which water is generally available, women and children (sometimes older males) wait turn around the standpipes in order to fill up their buckets which they then head back to their houses. Every house, as is common in rural Barbados, has a


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61 large 50 gallon oil drum (Qr smaller capacity wooden barrel) in which the household's water supply is kept. Since water is only available:at certain times, small crowds often form at the standPiPes:';hile each person waits his turI1, and' because of this the standpipes function as loci for gossip and news. Only.ten (8.6 per cent) of the occupied houses are equipped with their own water pipes, but since private water pipes fit into the ,main branch lines these houses are not assured anymore regular supply than those without pipes. In the days before public standpipes were available, water was taken from springs that would form near the surface in some of the ravines. Houses were more dispersed in those days as well, but since the introduction of standpipes virtually all of the house,s are clustered along the sides of the main roads within relatively easy access of the water supply. In fact, one of the more frequent reasons given for changing the location of'a house is to be, in a more convenient position with respect to a standPipe.8 8 Although most houses have been on the same spot for twenty years or more' (not necessarily, however, with the -same occupants) the most frequent reasons given for'moving a house reflect the desire-to be on one's own, as opposed to rented, land, and/or to be in a more convenient location vis-a-vis the water supply. Cases wherein persons have moved because of their being evicted from plantation lands are relatively rare, though many of the village'S housespots are rented from neighboring plantations (see below). -, .. Houses are constructed in such a manner that they can be readily dismantled in order to be moved. House moving requires a group of men (sometimes up to twenty or so) and is about the only regular form of non-pecuniary


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62 Houses Kinship is reckoned bilaterally. There is a relatively loose form of "kindred organization [wherein] every individual is surrounded by a set of consanguines who have some mutual rights, obligations, and responsibilities toward him" (Davenport 1961: 4-62) I and distinctions. are a1$.0 .' i '.' 'made between close and distant relatives. These. features are broadly characteristic of most Negro communities re";' ported on in.the British Caribbean (v,ide R.T. Smith 1963). In most cases the Chalky Mount household comprises some kind of family but .the rights and obligations that flow between kin when household boundaries. are crossed seem to have little function in economic affairs--especially in land exploitative activities. These kinship obligations often become ideological.supports when, for instance, labor relationships are fromed between related persons of different hous'eholds rather than being determiners of such relationships (Chapters III and V). Further, the kinship system is not very extenSive, geneologies are relatively shallow, and kinship ties outside of the communal labor that can be found in the community. The only person who is paid is the carpenter who directs the whole operation from the dismantling 'of the house to its erection on a new spot. However, the householder is obliged to r.rovidelight refreshments in the form of rum and "biscuits' for the rest of the partiCipants who are usually friends 'and/or kinsmen. ",


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 63 those that the send1ng ot have minimal ettects upon the household I s eC'onomic status. Although there are no corporate 'kin groups as such within Chalky Mount, sometimes a loose group tormed of lineaI'" kin trom' d1fterent hoqseho1ds will. "OWl)'" land in common, but cases of this k1nd are 1n a det1nite minority (Chapter III). It is beyond the scope 'ot this paper to concentrate upon the tami1y as such and delve into a discussion ot kin-" > ship Chalky'Mount. The contemporary structure and tunctloning--to say, nothing ot the historical develop":' ment--ot the lower class tami1y isa complex subject, and is the focus of a great deal of cont.roversy in the British Caribbean literature (vide Greenfield 1962, M.G. Smith 1962b, R.T. Smith 1963). ,Here,' I will simply. point that the household is the basic social and economic unit in the community, and w1der.kinsh1P.relat10nsh1ps seem to playa limited role in land exploitative' activities and the economic arrangements related to these, but the household is still the most important social unit that interlocks w1th these activities. It must be stressed, however, that the household 1s in a dubious pos1tion as a un1t ot production tor, as was pOinted out in Chapter I, in many cases it does not seem to be the land e;-:?l.o!-:-;};-1g


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 64 exploiting unit as such 9 It is, however, the major unit of consumption, most earned cash being funnelled into it and most cash expenditures being made tor it. It noted here that persons may be involved in the. same domestic economy and a common dwelling, they do not necessarily have to "share common productive resources and liabilities" (M.G. Smith 1962b:13, pavenport 1961:435). These latter characteristics, as was pOinted out in Chapter I and as will be dealt with again in Chapter VI--where the household's role as a unit of production will be made more ", explicit--seem to be more a feature'ot British Caribbean "peasant" communities than of villages such as Chalky Mount. The household's position with respect to the landbased complexes will also become clearer as these complexes are discussed in subsequent chapters. Most recent discussions ot the British Caribbean Negro family and household have been careful to distinguish between, these two units and to stress that the household is a group lithe members of which eat and dwell together as a rule" (M.a.. Smithb:13, see also R.T. Smith 1956:51 and 1962). 'Ei:nploying this definition, then, 9with respect to pottery, the household's as a unitot production seems somewhat devient in some cases, but this deviency is cancelled as certain pottery households and individuals become involved in other landbased complexes and/or income producing activities (Chapter V).


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. there are 117 households in Chalky Mount. In all one cu.e these .uni ts are demarcated by residence in separate .. houses. The oneexception is 8 house containing two related nuclear families, but each is completely independent of the other, their common residence being atemporary.arrangement because one family's house had burned,down just prior to the commencement of my 1961 field work. Of course, the definition of household used in this paper, though generally does not take into account certain infrequent variati6ns.. F

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 66 point out certain of its features; however, in order to relate it demographically to the land-based economic complexes. There are 64 households (or 54 per cent of the total) that contain a sexually cohabiting pair of adults, and 58 of these households also include children. These children may belong to one or both of the adults, and/or be of one or both. In 50 of these 64 households the adults are legally married There are 24 househ,olds which contain only one female adult with her children and/or grandchildren, and 10 households with one female at 'least one of her adUlt children, male or female. These ten households might also include other children and/or grandchildren. The 34,"female-headedtl households (29 per cent of the total) .; inolude 7 "heads". who are married,. In most cases their husbands are emigrees in England or contract laborers on United States farms. These 34 househelds also include a nmnber of widows andUdivorcees"lO so that the incidence of marriage is more frequent than these figures might suggest. Nineteen (16'per cent of the total) households are divided among three other "types." }i'ourteen of these are l001vorce is legal court-recognized one. Marr.ied people who, after a while and for whatever reasons, cease to cohabit often consider themselves as divorced. One or 'both spouselS may begtna common-law union with some one else.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67 single occupancy households (some of which contain widows. and ndivorcees"), four contain an adult male with his children grandchildren, and Qne 1s composed of two male minors. In sum, the most frequent type of household in Chalky Mount 1s one containing a sexually cohabiting pair of married adults together W1th their children and/or grandchildren. The v11lage'smodal household (Table 5) is composed of 6 persons, 2 person households being the next most fretype. These two types account for about 26 per cent -of Chalky Mount's population. Another 29 per cent live 1n three to five person households so that about 55 per cent of the village's population lives in containing, from two to six persons. For the village .8 a ltlhole, there are an average of persons per household, but 313 of these (out of a total population of 544) are children under ;16 and adults. over 65 (Tables 3 and). are, then, 231 adults, an average of 1.9 persons per household, who are in a pos1tion to devote their labor to the major production complexes that are discussed in this paper. This is somewhat of an oversimplification for not all the 231 adults cited abQve participate. On the other hand some of the 15 and under and some of the 65 andover age group are involved to some degree w1th these complexes. Nevertheless, some general idea of household. la.bor resources can be


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 68 .', gained from these figures. Inmost cases for a'more definitive statement are simply lacking. Many households. are short of able-bodied laborers when labor demand peaks are reached in certain phases of such complexes as small-scale sugar cane farming (Chapter III), and the sexual division or labor within these complexes, e.g., only adult males cut sugar cane, often functions to dim1nishhousehold labor resources even further. Consequently, households which engage in one or more landbased complexes (with the exception of plantation wagelabor) are often forced to seek help in various tasks from members of other households. The nature of these tasks will be shown in subsequent chapters, but the fact that extra-household kinship rights and obligations perform minimal functions in the land-based complexes, and that labor is most often hired for cash, further points to the need for cash on the part of Chalky MOunt households. That is, not only do persons engage in cash-producing activities .to maintain and increase their standards of consumption, but they often need cash in order to be able to effectively partiCipate in the cash-producing activities of their choice. Houses.-Close to 80 per cent of the villagers live in houses Which have an average floor space of between 180 to 324 square feet; yet, in spite of the frequent congestion of and the cluttering of household appurtenances,


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69 houses are normally tidy. The wooden floors are usually scrubbed at least once a month and an intensive hpuse cleaning usually takes place at Christmas time. Yards are frequently swept, and, despite the often shabby interior. and exterior houses display, most house owners and households take pride in their dwellings. The house, then, has a social value far and above its physical shelter function, and it can be safely said that in the villagers' property system houses are ranked second to land in importance. The houses represent a considerable expenditure. About 96 per cent are made of wood, mostly imported Canadian Pine, and coat $900-$1000 (B.W.I.) to build. "Sheds"--the type of addition--cost about half this. Few people' are in a position to afford the ,sums of money for houses, and consequently many rely onloans.ll In addition, a large llIn former days it was customary for plantation owners, lumber companies in town, and' even solicitors to extend these loans to the lower class, but today most people rely on the facilities of the Barbados Housing Authority--a governmental agency. Though loans are available for a variety of purposes from the construction and repair of a house to the purchase of a only persons of the working class are eligible to receive them. As of 1962 a person is defined as a member the working class, for housing loan purposes, if his (or her) income averages $40 or less a week. By this. definition virtually every adult in Chalky Mount would easily qualify for housing loans, and 64 per cent of the 8J4.. per ce'nt of house owners for whom I have have government loans. In most areas these were used tohelpbuy construction materials and pay a carpenter to. build a new house.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 70 and continual expenditure that Chalky Mountheuseholds have involves the physical maintenance of the house and supplying and.replacement of internal furnishings. The 'desire to repair, enlarge, and even paint houses, to add kitchens and an4 to furnish them items that ,-range from kerosene stoves to artificial flowers,. side-boards, chairs, linoleUm flooring, beds, glasses, pots and pans, and a host of other appurtenances plays a very prominent role in motivating the villagers. towards the acquisition of cash. Some persons even carry fire insurance on their houses.12 Consequently, houses iI)corporate and are the source' of a host of "culturally created needs," which, for the most part, c'an only be satisfied with cash. And the degree of structural elaboration, often-times in minor and the extent and nature of interior furnishings are among the key indices by which one may judge the relative ence of a household. Ninety-seven of Chalky Mount's occupied houses are "owned" by persons resident within them. Of these 97 houses, 66 are "owned" by males and 31 by females--most of the latter having inherited the houses upon the death of a 120f the 82 houses for which I have information, 18 are insured against fire loss.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71 parent or spouse. There are, however, a variety of ways in which a house can be owned. These range from outright ownership with all" debts paid and the right to" alienate to a type of communal ownership--(analogous to "family land"--Chapter III)---wherein the household head is the of the house for his immediate family group which might be residentially quite dispersed. He however, alienate or sell the house without the approval of other claimants to it--though he can move it to another spot. Fifty-four per cent of Chalky Mount's houses were purchased by their" owners, and 23 per cent were inherited in a variety of ways (Table 4). In some cases--the category "Neither" in Table 4--no one person resident in" the house makes any kind of proprietorship claim upon it. In most cases of this kind the house belongs to a close consanguineal or affinal kinsman who is abroad. Unlike the houses themselves, ownership is the rule, 49 per cent of the are reJ;ltsd, and most of these (68 per cent) are rented from plantations whose lands border the village (Table 4). The remaining rented housespots are rented from other small holders who are either living in the village or who are former residents of the village now living in other parts of Barbados or abroad. Close to 40 per cent of the housespots are owned by a household resident while in 13 cases--the category "Neither" in Table 4--persons are living rent


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 72 free upon land, and adjacent to the house, of a close kinsman who is resident in Chalky Mount. 13 In all, since 33.6 percent of the total housespots in the village are rented tromplantations one can say that the village is roughly one .. third a plantation tenantry. 'However, in most cases, persons who rent housespots, if they re.nt working land as well, rent this working land in another area (though it may be rented from the plantation). Even those who own their housespots can rent pasture and/or working lands from the plantations as well. Chalky Mount, then, has elements both of a "free village" and of a plantation tenantry, but to discuss the community in these opposing as I said before, does not seem to be of significance in considering the contempora.ry situation with respect to tenure, use, and exploitative activities. occupations and Economic Life A suitable occupational classification for Chalky Mount's adult population is difficult to achieve _for, as was indicated in Chapter I, quite a few persons have a number of occupational roles and/or sources of income. 13For a more extensive discUssion see the section-on working land tenure and mode of acquisition in Chapter III. Much of what-applies to working lands applies, as well, to housespots.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73 Comitas' discussic:'n of "occupational plurality" in rural Jamaica (1964) is, as,well, applicable to the Cha,lky Mount ; situation. "Occupational plurality" is defined as "a condit1:un 'wherein the modal adult is systematically engaged in a :number of gainful activities form for him an integrated economic complex" (Comi tas 1964:4l). This concept is offered by Comitas to describe a distinct socio-economic "stratum" which includes about 50 per cent: of Jamaica's rural population--a population which he finds "not easily accounted for in any of the taxonomic formulations presently for the Caribbeah area" (1964:41). For Comitas, tpis population forms the "nexus of a socio-economic, type, significantly different from ei ther the peasant, farmer, or plantation types which hold for other popula tion segments of 'rural' Jama ica" (1964 :41) An important characteristic of "occupational pluralists"--although obviously one that is not unique to them--is that 'they do not "own or control sufficient land to earn,a living solely through agriculture" (Comitas 1964:42), and quite often the lands they do hold of marginal agricultural potential. Further," the various fragments of a farm are [often] held under different forms of land tenure, complicating both the legal position and the econqmic utilization of land" (Comitas 1964:42). Citing agricultural statistics, Comitas pOints out that


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74 close to 70 per cent of all Jamaican farms are under 5, acres, and about 22 per cent are" less' than one acre. For Barbados as a whole 98 per cent of the 27,912 farms are under 5 acres, and 85 per cent are under 1 acre (West Indies Census of Agriculture 1961). In Chalky Mount '98 per cent of the working lands are under 5 acres, and 69 per cent are one acre or less (Table 12). These figures, aside from any other evidence, point up similarities between Chalky Mount and sections of rural Jamaica, and reflect that in Chalky Mount--as in Jamaica::...-nit is the rare land holder who can depend,on cultivation alone, either for subsistence or for profit, and not exert additional economic effort in other directions" (Comitas 1964-:4-2). Without going into ,detail on Comitas' paper, we can s,ummarize' it by stating that much of it is with providing evidence to support his major contention-a'contention-that is best summarized in the following quote: .. if relatively large numbers of people have managed a balance between the plantation and peasant systems or have constituted eccentric versions of a pure over long periods of time, they:prQbab1y-have formed 14-For,instance, Padilla mentions "a variety of peasant types can be found in the Caribbean" (1957:25). She groups these peasants into three main types, the most attenuated one being'described thus: "Landholders who sell their labour to estates or plantations and who supplement their cash income with production on their own land. For this they in turn may have to hire labour, as occurs among some of the landholders sugar cane in Barbados, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, and Cuba'


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 75 qualitatively different strucural arrangements. such people in rural Jamaica, the chronic condition of occupational multiplicity has intluenced the 'form and 'nature of their social contours and has produced a social entity distinct from those whose structural arrangements are based on just one general occupation .. We are contronted, then, with another type which requires separate c.lass1fica.t1on and analysis and which, for want of a term can be called the occupational pluralist (1964: 44). .. : As I have suggested before, "occupational plurality," seems to be a characteristic of significant numbers of Chalky Mount's population, and is a much finer conceptual tool for portraying the socio-economic segment this population represents The concept of "occupational plurality," then, will permit a much clearer analysis of Chalky Mount's economic life, and will be further utilized in the concluding chapter of this paper. At this pOint, however, I am more interested in presenting an overview of the village'S occupational structure while at the same time trying to point out the difficulties of thinking of Chalky Mount's adult population in terms of "uni-occupational models 11 ( Comitas 1"964). For purposes of this introductory discussion I accept what the people themselves consider their primary occupations to be, i.e., the occupations in which they feel they spend most of their time during the work year, and from which, in the case of wage earners, they the major proportion of their incomes. These occupations are listed in Table 6 which, in spite of its deficiencies, gives


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ;. 76 some' idea of the range of economic activities in which most:' ... 01\. the villagers engage; and hence Table 6 reflects to some extent the "economic life" ot Chalky Mount. TAe occu-, pational categories in this table offered to the vocational, activities of the v.illage's adult population, though it is to that categories are not clear cut. and mutually exclusive for a number of role '. occupants. to the "occupational plurality" of .' many adults. Some ot the occupational categories utilized in this paper are briefly considered below in order to make more explicit the ways in which they should be accepted in respect ,to any particular role occupant. Over one-half of the village's 206 adults operate some land (held in various forms of tenure) upon which sugar cane is grown. Yet, no one, to the best of my knowledge, looks upon himself as a peasant or small farmer (Chapter III). Small. farmer or peasant is a form or self employment which, in the villagers' eyes, 'does not imply a bona fide occupational status.. That this feeling is widespread in rural Barbados is confirmed by the following statement which is based upon a study involving a sample of 5,364 Barbadians although the term 'peasant proprietor' is in common in Barbados, it was hardly used by members of' the sample to report their fathers' occupations. A possible interpretation would seem to be that it connotes not a specific occupationbut a stage or form within the general occupational category of agricultural laborer (Cumper 1961:398).


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. : .. 77 At any rate, in no Chalky Mount case does.the cash derived from small.-scale sugar cane farming constitute only source of income for a person or householdoperat1ng Nevertheless, small-scale ,sugar cane farming 1s a major ecological adaptation and is of significance to the 'community's economic life. The following' ch8pter will be devoted to a discussion of this complex. S Plantation wage labor is the single greatest occupational category yet many of the who claim to be plantation workers also devote, by their own estimates, a considerable amount of time and effort to crop cultivation on their small holdings. But one finds situations such as the following: A shopkeeper plantation. cane during the nets more cash from,this than from his own shop,yet considers his occupation that of shopkeeper; another shopkeeper considers'himself a plantation laborer, leaves his shop in the care of a niece during the day, but tends it in the evening until the legal cloSing time-after which he usually makes his rounds as a plantation watchman--a job from which he derives a' small amount of cash. The basketmaker only makes baskets during the outof-crop season, but during the crop he cuts cane for small farmers, and grows cane on his own small parcel of land. There are only six potters (1.e., persons who able to m,ke potterY on the wheel), but others who claim most of their t1me 1n pottery are apt to on the


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 78 plantations during the cane harvest and derive a major part of 'their annual income from plantation act;lvities. Equally, sa,me of those who consider themselv,es plantation workers will: also engage in pottery production throughout the year. The one man who is a sugar factory laborer works full time in the factory during the crop, and intermittently throughout the year, but, during "hard timesll is more likely to be employed on peasant holdings or as an odd job carpenter. Even one of the two persons a private car, who is,a relatively large land owner in his own right, spends a 'great deal of time on his land from which he derives a considerable proportion of' his income; yet occupationally he defines himself as a chauffeur. The bath house attendants and 'the school janitress have, in reality, part-time jobs, and they could be considered as spending more of their time in the performance of home duties. Home duties, then, which, with plantation labor is the single largest occupational categary for females; can .. also be misleading. A number of womert who claim home duties as their major occupation also ,work ,during the crop seaso.n for -the plantations,and/or peasants or may work for peasants throughout: the year. Equally, a number of women who claim to be retired could just as easily be categorized as having home duties as can some of the non-pottery hawkers who work but'intermittently, e.g., the fish monger who only sells fish during a limited season. It 1s as well,


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79 to point out that some of those who look upon themselves as retired (both male and female) acquire a good 'proportion of their income from working either their own small holdings or those of others. The kinds of examples above could be.lJiultiplied. Th$re are also some occu.pational pursuits, e.g.,' barbering, butchering, house painting, which are clearly secondary in' the minds of the people in the amount of time devoted to them, and in the income they yield. Of the 14-7 adults who fill,the 23 self-assessed occupational roles (excluding home duties) in Table 6, 135 perform these roles l.argely the village .. and its environs. One hundred>and six of these persons are pri-marily engaged io' activities which are directly related to some form of land use. Even tailors, seamstresses, carpenters, etc. of 'whom are as well' small-scale sugar cane farmers--are dependent upon the money that their customers make largely through land-based economic activities. The importance of land as a source of cash is also reflected in Table 7 ,where activities of Chalky Moul':rt adult males. during "1961-1962 are. Of the village's 78 gainfully engaged males during that year, were involved in plantation wage labor, 59 as small-scale sugar. cane farmers, 54-raised income producing livestock, 12 were engaged in pottery, and four c'u1tivated


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80 minor cash crops. Twenty-five also performed wage work for persons involved in one or more of the land-based complexes indicated above. Table 7 also offers a good idea <:>f the ways in .. which these and other activities were combined in order to produce cash income. F'or instance, of the 78 males 8.3 per cent regularly combined two or more income-producing activities.duh1ng 1961-1962; and 37 per cent combined at least four activities. Even though these various 'activities contributed disproportionate amounts of Ilit is the occupational balance reached which maximizes the possibility of individual and household security" (Comitas 1963:9). I will have more to say about this in Chapter VI. The importance of land, however,. .is further by considering household involvement in Chalky Mount's landbased economic complexes. Land-Based Economic Complexes: Household Distributions and Combinations In 63 of Chalky Mount's 117 households at least one person considers himself a regular plantation wage laborer. If people under 21 and others who work intermittently were to be included, the percentage. -figure would be somewhat higher. Ninety-six of the total households include at least one small farmer; but more households would be included in this complex if we were to include those who provide hired labor for small farmer households (Chapter III). ;Income-


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81 produoing and/or subsistence livestock (Chapter V) are raised'by 76 households, while is no data available for eight. Also the number of households in this category could be increased if one were to include those that had disposed of animals immediately before the questionnaire was administered. Sixty-eight households grow subsistence crops--a handful combining these with arrowroot--37 reported no subsistence crops, and 12 provided no data. Only 13 households were regularly involved in the village's small pottery industry, two less than were involved in 1960. In all, the majority of households are involved in four of the six land-based economic complexes with sugar prod.ucing activities the greatest emphasis. Aside from the various land-based economic complexes and excluding remittances, 60 of the community's 117 households reported having der.ived cash f'rom other sources during 1961-1962. These other sources included various occupations listed in Table 6 (e.g., oarpenter, tailor, 'seamstress, shoemaker, postman, bus_ conductor, etc.) as well as paid labor on small farmer holdings or in the village'S small pottery industry. In oonsidering the. frequency and kinds of' oombinations of these complexes, or the nat'UI"e of household "occupational plurality," oomplete data is available for only '93 households. Two' of these are single occupancy households whose members are totally dependent upon meagre old-age pensions for supportjand f'ive derive their cash.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82 from activities outside of the land-based complexes. Consequently, our sample (Table 8).Of the ways in which variou8 land-based economic complexes are combined for household un1ts, 1s limited to 86 households (49 of which also engage in other occupations and/or wage-earning activit1es). Of these 86, 13 participate in only one type of land-based economic complex, and, aside from three tation-laboring households, .. in no case do they rely entir,ely upon this complex for their total cash needs. Twelve househQlds combine two activities; small-scale sugar cane farm-. :lng occuring in combination with something else in 11 of these. Twenty-seven households-combine three acticities, with small-scale sugar cane farming occuring in all. The most freque.nt combination (20 cases) being small-scale sugarcane farming, subsistence crops, and livestock. Thirty--two of the 86 households combine four complexes, the most frequent comb1nation (26 cases) being plantat10n wagelabor, small-scale sugar cane farm1ng, 11vestock and sub-' sistence crops. Only two households combine fiye complexes. Of the 86 households, 73 are directly involved 1n small-. -scale sugar cane farming, and 44 are regularly involved in plantat10n labor, but these two complexes are combined 1n only 37 cases. In sum, Table 8 conf1rms that land resources play a prom1nent role in the ecolog1cal adaptation of most Chalky


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8) .0 Mount households, and sugar cane production either on o small farmer holdings and/or on plantation lands is the outstanding feature of the conununity's ecology. Few households are totally exempt from the island's sugar economy in the provision Of their cashoneeds, and it can be said that none are ultimately exempt from the 1nt"luence of sugar. Even members of the minority of households which depend to a large extent upon remittances from abroad supplement their annual income from activities directly or indirectly related to the sugar industry o Emigrants and Remittances Remittances are derived largely from emigrants in England. Since the exodus of these persons from the community has had some effect upon its internal labor resources--and in some cases land tenure and ability to acquire small holdings--emigrants have some role to play in the land-based economic complexes under discussion. Consequently, we might review some features of these emigrations, and, as well, point out what role remittances play in the community's economic life.15 Other considerations concerning emigrants will be presented, as the occasion arises, in subsequent chapters. l5There is only one household on, ,Chalky Moun:t totally dependent upon remittances. This iso a householdo of a young mother and her child who recently from England. The father, still in England, is responsible for the complete support of these two persons.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84 Between 1955 and April 1962 at lE!ast 108 persons, ,left Chalky Mount as emigrants to England. Adequate data' on these emigrants is available for 112 of the community'S 117 households. Of these, approximately 60'percent have lost at least one member through emigration. If one were to extend the number of households affected by emigration through loss of close family members who were resident in other households better than 75 per cent of the village's households would be included. the sex ratio of emigrants is about equal (see Table 9) 93 per cent were between the ages of 16 and 35 years. These persons, in varying ways, are under a number of obligations to their family or household Close to one-third of the emigrants left children in Chalky Mount-children whom they have some legal and moral obligation to support. They are also, once they find employment, under a moral doiigation to reml1;; to their parents and spouses (both legal and common-law). Parents expect remittances even though this expectancy is not always fulfilled'. Not a small amount of bitterness and resentment is 'felt by parents towards those children in England who irregularly or rarely send them money, and this is espec1a11y so in those cases where 'the parents have largely responsible the ge money. It can be seen from 9 that 61 per cent of the emigrants for whom I have informa'tion received help from family members. This financial aid, if not formally termed a loan" is given 'with


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 85 the expectation of repayment and/or continual remittances. Also, the emigrant might be under a obligation to repay loans that were received from the government.--close 20 per cent of the emigrants relied primarily upon ... governmental loans for their passages abroad. In general, then, different demands are placed upon the emigrant's power from within the village, and these demands derive not only from. moral obligations to close kin, but also from legal obligations of child support and repayment of government loans. But remittances are not always sent, and even when sent they canbe sporadic. This may result in part from the emigrant's intentional laxity, but circumstances of living in England often prevent the fulfillment of obligations of whatever kind. Initially, it might be low paying jobs and the cost of abroad which afford little, if any, surplus funds. As the emigrant immerses himself more in life in England standards of consumptionchange and expenses increase, and as time passes a s.ense of obligation to the family at home sometimes decreases as well. Unemployment may also affect the emigrants' remitting power. In addition, as the years pass, younger emigrants to form new families in England which place a f burden upon their f'inancial resources at the expense of remittances to home. For these reasons, then, the amounts of money sent home areoften limited and apparently decrease as


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 86 the years go by. This is not to under,estimate the role played by remittances in the village economy, nor to deny the fact that a number of households 'are highly dependent upon them. Taking the village population as a whole, however, remittances do not seem to constitute a major source of inc9me. I was able to obtain estimates on remittances from only 91 of the village's' households. Of these, 46 reported having received during ,'1961-1962. But there is a range, in the amounts of money invol ved from under $50 to over $850. (See Table 10), Only, six received more than $650, in 1961. These comprise 13 per cent of the total remittance rehouseholds, but only 7 per cent of the 91 households for which I have information. It,takes roughly .650 per annum to feed the average household in Chaiky Mount. Although households have many needs for cash other than food, f'ood expenditures do constitute the major single expense. The six households cited would constitute maximum dependency,'but five of' them on one or more other s.ources of cash as well. At the other', extreme (Table 10), it can be seen that one-third of the remittancereceiving households received $150 or less per 'annum. At this point, remittances become secondary sources ,of income, and all of' the households in this category as well as those, in the middle ranges engage in other cash producing activities. In general, of' the 46 remittance-receiving


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 87 households, 32 engaged in some combination of at least three of the village's land-based economic complexes--most including both plantation wage-labor and small-scale sugar cane farming plus one or two others. To sum up these latter sections, it is apparent that the majority of Chalky Mount's adult population is involved to some extent in various forms of land use, and that most households and individuals combine a number of land-based economic complexes in their production activities. Reliance upon these activities as sources of cash varies from household to household and individual to individual, and in a number of cases income is derived as well from other occupational and/or wage-earning activities and even remittances. For our purposes, however, we are concerned to examine the patterns existing in the various land-based economic complexes. Within these, sugar cane is the dominant production focus. And since small-scale sugar cane farming is one of the most important complexes in terms of household representation, community-Wide labor demands and"even cash yields, we start our discussion of these complexes in Chapter III, with a consideratfon of small-scale sugar cane farming.


Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER III SMALL-SCALE SUGAR CANE FARMING INTRODUCTION Sugar' cane production is a major form of ecological adaptation in Chalky Mount, and production of this crop on small-holdings is a primary land-based complex. This chapter, will focus upon the activities surrounding sugar cane production, and the relationships that villagers form in their pursuance of these and related activities. I will also deal with the nature of small holdings and some of the geographical factors which' affect land use and produotion activities. These latter topics will only be superficially raised in Chapters IV and V. Before proceeding I would .like to clarify some of 'the key terms to be used in the following pages. One of these terms, peasant, is commonly used in'Barbados to refer to a small operator who works ten or less acres of land. For our purposes this definition is employed and is used interchangeably with the term small farmer. The terms, plantation ,and estate, are used interchangeably as well since there is no set usage of them in Barbados. It is quite common for both terms to be used in every day parlance and Barbadians, when queried, are often vague 88

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. as to the distinctions between and estate. Making a distinct:ion between them is of little use here for by using the term plantation (or estate) I ain contrasting it to peasant (or small farmer). The differences between the production activ.ities of these two types of sugar cane will become apparent in the pages and chapters to follow.' OCCUPATIONAL ANP DEMOGRAPHIC'CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SMALL CANE FARMERS Some of the difficulties involved in presenting classification for Chalky Mount's population have already been discussed in Chapter II. No adult assessed his primary occupation as that of a small farmer, and slightly over half of the 111 whom I have designated small farmers. are plantation labqrers The remaining small farmers claim a variety of other. primary occ:upatiol)f:) (see Table lll. In all, tl1e fact. that Mount small farmers are primarily part-time cultivators on holdings is consistent with information available for the island as a whole (Halcrow and Cave Barbados Annual, Report, various years). Most (58.7 per cent) of the peasants are males in the middle-age brackets--only two are under twenty-one years of age, and both of these persons are custodians for the lands of kinsmen who had just recently emigrated to England. The total population of the village is

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 90 out of which 206 are twenty-one ye.ars or older. Of these 206 persons, 109 (or 53.2 per cent) operate lands upon which sugar cane is grown. These l09 persons, plus the two males under'21 years of age, are members 01',' or 82 per cent, of the village t s total households:. Although there are absolutely and proportionately more male than female peasants, women constitute 41.3 per cent of the peasantry. This reflects the fact that there are few strictures placed upon sex as to land holding and operating whether it be in renting, buying, and inheriting lands, even though in the' division of labor women do not engage in certain kinds of agricultural tasks This forces them to be relatively more dependent upon the h1riJ?,g of most of the men. The implications of this situation will be traced further in the final section of this chapter. SOME GEOGRAPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Location and Diversity of Working Lands Only 9.2 per centof'.the total working i.e., land upon which cane is grown, is than 1000 yards from the approximate center of the village. Most of' the remainder falls within a 500 yard radiUS, so that the peasant is no more than ten or fifteen away from his holding. Working lands, readily accessible ..' to their operators; yet the numerous parcels into which they are divided display an almost remarkable diversity

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 91 in terms of such factors as sloping of the terrain, accessab:Lli ty to roads, soil, d,rainage, erosion, etc. --all of which are factors affecting the final yield of crops and the incurred in their production. Whether or not land that a peasant considers potentially cultivable will be planted in sugar cane is ,f, dictated by a number of factors, the most important of which", from the peasant I s point of view, is the accessibility of that holding to a road. Other lands, which otherwise might be considered arable, but which are located at uneconomical distances from roads are normally used as pasturage. Some arable lands are not used at all, either because the ownership is in dispute, e.g., a man has died intestate and his children have not yet made a 'decision as to how .. his should be divided up, or because the awner feels he has neither the time nor capital to develop his ground--these latter cases, however, are in a definite minority. When cane is grown it is grown under difrering soil and drainage conditions, and under widely'varying .. topographic conditions. That is, it is grown on fairly steep slopes and on slopes which are level, though there are relatively few parcels or ground which can be said to be truly level. Even if a peasant has acreage on relatively level ground, it is rare that he can transport his cane 'to a road without having to climb over rather steep inclines. In general, as we shall see below,

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 the. area's topography plays a prominent role in land use, exploitative activities, the ultimate expenses involved in cane production. Soils, Soil Erosion, and Water ',; Within the relatively small area which Chalky. Mount encompasses there are d1fferences in soil conditions. Certain parcels located at the valley bottoms are in a better position to collect alluvium and are generally considered better soils by the wh11e most other lands are lightly to heavily eroded oftencontain1ng but a sparse top soil. Poor soil conditions alone, however, will rarely prevent a peasant from growing cane because of the value attached to cane production as a source of cash Although the coral limestone from which most Barbadian'soi1s are derived does not extend to the Scot.l.apd the heterogeneity of Scotland soils, even they are distinguished from soil types in other' areas of the island, has been attested by a number of workers--and this heterogeneity can occur within fairly small areas, thus affecting the nature of the cane grown in them (Bu1e 1951J.:1-5i McConnel 1959: passim)'. Likewise, within small areas one can find distinct variations in soil depth, though Barbados soils, in general., are rather thin (Starkey 1961:lJ.).These variations are of significanceesp'ecia11y when the limited acreage of individual parcels is kept in mind.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 93 A constant threat to productivity and a condition which seriously limits the potential agricultural use of lands is soil erosion which fS particularly serious, in the Scotland District and Chalky Mount. The general has been summed up in the Barb'ados Annual Report as follows: The steepness of the gully sides, the bareness of the mountain slopes, the crQe.!"s river clays" and the torrential short sharp showers,make this region peculiarly susceptible to soil erosion. This is the only major region on the island where soil erosion is a serious (1958-1959: 108) In s,ome cases sugar cane affords a protective cover and helps to prevent 'erosion in otherwise potentially erodable areas. Nevertheless, sheet erosion, slippage, and gullying are major problems in the Scotland District (Buie 1954-). Livestock grazing on the existing, yet limited, grass cover further, decreases soil protectiqn and makes the area more 'susceptible to various forms of erosion as does the denuding of the hillsides of wood for c'ooking purposes and the collecting of clays by the potters. As far as I know the only measures that Chalky Mount peasants take to inhibit erosion are the drainage ditches which they construct on their land parcels. These are designed to carry away the excess water which falls during the frequent and torrential downpours of the rainy season. Rainfall is of utmost importance to the growth and quality of sugar cane. 'Although it is beyond the scope of this paper to deal with the precise manner in Which rainfall

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94 effects sugar it should be noted that is not only the amount of rainfall per annum that is important but also the way in 'which this rainfall is the ": planting and growing season., The highEU"ra,infall in ," '., .. Scotland (Chapter II) puts this area in an with respect to other areas in Barbados during years when the island's rainfall is low or precarious; yet water is still a major problem, and although there is limited irrigation on, the island there is none in Chalky Mount. "Mulching" is a method frequently employed by peasants and plantations to help retain moisture on the fields. It involves the spreading of cane trash, left on the fieldS after the crop has been reaped, around the ratoons or newly planted canes. 'The protective cover thus formed over the soil not only serves to inhibit the erosion potential of certain kinds of lands but also helps to retain moisture. And this is one of the reasons why cane fires can so badlY,hurt.a. crop. 1 A fire destroys the cane trash leaving little or nothing with which to mulch a field. The young canes growing on a field deVOid of such protective cover are apt to suffer, and as a result lAlthOUgh cane fires playa Significant role in the island's overall cane production, they are of minor importance in the Chalky Mount area; hence, they are not treated in this paper.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 95 the following year's cane yield 'from that .field will be considerably less than it might have been had the field been mulched. In spite o.f limitations of topography, soil, and even water, most peop'l.e attempt to grow cane on their holdings wherever mintmal geographical circumstances will permit its cultivation. In many cases" these circumstances are not the,most .favorable for effective and profi table cane production;, ;and the small land units which most peasants operate se'rve to limit income derived .from Before I discuss 'small-scale sugar cane .farming as a business, let us .first look at the emergence o.f a small .farmer class in Chalky Mount, and the nature of the land holdings themselves. LAND HOLDINGS The Emergence 'of a Small Farmer Group in Chalky MOunt Small-scale sugar cane ,production by Negro .farmers is a relatively recent phenomenon in the ,,0 year history o.f Barbados. The major development of this type o.f farming occurred about 60 years ago when plantations, rather than being trans.ferred intact, were subdivided into small parcels (Green.field 1960, Halcrowand Cave 1947:IV-V). These parcels were then sold to individual purchasers many ot whom had acquired the purchase price or down payment as a result of work in Panama and other places abroad.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 96 it is difficult to exactly the situation :on Chalky Mount, it seems that the bulk of small land' holdings ,were available to Negroes by 60 years ago; however, contrary to the rule, it appears as if the Negro peasantry emerged under different conditions than in other areas. The acreages of the various plantations surr,ounding the village have been retained, virtually intact, since the turn of the c'entury (although plantation ownership has changed a number of times), and it was not until the early 1950's that plantation lands were subdivided and sold off to small proprietors. By this time, however, a 'class of Negro small-scale farmers had already emerged. How did these Negroes acquire their small holdings? In order to answer this question some aspects of Chalky MoUnt's history must be considered. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a relatively heavy population of "poor whites" lived in the village and its general viCinity. Known today by various names, e.g., "redlegs", "poor baccra", these persons were the descendants of plantation tenants in the area ,to 'emancipation. After emancipation was completed in 1838, they formed the major part of 'the Chalky Mount landholding population during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 97 On their small holdings they grew arrowroot, subsistence crops such as cassava, yams, sweet potatoes, some cane, and raised livestock. The majority of the Negro population worked as plantation wage laborers renting, when they could, estate lands upon _hichthey grew their own crops. The actual white holdings were gradually alienated to Negroes can onJ..y be sketchily traced through an occasional deed and statement by older informants. All of the older informants queried on this subject agreed that up to 60 years or so ago most of the nonplantation land worked and owned by people in the Chalky Mount area was worked and owned by whites who rarely, if ever, did plantation work. Further, it is claimed that it was. not until relatively recent times that these lands were gradually to Negroes. There are only a few whites :1n Chalky Mount today, and it seems as if the extreme poverty of the area, and its relative lack of possible economic devel9pment were among the main factors causing their "exodus" from the village. White emigration mainly occurred over a space of some 40 or 50 years and

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 98 was directed not only towards the island's capital city, but to such places British and the 2 Uni ted States., As whites, regardless of their lim2ted education and lower class position, they, had a much greater mobility potential than the Negroes or the area. Over the years they left Mount and were often helped to do so by relatives who had preceded_them. Sometimes before they left, and sometimes while still abroad-through agents--they would sell the small parcels of land which 'they had bought and/or inherited years before. The lands were sold to anyone who would buy, and, as a result, Negroes were able to acquire small parcels of land. Today, the amount of land owned by poor whites is negl1gible in relation to the holdings of the Negroes. Another and related way in which acreage was acquired by Chalky Mount Negroes was also utl1mately the result of land alienation by poor whites. Small enclaves of white-held lands in the middle of plantations in the Chalky Mount area date from early in the 19th century and probably before. ,These small enclaves, of sometimes 2Since the ,latter part of the seventeenth century there has normally been a relatively heavy white emigration from Barbados. Here, however, I am primarily concerned with the whites who formed a fairly stabile part of the Chalky Mount population during the period under consideration.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99 eight, nine, or more acres were gradually fractioned and sold off to the owners of local plantations. The sellers were then able to acquire ready cash with which to pay off debts, to leave the district, or to emigrate. Sometimese these lands were attached to and operated as part of the plantation, but usually because of their marginal nature the lands were rented out to Negro peasants who were later' able to buy them. Size and Distribution of Land Holdings. Today, in Chalky Mount, 129 persons claim some 178 acres of land subdivided.into about 252 parcels. These 178 acres include, in addition to agricultUral lands, housespots, scrub, and pasture lands. However, there are only 21 households 'out of a total of 117 in the village, no members' of which plant cane. As was indicated above, 111 different persons hold the 133 acres of the village's working land, and this acreage comprises 72 per cent of lands held by Chalky Mount people. A common characteristic of Barbados peasant holdings is their small size. As was pointed out in Chapter II, there are approximately 27,912 farms on the island, 9B per cent of which are under 5 acres and 85 per cent are under 1 acre (West Indies Census of Agriculture

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 100 1961). On Chalky Mount 36 per of the holdings are a half aore or less, 69 per oent are one aore or less while 98 per oent are under 5 aores. Table 12 shows the size distribution of all Chalky Mount working lands irrespeotive of types of tenure. It is i'rom these small units that Chalky Mount peasants produce their share of Barbados' total cane The minimal size of these units clearly suggests why no one can depend solely upon the cash derived from his own cane production, but this will become clearer when cane yields and expenses and profits are discussed Rented Lands Of the 133-3/8 aores worked by Chalky Mount small farmers, 55-1/8 acres,or about 41 per oent of the total working aoreage, are rented. The greater portion of this rented acreage, 83.9 per cent, is rented from plantations which border the village while the remainder is rented from other small holders who either reside in the village or who are former residents of the v'illage now living in Bridgetown. Halorow and Cave" in their comprehensive report on peasant agriculture in Barbados, stated that "Apart from the holdings that are rented from estates there is a good deal of renting between peasants" (1947:29). However, the Chalky Mount data suggest 11mi ted renting between peasants, and i.t would

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 101 reasonable to suppose that with the recent guaranteed and higher prices on sugar persons who have arable holdings would be more prone to work them themselves than to rent them out. At any rate, only 8-7/8 acres ot the total rented working acreage is rented trom other small holder's Table 13 shows the distribution ot rented working lands by size ot the holdings and by the nature ot the renter. Here it can be seen that 84 per cent ot the acreage and 68 per cent ot the holdings are an acre or less. Lands which plantations rent to small are among the least desirable in terms ot soil conditions, terrain, and acoessibility to roads. In past year's these rented lands might have been used tor pasturage or arrowroot, but since the Second World War,;more and more tenants have converted their rented holdings into sugar cane. In fact, the higher prices on cane have otfered an inducement to the plantations to increaae their working acreage, and with the help of mechanized equipment new roads are being constructed. As a result, lands which were formerly rented out to peasants, but because of their inaccessibility to roads were oonsidered unprofitable to operate by the plantations, are now being reclaimed tor plantation use.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 102 The rents charged by usually according to the quality of the land being rented and the accessibility of that land to a road. As I have indicated above, accessibility of the land to a road is a primary factor in determining the labor costs involved 1ri reaping the cane. A parcel of land untavorably situated with relation to roads demands higher labor costs, and, in some cases, peasants with lanq so Situated, regardless of how good their canes might be, show very little, if any, profit at th.e end of a year. There is not much difference between the rents charged by estate and non-estate renters. Calculated on the basis of one acre units, rents average about $23 per annum although smaller units are generally rented out at proportionately higher rates than larger ones ..F()r instance, the average annual rent on working land parcels of 1/8 to 1/4 acre was .38.49 in 1961-1962, and $24.33 on land parcels from 2-2/8 to 2-1/2 acres. It is thus apparent that a renter can make proportionately greater profit. by sub-dividing his rented holdings into smaller units than by renting them out as larger units. Estate renters, in particular,. seem to be perfectly aware of this. Non-rented Lands The majority of lands worked by ChalkY Mount small farmer are non-rented. These lands include a '. ..

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 103 variety of purchased and non-purchased, e.g., inherited, holdings and comprise 79 acres, or about 59 percent of the total lands worked by small farmers. The size and distribution of holdings is given in Table 1"" where they are classed as to the manner in which they were acquired. It can be seen that about 67 per cent of the non-rented working acreage has been purchased. Of .this purchased acreage almost 50 per cent was purchased by ten different persons from plantation owners who, since 1958, have been SUb-dividing and selling their plantations. Land Prices Land prices throughout Barbados have increased considerably over the past decade or so, and land holdings in the.Chalky Mount area have not been exempt from .these price rises. It would appear that land on the island has always been high-priced especially in relation to the income of the lower classes. Yet people buy land--or attempt to buy it. The great demand for land in Barbados has clearly been capitalized upon by those doing the selling. This point is' especially noteworthy in view of the limited agricultural potential of many of the lands sold in the Scotland District and Chalky Mount in particular. In the Chalky Mount area this phenomenon is especially pronounced in the case of recently subdivided plantation

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. lands. Owners have been able to make sUbstantial profits on lands that were formerly marginal to plantation operations, i.e., lands'which were considered unprofitable to work either because of their soil conditions or topographic the like, and were either left as scrub, in pasture. or rented out to peasants to" do with what they liked. Today plantation owners in the district find that they can sell off these lands for considerable sums of money. At the time of field work, recently subdivided lands were selling at a minimum of tlOOO per acre, but it was not unusual to find lands going for as much as $1800 per acre, even though 'the productive potential of many of these lands would, not seem to warrant the high prices demanded. comments that Halcrow and Cave made in 1947 are relevant to Chalky Mount small farmers today. The truth is that in Barbados the agricultural value of land is not given first consideration by peasants who have made up their minds to buy. The desire to own land, the convenience of the locality as regards roads and and then possibly the quality of the soil is the usual order of consideration (1947:29). The "desire to own land" is not as simple as it sound, and it would seem that Halcrow and Cave's statements should be modified. For regardless of the marginality of many of the lands in the Chalky Mount areal and in spite of historical explanations (e.g., Greenfield 1960) one is left to explain why the poorer classes continue to demand

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 105 lands which, even by their own admission, often do not have a decent economicpotential. The f'act that sugar cane prices are higher and better guaranteed than ever before is certainly something that should be taken into consideration. For, as we shall see, people will generally derive some cash from their land regardless of hc:>w little that cash might be; and withln the villagers' desire to maximize their economic adaptations, the possibility of' acquiring cash from one's own land--with the security of' tenure that obtains--is of' paramount importance. With respect to land prices, I have data on 49 of the 53-l/B acres of purchased working lands. This acreage includes 35 parcels, not all of which .were working when first Prices averaged about $150 per acre between 1931 and 1940, about $lBO per acre between 1941 and 1950, and slightly over $BOO per acre between 1951 and 1961. The high-low range of' prices between 1931-1940 was $60-$300. Between 1941-1950 it was $64-550, and between 1951-1961 the range was $120-$lBoo. It is to be noted that the sharp increase in prices over the past decade largely reflects the relatively high prices charged by plantation owners on their sub-divided plantation lands. Most lands bought between 1931 and 1951 were bought from other small holders. On the whole, lands that small holders bought from other small holders were usually

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 106 cheaper than the lands bought from plantations. However, it appears that the working lands bought from small holders are usually more marginal relative to the lands bought from plantations even if these latter lands, from the plantationsi perspective, are marginal in themselves. Quite often lands bought earlier were not planted in cane, but were subsequently turned over to cane by their. owners as prices on cane increased and marketing facilities improved. Although purchase terms from other small holders were relatively easy in former years, and the land units were often less than an acre, it seems. somewhat surprising that the villagers today have apparently been able to meet not only the 50 per cent cash downpayment that is normally required in the case of plantation land purchases, but also the 6 per cent per annum interest on the principal. Even though the number of land owners who recently purchased sub-divided plantation lands form a minority of Chalky Mount's land purchasing population, the sums are considerable in relation to the capacity of the small farmers and the cash profits these lands ultimately yield. Although few of these lands have been completely paid for, in some cases people have received government loans to help in the down payment, and in other cases money acquired from contract

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 107 agricultural labor in the United States or even mittances have aided to meet both the initial and subsequent payments. Tenure and Mode of Acguisition of Non-Rented Holdings Introduction.-In order to bring the nature of land holdings into clearer perspective, it.seems desirable to indicate the prevalent patterns of tenure and modes of acquisition of working lands. These patterns are reflected in data presented in Table 15. In there are 10 cases of non-rented holdings. I have information on 66 of these which include 12-3/4 acres out of the total of 79 acres. In a few instances a person operating nonrented land will have acquired this land through different means and hold it in more than one form of tenure. This accounts for the discrepancy between the cases given in Table 15 and the cases given in Table The villagers make a distinction between llbuy groundtt and llrent ground.rt UBuy ground" is a generic term for all types of non-rented 1ands--yet there are sufficient and significant differences between types or. "buy ground" to warrant the distinctions I am making here. These categorical distinctions of "buy ground" are now discussed in terms of two major types: purchased lands and non-purchased lands.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 108 ; Purchased lands.-These'lands include 53-3/Bof the 72-3/4 non-rented acres indicated in Table 14. However, the lands comprise but 52 per cent of the totai cases. In all, most of the contemporary non-rented acreage in Chalky Mount has been acquired by purchase even though the actual number of cases are about equally divided between purchase and non-purchase. In terms of mode of acquisition, purchased lands include three subtypes: (1) Lands paid for--bill of sale comprise 24 per cent of the working "buy ground. It operators in such cases have legal title to their lands with the sale's receipt, but the transactions have not been recorded in' the Registry and the lands usually have not been surveyed. Most of the cases in this category result from'peasants purchasing from other small holders; (2) lands paid for-have been registered and normally surveyed. They comprise 25 per cent of working "buy ground" and include '74 per cent of the cases. More often than not, these lands have been purchased from recently sub-divided plantations; (3) payments outstanding (24 per cent of the acreage and 17 per cent of the cases), is similar to the previous type except that the purchaser has no legal title, and a deed will not be' r,e'ceived until the money owed, along with interest, 1s paid--usually within a specified

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 109 time limit. Legal title is retained by the morgager who, in most cases, is the former owner' of the subdivided plantation. Non-purchased lands. -Of the 72-3/4 acres of It,buy groundlt included "in Table 15, 19-3/8 acres, or 27 per cent are non-purchased. This acreage, however, includes 48 per cent of the total cases. That is, there have not only been fewer cases of land acquisition through non-purchase means, but these have also involved proportionately much less acreage than those acquired through purchase. These non-purchased lands are also considered in terms of three sub-types according to their mode of acquisition: (1) Lands inherited by will include 7 per cent of all "buy ground" but 17 per cent of the cases. This category is self-explanatory and the lands included within it have been registered though usually not surveyed because of the additional, and often prohibitive, costs involved. However, the heir is both legally and morally free to alienate the land as he or she wishes; (2) family lands comprise 12 per cent of non-rented lands, but involve 21 per cent of the total cases. These lands are usually nonregistered and have not been surveyed. Family lands have been acquired without a will but through tlseed to seed" transmission which has been described by Greenfield as follows:

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 110 The second type of 'buy ground' is referred to as 'family land. I I.t differs from individually owned land in that it is believed to be tble and to to all members of the family. The see the proprietor as the trustee for thekinship group Thephrase 'seed to seed inheritance' is used to describe the form of transmission that is the basis of this type tenure (1960: 168) Under the system of customary rules governing tenure in these cases the operators do not have the right to alienate these lands. In some cases only one of the family heirs will work the total acreage, in other cases the acreage will be informally divided among them, each one working a part of it--the peasants having reached some agreement among themselves as to how the land should be divided for working operations. In none of these cases, unless some formal agreement is made, will an operator be able to sell the share that he or she works; (3) Eight per cent of the non-rented acreage has been by gift, though this mode of acquisition was found in 11 per cent of the cases. Inheritance by gift means that the granter' is still alive but has relinquished effective control of the land to the grantee during the former's lifetime. The granter might have acquired the land he by ." .1 any number of means, but the point here is that he or she 1s still alive and gives up control of the land. Most of these cases involve elder persons who usually form an effective part of the grantee's household whether or not they sleep in the grantee's house. That is, the grantee

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 111 is usually a close kinsman, e.g., grandchild, son or "daughter, upon whom the granter is dependent for such things as food, cooking, and clothes washing and ironing. The "deed of gift" in most cases is verbal, and in some cases involves the registration of a formal "deed of' gift." However, in all of the cases in this category the grantee is responsible for the working of the land, is entitled to the profits which derive from the "selling of the cane. Custodianship.-Cross-cutting both purchased and lands is what I prefer to call custodianship. There are nine such cases on Chalky Mount and these comprise 16 per cent of the total non-rented acreage and include 14 per cent of the total non-rented cases. All but one of these custodianship cases have been produced by the recent emigrations to England. In all of these cases the custodian is responsible for the operation of the land, but makes no claims upon it. Of the 11-3/8 acres for which there are custodians, 9 were acquired by purchase. In a f'ew cases the land in question was purchased while the "owner" was resident abroad--the money having been sent back to a close kinsman, usually a mother or father, who then became the custodian of that piece of land. In one case the custodian is using the proceeds of the land to help make the payments upon it, but usually the custodian will keep the money in trust for the "person abroad" or keep

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112 the money for him or herself depending upon the "of the person abroad has. In most of the cases, how-. ever, where the custodian keeps. the cane proceeds this money will be used to he1p support the children of the "owner" who are residing with the custodian. To sum up this brief discussion on land tenure and mode of acquisition of the village's acreage, 41 per cent of these lands are rented--mostly from neighboring The majority, however', are one form, or another of "buy ground," 73 per cent having been acquired by purchase. The remainder were inherited in one of the three ways mentioned above. The characteristic or modal working holding in Chalky Mount, then, is owned and was purchased. With this examination of the nature of the working land holdings we can now proceed to a more intensive discussion of the activities and relationships involved in the exploitation of these lands for the production of sugar. THE PRODUCTION OF SUGAR CANE Introduction The agricultural year is divided into two periods of unequal duration. "Crop time" or "crop," when the sugar cane is reaped, lasts for about 14' to 15 weeks from February to Mayor into early June. The remainder of the

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 113 year, the out-of-crop or IIhard times," the small farmer devotes to a variety of activities such as soil prepara-,tion, planting, weeding and fertilizing the fields. Most of the small farmers work on their holdings as they can get time, off from other occupational commitments so that, within the limits set by the cane and season, there is apt to ,be a time lag in the performance of certain jobs from individual to individual farmer. Before proceeding to the discussion of cane producing activities a few other general remarks should be made. Halcrow and Cave, in their publication based upon data gathered in the early 1940's, state that the great majority of peasant holdings are devoted to an extensive system of farming based on sugar cane. This system has the 'Predominating System.' In essence it implies that a large proportion of the holding is' devoted to the cultivation of sugar canejthe balance of 'the land, while resting from cane, being used for growing mixed stands of food and fodder... This predominating system is cornmon from the largest peasant holdings down to the small places of under one rood of land (1947:21) ." The Chalky Mount ,data strongly suggest that the "Predominating Systemll described above and by Skeete (1930: 2-5), is becoming a thing of the past. Research done elsewhere in Barbados reinforces the view that fundamental in agricultural practices have not occurred in Chalky Mount alone. Greenfield, in talking about the village 3 0ne rood equals acre.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .. "114 that he studied, says that "In recent years, with new varieties of cane" that produce excellent ratoons for several years, littie land is ever 'thrown out' before it" is prepared again for planting new cane" (1960: 171). reason for" this change seems to lie in the better ra toons which new varieties of cane produce,4 but what seems to be equally.significant is the higher and guaranteed prices on cane over the past few years. As a result, the peasants, rather than allowing acreage to remain fallow, try to maximize the sugar exploitation of" their holdings in order to derive maximum cash benefits each year. One of the consequences of this has been the deveI'opment of the cultivation practice of "forcing back". 4In ratooning, cane stumps are left in the ground and are permitted to grow for successive years before they are replaced by new plants. Some plantation are allowed to be in and fifth ratoons, but it is highly unusual to ratoon any more than this. On peasant holdings, however, one can encounter sixth or seventh ratoons, but even these are in a minority. The ability of ratoons to produce reasonable yields is a result of the improved varieties developed over the past few decades, but in the mid-1930's, at the time of Starkey's writing, ratooning seems to have been a highly unusual practice (Starkey 1939:39).

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 115 "Crop Time" "Forcing back" involves the removal of poor ratoons soon after the canes have been reaped, the digging of cane holes5 in those parts of the field where these ratoons were located, and the planting of new plants in these holes as the first rains appear sometime in July. Since the normal growing period of. newly .planted cane is about fifteen'm6'nths (for abou,t twelve months), the farmers would miss a crop from at least part of their acreage were they to wait until November and December when the plantations do their planting. Hence, by "forcing back" one is literally forcing the cane into a shorter growing season with the expectation of reaping it in the following year. As a result, and from the small farmer's point of view, a year is not wasted, and though the canes thus planted might not be fully matured at the time of their reaping, the farmer feels that he can still get a decent yield; and, most importantly, he is now able to derive cash from a maximum unit. It is unusual, however, for asmallfarmer to "force back" all of his acreage since only those holes 5 The system of planting in holes dates from the latter part of the 17th century (Starkey 1939:160,204) and is employed by the plantations as well (see Chapter IV). Cane holes are approximately two feet by two feet and four to six inches deep--there being roughly between 1500 and 1750 cane holes to the acre.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116 which 'contain badly yielding ratoons are the ones into which new cane plants are put. Also not everyone who wishes to "force back" can do, so.. for unless a peasant can do all of the necessary labor himself it is difficult to find help. A primary reason for this is, that most ,able-bodied persons are engaged.. at this time.. in the more profitable work of reaping plantation sugar cane. At any rate.. those persons who have "forced back" their land before the onset of the rains put off their planting until the rains commence. Those who "force back" as the rains have already started put in their plants soon after the holes have been dug. Cultivation in the By July or August, with the season already under way, cultivation is oriented towards the year-afternext crop. That is, the land is not prepared with the forthcoming reaping season in mind, but with the one following this which is more consistent with estate practices--though "forcing back" can sometimes be found, to a minor extent, on some of the estates. Hence, though cultivation starts as early as July it can extend into January of the following year, the canes being planted normally, as on the plantations, in October November. Some peasants,however .. plant their canes up until the time \:. of the new reaping season. These canes will be cut, not

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. at this but will be by the following year. Before upon cane reaping, I would like to sketch in some of the procedures involved in out-of-crop land preparation. Forms of Hand Cultivation.-The most common method of land cultivat.ion is known as "till burying." This is accomplished by thrusting the "fork" into the ground, .. turning over the soil and constructing the cane hole--all in one process. Amethod more rarely employed by the peasants is known as "trenching." Since "trenching" takes longer to accomplish than i'till burying," and since hired .. help is often relied upon (paid :bythe day), peasants are often reluctant to "trench", even though they feel it to be a superior method of cultivatiori. "Trenching," which is a variation of row planting involves the construction of long mounds, separated by furrows, which run the length of the field. Cane holes are then shaped out of these mounds as in burying." If the ground has been previously plowed, a relatively fast and experienced worker, by some estimates, can produce as many as 400-500 cane. holes in a day, though other estimates place the figure closer to 300 with the normal rate being something like 200-250. But if the laborer is forced to "till bury" and then put in the holes his daily output will be something like 60-70. If a

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 118 laborer 1s cultivating land which was previously worked, as in "forcing baclt"--but "till burying"--he can dig something like 100-200 holes a day. These estimates, however, must be taken as approximate. Mechanization.-Plantations. are highly mechanized with respect to the cultivation of their fields. The greater depth of tillage and other advantages which ,. mechanized equipment enormously increase croPI yields (Barbados Advocate April 8, 1962), and these .resuIts are so well recognized that the government rents tractors to peasants at relatively nominal rates. In spite of this, mechanized equipment is rarely used by the peasants of Chalky Mount, although. in theory it could be available to them. A near-by gover'nment agricultural station has a tractor which is available on a rental basis, but, aside other considerations, the peasants claim that this tractordoes not have the capacity and power to work the kinds of inclines OR which a large part of the Chalky Mount fields are located. An alternative would be a bulldozer Which is commonly employed on Scotland Dis.trict p,lantations, and is preferable for the hilly terrain in the area. But, there are not that many bulldozers available. Plantations in the area, from \-lhich the "dozers" might be rented, are sometimes reluctant to rent their equipment, claiming that plantation work demands are of such a nature that the machinery can-

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 119 not be spared for non-plantation purposes. A bulldozer might be available, nevertheless, from plantations in other districts, but few peasants take the time and effort to seek these out. Even if their bulldozers are not being used, plantations are often unwilling to rent them because peasant holdings are so small that managers feel it is not profitable--considering the driver's wages, gas, oil, etc.--to work on such a slight acreage. If peasant acreage could be increased, the equipment renter might look 'at the situation differently. But, this would require a number of peasants with contiguous holdings to operate as a Even if this could be done, in practice' it would be difficult to find a number of peasants with contiguous holdings all of wpom need all, or significant portions, of their lands plowed at one time. The use of mechanized equipment is also inhibited by the rental cost involved, and this relates particularly to those who do their own cultivating. That is, in terms of financial outlay, mechanized equipment would benefit those small farmers who must hire labor to do their cultivating; but those who do their own cultivating are unwilling, to spend the rental money, for this would clearly be an additional expense. It is difficult to say whether the increased cane yields--which would presumably

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120 result from the deeper tillage mechanized plowing affords-would compensate for the rental outlay in the case of persons who do not rely on hired help for cultivation. Other reasons for not renting mechanized equipment are that some persons are either unwilling or extremely reluctant to' make requests of this kind from plantation managers, and there are probably those as well who are unwilling or hesitant to accept innovations preferring to work along lines. In 1962 there were only two small farmers in Chalky Mount who ha,d their fields cultivated with mechanized equipment. Planting, Fertilizers, and Weeding After the sections of a land parcel are cultivated they are ready for 'planting and fertilizing. Planting.-Cane plants are cut from a person's own acreage or, quite often, purchased from plantations. Although it is common practice for the plantations to place two plants per cane hole, the peasants normally place only one. They claim that they cannot afford the additional expense of so many cane plants, even though

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 121 they admit to the advisability of following plantation practice in this respect.6 With planting of the cane the fields, including the ratoons, are now ready for fertilizing. Fertilizers.-Fertilizers play an important role in peasant farming. Chemical fertilizers ("manure") are more frequently used than pen manure (lldungn) because of the relative paucity of livestock and the insufficient quantities of whatever dung these stocks produce. The Chalky Mount peasants, as with other.s on the island (Halcrow and Cave 1947:13),are well aware-of the benefits that can be derived from the use of fertilizers. They use them extensively and hence the. purchase of fertilizers is one of the expenses every peasant has in working his land. Many lament their inadequate financial resources which they claim prevents them from obtaining more fertilizer. 9In fact, in this, as in other agricultural practices, the plantation is the key agent forthe diffusion of new agricultural techniques. The estates, even if they are .not members of the Barbados Sugar Producers' Union, benefit from the research conducted in the highly sophisticated sugar industry and by the Barbados governments Department of Agriculture. Whether new information is disseminated to them formally or informally they are still in a better position to learn of new ideas than are the peasants--in spite of the existence of peasant advisors whose effect in the Chalky Mount area, at least, has been limited as far as I can tell. Peasants, in the Chalky MoUnt area, have primarily learned of new advances and new methods after having seen them put into practice on the estates. This comment applies not only to a host of planting techniques, but also to such things as cultivation, fertilizing:;. and the introduction of new and better ratooning cane varieties.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 Peasants generally feel that their productivity could be as high as that of the plantations (see Section on Cane Yields) if they could only manure their fields to a greater extent. These financial considerations are manifest in the kinds of fertilizers employed. Estates use both potash and sulfate of ammonia and are dropped at different periods of plant growth. The peasants, however, largely employ sulfate of ammonia, dr.opping it on newly growing ratoons and plant canes at the onset orand during the rainy season. A common rea---son which is. given for use of only one type of fertilizer is that sulfate of ammonia is slightly cheaper than the potash. Most of the fertilizers are now acquired from merchants in town on a credit basis. The peasants individually arrange with these merchants not only for the manure, but for its transportation to the village as well. Transport costs to the Mount increase the price per bag so that at the time this research was conducted a 200 bag of fertilizer cost between ten and eleven dollars. A handful fertilizer is dropped in each cane hole, and, on a randomly selected sample of 24 peasant holdings it was found that the fertilizer is distributed at a ratio of about 400 pounds or two bags per acre which is comparable to plantation

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 123 Weeding.-Field weeding is done! with the use of a long handled hoe, but the efficiency;of this work varies considerably from farmer to farmer, i.e., not all peasants wee,d with equal care. More time is'spent'weeding the young cane and growing ratoons in the early phases of growth, although, on the weeding is carried out con-. tinuously.until late in December By this month there is relatively little activity on small holdings, and people are looking forward to the "crop." Crop Time Introduction.-As might be expected, "crop time" or "crop," when the cane is reaped, is a period of relatively intense activity on both plantation and peasant holding.s. More people are employed more consistently and the tempo of work is heightened as The 'opening and closing .of crop is. beY,?nd the peasants' control. They cannot cut their cane before sugar factories have started operations, and they must have their cane cut before the factories cease work for the year. Factories start closing as their primary plantation cane suppliers deplete "their-acreage, so that those peasants who wait too long to cut their cane, for whatever reason, can conceivably findthemselves out of luck with no factory to which to send ,their cane. ''During 1961-1962 this happened to only one 'peasant in Chalky Mount.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 124 However" small. farmers usually make every.effort to' cut their cane as early in the reaping as :" possible" and normally only a minority will be reaping their cane towards the closing days of crop.. This pattern--an island-wide phenomenon--often vexes factory managers who have no way of accurately predicting what their factories can expect daily in peasant cane. At any rate,,' the. amount of peasant cane sent ,to factories decreases after Easter which causes a proportionate increase in plantation quotas. A reason commonly given in Barbados for the "bunching up" of reaping activities during the early weeks of the crop is that peasants desire to get their cane money as soon as possible.' McKenzie offers a more likely explanation when he says small holders like to deliver cane early in the season as the cane is heavier at that period and hence the small benefits on the higher tonnage. Late delivered cane tends to dry out" and although sucrose content may be higher, the loss in weight is appreciable (1958:33-34). There is little question that late canes "tend to dry out,," and recognition of this might, as McKenzie suggests, direct the reaping activities of small farmers. However, another possible reason relates to the growth cycle of the cane itself. That is,, cutting the cane early allows the ratoons, on the limited acreage which the average small farmer works, more time to mature for the following crop season.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. And this emphasis is directly related to the practice of nforcing back" which was discussed above. Cutting. Only males cut cane. The tool us.ed is the cane bill which is frequentlyp,oned during a dayls work to keep it as sharp as possible. Using the hook part of bill the cutter quickly strips the trash from the cane stalk, chops ott the top and then cuts the stalk fairly close to the grounq. As he moves through the rows of cane the cutter throws the cut and stripped stalks behind him, and these are picked up by the "headers." : Heading. -II Headers are normally t females, though boys and girls are frequently found operating in this capacity on peasant holdings. "Headers" tie the cane stalks intobundles--usually weighing between 50 and 80 pounds--and carry these bundles out of the fields--on their heads-_-to the nearest pOint on a road. Here the bundles are dropped onto a pile. When this pile is large enough to make a full truck load it is hauled away to a factory. The cane should be taken to a factory shortly after cutting, for the more it dries the less will be its weight, but since the truck haulers are reluctant to take anything less than a full load--the maximum load prescribed by law is five tons--the producer tries to get a full load of canes out to the road as soon as possible. However, many of the fields. are not only located inconveniently=in relation to .roads, but are also located on fairly steep slopes. Even the fairly level fields, located on the valley floors, can

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 126 usually only be reached by climbing up relatively steep inclines Hence, the distance trom a road, and other arduous features .of the topography, make it necessary for a peasant to have a number of headers in order to get his cane out within a reasonable time period. The need for "headersn is a problem which exists on the estates in the area as well, for very few estate fields in this area, in cQntrast to other parts of Barbados, are level enough to permit trucks to come on to them to' be loaded. On many Scotland District plantations (see Chapter IV) the normal work unit in reaping consists of two headers per cutter. On peasant holdings, however, one finds as many as five or six, sometimes more, headers working behind each cutter. Hence, headers are an extremely 1n1portant part of the work force, and the expenses incurred in hiring them can considerably increase the amali farmer's production costs. Rarely can one rely entirely upon non-paid household labor. One of the reasons for this is that there are usually not enough persons in any given household who are capable, willing and available to do this extremeiy demanding work. Further details on this problem will be discussed in the final section of this chapter. As I mentioned' above, after a truckload of canes has been deposited on a point of the road closest to his field the peasant contracts with a truck---though this' might have been arrangedLbefore--to haul his canes to the factory.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 With this arrangement the peasant enters upon the final phase of the annual cycle--that of selling his cane. Before this topic is considered I would like to discuss briefly the production yields of the small cane farmer. Cane Yields Itis apparent that yields will vary from year to year for thesame peasant, and within the same year for ferent peasants. Yet, to idea. of the effectiveness of small cane farming it is essential to measure the.peasantsl productivity. An adequate measure of this the yield, or tonnage of cane, per reaped acre. Y1eldfigures were compiled by approaching individual peasants on their holdings as their cane was being reaped. The reaped acreage was determined on the basis of the peasant1s own estimates. Since all of the people are well accustomed to working on land units sub-divided in terms of the acreage system I saw no reason to assume any great error in their estimates. By checking with each factory to which the peasants sent their cane I was able to acquire precise tonnage figures. The total tonnage was .then divided by the total reaped acreage to give the rield figures summarized in Table 16. For.a variety of reasons, complete information on all working land from all holders was impossible to obtain. Hence, the sample for Table 16 comprises 57-1/8 acres of the holdings of 65 peasants, or per cent of the total working

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 128 acreage and 59 per cent or all holders. It is even more difficult to gather data on the yields per acre according to the type or crop reaped, i.e., plant and various ratoons (see Table 17). These problems do not exist with respect to plantation yields, Plantations keep entire fields in one kind or crop and managers can easily consult their account books to see precisely how many acres are planted in each kind of cane and the tonnages reaped trom these acres. Peasants do not have such production books, and for.the most part their land parcels are a conglomerate ot ditferent ratoons with each other. Hence, it is difficult to get an accurate idea of the percentage of certain types of ratoons to others within a peasant's working acreage, and the information presented in Table 17 is based upon such rough statements as limy parcel is mostly 1st and 2nd crop," "mostly 3rd crop,r' "mostly ist and 3rd crop." Since the figures presented in Table .17 are based upon infol'mation ot this sort, it is to be noted that the figures for plantation and peasant are not strictly comparable; yet, to attempt to bring the peasant data any more in line with the precise materials of plantation would be dOing injustice to the peasant materials. Nevertheless, a fair comparative idea of plantation-peasant. yields can be gained from Table 17. To control, as much as pOSSible, for eco10gica1tactors only data are given tor plantations which fall, entirely or partially, within a 2000 yard radius of the center of the village.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129 The data on yields by crop (Table 17) is based on a restricted sample of 29 persons (or 26 per cent of the total holders) but relates only to parts of these peasants' total working acreage. These data were gathered immediately after the cane was reaped on a particular piece of ground. Though the sample of peasants' is limited and the amount of land involved even more so (17 acres or only 12.7 per cent of the I total working acreage) Table 17 is of interest and the peasant data suggestive, especially when compared with that, of the plantations. Tables 16 and 17 show that the average yield per reaped acre on peasant holdings ranges from to 18.509 tons. This yield is considerably lower than the plantations' 31.596 tons. On new plant cane the plantations reaped almost twenty tons more than peasants, and for various ratoons' plantations reaped roughly ten tons more per acre. It is common knowledge in Barbados that plantations have higher yields so that the differences in the Chalky Mount'averages were expected. As far as I know, there have been no studies done of the precise factors which cause these differential yields, but the most common reasons offered. for higher plantations'yields involve a combination of such factors as lands, mechanization in plowing, be'tter' of cane,' use of herbicides, more effective weeding, better fertilizat'ion, etc.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 ,Transport to the Factory Although there are a handful of peasant cane marketing "cooperatives" on the island none are operative in Chalky Mount. 1 The village's small farmers sell their cane directly to the factory, but no personal arrangements are made between the peasant producer and the factory manager--a situation which apparently prevailed at the time of Halcrow and Cave's writing Plantations are the only producers with which factories make formal arrangements for the selling of cane. Competition between factories is suffiCiently intense (McKenzie 1958:30-31) so that a small producer encounters little difficulty ,in selling his cane and all he ,need'do7is deliver it to a factory. In order to do this he' must arrange for the cane's transport, thus his relationship with a truck hauler is a key one in the selling cycle. Except for an occasional donkey cart in the more level areas, all transport in 'Barbados today is by means of heavy duty trucks. The most usual haulers of peasant cane are privately owned non-plantation trucks known as "poor man's lorries. It These normally operate in a cer.,tain district, hauling peasant cane from that district to varfous factories. The actl.1al procedures involved in delivering 1Members of these send their cane to one factory as a collectivity. They are thereby treated as a single unit for payment--much in the same way as plantations.' There are some financial advantages to this since most factories pay a bonus per ton to those producers who send in 500 tons or more of cane.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 cane will be discussed in Chapter IV when the roles of plantation truck crews are considered, but here I simply want to point to some elements of the peasant-hauler relationship Since the peasant and the cane hauler are independent agencies, the coordination of their activities is fundamental to their relationship. The peasant has to coordinate his cutting and heading activities with the truck and assure the truck driver that a full, or nearly full, cane load is waiting for him since drivers are reluctant to take "light" loads, and do not like to wait as the cane is being headed out of the fields. The only waiting the truck drivers begrudgingly accept--and over this they have little or no control--is at the factory where they line up with other trucks, plantation and "poof manls" alike, waiting to get onto the scales; or in the case of a factory breakdown when they are in the middle of the waiting line and cannot .getout So the producer must not only find a hauler for his cane as his cane is being cut, but the cane, once cut, ghould be taken to the factory as quickly as possible. The peasant can theoretically send his cane to any of the factories on the island. He claims that he tries to send his cane to the best-paying factory (producers are paid by the ton they deliver, but factory prices vary), calculating at the same time transport costs which vary with distance. However, truck workers are paid according to the. tonnage they haul regardless of the distance. The

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 difference between the crew's wage and the increased rate peasants pay to distant factories goes to the owner of the truck. In general, it is to the truck crews:', advantage to haul cane to the factory closest to where the cane has been picked up so that they can. make more round trips and 'save on truck wear and tear, and gas and But it happens, in the Chalky Mount area, that the factory closest to the village (i.e., with the lowest transport costs) pays the least amount of money, and a peasant might prefer to send his cane elsewhere. Often, however, .a peasant may hot be able to exeroise his choice and be forced to accept the factory choice of the truck he has been lucky to find. In some cases peasants state no preference, and the truck invariably delivers to the closest factory. In order to clarify the issues involved in cane marketing it is necessary to go further into the factors affecting a peasant's choice of factory. Before this is done, however, a tew points should be made concerning the factory payment system. The peasant has absolutely no control over the price fixing, and the payments he receives on his cane are based upon a system which he does not understand--a,: .. system which can be exceedingly complex and need not overly concern us here Briefly the price for cane now is determined Oy each factory on the basis of its average recovery factor', and the calculated price of sugar as derived from price agreements. In consequence.prices vary.' from factory to factory (McKenzie 1958:31).

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 133 The recovery rate is the amount of cane it takes to produce one ton of sugar, and this rate will vary from factory to factory and from year to year. The recovery rate is a key index of factory efficiency, but it cannot be determined in advance' of the crop. It may be estimated, but there is no precise .. way of telling what the recovery rate will be until the factory has stopped processing cane for the season. Prior to the start ofthe crop, factory managements agree on an initial downpayment which is made soon after the cane is delivered. In 1961, for instance, all factories paid $14.50 per ton "on account." Another small "interim" payment of $1.50 was made soon after the crop season terminated. The final payment, which is made sometime in November after the factories' produc.tive rates have been analyzed, is termed the payment, and it is with the "preference" that one can clearly see the price variations between factories. From the pea.sant I s point of view it is the IIpreference" which is important, and it is on the basis of the preference" that he judges a factory's potential worth to himself. With these brief comments in mind we can now ask what. factors are taken into. consideration when choosing a factory. Choice of Factory During the 1961 crop Chalky Mount peasants sent their cane to five of the twenty factories operating on the island. These five ranging in road distances from about

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 li to 9 miles, are the closest and/or most,conveniently located to the village. The closest factory, Kagga"lIts, received 50 per cent of the total cane tonnage sent by the 66 farmers for which I have information, and also received this cane in 4-7 per cent of the cases ,(see Table 18).8 Judging by their behavior (Table 18), it is apparent,that peasants feel there is an advantage in sending to factories to which transportation costs are the lowest (i.e., the closest But the price a factory pays on cane has absolutely nothing to do with its distance from a village, and it happens that the larger and more efficient factories further away from Chalky Mount usually pay higher prices on cane than does the closest factory (Table 18, ,column 7). In most it ,would be more advantageous to send to which happen to :1away sinee the' higher 'would offset the higher :transportation costs involved 18, column 9). Peasants claim they want to send their cane to the best paying fac-tories but seem to be oriented towards those to which trans-portation costs are lowest. Now, ,peasants cannot know in advance what each factory will and they are unaware, for the most part, of the 'complexities by which ultimate payments 8:ey ease I mean the total amount of cane sent by a' producer to one factory. The total cases in Table 18 are 103, while the total producers upon which this Table is based are 66. The reason for these different figures is that in some instances farmers distribute their 'cane between a number of different factories.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135 are determined. However, they are all perfectly aware that payment differences factories can be expected. Not being able to predict for any given year, ,some of the peasants, especially those who send in more than one truck load of cane,' solve their problem by not "throwing all their eggs into one basket. II They distribute their tonnage over' a," number of factories hoping that by so dOing they will' 'come out ahead. Other peasants feel that the differences in factory ,payments are "slight", and few that I know of bother or are able to figure out arithmetically the full implications of these ostensibly "slight" differences. However, what everyone does know in advance is that it costs more per ton to transport cane to factories further away. Because d1fferences in transport cpsts are relatively apparent while differences in factory payments are not as easily perceived--or not evident,until the crop season is over--the closer factories, or so 1t would seem, are chosen over the more distant ones. However, there are some other possible reasons which account for the distribution of cane tonnage as seen in Table 18. One of these relates to the receipt of cane money. Factories pay by check, and these are distributed at specified times and must be picked up at the. factory's office. Aside from the closest factory, none of the other factories are with1n convenient walking d1stance from Chalky Mount and only two can be reached quickly by bus. The problem 1s further aggravated by the fact that it is, sometimes difficult

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136 to get time off from other labor commitments on the days when the checks are being-given out. Personal which may be an ideological concomitant of' "occupational. pluralityn, as a in choice of factorY is more pronounced in thoSe' cases the producer has one or part of' a truck load In. such case, he does not figure that the financial compensation--even if he is aware of it--is worth the trouble involved in sending to a distant Finally, it should be emphasized that, in. practice, the peasant may prefer one factory but be forced by circumstance to send his cane to another. As I pointed out previously the pay rate for the truck crews is determined by standards which differ from those which determine the payments to the producer. Other things being equal, e.g., the factories are in operation, there are no mechanical breakdowns, and there are no waits at the the trucks will prefer to go to the factory closest to the point from they pick up the cane. Thus, the amount of money truck crews will make in a given day is normally contingent upon the number of' trips they can make to the factories with the fullest possible loads. Although the peasant might prefer a more distant factory, the truck driver often complains about the excesamounts of gas and oil he would have to utilize, and the peasant is often in no position to argue. For example, his cane 1s cut and there are no other trucks ava1lable; or he might not be disposed to argue--especially if his load 1s

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137 minimal, and he feels that there will be no, or a "slight," monetary difference. In general, the truck driver and crew may determine the factory to which the cane goes in a number of caSes, but the extent of these cases and the exact conditions under which they occur merits further investigation. After a peasant has reaped and sold his cane. the production cycle starts anew. How much money) however, and what kinds of profits derive from the year long activity on his. small holding? Although 'precise answers to these questions are important 1n assessing the small farmer's productive enterprise these answers are not easy to come by. EXPENSES AND PROFITS Figures were obtained on some of the major expenses incurred in cane e.g., transport costs to factories, fertilizer costs, rents, repayment of agricultural 10ans 9 etc., but information on all expenses for the same peasants was available in only 20 cases. In addition it was impossible to acquire reasonable figures on labor costs, and these costs, in some cases, can exceed all others. This is 9A minority of the peasants avail themselves of loans which can be obtained from the government's Agricultural Credit Bank (see Agricultural Credit Bank Act 1961). As far as I know, however, few are unaware of the Bank as a source of working capital. For the years 1960 and 1961, for example, about 17 per cent had taken out an agricultural loan--the average sum involved being about $80. In all cases the money was used to pay laborers in the various phases of soil preparation during "hard times.1t The money with which "croplt workers are paid normally comes out of the check which is received after canes have been sold to a factory (see section on Labor in this chapter).

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. -138 especially so when hired help was used during the out-of-crop season. Since records are not kept and laborers are intermittentiy employed, peasant employees find it extremely difficult to recall their total labor-expenditures even if they are willing to attempt such recall. In general, then, a complete assessment of capital expenditure on working holdings cannot be made, but presented in Table 19 nonetheless indicate the great range in both expenses and profits that occur wtthin the small farmer population of Chalky Mount. In Table 19 I exclude rented holdings and use 1962 figures because these were gathered under the most auspicious conditions; that is, at times during the crop season by interviewing peasants 'in their fields immed-, iately after they had reaped their Later, I returned to these persons after they had received their factory receipts in order to get precise information on the tonnages they sent to the factories, the names of the factories, and the transport costs involved. The final 1962 payments, i.e., the "preference," were made after I left the field, but in February of 1962 the Barbados Sugar Producers' Association provided the figures on those factories under consideration. With these figures at hand I was then able to compute the gross receipt,S. By subtracting expenditures, (i.e., reaping, fertilizer and transport costs and payments on agricultural ,loans) from the gross receipts', the, estimated net profits were arrived at. Figures for the entire sample are presented in Table 19. It must be emphasized that the net es:timates ,given

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .139 in Table 19represent the maximum net, for in all cases of non-rented holdings land taxes would have to be considered. Also in a number of cases, as I mentioned before, other labor costs for such things as cultivating, digging of cane holes, weeding, etc., which are omitted from Table 19, would also have to be deducted from the gross-receipts. With the addition of these kinds of data a more accurate picture of .. profits derived from small cane farming could be given. In the absence of these other labor costs, the last column in Table 19 gives some indication of the extent to which .the peasants of the sample rely on hired labor. Ten of them claim that they did most or all of their out-of-crop work, i.e., they relied minimally or not at all upon hired help .. These ten peasants constitute such a small percentage of the total peasantry that it would be incorrect to generalize from them. At any 'rate, for the 20 peasants listed in Table 19 there is a range of profits extending from $8.76 per person, at the lowest, to $301.49 at the highest, with the average net being about $96--though only eight of the sample exceed this figure. Yet, the (;>1'. profit seems to be surprisingly high, ranging from anexceptional low of 9% per person to a high of an equally exceptional 321 per with the average being about 97 per cent Fourteen.o1' the sample received an 80 per cent or better return on their "investments"--keeping in mind that labor costs and land taxes are not included in the Table.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140 In general, then, and despite the sparse sample upon which these comments are based, the quantitative materials confirm the peasants' observations that some profit is to be derived from their efforts. And though one can frequently hear them lament that ,the cash returns are not as great as they would like or expect, few villagers are willing to forego the possibility of acquiring cash by not working their holdings. The poor conditions and inconvenient locations of many of the lands upon which peasant cane is grown also serve to confirm that an overriding emphasis is placed upon the possibility of cash acquisition regardless of the kinds of obstacles ,that occur. This issue is so fundamental to the community's economic life that it will be' treated more fully in the tinalchapter of this paper, but it is also reflected in working and the upon hired labor. WORKIKG RELATIONSHIPS AND LABOR Hired Labor Most of the labor on peasant holdings which is not performed by the peasants themselves or by non-paid household members is performed for cash. Although there were some cases in the 1962 crop where household members reQ,eived pay for heading,' instances of this kind are infrequent as far as I know. The degree ot dependency upon hired labor varies from peasant to and is often determined by the nature ot the task being performed. For,examp1e, most persons do all of their weeding, some depend entirely upon their own

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141 iabor for cultivating, but most depend, to varying degrees, upon hired labor in the reaping season. Also, aSide from reaping season work, i.e., cutting and heading, most work on peasant holdings is performed by persons working alone rather than as members of groups. One reason for the dependency upon labor resources outside of the household is that the household might not have the personnel to perform certain kinds of tasks. For example, a household in ,which one or two elderly people are the only adults will have to seek outside help for such physically demanding tasks as' "till burying" and "forcing back. 11 Another reason is that the household might not have sufficient personnel to' complete tasks which should be completed within a given time limit. The case of cane reaping is self-evident, as are cases wherein apeasant1s acreage is so, large that he cannot cultivate it himself, put in cane .,! holes and plant in time to take full advantage of the rains. There is also a relatively clear sexual division of labor in certain kinds of tasks, e.g., only males cut cane, till bury etc., and if the household cannot provide members to perform these tasks the peasant will have to hire help. In still other cases a peasant might hold a full-time job from which he can get little or no time off; consequently, in order to work his land--if no one is ,available from his household--he is forced to hire someone. During the out-ot-crop season hired labor is also sought tor a number of tasks because these tasks are

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. considered to be not only physically arduoUs but tech-nically demanding as well. Aside from the allocation of tasks in terms of the sexual division of labor, male peasants .often rationalize their hiring of labor in terms of occupational specialization. A potter, for instance, stated that "there are a lot of techniques in building a cane hole" in justifying his hiring a lIprofessional agriculturalist," i.e., a full time plantation worker, to do this work. Another peasant explained his hiring of some one in terms of this person's being a "first-class man," implying that the hired help was a member of a plantation's first gang (see Chapter IV) and therefore a capable and efficient agricultural laborer. Other non-plantation '. working peasants might justify their seeking paid laborers by saying time plantation workers are the only who can spend long 'hours in the sun and do physically demanding work at the same time., In any of the above cases a peasant can be found working side by side with the person he or she hires--in order to' II save on expense." The extent to which this is done often depends upon the sex of the employer and the type of job being performed. Since paid laborers expect their cash as they complete their work, farmers do not normally hire help unless there is cash on hand. The exception to this occurs in reaping where, as I said, workers are paid out of the money received after the employer's cane has been sold.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Normally, however--since people are paid by the day for all tasks except reaping ones--a farmer waits until he has the cash will pay for the amount of work days he wants from his hired help. The usual procedure is that an employer estimates, the number of days he thinks it will take to do the job he wants done; he puts the money aside and then hires labor for as many days as his money will cover. Sometimes, for lack of cash, only a fraction of a holding is cultivated--the remainder being doneata future date when the peasant again has money with which to pay his or her help. The hired hand is usually paid on the evening of the final day of work, if more than one day is involved, or at the end of the day if only one day is involved. Sometimes he is paid at the end of the week if his employer '. his money at this time. This usually happens in the case of employers who are plantation workers, town w6rkers, or housewives dependent upon a spouse's weekly salary. In some cases wages may be owed, but this is entirely dependent upon the personal relationship between the employer and the employee. There is some evidence that owing wages over a relatively long time occurs more than the norm would indicate. Informants claim that it is unusual for a person to be hired and then find his employer claiming no money with which to pay him; yet, it does occur that an employer erroneously estimates the amount of time necessary

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144 to complete a given job and neglects to check upon the daily output of his hired hand. Or a laborer might take more time on the job than actually need have been taken. In cases of this kind, the employer might find himself 'short of cash and owing, of necessity, occurs. Yet, a person will not normally agree to work for someone else if compensation is to be unduly delayed. Friends might do this, however, and for this reason employers try to have friends work for them; but even so the primary consideration in choosing a laborer is that he be a person from whom the employer can expect a "good day's work." This ideal, as we shall see below in discussing labor shortages, does not always work out in practice, for employers often find themselves in no position to question either the quality or quantity of work produced by their hired help. This is especially so during the reaping season when the supply of cutters and headers for small farmers is often far less than the demand. Exchange Labor Cases of exchange labor, or "swapping changelt as it is locally called, are rare. Relationships of this kind are based upon the trading of a day's work for a day's on the same task. queried on this subject usually agree that exchange labor has its advantages, the most important one being that it fills the labor

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145 demands on jobs, requiring more than one person while obviating cash payment. Few ,informants, expressed any real 'interest in engaging in relationships of this sort. All agreed that money is a major orienting factor in labor so that persons are unwilling to help each other in situations from which they could not immediately or eventually expect to derive cash. Where "swapping change" does occur it is more apt to take place during the crop, among close friends and/or kinsmen. It rarely involves females. The key feature in establishing the relationship is the partiCipants' evaluations of each other's work' capacity. That is, two men exchanging labor do so because they think they can get an equal amount of work out of each other, and each feels the other is equally competent in a given chore. But the relationship is often rationalized by participants in terms of sentiments based upon kinship and/or friendship, so that if either participant is asked why he is exchanging labor with the other, the reply will invariably be "He's my brother, ,.' or ItWe gets along well." The sentiments of obligation which are part of close kinship and/or friendship bonds also function to guarantee that labor performed for an exchange partner will be reciprocated. That is, a frequent rationalization that informants give for not exchanging labor is that they have no assurance that a person will live up to

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 146 his end of the bargain and not take advantage of an opportunity for oash employment elsewhere--or only offer his servioes when they are no longer needed. Some assuranoe that situations of this kind will not ooour would be implioit in the relationship between olose friends and/or kinsmen. Although older informants claim that exchange labor was more common in former days, there is way of verifying this. Today, as I said, observations confirm informants' statements that these relationships are by far ,the exception rather than the 'rule, and this is an additional reflection of the overriding oash emphasis that exists in working relationships in Chalky Mount. That is" in those work situations which are ultimately devoted to the.acquisition of cash, whether they be in agriculture or pottery (see Chapter V) cooperative work relationships between members of different households are normally formed along pecuniary lines. There is another type of reciprocal work arrangement which has some of the elements of exchange labor and ocours with greater frequency especially during the crop. This type--it has no special name--involves the reduction of normal day wages by persons who work for each other. Labor arrangements of this kind involve work on the same or dissimilar tasks and need not be restricted to persons of one sex as in pure exchange situations. For instance,

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 147 a female could exchange with a. male, and rather than heading his cane for $2.50 per day--the normal rate in 1962--she would head it for $2.00 while he, on some other day, will cut her cane for $3.50 rather than at the more usual rate of This kind of labor exchange and wage lowering, when it does occur, is more apt to ocaur between peasants who are plantation workers as well and who are members of the same cane cutting groups on the plantations. Although the nature of these cutting groups will be elaborated upon in the following chapter, it is to be pointed out that the groups are often formed by the workers themselves who associate with one another on the basis of personal compat1-bil1tyand an assessment of comparable work capacity.1n the1r respective Towards the end of the week there are no plantation demands upon their labor they'. might be found work1ng on each other '.s holdings. Al though these work relationships rest upon pecuniary foundations, people pay each other less than they would pay others doing comparable tasks and rationalize their rec1procity--as in the pure labor exchange situation--in terms of sentiments. of friendship. But there is another element, discussed below, in relationships of this. sort. Work Output Plantation workers feel--and in some cases there is empirical just.ification for this feeling--that they are

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 more skilled and faster workers than non-plantation workers. ,Hence, their proclivity to engage in labor exchange and wage lowering among themselves on their own holdings. These sentiments are also manifest in the wages they demand when working for small farmers., That iso, plantation, workers often charge more for their labor than non-plantation workers who work for the same farmers, and they do this because they feel that persons hiring them receive more and better work in a day then they receive when non-,plantation workers are used. Higher rates for,p1antation workers are especially pronounced in the reaping season, not only because of a labor shortage (see below) but also because of the apparent preference that non-plantation : working peasants have for the "professional agricultural laborers.1t I mentioned'above that a primary factor in choice of 'employee is the expectation of a "good day's work." And this preference stems primarily from the nature of the payment system which rests upon a day work rather than a piece or task work foundation; this is largely contraI1T to plantation practices where most of the jobs which are fundamental to the production of cane are performed on a task work basis. In tasks such as "till 'burying" and cane hole digging some plantation laborers feel that they can do a better job for a peasant working by the day. Workers sometimes feel that they work faster but do a more slovenly

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 149 job on the plantations because of the placed upon them by task work. Under the careful surveillance ot a demanding plantation manager, however, quality stan-. dards are high, so a plantation worker dOing paid work tor a peasant otten rationalizes his .slower rates tor the peasant without actually giving a higher quality ot What the.evidence suggests is that a worker, guaranteed his day wage, produce.s less tor a peasant than tor a plantation even though he might work the same amount ot hours on the same task for each type of employer--and the difterences in the quality of work are negli8ible, it they exist at all. In general, the caliber ot work performed by hired help, and the speed at which this work is done, can vary quite a bit. But if an employer is not satisfied with the work of his employee--he might feel that a full day's work was not received tor a full day's pay--he has no recourse but to avoid hiring that person, it another time; yet, with the labor supply generaily.belng less than the demand, especially during the reaping peasant employers often find themselves in no I?osition to .. question either the quantity or quality of work produced .. .. Labor Shortages I otten heard complaints that overthe years it has become increasingly difficult get labor for various economic activities. In agricultural. work these ditfi-

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 culties are most acute during the reaping season:when work demands are the greatest. Emigrations to' England have. certainly affected the village's supply of manpower (nonpaid househpld help included), and to a minor degree .tract labor work on farms in the United States has functioned in this regard as well. Yet, it appears that the labor shortages,. if they can be called this, cannot be attributed solely to the lack of personnel. Quite often young people, especially thOse in their late teens and early twenties, are more reluctant than they would have been in former years, or so older informants say, to participate in physically demanding work. And this applies not only to the comparatively unskill.ed jobs in peasant and plantation agriculture, but to pottery as well. It might well be that .t skilled" labor, e.g cutters, is in short 'supply (see Chapter IV), for people speak of labor shortages most often during the reaping seasQn. Yet older people are quick to lament the changing work values in younger people and their general unwillingness to engage in arduous and low paying jobs during the year. And this applies not only to younger people who are seeking a secondary school education but to a class of workers-which. has yielded many emigrees--who have neither the, education nor class position for.better jobs and mobility

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151 within the social structure of Barbados. This issue will be dealt with later (Chapter IV) in the discussion of plantation labor shortages. Ih 1962 there were a ,few elderly males available for full time work with peasants. These men did not work for the plantations because their cutting speeds were so slow that at task rates they would have made relatively little money. Since were paid day rates by peasants they made at least as much in this employment as they may have earned on the p1antations--and with less physical effort. Despite the reluctance of peasant proprietors to employ, them, cutter shortages enabled them to find sufficient work cutting small farmer cane. Even so, older men (and even teenage' girl headers) are not available in sufficient numbers to meet the weekly labor demabds o! most of the peasants during the reaping season., Consequently, reaping activities are usually concentrated at the end of the week when 'plantation workers became available for work on peasant lands. Since plantations can meet their factory quotas by cutting on a four-and-a-half or five day week (Chapter IV), the village's internal 'labor supply is generally inflated on Fridays and Saturdays, and sometimes on Thursdays--according to the relationship between the plantations cane quotas and factory demands. The compression of most reaping activities into a few during the

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 152 week poses certain"problems for some peasants. Not only must they often postpone their reaping they cannot get lab9rers to help, but also they must try to prearrange their reaping. schedule with workers during the week 80 as to be able to have their cane cut and headed by the end of' the week. Sometimes a peasant might have cutters but ficient headers, and at other times the situation might be reversed. Sometimes the competition for workers is so great that heated arguments can develop over this pOint. Also, a small farmer cannot always be sure that his scheduled workers will not. decide to go and work for some one else. Indeed, the reaping schedule of the person who' has few friends and is generally not liked will be more apt tosurfer--especi;ally during the early weeks of crop when the greatest demand is placed upon the village labor supply. In general, then, the shortage of laborers, particularly at certain times during the reaping season, can be so acute that small farmer's who want their cane harvested at a given. time will consider themselves lucky if they can get help. This problem is also present--albeit to a lesser extent--on the plantations, and manifests itself at other times of the agricultural year (although not as seriously as during crop time). It also occurs at certain times in the pottery industry.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153 CONCLUSIONS In this chapter I have discussed small-scale sugar cane farming as one of the major land-based economic complexes of Chalky Mount. I briefly considered the occupational status of the small farmer group and the nature of the land holdings worked by this group. The techniques and organization of activt'ties surrounding sugar production were reviewed and the kinds of nelationships formed in the pursuance of these and related activities, e.g., marketing, "' were discussed. There was also an attempt to place these activities specifically within the context of the Scotland District's physical environment. Small-scale sugar cane farming is a major focus of Chalky Mount's,economic life, not only because of the labor demands it makes upon the community's adult population' but also because of the it provides. Nevertheless, the cash that can be acquired from cane cultivation is limited; and though small-scale sugar cane farming plays a prominent role in the community's ecological system, it does not as a source of livelihood when the total cash needs of households are considered. Even so, a peasant can usually expect that some cash will be derived'. from his cane-producing activities. And with the Commonwealth.Sugar Agreement virtually

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154 guaranteeing higher cane prices and a ready easily accessible market for the few years, the peasant p'roducer is encouraged to a continuing involvement in production. Thus, land upon which cane can be planted-regardless of how marginal it might appear to outsiders, e.g., government agricultural plantation owners and managers--is highly valued, primarily because it is a potential source of cash. Although. other values may be involved (e.g. prestige and security) in the case of land owners, (see also Greenfield 1960), plantation and nonplantation tenants seek to rent arable land for the cash that the land may ultimately bring. Few, if any, potentially cult1-vable lands are left unrented for lack of tenants, and the fact that per cent of Chalky Mount's working lands are rented attests to importance of land as a source of cash regardless of any other values that may be involved. The social and economic structure of Barbados provides only a limited number of economic opportunities to the lower class population of Chalky Mount. Small-scale sugar cane farming is one of these"and an economic tradition based upon sugar has further to channel the, village's population"where conditions permit, into sugar cane farming rather than into other agricultural enter-

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155 prises. The need for other sources of cash, combined with limited opportunities elsewhere, also causes people to seek employment on sugar plantations. Sugar plantations have always dominated Chalky Mount's landscape in both physiographic and .socio-economic terms. The .community's birth and development is inextricably involved with sugar plantations, these plantations have traditionally been the main employers of Chalky Mount labor. Were it possible .,to quantify with certainty the sources of the village's total income, undoubtedly the plantations, to which we now turn, would loom as the single greatest source.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPl'ER IV THE SUGAR PLANTATIONS INTRODUCTION The. emphasis in this chapter is placed upon the sugar plantations which surround Chalky Mount. Figuring prominently in, the village's ecological system, the plantations, are' a major source of jobs for the village,'s popula':' tion. They also provide about 34 per cent of the viliage's cane growing land (Chapter III) and close to 47 per cent of its pasture lands (Chapter V). In this chapter, then, I propose to examine these plantations 1ri terms of their role as job providers, and to discuss the statuses of the workers, the kinds of jobs they perform, and the organization involved in the performance of these jobs. In this sense, I am not looking at the plantation as an "economic institution't (Greaves 1959:14), but rather at aspects of its social system which are revealed primarily in the statuses, roles, and organization of the workers. Thus, I am viewing the villagers' adaptations to the land within the context ofa particular' institutional tyPe which influences and directs the natUre of the relationships formed by the workers. 156

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157 Since this chapter is focused upon the plantations for which Chalky Mount villagers work, the sample is a small one composed of four plantations (one of which 1s actually two plantations managed and operated as a single unit) though 92 per cent of the village IS regular laborers work for on;tY.: ,two of these (Table 20) .. All fields within relatively short walking distances o'f tliew6rkers I homes. None of the sample plantations has -(each contracts with one or more of the is1andls'factories for the selling of its cane); many of their fields are located on hillsides, some of which are quite steep; the plantations are totally dependent upon rainfall for their water supp1Yjand there is a moderate amount of mechanization (primarily in certain phases of cultivation and the hauling of cane to factories). Their average land area is about 259 acres, but sugar cane is only grown on an average of about 154 acres. Consequently, Chalky Mount laborers are accustomed to working on relatively small plantations whose owners and managers are all Barbadians, mostly colored and Negro. In general, then, the plantations' and role complexes are relatIvely simple. In many of these characteristics the sample plantations contrast rather sharply with the "fie1dand factory combinesll which have been described in, for example, British Guiana (Jayawardena 1963), Puerto Rico (Mintz 1956), and Jamaica (Cumper 1954)'.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158 PLANTATION STAFF The Manager Although authority rests ultimately in the hands of plantation owners, "the person who is largely responsible for the day to day operation of the plantation, and consequently the with whom" the workers have the greatest contact, is" the While" the dual role of: ownermanager is n6tuncommon in Barbados, no owner in my sample also functions as manager. The manager's role demands that -he make virtually all of the operational decisions on production activities in addition to functioning as director of field activities, bookkeeper and paymaste"r. Although managers live fairly close to "the villages of their laborers, they are oriented in different social directions, and participate very li"ttle .in the extra-working lives of the workers. While relationships can hardly be described as impersonal, managers, a"s a rule do not participate in the adjudication of disputes outside of the working environment, lend money, serve as god-fathers to laborers' children, nor attend their weddings and Working relations between managers and laborers are fairly harmonious and each side seems to be well aware of what it can expect and demand of the other side. Though workers may not like the manager personally, grievances against "him or, that matter, the plantation system itself, are relatively rare.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 159 The manager is often assisted by the ,tsuperintendent" (foreman) in the supervision of certain kinds of field labor. Overseers or sUb-managers are absent on the plantations for which most of the Chalky Mount laborers work, though in the hierarchies of larger plantations in Barbados overseers are immediately subordinate to the managers. The Superintendent Superintendents come from the laborers' ranks and live within the local villages towards which their lives are oriented. Although superintendents are normally better off than most of the laborers, they are undifferentiated from them in terms of social class, and manifest few perceivable cultural differences. There are two superintendents in Chalky Mount though there are a few retired men who used to perform this role. bne occasionally hears the .word "driver" applied to this position--a survival from slave days when favoX'ed field hands were put in positions of authority over other field hands--but the term superintendent is generally preferred today. The superintendent receives a regular weekly wage which is guaranteed whether or not there is work on the .. plantation.. For example, although field workers might only work three days a week during the out-of-crop season, the superintendent, who normally has no work when there are no field' gangs operating, will be paid his weekly ','

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160 this salary can easily be 'exceeded by cane cutters and truck drivers during the crop season (see sfa,ction on earnings and employment) :few laborers can surpass the superintendent's yearly earnings. He is,, as well, exempt :from manual labor, and receives other bene:f1ts commensurate with the manager's dependency upon him. For instance, i:f a superintendent is sick and cannot report to work he may,receive 3/4 o:f his salary even though the plantation is under no legal obligation to this. There are other perquisites which attach to this position. The superintendent may have the use o:f the plantation tractor, :free o:f charge, to cultivate his sugar cane parcel i:f he is a small farmerj and it is not unlikely that plantation trucks will haul his cane to the :factory as well. Also the, superintendent is o:ften allowed a :fairly wide latitude in his authority over the laborers, and it is rare :for a manager to,contradict a 'labor deciSion, e.g., in an altercation with a laborer the manager will invariably support the superintendent even before the n:facts o:f the case It are known to him. The superintendent functions primarily in the supervision o:f labor crews which are paid on a "day work" basis (i.e., a daily rate'--see b.elow). Piece, or task workers are usually cheCked by, the manager. However, in jobs paid at day rates the superintendent is normally in !' c,onstaht, attendance over labor crews, insuring that work

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ." 161 proceeds according to the manager's standards. Hence, most work demands upon the superintendent are made during "hard times" when proportionately more "day work" is done, although he still nominally supervises some cane cutting crews--who are paid task rates--during the reaping season to insure that "things is done right." The superintendent, then, functions as a foreman. His authority, though limited, may be increased to the extent to which the manager, in the absence of overseers and other staff, has to depend upon him in everyday plantation work. But his official authority is generally confined to field laborers and not to such other plantation workers as truck and tractor drivers, most of whom' are under the direct authority of the manager. Other Staff'Members Other statuses within the staff (i.e., those positions which are paid weekly salaries) include house servants, yard men or grooms, and the watchman. The yard man is primarily responsible for the care of the plantation's livestock and the performance of odd jobs around. the plantation yard {i.e., the cluster of buildings, including the manager's house, and the space between.and around them which forms the administrative and storage locus of the The watchman' is usually a class A (see below) who performs his duties as a job. He

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 162 makes his rounds during the night--a few time's week during hard times and more frequently during 'crop season when ... the danger of cane fires is greater. The conscientiousness with which a watchman performs his job can his main obligation 'is to see that "nobody carries things away. II But, as the incidence of' stealing, especially of food from the fields, is much les8 today than in former times, in actuality the watchman has little to do, and because of the size of the plantation he canacc'ompl1shhis within a few hours or so. The status ranking and authority relationships of the positions outlined above and of' the laborers are dia-grammed in Figure 3. It i8 to be noted that .aside from the manager and owner the only starf member who clearly enjoys higher prestige is the 8uperintendent who, in terms of the ranking system, is on about the same level as the tractor The latter, because he 1s paid a daily rate, is technically not a staff member, but the daily salary he does receive is the highest of all plantation workers, and the fact that he 1s considered highly skilled worker puts him in a position by himself. The vertical lines in Figure 3 are intended to indicate the ways 'in which the statuses are linked in terms of usual authority, and the status ranks, though not rigid, approximate the way in which the situation is perceived by the people themselves.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 163 THE WORKERS Introduction of the plantation's non-stafr population can be considered as belonging to one of five work classes. These are formally. defined in terms of age, sex, and task performance. Though there is sometimes an overlap between formal class membership and the type of job done, we can nevertheless introduce the field laboring segment of the plantation's labor force--its largest contingent--in terms of Class A, males and females; Class B, males and females; and Class C, children. These classes are recognized categories wh1ch are employed in discussions between the Barbados Workers' Union and: the Sugar Producers' Association when, for example, wage rates are negotiated. Under such circumstances all, except those under 18 years of age, belong to either Class A or B. Class A males are defined as those who perform at. least two of the following j.obs: cutting canes, digging cane holes, or digging drainage ditches, while all other males who do not meet these criteria are considered as Class B. Class A females are defined as those who, during crop, head and/or load canes, and hard times carry baskets of dung. ClassB women perform jobs outside the range of A tasks. Class C includes both boys and girls

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164 under l8 the law prescribes that they should not'be less than twelve years old. One often hears the three major field groups'referred to as the first, second, and third gang--terms which survive from the days of slavery .... hen field slaves were thus divided, each gang, having particular task responsibilities (or more properly a complex ,of task responsibilities) which in manY respects are comparable to the tasks performed by the classes of tOday.l Each class carries a corresponding wage on day work which'ranges from Class A male at the top and decreases Class B male, Class A female, and Class B female with Class C members receiving the least (Table 2'). IPor example: "Of the 276 Negroes at Codrington in ,February, 1781, some 162 were organized into three field gangs. Drummer and Johnny'Sharry, the black drivers, led the first or great gang of '5 men and 49 women in their tasks of holing the ground for canes, planting, cutting, and carrying the canes to the mills. Quawcoe Adjoe, a boy, and two women, Sue and Sarah Bob, directed 10 boys and 1, girls in the lighter duties of the second gang, such as planting corn, carrying dry trash to the boiling house for fuel, turning manure and weeding the cane fields. Old Dinah drove th,e little "meat pickers"--2, boys and 26 girls--of the third, gang to their work of shovelling manure into cane holes before the was planted, helping ,to weed 'young canes, and gathering fodder, called hogsmeat, for the livestock... itA few declining men and women were members of the (Bennett 1958:11,15). See also Pitman (1926: 599-602)

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 165 ,Class A Males Class A males, who comprise 30 per cent of Chalky Mount's regular plantation workers, are among the younger men, their average age being about 40. Primarily working ., as, cutters and truck crew members during the crop and' as cane hole diggers during the" out-o.f'-crop season,Class A males average the highest earnings among the field groups (Tables 21,22). Since most jobs they per-form are paid for on a task differences in work output are largely manifest in earnings even though mechanized equipment used in cultivation has made their services unnecessary for extended periods during the season. The First Row Man.-One Class A man is known as the "first row man." Although not a staff member, he assumes this status as a management appOintee, and is usually considered as a faster and more responsible worker. The first row man may be viewed as a sub-foreman, and he works with the groups of Class A males who do such task-paid jobs as digging cane holes. He does the same kind of'work they do and is paid at the same rates, but he is responsible for noting the amount of work each man does and reporting this to the manager at the end of the day. His privileges are limited--although he does receive some extra money for his duties--as is his authority, and because of the indeterminate and poorly defined nature of

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. /.', 166 his authority there are more apt to be conf'licts between the first row man and other laborers than between the latter and the superintendent. He can report recalcitrant, laborers, but he cannot make labor dec1sions, and he is considered to be far more expendable than the superinten-, dent. However, in the event that the superintendent cannot work, the first row man will usually substitute for Superintendents ,were usually first row men themselves, and the p08ition can be viewed as an apprentice stage to the job'of superintendent. B Males Class B men are employed in fewer numbers and receive proportionately less work than any other adult labor class. Much of the work they could perform, e.g., weeding the fields, cutting potato slips, etc., is more conunonly performed by A women who receive less daily pay, and perform these jobs just as effectively and probably faster as well. This is 'a major reason for the infrequent use of Class B men. About 8 per cent of Chalky Mount's plantation laborers are class B men. Their average age is 61, none beins under 50. They are largely employed in the clearing and weeding of drainage ditches and other assorted and minor jobs.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 167 Class A and B Females Females find, on the average, more employment during the year than either of the male groups (Tables 21 and 22). Reasons for this lie not only in the fact that mechanized equipment has diminished the need ror male. labor during the out-of-crop, but the kinds of jobs that females perform, such as weeding and distributing fertilizer, are in fairly continuous demand. Also, since plantations in the Scotland District normally employ two female headers per cutter during the crop, and most out-of-crop chores can be effectively performed by females who receive less pay on a daily basis, one can see why.females, as a group, are regularly employed in larger numbers and work more days, over the year, than men. During the crop, Class A females comprise most of the headers--though, on occasion, younger men are used as well--and during hard their major chores are the. weeding of the fields to be cut in the following crop, and the distribution of animal and chemical fertilizers. In terms of actual plantation operation, the classification of workers being followed here is least applicable to Class B females. By the definitions offered above, these women who do not head during the crop nor carry dung baskets during hard times. Yet, there is a group of female workers known as "farmers" who, though tech-

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 168 ,nically Class B workers, are nevertheless paid at Class A female rates for the jobs they perform. Farmers.-In Barbados, the system of "farming," i.e., the practice of jobbing out fields to be weeded by particular persons, dates to the early 1840's (Starkey 1939:120). Farmers are aQttially specialized weeders who are kept occupied, regardless of sea'Son, hoe weeding fields of newly planted cane. Farmers are paid 'on a task basis, by the holes weeded,; and field.s' are assiglled to them as individuals. Hence "their work, unlike most other major ,: plantation work, is not performed in a crew or group en-. e., vironment. If, for-some reason, farmers are called upon to do day work they are usually paid the same rates as Class A females. Farmers find relatively full employment throughout the year, the average amount of days they work comparing favorably with that of workers of other classes (see Table 21). Farmers and other Class B women (who might be engaged more sporadically in such chores as picking cattle fodder, carrying drinking water to field laborers) are the older women, their average age being about 61 years while the average age of Class A women is 37. Persons in both these female classes comprise close to 57 per cent of Chalky Mount'.s plantation laborers, Class A females alone accounting for 41 per cent.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Class C:The Children Whereas membership in the ,A and B Classes is determined largely by age, sex, and.task, membership in Class C is determined primarily by age. Class Claborers, the third gang, or s1mpl7-"the children," are but occasionally used on some plantations, and only one of' the Chalky Mount plantations regularly employed child labor during 1961-1962. Even this group of' about ten children was not employed throughout the year. Children usually work as a group, and are normally employed in hand weeding and in the distribution of' fertilizers. Each child is usually pa,id on a day work basis, and these wages are considerably lower than the wages 'of' any adult class. Female Superintendent.-When the children's group is operative, it is under the supervision of a Class A woman who is, tor the time being,. a There is no speCial term to de$ignate this status. Under normal circumstances she the usual Class A temale work ot the particular season' (under the direction ot the superintendent), but it the "children" are working she is called upon to supervise their labors and is paid at her normal Class A daily wage. One. can often observe Class A temale groups and the children's group working side by side in distributing tertilizers over a gi,ven tield, and in such cases the superintendent is in charge of' the adult

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170 females while the children's group supervisor is nominallyin charge of the children. In the absence of the manager, however, the superintendent will still have ultimate authority. With this introduction to. aspects of the organization of the plantati;ons which employ most of Chalky Mount's laborers, we can now consider some general features of workingpatterns before proceeding to a more detailed discussion of the tasks themselves in light of the plantations' organization and the agricultural year. LABOR AND WORK PAT'.l'EBffI: AN OvERVIEW Plantations usually have a regular labor contingent which is augmented during the reaping season. There ,is no large-scale migration of workers from other parts of the island, and most of the added laboring force comes from the village or other villages surrounding the plantations' fields. Although some laborers work for one plantation during hard times, and for a different one during crop--or work for one plantation one year and a different one the next year--the majority of regular plantation employees continue their employment, barring severe altercations' with managers, on one plantation and are not inclined to change. In fact, the choice of employer, given the similarity of 'wage rates throughout the area, is generally based upon the proximity of the plantation's fields to the workers' residence.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171 Although most major plantation jobs are performed by groups ("farming" being an exception), for the most part, ,tasks are assigned to individuals. Important which will be dealt with more extensively below, occur .during crop. In general, though a worker may be part of a labor group engaged in the performance of one job, he is paid not on the basis of the group's performance but on the basis of his own, regardless of whether the work is paid for on a day or task basis. is, each individual works at his own speed and is paid solely on the basis of his own accomplishment even if this work is carried out within the'context of a large labor crew. Today, most jobs are performed on a task work basis. Laborers overwhelmingly prefer this manner of payment, for they can often make as much or more money by "breakfast time" (early afternoon) doing task work as they could make in the whole day working at day rates. It is also usually admitted 'and observable that day 'work performance "., is, slower,' and does not necessarily produce a higher quality of work. In fact, speed and earnestness with which task work is:performed varies, in an often remarkable way, from the performance observed on day work jobs. This contrast is even more dramatic wheri one has 'the chance to observe the same persons working under the two different pay systems, especially if the day workers happen not to be under pmnagerial supervision. Managers, being well aware

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172 of this, make every effort to place day work crews, regardless of the job they are performing, under as much supervision as possible. In contrast, task work is supervised to a lesser extent, and primarily tonsure that the work is conducted according to the .standards. There are some other general differences, regardless of the particular job involved, between task and day work. Day workers, who normally work from 7:30 A.M. to 5:00 P.M., take off an hour for lunch around noon while task workers normally quit for the. day in the early afternoon, and then go home for their mid-day In some cases, task workers could work longer hours if they wished--provided that work remains to be done on the assigned, job and the manager did not limit the amount of work that could be done in that day. Managers sometimes do this not only to insure a h1gher quality job, but also to extend, during hard times, the days of employment during a given'work week. Usually, however, task workers prefer to after they haye done what feel to be a "fair day's work, II i.e., made a satisfactory wage for the day. They leave the job early in the day not only because of the rapid pace at which work has been conducted and concomitant (a reason managers will sometimes give) but also because finishing earlier frees one to work, for the remainder of the day, on one's own parcel of land or in the performance of other assorted cash and non-cash oriented

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 chores. Hence, during hard times it is:" 'not unusual' to see male workers returning home from the fields around 1:30 in the afternoon, and soon after taking their hoes and forks to their own parcels to "work on de ground" for the remainder of the afternoon. In crop however, they w111 riot do this. They w111 take a short break in the plantation fields and continue cutting until five o'clock at a pace which is just as physioally demanding as that of any task work they perform during hard times. This pattern is somewhat different for the farmers who, since they are assigned fields, can go to work when they want, work at moderate speeds, and usually have much more flexibility in their work 'arrangements. We can now try to fit the various classes of laborers into the scheme of the agricultural year and conSider, in more detail, the tasks performed in light of the above remarks concerning plantation organization and general work patterns. TASK' AND THE AGRICULTURAL CYCLE Introduction The intent in this section is to outline and briefly summarize the major tasks which are performed by laborers' "work classes and to correlate these tasks" and. tbe organization involved in their performance with the two major phases in the agricultural year. It is to be noted

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. l 174 that the'same persons usually perform a number of different tasks as these tasks are sequentially taken up throughout the year. In other words, aside from the customar,y task along sexual lines, few workers are considered so specialized that they cannot perform a variety of jobs. However, there are individual differences' in abilities, and managers attempt to allocate the more specialized jobs in terms of these differences. Table 2, lists the work classes by tasks and basis of payment (i.e., task or day rates) and these are correlated with the 1961 and 1962 wage rates and season in which particular tasks are performed. Since wages will be taken up more intensively in another section, most'of the present section will be devoted, as .I said, to a discussion of major plantation tasks and the involved in their performance.' Crop Time Introduction.-During the months from February to May, When the sugar cane is reaped, the majority of the laborers are occupied with cutting and heading the sugar cane and transporting it to factories. It is, then, to the cutters, headers, and truck work,ers that we now turn, focusing upon the particular characteristics of these roles as they are enacted within the plantation environment.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 175 Cane Cutting. -The procedure followed in cutting cane was described in' Chapter III and the operations are the same on the plantations .. Wielding their "bills,rt movethrough a field, each one taking two or three rows, while the headers move behind them tying the cane stalks into bundles and then heading these bundles to the closest road from whence they are loaded onto trucks and transported to the factories to be sold. It is the manager's decision as to how the cutting will proceed, who will cut where, and the order in which various fields will be cut. Both workers and managers evaluate fields in terms of whether they are "light" or "heavy,n that is, an estimation of the weight of the canes (not necessarily their sucrose content). Cutters prefer working in ttheavylf fields from which, for the same phYSical expenditure, they can make more money .because of the higher tonnage fields yield. For this reason are '. less. apt to favor certain cut.ters by them cut in heavy fields only, and large cutting crews are put to work in the "light" fields in order to have them cut rapidly. ". After these "light" fields have been cut, .the force is then distributed equitably over the "heavy'" fields. Although, ideally, cutters can cut as much cane as they want to, and all are paid task rates, there are limits set upon the amount of cane a plantation will cut during

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 the day. These limits usually result from the daily quotas.that factories set upon the plantations which have agreed to send them their cane. That is, in order to sure their operation at maximum efficiency, set up daily quotas, and if a plantation's total daily quota .has been met cutters then cease their activities for the remainder of the working day. Cutting activities may also ", cease during the day, especially during the initial phases of the crop season, when there are mechanical failures at the factories. When these occur, factories stop receiving cane if they already have what is considered to be a sufficient amount waiting to be ground The plantations then stop their cutting activities in order'to avoid:: having excessive drying at the or .in the fields. Cutters atte then freed, as are at the end: of the week, to \fork on their own cane lands or the lands of other (see Chapter III). Occurence's of' this kind .;-. ., must be taken into account when talking of' the extent and availability of employment during the crop season. Cutterts Gangs.-Most Chalky Mount workers who cut plantation cane during 1961 and 1962 cut "alone" and not as members of' cutting "gangs". Although cutters usually work in groups of' sometimes up to 15 or more men--on the larger plantations--these groups may contain cutters who are paid in terms of their individual output, i.e., they cut "alone," as well as cutters who are members of a ."

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .. 177 "gang." By simply looking at a cutter group in a field one cannot tell which men are outting "alone" and which are cutting as gang members. All one sees 18 a line of men strung out along the cane rows. "Gang" refers specifically to a formally organized group whose members pool their labor resources in a cooperative effort with payment being based upon' the group's colleotive tonnage; total wages for the week are then divided eqUally among the, gang's members. Of the 27 cutters who cut plantation cane ,for most or all of the 1962 crop2'only seven were members of gangs for most or all of the season. Therest, for the most part, worked "alone.' It Hqwever, it is 1mportant to note that of the 27, 17started,out. as gang members at the beginning of the crop season, ,but dropped .out in a week or so. In tact, at the beginning of the 1962 crop, in the plantation sample, there were between 10 and 15 gangs (which included men from other villages as well), but only three or four of these gangs persisted throughout the season. The gangs ,rarely contained more than three men, and, for the most part consisted of only a pair of cutters. were more Chalky Mount men than these who cut plantation cane, but they worked sporadically and spent moat of their time during the orop cutting peasant cane. They were normally the slowest cutters and older men who made more money when paid at day rates (See Chapter III). When they did ,cut plantation cane, however, they cut alone and not as gang members.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178 The cane, cutting gang is a voluntary association, and membership is left to the choice of the cutters--that is, a manager will generally not interfere with its composition.' Two primary considerations of association are employed by laborers -who wish to cut in a gang. These are equal work capacity and personal compatibility--with the former being a necessary precondition to association, and the latter being a necessary condition for the survival. Regardless of personal compatibility, fast cutters will not work with slow cutters for reasons that will become apparent below. Some workers insist upon cutting "alone," and although slow cutters might be willing to, cut as gang members they may not be able to find anyone who is willing to join with them. Yet faster cutters worked either singly Or as members of a gang. Because the gang is voluntarily formed, it can easily be dissolved, and the fragility of the unit is attested by the mortality rate of' the 1962 gangs. T,ech..; nical skill and personal compatibility are essential to a gang's perseverance. Hence, if one member rests too often, quits after a few hours of work, ,does not keep pace with the others, etc., the effectiveness of the group is lessened and antagonism amongst its members can easily erupt. Personal compatibility and previous strong friendship among the members minimize instances of this kind, but in gangs which have been formed solely on the basis of equal work

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1'79 capacity undue stress within the group, which is not offset by concessions to friendship, can result in the dissolution of the gang. Because gang members are capable of fairly:: equal performance, it is unlikely that a man who rests too often, for instance, will be able to catch up and cut as much cane as his Yet he will share equally in the proceeds with others who have worli:ed harder. Gang members uSUally start work at the same time, take time off for lunch together,3 stop for Cigarette breaks together, and so on. Unless gang members are extremely good friends it is unusual to find one member continuing to cut cane while the others are resting, and quite often the gang will not work if, for some reason, one of its members is not present for the day. The difficulty in finding persons who willing (or able) to adjust to the inherent difficulties in cooperative ventures of this kind,' leads to a situation in which conflict is apt to occur--conflict which usually results in the breakup of the gang. '. 3During hard times people go home for lunch {either during the noon. hours if they are doins; day work or after they have finished if dOing task work}. During the crop season a brief lunch period taken in the fields by both cutters and headers. The noon meal is .. usually brought to the fields by wives or children. Coincidently, school attendance, especially for older children, drops sharply during the crop. They are needed around the house not only to mind the younger children (since the adults are off in the fields) and to do other household chores, but also to prepare and bring out the noon meal.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 180 Men who form a gang justify their behavior in terms of their feeling that they can cut more cane as members of a group than they could cut as individuals. Some of fastest cutters worked in gangs, and although they felt that gang membership increased their output, I have no conclusive evidence to suggest that their work output would have been either greater or less had they cut as individuals. One immediate advantage of the gang is that it can produce a truck load of cane more rapidly than a cutter working alone; but an exceptionally fast cutter might be able to produce a truck load by the end of a working day, and at the end of the week his earnings will be comparable to those of fast cutters who worked in gangs. It might be to the slow cutter's advantage to cut in a ga.n.g with other slow for working alone it would take' about two for him to produce one truck load, and during this time the canes are drying and decreasing in weight; but these comments must remain hypothetical In sum, there d.oes not seem to be any distinct; long-run economic advantage to gang cutting, and the comparative infrequency with which it occurs in Chalky Mount would seem to support this view. Headers.-On Scotland District plantations a pair of headers normally works behind each cutter. As I pointed out in Chapter III, this pattern results from the

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181 topography of the. area which, quite frequently, prevents trucks from coming onto the fields to be loaded. There is no mechanized loading in Barbados, thus in many parts of the Scotland District the cane must be carried out of the fields .to the closest accessible road. Headers perform this 1mportant activity. Hence, the most normal cane cutting unit consists of three persons: the cutter and his two headers. The alignment of headers with cutters is made by the workers themselves, and consequently faster cutters and headers will make an effort to associate with one another. If the cutter works as part of a gang his aS$ociation with headers: is still based upon the decision of the three indiViduals concerned. Managers will sometimes influence the composition of the cutting unit especially when cutters and headers are added to the labor force during the course of the crop season. But, even then, the choice of association is commonly left to the workers themselves. Because the choice of work group is a voluntary one, headers can change their membership provided, of course, that work is available with some other unit. Since.headers work as a unit, it is essential that each person puts in an equal amount of work for, once again, payment is determined on the basis of the unit's tonnage. As a result of unequal work there -may be arguments between headers especially among those who are not part of the

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 182 normal working contingent of the plantation. That is, regular plantation workers may often include the factor of friendship in their association while others, who join later, have less of a chance to do so, and have to work with whatever :unit has an opening. Por instance, among those younger women who only work during the crop ther,e is apt to be more joking, flirtation and the like; and older women who may be working with them, and who might object to the lack of work being done, will sometimes try to move to another crew on the same plantation; or, if work i8 not available on that plantation, move to another one where the working conditions "is more serious." Heading, as was pointed out in Chapter III, can be quite arduous especially as ,the distance of the cut cane from the road increases; and the amount of phySical energy expended in situations of this kind is compounded on the steeper fields. Hence, on some plantations, headers get paid by different rates according to the distance of the cut cane from the road; but managers on the Chalky Mount plantations, in order to avoid what they feel would involve excessive bookkeeping problems, pay a flat rate. This, they say, compensates in the long run for the differential work demanded; yet, it is difficult to say whether in fact this works to the header'8 advantage. At'any'rate, headers are paid task rates, and their payment is based the total tonnage that is

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .' 183 recorded when their group's truck load goes to the factory. Headers and cutter, then, form an integrated working unit whose earning capacity is, not only dependent upon the of the cutter but also upon the speed with which the headers can move his cane out ,of the field to a road. Truck Drivers and Truck the cane to a factory is the third major task performed during the crop season. Since .a11 transportation is by trucks, ,-the truck drivers and the truck crews have major roles to play in the production cycle. Truck drivers have one of' the most prestigious positions in the plantation's labor force. Not only are they free from agricultural labor, but they also enjoy relative freedom from constant supervision, and their earnings exceed those of most other workers, especially during the crop season (see Table For this money they also put in longer hours than most workers often spending the night in the cab of their trucks at the factory gates so as to be in a favorable position when the scales open in the morn1ng. During the crop season, plantations, especially the larger ones, augment their truck by preSSing more trucks into service. These trucks are generally ones that have remained idle during most of the year or are used ,by plantation owners in other business enterprises during the out-or-crop.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 184 All members of the truck crews are males mostly in their twenties and early thirties, and many of them do not normally work on the plantations during the out-of-crop season. A truck crew is usually ,composed of five men plus the driver who is the formal leader. He is responsible 'for the operation of the truck and is held accountable by the manager if anything should go wrong. ,Although he does not have the power to hire and fire crew members, he has a great deal of influence in choosing them, and his choice, under normal circumstances, will not be interfered with by the manager. Provided, of course" that crew members are, satisfactory workers, the only cases in which a manager might override a driver's choice is when a regularplantation worker will desire a truck job, but cannot find one because the crews are already full. Because of the nature of the work involved, it is vital that the truck crew operate as a' well coordinated unit, and, once again, physical and personal compatibility are of importance. All who work on the truckS, drivers included, are paid according to the tonnage carried to the factory. Hence, when a truck returns from a factory, it is quickly reloaded for a return trip. Men work rapidly in lifting the cane bundles from the road into the truck. If each member of the crew is not up to performing his share of the labor, arguments may easily develop which sometimes inhibit the of work. I have

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185 seen arguments develop among crew members who were chosen at random when a new truck was quickly pressed into s'ervice, and younger men are often reluctant to work with 'older men who, they feel, cannot meet the physical demands of the work. In all, since the payment that the driver and orew receives (all things being equal, e.g., cutters are working and cane is waiting tobe shipped), is dependent upon their functioning in mutual harmony and at maximum speed people associate themselves, as best they can, on the basis of work capacity and personal compatibility. Often times,. however, circumstances will not permit these ideal conditions to materialize, and it is interesting to note that although crew memberships shift throughout the reaping season those crews and drivers which remained together for the entire duration of the 1962 crop were precisely those in which circumstances permitted the greatest latitude in the exercise of free choice in association. In order to make these statements somewhat clearer we might briefly review the work procedure involved in the loading and transportation of cane. When a truck returns. empty from the factory, the rapidly seeks out a load at the'side of the field where cutters are working. Three of the five crew members proceed to pick up the cane bundles which the headers have dropped--heaving them onto the truck. While these three

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 186 load the other two remain on the truckls platform_ and as the cane bundles are thrown in, the trash binding the bundles is cut and e jec ted, and the cane .is trampl,ed and distributed in such a way so that it can be picked up by the fs'ctory cranes. While the truck is being loaded, work proceeds rapidly and methodically with little joking and talking. Within thirty minutes or 80, loading i8completed, and the truck is ready to proceed to the For most factories to which Chalky Mount tions send their cane the trip, with a fully loaded truck, can vary from 10 minutes to about 35 minutes. However, a truck_ upon arrival, can rarely be processed immediately. Under the best of circumstances it takes about 15 minutes at a factory, from arrival to being emptied, but usually it takes longer. Sometimes there are waits of two hours or more, especially during the ,early days of crop when. there are more apt to be mechanical failures at the factories. Truck drivers teel they have put in a good work if they manage at least 5 full loads a day, but ot the cane trash is supposed to be stripped otf betore a truck arrives at a tactory. But ,. since. people are paid by the task' a conscientious stripping ott ot trash would only increase their work without increasing their pay. Hence, trucks, evenatter the trash is, picked, are still laden witp it, and the tactories arbitrarily deduct one, per cent of each load tor trash.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 187 sometimes this can be increased, and unde,r exceptional circumstances one driver reported that he had once managed 9 loads. Since truck crews and drivers are paid by the tonnage they haul, it is generally to their advantage, other things being equal (e.g., no factory breakdowns) to haul this oane to the closest factories to which the plantation's cane has been committed.' Therefore, the situation, is-quite comparable to the lI'poor man's lorries II described in Chapter III. Furthermore, since truck drivers make every effort to make as many round trips as possible they can often, if let alone, exceed the plantation's quotas to closer ,factories while short hauling to others. Hence, as cutting proceeds during the day, the manager will be forced to increase his supervision of truck movements. This issue is the basis of the only regular altercations I witnessed between truck drivers and managers. If, as sometimes happens, all of a plantation's cane is committed to one factory this problem does not arise. Although there are some other jobs being performed during the crop, e.g., women farming fields, older men clearing drainage ditches, children picking cane trash for animal fodder,' most of the plantation's labor force fs focused upon the performance of three basic tasks: the 'cutting, and transporting of the cane. Each group within which these tasks are is economically de-

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 1-" pendent upon the other though socially autonomous. But within each group (i.e., the cane cutting group of cutter and headers and the trucking group of driver and crew) the interdependency of the members is so great that the group can be extremely fragile unless its members have similar work capacity and are. personally compatible with each other .' Out-Or-crap Introduction.-After the last canes have been cut, plantation work all but ceases for the following.two weeks-except for minor jobs like cleaning the roads of trash. This is the beginning of "hard timesll, which today spans the period from June to January. The work demands placed upon the labor rorceare of a different kind; the force loses part of the contingent which augmented it during crop, and work settles down, integrating itself with the demands of sugar cane growing and in preparation for the next crop season. After the harvest, the fields are mulched by crews of women who spread trash around the cane holes. As the rains commence, cane that was planted in the previous year is given sulfate of ammonia, and potash is distribu'ed on the ratoons. Bulldozers or tractors begin plowing up those fields which will be planted in new cane and the fields which are to remain fallow (i.e. "thrown out") from cane in the forthcoming year. Cane holes are then dug in

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. !.: 189 these fields, and throughout June and July crews are kept fairly busy planting food crops such as yams, sweet potatoes, corn, etc., which.are planted in alternate rows between cane holes in some fields. The practice of plant-. ing cane in datesto the earliest days of the Barba-. dial') sugar industry and today'. cane ho'le "digging is the "qh:1e .. r task by Class A male work.ers du.ring the out-of-crop seaBon. .. Male tasks.-Before cane holes are put in, the field is laid out into five foot square grids. This job is performed by a'man who is considered a specialist in "lining. II After the field is "lined, II each cane hole digger takes a d:t:?ferent row in the field, and digs the holes in. two foot squares leaving three feet ofllbanku be-tween each one. Cane hole digging is task work. Each worker is paid solely upon the basis of the number of holes dug, and each man proceeds at his own At the end of the day his work output is recorded by the first row man who then gives this information to the manager. Because the amount of holes contained in each field is already known to the manager (result of the 11lining"--see note 6, Chapter III) this serves as a check upon the first row man's figures. Labor crews are under minimal supervision because this is task work. ..

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .. 190 Cane hole diggers normally start work at about eight and work steadily witil one or two in the afternoon when, they: quit. tor the day. As mentioned, they usually" what they consi,der to be a day's work," --betw,en ?OO-300 holes--and ,,1; the might '. .. "not be completed, they leave it tor the day. or OC,tober all fields to be planted ,. in cane and/or food crops have been "holed." During November and December the "plant canes,1I to be reaped in the year-atter-next crop, are planted. Class A men especially proficient at this are taken from other work and cut the cane plants from those fields that were planted the year before. Plant cutting is done during a very limited period during the fall and, at best, involves ,not more than two or three merl per plantation. Later, crews plant the cane and in January or so the fields are "supplied," i.e., the stumps which are not coming up are replaced with different ones. Though Class A 'men will also :work' on trucks, dig drainage ditches, and so on, their major job during the out-Of-crop season 1s digging cane holes. When this is completed, there is little other work for most of them. Not more than a handful of Class B males find rela-tively continuous employment, and these are mainly engaged in the weeding of gutters in the ratoon fields and planting of tood crops. .A few of the younger men, paid at B rates,

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 191 are kept busy spraying weeds growing along the roadsides and on other assorted jobs. Female tasks.-Weeding is a primary female task which continues throughout'the agricultural year. During the crop, tarmers are weeding the ti.elds ot "plant cane, 11 and after the crop they, and other women, commence clearing trash from the newly cut fields, piling it around the holes while weeding. "Weeding and clearing" is usually paid for at task rates, and it is during this process that the fields are mulched. Later, as the cane grows, female crews will once again be put on the fields of growing cane, and farmers will revert to weeding the new IIp lant cane.1I Weeding of the fields to be reaped will continue up through December or until the growing cane has so congested the fields that they can no longer be conveniently worked upon. Hoe weeding, then, is primarily a female job, though children I s labor crews will sometimes be engaged in there-moval of weeds that are.most effectively pu11edby hand. The distribution of fertilizer is another 'primary responsibility of Class A females. Both pen and chemical fertilizer are used although plantations rely less upon pen manure than they did in former times and some plantations

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. t, 192 do not use it at all.5 Those plantations that do use pen manure (tldung") normally distribute it on the new "plant canes" from about November to January. Although dung is normally distributed by Class A women, the children1s group can be inVolved as well. Fertilization of the fields is best accomplished by relatively large groups and each laborer is paid at day rates. If there is slacking, the pressure to proceed at a more rapid pace comes not from within the group (as it does in the cane cutting and trucking units) but from the superintendent or, more usually, the manager himself. Because of the pay:', system, the size of the groups, and the need for rapid and effective fertilizer distribution, the workers are usually kept under constant surveillance and receive active direction from the man.ger, superintendent, and, if thechildrenls labor crew is working as well, the female superintendent. The degree of' direction in terms of verbal commands such as the prodding to take heavier ,5The plantations' which do use pen manure provide their own and acquire it from peasants as well. The process by which pen manure is acquired from small cane farmers is described in Chapter V, and need not be gone, into here. OccaSionally, one can still see cattle tied in the newly cut fields of some plantations, and, as they teed upon the green cane tops, they also deposit their dung over the area in which they are tethered. By moving the tethering stakes, the whole field can ultimately be fertilized with pen manure. This sight, however, is much rarer today than it was in former times when cattle were extensively used not only for traction but as primary sources of fertilizer.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. : ..... 193 loads will vary with the personality of the manager and the time limits set upon completion of the task. If, for example, planting has been delayed and new fields are being fertilized in January is more pressure upon the COMpletionof the job since the croJ) season will soon be starting. Another major female task during the out-of-crop season involves the cutting of grass which is used as animal fodder. Not all plantations have Upastures" and those that d'o keep a relatively small amount of their acreage in in sour grass, which is a "vigorous droughtresistant perennial which grows to a height of two arid a half feet" (Starkey 1939:41-42). Class A women usually cut the grass in 80 foot squares and they are paid task, by the square. Sometimes, managers direct that only one square a day be cut so that, in effect, grass cutting becomes a form of day work. And, since the women are limited in what they can do for the day, they hasten to finish the job. Sometimes they are helped by their children or (who usually have little or no work at this time) and. this is 'the only occasion that I know of wherein household members participate 8S a group in the performance of plantation wage labor. AlthoUgh only the female is paid, the manager does not object to her being helped by others.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ... 19lt Summary By December there is little work to be done. The cane to be reaped in February is high and it is difficult to move through. weeding them. Class A men have little to do and, unless odd jobs are found for are ge.nerally unemployed. Most fertilizing has already been completed, and in the.:1ast two weeks of December work al1 but ceases (see below--Holiday With. Pay). lAs men-I tioned, there might be a spurt in work demands during the first few weeks in January mainly to complete the fertilization of fields, but by the end of that month the plantation is ready and the laborers are eagerly looking forward to the crop. The cycle isabout to begin anew. With this discussion of the agricultural cycle and some of the major tasks performed within it, we can now consider the kinds of wages laborers earn and their employment opportunities, and view these within the context of the two major seasons and the work class to which these laborers belong. EARNINGS AND EMPLOYMENT Introduction Prior to World War II, before the days of effective collective bargaining and the growth of the Barbados Workers' Union, wage scales were more arbitrary than they are now. Wages were much lower, and varied from p1anta-

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 195 tion to plantation. Today, this situation has been considerably altered as the negotiating power of the Barbados Workers' Union has increased, and wages on both task and day Jobs are more or less standardized--though subject to periodic renegotiations. Over the past decade plantation workers have received steady wage increases as a result 'of conditions stipulated in the Domestic Sugar Agreement. This agreement embodies the results of discussions between the Workers' Union and the Sugar Producers' Association on wages and general employment conditions. Among other things, the Domestic Sugar Agreement provides for a production bonus on wages earned during the crop season (see below), and an increase in basic wages, commensurate with the increase in the wage index of the Comm'onweal th Sugar Agreement (see Chapter II), for plantation laborersand those engaged in allied industries. For instance, plantation laborers received, in 1956, a per cent increase on their wages; in 1957 there was an increase of about per cent on 1956 wages; in 1959 an increase of 6 per cent on 1957 wages; in 1960 there was a further rise of about 10 per cent over the previous year's earnings, and once again, in 1962, there was a wage increase of 10 per cent on task work rates and a 20 per cent increase on' day work rates. In 1961, daily wage rates were $3.00 for Class A males, $2.72 for Class B males, $2.08 for Class A females, and $1.92 for Class B females Task rates for

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 196 jobs that these groups perform during the year are indicated in Table 23 and need not be dwelt upon here. Aside from wage increases, two additional benefits have helped to boost plantation workers' earnings. These are the production bonus and the Holiday with Pay. Since these two payments are so important to plantation laborers' earnings I shall indicate briefly what they vo1ve. Holiday With Pay The Holidays With Pay Act is a national law, having been enacted in 1951. It is one of,the features of the liberal social legislation which been passed over, the years as popularly supported poiitical partie's have' in-' creased their control in the island's legislative assembly. The Act provides for a two week'paid vacation for those plantation workers who completed 150 days of work with the same employer during a twelve month period. The amount of money received by each worker is roughly four per cent of his previous earnings--excluding the' production bonus (Barbados Annual Report 1956 and 1957:16). Although an employer can determine the date at which the holiday begins, plantations usually payout money for the f1nal two weeks in December. At th1s time, as I said, there are few work demands, and if work remains to be done, e.g., fertil1zat1on of fields, 1t can be accomplished during January before the harvest begins.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 197 On Chalky Mount plantations virtually every worker, whether he worked than the amount prescribed by law or whether he worked for other plantations during the year, x:ece1ved h1s ho11day with pay (Tables 21 and 22)., Although a number of workers were not legally eligible, the plantations, trying to encourage workers--espe,cially the more skilled and reliable ones--to remain with them so as to insure their labor, supply, offered the money anyway_ And this reflects a wherein the supply of w9rkers does not, seem ,adequately to fit the demand--contrary to common suppositions about plantation employment conditions in Barbados. We will have more to say about this below. At any rate, the receipt of the Holiday w1th Pay before Christmas, and ata time when weekly wages are at their absolute minimum--fewerpeople are working and those who are employed receive, on the average, about 4 or 3 days of work per week-'-provides a bit of badly needed cash to a number of households. At this time, Friendly SOCieties (Chapter II) are also paying their "bonus"; preference money" is paid' to peasants by the sugar factories (Chap-' ter III), and these sources of cash added to the Holiday with Pay increase the buy1ngpower of many of the ,laboring class' during'the Christmas season. One can eas11y notice the effects of this in the as begin to purchase small gifts for children, houses are fixed up, and other consumption needs are met.'

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 198 Product1on Bonus The sugar product1on bonus 1s incorporated 1nto the Domestic Sugar Agreement of and is per1-odic renegot1ation between the Barbados WQ,rkers I. Union and' the Sugar of which are' '. governmental a:genc1es." The bonus is not wr1ttert into law,asisthe Holiday but 1s, in : effect, an agreement between two private part1es who re-present two different interests. The bonus is based on the Total earnings by all such plantation workers em-ployed from the beginning of the week in which the crop normally commences on such plantations during the calendar year until the end of the week in wh1ch the crop on such plantations ends (and) shall be paid to all such plantation workers in the Sugar Industry on or before the 30th of Sep tember in respect of their employment on all crops which are in excess of the negot1ated price' quota of 131,906 long tons (Barbados Workersl Union and Barbados Sugar Producers l Assoc1ation, 1962 crop wage rate agreement, parentheses mine). That is, the production bonus is based upon the amount of money earned during the crop in relation to the islandls total sugar production. Workers receive a 2-1/2 per cent bonus on.their crop earnings when island production ,reaches 131,906 tons of sugar. For each 5,000 tons in excess of th1s amount an add1t1ona1 1-1/2 per cent 1s added. The importance of the production bonus to a plantation workerls total earnings may be seen by referring to Table ,21. In 1961 ,for instance, the bonus was 10 per cent of the worker'.s crop wages, averaging close to $27 for all

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 199 workers and $40 fQr Class A males.6 It i.s .1mpo.rtant to n9te that none of Ch$lky 'j: .. s laborers belong to the Barbados Workers'. Union: (see be-l?w), and the owners of the plantations ,for which : '. '. most of these laborers work do not belbng to the 'Suga'r the latter. comply with the terms of'. the'production bonus agreement and thefornier benefit by them. Also, even those workers who started the crop on one plantation but finished oli another received a production bonus from each of the plantations for which they worked. All Chalky Mount male laborers (except Class B men and three Class A men who were out of the country during the 1961 crop) received a production bonus .. All females (farmers included--though, of course, they were not engaged in reaping the crop) also received a production bonus regardless of the plantation and amount of days they worked for it. In general, owners and managers are clearly ready to offer additional inducements to workers to continue working for their plantations, and they do this by not adhering to the conditions of either the Holiday with Pay Act or the production bonus agreement--interpreting both in what would seem to be a fairly liberal 6For the years 1951 to 1960, inclusive, the production bonus was 19,13.11.5 15.11-7.12.84,, and 8.5 per cent of crop time earnings. ,.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 200 manner. The liberal interpretation of these additional payments is probably calculated to encourage a dependable supply of labor. It be pointed out also that most laborers, not fully understanding the technicalities of the Domestic Sugar Agreement or the Holiday with Pay Act, expect and feel that they are legally entitled to both payments whether ther have fulfilled all the conditions or not. Both the bonus and the Holiday with Pay are important to a worker's total earnings; yet, they are based upon the worker's capacity to earn money the year. And this earning capacity is not only contingent upon'the amount of days in which employment is available, but also upon the physical ability of the worker, and the type of work done and/or the work class to which the worker belongs. Hence, there are differences in workers' earning capacities which make it difficult to discuss wages meaningfully in blanket In other words, it can be misleading, if not erroneous 'in many cases, simply to discuss earnings and employment by over-generalizing on plantation laborers as a single occupational category. We can now attempt to bring this problem into clearer focus by reference to the data from Chalky Mount. Earnings and Days Worked The 1961 earnings and days worked of the various classes of workers (excluding children) are indicated in

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 201 Tabies 21 and 22. Table 21 deals with laborers who found regular employment dur1ng both seasons, and who worked for 120 c;iays or more. By isolat1ng this group of workers we can arrive at a more realist.ic appraisal of earning. capacities and employment than if all worl(,rs were to be grouped together into a single table. 22 provides information on workers who worked less than 120 days.7 Most ofChalky Mountls plantation workers worked at least 120 days during 196'1. Of these fifty laborers (Table 21) thirty were females--of both c1asses--who worked an average of 172 days during the year Although Class A females received an.average of 116 days of work, both classes together still worked about twenty-two days more thanthe men. In comparing the working days of Class A males and females, received about seven days mOre of work. During the crop. however, Class A males found slightly more employment than" females. but the figures upon which. this statement is based include truck crew members who normally work. a longer week than either 7Tab1e 22 supplements Table 21, but its figures are not strictly comparable with Table 21. As well as including.a handful of persons who worked for both seasons, Table 22 mostly comprises persons who largely worked during one season, e.g., females in the latter stages of pregnancy, males in the United States on contract farm labor programs, males who supplemented regular plantation contingents dur1ng the crop season only. For this reason the total days worked and total earnings should be accepted with caution if one wi8hesto compare Table 21 with Table 22.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 202 headers or cutters. In all, Chalky Mount females are employed in larger numbers (Tables 21 and 22) than males" and, over the more employment. It would seem that this results from the fact that tasks females .perform have been least affected by mechanization (i.e., mechanized cultivation has reduced Class A male employment on a major out-of-crop. task), and jobs such as weeding and fertilizing which. could be performed by males--especially Class B just as adequately be by females at less cost to the plantations (see Table 23). Al though they worked fewer days over the year,' males averaged much higher wages. Excluding the two cases of Class B males (Table 21), Class A males per annum including the production bonus and Holiday with Pay. Class A and B females earned $503 and $346, respectively. The contrast in earnings, however, is most dramatic during the crop when A males averaged about $156 more than A females. During the out-of-crop the gap between their earnings was about $60. McKenzie, in his comprehensive survey of Barbados' sugar industry, states that the n field workers earn'the major part -of their yearly earnings out of crop and this proportion does not carry the increase due from the pro-

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 203 duction bonus" (1958:27).8 Taking the total average of all classes of workers who 120' days or more (Table 21) it is evident that about 50 per cent of their total wages were earned during the crop season. Yet, this per-I centage figure includes both sexes ot Class B workers., whose services are less in demand during the crop. However male and female A workers'combined averaged about 57 per cent of their total earnings during the crop. Assuming that McKenzie's data do not include workers who only worked sporadically duringoneseason, the Chalky Mount data (even if all classes and sexes are included) although admittedly based on a limited sample, are suggestive ot a trend towards greater dependency upon crop earnings-espeeially for those classes of workers who are actually engaged in the reaping of the crop. It is nothing new to'say that a worker can make proportionately more money during the crop than out-ofcrop on a daily or even weekly basis; however, it is ot some .interest to note that, with the mechanization ot cultivating activities--which have reduced the demand for Class A male work during the out-ot-crop--the A worker 8His tigures for to. 1957, inclusive, show that 61, 62, 62 and 55 per cent ot earnings, excluding the production bonus, were earned during the out-ot-crop season.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 204 will have to depend more upon his crop earnings than he did in former times. And it automatic loaders were to be introduced this could drastically affect an already precarious earning situation not only among .Class A males (e.g., truck crews), but Class A female headers as well. Class A males earned 60 per cent of their total wages during the crop, but only worked per cent of their total days during this period; yet, that the crop season comprises, at best, about-30 per cent of the year's work weeks, they find proportionately a higher rate of employaent during the .crop than in hard times and earn commensurately higher wages. But even then there are differences in earning capacities which depend upon the kind of work one does. Some indication of this is presented in Table 24 which $hows the weekly average.of 1961 and 1962 eamings for"the four major i during the crop season. -Truck dr1 vera, who are excluded from Tables 21 and 22, are here to give an idea of how much greater their earning potential is in comparison to that of other laborers. The hierarchy of earnings during crop is truck driver, cane cutter, and truck crew member. Headers (some of whom are males as well), make the least. Within the three lower pOSitions, there can be an overlap, so that some slower cutters average about the same as some truck crew members. Faster cutters average more money than the

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 205 highest paid truck crew members, and it is largely for this reason that the faster cutters, even if they are comin age and physical ability to some truck workers, "prefe"r to" cut cane. Also headers may average more than truck crew members those headers who work behind faster cutters. In general, then, Tables 21 and "22 clearly show how wages, earning capacities and work opportunities vary according to the sex and work class of the worker and the season of the year. Wage l'loates (Table 2;), however, are largely the result of the influence of the Barbados Workers' "Union upon the 1s land I s plantation system. THE UNION The Barbados Workers' Union--the primary bargaining agent for the islandls workers--has had an active role in bringing about the wage increases and improved working conditions which have characterized the sugar industry over ", the past ten or fifteen years. Yet, the Union has no members among Chalky Mountls plantation laborers nor among : \ the laborers from other villages who work for the plantations being considered in this paper.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .... 206' 'During the 1958 crop when there was widespread labor unrest in Barbados9 there was a wildcat strike on one of these plantations which eventually led t'o forty or fifty workers joining the Union. After a year or so of retaining their membership--albe'i t with laxity in dues pay-ment--interest waned, and at the time of fieldwork no one even claimed membership. Nevertheless, the collective 'bargaining power of the Union provides benefits even to those who are not its members for although the owners of the plantations for which most Chalky Mount work do not themselves belong to the Sugar Producers' ASSociation, they tend voluntarily to comply with whatever settlements are reached between the Union and the Associa-tion. It has been that their compliance with these agreements results from their need to maintain a consistent and reliable labor supply and that employers do not share the belief that this heavily populated island has an excess of cane laborers. 9 The Annual Report, after stating that fI prolonged unofficial stoppages of work in the sugar industry marred the reaping season," goes on to suggest that these stoppages resulted from workers' and/or union complaints about 1958 crop wages. A Board ot Enquiry was set up and among its recommendations was that a 1t ful1 enquiry should be made into the sugar (1958 and 1959:23). This materialized when A.F.McKenzie, then Agricultural Advisor to the West Indies Federation, made his investigations. The report (McKenzie 1958) which resulted from these investigations has been often quoted in the preceding pages.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 207 LABOR SHORTAGES At the beginning of the 1962 crop the Barbados Advocate reported that Barbados 1sexperienc1ng a shortage of cane cutters. It is be.1ieved that it is caused by the migration of large numbers of Barbadians, and the implementat.1on of the Government's crash which has attracted some of the cane cutters (February 8. 1962).10 An editorial about five weeks later reiterated that cane cutters were not in oversupply (March 12,. 1962}.. But, a .. few days later the Adyocate reported that it appears that there is no real shortage of cane cutters in the island but merely shortage of hours caused by the four-and-a-half day. week. Mr. Frank Walcott, general secretary of the Union said yesterday: 'I do not know anything about a I shortage of cane cutters. No one to me that there was one I (March 16, 1962).11 laThe crash programme refers to a governmental effort to provide emergency jobs for some 1200 men on various public works projects. At the time of the above article 1000 were thus employed. 1 During 1962 crop there was a negotiated agreement between the Workersl Union and the Sugar Producers 1 Association to limit cane cutting to a four and a half day week.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 208 And yet, three days later, the Advocate, under the banner "SHORTAGE OF CANE CUTTERS?" stated the following: The Barbados Sugar Producers' Federation is trying to find out whether there is at present a shortage of cane cutters in the island's main industry. They are investigating a report from certain sugar factories that production is slowed down because of a shortage of cane cutters in the area. Other factories, however, report that they,have an adequate supply of canes during the days of operation despite shortened working hours. As to whether there really is a shortage of cane cutters, or whether the inadequate cane supply to factories is due to the shortage of working hours, an official of the Sugar Producers' Federation said yesterday: 'We are now going into the matter" (March 19, 1962). In all, it is difficult to ascertain whether or 'not there was a genuine shortage of plantation labor during the 1962 crop. Howeyer, old time managers and officials of Sugar Producers' Association confess that in recent times it i,s more difficult to be assured of having enough cane cutte,rs to, reap' the crop. Among the more common reasons given for this are the recent large scale emigrations to England, and more governmental jobs for unskilled workers. There is also an increasing tendency, as was pointed out in Chapter III, for younger persons to be less willing to engage in certain kinds of plantation work. This does not apply only to young people with secondary school educations, but also to,

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 209 literate youths with less education.12 On Chalky Mount physically able young men, for instance, largely disdain such out-of-crop work as cane hole digging. They have similar attitudes towards cane cutting and prefer the less traditional and less monotonous truck work. During the out-ot-crop, though plantation employment might be to them, they will refuse it giving such reasons as their looking for other employment, their waiting to emigrate, or frankly stating that they prefer waiting until the crop when more money can be made in jobs they prefer. In short, it appears that there has been a change in work values which is reflected, as one manager put it, in the unwillingness of many to "work with the hoe. II Although no plantation manager in the Chalky Mount area complained of a labor shortage, they all admitted that they could use more cutters--and in some cases headers as well. It is not-uncommon to find that planters in certain locales have to rely upon labor from other plantations during the closing days of the crop. That is, some plantations augment their regular cutters 12 That this has been going on for 'several decades is. attested to by Starkey's observations in the mid 1930' s tha.t "the availabil1.ty of education has been both an advantage and a disadvantage to the islandls economic system many of the laboring classes have become dissatisfied.with field labor and, at times, there has been a shortage of field laborers and a considerable surplus of clerks and artisans" (1939:197).

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 210 and headers with workers (i.e., persons from other.than the ones from which their regular laborers come) in order to finish reaping their fields before the factories close for the season.l3 It is difficult to say 'if the overall situation can be accurately described as a labor shortage; but managers often claim that labor is not in over-abundance intimating that at times, especially during the crop--but occasionally during the out-of-crop as we11--they could add more workers to their field and truck crews. It would merit further investigation to ascertain whether .this attitude reflects a genuine scarcity of labor at certain times or l3At Ithis time "poor man's lorries" (Chapter III) play another'"ro1e. By the closing days of the crop most peasant cane has already been cut thereby leaving these trucks with more of a need for work. There are usually plantations, however, which.have not yet completed cutting their fields as well as other plantations whose fields have been cut. Workers on thes.e latter plantations are left without, or with little, work while those plantations still cutting want additional workers to help finish off their remaining acreage. A driver of a "poor man's lorry" is usually in a good position to know which plantations want workers and which ones have workers to spare. He agrees to supply workers to plantations in want of them on the condition that the cane cut by these workers will be transported in his truck. The driver then puts out a call for workers on those plantations which have ceased their In the morning he transports these volunteers to the new plantation, which might be quite distant, and is responsible for bringing them back to their village in the evening. During the day he hauls the cane they cut and the laborers are paid by the new plantation. This type of work' seldom lasts for more than a week or two, and may involve a day or two on one plantation, a day or two on another and so on.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .211 s1mp1y an. occas1ona1 d1ff1Qu1ty 1n acqu1r1ng 1abo:t;', a d1ff1cu1ty wh1ch 1s exaggerated by assumpt10ns trad1t1onal to p1antat1on operat1ons, e.g., that labor be "p1ent1fu1 and cheaptl (Wolf and M1ntz, 1957: 400) SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS In this chapter I have been concerned with the plantation as a land exp1oit1ng unit which plays a major role in the village's economic 11fe. I was thus concerned with the ways in which Chalky Mount's laborers derive wages from the p1antat1ons for wh1ch they work. Consequently, emphasis was placed upon the. plantations' labor force rather than upon other aspects of plantation organization. The discussion centered upon the roles of the workers within the context of the var10us work classes, the assocat1on of tasks the annual production cycle, and the organization of work activ1ties. Wages and earning capacities were then related to the various roles and the seasona1 differences in tas.k performance. It was seen that the plantations for which most Chalky Mount laborers work are re1at1vely small Interms of the1r cultivated acreages, labor forces, and the1r lack of factories. Mechan1zation is l1mited to certain aspects of fie1d cu1t1vat1on and to the transportat1on of cane. Also the plantations I .hierarchical organ1zations and major role complexes are re1at1ve1y s1mp1e. The

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 212 plantations are .. not owned by large foreign based corporations, but -by Negro and colored Barbadians formed into simple partnerships or as individual proprietors. These owners are resident 1n Belleplaine and recently the plantat1ons. Tbeystill reta1n, in spite of affluence, many patterns and values ,which reflect their lower or middle-class origins. Managers are also Negro and colored Barbadians of middle-class status They depend upon p1antat1on lands to pasture the1r own livestock and to ra1se food crops which they sell in the Barbados market. Both livestock and food crops are important sources of income which supplement the relatively modest salar1es they earn. Although there are well-pronounced status d1fferences between owners and. managers on the one hand laborers on the other, there are numerous cultural similarities and all operate 1n terms of many shared values and an awareness of what each may legitimately expect or demand of the other. Managers know the working habits of each of their laborers and quite often are aware of their personal histories, family tles,-and know all of them on a first-name--or usually a nickname--basis. The status differences are real, but there is a proximity of l1ving and common l1fe experiences wh1ch affect the organizat1on and the working of the plantat10ns 1n spec1al ways. Although the plantations are fundamentally profit-seek1ng enterprises geared ,to the production of a monocrop for a large-scale external market,

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 213 there is nonetheless a personal quality of relationships which enter into their every day operations, and this presents a different atmosphere from the large field-andfactory comb1nesdescribed for other parts of the Caribbean. In a number of respects, then, the plantations for which most Chalky Mount laborers work have some of the characteristics of Wolf's "old style. plantation" (1959) or even of th& (Wolf and Mintz 1957). One does not find, in the Chalky Mount area, a situation wherein there is a great deal ot' competition for few jobs. Even ifthia were the case, there are a number ot controls in the form of standardized wage rates, a national labor government, an influential union, etc., which would prevent the lowering of the price of labor that one might expect to result from competitive situations of this kind. Chalky Mount plantations do not operate with a large and constant oversupply of labor. Although local villages provide sufficient labor tor the maintenance of plantation operations, there is ordinarily very little dependency upon 1I0utside" laborers, there is some seasonalunderemploymente Yet labor is not as expendable as it might appear-especially male labor on the more skilled field jobs--and this, along with various personal elements and shared values in the manager-worker relationship, sometimes affects employment and wage conditions. I spoke before of the extension of the Holiday with 'Pay and production bonus to workers who otherwise might not be entitled to these

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 214 payments, the latitude of choice allowed workers in the formation of cutting gangs and units and transport crews, and the equitable distribution of cutting crews over "lightU fields. At some personal inconvenie,nce, managers also make wage payments to tardy workers outside of the pay hours, will release workers to go to funerals and might even send presents to favored workers who marry. Conflicts are infrequent and firings are rare. Two cases of firings were reported during 1961 and 1962, and in both instances these resulted from altercations between workers, and the managers thought it best to remove the "trouble makers.1t But these workers had no,d1fficulty in finding jobs on othe'r plantations. Today, the loss of job need not pose a "serious problem of biological survivalll (Wolf and Mintz 1957:400). Not only is work usually availa-,ble on other plantations, but workers can often fall 'back on other sources of income. Ido not mean to underestimate the limited alternatives available to workers, but nonetheless there are alternatives. During crop no one need be without work, and in hard times cash resources are limited, the presence of other cash earning opportunities--albeit limited number--still make it difficult to conSider the problem in terms of biological survival especially when one takes into consideration the total economic resources of hous,eholds In fact, plantation managers, rather than paring their labor crews to a minimal core, of workers during the

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 215 latter phases of' "hard times,1I generally try to provide work f'or all or most of' their regular workers so that even though people will generally work about' two or three days, work is nonetheless available. The sugar production bonus is' paid during the early and the Holiday with Pay also injects modest sums of' cash into households during the ter phases of' the out-of-crop. Similarly, during this time sugar f'actories are making terminal payments to small cane farmers on the cane that was sent during :the previous crop, and this adds cash to the village's households and provides money for small f'armers to hire workers on their small holdings. People can revert to other cash producing activities as well. Regular plantation workers have some notion of' their occupational unity and commonality of' interests, but within the village this does not promote special bonds of solidarityamong them Mintz 1956, Jayawardena 1963). In Chalky Mount plantation workers do not f'orm a distinctive subcultural unit nor do they feel that the problems they have, economic or otherwise, are unique to themselves as plantation workers. The consciousness of' kind they possess ,is that of' "poor people," and as align themselves with most others in-the village regardless of' occupational pursuits. This sentiment is further promoted by the f'requent overlapping of' cash-oriented activities which individuals pursue, and the economic activities, or

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. sources of' income. which most households have (see Tables 7 8). 216 Evert, though only 54 per cent of' Chalky Mount's households regular plantation workers, f'ew of' these households are totally dependent upon the plantations as a source of' cash. Dependency varies" although for some the plantation forms the single largest source of cash income; but most households have other means of support ... as well. Th1s st1ll does not m1n1m1ze the importance ,of the plantat10ns 1n the community's total economic l1f'e, but the existence of other outlets and the overlap among these in terms of households and 1ndiv1duals seems to work against the emergenc, of a d1stinctive way of life f'or the regular plantation laboring segment. It may be true that the plan-,tations have had an overwhelming influence on the development of the, rural lower class sub-culture of Barbados, but this influence cannot be isolated to plantation workers as a single occupational category. At any rate, plantation wage labor is still a primary source of the village', s internal revenue, and over the year the plantations provide the Single greatest block of job opportunities for Chalky Mountls wage earners. Sugar farming activities, then, in the form of plantation wage labor and small-scale 'farming dominate the land-based economic complexes of' Chalky Mount, and are crucial components of' the village's system. But, as was pOinted out bef'ore, they do not constitute the totality of' land

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 217 adaptations in the village. The other land-based complexes, to which we now turn, include the cultivation of minor cash and subsistence crops,' the raising of livestock, and the making of pottery.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER V MINOR LAND-BASED ECONOMIC COMPLEXES INTRODUCTION In this chapter the minor land-ba.sed economic complexes of arrowroot production, subsistence crop cultivation, livestock raising, and pottery are reviewed. These are considered as minor with reference to the two types of sugar farming activities described in the preceeding chapters. Less space is devoted to these complexes not only of their secondary importance in the village's total economic life, but also because there is topical overlapping between matters raised here and previously, e.g., the nature of land holdings, working relationships, labor shortages, geography, etc. Patterns which duplicate those already discussed are simply crossreferenced to previous chapters, and I will concentrate upon those exploitative activities and the economic patterns related to these which are unique to the complexes under consideration. Arrowroot is of limited significance now but was of primary importance up to the years immediately following the Second World War. Subsistence crops are never concentrated upon by small farmers, and about thirty per cent of them grow none at all. Livestock can be important in terms 218

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 219 of cash value, but in all cases the cash derived fromthem constitutes a relatively minor source of income. Although pottery ,is a ma,jor source of income to a few households J the industry as a whole ,involves a minority, of the villagels adult population and households. ARROWROOT Introduction Aside from sugar cane, arrowroot is the only other crop grown by small farmers which can properly be called a cash crop. However, its role in Chalky Mountls current economic' life 1s ,so limited that it would hardly be worth discussion had this minor role not been ,assumed recently. Although arrowroot was never a plantation crop it was the major cash crop of Cbalky Mountls small farmers (including those who rented plantation lands) up to and during tne Second World War. Every older informant is emphatiC in saying that virtually everyone who had a piece of land planted that land in arrowroot, one could rarely see cane being grown by small farmers in the "Old days." The exact acreage devoted to arrowroot during its period of primacy, however,. is more difficult to ascertain. In the following paragraphs a few skeletal' historical remarks are: offered in order to understand better the conditions under which arrowroot came to'be supplanted by cane as the dominant productive focus of the small farmers.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 220 History Arrowroot 'has been grown in Barbados since at least the early part of the 19th century, but it has always played a minor role in the island's economy. Traditionally, the crop seems to have been localized within a handful of villages in the Scotland District, and was nevergrown by plantations. It appears initially to have been one of the major cash crops of the area's poor whites, and later, asNegroes began to acquire land, they began to grow it as well (see Chapter III). However, it is the more recent history of the crop that concerns us here. During the 1930's, Chalky Mount growers became concerned over the prices they were receiving for arrowroot starch. Starch imported from the neighboring island of St._ Vincent was of a better quality than produced locally and was being sold at prices with which Chalky Mount growers could not compete. In 1935 a group of growers--led by a local shopkeeper--petitioned the governor and requested that "a tariff be imposed on imported starches so as to protect the local industry" (Barbados Department of Science and Agriculture, File 20, May 18, 1935). In response to this petition, the governor instituted an inquiry into arrowroot production in Barbados. This inquiry took the form of a survey which tried to

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 221 ascertain, among other things, the extent of production and the area's in which arrowroot growing was of significance. The brief reportl which grew out of this inquiry offers the first statistical evidence on arrowroot production in the 'island during the 20th ,century. Arrowroot was found to be growing in only siX or seven villages--all ,located within the parishes of St. Andrew and St. Joseph. There were about 114 ,growers who produced the crop on a,bout 62-1/1+ aeres of land--or, on the average--about 1.8 acres per grower. The report, however, indicates that of the 111+ growers, 1+5 (about 39 per cent) were in Chalky Mount, and about 1+5 acres (or 72 per cent) of the total arrowroot acreage was likewise held by the villagers. Chalky Mount was clearly the major arrowroot growing village on the island. There is not a small cane farmer of today, if he or she was operating land some 30 years ago, who did not grow arrowroot. And all are agreed, as I said, that it was arrowroot--and not sugar cane--which dominated the productive activities on small farmer holdings. Today, however, only ten farmers grow the plarit, and the total involved is about three acres. Sugar cane supplanted arrowroot within less than a decade after the Second World War. There are two pri-IThe report, dated May 31, 1935, can be found in File No. 20 of the Department of SCience and Agriculture IS archives.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 222 mary reasons for this shift in crop emphasis: One, increased competition from St. Vincent which made it difficultto market locally produced starch at an adequate profit;2 and two, the higher and guaranteed prices and the better marketing facilities for suga.r cane which effectively filled the gap in the depleted arrowroot market. Aside from purely economic inducements, the fact that the cane grower has simply to reap his crop .and sell it, while the arrowroot grower must also process his own root into starch, helped precipitate the shift towards cane. In spite of the difficulties involved in reaping the 'slIgar crop the processing of arrowroot into starch is generally 2In order to compete effectively with St. Vincent's starch, the Chalky Mount Arrowroot Growers' Association was formed in 1936. The association was comprised of most of Chalky Mount's arrowroot growers and a handful of governmental personnel acting as private individuals. The Association, though not a governmental agency, was able to finance the construction of a small factory with a governmental loan. Most of the growers on the sold their root to the factory to be processed into starch. This starch was then sold at wholesale prices to retailers in town. The factory and the "cooperativell venture which operated it failed within. a few years of its 1nception. One of the reasons for this was that growers found that they could make more money by reverting to their own root and retailing the starch themselves. The factory, receiving less root,was unable to manufacture starch in quantities sufficient to keep the price competitive. By the end of 1914-1 the factory, after only four years of operation, was abandoned, its-parts removed elsewhere, and today only the ruins of its foundation can be seen in the village. The story of the Chalky Mount Arrowroot Growers' Association forms an interesting and highly relevant chapter in the village's economic history and provides much pertinent information on the formation of cooperatives in the village; yet a detailed exposition of this episode would be superfluous here.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 223 considered to be extremely arduous procedure and this, as we shall see below, is primarily because of the. limited technological facilities available for its processing-technological limitations which were largely overcome by. the arrowroot factory (see note 2). At any rate, and for whatever reasons, today is of minimal economic importance. There is every reason to suspect that, at the time of this writing even fewer people aregrow1ng it than in 1962. For in 1962 some of the told me that it would be the last year in which they would be planting the root. Also a few of' those who had the root plantedin 1962 did not even bother to reap it, figuring that the labor costs involved in both reaping and processing the starch hardly made their effort economically worthwhile. Although arrowroot has always been a cash crop, part of the starch produced from it was used for household consumption. Formerly, the was consumed as a food, primar1ly in a porr1dge given to infants, and as a clothing starch--the latter use being the one most prevalent today. Starching clothes, wbether these .be every day ones or holiday ones, is considered to be just as important as washing and ironing them so that the consump tio.n of starch--whether 1 t is bought packaged in town or produced at home--does not seem to have decreased significantly over the years. At any rate, those persons who

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 224 grow the root today about half of the starch they produce for household consumption. Yet no one the crop solely for household use. Production Only one crop of arrowroot is produced each year. The plant is an exceptionally hardy one requiring little attention As the leaves begin to dry and .. turn brown the root is ready for reaping This usually takes. place anytime during the months. of the sugar cane harvest. Farmers, however, will first reap their cane before turning their attention to arrowroot. One reason for this is that hired help is generally needed to aid in reaping and starch processing. Hence, the grower must wait until he has the money from his cane sales to pay his.helpers. As was pointed out in Chapter III, it is only in cane reaping, with the money from sugar sales being imminent, that employers contract for labor without having cash on hand. But in other areas, e.g., pottery, out-of-crop sugar cane work, and arrowroot, hired help is usually contracted with only when money to pay this help is already available. Usually a group of four or five men (which might include the grower as well--if he is a male) reap the crop. Since reaping usually starts in early morning--and the acreages involved are so limited--the crop is ready to be processed by late afternoon or early evening. In former

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 225 days, the initial phase of extracting starch from arrowroot was accomplished by pounding the plant in a wooden mortar-which was usually a hollowed-out log--with a large wooden pestle. By the early part of this ,century the "machine,1I as it is locally called', was introduced. This "machine II is nothing more than a wooden carriage which supports a small, deep, trough underneath and a large rotary grater above-. 'The has a crank handle on either Side, and as the root is pushed against it, the grater is kept moving through the manual efforts of a pair of one turning each crank handle. The minimal unit needed for grinding is four men who are usually the same paid helpers who reaped the crop during the day. One of these men is responsible for feeding the root against the grater. Another man supplies the first with root as the load in the machine diminishes. The other two men keep the grater moving. This latter job is considered the most arduous, and can be an extremely fatiguing one since every effort is made to keep the grater continuously rotating. It is unusual for one man to be on a handle for more than 15 continuous minutes, and it is customary for men to change their positions as work pro-: gresses. A passing friend or a fifth non-paid member of the crew might also take a few minutes on one of the handles and thereby afford a momentary rest for one of the men.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 226 By 10 in the evening people s t oJ) grind:1ng for the day. What now remains is a large mass of pulp which has fallen into the trough below the grater. The starch will be extracted from this pulp. The next day the pulp is washed by remales.3 These might include non-paid members of the grower's household, but usually at one or two are paid non-household members. Cotton cloth, which serves as a sieve, is pulled over large wooden barrels, and the pulp is squeezed and washed so that the water laden starch drops into the barrel--the sieve retaining the pulp which is later thrown. away or fed to the pigs. After the starch has settled at the bottom of the barrel the water is poured out and the rung dry by twisting it in a dry cloth. The damp starch is then laid out in the sun--on white sheets--until it is completely dry at which point it is ready for storage and/or selling. Distribution Most of the starch which is sold is sold directly by the grower to the consumer--the latter usually coming 30ne of the greatest difficuities encountered in processing the root into starch stems rom the need for relatively large quantities of water. In.fact, many in-formants say (though this is a secondary reason), that they stopped growing arrowroot because of the work involved in processing it. In former days, when water was available from springs in ravine bottoms, processing used to take place in these areas. Today, however, water must be headed by the bucketful from the standpipes to the growers' homes.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 227 to the former's house. In the days when much more starch was distributed the usual-procedure was that female household members would hawk it through the countryside or in town; or, it was sold to hawkers who came directly to the grower's house. The procedure is essentially the same as that involved in the distribution of pottery below). Today only one of the arrowroot growers se-lls his starch to a hawker, and the rest usually wait for customers to come to their houses and make direct purchases. What is not sold is-retained for household use, but, as was mentioned, -at least half of the crop is retained for household use anyway. Since all of today's arrowroot growers are small cane farmers as well no one is overly concerned about the sales potential of his arrowroot, and its commercial aspect is clearly a secondary one remain1ng as a survival--albeit a decreaSing one--of a formerly important ecological s1tuation. Conclusions The transition from arrowroot to cane does not seem to have been accompanied by any significant alterations in the village's socio-economic patterns. To be -sure, changes have occured which stem directly from the nature of the production and marketing system of sugar itself, e.g., negotiations with truck hawkers, choice of factory, application-of chemical fertilizers, etc. (see Chapter III). Yet, concentration upon -arrowroot did not_

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 228 have cultural implications of such an order that Chalky Mount cotlld be differentiated from other villages in the Scotland District. Although sugar cane and arrowroot are different crops. neither the attention they require nor the .overall patterns involved in their'production are so different from one another. Certain lands were planted in arrowroot because their.distances from roads did not make them amenable to sugar production, but patterns of land ownership and transmission have not altered significantly. The old methods of hawking are still retained in pottery--albeit in a modified hawking itself was not solely a response to the particular distribution needs of arrowroot, but an outgrowth of distributive patterns already existing in the days of slavery. The transition from arrowroot to cane, then, was a smooth one, and the villagers, having always lived and worked in the midst of sugar cane production, did not have to learn new techniques. The old patterns surrounding arrowroot were easily modified to adapt to the new demands of cane--new demands only in the sense that farmers were now concentrating solely upon cane rather than growing it as a cash crop--as some of them did--of secondary importance to arrowroot. The socio-economic implications of the crop shift might have been more profound had the villagers never been accustomed to growing cr.ops on their own land or had they never had any experience with sugar. But the opposite is true. Although the transition was a facile one

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 229 it nevertheless threw the small farmer much more into the nexus of the national sugar economy, but without creating any fundamentally new patterns within his life--fundamentally new, that is, with. respect to those elements;wh1ch do stemfrom small scale sugar cane farming itse'lf. .. SUBSISTENCE CROPS Crop Types and Production None of Chalky Mount's small farmers grow subsistence food crops only. But about 70 percent of them grow at least one type of food crop, the remainder concentrating .exclusively on cane. The raising of subsistence crops is a minor orientation of the Chalky Mount small farmer. Only one person in the village grows vegetables primarily (e.g., cucumbers, cabbage, tomatoes, carrots) for the market rather than for household subsistence requirements. Primary concentration is upon those root crops which are .relatively hardy in Scotland District soils and climat:l:c conditions, and whosebulk make them desirable food items. Most of these crops are boiled and mashed into a porridge of one kind or another over which a meat or fish sauce is often poured for extra flavoring. In order of their popularity the crops most .. quently grown are: sweet cassava, sweet potatoes, yams, pigeon peas (whose bushes border the cane fields), bitter or "poison" cassava, and b.ananas (Table 25). Less

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 230 frequently, one finds such things as eddoes, okras, corn and sometimes such luxury crops as watermelon and sorrel (out of which a favored Christmas drink is made). On occa-sion one can also find a food bearing tree or two, e.g., cocanut, mango, and breadfruit. About 16. per cent of the food growers raise one to two crops, 50 per cent raise three to four crops, the remainder growing five or more (Tab'le Although once in a while surplus yields may be .. sold, the bulk of a grower's produce is consumed by his, 'sndsometimes a kinship-related, household. .' '. The usual method of planting food crops is to '. intersperse them between rows of cane. Planting usually occurs'within the summer months (the early part of the rainy season), and most of the crops can be reaped within three to five months. By the time food crops are ready to be reaped the cane is al.ready growing, and they are mature at a stage of the canels growth so that they do not interfere with the cane itself. Cane is the important as the food crops are removed, the cane, as one put it, l1has de leisure to grow. II Hired labor is. rarely employed for the planting and tending of subsistence crops, and since these are grown on cane parcels the problems of cultivation and the nature of land holdings are those discussed in Chapter III.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 231 The Extent of Subsistence Crop'Production Because subsistence crops are intermingled with cane it was diff1cuit to obtain f1gures on the acreage devoted to these Estimates given by small farmers are usually vague and at best are expressed in terms of the number of cane. holes which have food grown in the rows adjacent to them. Thus, I was unable to obtain reasonable estimates on a sufficient the extent of land devoted to the growing of food. It was equally difficult to get an idea. of yields per land unit various types C?f crops. Yet, informants confirm observations that food crops are neglected and that a minority of arable land is devoted .to their production. Even if a small farmer were to plant all of his acreage in these crops they, at 'best, could offer not more than a minor supplement to his household's subsistence needs--if for no other reason than the' acreages involved are so limited. But there are factors which inhibit the expansion of food production. Some of these are: the short growing season which is confined to the rainy season and therefore limits food to one crop per year; soil conditions in the Chalky Mount area which are not always favorable even for,the growth of those root crops upon which most of the people concentrate their efforts; and, above all, the enormous Even under the l1miting conditions of soil, rain, etc., the small acreages that people ha,ve could not

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ': 232 provide a fraction, or so they feel, of the 'money which cane brings from'the same acreage. For lack of precise data on food crop yields and prices it is difficult to say whether they are' c'orrect or not, but they seem to be. Be'sides, food crops require more attention than cane, and this could detract from other wage activities in which they might engage. Prices on food crops are not guaranteed in the same way as prices on cane, and the returns are not easily foreseeable. Marketing facilities limited. One would either have to contract with a middle-man and sacri,fice a share of one's profit by selling to the intermediary, or hawk the goods oneself in competition with other hawkers.,' At harvest time gluts easily develop on the local markets causing a considerable reduction in prices. The vicissitudes of price and marketing of food crops are great, and appear even greater when compared to those of cane. The limited acreages, climatic and soil conditions, extra effort and care, poor marketing facilities, ,price tions, and the need for cash all contribut.e' to ket'!ping production at a minimum. In addition, the food which forms the stapl.:e of the Barbadian be purcha.sed with cash. The advantages of cane are. so apparent that despite frequent appeals from governmental and'" private agencies for the peasants to increase their production of food there is every indication that there is even less food production in the village today than there was in the past.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 233 But informants, when queried, are also apt to give theft as another reason for not increasing production. Often people report that their are plundered of such cassava, potatoes,cabbage and the like. Some persons stealing to children--others feel that adults are responsible. All informants, however, are agreed that the thieves are village residents. But I was unable to pin-point any case where a farmer was able either to cite a suspect or report having caught someone in the act of stealing. Crops are usually .. stolen, as one migh,t expect, from lands furthest away from the main roads and the village itself--usually lands located in the ravine bottoms. Although the amounts stolen. seem to be small, some farmers insist that theft is the prime impediment to their planting more food crops than they do. Others who plant no food crops give stealing as the primary reason for their not doing so. At any rate, people seem to expect that stealing will occur, and do not seem to be overly-chagrined at its occurrence. In sum" the growing of food crops plays a minor role in the village's economic 11fe. Those persons who grow food grow it on a limited acreage, and this acreage can be viewed as really nothing more than a "kitchen gardenll--and in most cases an incomplete one. The staples of the rural Barbadian .. diet a:re bought with cash; and the crops grown offer supple-mentary subSistence only at certain times of the year. In addition, the improved varieties of cane and the higher

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 234 prices which cane brings today have resulted in a decrease in the amountof land formerly devoted crops. The "predominating systemll of peasant agriculture "(Skeete 1930:2-5, Halcrow and Cave wherein one-half;of a peasant's acreage is customarily devoted to food crops and left fallow from cane is, as was mentioned in Chapter III and with respect to Chalky Mount, largely a thing of the past. LIVESTOCK Introduction For purposes of this section livestock can be divi:ded into two major categories which reflect the lage's major oriemtations in animal raising. On the one hand, there are the animals raised primarily for cash: .these include cows, sheep, goats and p1gs. On the other hand, there are those animals raised primarily for household subsistence: these include various types of poultry such as chickens and ducks and, to a minor extent, pigeons, turkeys. Occasionally rabbits are raised for home consumption. Complete and reliable information on livestock is available for 105 of Chalky Mount's households. The distr1bution of various types of animals 1s indicated "in Table 27, and need not be overly detailed here. E1ghteen of the 105 households keep no animals at all. In twelve households only income-producing animals are raised, and eight

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 235 households raise' only subsistence ones. The remaining 67 households raise both income-producing and subsistence' animals. These statements are based upon the situation that existed when the questionnaires. were administered, i.e., trom March to June 1962. In a number ot cases, livestock had been recently sold or slaughtered, so that listing 18 households with no animals, 12 with only income-producing ones or even eight with subsistence ones can be a misleading retlection ot the role that livestock keeping plays in. the village's economic lite. A number of persons, for instance, who reported no income-producing animals had sold them in the very recent pa$t; and at the time the questionnaire was administered they were simply waiting tor the opportunity and cash to buy either a calf, lamb, or kid. Similarly with subsistence animals--the last chicken might .have been killed tor last Sunday's dinner. In all, Table 27, clearly reflects the emphasis placed upon the raising otirtcome-producing animals, and offers another piece of evidence which underscores the villagers' cash orientation in production activities. Income-Producing Livestock Sheep are the mos,t popular type of income-producing livestock as reflected in their absolute and the tact that they are raised by the majority of the stock keeping households (Table 27). Cows, however, are much more valuable, more highly esteemed, and are considered as

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 236 a major form of property. The feeling of the villagers towards cows is aptly summed up in the statement of one informant: "If you has a cow you always has money. 11 '!'he few cows that regularly produce milk give but a slight overall yield.' Usually, the milk is consumed by the cow owner's household, but if there is an excess it is sold at prices ranging between 12 and cents per pint. Monetary returns from milk sales are viewed as a bel)eficial by-.. product of ha.ving a cow, but a cow is not kept for the milk it produces. It is kept for what it can bring when sold or for its breeding potential. On the average, cow owners usually have no more than one mature cow, and if that cow has a calf the calf is sold soon after it has been weaned. Although cows are greatly desired, the limited amount of calves available for the cost involved in buying one, and the problems involved in feeding (see below), largely prevent their being more extensively raised within the village. Sheep and goats, on the other hand, are easier to raise than cows because the former graze on short grass cover and goats browse on scrub. Pigs are fed garbage and are kept in specially built pens located in the yards of' their owners' houses. As in the case of cows, (and also because of the feeding problems involved) it is unusual to find a person raising more. than one pig to' maturity. A good breeding sow is kept .for the litters she can bear, and in such cases the piglets are sold. Frequently a piglet 1s

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 237 bought, raised to maturity, and sold or slaughtered and then the owner repeats the process with another piglet. Since it takes about 9 months or so to raise a pig to maturity the income from this activity is generally realized about: once a ,year. Keeping another's cow. '-The care of income-producing an:l.mals is usually assumed by the owner or a deSignated member of his household.. However, in some cases--largely with respect to cows--a person outside of the household might assume responsibility for the animal's upkeep. As far as I was able to ascertain there is no particular term for this arrangement, but what it involves is essentially the following: a person owns a cow, but he or she is not willing, tor whatever reason, to be involved in its day-today care, e.g., taking it out to pasture in the morning, bringing it home at night, milking it, etc. The owner enters into an agreement with another person (usually a male), and this second party then becomes responsible for the day-to-day care of that cow. only the owner can make the decision to sell the cow, but once it is sold the net profit is divided equally between the owner and the person who raised the cow. In case the cow gives birth to a calf, the calf then belongs to both parties. Another side advantage to this arrangement, from the keeper's point of view, is that he 'has rights over whatever'dung the cow produces.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 238 Selling of IIdung".-As was mentioned in Chapter III, small farmers primarily utilize chemical fertilizers in their cane, but pen manure or "dung" also em-. : ployed--a1eeit to a lesser extent. But plantations .also rely upon "dungll as well and their stocks cannQt supply the amount that they need (see IV). Hence, they purchase "dung" where they can. and more often than not this IIdunglt comes from peasants who have a cow or two. At the most a person can make $10-$12 from the sale of pen manure. Quite a few small farmers, however, feel that the money involved does not merit the sale, and that the dung can be more profitably used upon their own small holdings.4 Yet, in a few cases, small farmers had committed their dung to a plantation because the plantation had provided fodder for their cows. That is, during the crop the main source of food for cows are the green cane tops. And if a person cannot get sufficient feed from his own land or from the land of a neighbor he might be able to get it from a plantation. But if he does he receives it with the understand-ing that he is committed to selling to the 'plantation whatever dung' the cow produces. 4 The fact that most people prefer to utilize whatever dung their cattle produces is attested to not only by informants' statements, but the limited statistical data available. In 1961 there were approximately 43 cattle keeping households. Of these, material with respect to dung sales is available for twenty-eight (65 per cent). Of these twenty-eight, only four sold their dung.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 239 Feeding and Pasturage.-A real problem is posed, as I mentioned above, in feeding the larger livestock, ,and is especially so during the out-of-crop season. Plantations normally leave a field or so in sour grass specifically for fodder for their own cattle, but peasants cannot afford to do this. Hence, cows must graze .wherever suitable grass cover is available on their owners' holdings. During the .. crop season, food for cows is in more abundant supply, but it is still quite a laborious task to tie 'and head cane tops to the animal pens which are located near the owners' houses. Goats and sheep present somewnat less of a problem because of their ability to feed close to the ground. Even then, however, feeding impinges upon areas for cow pasturage, and because of the limited pasturage anyway--and the size of the goat and sheep po'pulation--it, is difficult for grass to grow back to a sufficient height to permit the grazing of cows. Within the limits set by property restrictions, goats and sheep are almost literally tethered allover the area. Some lands, as I mentioned in Chapter III, are used solely as pasturage. These, by-and-large, are lands which are relat1vely far from and/or inconveniently situated in \relation to roads. They are usually located at the bottom of the steeper rav1nes and east of the village close to the sea. Raising cane on these arable they might be considered--would be highly unprofitable. Although 28-1/8 acres (Table 28) are. used 'solely as pasturage they

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 240 are held by a limited number of livestock, owners who represent but thirty-one households. Livestock graze over a wider area than this, but because of the waY,in which they are grazed it was impossIble to obtain an idea of the land area needed to support the village's curre,nt livestock ,population. In sum, persons owning stock view these animals as being an integral part of their economic lives and a p'rimary respons1bility in the' performance of daily chores. To be sure, these animals yield only a small part of their owners' total cash income. But the cash they bring is considered to be of sufficient importance to make the villagers view their responsibilities towards them, regardless' of whatever occupational pursuits they follow, as a primary feature of their daily economic activities. Incomeproducing animals, then, are raised less for subsistence than cash. How, then, are they disposed of and what kind of cash value do they ,have? Distribution Methods.-Distributlon methods vary with -. the type and age of an animal. Cows are s'old live to IIspeculatorslt (middle-men,who,ply the countryside buy1ng livestock) who usually resell them to butchers in town. Calves are sold either to other villagers or to IIspecula-' tors.1t The village's main source of fresh beef--which in itself,is a minor dietary a neighboring plantation whose:man,ager has a cow slaughtered about every two months. Slaughter1ngs occur on Sundays only and word quickly passes

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 241 through the village on the day that fresh beef will be available. Meat is rarelybought in quantities exceeding two or three pounds per househol.d, even though it is greatly relished. Lambs and kids are usually sold live to neighbors, but mature sheep and goats are invariably slaughtered within the village by their owners. Although small portions of the meat thus obtained are used for household consumption, the animal or animals are killed, as mentioned, for the cash that they yield. There is no particular attention,paid to cuts of meat or butchering procedures. The important point, from both the owner and consumer's point of view, 1s how much the meat weighs not its possib1lities in terms of culinary preparation. Goats and sheep are usually killed on Sunday morn-ings, and, on the average, about one is killed every one or two weeks somewhere in the village. It is rare for goats and sheep to be slaughtered during the week except on special occasions such as holidays or weddings. A few sheep and/or goats are usually killed for a wedding and these are contributed by the groom and usually members of the bridels immediate family. Although the festive orientations in raising these stock are secondary to the pecuniary consid-erations, a man who intends marrying might raise some specifically for his wedding feast. Goats and sheep, in contradistinction to cows, are consumed within the village. And the demand for

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 242 meat usually far exceeds the supply. Knowing that meat is always in short supply, stock owners are aware that their meat can always be sold. However, people are reluctant to over-slaughter and are usually conservative in asseSSing ... the overall demand situation. The fear that a"full mone-tary return will not be forthcoming seems to be present in most "cases, a1thought there is little empirical justification for this attitude. Since methods of preserving meat are limited, an excess of unsold me"at would represent a loss to the animal raiser. But, more often than not, people under-slaughter and no cases were reported where persons were left with excess meat on their hands. Usually some potential customers have to leave without meat because the supply is not sufficient to meet the demand. Sheep and goat meat is purchased, on the average, of about one "or two pounds per household. Prices vary between 62 and 65 cents per pound. Usually meat is paid for in cash, but under some circumstances--depending upon the relationship between the animal's owner and the consumer--credit is given. In no case, however, is the transaction based upon anything other than cash. Piglets are usually sold to neighbors or others in surrounding villages while mature pigs are "either sold live to "specu1atorslt or slaughtered by their owners. Community opinion 1s divided as to the best way of dispos1ng of pigs, and though I have no accurate it seems that disposal is about equally divided between slaughtering in the village

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 243 and outside live sales to "speculators.1I During Christmas, when special foods are prepared, e.g., pepper-pot stew, souse, pudding, the demand for pig meat is apt to over the usual yearly demands, and pigs are more frequently slaughtered at this time of the year ... Cash values. -The monetary or',income-producing livestock varies with the type of animal, i,ts level of maturity, and its method of disposal. Selling live to a 11 speculatorl! usually brings in less money than if the animal is butchered and sold within the village, while mature animals are worth more than younger ones because of their greater weight. Cows yield a larger absolute return than pigs which, in turn, are worth more than goats or sheep. Goats and sheep can bring in, on the average, between $10-$20, while a kid or lamb can be sold or bought at from $4--$6. Piglets are sold from about $12-$13 while half-mature pigs are worth roughly $20, and fully matured pigs can bring in anything from $30-$60, but yield, on the average, about $4-0. Calves can be bought and sold at prices ranging from $25 to' $60 or $70 while a fully matured cow is worth, on the average, from $14-0 to $200. ,With respect to 1961, 1nformation on households, types of animals, and number ot animal disposals is summarized in Table 29. Complete information on,e,ach 'type of animal for every household in the village is At the maximum, '.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 244 about 67 per cent of the households and a minimum ot 63 per cent ot the households provided information included in Table 29. Sheep, the most populous of the income-producing .' animals, "disposed of in the greatest numbers. These were followed by cows and calves, goats and pigs. In all, it is rare for a single.' household to dispose annually of more than' two or three animals, and normally' orily one animal of. each type of relinquished. For instanc.e, of the five households which sold a cow in 1961, tour sold one cow, and one sold two--the latter is very unusual. Similarly with sheep: fifteen households disposed ot only one sheep during 1961, four ridded themselves of a pair, two households slaughtered three, and one household.was able to slaughter tour during the year. This latter case also corroborates informants' statements as to the rarity of a quantity of this kind being sold in one year. The distribut.ion ot income-producing animal disposals in the other categories is similar to the cases cited above. In all, although cash returns on these animals is readily-forthcoming, the limited numbers of animals kept 'mean that few of any kind are annually of by any given household. Consequently, the cash that an animal or animals bring is' always a supplementary rather' than aprimary .torm ot a household's income. But the activities which surround ra+sing and the time involved in pasturing and caring for them are considered. primary in

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 245 terms of a househqldls individualls total economic responsibilities Yet, the greatest portion of time devoted to .animal care is during those hours when other work is not being done. Livestock keeping, then, does not ordinarily interfere with other cash-oriented activities in which a person might be engaged; hence, one is supplementing his income without neglecting other sources of cash, and in times when / cash is short the slaughtering and/or selling of an animal represents, to the owner, a procedure analogous to that of withdrawing money from a bank--at other times one is simply cashing in on an investment. Subsistence Animals Animals in this category, especially chickens, are quite common in the village. Once in a while a chick, a hen, or a dozen eggs or so might be sold, but this is rare. Poultry is raised in a relatively haphazard way. A few households purchase commercial grain in town, but, for the most part, the birds are left to forage as best they can over the yards and areas adjacent to the houses of their owners. Eggs are consumed primarily by children, or if there are sufficient numbers available they might be used tp make a type ot sponge cake. In fact, one of the most ,trequentcontributions to a wedding feast--by persons outside of the immediate family--is a dozen or so eggs which will.ultimately go into one or more wedding cakes. "f r

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 246 The mongoose (see Chapter II) is a frequent hazard to poultry, and quite a few informants reported losses which they attributed to this animal. A handful of persons even cited the mongoose as the chief reason for raising no poultry at all. Other forms of poultry such as ducks, turk,eys, and pigeons are raised to a limited extent by a minority of households (Table 27). Similarly, rabbits are sporadically kept and are housed in hutches built of scrap wood. '!bey are usually fed on potato and yam vines which their owners collect on their way home after a day's work. In sum, aside from chickens,.subsistence animals play a secondary role to income-producing ones in the community's economic' life. Even chickens, Which are easily raised and acquired, are not kept by about '31 per cent of the 105 sample households. But usually, when the opportunity presents itself and cash is available, househOlds will try to maintain at least one or two income-producing animals. The upon which these statements are based (Tables 27 and 29) can easily fluctuate, but confirm gen-eral observations and underscore. the community's orientation producing activities. POTTERY Introduction Pottery, as a cottage industry, has been in existence at Chalky Mount since at least the first few decades of the 19th century. Presumably the industry was started

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 247 by emancipated slaves who learned the art while producing pottery articles on the plantations for which they worked (Handler 1963b). The most salient productive, technological, and distributive patterns which characterize the industry today had already been developed by the mid-19th century. Although there were more potters in "past years there is no evidence that pottery ever constituted more than a land-based economic complex in the village. The presence of this small industry gives Chalky Mount two distinctive features which exist nowhere else on the island. It is the only village where there is a "cottage industry" involving a number of households devoted to the production of handicraft materials, and it is the only village where pottery is made. Even so, in terms of Chalky Mount's total economic life, and with respect to its land-based economic complexes, as suggested above, pottery isof.minor importance. Pottery Households. and Personnel Thirteen of the village's households are regularly involved in and dependent upon pottery as a source of cash. Additional households might sometimes become involved as one or more of their members are engaged as hired labor to help in various tasks of the production round. For none of the 13 households, however, does pottery constitute its sole economic activity; and most of the adults within these households combine their pottery with other cash-producing activities.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 248 Only 11 of these households' make or have made for them pottery which they sell themselves. The other two 'households simply provide regular paid laborers for the eleven pottery producing households. In 1961-1962, the 13 households contained 21 adults who estimated that work in pottery, constituted a s1gnificant portion of their annual labor activities. Of these 21 persons there were 12 males and 9 females. Although both sexes 1n various aspects of production males playa primary role. Females, however, are'largely responsible for distribution. Of,the twelve males, only six ,are potters. Their average age is 57 with a range to 70 years. Regardless of cash dependency on and activity ,involvement in pottery, a potter, by community standards, is defined as a person who is able to produce wares on the wheel--there being no other method of ,production. Only one of these potters does not make wares to sell, preferring t,o sell his labor to the six pottery households which lack their own potters, and which consequently have to hire potters to acquire the wares they sell. In sum, there are actually e.1even households for which pottery may be said to constitute a major economic complex. Of the two remaining households one contains a potter who makes no wares'for his own sales, but gains part of his livelihood by selling his labor to other households, the other provides a consistent source of non-potter labor for pottery producing households, but has no wares made for

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 249 itself. Of the eleven households, five contain potters and six do not. These six depend upon one or more of the villagels six potters for the production of the1rwares. The five pottery households which contain potters and which produce wares for their own sales are the most typical in terms of a cottage industry. The other six follow identical productive and distributive procedures, but their involvement is complicated by their need to hire a potter. The nine females are primarily responsible for selling the wares produced by or for their own households. Five of these women are spouses of potters, 'while the remainder belong to households which hire potters. Regardless of the type of household to which they belong all essentially conform to the same distribution patterns. Production The production process is divided into a number of steps of varying durations. These include: collecting the clay, working it into plasticity, the actual manufacture of wares, and trimming, glazing, and firing them (Handler 1963a) Although clays suitable for pottery are widespread in the village, these clays are gathered from eroded and otherwise marginal lands which are usually held in some form of non-rented tenure (Chapter III) by a member of the pottery household. Sometimes clays are.dug as well from unused lands which belong to persons in non-pottery producing

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 250 households. Since clay deposits on marginal and eroded lands are adequate ,to meet the needs of Chalky Mount's small-scale industry people need not acquire clay from lands that are otherwise cultivable. 'In short, no one will dig clay from land which is or can be planted, in cane 'for clay digging generally renders lands a.lmost useless for cane In,collecting clays households provide their own non-paid labor'with the male head normally doing the actual excavation while his spouse and/dr dthers aid in heading the clay from the pits to the house. The freshly collected clay is worked into plasticity by dousing it with water and working it a hoe--later it is "trampledtl or treaded on in bare feet. This labor is either performed by the male head of household or other non-paid 'male household members. Although only men throw wares on the" wheel, women are otten found pushing the, stick which turns the wheel's cranks.haft. The Chalky Mount wheel is so constructed that the potter requires someone to keep it rotating while he throws his wares (Handler 1963a), and it is in this phase of pottery making that non-paid household help is most often utilized (see below). Wares which require the wheel to be trimmed are worked on by males While temales he'lp in other kinds of trimming and burnishing. Glazing, from the melting of lead into powder to -the application of this powder to the vessels, is performed by non-paid household members. The sexual division ot labor here is not rigid--bothsexes

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .... 251 having been observed carrying out the necessary procedures. The firing of wares,once again, is performed by household members with the male head of household being responsible for the most important aspects of this process such. as loading the kiln and tending the fire. In sum, females (and even children) are involved in various steps of the production process, and aside from the actual making situation households can usually' provide all of their own labor. They may not be able to provide the number of personnel most adequate for the Job nor prpvide these personnel at all times, but rarely are paid helpers employed in most phases of pottery production. However, it is when the wares are actually constructed that one usually finds the greatest upon paid labor resourdes from other households. And this dependency has apparently increased in recent years as work values have changed. and as emigration has drained pottery producing households of key able-bodied members The technology of pottery necessitates that at least two persons--the potter and the wheel turner--be present when wares are made. Wheel can be an extremely fatiguing Job and if wares are to be made "over the span ot a working day--seven or eight hours--it is not always easy to find people from within the household who can do this work. Consequently, outside help is needed, and this outside help is usually contracted for on a cash basis. The number of persons in production situations can vary,

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 252 however, depending upon who does the hiring. If a potter can find someone from within his household to turn the wheel he will usually knead the clay and prepare his own wedges as wares are beingmanufactured. When he runs'out of wedges he stops throwing, kneads another batch of clay, makes the wedges and' throws these until they are used up. Having to knead and produce his own wedges considerably extends the time necessary to produce a kiln load of wares. If a potter cannot get a wheel turner from his own household he must hire one. Sometimes, in addition, he will hire a kneader so.tnat all of the wares needed for a firing can be produced one day. In cases of this kind the three persons involved in the production situation normally come from different households and rarely, if ever, are women. Women do not knead clay--this is considered to be the most physically demanding of all pottery.tasks--and though they can be found turning a wheel for their own husband they do not sell their labor to other households. The alternatives available to a pottery producing household without a potter are more limited. For one,a potter must be hired. Since throwing commands a higher daily wage than wheel or kneading it is to this household's advantage to complete a kiln load in a day so as to avoid having to hire a potter for another day. Consequently, the household head might hire a kneader to help speed the productive process, or do the kneading and hire someone to turn the wheel. In sum, in the actual

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 253 making s1tuat1on--and usually contrary to other phases of production--it is not unusual to find persons from different households performing the three major tasks; and because of the limited number of male personnel regularly involved in pottery these persons circulate among the same households performing a variety of tasks. On one day a potter might be working for himself making his own wares while a neighbor he hired to turn the wheel might be working alongside. The following week the same .potter might be making wares for the same neighbor or might be by someone else as a kneader. The non-potter involved in pottery might one day be kneading for himself, another day kneading for someone' else, and on a third day he might be turning the wheel for still a third person. Household lines, then, are frequently crossed in working situations which involve.the actual construction of ,! wares, but are infrequently crossed in phases of the production process, ,The same personnel often find themselves involved 1n 'an employer-employee relationship with their roles--regardless of the particular tasks performed-reversed from day to day or week to week. The reversal of these roles, the similarity of values and expectations, ties of kinship and/or friendship, and the tranSitory nature of these relationships prevent their developing into ones of super and sub-ordination. The relationships between members of different households rest upon a pecuniary foundation for here, as in agricultural

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 254 work, there is very little exchange labor or "swapping change.1I It is unusual, for example, to find two potters exchanging their labor in kneading, but if they do each will expect and receive comparable payment from the other. In general, much of the discussion presented in Chapter III with respect to working conditions, reliance upon nonhousehold labor and even labor shortages, to some extent, are applicable to pottery as well. With respect to labor shortages, I frequently observed potters off their work because they could not get household help in clay collecting, or defer their working schedules 'because no one was immediately available in the household to turn the wheel. Although labor shortage is perhaps not an apt phrase to describe this situation potters confirm observa-, tions that their households are not always able to provide--for whatever reason--the help.that is needed. Distribution Distr1.bution of pottery is an extension of household production activities. Here, however, the adult female assumes a maJor role. While she may have helped at various stages of production the was the key figure in performance of chores, but with the wares completed she is largely responsible for selling them. There have been some deviations from this pattern in recent years, but most Chalky Mount wares are still sold in Bridgetown, the capital, by female hawkers.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 255 Chalky Mount pottery is geared to the insular market. The demand fluctuations of this market determine, among other things, the types and quantities of wares produced, firing frequencies, and the extent to which pottery personnel depend upon other sources of income (Handler 1903a). Although, on occasion, a middle-man might buy wares for export to neighboring islands, potters manufacture their wares for local consumption. Manufacture for export sales is fairly rare and orders for export cannot be depended upon even though when they do occur they can involve relatively substantial amounts of c&sh. The potters, however, have no marketing devices for external trade and must rely upon whatever mechanisms they themselves have for selling on the Barbadian market. The distribution procedures females employ have' altered somewhat over the years. Formerly, they would load wares in baskets or wooden trays and head these through the countryside on their way to Bridgetown. They would remain in town, often for days or a week, until their wares were sold at which point they returned to the village. Today, the women take the morning bus to town--the bus stopping in front of their return the same evening. During the day they sit with their wares in one of the two government owned market-places in Bridgetown where they are allocated two stalls. Overnight their. wares are stored in padlocked wooden boxes on the market1s premises. Over a period of days a. woman is gradually able to convey much of

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I. 256 her household I s wares to the marketplace'... and rest content that unsold pottery is safe when she home. The Marketplace.-ln the marketplace she sits and waits for customers--the law generally prohibiting her from walking about town hawking her wares. The days are long and, according to informants and from repeated observations, sales are slow. It is not unusual for a woman to return home with less money than the 50 cents it cost her for a round trip bus ticket. In fact, women will often refrain from going into town regularly during what they consider to be the slow season for fear of losing the investment of the bus ticket. '. It is unusual to find.all sellers present at one time in the marketplace. On the average, no more than two or three women are there during weekdays, although all try to be there on Saturdays--a major market day when Bridgetown is heavily crowded with shoppers. Christmas time yields the greatest sales, and during the few weeks or even months preceding Christmas women go into town more regularly and all pottery households are making pottery. Whereas utilitarian items such as water jugs, cornmeal storage jars and plain flower pots are the items in most demand during the year (Handler 1963a), during Christmas there is an increased demand for decorative flower pots' and vases. Barbadians enjoy decorating and perhaps even refurbishing their houses during Christmas and this consumption emphasis affects the market. Although Christmas occurs during IIhard

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 257 times, various payments! already mentioned, such as the Holiday with Pay, preference payments to small farmers, and even Friendly Society bonuses contribute added income to many of the island's households. Although there are relatively few households involved in pottery and usually few sellers are present in the marketplace, overall sales in the are apparently decreasing. I have little statistical evidence to support this statement beyond the consistent lamentations of pottery personnel, and, as we shall see below, the fact that fewer people are being encouraged to engage in pottery' making. This decrease in the market is due not only to changing consumption patterns but also to the competition over the past few years from an experimental pottery factory started by the government. Although this factory operates on a commercially small scale, it has nevertheless been able to supply considerable quantities of flower pots to the" island's reSidents, especially middle and upper class Barbadians; and flower pots, of various kinds, are the most important ware of the potters' manufact,uring activities. These items are technologically superior to the ones produced at Chalky Mount and are sold in a large hardware store in Bridgetown. Here the prices are clearly marked on the items rather than verbally quoted as occurs in the and are often cheaper than the Chalky Mount wares. At any rate, the potters seem to be in active competition for a limited and increasingly d,iminishing market,

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 258 especially that part of the market found within the marketplace. It would seem that conditions of this kind might encourage bargaining 1n the selling situation. But barga1ning is virtually in the marketplace A prospective customer either takes a ware or leaves it. Since all persons are selling virtually the same types of wares and charging the same prices there is not much to make a choice on except in sometimes minor differences of technical quality. And though there are such differences not many customers are aware of them. It might be expected that such a highly competitive situation would affect adversely the interpersonal relationships of the sellers. But there is little evidence for this. A prospective customer approaching a marketplace stall is met by the seller who owns the wares which are first looked at. If the customer appears to be dissatisfied and moves. on, other women then will try to entice her with their wares. But there is little effort made to lure a prospective cus-. tomer away from ano.ther, and the only competitive advantage a seller will have is that she might have the kind and quality of ware the customer is looking for. But the seller will usually not loweI' her price to make a sale nor bargain with the customer on prices--at least not while in the presence of other sellers. The group maintains certain norms which, in effect, serve to protect the groupls economic interests. Given the precarious sales situation and the competition between women, price lowering could result

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 259 in a situation where the customers could play seller against seller and reduce the price on wares that very little would be made. The integrity of the group is further reinforced by the fact that the. women feel themselves exposed to a common plight and attribute this plight to the fact that people are not buying their wares as they should. Whatever potential hostility exists within the group, then, is usually diffused to this outside source--the customer-and the commonality of group interests appears to be maintained. Within the-group, then, certain standards of selling prevail, but prices are sometimes lowered from their customary norm at the end of a day people are packing for the return trip to the village. Also, if by chance a seller is alone in a stall she might think twice about letting a customer get away, and I have often seen sellers reduce their prices in situations of. this kind, but rarely while in the presenc.e of their competitors. "', Prices.-Prices are determined by the potters themselves and are not subjept to government schedules which, for instance, control food prices. Although potters do-not operate on the basis of profit margins calculated in terms of such costs as labor of one's self or hired help, wood for firing, lead for glaZing, and bus fare, I was unable to uncover, in any precise fashion, the manner in which prices are determined or .changed. have risen over the past years with the increased "cost of living" given as

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 260 justification for these rises, and what the can bear" given as the standard employed in determining new prices. Pottery households make no formal or collective price agreement among themselves. A seller might deciQe to ask more for an item and, depending upon customer reaction, she will be able to ascertain'how high she can go without losing the customer completely. If higher prices can be conSistently achieved by one, others are apt to follow suit, but, in general, informants were vague about the criteria employed in raising--or even determining--prices, and during my field stay I did not witnes,s any situations whitJh inv'Olved a standardized raise on particular wares. Other Sales Settings.-In sales situations outside of the marketplace, e.g., sales in the village to tourists or other outsiders and direct sales to hotels and tourist homes, prices can fluctuate widely. These sales do not take place in' a group setting, and it is usually the male household head who does the selling. A new source of sales has come to the potters with 'the increased number of foreign tourists coming to the village to see the island's sole '''indigenous'' handicraft industry. The items purchased, as souvenirs, are small--as are the quantities--and are therefore the least expensive items; as a rough suage, th,e la,rger the ware the more expensive it is. But the potters have acclimated themselves to the tourists' insensitivity to local market conditions and are aware of the relativeaffluence of these tourists who are mainly

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 261 Americans. Hence, relatively high prices can be asked and recei'ved on items which bring much less if sold in the marketplace. When making wares on special order, .prices are negotiated beforehand between the potter and the customer, and if a quantity is ordered there might be a reduction in price per item. Conclusion Although marketplace sales seem to be on the other sales outlets appear to be increasing, or at least not falling off at the aame rate a.s in the marketplace. Part of these increases, as indicated above, are direct concomitants of the increasing number of tourists com1ng to the island each year. But these sales have not benefited the local industry to any great extent. And the marketplace still prov1des the main outlet for Chalky Mount pottery. Consequently there are fewer pottery households than in past years. Also only a relative handful of these produce pottery throughout the year, and new potters, i.e., persons capable of throwing wares, are not be1ng recruited or trained. Potters are normally the sons of potters who learn the trade through informal apprent1cesh1p. Although these young people might p1ck up some of the techniques today, they are not overly encouraged to do so by their fathers, nor do they show much inclinat1Qn to want to. Even 1f they do become proficient they do not choose to make their __ .1

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. living at it, and it is doubtful--though beyond statistical validation--it the island's .market.could support many more potters than there are now. At any rate, most ot the sons of potters have emigrated, and those that remain are encouraged to seek other ocoupational outlets. I knew no one in any ot the households dependent upon pottery who wanted his son to be a potter, and in all cases people were emphatic that their children seek outlets in other skilled work or as emigrants. None of the pottery-making households is totally dependent upon pottery as a source of cash. And only .within the six households with potters can pottery be. said to constitute a major source of 1ivelihood--for the remaining households dependency varies with whatever other sources ot income they have. All thirteen households engage in sma1lscale sugar cane production and livestock raising. Eleven grow subsistence crops, and six depend to a great extent-primarily during the crop--upon plantation wage labor. One of the six potters--the youngest--does only plantation work during the crop. The other five do no plantation work, but engage in small-scale sugar cane farming, subsistence crop cultivation, and raise income-producing livestock as well. They feel as much of a commitment to their sugar parcels and livestock as to their pottery even though pottery is responsible for most of their cash income. In sum, for potter households pottery mak1ng const1tutes a major source of livelihood, but other sources of cash are available (three

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of them are moderately dependent .upon remittances as well), while for the others pottery is another source of cash, but this type of ecological adaptation for households has diminished as the overall market for wares has decreased.5 In fact, it is not unlikely that the pottery industry at Chalky Mount is a moribund one, and it is conceivable that uun1ess new sales outlets are opeiled up and technological and other changes are made in 'productive techniques" (Handler 1963a,) pottery, as an ecological adaptation of any significance, will suffer the same fate as the vi11age1s arrowroot industry. SUMMARY It was seen, in this chapter, that the two farming complexes of arrowroot and subsistence crops have limited roles to p1aY,in the community's ecological system. Arrow-root, formerly a crop, has 'dwindled enormously in terms of the acreage devoted to its production and the persons who grow it. A faltering market for locally produced starch and an increase in cane prices were outlined as being the primary factors responsible for the decline of arrowroot production and its replacement by sugar cane'. 5It was impossible to obtain accurate figures on the cash value of pottery. These statements are based upon the impressions of informants of the relative weight of their pottery activities. However, the five potters who produce wares for their own household sales, estimate that 1;hey average,' over the year, about $15 per week from pottery sales.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 264 Concomitant with the increased emphasis upon sugar cane and a deeper immersion in a system of cash,needs, the Chalky Mount land holder has also decreased his 'production of sub-'sistence food crops. Few lands are left fallow from cane and planted in food (the "predominating system" of former years)--foods, when they are grown, being planted between the cane rows. Even so,about one-third of the small farmers grow no food at all and the rest grow it in relatively small amounts. The small land units worked prevent the growing of sufficient food for annual household needs, but aside trom this and a, dependency up,on staples such as rice which are not grown in Barbados, the cash yields of cane and the emphasis upon cash cropping relegate the growing of subsistence crops to a secondary, and very minor position in the village I s ecology. The emphasis ,_upon sugar production and the prices on sugar, then, encourage the conversion of land holdings into production for this crop. Consequently, inadequate pasturage helps to limit the raising of livestock, but the major livesto,ck orientation of the villagers is towards those livestocking activities that yield cash. It is to be noted that none of these minor landbased economic complexes are oriented towards an export' market,. and when their products are sold on the local marketthey are given over to different marketing media. S1m1larly, pottery is largely,or1ented towards the Barbad1an local market, but as I have noted, it constitutes a major source of income for only a relative handful of households.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26.5 Even with respect to these households, pottery does not provide a sufficient livelihood, and individual members are found 'combining pottery with other income-producing or wage earning activities in order to acquire cash. The minor land-basedeconomic complexes, then, reflect. the community's dependency upon cash and function as adaptations to a money economy. How these and other complexes, reviewed earlier, are integrated into the .total cash needs of the villagers is discussed in the next and final

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS This paper has been concerned with a description of' oertain of the e"coilomio life of a small village in the Scotland District of' Barbados. There was partioular conoentration upon those f'eatures which relate to various forms of' land use and land exploitation. I have stressed and discussed in turn the kinds of' activities, and socioeoonomic relationships involved in the production of' arrowroot, and f'ood crops, the raising of' livestock, and the manufacture of pottery. Each of' theseproduotion foci involves a unified series of' interrelated activities, and for this reason they wer"e discussed as complexes. Discussion of each complex emphasized the nature of' production aotivities,the kinds of social relationships formed in various phases of' Iproduction, and the division of labor within these phases. I have tried to delineate the" more salient technological and social f'eatures each land-based complex while attempting to show the f'unctions that various phases of' production perform for the total complex of which they are a part. In addition, I pOinted out, through chapter and topical oross-referenoing, the ways in which similar patterns, e.g., land tenure and

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. acquisition of working lands, pecuniary orientations in the formation work groups, the role of non-paid household labor, etc. cross-cut the various complexes Further, I discussed the ways in which goods produced by the people of Chalky Mount are distributed or sold, and the ways in which the var.ious complexes are given over to different marketing media. In discussing procedures I concentrated upon the earliest stages, and did not follow through into the total marketing situation. Emphasis, then, was generally placed upon the procedures that occur up to the point that the product leaves the producer's hands and the kinds of relationships he establishes in order to dispose of that product. ,,' In addition to the points above an attempt has been made to place the various complexes within the context of the insular society and the geographical conditions peculiar to the Scotland District. That the Scotland District differs from other areas in Barbados in a number'of geographical details which have influenced and af'fected the kinds of ecological adaptations found in Chalky Mount. The larger society and the island's culture, within this geographical context, have also contributed to orient the villagers in the productive channels with Which I was, concerned. In other words:, the kinds of land-based economic complexes that are found in Chalky Mount, as in so many

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 268 other areas of the world, are limited not only by geographical considerations and opportunity, but are dictated by the alternatives available to the culture. In all, sugar dominates the village's land-based complexes, and consequently a large portion of this paper was devoted to a discussion of the two settings in which sugar is produced. In Chapter III I emphasized sugar production as it is carried out by small farmers, and also used this chapter to explore the nature of small holdings and present data applicable' to other economic complexes discussed in Chapter V. Chapter IV was devoted to sugar production in a plantation environment, but here I concentrated mainly upon the roles, tasks, and organization of plantation laborers. In these two chapters an attempt was made to show the s1inilarities and differences between the two sugar complexes and the ways in which they interlock with each other. It was also noted that the complexes of arrowroot and pottery--the latter being. an unique to Chalky Mount--have shown signs of signif,icant de-.cline, and I tried to point out the reasons for this .decline In line with this I discussed the waysiri which efforts are made to convert lands into cash-producing items of production and how sugar production by small farmers has increased over the years. The increased emphasis upon cane production and the conversion of small holdings to this production focus have also placed a greater burden upon the community's'

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. '\ labor resources; these in turn have been affected by such factors as emigration 'and changing work values. Nearly all cultivable land is planted in cane, and lands of this kind are probably the most important type of capital that a Chalky Mount adult can possess. Although there are risks involved in sugar production, as in any farming enterprise, for the time being the market is a relatively secure'one, and comparatively high prices encourage cane production whenever possible and usually wherever minimal conditions will permit., Today sugar cane is the dominant'production focus on small holdings; lands that were previouslY,uncultivated are converted into sugar, and there has been a concomitant decline in the production of subsistence crops with a virtual obliteration of arrowroot which, until recent times, was the villagers' main cash crop. Patterns of land tenure and transmission seem to be the same regardless of land use. Unused lands which are located in more marginal areas and which are unsuitable for cane cultivation may easily become lands. In addition, it appears that people are less clear about the ownership of lands whi-ch are marginal to the village's ecological system, but which in former years might have, been planted in arrowroot, These lands are largely located northeast of Chalky Mount road around the southern and eastern margins of Chalky Mount Peak (see Figure 1) and are

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 270 highly eroded and devoid of grass cover. The foundation remnants of stone houses bear witness to the former habitation of these areas, but today, being loc.ated at inconvenient distances to the standpipes, on unproductive lands, etc., with their former owners dead or having moved away, the current status of these lands is often unknown, vaguely defined, and little concern appears to be shown over them. Although ownership of land, especially working land, is a desideratum, greater profits do not necessarily accrue to the owner of cane land than to' theperson who rents. Despite whatever other values attach to land ownership, cultivable land is economically valuable because of the cash it can ultimately yield. Even persons who own cane lands make efforts, as was seen in Chapter III, to ,rent;. when they can. But given the extremely small and ,often fragmented nature of these land holdings, their inaccessibility to roads andupoor soil conditions, and the price on sugar cane, the lands cannot yield surfi-cient income to maintain a household. On the other hand, if the lands were converted to food crop production they still would not provide sufficient food for subsistence' needs, and would not begin to supply the ever needed hard cash. Clearly, production for a cash market and not for' subsistence is the primary orientation of the people of

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 271 Chalky Mount. The Barbadian rural is fully involved in a system of cash exchange, and the overriding emphasis placed upon the acquisition of 'cash in working relationships, labor orientations, and involvement in cashproducing activities, reflect the villagers' deep immersion. in this cash economy. Further, and most importantly, the villagers are almost entirely dependent upon sources external to the village for a multitude of commodities and services which they regard as essential; and the vast majority of these are inextricably woven into the network of the cash economy. Since most vital goods and services can only be acquired with money, culturally determined standards of consumption make cash a virtual of existence. The need for cash extends far beyond the simple acquisition of "basic necessities" such as foodstuffs and cldth1ng. From birth to death, from the mid-wife who delivers to the. undertaker who buries, cash is needed for the .services provided In fact, to be "put down, It i.e., buried, by the "public" or the alnishOuse is the dread of most Chalky Mount adul ts. Al though free medical services are provided weekly in the parish almshouse or in the general hospital in .. Bridgetown, people prefer private doctors. Charity is available to the truly impoverished person, but this ultimately means the parish almhouses. Accepting this kind of charity involves such a loss of prestige 'that it is usually

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 272 done only as a last recourse, as when an indigent person's close kin are cannot accept responsibility for his sustenance. The kinds of things which demand cash are so numerous that to attempt any itemization would be almost as fruitless a task as a similar itemization for American society. In sum, for virtually all of their consumption needs,"and especially for those which they consider the most important the villagers need money., This situation has been encouraged in recent years by higher wages and,other cash resources, and easier access to the increased outlet's for spending money. At the same time the "cost of living" has risen'considerably and new needs have been generated by society itself. These latter are continuously being created by a variety of means, e.g., exposure to goods during trips to .Bricigetown, letters and visits from family members abroad, travel abroad, newspaper and rediffusion advertisements, movies: people are urged to buy Phensic powders for their headaches, Klim milk for their children, and Tide soap for their wash. One wants to buy presents' for children at Christmas time, partiCipate in an excursion on a Bank Holiday, own a two-burner kerosene stove, build a larger house with more and better furnishings, and send his children to a secondary school (for which he must often pay tuition and buy uniforms and books). Today, it is rare for a perSon to attend a wedding or funeral at the

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 273 Belleplaine church without hiring a private car, and it is unthinkable to att"end a meeting hall or go into town wi thout shoes. Examples such as these could easily be multiplied. Dependence upon cash, then, stems from needs which extend far and above those immediately related to "biological survival," and involve a variety of "secondary" or culturally created needs. They are needs towards which the people of Chalky Mount are strongly oriented, and when "they speak of their poverty, they are referring to their inability to satisfy, or only partially satisfy, a host of socially-derived needs. Certainly, there is nothing unusual in this but these needs, in to the villagers' social position and relatively limited cash resources, _contribute to their self images as "poor people." Poverty, then, with respect to Chalky Mount, implies a constant exposure to a larger SOCiety, a lack of cash in relation to perception of "total needs, and sufficient cash to fulfill some of these needs and keep the consumption spiral going upward. Simply put, the people of Chalky Mount need money, and the ecological adaptations reviewed in the preceding chapters reflect in detail the dependence upon cash and concomitant involvement in the island's market economy. The land-based complexes which people emphasize are those whiQh ultimately yield cash, and the social

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 274 'relationships that people form in the pursuance of activities' to these complexes often rest upon pecuniary foundations. Further, people attempt'to maximize the number of complexes in which they involve themselvesl as well as engaging, w,hen they can, in economic pursuits un-' related to the land. This situation is reflected in the "occupational, structure" of the vi'llage'. 'Some problems relating to this were raised in Chapter II when "occupa-,:" tional plurality" was discussed. There:t suggested ,that many of Chalky Mount's adults can be considered as "occupational pluralists,1I and as is apparent by now potters are not simply potters, plantation workers are not simply plantation workers, and small farmers are not simply small farmers; Whether those small farmers who sell their labor, to plantations are,a type of peasantry (Padilla 1951:25; Cumpe:r,;' 1961: 398,1+08) or whether those plantation workers who are as well small farmers constitute a type of lSimu1taneous involvement in these complexes is facilitated by the fact that virtually all lands--p1antation and non-p1antation--are near the ,village, near enough, in fact, lunch to be taken at home. Because of this and the 'fact that the island is so small and has a very effective transportation system even adult wage-earners (e.g., masons, road-laborers, bus conductors, the shoemaker, writ-server, and almshouse nurse--Tab1e1) and persons under 21 who work in Bridgetown places outside of the village and its immediate environs, need not'spend considerable amounts of time away from Chalky Mount. This situation is quite different from such places as British Guiana (R.T. Smith 1956) and Jamaica (Clarke 1951, Comitas 1961+) where men, especially, migrate and spend much of their time away 'from their villages in earning their cash wages.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 275 plantation worker different from a "peasant" type seems to be a moot issue in most cases. One could easily place the emphasis either way, but certainly it would be inadequate to view most regular plantation workers as constituting a landless rural proletariat. And, as we have pointed out before, one rarely hears the people of Chalky Mount make a genuine distinction in these roles. Most. people prefer the generic term of laborer when.applied to themselves. However, plantation wage labor'appears to be the dominant source of the village1s income and the plantations offer the single greatest block of wage employment. figures I have cited elsewhere (Chapter II) which support this stateinE!nt would be g:reater if persons under 21 years and the ir.regular workers were to have been included. Even women who today claim home duties as their major occupation might still .doplantation work during the crop or engage in other cash earning activities as well as take care of their own cane parcels and keep livestock. Hence a housewife (home duties) need not simply be a housewife, or, for that matter, is a retired person always exempt from producing activities. Similarly, the basketmaker or shopkeeper or carpenter who divides his time between a number of income-producing activities, though he might state his occupational status in unitary terms, will often spend more time at activities other than those which derive from his'self-assessed primary occupation.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 276-When questioned specifically, the occupational categorie's with which people tend to align themselves are those based upon the individual's understanding of occupa-tional mO,dels as presented, for example, on census questionnaires. Identification of one's might also be based upon prestige factors which fit "in with the, over-all value system of the society" (R.T. Smith 1956:41). Be this as it may, the issue is that even though people might respond in terms many of them rather, think of themselves in a multi-occupational dimension. Consequently, informant statements concerning their occupations and the occupational structure of the village often do not accurately reflect the actual nature of combined economic activities whether one is speaking ot individuals or households.2 2Tbe ambiguity of occupational classifications is well reflec,ted in the pottery industry. Here" there is no special term used to designate those males who are dependent upon the cash derived from pottery and actively engage in its production, but who are unable to make wares on the wheel (Chapter V).' These people usually consider themselves as laborers, and as I have pointed out, as with the potters, engage in other income-producing activities as well. The failure of governmental officials to recognize this Situation, insIsting on perceiving it in uni-occupationa'l terms, and also ignoring occupational status distinctions in the pottery industry (i.e., potters and "non-potters") was a factor in an abortive attempt to institute a cooper-, ative in the pottery industry in 1962.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. '.' ',. 277 R.T. Smith is'concerned with this problem when he discusses the occupational structure of Guianese villages There' is some danger of over-simplifying the occupational pattern in trying to present it con-cisely, and it must be borne in mind that the following list is merely an enumeration of the major economic activities which are open to men and women. Any particular individual may engage in several occupations in as short a time as one week or even one day, so that this is not a list of specializations (1956:43--see Chapter II, section on occupations). ,The similarity to Chalky Mount is also apparent in the following: Rice growing, provision farming, stock ,rearing, and estate work are not specialized occupations,' but are in a pattern of employm;nt rollowe by male wor But there Is yet another range of occupations which we can most easily call "trades' which enter into the picture (R. T. Smith 1956:41, my emphasis). Smith goes on to suggest that in a trade such as carpenter relatively few of those who claim this occupation devote most of their time to it. Further, "even those who spend most time working at the trade will also probably grow rice, plant provisions, and keep stock, and this applies to all the trades we shall mention" (R.T. Smith 1956:41). In this, as in previous statements, we can conveniently substitute the word sugar cane for rice with reference to Chalky Mount. It may well be, as suggested before, that what, is found in Chalky Mount as well as British Guiana Negro villages is a situation quite comparable to the one Comitas describes in his discussion of "occupational pl\1rality" in

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 278 rural Jamaica (1963, 1964). In Chalky'Mount there seems to be a lack of ,;occupationa1 specialization by many individuals and there is a distinct emphasis placed upon simultaneous involvement in a number of income-producing activities; and, as we have seen, there is an adaptive advantag,e in doing this in terms of culturally prescribed standards of consumption and cash needs. Yet, in spite of the difficulties involved in statistical validation, it is apparent that not all complexes or other wage-earning activities have equal or comparable roles in contributing to the cash income of individuals or households. ,The point is that people seem to view their income-producing activities, especially those of ,the land-based complexes, as forming an integrated whole towards each part of which they' have a heavy commitment and feel a responsibility. Even if the complexes yield disproportionate amounts of income, e.g.", plantation wage labor yields than small-scale sugar cane farming for regular plantation workers, both of these complexes are considered to be aspects of a person's total economic life. Once again, however, this is not necessarily in relation to the proportion of income they contribute. Efforts are made to adjust one's involvement and responsibilities to each so as to avoid-conflict in work schedules. This is not always ,successful; a worker might not report to cut cane'for a day or so during crop because

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 279 he has to cut cane on his own parcel of land; or he might not turn out for work during hard times because his own land--rented or otherwise--demands cultivation. But usually the pattern is typified by--for example--the potter who takes his stock out to pasture early in the morning, works on his land for an hour or so and then makes pots or does other similar chores for the rest of the day, sometimes even returning to his land when the sun goes down. The postman will work on his own land during the morning and deliver mail during the afternoon, 'and this general pattern holds for others who have outside, non-agricultural work which does not demand, their continual eight-hour presence on thE! spot. possible such individuals keep their obligations to the land-based complexes whether in terms of their own labor or the hired labor of others. In summary, many able-bodied adults in Chalky Mount attempt to engage in a number of activities as time and opportunity permit. A classification of such villagers in terms of single occupations would be inappropriate and a misleading reflection of their total cash pursuits and the multi-dimensional nature of income-producing activities. This is one reason why, I suppose, it is difficult to identify significant sociocultural correlates with particular kinds of major occupations when

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .,. 280 one is talking. of lower rural population segments.3 And s1milarly, this is why it is difficult .. the same thing with particular complexes becaus.e. ot the overlapping that occurs and the variety of complexes that individuals (and hotiseholds) combine. Add to this the numerous other pccupational and cash-producing activities-non-land based--and it becomes even more difficult to oonsider Chalky Mount in terms of uni-occupational categories and the typological "plantation" and "peasanttl dichotomy that is often presented for Caribbean communities (Cf. Padilla 1957, Horowitz 19(0). Although much of the cash is ultimately funneled into household units for consumption needs, as mentioned in Chapters I and II, it is often to isolate the household as the essential unit of production. 3For instance, Cumper, i.n a study .of Barbadian households, attempts to correlate household forms with the occupations of' household heads--household head presumably being defined in terms of house ownership. As oneof his conclusions he states that "the groupings of' households by broad occupational classes is an effective way of' distinguishing variations in the patterns of household composition. In none of' the groups is it possible to find a completely corlsistent system, but no other classification seems capable of greater consistency" (1961: 410) It might be that this lack of consistency could be partially due to CUmper's adherence to uni-occupational constructs in his classification, his neglect of economic pursuits or-other household members, .and his concentration upon the rather vague status of hOUsehold head--especially as this is correlated with various types of household groupings.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 281 Land is held in but household units are not identified 'with the land .f's. c.orporate bodies, ," and land in general is held :by' and not corporate groups. Family lands are held by individuals of different households, but even these persons, whether they form a sibling group or not, work the land as individuals. Either the whole land unit is' worked by one .individual or it is sub-divided into working units with each individual having complete rights over whatever is. produced on his own parcel. Similarly, "livestock is owned by individuals and people are clear in stating, for instance, that "two sheep belongs to my husband, anQther sheep and de goat is mine," etc. Also in various phases of production in the more important land-based complexes, the .household is forced to .. go of itself to find the to perform .crucial chores.o Since labor rell1tionships are poorly developed, and extended kin ties do not necessarily promote obligations of in cash-oriented activities, and, in general, have' few functions in every day affairs (extended kin groups' with corporate functions are non-existent in the village), much of this labor must be paid for ort a cash basis and through individual contract. Although people might work for one another and rstionalize their relationship along lines. of kinship sentiments, their relationship usually rests upon other primary criteria such as physical ability and work capacity which in themselves are derivatives of the pecuniary foundations of the labor relationship.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 282 Both common-law and legal spouses will not demand:' pay when working on each other 1 s. land,. adult children living' away from .their elder parents might work for them--espemother--without pay, and younger children 'wi11 be expected to perform chores without pay for their parents. On the other hand, siblings residing in different households, fa.thers working' for mature sons or daughters of different households, and even older children who live in their parentsl household will usually be paid for the chores they perform. In fact, it is only the relatively rare instances of the pottery-making households that the household can be said to form a cooperative unit of production. But: even here, as we have seen, the household is forced to go outside for paid help, and the 'cooperative nature of the unit--though evident in pottery-.wou1d not necessarily be present in other activities in which mem-bers of the household might engage, as, for instance, small-scale sugar cane farming. And the fact that the household can rarely provide all the labor in various income producing activities--even "specialists" must be called to slaughter livestock--further undermines the corporate nature the household in economic affairs and makes it difficult to view, even if in somewhat narrow terms, the household as the unit of production. Another factor which inhibits the corporate functioning of the household as a unit of production has.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 283 already been mentioned. It is not unusual to find adult household members of either sex with their own sources of income whether these sources be one or more of the landbased complexes, other wage-earning pursuits, or even remittances. Women, as we have seen, can be important wage-earners and property holders in their own right. Whatever these. sources of income might be, the activities engaged in are, for the most part, undertaken independently by the household members, though it does occur occasionally in some complexes that an adult in the household might lead others in certain activities, e.g., clay coll.ecting for pottery. 'Cases of this kind, however, are the exception. For whatever reason the multi-adult household comes into existence and regardless of whatever other primary functions it might perform, e.g., child-rearing, its emergence and perpetuation does not seem to be contingent upon the ability to maintain itself as a unit of production. Once again, R.T. Smith's observations are relevant to Chalky Mount it is necessary to stress time and again the fact that the household in a rural Negro village community is not by any means the kind of corporate productive unit encountered in the general run of peasant societies. It is not tied to a farm which is the basis of its. existence, and the productive activities of its members do not fall into places as parts of a total pattern of exploitation of a natural environment. For any particular household the overriding consideration is the acquisition of cash income, arid cash is in turn the means of acquiring necessary goods and services. Subsistence crops and the unsold por-. tion of products accruing from agricultural activity generally, are regarded as supplementary to the money income of the group (1956:70).

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 284 Although all adults, or wage-earning persons are supposed to contribute to the household budget, adults with separate sources of income are prone to regulate their own economic affairs. However, the female assumes primary responsibility for household consumption needs and especially' the needs of the children. Although the male contributes, or should contribute, to the domestic economy he will usually keep a portion of his income for his own needs. In fact, in the handful of cases for which,.! could get adequate data on .' savings, if more than one adult in the household had a savings account neither person knew what the other had in his. Also, individuals usually contract their own debts, although on certain occasions (e.g., major loans on houses from the government) spouses may take out loans jointly. But the more common pattern is exemplified in relations with East Indian itinerant dry goods merchants with whom household members make individual debt arrangements, one spOuse often being unaware of the nature of the other's debt. Household members, then, own property as individuals, and besides this individuals have the right to spend their cash as they see fit. ,Even though they may be under obligation to contribute cash to the domestic economy, their right to independent disposal of cash and individual ownership of property is not questioned. Further, where both spouses have independentsotirces,of income it becomes difficult to determine the hotlsehold head" and this

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I 285 difficulty is further compounded, for example, where one adult owns the hou"Se and another the working land. The household head as isolated 9n a governmental census report is usuallr the senior adult male (or adult f,emale if a male is lacking), but he may. contribute no more than the female to the household's cash resources and furthermore 'may not have as vital a role to play in the every day functioning of the household. Iri this regard it might be relevant to again quote R.T. Smith. Heads of households have no precisely defined functions nor is there any clear sooial concept ot household headship. The household as suoh has practioally no oorporate,funotions such as working land in OODUDon or owning things as a group. The role of household head is .muoh :.less important than the person's role as husband, father, mother, or grandmother (1956:60). In sum, aside, from whatever other reasons were given above, there are means for the individual to assert himself eoonomically, and this assertion oan exist independently of household obligations. It is individuals (as opposed to individuals representing corporate household groups) who partiCipate income-producing aotivities. Because these individuals are free to enter 'into whatever produotion they want especially with respect to the land-based complexes, production units tend to be groups formed in various phases of such complexes as sugar farming (e.g., crop-time cutting and heading, groups) pottery (e .g., making setting), and arrowroot (e.g., digging and processing the root). Holding the main

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 286 item of production--land--as individuals, largely working as individuals or within transitory groups formed to meet particular kinds of prqduction. demands, people are not oriented towards collective .enterprises especially in activities which are geared towards the acquisition of cash. In effect, ecological conditions in Chalky Mount do not seem to impose a necessity for corporate group life with respect to production activities.' Even when labor groups are formed they are formed on the basis of individUal contractual relationships between employer and employee4 so that with the great emphasis upon cash in 'working relationships one finds a very low degree of non-pecuniary communal activity in the' village. In fact, the only kind of regular collective work group found in Chalky Mount, as I pOinted out in ChapterII, is the house-moving group. This group is a fluid one, changing with each particular occasion, and even here one cannot move his house until he has the money both to pay a carpenter who directs this activity, and to provide rum and for the people who do the actual moving. Communal work groups of this kind, in such activities as house-moving or building, are common in many parts of the world (Erasmus 1956:453). This group probably persists in 4The crop-t1meplantation unit and the truck crew have some exceptional but not overly deviant characteristics (Chapter IV).

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 287 Sarbados because house-moving, if done on a strictly basis, would be prohibitively expensive. At any rate, in activities which are part of cash-oriented complexes communal workgroups of this order are essentially absent. The general individualization in economic affairs is reflected inthe amorphous nature of the household unit with respect to production activities and as well in the structure of the community itself.5 No efforts made here to imply a functional relationship between these two' structural forms. Whatever complex of factors, both synchronic and. diachroniC, are responsible for the "informal structure" of the community, Chalky Mount appears to be but another example of numerous Caribbean communities 5In the Caribbean Chalky Mount offers an interesting contrast, for example, to Edith Clarke's communities of Mocca and. Orange Grove which are "integrated societies in which kinship plays an important role the producing unit is the individual family in the homej men, women, and their children have their defined tasks and duties and in both these villages there is constant, intimate cooperation between the members of the family in their performance (1957:182-183). The prevalence of various exchange labor relationships in these communitiea also underscores the differences between villages such as Chalky Mount and those "corporate like systems" (Horowitz 1960: 183) .. associated. with Caribbean "peasant" cOnimUnities.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 288 which, in Wagley's words, are characterized by a "weak ,sense of community cohesion" (1957:8); and the kinds of productive arrangements that occur' 'in. Chalky Mount seem, to be symptomatic of this kind of organization.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 1. LAND USE AND DISTRIBUTION IN BARBADOS, 1961, _. BY ACRES* Sour Scrub ARABLE Grass Land House-Misce1-Total and and spots 1aneoua Pasture Roads Estates 49,709.00 12,,302.,30 9,,391 71,40,3.05 (over 10 acres) Estate Tenants 4,,345.65 4,,345.65 Small Holdings 14,500.00 (est. ) ,3,821.70 18,,321.70 Government Land for Experimental Purposes 158 158.75 Miscellaneous Urban Areas, Coast-land, Roads, etc. Estimated 12,000.00 12,000.00 TOTAL 68,71,3.40 12,,302.30 9,,391.75 12,000.00 106, *From Innis et. a1., 1961: 1-2. l\) \()

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 2.' POPULATION OF BARBADOS, -1960., BY,RACIAL OR ETHNIC 'GROUP* St. Andrew Racial and/or Ethnic Group Barbados and St. Chalky Jose:e h No. No. No. Negro 207,161 89.2 15,388 93.9 520' 95.6 Mixed or Colored 13,994 6. 680 4.1 19 3.5 White 10,083 4.3 301 1.8 5 .9 East Indian 464 .2 Other (Chinese, Lebanese-Syrian,'Amerindian, 'miscellaneous) 220 .1 Not Stated 411 .2 26 .2 TOTAL '232,333 100. 16,395 100. 544 100. *Source of all but Chalky Mount data is the 1960 West Indies Population Census, Bulletin No.1. N '-0 o

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. '<'"" 291 TABLE 3. POPULATION OF CHALKY 1961-1962, BY.AGE AND SEX.GRpUP AGE GROUP Male Female Total 5 and under 63 56 119' 6 10 43 54 97 11 15 35 37 72 16 -20 27 23 50 21 25 2 14 16 26 -30 10 7 17 31 -35 10 11 21 36 40 5 14 19 41 45 10 7 17 46 50 10 12 22 51 55 11. 15 26 56 60 11 7 18 61 65 12 13 25 66 70 3 9 .,. '.12 71 and over 3 10 13 TOTAL 255 289, 544

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 4. CHALKY MOUNT HOUSES AND HOUSESPOTS, -1962, -BY TYPE OF ,TENURE AND MODE OF ACQUISITION Houses Housespot No. rJ, No. Owned by Household Resident 97 83.6 46 Purchased (63) (24) Non-Purchased (27) (22) 'Mode of Acquisition Unknown ( 7) ( -) Rented by Household Resident from 2 1.7 57 Estate ( -) (39) Non-estate ( 2) (18) Neither Owned Nor "ented by B-.c;usehold B>esident 14 12.1 13 No Information 3 2.6 TOTAL 116 100. 116 .% 39.7 49.1 11.2 100. N '-0 N

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 5. SIZE OF CHALKY MOUNT HOUSEHOLDS. 1961-1962-BY AGE AND SEX OF HOUSEHOLD. MEMBERS Age aDd Belt of Houeehold Members Size of Household N9. of ., Male Female (No. of Members) Households 156 '66 6 156 56-65. 66 6 UDder 16-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 Over UDder 16-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 Over One 14 ---1 4 2 --1 --1 -5 Two 1'1 2 2 2 2 4 2 -3 1 -3 '1 2 4 Three 14 '1 3 3 2 1 2 2 5 4 2 :! 1 4 3 Four 15 .15 4 3 -2 4 1 13 5 2 2. 4 3 2 Five 12 13 '1 3 2 2 2 1 16 3 2 3 1 3 2 Six 18 30 2 5 -3 '1 1 35 8 -3 2 '1 4 1 Seven 11 2'1 4 3 1 1 2 1 24 3 4 2 1 3 1 Eight 6 12 4 -3 1 1 -15 4 2 1 3 1 1 Nine 5 15 2 -3 1 1 -16 3 1 2 1 -Ten 2 5 -1 --10 2 1 1 -Eleven 2 8 --1 1 --8 2 -2 -Twelve -------ThIrteen ----------Fourteen 1 '1 1 --1 ,... -2 1 1 -1 --Total 11'1 141 29 20 15 21 23 6 14'1 3'1 18 21 2'1 20 19 --Total 14 34 42 60 60 108 '1'1 48 45 20 22 --14 544 Average Able-Bodied Adult per Houeehold 0.6 1.4 1.'1 1.9 2.3 2.2 2.1 3.3 2.8 2.5 3.0 1.9 l\) \() 'vJ

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 294 TABLE 6. OCCUPATIONS OF CHALKY MOUNT'S ADULT POPULATION" 1961-1g62-,BY SEX -OCCUPATION Plantation Worker Laborer for Small Farmer Sugar Factory Worker Pottery Carpenter Mason Basketmaker Tailor Shoemaker SeaD1stress Hawker Shopkeeper Road Laborer Writ Server Postman Alms House Nurse School Janitress Bath House Attendant Bus Conductor Foundry -Worker Chauffeur -Trucker Domestic Home Duties No Occupation Retired m Mentally III Invalid TOTAL MALES No. % 32 37.2 10 11.6 1 1.2 11 12.8 6 7.0 2 2.3 1 1.2 1 1.2 1 1.2 2 2.3 4 4.6 1 1.2 1 1.2 --2 2.3 1 1.2 1 1.2 1 1.2 8 \ I FEMALES No. '/J 44 37.6 1 .8 --4 3.4 9 7.6 3 2.6 --1 .8 1 .8 2 1.7 4 3.4 39 33.3 7.6 86 100. 117 100. TOTALNo. % 76 37.4 11 5.4 --1 11 6 3. 2 1. 1 .5 1-.5 1 .5 4 2. 9 4.4 5 2.5 4 2. 1 .5 1 .5 1 .5 1 .5 2 1. 2 1. 1 .5-1 .5 1 .5 4 2. 39 19.2 {In 8.4 203 100.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 7. CD Q) P1ant-.p oM ation > oM Wage .p X.bor C) 0:( Cf-I 0 0 ':
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 7.--Continued co Type of Activity CD oM .p Plant .... Small-Pottery Income ArrowOther co oM :> ation Scale Work Produc-root Wage oM Wage Sugar for ing co .p M C) La,bor Small L1-ve-. 1ng or CD /lot 1ng Farmers stock Cash or Produc-0 0 Potters 1ng 0 Act1vi-0 ties Three ,0 x x x 1 x x x 4 x x x 10 x x x 1 x x x 2 x x x 1 x x x 2 x x x 9 Four 21 x x x x 1 x x x x 8 x x x x 1 x-x x x 4 2 I\) x x x X '-0 X X x x 2 Q'\ x X X x 1 x x x x 2

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 7.--Continued Type ot Activity 10 Cl) ort Plant-Small-Pottery Wage Income .p ort ation Scale Work Producing > ort Wage 8.ugar tor Livestock .p Labor Farm-Small () < ing Farmers .... or 0 Potters 0 :z: Five x x x x x x x x x Total -42 59 12 25 54 Arrow-Other root Wage ing or Cash Produc-ing Activi-ties x 4 31 10 a 10 H Cl) Pot .... 0 0 :z: 4 78 2 2 .. l\) \0 --.J : ., ...

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 8. CHALKY MOUNT HOUSEHOIiD COMBINATIONS OF LAND-BASED ..... ECONOMIC' COMPLEXES, 1961-1962* Type or Complex No. or House-I No. or holds with Other Plantation Small-Live-Pottery Subsis-HouseCash earning OQ) Activities Wage Scale stock tence holds r..ta> La.bor Sugar Crops (excludes' 0 ..... remittances) Pt Farm- 0 ing :z; One 1, 9 x 5 2 x 2 1 x 5 5 x 1 1 Two 12 4 x x x x 1 x x. 4 2 x x 4 2 Three 27 19 x x x 5 x x x 20 15 x x x 2 1 tv '-0 *See page 82 ror explanation of sample. 00

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. o oro Q) 0(1) r-f .s:l. o Z Pour Five. .. Total Households Plantation Wage Labor x x x x 44 TABLE 8.--Continued Type of' Complex SmallScale Sugar Farm-ing x x x x 7' Live-Pottery stock x x x x x 69 x x x x 11 Subsistence Crops x x x x 59 *See page 82 for explanation of sample. No. of' Households ,2 1 26 1 4 2 ., 2 86 ::- II No of' House';' holds withtOther Cash earning Activities (excludes remittances) 16 1 1, 2 1 1 .49 '. I\) '-0 '-0

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 9. EMIGRATION TO ENGLAND FROM CHALKY MOUNT AS OF APRIL; 1962 APPl"oxima te Year of Departure 1962 1961 1960 j 1959 1958 1957 1956 1955 No Year Given TOTAL No. of Emigrants 4 18 25 8 10 11 15 10 7 108 Sex of Emigrant Age of Em:lCgant at Time of Departure M F 16-20 21-25 26-'0 .31-'5 ,6 ... 2 2 6 12 8 3 2 3 2 15 10 9 8 4 4 2 6 -::Ii. 3 1 1 ... 5 5 3 1 1 2 8 1 5 ., 2 12 ,. 2 5 5 .3 7 3 2 7 1 4 .3 : .. 61 47 29 '7 17 11 7 ,NQ.: Data 7 \...U 7 0 0

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 9.--Continued Approximate No. of Most Passage Year of Departure Emigrants Money Provided by Emigrant Emigrant Family t ? and Family Loan 1962 4 2 2 1961 118 I 4 4 io 1960 I 4 i2 5 .3 7 11 1959 18 1 1 4 .2 I 1958 !10 2 7 1 1957 11 4 1 4 2 1956 15 .3 4 6 2 1955 10 2 .3 4 1 No Year 7 7 Given 'vJ TOTAL 108 20 18 44 0 19 7 I--'

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 302 TABLE 10. ESTIMATED REMITTANCES RECEIVED FROM ,ENGLAND BY" "MQUNT HOUSE}fOU)S ,IN 1961. Amount of Remittance No. of Households Up to 50 6 51-100 6, 101-150 3 151-200 201-250 4 251-300 6 301-350 8 351-400 401-450 2 451-500 4 : 501-550 1 551-600 601-650 651-700 3 701-750 1 751-800 ,., 801-850 1 851-900 1 TOTAL 46 '.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. JOJ TABLE 11. MAJOR OCCUPATIONS OF CHALKY MOUNT SMALL. CANE!i1Mft1ERS" ,1961-1962 Occupation No. % Plantation Worker 59 5.3 .1 Laborer for 'Small Farmers 9 8.1 Pottery 9 8.1 Basketmaker 1 .9 Carpenter .3 2.7 Chauffeur 1 .9 Mason 2 1.8 Postman 1 .9 Seamstress 3 2.7 Shoemaker' 1 Shopkeeper 1 .9, Sugar Factory Worker 1 .9 Tailor 1 .9 Writ-Server 1 .9 Home Duties 13 11.7 Retired 5 4.5 TOTAL 111 100.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 304 TABLE 12. SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF CHALKY MOUNT WORKING LANDS, 1961-1962 ,o.. ALL TENURE 'TYPES group No. of % of Acreage in % of acreage each size in each size (in acres) holdings holdings group group 1/8 -1/4 13 11.8 2 7/8 2.2 3/8 -1/2 27 24.3 13 3/8 10. 5/8 3/4. .12 10.8 8 5/8 .. 6.5 7/8 -1 25 22.5 24 5/8 '18.5 .. 1 1/8 -1 1/4 8 7.2 9 3/4" .. 7.3 1 3/8 -1 1/2 .3 207 4 1/2 3.4 1 5/8 -' 1/3/4 1 .9 1 3/4 1.3 1 7/8 -2 5 4.5 10 7.5 2 1/8 -2 1/4 2 1.8 4 1/2 3.4 2 3/8 -2 1/2 3 2.7 7 3/8 5.5 2 5/8 -2 3/4 2 1.8 5 1/2 4.1 2 7/8 -3 3 2.7 9 6.7 3 1/8 -3 1/4 '0 0 0 0 3 3/8 -3 1/2 1 .9 3 1/2 2.6 35/8 -3 3/4 1 .9 3 3/4' 2.8 3 7/8 -4 3 2.7 11 7/8 8.9 4 1/8 -5 3/4 0 0 0 0 5 7/8 -6 1 .9 5 7/8 .4.4 6.1/8.-6 1/4 9 0 0 0 6 3/8 ,-6 1/2 1 .9 6 1/2 4.9 TOTAL III 100. 133 3/8 100.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. -Size Group (in acres) 1/8-1/4 '/8-1/2 I 5/8-,/4 7/8-1 1 1/8-1 1/4 1 3/8-1 1/2 1 5/8-2 1/4 2 ,/8-2 1/2 TOTAL TABLE 13. DISTRIBUTION OP RENTED WORKING LANDS IN CHALKY MOUNT, 1961-1992, BY TYPE OF PLANTATION NON-PLANTATION % of' % of' % of' Total Acreage Total No. .Tota1 Acreage Rented Rented 'Rented Holdings Acreage Holdings. 4 5.9 3/4 1.4 2 2.9 3/8 17 25. 8 1/2 15.4 7 10.3 1/2 to 14.7 7 1/2 13.6 1 1.5 3/4 1, 19.1 1, 2,.6, 4.4 3 2 2.9 2 1/2 4.5 1 1.5 1 1/4 6 8.8 9 16., 2 2.9 5 9.1 54 79.3 1/4 8'.9 14 20.6 8 7/8 -% of' Total Rented Acreage .7 6., 1.4 5.4 2., 16.1 \...oJ 0 \.r\

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 14. SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF' NON-RENTED WORKING HOlDINGS IN CHALKY MOUNT1 1961-1962, BY MODE 01' .ACQUISITION NON-PURCHASE PURCHASE :< Size Group 10 of t/J of ; of or (in acres) No. NonAcreage NonNo. NonAcreage Hon-Rented Rented Rented Rented Holdings Acreage Holdings Acreage 1/8-1/4 10 15.6 22 1/4 2.8 ---,/8-1/2 1, 20., 6 1/2 8.2 6 9.4 2 7/8 3.6 5/.8 ... ,/4 2 ,.1 1 1/2 1.9 2 ,.1 1 1/2 1.9 7"/8-1 4 6.2 4 5.1 6 9.4 6 7.6 1 1/8-1 1/4 1 1.6 1 1/8 1.4 2 ,.1 2 1/2 ,.2 1 '/.8-1 1/.2 1 1.6 1 1/2 1.9 1 1.6 1 1/2 1.9 1 5/8-1 ,/4 -1 7/8-2 1 1.6 2 2.5 2 ,.1 4 5.1 2 1/8-2 1/4 1 1.6 2 1/4 2.8 2 '/8-2 1/2 4 6.2 '/8 12.5 2 5/8-2 ,/4 --2 ,.1 5 1/2 7. 2 7/8-, 1 1.6 3 ,.8 1 1.6 ,.8 1/8-, ,/4 -"7/8-4 1 1.6 4 5.1 2 ,.1 7 7/8 10. 4 1/8-6 --6 1/8 ... 6 1/4 1 1.6 6 1/4 7.9 'vJ 25 7/8 46.9 5' 1/8 67.' o. TOTAL 34 53.1 ,2.7 ,0 -...J r'

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE Size Group (in acres) No. 1/8-1/4 10 '/8-1/2 14 5/8-,/4 1/8-1 10 1 1/8-1 1/4 1 ,/8-1 1/2 2 1 5/8-1 ,/4 1 1/8-2 2 1/8-2 /4 1 2 ,/8-2 1/2 4 2 5/8-2/4 2 2 1/8-, 2 1/8;"3 ,/4 3 1/8-4 4 1/8-6 6 1/8-6 1/4 1 TOTAL 64 TOTAL Non-Purchase and Purchase % Acreage 15,6 2 1/4 29.1 9,/8 15.6 10 4.1 5/8 ,.1 ,. --4.7 6 0 1&6 2 1/4 6.2 9 1/8 ,.1 '5 1/2 ,.1 6 --4.1 11 1/8 --1.6 6 1/4 100. 19 % 2.8 11.9 ,.8 12.1 4.6 ,.8 -1.6 2.8 12.5 1. 1.6 15 1.9 100. \...tJ o OJ

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 15. FORMS OF TENURE AND MODE OF ACQUISITION OF NON-RENTED LA.NDS ("BUY GROUND") IN CHALKY MOUNT, 1992 Cases Acreae&e .. % No % Purohase .34 52 5.3-.3/8 7.3 Land Paid. For -Bill of Sale -14 21 17-1/4 Land Paid For Deed 9 14 18-1/2 Payments Outstanding 11 17 17-5/8 32 48 19-3/8 27 Inherited by Will 11 17 5 Family Land -No Will 14 21 8-5/8 Inherited by Gift 7 11 5-3/4 24 25 24 7 12 8 TOTAL 66 100 72-3/4 100 \..U o '"

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Acreage Group 1/8-1 1 1/8-2 2 1/8-3 .3 1/8-4 TOTAL. TABLE 16. 1961 YIELD OF SUGAR CANE PER ACRE REAPED ON HOLDINGS OF CHALKY MOUNT SMALL CANE FARMERS No. of Cases 54 7 2 2 65 Acreage Reaped 32 7/8 11 1/2 4 7/8 7 7/8 S7 1/8 Tonnage Delivered Average Yield to All Factories per Acre Reaped 588.472 17.900 220.018 19.132 105.928 21.729 142.950 18.152 1,057.J68 18.509 \...) o

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 17. 1961YIEIDS OF SUGAR CANE PER ACRE REAPED ON SCOl'LAND DISTRICT PLANTATIONS ANn CHALKY 'MOUNT SMALL CANE FARMER HOIDINGS p-BY CROP Small farmer Plantation Crop No. Acreage Tonnage Tons Crop No. of. of of cases cane cases per acre Plant and Plant-1st ratoon 4 3 1/4 71.925 22.132 Plant 7 1st ratoon and 1st-2nd ratoon 9 5 1/2 112.269 20.412 1st ratoon 7 2nd ratoon and 2nd-3rd ratoon 11 6 3/8 98.448 2nd :ratoon 7 3rd ratoon and 3rd 'and 4th 3I'd-4th ratoon 5 1 7/8 27.594 14.717 Ita'oon. 7 TOl'AL 29 17 310.236 18.249 28 Tons of cane per acre reaped 41.539 33.512 26.836 24.499 Iv.> I--' ,31.597 I--'

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 18. SUGAR CANE TONNAGES DELIVERED TO FACTORIES IN BY CHALKY MOUNT SMALL CANE t. : 1 2 3 Li-S 6 8 9 10 Factory' and Total" Average Average Distance No. r;, of' ot Price. mated AmOWlt AmOWlt trom Chalky ot Total Tonnage Total Average Paid Average Netted Netted MOWlt in Cases Cases TonnTonnage per Trans-per per Road Miles age Ton port Ton Case (do'l-Costa (dol(dol-lars) per lars) Ton ., Andrews 3i 22 21.3.6 264.819 22.3 12.031 19.12 .2.30 16.82 202.46' Applewhaite 6 12 11.65 92.910 7.8 7.142 17.82 2.40 15.42 119.38 Haggatts 1i 48 46.6 594.027 50.1 12.315 17.60 2.10 15.50 191.81 Lower 9 8.74 109.170 9.2 12.13 18.88 2 15.98 193.84 Estate 9 Vaucluse 7 12 11.65. 125.285 10.6 10.44 19.01 2.,50 16.51 TCYl'AL 103 100. 1186.211 100. 10.945 16.05 175.97 \..oJ I-' I\)

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .. ........ Case 1 .2 3 4. 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Acreage 1-1/2 1 1 1 1 -3/4 -3/4 -3/4 -3/4 -3/4 -1/2 -1/2 -3/8 -1/4 -1/4 -1/4 -1/4 -1/4 -1/4 -1/8 TABLE 19. SELECTED 1961-1962 EXPENDITURES AND RECEIPTS OF CHALKY MOUNT CANE FARMERS,NON-RENTED WORKING HOLDINGS Tonnage Yielded on CuUers Headers Acreage 28.336 22. 50 29.612 18.75 13.892 28.80 9.750 10.000 21.60 16.00 19.654 20.00 17.308 21.60 '16.005 11.500 9.000 11.000 4.700 4.584 5.563 4.500 4.495 3.000 5.310 2.000 3.700 7.50 12.00 10.80 10.80' none 7.20 7.50 none none none 3.75 3.60 none 108.50 115.00 62.10 27.60 66.00 58.00 36.80 53.50 129.00 25.30 27.60 21.00 21.00 13.80 2.30 9_20 2.30 7.50 Expenses Transport Estimated to Fertilizer Factory Expenses 80.88 79.95 41.67 26.32 30.00 58.96 46.73 43.21 31.05 24.30 29.70 11.75 11.46 15.26 12.15 12.13 8.10 14.33 9.25 40.00 20,00 20.00. 20;00 20.00' 20.00 10.00 20.00 20.00 5.00 10.00 2.50 10.00 2.50 5.00 10.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 2.50 Receipts Estimated Paid on Total Gross Net Net Profit by% Agricultural Expenses Loans 30.00 25.00 none none none none none 25.00 none none none none none none none 10.00 none none 10.00 none 281.88 5.10.44 228.66 81.1 248.70 550.19 301.49 121.2 152.57 253.80 101.23 66.3 95.52 178.13 82.61 132.00 173.30 41.30 86.5 31.3 156.96 357.89 200.93 128.0 115.13 316.21 201.08 174.6 149.21 297.37 148.16 99.3 192.05 209.41 17.36 9.0 65.40 163.89 49. 150.5 '18.10 200.31 122.21; 156.5 35.25 81.45 46.20 131.1 49.66 79.4:4 29.7-8. 60.0 39.06 102.94 63; 88 163.5 "-. 19.45 62.49 321.3 .. 41.33 22.30 57.58 25.90 19.25 81.8.5 40.52 98.0 54.63 32.33 "145.0 97.01 39.43 68.5 34.66 8.76 33.8 64.12 44. 233.1 Total 12-1/4 213.909 212.40 830.20 592.20 252.50 100.00 1977.70 3889.13 1911.78 Did farmer do most or all his cultivating and weedlDg? no yes no no yes no no yes yes no yes yes yes no yes no yes no no yes w W

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 314 TABLE 20. ACREAGES OF SUGAR PLANTATIONS WHICH EMPLOYED CHALKY MOUNT LABOR. IN 1961-1962 Cambridge-Seniors Parks Spring-Bissex field of Total Cnalky '. Mount Laborers .4 22.4 4.7 3.5 tation .. Acrease Total 458 167 170 242 Arable 206 106 151 154 Arable as 45 63' 89 64 of Total Acrele Rea2!!d in 1=2-bl 1st 44 19 30.5 28.5 2nd 45.5 17 31 18.25 3rd 43 20 37 45.75 4th 30.25 18 20.25 30.5":' 5th 12 Total Reaped 1962 in 162.75 74 118.75 '135 Total Reaped in '. 1962 as of 79 79 88 Arable

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ',' TABLE 21. AVERAGE EARNINGS AND DAYS WORKED OF CHALKY MOUNT PLANTATION lABORERS WHO WORKm> AT LEAST' 120 .. DAYS DURING 1961* Female Class A 16 248.28 54 66 38 '.76 Class B 14 145.28 46 74 44 1.96 Total 50 233.96 50 66 41 '.52 *Excluding the wages of the superintendents and other staff personnel, and truck and tractor drivers. .. Iv.> !-J \J\

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sex and Class No. of' of' Worker Worker s Male Class A 18 Class B 2 Female Class A 16 I Class B 14 Total 50 TABLE 21.--Continued Seasonal. Days and Wages Out-of'-Crop Wages if, of' Total Days if, of' Total Wages Worked Days Worked 271.76 40 91 56 221.01 62 87 64" 211.41 46 110 62 173.33 54 93 56 219.38 51 95 60 Average Daily Wage 2.99 2.54-1.92 1.86 2.33 W I-' 0'\

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 21.--Continued Additional Earnings Total Earnings Total Production Holiday i.e., earn-Bonus** With Pay*** ings plus produc-tion bonus and Sex and Class No. 'of Wages Days Average holiday with pay Workers Worked Da.ily Wage' Male Class A 18 676.21 16:; 40.46 27.21 74".88 Class B 2 "58.61 137 2.62 -----14.35 372.96 Female Class A 16 459.69 176 2.61 24.82 18.25 502.76 Class B 14 318.61 167 1.90 14.52 12.81 ,,45.94 Total 50 453.28 161 2.82 .60 18.16 491.39 '**10% of wages earned during the crop, except for Class B males \...V I--' ***Approximately of total wages, excluding production bonus "'l

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 22. AVERAGE EARNINGS AND DAYS WORKED OF CHALKY MOUNT PLANTATION LABORERS WHO LESS 'l'HAN 120 DAYS pURING 1961 Sex and Class of' Worker Male* Class A Class B Female** ClassA Total No. 01' Workers 6. 3 12 21 Wages 317.16 83.54. 209.86 203.52 Seasonal Days Worked and Wages Crop Days Worked 63 26 54 48 Average Daily Wage 5.01 3 .. 14 3.87 4.00 Out-ot-Crop No. of' Workers 5 4 10 19 Wages 120.57 211.19 66.52 132.76 Days Worked 44 75 ,8 52 Average Daily Wage 2.74 .82 1.75 2.44 *3 A males worked out-ot-orop only, 4 worked the crop only, and 2 worked during both seasons. 3 Class B males worked both seasons, and 1 worked during the out-of-orop only. **NoClass B temalesworked less than 120 days 3 Class A females worked the orop only, 1 worked the out-of-crop only, and 9 worked during both seasons. \..U I-' ex>

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sex and Class ot Worker Male* Class A Class B Female** Class A Total No. ot Workers 9 4 13 26 22.--Continued Seasonal Days Worked and Wages Wages 275 273.84 .244.88 264.60 Total Days Worked 67 94 78 80 Average Daily Wage 4 .. 11 2.91 3.14 3.39 *3 Class A males worked only, 4 the orop only, and 2 worked during both seasons. 3 Class B males worked both seasons, and 1 worked during the out-ot-orop only. **No Class B temales worked less than 120 days. 3 Class A temales worked the orop only, 1 worked.the only, and 9 worked during both seasons. \..U I--' '-0

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 22.--Continued Additional Earnings Sex and No. of" Total Class ot Worker No. ot Production No. ot Holiday Workers Earnings Workers Bonus Workers with Pay Male* Class A 6 }1.71 9 10.95 9 307.18 Class B 4 4 10.95 4 284.80 Female* Class A 12 20.98 13 9.47 l} 27}.12 Total 22 I 26.'5 10.46 26 288.51 *} Class A males worked out-ot-crop only, 4 worked the crop only, and 2 worked dUring both seasons. 3. Class B males worked both seasons, and 1 worked during the out-ot-crop only. **No Class B temales worked less than 120 3 Class A temales worked.the crop only, 1 worked the out-ot-crop only, and 9 worked during both seasons. Iv.> N o

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 23. MAJOR PLANTATION TASKS'f -. BY CLASS OF WORKER, PAY RATES, AND SEASONAL PERli'ORMANCE Class of Worker and Task Class A Male 1961 Pay Rate* Day Work 3.00 per day e.g., roads and gullies, hauling dung and fodder (truck work) supplying ratoon fields Task Work cane cutting truck worker truck
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Class at Worker and Task Class B Males Day Work e.g., spraying .. .. : ..... making up head rows, planting tood crops Task Work weeding dratnage ditches Class A Female DayWork e.g., carrying dung baskets. distributing tertilizer, planting tood crops, weeding TABLE 23.--Continued 1961 Pay Rate* 2.72 per day I .08 per rod 2.08 per day Season (s) during Which Task is Pertormed** out-at-crop out-ot-crop out-ot-crop all year out-ot-crop out-ot-crop out-ot-crop *1962 pay rates were a 10% increase over 1961 rates on task rates and a increase on day rates **Crop is normally trom to May. 'vJ I\) I\)

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Class ot Worker and Task Class A Female (Continued) Task Work weeding and clearing grass cutting Class B Females Day Work Task Work tarming TABLE 23.--Continued 1961 Pay Rate* .90 per ton .16-.20 per 100 holes 2.08 per square 1.92 per day. ? Season{ s) during Which Task Is crap out-at-crop out-at-crop all year *1962 pay rates a 1Q%increase over 1961 rates pn task rates and a 20% increase on day rates. **Crop is normally trom February to May. ., 'vJ N 'vJ

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 324 TABLE 24. 1961 AND 1962 AVERAGE WEEKLY EARNINGS DURING CROP SEASON OF CHALKY .. MOUNT PLANTATION : -WOmBS WHO WORKED TEN WEEKS OR MORE* ROLS Average Weekly Wage (dollars)** Truck Driver Cane Cutter Truck Crew Header 1961 34.65 26.47 21.69 1962. 39.57 26.91 22.57 20.00 Crop, in 196i, la$ted about 15 weeks, and in 1962 about 14 weeks. Cutters averaged fewer days per week in 1962 than in 1961. ** Excluding the Production Bonus

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 325 TABLE 25. MAJOR SUBSISTENCE CROPS GROWN BY' CHALKY MOUNT SMALL FARMERS .. IN .1961-19Qg. Type of Crop Sweet Cassava' Sweet Potatoes Yams Pigeon Peas Bitter Cassava Bananas Fruit Trees, e.g., coconut, mango, breadfrui t .. Okras Eddoes of Farmers Who Grow This Crop 94 60 58 52 ,;6 ';0 12 10 *Th1rty per cent of the small farmers reported no food crops during this period.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 26. NUMBER OF SUBSISTENCE CROPS GROWN BY CHALKY MOUNT SMALL FARMERs IN 1961-1962 326 Number of Crops % of Farmer who grow these crops one 4 two 12 three 24 four 26 five 18 six 10 seven or more 6

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 327 TABLE 27. DISTRIBUTION OF ANIMALS IN CHALKY MO'(!NT, BY ANlJQL TYPE Animal Keeping Type of Animal No. 'of No. of Households Animals Owners** No. % Income-Producing Sheep and lambs 16, 52 46 .8 Cows and calves 71 44 42 40. Goats and kids 64 29 28 26.7 Pigs and 50 40 39 37.1 Subsistence Chickens 520 -72 68.6 -Ducks 73 14 13.3 Rabbits 18 4 3.8 Pigeons 17 2 1.9 Turkeys 8 3 2.8 Other Dogs 74 56 53.3 Donkey 1 1 .9 *This is based upon i05 households. The remaining households provided no or incomplete information. I **Since it is customary to assign nominal ownership of subsistence animals to households members, primarily Children, it is pOintless to indicate owners for these animals. Ultimate rights to these animalsl however, are usually retained by the household head or other adults in the house. .'

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 28. DISTRIBUTION AND TENURE OF LANDS USED SOLELY AS PASTURAGE IN CHALKY MOUNT, 1962 Tenure Acreage Rented 1'; 5/8 Estate 117/8 Peasant 1 3/4 Non-Rented 11 1/2 Owned-Purchase 53/8 Owned-Inherited 4 5/8 Family Land 1 1/2 -------Total 25 5/8 *These represent thirty-one households No. of' Holders* 14 12 2 18 11 5 2 32 Average annual rent .paid on per acre basis 25.38 27. 67 --------------w I\) eX>

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE 29. INCOME-PRODUCING LIVESTOCK DISPOSED OF BY CHALKY MOUNT HOUSEHOLDS IN 1961,. BY.TYPE OF ANIMAL Type of Animal Cow Calf Sheep Lamb Goat Kid .Pig Piglet Number of Households Which Disposed of One or More Animals 5 7 22 0 6 2 11 3 Number of Animals Disposed of 6 T: 33 0 7 2 13 7 w I\) \()

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. J)O "Figure 1. Map of Chalky Mount and Surrounding Region" !""o of

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. t jlr,:: .. I .] ... r, t:. i' t I I 1 r I, I -.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. -I -. ,' .... Figure I CHALKV MOUNT BARBADOS MM!&2 '000 StU". III Ylln. r.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Figure 2. Sketch Map of Chalky Mount.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ,. .. ...... Q--------.-...... ...... 0 ..... ---------Fi Ure 2 -...... ....... N o 100 I I SCALE 'IN YARDS -.---O ".. o --HOPEWELL PLANTAr/Otv ,", ." '-. 0 ...... --..:... .....

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. /' / / O /0 '0 To Cholky.Mount Peak I I ,,0 /",," / /---./ 0 ./ I. \ ,0 _-----__ I ..--........... \ '---"A "" 0 \ r V'" I: GJ "-o __ 0 o ---7-----......... ,..-/" ./ / BEHOLDEN I 110 mill __ n I .,..---.",.,. h. -

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .," 'HOPEWELL PLANTATION Buy Ground To Hiohway No.2 and Belleplaine GOVERNMENT LAND HAGGATTS PLANTATION Rent Ground BISSEX -CAMBRIDGE PLANTATION z:..

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Cl _----.-------, o ___ -------. .",.,.------.".""" ",,"" (80th House) t' BISSEX-CAMBRIDGE PLANTATION .-iii!! 0 C2I CHURCH SHOP STANDPIPE PLANTATION :UNE MAIN TRACKS PAVED ROAD -TAR UNOCCUPIED DWELLING

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. .c .. 'Tractor Driver Tractor Boy Figure 3. PLANTATION STATUS RANKINGS AND AUTHORITY LINES Manager Class B Field Children's Supervisor (Female Superintendent) Class C i \JJ \JJ I\)

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. REFERENCES BARBADOS ANNUAL REPORT 1959 .. 1956. and 1957. London, Her Majesty's Stationary Office. 1961 1958 and 1959. Barbados, Government Printing Office. BARBADOS SUGAR PRODUCERS' ASSOCIATION AND BARBADOS WORKERS I UNION 1962 of Crop-Time Wage Rates and Working Conditions of Workers in the Sugar Industry. February. Mimeographed .. BECKLES, 1957 C.A.E. Small Scale Agricultureo In Annual Report of the Department of Science and Agriculture for the Year 1956-1957. Barbados, Government Printing Office. BENNETT J. HARRY 195B Bondsmen and Bishops: Slavery and Apprenticeship on the Codrington Plantations of Barbados, 17151838. University: of California Publications in History, University of California Press. BETHEL" JEANETTE 1960 A National Accounts Study of the Economy of Barbados. Social and Economic Studies 9 (Special Number) BUIE, T.S. 1955 Report of Study of Scotland District: Barbados, B.W.I., with Recommendations for a Soil Conservation Programme, 1954. Barbados, Supplement Official Gazette, January 31. CLARKE, EDITH -1957 MY Mother Who Fathered Me. London, George Allen and Unwin Ltd. COMITAS, 1962 1964 LAMBROS Fishermen and Cooperation in Rural Jamaica. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Columbi@ University. Occupational Plurality in Rural Paper Presented at the Spring Meeting ot the American Ethnological Society. Ithaca, New York. Mimeographed. Occupational MUltiplicity in Rural Jamaica. Proceedings of the 1963 Spring Meeting of the American Ethnological Society. University of Washington, Seattle.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. '. 334 CONNELL, NEVILLE .. 1960 A Short History of Barbados.. Barbados, Advocate and Company. CUMPER, GEORGE 1954 A Modern Jamaican Sugar Estate. Social l'd Economic Studies 3:119-160. 1961 Household and Occupation in Barbados. Soc &1 and Economic Studies 10:386-419. DAVENPORT, WILLIAM 1961The Family System of Jamaica. Social and Economic Studies 10:420-454. DEMOCRATIC LABOR PARTY 1961 Manifesto, "Operation Takeover," Barbados General Election 1961.' Barbados, Advocate and Company. DEPARTMENT. OF SCIENCE AND AGRICULTURE n.d Arrowroot. File No. 20. Barbados. ERASMUS, 1956 FREILICH, 1960 CHARLES J. Culture Structure and Process: The Occurrence and Disappearance of Reciprocal Farm Labor. South-' western Journal of Anthropo1ofy 12:444-469. MORRIS Cultural Diversity Among Trinidadian Peasants. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Columbia University. GEERTZ, CLIFFORD .' 1962 Studies in Peasant Life: Community and Society, In Biennie1 Review in Anthropo1cC'y 1961, Bernard Siegel, ed. Stan4'Ded University Pres GREAVES, IDA 1959 Plantati9ns in World Economy. In Plantation Systems of the New Vera Rubin, ed. Pan American Union, Washington, D. C GREENFIEID, SIDNEY M. 1959 Family Organization in Barbados. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Columbia University. 1960 Land Ten?.1I'e and Transmission in Rural Barbados. Anthropological Quarterly 33:165-176 1961 Households; Families and Kinship Systems in the West Indies. Anthropological Quarterly 35:121-133

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