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The landscapes of memory

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Title:
The landscapes of memory a history of social identity in the Western Serengeti, Tanzania
Creator:
Shetler, Jan Bender
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Language:
English
Physical Description:
2 v.(xxx, 613 leaves) : ill. ; 29 cm.

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Dissertations, Academic -- History -- UF ( lcsh )
History thesis, Ph.D ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 1998.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 576-612).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Jan Bender Shetler.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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Full Text
THE LANDSCAPES OF MEMORY:
A HISTORY OF SOCIAL IDENTITY IN THE WESTERN SERENGETI, TANZANIA
By
JAN BENDER SHETLER
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY
OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE
OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1998


Copyright 1998
by
Jan Bender Shetler


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
If'it takes a village to raise a child,' it takes a world community to produce a dissertation.
I am grateful for the institutional support I received during the course of my graduate
studies. This research was assisted by a grant from the Joint Committee on African Studies of the
Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies with funds
provided by the Ford, Mellon, and Rockefeller Foundations. 1 also received a research grant from
the Institute of International Education under the U.S. Fulbright Student Program (1995-96). I
would like to thank the History Department at the University of Florida for the support received
over the years, including a write-up grant from the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, a research
assistantship and a teaching assistantship. The African Studies Center also aided my work through
three years of Title VI, FLAS funding, a study carrel and an atmosphere of creative
interdisciplinary interaction.
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the Government of Tanzania for permission
to do research in the country under the auspices of the Tanzania Commission for Science and
Technology and the History Department of the University of Dar es Salaam. At the University of
Dar es Salaam members of the History Department were always generous with their time and
support. Special thanks to Dr. Fred J. Kaijage, Dr. Bertram Mapunda, Dr. Rugatiri D. K.
Mekacha, Dr. B. Itandala, Dr. I. N. Kimambo and Dr. Nestor Luanda.
My deepest appreciation is extended to my professors who have given so much of their
time and intellectual inspiration to my work. I extend heartfelt thanks to Steve Feierman who has
fundamentally formed the way I think about Africa and always pushed me toward excellence.
iii


Thanks also to David Schoenbrun for doing what it took to get me through this with compassion
and intelligence; to R. Hunt Davis Jr. for advising, editing and encouraging; and to the rest of my
committee, Jeffrey D. Needell, Kathryn J. Burns and Allan F. Burns for their continuing support. I
would also like to thank Richard Waller for his interest and ideas over the years. My study at the
University of Florida was enriched by a community of scholars who demonstrated a cooperative
and supportive spirit-including Holly Hanson, Tracy Baton, Marcia Good Maust, James Ellison,
Edda Fields, Todd Leedy, Kym Morrison, Keri Schmit, Dianne Oyler, Rebecca Gearhardt,
Kearsley Stewart and Rob Ellers. I could not have done it without Hollys encouragement and
reading of many drafts. While I was in Dar es Salaam I enjoyed the support of a wider community
of scholars at TYCS including, Kathleen Smythe (who also read and edited), Anne Stacie Canning
Colwell, Patrick Malloy, Frances Vavrus, Lisa Richey, Stefano Porte, Beth Pratt, Simon Heck and
Ludo Bok from whom I learned and was enriched.
In Tanzania numerous people aided my work, gave me hospitality and good conversation.
Thanks to Mwalimu Nyamaganda Magoto for all the time he spent going over thousands of
cultural vocabulary words in Nata; to Susana Nyabikwabe Mayani for teaching me Nata and being
my friend; to Adija Sef for her friendship, quick laugh and care of my house and children; to
Mayani Magoto for his work in interviews, research on various topics and interest in the whole
process; to Goko Kimori for coming over nearly every day to find out if I had learned Nata yet and
staying to chat; to Morigo, Magoto Nyawagamba, Magoto, Nyangere and Marehemu Nyambura
Mayani for bringing joy into the days in Bugerera; to Nyangere Faini for helping me with
transcription; to Faini Magoto and Joseph Magoto for always having a meal and a place to rest
when I needed it, for all of their hospitality; to Mzee Mswaga for being our community eyes and
ears and thatching our roof; to Susan Godshall for typing the Ngoreme Dictionary; to Ausgustino
Mokwe Kisigiro for lending me his Nata dictionary and tapes; to Padre James Eblin, Maryknoll
IV


Missioner from the Ishenyi mission, for his kindness and friendship, for making contacts in Ishenyi
and especially for twice rescuing me when the car broke down; to the Tanzania Mennonite Church
people in Nyabange and Shirati who always extended the hand of hospitality and support; to
Bishop Solomon S. Buteng'e, Bishop Joram Mbeba and Marehemu Bishop Naftali Birai who were
always interested in the work and allowed us to lease a church car; to David and Justine Foxall for
their kind hospitality in Dar es Salaam; and to Brian Farm and Bethany Woodward for their
hospitality and friendship at Seronera.
I feel a deep debt of gratitude to Nyawagamba Magoto who extended the right hand of
fellowship, invited us into his home and embraced the research as if it was his own. The entire
Magoto family, the brothers and sister of Nyawagamba and their children, adopted us and cared
for us as family. I am also grateful for all the work and dedication of those who acted as my
colleagues to arrange interviews, translate, make introductions and serve as cultural translators.
Without their help my work would not have been possible. They include Kinanda Sigara, Mayani
Magoto, Nyamaganda Magoto, David Mganya Masama, Pastor Wilson Shanyangi Machota, and
Mnada Joseph Mayonga, all of whom also provided me with hospitality and good friendship.
Mnada rescued me from a car breakdown on a rainy night with his team of oxen and his wife
always had a pot of milky tea to cheer me up. I was also aided in arranging interviews by Rhoda
Koreni, Yohana Wambura, Kennedy Sigira, Philemon Mbota, Thomas John Kazi, D. M. Sattima
and Ibrahimu Matatiro Kemuhe. Zedekia Oloo Siso is a fellow historian and gave me access to his
work in the Luo-speaking area of the region. Thanks to Glen and Elin Brubaker for facilitating
that exchange.
So many other people facilitated aspects of the research. On the trip to Sonjo Michael
Wambura Machambire gave up his own business to accompany me, Ndelani Sanaya introduced
me to his home village, and the chairman of the village Emanuel G. Goroi graciously hosted our
v


group without prior warning. Father Ambrose Chacha helped me with the Nyegina records. G. M.
Kusekwa with the S. D. A. records at the highschool in Ikizu, and the archivist in Musoma,
Fredrick Semkiwa helped to locate files there. In Mugumu I was always grateful for the hospitality
of our friends from Missions Moving Mountains (Paul and Stephanie, Jim and Joanne, and Cabot
and Betsy) and the Mennonite Church (Daniel and Prisca Machota, and Wilson and Esta
Machota). In Nyabange the door was always open from Harold and Christine Wenger, Arlin and
Velma Schrock, Rachel Igira, Perusi Kyambiriya, Deus and Salome Tumbago, Marehumu Nyerere
Itinde and his family, and many, many others. In Nyabasi we received welcome from Elva Landis
and Elizabeth Birai; in Iramba from Father Charles Mwiguta; in Kisaka from Pastor Zakayo
Jandwa and his family; in Mwanza from Juliana Matoha Magoto; in Bujora from Joseph
Sungulile, Jefta Kishosha and Mark Bessire; and in Nyegezi from Bhoke Magoto.
My appreciation also goes out to my church family at Emmanuel Mennonite Church in
Gainesville, who provided the community our family needed in Florida, and at First Baptist Church
in Dove Creek, who did the same for us when we arrived as strangers in Colorado. Mennonite
Central Committee and particularly our many colleagues in the organization got me started on the
quest for understanding in Africa. 1 am grateful for my training at Goshen College under Theron
Schlabach, John Oyer, Alan Kreider, and James Hertzler who prepared me for this work in more
ways than they might know. Mary Oyer and Robert Kreider remain models of scholarship and
thoughtful living.
My extended family cheered me on and gave me what 1 needed to run the full race. I am
thankful to Dad and Mom for all their love and support in a thousand ways during this time, to
Linda for helping me to keep my chin up, and to Jon for all his help with photography and video on
the field. My Shetler family (Luther, Geneva, Jo, Stan, Terry, Bonnie, Lu, Tami, and Mick) has
always believed I could do this and helped me not to doubt, too. However, my biggest debt of
vi


gratitude is to my husband, Peter, and to my children, Daniel and Paul, who suffered and rejoiced
with me through it all. Their contentment and joy in living in rural Tanzania allowed me the
freedom and security to do my own work. Paul knows and enjoys the stories as much as I do, he
baked bread, gave me foot massages after weary days of walking and greeted all the old ladies
politely. Daniel was my source of good sense and willing help, his cultural sensitivity and
flexibility were appreciated even as he was growing into a teenager. Peter fixed cars, computers
and broken hearts, he did my maps and graphics, supported and loved me in every way, and
provided good humor and perspective on the things that really matter. To them I give back my
dreams, in which they also share, in loving gratitude:
Had I the heavens embroidered cloths,
Enwrought with golden and silver light,
The blue and the dim and the dark cloths
Of night and light and the half-light,
1 would spread the cloths under your feet:
But /, being poor, have only my dreams:
I have spread my dreams under your feet;
Tread softly because you tread on my dreams.
William Butler Yeats, 1899


TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
LIST OF FIGURES xi
TRANSLITERATION, ORTHOGRAPHY AND GLOSSARY xiii
FOREWORD xix
ABSTRACT xxix
CHAPTERS
1 INTRODUCTION:
ORAL TRADITION, TIME, SPACE AND SOCIAL IDENTITY 1
Oral Traditions in Space and Time 5
Oral Traditions and Social Identity 28
Research Methodology 34
PART ONE: THE SOCIAL SPACES OF ORAL TRADITION AND
HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE WESTERN SERENGETI 54
2 ORAL TRADITION:
THE GENDERED SPACES OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE
AND THE SECRETS OF THE PAST 55
The Social Spaces of Historical Knowledge 56
The Colonial Contexts of Men's Historical Narratives 63
Women's Intimate Community Knowledge 81
Secret Knowledge 100
Conclusion 107
3 HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS:
THE DISASTERS OF THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY AS RUPTURE .... 111
Rupture in Social Identity at the Time of Crisis 116
Ecological Breakdown 123
Indirect Effects of the Caravan Trade 133
Maasai Raids 137
Conclusion 141
viii


PART TWO:
LONG-TERM PATTERNS IN THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF SPACE
143
4 ASIMOKA, EMERGENCE:
BUILDING HOMESTEADS ON AN INTER-CULTURAL FRONTIER 144
The Development of a Regional Culture from Diverse Interactions in the Distant
Past 146
The Nata Emergence Story: The Union of Hunters and Farmers 164
Social Reproduction and Homestead Space 169
The Ikizu Emergence Story: The Division of Authority 185
Conclusion 191
5 ECOLOGICAL LANDSCAPES OF INTERACTION:
THE EMERGENCE TRADITIONS OF A HILL FARMER SOCIETY 193
The Ecological Landscapes of Interaction on the Frontier 194
Hills as Zones of Interaction 203
Relations with Other Hill Farmers: The Sonjo Connection 213
Relations with Hunter-Gatherers: Learning How to Live on the Land 218
Relations with Plains Herders: The Silent Texts 230
Conclusion 245
6 REGIONAL PATHS OF ASSOCIATION:
THE CLAN TRADITIONS OF A MOBILE SOCIETY 246
Clans as Children of the Homestead 249
Clan Histories as Pathways of Regional Association 268
Praise Names and Prohibitions 291
Prophecy as the Specialist Knowledge of Clans 303
Conclusion 312
PART THREE: SOCIAL PROCESS IN THE MIDDLE PERIOD OF SETTLEMENT .... 315
7 THE GENERATION OF SETTLEMENT (1850-1870):
CLAIMING A RELATIONSHIP TO THE LAND 316
The Spaces of Important Places 317
The Living Dead 325
Ritual Possession of the Land 338
Nineteenth Century Settlement Patterns 347
Continuity and Relationship to the Land in the Context of Mobility 362
Conclusion 369
8 THE WALK OF THE GENERATION-SET;
THE RITUAL DEFINITION OF TERRITORY 373
Generation-Set Ritual and the Middle-Time Frame 376
Age-Organization 380
The Rituals of Healing the Land and the Retirement Ceremony 395
Interpreting the Walk 410
Territories and Boundaries 422
ix


Conclusion
438
PART FOUR: SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION IN THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY 440
9 THE GENERATION OF DISASTERS (1870-1895):
CHANGING FORMS OF AGE-ORGANIZATION 441
Age-Set Reorganization 444
Settlement Reorganization 453
Resistance and Accommodation to Maasai Hegemony 459
Age-set Territories: The Bounded Space of Saiga 480
Continuities in Strategies for Coping with Disaster 490
Conclusion 494
10 THE GENERATION OF OPPORTUNITY (C. 1895-1920):
CHANGING FORMS OF ETHNICITY 495
Ethnic Formation 497
Recovery from the Disasters and the Larger Context of Ethnicity 508
The Emergence of New Wealth 528
Colonial Rule and Changing Forms of Social Identity 547
Conclusion 560
APPENDIX 1: NATA EMERGENCE TRADITIONS 564
APPENDIX 2: IKIZU EMERGENCE TRADITIONS 567
APPENDIX 3: IKOMA EMERGENCE TRADITIONS 571
APPENDIX 4: TATOGA EMERGENCE TRADITIONS 573
REFERENCES CITED 576
Oral Sources: Formal Interviews 576
Unpublished Archival Sources 585
Published Sources, Dissertations/Theses and Conference Papers 589
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 613
x


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page
F-l. Topics for the Study of Nata History xxiv
F-2. Magoto Mossi Magoto, Nata patriarch, c. 1890-1987 xxvii
1-1. From Riyara Hill in Nata looking East 1
2-1. Regional Setting of the Western Serengeti 58
2-2. Tribal Map of the Musoma District 71
2-3. Mwinani by Local Artist Deus Nyahega Tumbago 89
2-4. Womens Story Telling 91
3-1. Ishenyi Dispersal from Nyeberekera 118
3-2. The Ishenyi Story of Nyeberekera 119
3-3. White Fathers Mission, Nyegina, Musoma, Founded 1911 128
4-1. Linguistic Maps of the Lakes Region Over Time 152
4-2. Great Lake Bantu Linguistic Tree 157
4-3. Dialect Chaining Chart of the East Nyanza Languages 159
4-4. Narration of Nata Emergence Stories 166
4-5. Homestead Layout 176
4-6. Interior House Design 177
5-1. Ecological Map of the Serengeti-Mara Ecosystem 199
5-2. Human Interaction with the Environment 209
5-3. Hunting Vocabulary and Tools 223
xi


5-4. Kuria Women, 1904 225
5-5. Two Versions of the Story of Masuches Bao 240
6-1. Narrators of Clan Histories 251
6-2. Blacksmiths and Their Tools 287
6-3. Praise Shouts at the New Moon Dances 293
6-4. The Regional Distribution of Four Major Clans 295
6-5. Two Ikizu Rainmakers 306
6-6. The Ikizu Utemi List 310
7-1. Nineteenth century Settlement Sites of the Western Serengeti 321
7-2. Respect for Ancestors 326
7-3. Emisambwa in Ngoreme 331
7-4. Nata sites, Gitaraga and Riyara 333
7-5. Ikizu sites at Chamuriho and Gaka 341
8-1. Sites of the Ikizu Walk 398
8-2. Rikora Leaders 402
9-1. Chronology of Generations 449
9-2. Remains of Stone Walls, Ngoreme Fortified Settlements 455
9-3. Sonjo Fortified Settlements 462
9-4. Maasai Relations 470
9-5. Map of Age-Set Cycles 486
10-1. N arrators of the Generation of Opportunity 512
10-2. Kuria Warriors, 1904 518
10-3. A New Generation of Wealthy Men 536
10-4. Stories of the Nyangi 543


TRANSLITERATION, ORTHOGRAPHY AND GLOSSARY
Texts that are quoted in the body of the paper are cited in footnotes. In cases where I want
to give the reader a fuller sense of the context of an interview or various versions of a particular
narrative without interrupting the flow of the text, I have included these in the appendix.1 The
following conventions are used throughout the text.
1. Significant omission of the speaker's words is represented with three dots surrounded by
brackets [...]
2. Slight omission of the speaker's words due to stumbling or repetition is represented by three dots
3. A pause by the speaker is represented by three dashes
4. Explanations, actions or omissions are included in brackets, without italics [ ]
5. Long narratives are indented and set in italics to set them off from the rest of the text. All texts
are translated from either a local language or Swahili; where untranslated words appear in the
indented quotations they are represented without italics and where a local language word appears in
the body of the dissertation it is represented with italics.
All of these narratives were collected in interviews and not in performance situations.
They are dialogic in nature, with frequent interruptions and pause for assent. Different sections of
one narrative may be told in different settings for different purposes. All of this makes it difficult
11 have followed many of the conventions in Isabel Hofmeyer, "We Spend Our Years as a
Tale that is Told:" Oral Historical Narrative in a South African Chiefdom (Portsmouth:
Heinemann, 1994), pp. xi-xiii.


to extract a standard version. Therefore, long quoted sections in the text represent only one of
many variations of the telling and tend to be rather loose and free flowing accounts. Footnotes for
interviews include the name of the informant, village where the interview took place, the date of the
interview, and the ethnic group and gender of the informant in parenthesis.
Standard Orthography
The linguistic conventions used follow the orthography proposed by Muniko, oMagige and
Ruel in the Kuria-English Dictionary. Because this is the only published dictionary currently
available for any of the Mara languages I have chosen to use this as the standard form, following
Swahili orthography. Mara languages use seven distinct vowels. This means that in using the
standard orthography two single letters each represent sounds which are pronounced differently.
Muniko, oMagige and Ruel resolve the problem in this way:
The open and closed 'e' are both written as 'e' and the open and closed 'o' are both
written as 'o.' Where, however, the sound difference discriminates between two words
that are otherwise identical their respective pronunciation is given in the entry in
parenthesis immediately following the word itself. In these cases:
open 'o' as in the English 'hot' is written 'o.'
closed 'o'as in the English 'open'is written 'ou.'
open 'e' as in the English 'end' is written 'e.'
closed 'e'as in the English 'rein'is written 'ei.'
thus: -kora (prncd. -koura), to scrape away: -kora (prncd -kora), to do, make, -kenga
(pmcd. -keinga), to ward off, parry; -kenga (prncd. -kenga), to cut, sever.
Other conventions used in the Kuria dictionary include the following. Long vowels are
indicated by doubling. All vowels preceding 'mb', 'nch', 'nd', 'ng', 'nk' and 'rr' are pronounced long
and not always indicated as such in the orthography. The nasalized 'ng' (pronounced as the English
word 'singing') is written as in Swahili ng. A trilled or rolled Y is written 'rr.' All vowels are
sounded, including those at the end of a word. The use of'w' as a quasi-vowel is avoided and 'w'
used only as a consonant. Muniko et al maintain that because there are very few words
xiv


distinguished by tone alone, Kuria is not to be considered a tonal language, although intonation is
important. Therefore no marks of intonation are used.2
Names of languages, people and place names are used without the prefixes. Therefore, the
language Egikuria, the Abakuria people and the place Bukuria all become Kuria, distinguished by
context.
Glossary of Mara Words Used in the Text
(In Nata unless otherwise indicated)
abanyikora generation-set members in power (Ikizu, Zanaki)
agecha famine
aghaso ritual of purification for those who kill a lion, leopard or Maasai
ahumbo ~ distant fields for crops
aka homestead
akoromo -- digging stick (Ikoma)
amachi house for young unmarried boys
amangana ga kare -- matters of the past, history
ambere -- drum
ambirisi red oat grass, Themeda triandra
amuma oath (Ngoreme)
amusera -- rain medicine (Ishenyi), omoshana (Ikizu)
anchara -- famine, path
angombe umwando cattle given to the clan at inheritance
anyumba -- house
arachana -- topi skin worn over the shoulder for elderly men
aringa -- oath
asaraka gazelle skin worn by women as an apron
asaro circumcision ceremony
ase or ahase -- soil, land
asi hunter/gatherers
asimoka -- to sprout up, to wake up, the rise of a river (ensemoka in Kuria), origins
asimoora -- livestock corral
asir debt between women who borrow goods as neighbors
bao board game common throughout Africa
bene -- the people of, abahiri in Ikizu
bisa -- enemy, Maasai
budodi -- wire wrapped bracelets or anklets
buhoro whole, healthy
2 S. M. Muniko, B. Muita oMagige and M. J. Ruel, eds., Kuria-English Dictionary
(Hamburg: Lit Verlag, for the International African Institute, 1996), pp. v-vi.
xv


chashabashi -- ivory bracelets worn by elders of a certain rank
chesiri womens self-help farming groups (Ngoreme)
chubha -- south
ebereri -- fall pits for hunting wildebeest
ebeshona -- strips of hide worn ritually on fingers (Ikizu)
ebimenyo settlement sites
egeshoko log which closes the livestock corral, ekeshoko (Ngoreme), egesaku (Kuria), doorway.
eghise black wildebeest or cattle tail used ritually for eldership titles
egitara -- grain storage bin
ekeburu -- temporary huts near to the fields
ekebuse -- sandy upland soils
ekehita/ebehita doorway or gateway
ekehwe/ebehwe ghosts, spirits of the dead
ekerisho -- grazing land
ekerongori thin porridge for drinking
ekimweso -- ceremony of purification, sanctification (Ikizu), usually with fire, ikoroso (Ishenyi and
Ngoreme), shishiga (Ikoma)
ekinyariri -- month of green flush after the bums (August or September)
ekireri leader of the generation-set (Ishenyi)
ekishomba state of ritual impurity, danger, blood shed between families
ekitana/ebitana -- medicine bundles
ekyaro/ebyaro -- ritually controlled lands, ikiaro (Kuria), clan lands
emigiro -- avoidance
enchobe horn of the generation-set, ekombyo (Zanaki)
erisambwa/emisambwa -- spirits of the land, spirits of lineage ancestors, places where spirits of the
ancestors who guard the land are buried
eseghero -- clay bottom-land soils
-gaba to divide the inheritance
-gonka to suck at the breast
-guha to grow old
-gutaacha asaiga ceremony to come into your age-set
hamate -- clan, place, strangers
-haraga to prepare soil for planting in the dry season
hengere -- short people
-ibaka -- to praise oneself
ikwabhe Maasai
injama Kuria secret council of the territory
irigiha/amagiha hearthstones
-itaberi to bless the land
kangati leader of the generation-set (Nata)
kaswende syphilis
-kerera the walk of the generation-set
kicheneni -- of "pure descent"
kigori mass circumcision ceremony to close an age-set
-kerani to greet, to exchange (difference in stress)
-kunguha -- to grow old
kwawibancha front door of the house
xvi


kwibiserani angibo -- ritual to remove impurity, to reconcile two families with blood between them
kyawisiko -- emergency back door of the house
magoro feet or legs
mame maternal uncle
masabha north
masubho secrets, medicines of eldership ranks or in general
materego woodland, wilderness
-menya -- to build
mkamwana -- daughter-in-law, woman married by another woman to produce her heir.
msororo -- beer party in which participants contribute in turn to the preparation
mtemi -- Sukuma chief or Ikizu rainmaker/chief
-musa to bless by sprinkling
mwami -- Zanaki rainmakers title
mwanangwa colonial headman
mwinani ogre, monster of folk tales
mwiro/bwiro -- non-blacksmith or non-potter
mwisenge paternal aunt
ndezi leather and cowry shell bracelet used in the investiture of the Ikizu mtemi
ngombe ya baki -- the cow of the young woman
ntemi -- ritual scar on right breast (Sonjo)
nyancha -- west or lake, specifically Lake Victoria
nyangi -- celebration of life stages or eldership titles
nyika ~ wilderness
nyina mother
-ny wa to drink
obokima in Swahili ugali, thick porridge eaten as staple food
obosongo arrow poison
obugabho prophecy, healing, divination
obugo -- fortified settlement (Ngoreme)
oburwe -- finger millet
omnibi wealthy man, cattle
omoboibororu/abibororu native bom
omogimba rainmaker
omogomba childless woman, barren
omogongo wa mwensi -- medicine of the generation-set (Ngoreme), emigongo (Zanaki)
omogongo back
omogore/abagore a person who is bought for food during the famine
omokina/abakina -- speaker
omokoro/abakoro the elders, ancestors
omokuungu/abakuungu old woman
omorema/abarema farmer
omorokingi eldership title of the Nata
omoroti/abaroti dream prophets
omoseese/abaseese slave or dog
omosimano/abasimano stranger
omosimbe/abasimbe independent woman, managing her own homestead and family, not married
omosino -- widow
XVII


omotangi -- leader of the generation-set (Ngoreme)
omotoro gift of food
omotware male wife, married by an independent woman
omugabho/abagabho prophet
omugambi/abagambi -- speaker
omuhabe -- poor person, orphan
omunase prophet (Ikizu)
omunywa mouth
omuryango outer room of a womans house for keeping small stock at night
omusangura ~ a kind of tree at emisambwa sites
omwame -- wealthy man, or woman
omwerechi/abawerechi speaker (Ikizu)
omwikarabutu woman specialized in circumcision ceremonies
omwisani -- friend, bloodbrother (wa saraga, bo maguta)
omwiti -- the one who hits the lion first, omunoti, the one who hits second
orokoba protection medicine around the land or a hide rope for milking
orubago fence
oruberi settlement
orutani -- long distance trade, to Sukuma
orutanya long staff of the generation-set leader
-ragera to eat porridge, to eat
ribancha homestead yard
rihaha rinderpest
rikora/amakora generation-set
risaga work party in which labor is rewarded with feasting and beer
-risi -- to herd livestock
rogoro the east
-rota to dream
ruaki stone fort for protection during a raid (Nata)
-sagari chatugo -- cattle clientship
saiga age-set, asega (Ngoreme)
sarara lungs
-sengera to propitiate an ancestral spirit, "to beseech"
sesera iron bracelets
-sisimoka -- to spring up, as in to wake up or to sprout up from the ground
sukubi cattle hump
-tindeka to store, to bury the dead
turi -- blacksmith or potter
utemi chiefship (Ikizu)
yowe alarm call
xviii


FOREWORD
When I was choosing a research site it seemed wise to return to the Mara Region where
my husband and I spent six years working with the Tanzania Mennonite Church in the
coordination and facilitation of community development projects. This work took us to all parts of
the region, developing significant personal relationships in many places. I would thus have a
natural set of contacts and social networks through which to begin my work. But more than that
my desire to return to graduate school and to write African history was born out of my experiences
and friendships in the Mara Regionand so I felt a debt there.
I hoped that the formal study of African history would give depth and understanding to
patterns that I saw in operation, but about which 1 was ill-equipped to make sense. At that point,
as a development worker, I saw history as a tool of empowerment, providing the means for local
people to understand themselves well enough to take development into their own hands, rather than
relying on help from the outside. Yet how I, as an outsider learning local history, would facilitate
this was never clear. At least I hoped to be able to tell the history of a people whose "voice" had
not been heard, to show the significance of a people and a place which had been seen as an empty
spot on the map. It was this love and respect, also mixed with some amount of paternalism, that
allowed me to think I was needed to recover this neglected history. Idealism falls hard in graduate
school and I am now less naive and more skeptical, but no less driven to present a history from the
perspective of those who live it, even if it is told in and moderated by my own voice.
When I returned to the Mara Region to do my research I was returning to a place that
seemed a lot like home. This was the place where I had given birth to my second child, bumped
xix


endlessly over the dusty roads and sat with friends over cups of sweet milky tea. I learned to speak
as a child does but had been given responsibilities such as an adult has and struggled for what
seemed right. I had seen close friends die and had new babies named after me. It was a place that
I "felt" as well as intellectually "knew." It was a set of landscapes and people that I had come to
love and which had deeply changed me.
When we were searching for a place to live it seemed prudent to avoid living on church
property or in direct affiliation with the church in order to distinguish old roles from new. It also
seemed important to live in a rural village that still functioned as a community in order to be part
of the agricultural cycle. Since this was conceived as a regional study I also wanted to be
somewhat centrally located with transportation at hand. As much as these criteria were taken
seriously, in the end the decision to move to Nata was based on personal and subjective choices.
Nata is in some ways the smallest and least significant historically of all of the ethnic groups in the
area. Yet by living here, Nata narratives, language and custom took on a centrality they would not
otherwise have had.
The decision to move to Nata was based on a personal relationship and invitation from
Nyawagamba Magoto. We got to know him as a local development coordinator and a lay church
leader. He is an energetic man, committed to introducing innovation in everything from imported
dairy cows to wheel-thrown, glazed pottery. We came to learn that he is also part of a large and
influential Nata family--the eighteen sons and daughters of the local patriarch, Magoto Mossi.
Magotos children and grandchildren are influential in the community as politicians, teachers,
development workers, church leaders, businessmen and village council members. One son has a
university education and another son was the founder of the first cattle herders cooperative in the
region, "Wafugaji wa Mara," in the 1950s, and a former member of parliament. Magoto himself
went through all of the eldership titles, holding one of the highest ranks until he renounced this
xx


position later in life. He was also an innovator, introducing the first tractors and grain mills in the
area. One of his daughters was the first Nata girl to attend school. Magoto was wealthy, his cattle
numbering in the thousands at one time. In the early 1930s he opposed the Nata Chief, Rotigenga,
and left to live in Ikizu-nearly 400 Nata followed him. For better or worse my research in Nata
was under the protective shield of Magoto's legacy.1
Nyawagamba promised that if we would come to live in Nata he would build us a house
and help to facilitate the research. My husband, two sons (9 and 12 years old at the time) and I
arrived in Nata at the beginning of February, 1995, after having spent a month in Dar es Salaam
clearing the formalities and doing an initial survey of the archives. We found the round walls and
roof framework of the house up, with Nyawagamba rushing to finish thatching before the big rains
began. We camped near the house for two weeks in the rain while the house was being finished
our lives and possessions open to all who walked down the path. When we finally moved into the
house we had become known locally as "wazungu wa Nyawagamba" (Nyawagamba's foreigners).
Our house sat in the small village of Bugerera, administratively part of the larger village of
Mbiso on the main trunk road between Musoma and Arusha. Bugerera is the place where many
Mbiso families have some of their fields and send second wives or elder sons out to live for the
farming season. It lies on the boundary between Nata and Ngoreme. Just over the hill one finds
the Ngoreme village of Mosongo and the no-man's wilderness of cattle raiders and thieves. When
we first drove out to Bugerera, after having committed ourselves to live there, we drove the ten
kilometers from Mbiso without seeing more than a few isolated homesteads. I was sure that my
1 One of the ways in which I fulfilled the ties of reciprocal obligation to the Magoto family
was by helping them to write a personal history of Magoto. I am now working with the Swahili
manuscript by Mwalimu Nyamaganda Magoto Mossi, assisted by Masoye Faini and Chuba Faini
on behalf of the Magoto Family, "Historia ya Mzee Magoto Mossi Magoto, Katika Maisha Yake,"
Nata, 1996.
xxi


research would be doomed by living where there were no people. Yet it was the location of
Bugerera that taught me to look for people in the hills rather than on the flood plain where the car
could travel and to see the relationship between larger villages and their related farming satellite
communities.
Since we were friends and colleagues of Nyawagamba's before coming to live with him
nothing between us could be settled on the basis of payment for services. We were forced into
functioning in an "economy of affection" and learning the unspoken rules of reciprocity.2 We did
not pay rent on the house, a salary for Adeja (Nyawagambas wife) to help with household chores,
compensation for long days spent on interviews instead of farming, or for the milk, meat and
vegetables that were frequently provided from the Magoto family surplus. We, in turn, provided
transportation to Musoma or Mugumu for shopping, hospital or other emergencies. We sometimes
bought gifts for the family when we went to the town. My husband, Peter, who volunteered in
Serengeti National Park, made arrangements with Serengeti tourist hotels to buy Nata vegetables,
fruits, milk and cream and transported them to the hotels when he went to the park. This system of
reciprocity was also used for the colleagues that assisted me in the other ethnic groups outside of
Nata. These colleagues spent a lot of their own time and resources to facilitate my research
without direct compensation. I was told by Nyawagamba when I left that it was better to leave
myself in the debt of others, rather than the other way around, so that they would feel free to
continue the relationship when I returned.
The Magoto children incorporated us into their family as brother, sister-in-law and
children. We were greeted in this way throughout Natatreated with both the respect and
2 Reference to the economy of affection from Goran Hyden, Bevond Uiamaa in
Tanzania: Underdevelopment and an Uncaptured Peasantry (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1980).
XXII


obligation which followed these titles. This allowed me the freedom to travel alone with my
brothers-in-law, or ask for help from my sisters-in-law, and allowed the children a protective shield
against the curiosity of school children. The knowledge I have gained is a "situated knowledge"
which is firmly seated in a particular social network and sense of place.
From the moment I arrived in Nata it was clear that the Magoto family had taken us, and
my research, as their collective project. Nyawagamba talked to elders before I came and prepared
them to share the history that they knew. I told the family that I intended to spend the first three
months studying Nata so that I could do interviews in the local language rather than Swahili, in
which I was already fluent. This also seemed convenient since it was the rainy season and it would
be almost impossible to travel for the next three months. I asked the wife of one of the Magoto
brothers who lived nearby to help me with language learning and we worked at it daily with a tape
recorder, notebook and pen.
By the beginning of March, soon after we were living in our new house, Nyawagamba and
his brother Mayani decided that it was time for me to start research. They were anxious that 1
should start as early as possible and not waste time on language study, since I was sure to "pick it
up" without any difficulty anyway. Nyawagamba and Mayani sat in our house for a couple of
days writing a list of the things that I should learn if I was to know Nata history and culture. They
envisioned this list as a set of topics to be systematically covered in my interviews. It was entitled
"The History of the Nata People" (in Swahili, Historia ya Wanata). This list is reproduced in full
on Table F-l.
Soon after the list was finished Nyawagamba and Mayani arranged an interview with
Megasa Mokiri in Motokeri. He had taken the top eldership title in Nata and was known as a
person knowledgeable about the past. He was also in some indirect way related to Magoto and so
bound to honor the request for an interview. When we arrived he was out drinking a neighbor's
xxiii


Figure F-l: Topics for the Study of Nata History
(Mayani Magoto and Nyawagamba Magoto, Bugerera, 1 March 1995)
History of the Nata People
1. Asimoka (origins) of the Nata
2. Ukwengera (growth) of the Nata
3. Obokwiri (marriage) of the Nata
4. Amborori (divorce) of the Nata
5. Amasambwa (spirits of the land and the
ancestors) of the Nata
6. Emigiro (avoidances) of the Nata
7. Nyangi (life stage celebrations and
eldership titles) of the Nata
8. Ebehita (patrilineages) of the Nata
9. Chanyumba (matrilineages) of the Nata
10. Chahamate (clans) of the Nata
11. Chasaiga (age-sets) of the Nata
12. Amakora (generation-sets) of the Nata
13. Asaro (circumcision) of the Nata
14. Rihe (war) of the Nata
15. Charing'a (oaths of peace or blood
brotherhood) of the Nata
16. Asama (moving) of the Nata
17. Ebimenyo ne mipaka (settlement sites
and boundaries) of the Nata
18. Ebitana (medicine bundles for
protection) of the Nata
19. Imieri (months) of the Nata
20. Ebisego bya kwerekiani amabaga gase
(seasons)
21. Emeremo gya Saiga (work of the age-
sets)
22. Emeremo gya Rikora (work of the
generation-set)
23. Asumo (trade) of the Nata
24. Anchara (famines) of the Nata
25. Omobureni (young men)
26. Omuki (young women)
27. Okuibora (birth) of the Nata
28. Orokurya (death) of the Nata
29. Agabho (inheritance) of the Nata
30. Ang'ombe ya Baki ("the cattle of the
young women")
31. Ang'ombe yu Mwando ("the cattle of
lineage inheritance")
32. Ababisa (enemies) of the Nata
33. Obuturi (blacksmithing) of the Nata
34. Rirema (farming) of the Nata
35. Obotugi (herding) of the Nata
36. Ribiema (hunting) of the Nata
37. Emeremo egiende (other work)
38. Abana kwegi emeremo (the work of
children)
39. Amang'ana ga Kare (things of the past)
40. Obugeni (hospitality for guests) of the
Nata
41. Risaga (mutual aid) of the Nata
42. Chakabari (co-wives) of the Nata
43. Amarina (names) of the Nata
44. Okusohe kwa Abataki (the entrance of
the colonial force)
45. Omutemi ombele (the first chiefs)
46. Kebuno betemiri (how they ruled)
47. Omutemi wo kabere (the following
chiefs)
48. Abato Maarufu (famous people)
49. Risau (alarm call) of the Nata
50. Kusagari chatugo (cattle clientship)
51. Obogwani bwa matongo (relations with
other tribes)
52. Obusani (friendship)
53. Obwiterani (murder)
54. Aghaso (ritual for killing a lion, leopard
or Maasai)
55. Kwiraheri (praise names and oaths)
56. Imiembo (songs and dances)
xxiv


newly brewed beer and was only called away with the promise that some would be brought home
for him. This interview was conducted strictly in Nata with almost no translation to help me follow
the conversation. Mayani and Nyawagamba based their questions on the list with only four or five
points being covered in the next four hours. My job was to hold the tape recorder.
I take these stories as a metaphor for my research and its final product. Although I
eventually gained more control over interviews, this was a collaborative project which depended on
networks of relationship established in an earlier time of my life. The project succeeded only in so
far as people like the Magoto family in Nata, Pastor Machota in Ikoma, David Maganya in
Ngoreme, Kinanda Sigara in Ikizu and Mnada Mayonga in Tatoga took an interest in the research
and made it their own. These men spent uncountable hours, days and weeks driving, bicycling or
walking to remote homesteads with me, arranging for interviews and dealing with the fall-out after
I was long gone. The stakes were particularly high for the Magoto family, who would have
suffered severe community criticism and ridicule if things had gone badly for their guests.
The elders that I interviewed only agreed to talk to me because they were convinced that
the product of my research would be beneficial to their grandchildren after they were gone and
their knowledge forgotten. The local men who shared their historical manuscripts with me, the
archivists who took time to dig through unsorted boxes, the priests and primary school teachers
who uncovered dictionaries and ethnic histories from dusty shelves and filing cabinets, Mwalimu
Nyamaganda who walked out to Bugerera numerous times in spite of his illness to go over endless
lists of cultural vocabulary and all of those women who shared their homes, meals and stories with
me countless times did this in large part because of their commitment to the preservation of local
history.
It is this enormous debt, this trust, that I struggle with as I put the words into a narrative
form which must sustain a linear argument. Nyawagamba and Mayani's list remains a symbolic
XXV


measure of how closely I have fulfilled these promises. One thing that the list tells me is that the
story is not linear, but that peoples lives are made up of a vast number of parts, which in their
multiplicity constitute the pasts of the people we now call Nata, Ikizu, Tatoga, Ikoma, Ishenyi, or
Ngoreme. The list also tells me that Mayani and Nyawagamba considered history to be
synonymous with its cultural forms--that marriage, oaths, medicine bundles and naming are all as
much a part of the definition of what it means to be Nata as are accounts of origin, migration or
chiefs. There is no obvious organizing structure to this list, except as a simple naming of all of the
elements, without establishing hierarchies or relationships among the parts. Perhaps Nyawagamba
and Mayani felt that the connections were obvious, or perhaps they left that task for me--allowed
me the freedom to unite all of those disparate elements into one story. In this sense the debt
becomes a burden because it is a difficult task.
How can 1 make local history live in narrative form while not denying its multiplicity and
contextuality? The translation of historical imagination which must be trained into a focused
thesis will have succeeded if the spirit of this unruly list and the vision of those who made the
research possible remain. The story that I tell is my story and I must take responsibility for its
outcome no matter how indebted it is to the dedicated people who made it possible. I must speak in
my own voice while respecting those who gave me that voice. It will have succeeded if western
Serengeti people do not accept this as a final product but contest it, debate it and write their own
histories.
I dedicate this dissertation to Magoto Mossi Magoto and to his sister Nyabikwabe Mossi,
whose legacies have made this work possible. The only photo of Magoto is reproduced here out of
respect for his patronage and in hopes that the hospitality of his sons and daughters might be
reciprocated in a work about which he would be proud [See Figure F-2]. Nyabikwabhe was a
woman who managed her own homestead after her husband disappeared on a migrant labor trip to
xxvi


Figure F-2: Magoto Mossi Magotto, Nata patriarch, c. 1890 1987
xxvu


Nairobi. She left her legacy with many children and grandchildren in Nata. She is remembered by
her family as a storyteller, knowledgeable about the past. This is dedicated to her in the hope that
the tradition of story-telling and remembering that she represents will not be lost.
xxviii


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE LANDSCAPES OF MEMORY:
A HISTORY OF SOCIAL IDENTITY IN THE WESTERN SERENGETI, TANZANIA
By
Jan Bender Shetler
May 1998
Chairman: Steven Feierman
Major Department: Department of History
This dissertation analyzes changes in social identity from the distant past to the early
colonial years in the western Serengeti, Mara Region, Tanzania, through an interpretation of oral
tradition. My analysis of the core spatial images of oral tradition demonstrates the link between
different ways of representing space and historical changes in social identity. Multiple social
identities grounded in the ecological diversity of the region developed out of long-term social
processes based on the elaboration of generative principles of social organization. The generative
principles of gender, economic production, clan, lineage, generation-set, age-set and ethnicity
produced various kinds of social identities and institutions according to the historical context.
Social identities changed profoundly at the end of the nineteenth century when an era of ecological
disasters caused western Serengeti people to undertake major social transformations. They
responded to the crises of this period of stress by renovating their systems of age-set organization
and by redefining the criteria for ethnic identity, not only to ensure their survival but to convert the
difficulties of the early years of colonialism into prosperous ones.
"The landscapes of memory" refers to the way in which memories about the past are stored
in spatial form. Oral traditions represent the past through spatial images that correspond to
XXIX


particular forms of social identity. An interpretation of the core spatial images of oral tradition
provides the historian with a culturally grounded representation of social processes in the past. A
representation of the past reconstructed through other forms of evidence like archaeology, historical
linguistics, comparative ethnography, ecology and written sources demonstrates an amazing
congruence with the historical understanding afforded by oral tradition. This dissertation seeks to
understand the past, as much as possible, from the perspective and categories of local historical
consciousness. The spatial analysis of oral tradition contributes to the historical reconstruction of
the precolonial past in Africa and social history elsewhere in the world, particularly in places such
as the Mara Region where historians must rely almost exclusively on oral tradition as a primary
source.
xxx


Think of the past as space expanding infinitely beyond our vision. It is not a record of
progress or regress, stasis or change; uncharted, it simply, smugly, vastly is. Then we choose a
prospect. The higher it is, the wider and hazier our view. Now we map what we see, marking some
features, ignoring others, altering an unknown territory, absurd in its unity, into a finite collection
of landmarks made meaningful through their connections. History is not the past, but a map of the
past drawn from a particular point of view to be useful to the modern traveler.
Serious study of a community's history does not begin with a raid to snatch scraps to add
color and flesh or nobility to the history of another community. It begins when the observer adopts
the local prospect, then brings the local landmarks into visibility, giving the creations of the
community's peoplethe artifacts in which their past is entombed, the texts in which their past lives
complete presence.1
* ****************************
Figure 1-1: From Riyara Hill in Nata looking East toward Gitaraga and Mochuri
Mountains with Bangwesi Mountain in the background and Serengeti Plains beyond.
1 Henry Glassie, Passing the Time in Ballvmenone: Culture and History of an Ulster
Community (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), p. 621.


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION:
ORAL TRADITION, TIME, SPACE AND SOCIAL IDENTITY
This is a project, as Glassie defines it in the preceding quotation, of adopting the "local
prospect" in order to "give presence" to the landscapes and the places through which a people
imagine their collective pasts and "in which their past lives." This dissertation explores these
landscapes containing the memories of the past to understand social change from the perspective of
those who live it. As Glassie writes, concerning the great historical epics of Ireland, "time is
absorbed into place, and place into mind ... the land becomes history, and history becomes
thought as people cross space in awareness."2
In this dissertation I explore the "landscapes of memory" which structure knowledge about
the past in spatial form through an interpretation of oral traditions from the western Serengeti,
Tanzania. This project will contribute to the growing body of research among Africanist scholars
on the ways in which the organization of space functions in oral tradition.3 My analysis of the core
spatial images of oral tradition demonstrates the link between different ways of representing space
2 Ibid, p. 664.
3 Michele Wagner, "Whose History is History?: A History of the Baragane People of
Buragane, Southern Burundi, 1850-1932," 2 vols. (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Wisconsin-
Madison, 1991); Henrietta L. Moore, Space. Text and Gender: An Anthropological Study of the
Marakwet of Kenya (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Karin Barber, I Could
Speak Until Tomorrow: Oriki. Women and the Past in a Yoruba Town (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press,1991); David William Cohen, "The Cultural Topography of a 'Bantu Borderland':
Busoga 1500-1850," Journal of Africa History 29 (1988): 57-79; David William Cohen and E. S.
Atieno Odhiambo, Siava: The Historical Anthropology of an African Landscape (London: James
Currey, 1989); Tamara Giles-Vemick, "Na lege ti guiriri (On the Road of History): Mapping Out
the Past and Present in M'Bres Region, Central African Republic," Ethnohistorv 43, 2 (Spring
1996): 245-275.
2


3
and historical changes in social identity. In this dissertation, I understand social identity as a
socially shared definition of self in relation to others that is situational and relational. Multiple
social identities coexist within the individual, activated according to the situation and the
relationships involved. Oral traditions produce and reproduce these identities through their
representation of space. This study encompasses an ecologically-defined regionthe western
Serengeti of Tanzaniaa region larger than one ethnic group. Thus, multiple and shifting forms of
social identity represented in oral tradition over time and space must be investigated.
These multiple social identities grounded in the ecological diversity of the region developed
out of long-term social processes based on the elaboration of generative principles of social
organization. The generative principles of gender, economic production, clan, lineage, generation-
set, age-set and ethnicity produced various kinds of social identities and institutions according to
the historical context. Social identities changed profoundly from a time in the distant past when
people gradually developed a regional system of relationships for achieving prosperity in a
marginal land to the end of the nineteenth century when an era of ecological disasters caused them
to undertake major social transformations. For the western Serengeti, as for many other parts of
East Africa, crisis defined the late nineteenth century. This time of famine, disease, war, and
dislocation served as the dividing point between the far and recent past in oral tradition. People
responded to the crises of this period of stress by renovating their systems of age-set organization
and by redefining the criteria for ethnic identity, not only to ensure their survival but to convert the
difficulties of the early years of colonialism into prosperous ones.4
4 Although German East Africa was established as a colony in 1885, German colonial rule
was not effective around Lake Victoria until 1891 with the establishment of a military post at
Mwanza. The British Mandate of 1922 incorporated the Tanganyika Territory into the British
Empire as a result of the League of Nations settlements following World War I.


4
Scholars cannot understand these profound late nineteenth century changes apart from the
long-term historical processes in which people developed patterns for building strong local
communities around their relationship to the land and to other communities within regional
networks of reciprocity. Yet the historian understands these older processes only through oral
traditions, traditions that the events of the late nineteenth century have significantly altered.
Western Serengeti people radically transformed their societies in the period of disasters by drawing
on the generative principles of long-term social process, yet in their oral representation of these
processes they interpret of them in light of their desire to seek historical continuity with, and
validation for, new ways of building and maintaining strong communities. The fundamental
importance of the era of disasters to oral representations of the deeper past requires that I interpret
the oral traditions of the pre-crisis era in light of the experiences of the post-crisis era.5 The design
of the dissertation reflects this necessity by weaving reflections on the influence of the era of
disasters on the character and content of all the oral evidence presented into my analysis.
The primary oral sources for this study come from the traditions of five agro-pastoral
ethnic groups that speak Bantu languages (Nata, Ikoma, Ishenyi, Ikizu and Ngoreme) and two
pastoral ethnic groups that speak Dadog languages (Rotigenga and Isimajek) in the Serengeti and
Bunda districts of the Mara Region. These stories guide my version and compel me to take
seriously the perspective and categories of local historical consciousness.6 A culturally sensitive
5 See Gwyn Prins, "Introduction," The Hidden Hippopotamus: Reappraisal in African
history: The early colonial experience in western Zambia (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1980), pp. 1-16, who analyzes "core concepts" in order to place nineteenth century colonial
contact in long-term local context.
6 Richard Price eloquently expressed this sentiment in his book on the history of maroon
communities in Saramaka, "All history is thus: a radical selection from the immensely rich swirl of
past human activity. The uniqueness of this book lies in its taking seriously the selection that is
made by those people who gather together at this shrine. It is about those distant people and those
long-age events that Saramakas today choose to think about, talk about, and act upon: but it is also


5
historical reconstruction seeks to translate the inner logic of oral traditions and the profound impact
of late nineteenth century crises on their content into the language of academic historical
discourse.7 The historian can respect the integrity of oral traditions and build a chronology to
explain social change by using oral sources together with other kinds of evidence, from historical
linguistics, archaeology, comparative ethnography, ecological studies and written sources.
The study of African social history in the precolonial period has recently fallen into
relative neglect after a prolific and optimistic outpouring of research in the 1960s and 70s. This is
in large part due to the difficulties inherent in using oral traditions as primary historical sources.
We still know too little about the precolonial period and, as a result, historians of the colonial
period build on questionable foundations. It is my hope that this dissertation will inspire another
look at oral sources through an investigation of the spatial dimension of oral memory. Although
the subject is social transformation at a particular place and time, historians could apply the
approach to the interpretation of oral sources from other places in Africa and to social history
elsewhere in the world.
Oral Traditions in Space and Time
In recent years, academic debate over the utility of oral sources for writing history has
centered on Jan Vansina's positivist approach to oral traditions. He asserts that, through rigorous
application of the proper methodological tools, historians could discover the objective past on
about the ways that Saramakas transform the general past (everything that happened) into the
significant past, their history. This book is an attempt to communicate something of the
Saramakas' own special vision of their formative years." Richard Price, First-Time: The
Historical Vision of an Afro-American People (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983),
p. 5.
7 Steven Feierman, The Shambaa Kingdom: A History (Madison: University of
Wisconsin, 1977), p. 3; Thomas Spear, "Oral Traditions: Whose History?," History in Africa 8
(1981): 8.


6
which narrators once based these texts. David W. Cohen and others have engaged this claim by
subtly undercutting and destabilizing its first premisesthat an orderly "chain of transmission"
would lead the historian back to the original testimony, that there was a single tradition with many
variations rather than multiple and conflicting histories, and that different sets of oral traditions
represented independent evidence. Luise White's recent work on rumor and gossip questions the
criteria used by historians to evaluate their sources.8 She asks, if people all over East Africa tell
consistent stories about vampires does that mean they are true? This primary emphasis on oral
tradition as itself a historical product leaves little room for a history from oral traditions that
discusses issues from earlier periods. Are we to focus only on how people talk about the present
by reference to an imagined past? This dissertation argues that a middle ground between these
two approaches exists that incorporates the critique of objectivist methodology and yet still
supports writing about the distant past, within the standards set by the discipline of academic
history.
Oral Traditions. Memory and History
Historians using oral traditions as their principal source of evidence have been confounded
by the central problem of ascertaining the time depth of oral narratives. It has been demonstrated
many times that the content of oral tradition is not stable and that it changes from performance to
8 See the collected papers from the international conference, "Words and Voices: Critical
Practices of Orality in Africa and in African Studies," Bellagio, Italy, February 24-28, 1997,
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. On this issue see David Newbury, "Contradictions at the
Heart of the Canon: Oral Historiography in Africa, 1960-1980;" Carolyn Hamilton, "Living with
Fluidity: Oral Histories, Material Custodies and the Policitics of Preservation;" Luise White,
"True Stories: Narrative, Event, History and Blood in the Lake Victoria Basin;" David William
Cohen, "In a nation of white cars ... one white car, or "a white care" becomes a truth." This
destablization is not confined to oral history alone, for an analysis of related issues affecting the
more common methodologies of the historical profession see, Peter Novick, That Noble Dream:
The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1988).


7
performance over time and in relation to the historical contexts in which the traditions are told.
Different social groups tell different stories about the past and in different ways to legitimate a
particular social order. The present not only influences the narration of the past but knowledge of
the past most surely influences our experience of the present.9 The historian's analysis of any one
tradition must take into consideration the present context in which narrators tell it, as well as all of
the other historical contexts through which it has passed in transmission. Because of these
difficulties, many have despaired of finding any verifiable historical content in oral traditions at
all.10
One way to assess the historical content of oral tradition is through an understanding of its
narrative form. Studies of oral memory have shown that narrators construct (rather than
reproduce) oral traditions in performance through the use of mnemonic systems, the central
elements of which scholars of oral tradition call "core images" or "clichs." By recalling these core
images narrators improvise the entire narrative as they tell it. In the Nata origin story the core
images are a hunter following his prey from the wilderness and a woman at her cave by the spring.
Narrators elaborate details of how they met and what they said around these core images to form
9 Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1989), pp. 2-3; Elizabeth Tonkin, Narrating Our Pasts: The Social Construction of Oral History
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). For an analysis of social memory outside of
African history see, Patrick J. Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the
End of the First Millenium (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
10 David Henige, Oral Tradition and Chronology, Journal of African History. 12, 3
(1971): 371-389; Joseph C. Miller, ed., The African Past Speaks: Essays on Oral Tradition and
History (Folkestone, Kent: Dawson Archon, 1980); Paul Irwin, Liptako Speaks: History from Oral
Traditions in Africa (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1981).


8
episodes or narrative units that they string together to create the larger story anew in each
performance.11
Historians of oral tradition have long postulated that it is these core images that hold the
key to historical interpretation. Vansina proposed guidelines for interpreting the "implicit
meaning" of these core images or "clichs," such as comparison with other traditions and other
cultural expressions.12 Joseph Miller later suggested that since core images serve as the mnemonic
device for recalling the story, people pass on these images from generation to generation, even if
they no longer understand the original meaning. As time goes on the parts of the story that
narrators elaborate with each telling tend to lose their detail and become generalized, or are
replaced with present-day experiences. Miller postulated that the core images held the best
possibility of bearing "information from and about the past."13 Steven Feierman's structuralist
interpretation of the core images in the Shambaa origin myth of Mbegha, in terms of the historical
development of kingship, remains one of the best examples of this kind of interpretation.14
Some of the most important core images found in African traditions are spatial images of
landscape, place or topography. As Elizabeth Hofmeyr put it, "oral memory has a close mnemonic
relationship with place and location, and in a variety of societies people often bank information in
the landscape." She questions whether people can sustain memory if they lose touch with the
11 The theory is first argued in A. B. Lord, The Singer of Tales (Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard University Press, 1964); see also, Joseph C. Miller, "Introduction: Listening for the
African Past," in The African Past Speaks, ed. Joseph C. Miller (Folkestone, Kent: Dawson
Archon, 1980), pp. 5-9.
12 Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition as History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985),
pp. 144-6.
13 Miller, "Listening for the African Past," p. 8.
14 Feierman, The Shambaa Kingdom, pp. 40-69.


9
places and landscapes of the core images.15 However, the recognition that core images often
appear as spatial images does not solve the problem of their interpretation. The first generation of
historians to interpret oral traditions in Africa accepted the literal meaning of place names in
migration or clan origin traditions resulting in untenable reconstructions of the movement of large
and discrete groups of people over long distances.16 The internal meaning of spatial images is not
always explicit and not all spatial images are core images.
How then does the historian discern which spatial images in oral traditions contain
information about the past and how she should interpret them? For example, place-names can be
added later to migration stories or even changed. The Ikoma origin story claims that the original
ancestor migrated from Sonjo, on the other side of the Serengeti plains, and then lists a number of
other places that are within the western Serengeti. The Sonjo, however, claim that the British gave
them this ethnic name in reference to the Sonjo bean that was prevalent in the area (the Sonjo call
themselves Wantemi). If this is true then this ethnonym-cwm-place-name could not have been part
of a precolonial tradition. Nevertheless, through a careful interpretation of the important spatial
references in oral tradition the historian can analyze the historical connection between Sonjo and
Ikoma. On closer examination of many Ikoma origin stories one notices that, in place of Sonjo,
some narrators use the name Regata. A present day village named Rhughata in Sonjo claims its
origins at Jaleti and Ngrumega (perhaps a transliteration of the Rivers Mbalageti and Grumeti in
15 Hofmevr. "We Spend our Years. pp. 106, 125, 132-133, 160.
16 In his paper for the Bellagio Conference,Words and Voices, 1997, David Newbury,
Contradictions at the Heart of the Canon, called this group the fundamentalists, including; G.
Hartwig, Oral Tradition Concerning the Early Iron Age in Northwestern Tanzania, African
Historical Studies 4 (1974): 3-115; J. B. Webster, D. H. Okalany, C. P. Emudong, and N. Egimu-
Okuda, The Iteso During the Asonva (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1973).


10
the western Serengeti).17 Ngoreme tradition mentions origins in Sonjo but specifically name the
village of Tinaga, a village that Sonjo people claim the Maasai destroyed in raids, causing the
people to flee to "Ikoma."18 The landscape described in these stories is the bush, inhabited by
hunters following the wildebeest migration. Indeed, if one followed the wildebeest migration from
Sonjo, he would end up in Ikoma or Ngoreme. The historian must conclude that a thick set of
historical interactions from different time periods existed between Sonjo and Ikoma, expressed by
oral traditions as the migration of a single ancestor.
Examples of prestigious places being added onto the beginning of origin stories to claim
affiliation with powerful kingdoms also exist. The claim of association may be at the root of Jita
claims to Ganda origins or Kanadi (Sukuma) claims to Hima origins. Both Ganda and Hima
peoples represent royal clans who formed centralized states on the other side of Lake Victoria,
states whose power people across the wider Lakes Region admired, feared and resisted. Many
western Serengeti traditions that claim origins in the east name the specific places of Mount
Kilimanjaro and Arusha, which are major points of reference for Tanzanian nationalism. In
western Kenya many ethnic groups claim origins in Misri (Egypt) in a biblical exodus model.19 In
each of these cases the place-names following the prestigious name are specific, localized places
with rich cultural meanings attached to them. Usually, the direction of the place relative to the
community's present location is important either symbolically or historically. The historian cannot
simply identify spatial references and accept their unmediated historical veracity but must rather
17 Interview with Emmanuel Ndenu, Sale, 6 December 1995 (Sonjo cf).
18 Interviews with Peter Nabususa, Samonge, 5 December 1995; and Samweli Ginduri,
Samonge, 6 December 1995 (Sonjo 19 William R. Ochieng', "Misri Legends in East African History, East Africa Journal
(October 1972): 27-31.


11
pay attention to the cultural meaning of these core spatial images and carefully interpret them
alongside other traditions and other kinds of evidence. These images are important in any
historical reconstruction because they are integral to oral memory itself.
The historian best approaches the interpretation of spatial images by first understanding
how and why our minds spatialize memory. Studies of memory have shown that people store
recollections of the past as spatial rather than temporal images.20 We remember events and people
by locating them in particular places. Thus memories appear to us as a sequence of places rather
than as the orderly passage of time. In his exploration of the "poetics of space," Gaston Bachelard
writes, "Memories are motionless, and the more securely they are fixed in space, the sounder they
are."21 This insight has profound implications for the historian using the evidence of memory as a
primary source. As Bachelard notes, "to localize a memory in time is merely a matter for the
biographer and only corresponds to a sort of external history, for external use, to be communicated
to others."22 The job of the historian, like the biographer, is to fix memories within a chronological
sequence in order to understand change over time and its possible causes. Yet if Bachelard is right,
memory cannot provide the historian with precise temporal sequences or duration.
This insight corresponds with my experience in listening to oral traditions in the western
Serengeti. Elders took great care to give me sequences of place-names yet without narrative
explanation. In the early stages of my research I was puzzled because people seemed to care more
20 Frances A. Yates, The Art of Memory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966);
Jonathan D. Spence, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci (New York: Viking, 1984); Mary J.
Carruthers, The Book of Memory: A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1990); George Johnson, In the Palaces of Memory: How We Build
Worlds Inside Our Heads (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991).
21 Gaston Bachelard, The Poetics of Space, trans. Maria Jolas (New York: Orion Press,
1964; first published by Presses Universitaires de France, 1958), p. 9.
22
Ibid.


12
about specifying place rather than time frame. When asked when they took place the narrators
usually said either, "a very long time ago before the grandfather of my grandfather." or, for more
recent memories, they would name a specific age- or generation-set. In contrast, specific place-
names and spatial images were the central organizing features of oral traditions. For example, the
Nata origin story took place at Bwanda, in the ecological space where farming and hunting
landscapes meet. The last great battle with the Maasai took place at Ndabaka, which means "the
plain of tears" in Dadog. In its starkest form narrators presented the period of settlement as a
simple list of place-names or migration points with almost no elaboration. People attached great
importance to the accurate recitation of lists of place-names and spatial features in oral narratives.
In his study of "Ilongot headhunting," Renato Rosaldo found that the Illongot people
presented stories about the past as sequences of the "names of places where they had 'erected their
house posts' and 'cleared the forest."' They conceptualized history as a movement through space, or
as a group of people walking in a single file along a trail and stopping at a sequence of named
resting places. Narrators named no dates or time periods in these stories because events were
"mapped onto the landscape, not onto a calendar." Rosaldo called the Ilongot historical idiom a
"spatialization of time" and convincingly reconstructed Ilongot history by making correspondences
between place-name sequences and temporal chronologies from references in other sources.23
Another example is Bruce Chatwin's description of how Australian Aboriginals conceptualize
history as "song lines" or "dreaming tracks" that are particular paths on the ground, established
when the ancestors "sang the world into existence. Each track is a "song" or a "map" by which
people remember the past.24 Similarly, in the American tradition, the mention of Plymouth,
23 Renato Rosaldo, Ilongot Headhunting 1883-1974: A Study in Society and History
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980), pp. 42- 58.
24 Bruce Chatwin, The Songlines (New York: Viking, 1987), pp. 2, 12.


13
Jamestown, Bunker Hill, or Gettysburg, for example, evokes an emotion-laden history in the
popular consciousness.
Clearly, the historian cannot reconstruct the temporal framework of oral memory without
an internal knowledge of its spatial component. To return to Bachelard's image, as "biographers,"
we are in the business of putting memory back into chronological sequence to present our "external
history, for external use, to be communicated to others." To do this we need to pay particular
attention to the indigenous conceptual frameworks that govern the use of time and space in oral
narratives. As we have seen, oral traditions use space as a metaphor for time or as a mnemonic for
social processes that are no longer temporally anchored. Oral traditions often use an epic spatial
scale as a metaphor for emphasizing the importance or permanence of certain social processes.
History itself is a cultural construct that determines the structure and use of oral narratives about
the past. The historical interpretation of oral tradition must, in effect, attempt to reverse the
spatialization of memory to recover what people originally meant these images to convey.
If the spatial elements of oral tradition are part of a mnemonic system then the historian
can use them as "evidence in spite of themselves" that provide tangible information about the
past.25 The spatial elements of oral tradition-references to place-names, landscapes, topographical
features and the social organization of spaceare crucial elements in the historical reconstruction
of this region, rather than geographical background. While historians have often disregarded these
elements as useless details they provide bits of evidence from the past, transmitted to the present
because of their function in oral memory. Imagined landscapes, embedded in oral traditions as
core images, are artifacts from the past that, although people might understand their meaning
25 Marc Bloch, The Historian's Craft, trans. Peter Putnam (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 1954), p. 61; Feierman, The Shambaa Kingdom, p. 4; Miller, "Listening for the
African Past," pp. 6-8.


14
differently or lose their meaning altogether in different time periods, remain tenacious fragments of
past social worlds transmitted in oral memory.26 Like the ceramic artifacts that an archaeologist
unearths, a particular shard may have been used in subsequent generations as a shallow water
container for chicks in the yard or later picked up off the refuse heap by a child to be made into a
toy. Still, the archaeologist can sometimes reconstruct its original use and historical context
through careful comparison with similar shards found in other places, other kinds of artifacts found
nearby, and contemporary pottery forms and their uses.
These encoded fragments yield information about the past only as historians interpret them
within their cultural context and alongside other kinds of evidence. For example, when 1 was
trying to decipher what the lists of settlement names meant historically, most elders could tell me
where the places were located but few could tell me anything else about these places. However,
once I began asking to go visit those places, I soon realized that only people from particular
lineages could take me there because these are the sites of important ancestral graves. This gave
me some idea of the social groups that inhabited these settlements, information about residential
mobility and why some knew the names and not these more precise meanings attached to the place.
When we arrived at those places, elders told the stories of the rainmaker or prophet buried there. I
observed how settlements at these sites might have been situated ecologically or in relation to other
settlements. The same places might be mentioned in other traditions, a redundancy that provided
valuable alternate meanings for the place. The place-names themselves could sometimes be
translated literally, suggesting historical association with the place. Mapping these sites in relation
26 See Glassie's poetic treatment of the Irish landscape as a mnemonic artifact in which the
past is entombed in Passing the Time, pp. 621-65. See also Barber, 1 Could Speak, pp. 27, 34 on
oriki praise poems as "fragments of the past."


15
to each other showed how settlements were spatially related. The conclusions I draw from this
evidence are not firm but do represent a logical set of possibilities.
Core spatial images also yield important historical content because they refer to particular
forms of social relationship or identity. In his study of social memory, Paul Connerton theorizes
that "our memories are located within the mental and material spaces of the group." Individuals
preserve memories as members of a group and these memories are situated within the socially-
specific spatial framework provided by that group.27 Memories are not only spatially located but
also socially located within particular groups. We can identify each oral tradition with the history
of a particular social unit. Different social groups located in one place may preserve radically
different memories about the same time period because each builds on its own "mental map."28
Landscapes are not neutral backdrops to the events of history. They shape and are shaped
by human action as people imagine and use the landscapes.29 A classic argument, first articulated
by Durkheim and Mauss in 1903, holds that the built spaces we inhabit represent the structure of
our society. Scholars have demonstrated this mainly in the layout of homestead and village as well
as the interior design of houses.30 In this dissertation, I extend this observation to hypothesize that
27 Connerton, How Societies Remember, p. 37, Connerton draws on the early work of the
French social theorist, Maurice Halbwachs.
28 Ibid, pp. 20, 28.
29 For the social theory of space see for example, Edward W. Soja, Postmodern
Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory (London: Verso, 1989); and
Allan Pred, Making Histories and Constructing Human Geographies: The Local Transformation of
Practice. Power Relations, and Consciousness (Boulder: San Franciscan, Oxford: Westview Press,
1990).
30Emile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, Primitive Classification, trans. and ed. Rodney
Needham (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1963; first published in French, 1903.) Bourdieu
enlarges this argument with his notion of habitus, Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice.
trans. Richard Nice (London: Cambridge University Press, 1977; first published in French, 1972),
pp. 1 -71. For an application of spatial theory to African ethnography see the collection of essays,


16
oral traditions encode social relationships and identities by employing a spatial imagery that
includes landscapes and topography. Different ways of imagining the landscape in the spatial
images of oral traditions correspond to different social identities that can be situated in the past by
understanding their cultural context and by using other kinds of evidence. These spatial images
both represent forms of social identity and persons adopting these social identities use spatial
images to represent them.
For example, oral traditions about the origins of clans describe each clan ancestor as a son
of the founder of the ethnic group, within one territory. Yet, the spaces invoked by clan histories
and praise names are dispersed, with each clan's spaces interspersed among those of other clans.
This supports the inference, based on several kinds of evidence, that in earlier times, as in more
recent ones, regional networks of trade and the movement of ritual experts, connected dispersed
clan settlements. The same clan names with the same associations of place and ritual avoidance
are found throughout the region in nearly every ethnic group. Oral traditions say that dispersed
Hemba or Gaikwe clan members enjoyed access to trade with the Asi hunter/gatherers (who lived
on the margins of the western Serengeti) through friendship oaths. Since clan networks like these
do not function any more and because little evidence exists for them in the colonial period, one can
reasonably assume that they belong to an earlier period. We cannot date precisely the period
during which these clan networks functioned, but situating them relatively in time may be possible
by mapping the regional distribution of clan names, words that refer to clan functions, and
variations in lineage organization.
Anita Jacobson-Widding, ed., Body and Space: Symbolic Modes of Unity and Division in African
Cosmology and Experience (Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksell International, 1991); and Denise L.
Lawrence and Setha M. Low, 'The Built Environment and Spatial Form," Annual Review of
Anthropology 19 (1990): 453-505.


17
Even relative chronologies for the forms of identity to which the core spatial images refer
are difficult to identify, because oral traditions consist of layers laid down in different time periods.
Some have described oral traditions as resembling palimpsests, or tablets that various people have
written over with the older writing just barely visible beneath. Christopher Wrigley, writing on
Ganda "mythical traditions," says that oral traditions are like textbooks of law, "which are being
constantly re-edited to reflect new knowledge or interest but keep the basic shape given them by
their original authors."31 Thus, origin stories may indeed contain both existential reflection on
enduring realities of the human condition and very old historical content. Both of these contents
may receive new interpretations when new identities, in relation to new communities, gain greater
importance. In identifying which layer is older, the spatial images around which people tell the
stories provide crucial clues.
For example, in the stories about the origins of western Serengeti ethnic groups, the core
spatial images are not the spaces of bounded ethnic territories. They are instead the gendered
spaces of the homestead and the ecological spaces of economic subsistence strategies. In addition,
people tell the origin story of first man, the hunter, and first woman, the farmer, throughout the
region, not confined to one ethnic group. Each separate group creates its own elaborations on a
common story. The historian can date the economic subsistence patterns and homestead layouts
represented in these spatial images to the distant past through historical linguistics and comparative
ethnography. Thus, one can reasonably argue that the core images of these origin stories are based
31 Christopher Wrigley, Kingship and State: The Bueanda Dynasty (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 49. Thanks to James Ellison for his archeological
explanation of this concept: "Imagine a landscape inhabited, people dropping artifacts that reflect
relations of exchange over a great distance and to the south. Then people die, the site is covered by
eolian deposits, and other people move in who drop artifacts that reflect trade in another set of
directions and at a much closer radius. They die. Winds deflate the sediments leaving these quite
different artifacts side by side," personal communication, 23 June 1997.


18
on the founding myths of much older social groupings that narrators have reconfigured into ethnic
stories. Because the characters in these ethnic origin stories are sometimes members of particular
clans, it also seems likely that people have used these stories to understand the relationship between
clans.
In the search for historical meaning, this dissertation analyzes and contextualizes the core
spatial images of each set of oral traditions. The relative age of these images may be suggested by
interpreting their cultural meaning alongside of other forms of evidence and in light of commentary
from other traditions. Through this process one can see how the different elements of a single
tradition might have been added at different time periods. Origin stories may have begun as
founding myths explaining the relationship between men and women and the interdependence of
hunting and farming as economic strategies, or, the importance of farming in civilizing human
families. Then particular variations of these stories about first man and first woman and their
children became identified with the clans of those who first claimed the land. In this case the
stories explained the relationships between clans and provided the basis for the priority in
particular circumstances of some clans over others. Later, as ethnic groups began to define
themselves, narrators turned the same stories that underwrote the rights of clans to tell of
ethnogenesis.
Multiple, situational, and relational identities seem to be an ancient pattern in this region,
perhaps as a result of the interaction of diverse languages, subsistence patterns and cultures from
earliest times. Even if particular sets of oral traditions tell of particular forms of social identity and
in relation to a relative time periods in the past, other forms of social identity surely existed too.
People who lived on the marginal lands of the western Serengeti built their security by forming
extensive regional relationships based on many different kinds of identities, rather than centralized
hierarchies. We cannot imagine a time when no lineages or clans, age- or generation-sets existed.


19
but we can dimly perceive times when, in specific historical circumstances, regional clan networks
played a more important role than they now do; when lineage was the idiom for asserting a
relationship with the land and when the principle of age began to eclipse that of generation. The
interpretation of spatial imagery thus provides tools for understanding these important shifts in
social process over time.
In a society where identities were multiple, situational and relational, many different sets of
oral traditions, describing the diverse histories of many different social groups, operated at the
same time. If a particular social group remembers and performs a particular set of oral traditions,
its people can only preserve the particular histories and landscapes of that group and cannot carry
the weight of a more integrated social history. One elder, who is a member of many different
social groups, may relate, for example, ethnic origin history, clan migration history, generation-set
ritual history, age-set initiation history, and lineage settlement history all in one session, with each
kind of history situated in a particular temporal frame. Each of these separate histories has become
one ethnic history in the memory of one man. Yet how can we understand the indigenous
chronology that orders these different kinds of stories in one man's narration of the past in relation
to each other and in terms of a linear chronology?
Periodization of Oral Tradition and Concepts of Time
The organization of this dissertation follows the indigenous chronology implicit in the
corpus of oral traditions told today, beginning with the stories of ethnic and clan origins and ending
with the stories of the late nineteenth century disaster and recovery. I do not accept this
chronology in any absolute sense but contingent upon an understanding of the kinds of
temporalities reflected in oral tradition. However, indigenous periodizations of oral traditions bear
some relationship to the relative age of information about the past carried into the present. They
are not purely imaginative reconstructions of the past based on the present.


20
The historical consciousness of the western Serengeti, in spite of the preference for spatial
rather than temporal organization of oral traditions, employs a division of time into chronologically
ordered periods. Oral traditions can be grouped into three types of traditions according to this
indigenous periodization. Ethnic origin stories of first man, the hunter, and first woman, the farmer
refer to the oldest time period. They often include clan narratives in which the children of the
ancestral parents disperse. Oral traditions of settlement sites or migration stories and accounts of
rituals concerning the land characterize the middle period. The most recent period contains the
historical accounts of the generations from the last two decades of the nineteenth century onward.
These traditions tell of the disasters of that period and the ways in which people coped and even
began to prosper in the early colonial period. We can understand only these last stories as
"historical" in so far as they employ a linear chronology of past events ordered by cycles of age-set
or generation-set names.
For the last or historical period, narratives are grouped according to the memories of a
particular "generation." Those who were in their youth at the time of the disasters refer to this
experience as the formative point for their generation. Those in the generation who were in their
youth during the early colonial years oriented their identity around the cattle wealth acquired from
new opportunities for trade. Rosaldo used the concept of cohort analysis to find structure in the
individual biographies of age-peers set in a particular historical context. As he followed many of
these lives through time he saw that age-peers began defining themselves by formative historical
experiences when their shared collective identity was formed. This then became the enduring
characteristic of a self-conscious group.32
32 Rosaldo, Iloneot Headhunting, pp. 110-113.


21
The division of time into three periods in oral tradition corresponds closely to what oral
historians have found elsewhere in Africa. Rich oral traditions typically surround the period of
origins and that of recent times, separated by a "floating gap" of scarce and cryptic information in
the middle period. In the western Serengeti, the narratives of this middle period contain lists of
place-names referring to settlement sites or stops on a migration route. Earlier historians of oral
tradition in Africa accepted this indigenous periodization as representative of relative chronological
time. Vansina assumed that these bodies of tradition referred to successive time periods and he
explained the "floating gap" by the fact that beyond a certain time depth, oral memory reaches it
limits. As traditions got older, they became more generalized and mythologized.33
Anthropologists met this positivist method of ordering oral traditions into a chronological
framework with an unsettling critique. Structuralists demonstrated that these three types of
tradition do not refer to time at all but to structures of society in the present. They saw the
mythical accounts as "founding myths" that justify the existence of the present social system. For
these scholars the middle period represents a static model or "social charter" of the same system
and only in the recent period do oral historians offer accounts of change and pose explanations as
to causality.34 While this understanding of indigenous periodization challenged the possibility of
historical reconstruction, many historians went on to demonstrate that even as "mythical charters,"
oral traditions still contain evidence about the past.35 Some historians, such as Feierman,
33 Vansina, Oral Tradition as History, pp. 23-24.
34 For a classic example of the structuralist interpretation of oral traditions see, Claude
Lvi-Strauss, "The Story of Asdiwal," in The Structural Study of Mvth and Totemism. ed.
Edmunch Leach (London: Tavistock Publications, 1967), pp. 1-47.
35 Jan Vansina, Oral Traditions as History, p. 23; Spear, "Whose History?," pp. 165-181;
Thomas Spear, Kenya's Past: An Introduction to Historical Method in Africa (Harlow, Essex:
Longman, 1981); Miller, "Listening for the African Past," p. 4.


22
accommodated the critique by incorporating structuralist analysis into their historical
reconstruction.36
Thomas Spear picked up this challenge to the historicity of oral tradition by finding a
different basis for maintaining that the three kinds of traditions represented time periods (recent,
middle and early). He showed that each kind of oral tradition is characterized by a different sense
of time (linear, cyclical and mythical respectively). His own work demonstrated that Kenyan
Mijikenda oral traditions of the earlier periods "contain accurate historical narrative over four
centuries and continue to describe accurately institutions that have not existed for 130 years." The
different time sense in each type results from increasing abstraction, changing in "meaning from
literal to intended to symbolic as the events they recall recede into the past." Thus oral traditions
of the early period describe "things-as they became," the middle period describes "things-as-they-
should-be" and the late period describes "things-as they-are."37
Although a rough correspondence exists between these three types of oral traditions and
three levels of historical time depth it would be a mistake to accept this periodization as
corresponding to any absolute sense of chronological time. Any one of these types contains
material from many different time periods. The function of oral traditions locally is not to archive
the past in any "pure form. Narrators have transmitted traditions because they provide useful
information for negotiating the paths of present social relationship based on the experience of the
past.38 They represent wisdom from the past distilled into an idealized form.
36 Feierman, The Shamhaa Kingdom, pp. 40-69.
37 Spear, "Whose History," pp. 167, 171-2.
38 See Feierman, "Introduction," The Shambaa Kingdom, pp. 10-16.


23
However, this indigenous periodization of oral traditions according to a relative chronology
does give some indication of time depth in that the spatial images of each genre can be correlated
with a particular temporality (rather than time period). The core spatial images of the origin stories
refer to ancient patterns of production and reproduction in the region, as they had developed out of
the gendered interactions of hunters, herders and farmers in the deep past and as they have
continued to exist in more recent periods. The lists of settlement site names refer to historic
residence patterns in the not-too-distant past but before the more immediate memories of the late
nineteenth century famines.
We can be reasonably sure that oral traditions do contain information about the past
because of the remarkable congruence between historical reconstructions based on the core spatial
images of oral tradition and that based on the evidence of historical linguistics, comparative
ethnography, archaeology or written sources, which we assume to have historical validity. If those
who tell oral traditions cannot have known about this other evidence how otherwise would they tell
such similar stories concerning social processes in the distant past? Oral traditions provide a
culturally grounded expression of historical processes partly available to us from other kinds of
evidence.
The historians must also accept the limitations of oral traditions. The genres of oral
tradition corresponding to "mythical time" and "social process time" cannot by themselves show
change over time. Only the comparison of various versions of the same types of traditions
throughout the region or among different social groups can accomplish this result.39 Even then
39 See Matthew Schoffeleers, "Oral history and the retrieval of the distant past: On the use
of legendary chronicles as sources of historical information," in Theoretical explorations in African
religion, eds. Wim an Binsbergen and Matthew Schoffeleers (KPI: London, 1985), pp. 164-188.


24
these lead only to tenuous hypotheses, usually confirmed by written sources (that are not available
here before the late nineteenth century).
Traditions of the oldest indigenous time periods supply a description of the spatial
organization of social relationships over the long period in which they unfolded.40 The core spatial
images of these traditions represent the underlying principles, or what Pierre Bourdieu calls the
"generative schemes," of social practice, a practice elaborated and improvised on in daily life,
according to the specific context. Generative schemes are not so much "rules" as "strategies" by
which people choose from a range of options to enact social practice.41 These are the mental
dispositions inculcated during the earliest phases of socialization, inscribed in the body and
cultivated in the routines of life. People do not consciously understand how the system works but
unconsciously know how to make it work. The basic principles by which one knows how to carry
out relationships based on common parentage, age, generation, expertise or wealth can generate
unlimited practical applications depending on the situation. For example in the western Serengeti,
a stranger could be incorporated as a son to secure additional labor; peers, as age-mates, could be
organized on a regional scale for raiding or reconciliation; wealthy men could be induced by
followers to provide large communal feasts to gain legitimate respect; and networks of friendships
sealed by blood oaths could be fashioned into long-distance trading partnerships. People make and
maintain relationships when they are useful either materially or symbolically, rather than existing
as the result of a disembodied social system. Social maps are not reified representations but
various and changing according to the context.
40 Randall M. Packard, "The Study of Historical Process in African Traditions of Genesis:
the Bashu Myth of Muhiyi," in The African Past Speaks, ed. Joseph C. Miller (Folkestone, Kent:
Dawson Archon, 1980), pp. 157-177.
41 Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, pp. 1-71.


25
Oral tradition rationalizes these generative principles that govern the daily elaboration of
social practice into an "official" version of social organization to preserve the existing social order.
Oral traditions turn what is a dynamic process into a static model. When we understand lineage as
a strategy rather than a structure, we see people's everyday actions as significant because they are
making choices rather than following a script. The core spatial images of early-period traditions
present social organization in a rigid and timeless, "traditional" form. Although this is the "given
spatial text, people have "read" it in countless ways over time.42 The exclusive narration of the
"official version" has now silenced some of these various interpretations. By understanding how
various people have "read" these spatial "texts" since the time of documented historical sources,
one can imagine a similarly varied spectrum of possibilities in the past. Another way of
understanding the possible past readings that are now silenced is to look at the regional variation on
these basic generative themes of social organization. Different historical contexts influence the
regional variations.
An example of contextual "readings" of generative principles, reflected in the oral
traditions as a static model, concerns gender relations represented in the spatial layout of the
homestead. The house is represented as a female domain and the courtyard and cattle corral as a
male domain. The oppositions of inside/outside, enclosed/exposed, passive/active are embedded in
these spatial configurations. Through historical linguistics and comparative ethnography the
historian can show that these gendered spatial patterns are very old and still exist today. However,
from evidence in the colonial record and from my own observation, women have clearly turned
these dichotomies to their own advantage and found ways to cross and blur the boundaries.
42 Ibid; Moore, Space. Text and Gender, pp. 79 86, who suggests that spatial
organization is like a text that can be read.


26
Embedded in the origin traditions (primarily as told by men) are hints of the ways in which women
and men have reinterpreted these spaces over time.
The historian might better understand the three types of oral traditions, not as referring to
different time periods or concepts of time, but to different temporalities or time scales. Because we
can connect each set of oral traditions with a particular social group and the material spaces that it
occupies, each of these identities also has its own temporality. The indigenous chronology places
oral traditions connected with identities based on gender and subsistence economy in the oldest
time frame, almost out of time. Comparison to other evidence shows that these identities are very
old and relatively stable over time. The earliest traditions represent a different temporal frame of
very slow changes over long time periods and enduring social forms. The origin stories do not
objectively represent particular events and years but they do adequately represent long-term social
processes.
This insight draws on Braudel's classic history of the Mediterranean in which he uses three
different temporalities: the longue dure (history of imperceptible changes in the relationships of
man to his environment), the conjuncture (the slow but perceptible rhythms of social process) and,
the vnement (the short term political time of remembered history).43 Braudel's model allows for
each type of analysis to supply a different kind of historical information through its own time
frame. Each temporal scale implies a corresponding spatial scale and social unit. A narrative
concerning the relationship of man to the environment demands a deep time scale and an extensive
ecological field. In Braudel's analysis the geographical spaces of mountain and sea where people
43 Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip
11, trans. Sian Reynolds and ed. Richard Ollard (Harper Collins: London, 1992; first published in
French, 1949.).


27
fished and farmed were set in the history of the long dure, while the courtly spaces of kings were
the venues of short term diplomatic history.44
However, if we analyze separately the temporality of each set of social identities, rather
than the total society for each time period, than we cut social history on a "vertical" rather than a
"horizontal axis. In effect, each of these temporal slices represents a particular kind of social
identity, over an ongoing period of time, rather than a picture of an integrated society during one
time period. This moves the analysis from a simple past tense to a past continuous tense. For
example, the space/time frame of origin stories refers to the demonstrably ancient strategies of
subsistence and social reproduction that are still practiced today. These are basic generative
schemes around which other social organization is elaborated. The space/time frame of the stories
of settlement sites and land rituals refers to processes in the not-too-distant past by which people
established the rights to the land that exist today. The space/time frame of stories concerning
nineteenth century disaster and opportunity are within a chronological framework of historical
change and refer to newly evolving forms of social organization--age-set territories and ethnic
identities. Each space/time frame moves forward at its own rate to the present.
In reality, one individual simultaneously embodies each of these various identities
represented by oral tradition. These diverse identities cannot be separated and are functionally
interdependent. One cannot understand a woman outside her role as farmer, mother, sister or
healing expert. A scholar cannot divide the history of an integrated society for analytical purposes
into the separate histories of gender, economy, clans, age-sets or generation-sets. Braudel
recognized that this dissection of history into "geographical time," "social time and "individual
time" was only a device that "divided man into his multiple selves" and "cut across living history
44 Prins, The Hidden Hippopotamus, p. 8, uses Braudel's model in his attempt to "study all
the time scales of change" and their interplay with each other.


28
that is fundamentally one.45 However, by making this "vertical dissection one better appreciates
the historical dynamics of social identities that were multiple, situational and relational in nature.
Using this method, the oral traditions retain their integrity, allowing for a translation that
takes seriously local historical consciousness. Explaining nineteenth century changes in social
identity without understanding the previous forms of social identity that operated over the long
term is impossible. Yet to understand these long-term processes without understanding the
disasters of the late nineteenth century, through which oral traditions about the earlier periods are
filtered is also impossible. Throughout the dissertation, I interpret oral traditions about the earlier
period in light of the nineteenth century transformations in social identity, and understand
representations of social organization in the nineteenth century as products of earlier cultural
formation. In each chapter 1 present a different genre of oral tradition, explore its core spatial
images and the references to social identity in its cultural and historical context.
Oral Traditions and Social Identity
People in the western Serengeti who tell oral traditions today refer explicitly to the social
identity of ethnicity. Yet the stories themselves represent a variety of other kinds of social
boundaries and they operate within a common set of regional assumptions, or generative principles.
Similar stories for similar periods in each of the ethnic groups with whom I conducted interviews,
suggest the possibility of a common regional history, with local variations corresponding to
differing historical and geographical contexts. Telling this story as seven different ethnic
narratives may have better represented western Serengeti historical consciousness in the colonial
and postcolonial periods, but it would not fairly reflect precolonial consciousness.
45 Braudel, "Preface to the First Edition," The Mediterranean, p. xiv.


29
These traditions show that social identity, in the past as well as in the present, is multiple,
situational and relational rather than unitary and fixed. None but the most recent traditions use the
space of the ethnic group as the core spatial image. Instead, the core spatial images that represent
the identities of male/female, farmer/hunter/herder, lineage or clan member, age- or generation-set
member seem to reflect older historical knowledge. The social identities based on locality, rank,
authority, expertise, or wealth also figure prominently in these traditions. People today take on
different identities depending on the identity of those to whom they are talking and the situation in
which they find themselves.
Personal Names as an Illustration of Relational and Situational Identity
Practices surrounding personal identity and naming show people deploying multiple and
situational identities to negotiate and strategize their interests. A quality not unique to, but
certainly characteristic of, this region is the use of a multiplicity of names for any one person. A
man may take a personal name, an ancestral name, a teasing name, a father's name, a mother's
name, a clan name, a kinship term of address, a praise name, a youth name or an elder's name at
different times in his life. Only certain people may have the right to call him a particular name.
No single name fixes a person's identity. Young people use different names when they apply for a
job or sign up to retake an exam. One of the first missionaries in the region reported that when he
began teaching local children at his home the children, having been instructed at their homes not to
give their proper names, called themselves "hammer," "saw," "stone," cartridge," and "war."46
After a person has a child, people call him or her in reference to the child's name, "Mama Bhoke"
or "Baba Mwita" (in Swahili). Names position a person within particular kinds of social
46 Valemar E. Toppenberg, Africa Has Mv Heart (Mountain View, California: Pacific
Press Publishing Assoc., 1958), pp. 52-53. "The parents believed that we would have some magic
power over them if we were told their proper names."


30
relationships. Each lineage relationship has a name, age-mates call each other by another name,
those who have been circumcised together or done one of the eldership titles together call each
other by yet another name.
A partial list of these names that individuals with specific relationships would call one
another was related to me in this way by a Nata elder:
Bashori: the name for the one with whom you were circumcised, putting oil on together.
Barogumu: the name for a "friend of oil, "for whom a goat was killed.
Banchabo: the name for the person who sponsors you in achieving the Titinyo rank.
Banagera; the name for the person who runs behind you in the Titinyo ceremony.
Baguruki: the name for the one who sponsors you in achieving the Aguho rank.
Semung'anta: the name for the one brings you into the Eghise rank.
Omusani wa kusaragana: the name for your blood brother from another ethnic group.
Barera: the name for the man who marries your first daughter.
Basigero: the name for the man who marries your second daughter
Babusheni: the name for the one who marries your third daughter.
Bachoro: the name that the wife of your first son uses to greet her father-in-law.
Bangondu: the name that a daughter-in-law uses to greet her father-in-law.
Babogusi: the name that elders of the same rank call each other at a feast.
Bagechoncho: the name for the one who takes off the headdress in the Aguho feast.47
These names could be mutually used whenever people met, not only in the particular situation to
which it refers.
Greetings often refer to the relationship to the person being greeted, rather than to a
personal identity. The younger or subordinate of the pair calls out the relationship in the greeting,
"sister-in-law," "mother," or "paternal aunt." The person responding calls back the same name and
then the greetings go on as to the day, the cattle, the fields and the health of those at home. People
of the same generation most often greet each other as brothers or sisters. One can characterize
each person she meets as belonging to her own generation, the generation of her children, parents or
grandparents. Therefore, if she does not know what her particular family relationship is to this
person, she can greet her as "mother," "grandmother," or "daughter." That person would return the
47 Interview with Megasa Mokiri, Motokeri, 6 March 1995 (Nata 6").


31
same greeting. I would greet a very old woman as "grandmother" and she would return the
greeting "grandmother," not "granddaughter," as it names the relationship rather than the person.
Because any one person in the community may have multiple relationships to any other
person, much latitude exists for playing with greetings and names. Depending on an individual's
dealings with this person, she might want to evoke a relationship of superiority (older generation),
comradeship (age-mates), obligation (a paternal aunt) or joking respect (brother-in-law). Since
names are multiple, they are open to negotiation. Someone may refuse to greet a person as they
were greeted, demanding a greeting of greater respect. A discussion over the basis of a claim to be
greeted in this manner would then result, involving complicated genealogical or historical accounts.
Since we were incorporated into a family in Nata, my own children of ten and twelve years could
demand the greeting of "father" from youth twice their age according to the principle of generation
(the father of these youth was a grandson of Magoto in the same way that my children were
considered "grandsons" of Magoto, and thus their equivalence). The point of all this seems to be to
acquire as many names, and thus social relationships, as possible, in the same way as other people
might acquire material goods.48
Relationship and situation define personal identity. Who I am depends on whom I am
talking to, my relationship(s) to him or her, and the context in which we find ourselves, including
what each of us wants out of the interaction. Social identity is relational and situational rather than
immutable and unitary or defined by an ontological sense of undivided being. Dr. Mekacha, a
Nata professor of linguistics at the University of Dar es Salaam, told me that he is called a
different name by his parents, his grandmother and his age-mates when he is home-besides being
48 Just as Guyer and Belinga have postulated wealth-in-knowledge as a refinement of the
wealth-in-people paradigm, this suggests a further elaboration of wealth-in-relationships. Jane
I. Guyer and Samuel M. Eno Belinga, Wealth in People as Wealth in Knowledge: Accumulation
and Composition in Equatorial Africa, Journal of African History 36 (1995): 91-120.


32
named as an educated man from Dar es Salaam. In terms of social identity, when he is in Nata
people identify him by his lineage or place of residence. When he is in Musoma, people identify
him as Nata. When he is in Dar es Salaam, people identify him as Kuria.49 Each of those
positional identities is dependent on where he is and to whom he is speaking.
A person can never assert his social identity in a vacuum. He must state it in relation to
someone else and to a specific space and time. It is only in Dar es Salaam that people name Dr.
Mekacha as Kuria. If someone would call him Kuria in Musoma, he would be deeply offended
because of the connotation, for others in the Mara Region and throughout Tanzania, of Kuria cattle
theft. What it means to be Kuria today is different from what it might have meant, if the term was
used at all, at the beginning of the century when people admired and imitated the Kuria for their
courage and skill in cattle raiding. The boundaries of social identity are constantly in flux.
Social Boundaries
Each of these identities defines boundaries with people who are different and, at the same
time, defines reciprocal obligations with those who are the same. Identity only functions in
reference to what it is not and within an arena in which people define difference. Although farmers
in the western Serengeti also hunted and farmed, they defined themselves in distinction to hunters
and herders in order to establish relations of interdependence between communities which practiced
different subsistence economies. Multiple identities flourished because they were the most
important social resource in a harsh environment where land was plentiful and people scarce. It
was only by successfully calling on the bonds of reciprocity within various groups that a family
could survive a drought or grow wealthy and powerful. The way to authority was not a vertical
movement through a hierarchy but a set of horizontal movements aimed at creating and
49 Interview with Dr. Rugatiri Mekacha, Dar es Salaam, 24 May 1996 (Nata tf).


33
maintaining intricate networks of relationship.50 Jane Guyer and Samuel Belinga describe this as a
compositional, rather than an accumulative, process for gaining wealth-in-knowledge
through various social relationships.51
By looking at each of these social identities as it is portrayed in oral tradition, each with its
own organization of space, I hope to illuminate the complexity and creativity of noncentralized
societies. Without centralized hierarchies of chiefs or kings (but certainly not without hierarchy)
western Serengeti people responded creatively to the stresses of the late nineteenth century. They
fashioned new solutions out of the social resources at hand. Defining a multiplicity of identities in
order to spread out social capital and minimize risk also maximized opportunity. The peoples of
the western Serengeti not only survived the nineteenth century disasters but they forged an era of
unprecedented cattle wealth in the early colonial years.
Because prosperity in this marginal environment rested on these identities and the networks
of reciprocity that they composed, oral traditions preserved the knowledge necessary to maintain
these relationships. We can understand oral traditions as "mental maps," or spatial representations
of social relationships necessary in daily life.52 "Social maps" are a metaphorical way of
50 Miller uses a similar model to explain the trade networks of the slave trade, Joseph C.
Miller, Wav of Death: Merchant Canitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade 1730-1830 (Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1988).
51 Guyer and Belinga, Wealth in People, p. 103.
52 For some of the earliest work on "mental maps" see, Peter Gould and Rodney White,
Mental Maps (Baltimore: Penguin, 1974); David Lowenthal and Martyn J. Bowden, Geographies
of the Mind: Essays in Honor of John Kirtland Wright (New York: Oxford University Press,
1976). For an application of "mental maps in African history see, Barrie Sharpe, "Ethnography
and a Regional System: Mental Maps and the Myth of States and Tribes in North-Central
Nigeria," Critique of Anthropology. 6, 3 (1986):33-65.


34
representing social relationships and also a description of the organization of physical space.53
Narrators transmitted and maintained these maps because they distilled into spatial form the
wisdom of the older generation who had already walked the paths of these relationships. Yet in the
transmission of oral tradition, narrators described, as well as reinterpreted, the spaces of social
relationship each time they told the stories and lived them out in daily practice.
Each kind of oral tradition represents a different mental map to a different set of social
identities, corresponding to a particular temporality and space in the historical consciousness. It is
only by overlaying these maps that the shape of regional social history emerges. I define a region
as the geographical extent of a historical set of significant social relationships that change over
time.54 These mental maps are the very framework within which people store group memories and
without which social memory ceases to exist. The transmission of these maps to a new generation
reproduces social identity and the new generation in turn represents these identities in its
interpretation of the past through the present. This study necessarily encompasses a larger
geographical area than that of a single ethnic unit because only within a larger region is it possible
to see multiple maps on multiple scales representing multiple identities in action.
Research Methodology
Historians have recently been criticized for handling oral tradition as a "container of facts"
using a "documentary model," rather than as living discourse.55 As a result historians must now
53 Shirley Ardener, ed., Women and Snace: Ground Rules and Social Mans (New York:
St. Martin's Press, 1981), pp. 13-14; and Hofmeyr, "We Snend Our Years. pp. 160-166, both use
the concept of a "social map."
54 For an analysis of "regions in terms of the "mental maps" of oral tradition see Jan
Bender Shetler, Region as a Historical Product: Mental Maps of Western Serengeti Oral
Tradition," a paper presented at the American Historical Association, Seattle, 1998 and to be
included as an essay in a forthcoming book on African Regional History.
55 Newbury, "Contradictions at the Heart," p. 32.


35
look carefully at their own subjectivity as researchers and participants in the process. To evaluate
the historical analysis of this dissertation the reader must understand how the oral texts were
created in the interview process, the place of the researcher, and how these texts were then used in
conjunction with other kinds of sources.
Situated Knowledge
Rather than taking the vantage point of the all-seeing observer, this dissertation "sees"
from the position of a guest in the community trying to understand how people conceptualize their
pasts. This is what Donna Haraway calls "situated knowledge" in which only a "partial
perspective" is claimed, allowing for other interpretations without the splitting of subject and
object. The story told here is the result of a particular set of interactions, conversations and
relationships between myself and people from the western Serengeti who agreed to share their
knowledge with an outsider. I do not claim to speak for or on behalf of them, but only to bear
witness to what 1 experienced and to what I could "see" from this vantage point.56 Another way to
understand the knowledge that this dissertation represents is as a dialogue between myself and
those 1 encountered in the western Serengeti, Musoma, Mwanza, Dar es Salaam, as well as my
colleagues and professors at the University of Florida and the University of Dar es Salaam,
interaction with the literature and those people with whom 1 live and work everyday.57
However, because this project was conceived and carried out as a collaborative project
with so many colleagues in Nata, Ikoma, Ishenyi, Ikizu, Ngoreme, Zanaki, Ruri, Kuria and even
56 Donna J. Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (London:
Free Association Books, 1991), pp. 183-201.
57 For the concept of research as dialogue see Dennis Tedlock and Bruce Mannheim, eds.,
"Introduction," The Dialogic Emergence of Culture (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1995), pp. 1-20; See also Dennis Tedlock, The Spoken Word and the Work of
Interpretation (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983), pp. 285-338.


36
Sonjo, I am obligated to try to present an account that will do justice to their efforts. 1 have laid
out some of these personal commitments in the Foreword. The constraint of these other voices on
my work has been a constant source of inspiration as well as a reminder of the scholars larger
social obligations in a world of injustice and inequality. It is my hope that my readers will hear the
voices of those in the western Serengeti who contributed their knowledge above the din of my own
analysis.
Although I have attempted to understand the past as much as possible from the perspective
of those in the western Serengeti, in terms of their categories, I cannot claim to present this past
knowledge in an unmediated form, in which the oral traditions are left to "speak for themselves.
The conceptualization of this material into a form contained in an academic historical argument is
obviously mine. I interrogate the historical knowledge of the western Serengeti with all available
professional and critical tools while striving to foreground the understandings contained in the oral
traditions themselves. As the narrator is located in a particular place of knowledge, conversations
with other forms of knowledge are not only possible but necessary for understanding, since all
knowledge is ultimately relational. Although the dialogues that occurred with people in the western
Serengeti are foundational to this project, other dialogues in Dar es Salaam and on this side of the
ocean both before and after the research experience have significantly shaped the outcome. I also
have access to information, through the linguistic analysis of words and the ethnographic analysis
of cultural traits, that local people do not understand as evidence about the past. This "evidence in
spite of itself" allows an outsider to construct bundles of cultural meaning which local people take
for granted.
"Situated knowledge" also does not presume that the position from which history is "seen
is innocent or unitary. All knowledge about the past is contested and deeply implicated in relations
of power. Attempts to see from the perspective of local historical consciousness require us to look


37
for the relations of power behind the texts and to comprehend how people use these texts in the
struggles of everyday life. The multiplicity of knowledge implicit in Mayani and Nyawagamba's
list of historical topics discussed in the Foreword demonstrates that no single perspective can do
justice to all social positions. Conflicting positions are often evident even within one text. My
position of power as a white, Swahili-speaking, Christian, American woman (wife and mother) was
certainly a factor both in eliciting and interpreting these narratives.
Throughout my research 1 encountered suspicion about why I wanted to gather this
information and how I would use it. My assistants usually explained my situation to those 1
interviewed, often when I was not present. Most of the elders agreed to share their knowledge with
the hope of a book from which their grandchildren could learn about the history and culture of this
region. Many were sure that 1 would make lots of money from this knowledge. At the heart of
their suspicion was the sense that knowledge about other people gives one power over them. As I
learned more, my questions began to reflect this knowledge, to which the elders often responded
with a nervous laugh and an aside to my assistant, how does she know that? Elders respected
this knowledge and took me more seriously in later interviews, resulting in more careful and
detailed answers. On the other hand the elders also became much more wary and certain areas
were deliberately hidden. By the end of the interview process I understood most of what people
said in the local languages, since they are all closely related. Nevertheless, I still felt more
comfortable asking the questions in Swahili. Therefore, some answers in local languages were
directed toward my assistants, containing information that they would not otherwise have shared
with me.
A general suspicion existed that an American would not bother living in the "bush" unless
she had some ulterior motive. I heard many possibilities suggested. We lived near the park and
since people were always suspicious about new plans to take their land away for park expansion,


38
they wondered if the park had sent me to gather information for this purpose. Since cattle raiding
and game poaching are large security concerns of the government in this area, people also met
these topics with some caution. Some thought we were prospecting for gold. A deeper and more
vague concern was that, with rising U.S. power at the end of the Cold War, Americans would re
colonize Africa by first learning the secrets of its people. Just as I was doing my main interviews
Tanzania was getting geared up for the first multi-party elections, so some people assumed that
some party or candidate in the elections had paid me to promote their cause. Many communities in
which I did interviews had known me as a Mennonite Church development worker (1985-91). I
rented the car I drove from the Tanzania Mennonite Church that had the church name written on
the door. The only time anyone totally denied me an interview was not because of my church
connections but because I was white. The elder said:
These people are like God, they know where the sun goes at the end of the day because
they can follow it with their airplanes: people like that are too powerful to be messed
with, you cannot predict what they will do with the information that you give them.5*
The single most important factor in calming these fears and suspicions seems to have been
that I am a woman, married with half-grown children. The general assumption is that women are
straightforward, open and willing to work for altruistic reasons, while men always have an ulterior
and deceitful motive, for personal benefit. Only women with children are treated as adults. In the
system of generational relationships people in alternate generations have the most intimate
relationships, while those in adjacent generations maintain a more distant and formal relationship.
Some of the men I interviewed considered me as their grandchild but more often I was considered
in their daughters generation. Thus the interviews were formal but very serious and
58 Interview with Simora Nyamotoma, Robanda, 12 July 1995 (Ikoma cf).


39
straightforward. Interviews with men who treated me like a granddaughter sometimes produced
unexpected information but were harder to keep on track.9
Tanzanian historians Buluda Itandala and Isaria Kimambo also reported dealing with
similar issues of suspicion in their dissertation research. Kimambo stated that old men were loathe
to discuss ritual practice openly because "such information formed the secrets of their society-
secrets that they revealed only to initiated members of the society. He slowly broke through this
resistance by using the little information that he gained from those who trusted him to learn to ask
the right questions of the elders. Both commented that they only began to get inside information
when they used "well-known and trusted local people" to introduce them to the informants.60 The
personal bond of reciprocal relationship allowed for the possibility of divulging secrets.
A history told from the standpoint of "situated knowledge" may differ in its interpretation
from the sources of its knowledge. The Nata, Ikizu, Ikoma and other elders who told me these
stories of the past may not agree with my rendition. I must take into consideration a historical
consciousness that the transformations of the late nineteenth century have seriously altered. 1 must
in a sense privilege the knowledge of the ancestors and their ways of knowing over that of the
living, seeking out the specific ways in which the ancestors live in the present and learning from
them. If the pact of obligation for a fair rendition of the past is with anyone, it is to them, and their
way of imagining the past, that 1 am held accountable. 1 strive to bear witness to each of these
concerns, knowing that I am a product of my own multiple identities situated in time and space.
59 Similar generational interactions during his research are described by Rugatiri D. K.
Mekacha, The Sociolineuisitic Impact of Kiswahili on Ethnic Community Languages in Tanzania:
A Case Study of Ekinata (Bayreuth, Germany: Bayreuth African Studies, 1993), p. 51.
60 A. Buluda Itandala, "A History of the Babinza of Usukuma, Tanzania, to 1890 (Ph.D.
Dissertation, Dalhousie University, May 1983), p. 9. Isaria N. Kimambo, A Political History of
the Pare of Tanzania, c. 1500-1900 (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1969), p. x.


40
Oral Sources
This research, conducted over a period of eighteen months in Tanzania (January 1995-July
1996), was primarily concerned with the search for the remains of this previous historical
consciousness in oral traditions told today. Although people reworked oral traditions to fit new
identities during the late nineteenth century disasters and the subsequent colonial era, they did not
obliterate earlier understandings. Many versions of each kind of oral tradition remain, without a
central dynastic account. The narration of oral tradition resembles a conversation rather than a
recitation and history emerges in a process of dialogue. No formalized genres of oral literature
exist, except perhaps the recitation of praise names and proverbs. Almost no local popular
histories appear in print that would influence the content of oral tradition. Many versions of the
same stories from different social positions and among different ethnic groups were collected for
comparison and cross reference.
1 collected historical narratives among five different Bantu-speaking peoples (Nata, Ikoma,
Ishenyi, Ngoreme and Ikizu) and two different Dadog-speaking peoples (Rotigenga and Isimajek)
of the western Serengeti, as well as a few interviews among neighboring peoples (Sonjo, Kuria,
Sizaki, Zanaki and Ruri).61 I asked open-ended questions, trying to solicit all kinds of knowledge
about the past, without confining it to the expected ethnic narratives. The interviews were often
four hours in length, following the interests and knowledge of the elder rather than a set list of
questions. After many interviews among many ethnic groups I found repetition of some stories,
with variations, as well as references to similar social and cultural institutions of the past. From
these similarities and variations a wider regional history began to come into focus. When I put
these accounts side by side, similar experiences and forms of organization emerged in
61 See References Cited for list of informants, ethnic origins and other personal data.


41
corresponding generations across ethnic lines. The elders were telling a common history as seven
unique histories.
The Mara Region is an ideal venue for this kind of regional comparative study of oral
traditions because so many different ethnic groups exist within a small geographical area, each
claiming its own unique identity and history. It is also a region in which colonial penetration
happened late and incompletely.62 A much different process was underway here than in
neighboring areas, where the emergence of a pan-Sukuma, pan-Luo and pan-Maasai ethnic identity
became an important political force, with clear implications for the transmission of historical
knowledge. Without a tradition of chiefs or hierarchical leadership, the Mara Region also differs
from the kingdoms of the Great Lakes Region where "big" dynastic history often overshadowed
"little" commoner or clan histories. By the same token, no single, centralized tradition exists to use
in comparison with marginal traditions.
A strategy employed in the research was to collect historical narratives from different
positions in the social network. Elders who had reached the top titles in the nyangi system, leaders
of the age or generation-sets, lineage or clan leaders, rainmakers and prophets each had a slightly
different version of the past that highlighted the power and authority of each of these kinds of
social relationship. Although colleagues usually took me to see people of respected position, I also
tried to talk to ordinary participants in these social organizations and to people in their roles as
farmers, hunters, herders, specialists and household members on a more informal basis.
I also began to collect manuscripts of ethnic histories written by local intellectuals, often
primary school teachers or government clerks. They usually handwrote these in school notebooks
62 For an analysis of this process see Kirsten Alsaker Kjerland, Cattle Breed; Shillings
Dont: The Belated Incorporation of the abaKuria into Modern Kenya (Ph.D. Dissertation,
University of Bergen, 1995).


42
and stored them away in trunks. One Ngoreme man who worked in the parish church office had
his manuscripts typed and duplicated but I had trouble finding even one complete copy twenty
years later. These accounts, similar to "encyclopedic informant" narratives, were compilations of
histories learned from elders and written in the same style. I am trying to get some of these
histories published in Tanzania for local use.63
Ethnographic participant-observation in a rural community and an informal household
survey in one village augmented this study.64 I went with the leaders of the different groups to the
important historical places on the landscape, hearing the stories connected to those sites and
observing their location, ecology and situation. All of this information added depth and insight to
the historical processes described in oral tradition. Most of my cultural knowledge outside formal
interviews is a result of living as a guest of the Magoto family in Bugerera/Mbiso Nata. My
husband, two children and I lived there continuously from February 1995 through April 1996.
My Nata language teacher was a sister-in-law of the family, my cultural vocabulary informant a
brother and my main resources and colleagues for everything from interviews to logistics were two
other brothers. Because of this locus of learning, my account is specifically situated with Nata at
the center.
Oral traditions were collected in an interview setting because of the need to visit many
ethnic groups in a large area. Elders do not normally perform these stories in a formal setting but
tell them in small segments in the natural course of conversation, often among elders at their own
63 See References Cited for a list of local manuscripts. On encyclopedic informants see
Patrick Pender-Cudlip, "Enclyclopedic Informants and Early Interlacustrine History," The
International Journal of African Historical Studies 4. 1 (1971): 198-210.
64 The results and methodology of this survey will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 7.
In brief, it consisted of asking a few key informants to tell me who lived in each household in the
village, what their relationships to each other and to others in the village were, along with other
personal information.


43
gatherings. Being a young woman I would not normally have had access to these situations. I
conducted formal taped interviews with 164 informants and had at least as many informal
encounters over fifteen months. Interviews usually took place in the home of the elder, always with
a colleague to accompany and assist me. When I interviewed men, I went with a man from that
community, when I interviewed women, I usually went with a woman from that community. Most
interviews attracted an audience of family and neighbors who were important participants as
audience. A young Nata woman did the transcription of most of the taped interviews in local
languages and then went over their meaning with me. Tapes, translations and transcripts of
interviews will be deposited with the African Studies Association oral data collection housed at the
Archives of Traditional Music, Indiana University, Bloomington. Translations and transcripts will
be forwarded to the University of Dar es Salaam, History Department and the Musoma Regional
Archives.
I was able to conduct interviews in each of these seven ethnic groups because of
preexisting relationships in the region. I worked there for six years as a church development
worker (1985-1991) and so had valuable social networks already in place.65 A local assistant in
each ethnic area arranged the interviews, accompanied me to them and helped with translation and
explanation during the interview. These were not hired assistants but friends, colleagues and
friends-of-friends. The class differences between informants and assistants was minimal and both
were residents in the same community. In Nata I went with members of the family with whom we
lived, in Ikizu a man from our village, in Ikoma an older pastor, and in Ngoreme a young
development projects coordinator from the program in which I had previous worked.
65 1985-1991, Co-Coordinator for the Congregational Development Department of the
Tanzania Mennonite Church, Lake Diocese and Co-Country Representative for Mennonite Central
Committee, North America, stationed in Nyabange, near to Musoma, Tanzania.


44
These people were not chosen because of their particular knowledge of history but because
they knew their communities, people there respected and trusted them, and they were available.
Some of the hardest work they did took place in the introductions, often involving a long period of
questions and answers about my work. Each assistant was committed to the process because of an
interest in history and because the bonds of reciprocity connected them to me. People did not see
them as my dependents but as hosts of a guest to the community who could bring potential
benefits. Because my assistants were also learners asking their own questions during the
interviews, I learned by watching their interactions. They were a valuable source of cultural
information and also colleagues for discussing how the interview had gone. I sometimes took an
assistant from one ethnic group to interviews in a different ethnic area. Their questions often
probed the places where the two groups differed, or where ethnic stereotypes were most intense.
These assistants played a critical role in the formation of my own historical consciousness.
Written Sources
However, oral sources are not the only problematic sources of historical evidence, and as
this section demonstrates, each of the other sources (archival, ethnography, historical linguistics,
archaeology) have their own histories and difficulties as evidence of the past. The Mara Region
itself also presents some problems for this kind of study. Almost no academic historical research
has been done in this region, requiring the preliminary establishment of the most fundamental
historical framework.66 Early written accounts are scarce to nonexistent: a very few travelers'
66 Gerald Hartwig, The Art of Survival in East Africa: The Kerebe and Long-Distance
Trade (New York, 1970); and A. O. Anacleti, "Pastoralism and Development: Economic Changes
in Pastoral Industry in Serengeti 1750-1961" (Master's thesis, University of Dar es Salaam, June
1975), are the two exceptions.


45
accounts;67 a little colonial ethnography;68 and colonial archival sources. Both the German and
British papers in the National Archives for this region have significant sections entirely missing.65
The first missionaries in the region were the White Fathers, who only visited the western Serengeti
from their lakeshore stations on rare occasion in the first decade of the twentieth century. The
Seventh Day Adventist missionaries also came during this time but seemed more interested in
obliterating local custom than in recording it. Mennonite Mission arrived in the 1930s, by which
time other Europeans introduced them to local custom and history.70
67 Oscar Baumann, Durch Massailand zur Nilauelle: Reisen und Forschuneen der Massai-
Expedition. des deutschen Antisklaverei-Komite in den Jahren 1891-1893 (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer,
1894); Paul Kollmann, The Victoria Nvanza: The Land, the Races and their Customs, with
Specimens of some Dialects, trans. H. A. Nesbitt (London: Swan Sonneschein and Co. Ltd., 1899);
and Max Weiss, Die Volkerstamme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas (Berlin: Carl Marschner, 1910;
reprint ed., New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1971) are some of the few available.
68 Edward Conway Baker, Musoma District Commissioner, his collected papers are
available on microfilm from Oxford University Press, as well as in the Cory Papers at the East
Africana Library, University of Dar es Salaam. Ethnographic accounts by other authors are also
available among the Hans Cory Papers at the University of Dar es Salaam. For the Zanaki see,
Otto Bischofberger, The Generation Classes of the Zanaki (T anzanial (Fribourg, Switzerland: The
University Press, 1972). For the Kwaya see Hugo Huber, Marriage and Family in Rural Bukwava
(Tanzania) (Fribourg, Switzerland: The University Press, 1973). For the Kuria see Eva Tobisson,
Family Dynamics among the Kuria: Agro-Pastoralists in Northern Tanzania (Goteborg, Sweden:
Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 1986) and various articles by anthropologist Malcolm Ruel.
69 The National Archives in Dar es Salaam has excellent indexes for locating materials.
Much of what is listed in the indexes on the Musoma District is unavailable. In comparing the
amount of material listed in the index for the Tarime sub-district of Musoma to the Musoma office
itself it appears that much of the Musoma district materials never made it to the National Archives.
I do not yet have an explanation for this. I was not able to find any colonial papers in the Musoma
Archives. Much of my archival materials are consequently from the Lake Province (Mwanza) and
Secretariat files rather than from the district itself. This is unfortunate because what is largely
missing is the original letters from the Musoma Chiefs in Swahili. The German files were also
few. The story of the Germans burning their papers as they fled Musoma to Busegwe where th
S.D.A. mission was used as their temporary headquarters is told in, Toppenberg, Africa Has Mv
Heart, p. 67.
70 White Fathers sources were found in the archives of the White Fathers Regionals'
House in Nyegezi, Tanzania, a few other Catholic sources were located at the Maryknoll Father's
Language School library in Makoko, Musoma. The White Fathers stations closest to the research


46
If a full range of early written sources were available more comparison of versions written
at an earlier time could be done. A more complete colonial record would also facilitate the
understanding of how historical consciousness has changed in the last century. This work relies
primarily on oral sources, with scarce written sources supplying confirmation at critical points.71
I worked in the Tanzania National Archives and the East Africana Collection at the
University of Dar es Salaam over a period of three months. The archives of the White Fathers,
Seventh Day Adventist, Mennonite, Bujora Sukuma and Mara Region were consulted while I lived
in Nata. Given more time and resources I would consult the European archives as well. The
Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society Archives and the Seventh Day Adventist Archives were
consulted in the United States. Northwestern University holds seminar papers from Universities in
Dar es Salaam, Nairobi and Makerere in Kampala. The Musoma District Books, E.C. Baker
Papers and Church Missionary Society papers are available on microfilm.
area was Ukerewe Island and Nyegina station (established 1911). S.D.A. primary sources were
unavailable in Tanzania. I located some in the General Conference Headquarters in Silver Spring,
Maryland. For an account of the S.D.A. mission in Tanzania see, K. B. Elineema, Historia va
Kanisa la Waadventista Wasabato Tanzania 1903-1993 (Dar es Salaam: Dar es Salaam
University Press, 1993). Mennonite Mission papers were also unavailable in Tanzania for the
early years and located at the Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society in Lancaster, PA. For an
account of the Mennonite Mission in Tanzania see, Mahlon M. Hess, Pilgrimage of Faith:
Tanzania Mennonite Church. 1934-83 (Salunga, PA: Eastern Mennonite Board of Missions and
Charities, 1985); see also Joseph C. Shenk, Kisare: A Mennonite of Kiseru (Salunga, PA: Eastern
Mennonite Board of Missions and Charities, 1984); Joseph C. Shenk, Silver Thread: The Ups and
Downs of a Mennonite Family in Mission (1895-19951 (Intercourse PA: Good Books, 1996); and
David W. Shenk, Mennonite Safari (Scottsdale PA: Herald Press, 1974).
71 In addition to my own collection of oral traditions I also made use of the collected oral
traditions from North Mara of Zedekia Oloo Siso, manuscripts of ethnic histories from Ikizu,
Ngoreme, Ishenyi and Sizaki written by local authors and published oral traditions of the Kuria,
Maasai, Sukuma, Luo and Sonjo, see References Cited.


47
Historical Linguistics
Historical linguistics represents a form of historical reasoning from evidence gained by
comparing languages spoken today to identify changes in words and sound patterns over time. The
method of historical linguistics rests on the assumption that language is a system where sound and
meaning go together arbitrarily. That condition allows historians to figure out how different
languages are related to each other by regular changes in languages over time, how local language
innovations came about and also how contact with other languages influenced the development of a
language.72
The classification of languages into families gives the historian an indication of historical
events and processes that took place among the speakers of these languages. Genealogical trees of
language families are constructed by comparing lists of core vocabularies from related languages
to determine how many cognates they have in common (known as lexicostatistics). By identifying
consistent sound shifts in cognate words for two closely related languages, historical linguists
reconstruct words in the proto-language from the cognates in these languages. By comparing many
related languages over a wide region it is also possible to reconstruct the nature of a proto-
language itself and the relationship among all of the languages that descended from one proto
language. Historical linguists can suggest where speakers of a proto-language might have lived by
looking at the geographical distribution of its descendant languages.
Splits in a family tree can then be dated very approximately by counting the differences in
cognate percentages of core vocabularies between related languages (known as glottochronology).
72 For an overview of the methodology of historical linguistics see: Derek Nurse, "The
Contributions of Linguistics to the Study of History in Africa," Journal of African History 38
(1997): 359-391; David Lee Schoenbrun, A Green Place, a Good Place (Portsmouth: Heinemann,
forthcoming), pp. 34-48; Jan Vansina, Paths in the Rainforest (Madison: The University of
Wisconsin Press, 1990), pp. 9-16.


48
This method rests on the observation that random replacement of items in the core vocabulary of
any language accumulates at a regular pace over a period of centuries. For the Great Lakes Bantu
family of languages Schoenbrun, following Ehret, assumes that sixteen out of 100 items in the list
of core vocabularies "will be replaced each 500 years, either by morphological analogy, or by
borrowing from another language."73 Thus if the group averages for Suguti and Mara languages
share 56 percent of their cognates, we know that these two branches of the East Nyanza family of
languages must have been separated about 600 A.D. or 1400 years ago. Within the western
Serengeti, languages like Nata and Ikoma share 86 percent of their cognates and thus diverged less
then 500 years ago. These time scales can then be correlated with the independently derived
chronologies of archaeology, where they are available, although both systems of dating are
extremely vague with wide margins of error.
Historical linguists can also look at individual words in a language that may be different
from the cognates in related languages, to determine innovations in the past. These innovations
may be the result of adopting words from other languages (loanwords) or developing new words
internally (innovations). Loanwords from other language groups provide evidence for cross-
cultural contacts in the past that can be dated by the methods of glottochronology explained above.
In western Serengeti languages many loanwords from Southern Nilotic languages, particularly
words about livestock, suggest that Mara Bantu-speakers moving out into the drier areas of the
interior learned from their neighbors how to diversify and expand their economic subsistence
patterns by increased stock raising. From a reconstruction of the Southern Nilotic family tree we
know that Mara Southern Nilotic-speakers were in the region about the same time that East
Nyanza Bantu-speakers arrived.
73 Schoenbrun, A Green Place, p. 36.


49
Internal innovations of new words are also possible, providing the historian with some
evidence of historical processes for which new words had to be developed. These words can be
investigated by looking at how the root word from which it derives was used in other languages
throughout the region. For example, in the first chapter 1 demonstrate the status of a post
menopausal woman, omokuungu, by looking at the etymology of the word. This word is derived
from the old proto-Bantu verb -kung, "to gather, to assemble." In other places around the lake it
refers to a rich person with followers, or to a chief.74 Uniquely in the Mara languages this word
refers to elderly women with many children. This would indicate that the "wealth in people that
women controlled through gathering their children was extremely important on this inter-cultural
frontier.
Although correlating the speakers of a language with an ethnic group or even a distinct
community of people in the past would be convenient for the historian, linguistic evidence alone
cannot support this. Historical linguists can only talk about people who spoke the same language
(but who might also be multilingual and practice a culture distinct from other speakers of the
language). If one language disappears and another becomes dominant in the record of historical
linguistics this does not necessarily mean that one group conquered or expelled the other. A
language can spread ahead of its speakers and divisions in the family tree of a language do not
necessarily mean that people had to move.75 As Derek Nurse points out, "historians and
archaeologists are frequently prone to interpret a linguistic tree as a literal historical development,
74 David Lee Schoenbrun, The Historical Reconstruction of Great Lakes Cultural
Vocabulary: Etymologies and Distributions (Cologne: Rhdiger Koppe Verlag, forthcoming), #209
and #210; Schoenbrun, A Green Place, pp. 185-187.
75 For a similar critique applied to archaeology see Martin Hall, "Origins: Unwrapping the
Iron Age Package," Farmers. Kings and Traders: The Peonle of Southern Africa 200-1860
(Chicago; The University of Chicago Press, 1987), pp. 17-31.


50
as a movement of people from one point in space or time to another, or as one component of a
homogeneous 'cultural tradition'."76
In spite of these pitfalls, historians can learn a lot about the ways that people lived in the
past by reconstructing the cultural vocabulariesfor example, what kind of subsistence patterns
they followed, what their settlements and homesteads looked like and what kinds of authority they
recognized. These reconstructions are based on the assumption that a word in a language refers to
a real object. If historians have available a series of linguistic stages, with cultural vocabularies
for each, then they can postulate a sequence of changes in social institutions and activities over
time. It is often only through the evidence of historical linguistics that we can discern interactions
with peoples whose culture and language have long disappeared.
I have relied heavily on the historical linguistic work already done in this region by
Christopher Ehret and David Schoenbrun.77 For example, Schoenbrun classified the Lakes Bantu
languages and Ehret the Southern Nilotic and Southern Cushitic languages in the region. Both
have published lists of loanwords and etymologies making it relatively easy to compare my lists of
cultural and core vocabularies. I collected core vocabularies of 100 words (Ehret and
Schoenbrun's list) in Ngoreme, Ikizu, Nata, Ikoma, Ishenyi, Sonjo and Dadog. I assembled a
nearly complete 1563 cultural vocabulary list (University of Dar es Salaam list) in Nata and parts
of it in some other languages. From these core vocabularies I constructed a dialect chaining chart
76 Nurse, "The Contributions of Linguistics," p. 370.
77 Christopher Ehret, Southern Nilotic History: Linguistic Approaches to the Study of the
Past (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1971); David Lee Schoenbrun, "Early History in
Eastern Africa's Great Lakes Region: Linguistic, Ecological, and Archeological Approaches, ca.
500 B.C. to ca. A.D. 1000" (Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA, 1985); Schoenbrun, A Green Place: and
Schoenbrun, Etymologies. I used Ehret and Schoenbrun's 200 word list for core vocabularies and
a combination of Schoenbrun's and University of Dar es Salaam's 1563 word list for cultural
vocabulary.


5!
of the cognate percentages that appears in Chapter 4. The cultural vocabularies and the
etymologies of words are used frequently throughout the dissertation. 1 also had access to a few
unpublished dictionaries of some languages in the region and a recently published Kuria-English
dictionary.78
By learning one Mara language, Nata, I could understand at a basic level the other four
Bantu languages. I learned no Dadog. Knowledge of the local language was important for a more
nuanced cultural understanding than would have been possible in Swahili. It allowed the elders the
freedom to speak in their own languages, rather than translate Into Swahili. Extensive previous
knowledge of Swahili was an asset but was also an impediment to learning Nata more fluently.
Other Sources of Evidence: Archaeology and Ecology
Although historical linguistics and comparative ethnography are the primary sources of
evidence used in conjunction with oral traditions, I also rely on published works in archaeology and
ecology. Little archaeological work exists for the period of my study and in the precise area where
I worked, however, a lot has been done on pastoral and hunter/gatherer communities during the
Neolithic period in the Rift Valley and the Serengeti.79 In addition, a vast body of scientific
research exists on the Serengeti-Mara ecosystem that provides valuable information on climatic
patterns, soil and vegetation types and distribution, wild animal ecologies and the effects of human
78 Muniko, et. al., Kuria-English Dictionary.
79 See for example Peter Robertshaw, ed., Early Pastoralists of South-western Kenya
(Nairobi: British Institute in Eastern Africa, 1990); John Bower, "The Pastoral Neolithic of East
Africa," Journal of World Prehistory 5, I (1991): 49-82; Peter Robertshaw and David Collett, "A
New Framework for the Study of Early Pastoral Communities in East Africa," Journal of African
History 24 (1983): 289-301; Desmond J. Clark and Steven A. Brandt, eds., From Hunters to
Farmers: The Causes and Consequences of Food Production in Africa (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1984). Closer to Lake Victoria see R. C. Soper and B. Golden, "An
Archeological Survey of Mwanza Region, Tanzania, Azania 4 (1969): 48-53. North of the Mara
Region see, J. E. G. Sutton, The Archaeology of the Western Highlands of Kenya (Nairobi:
British Institute in Eastern Africa, 1973).


52
induced perturbations such as burning or intensive livestock grazing on the ecosystem.80 This
research sets the material parameters that patterned subsistence economies and social interaction of
early settlers in the region.
Throughout the dissertation 1 also represent the information provided in oral traditions on
maps of a geographical grid. These maps are tools for understanding the spatial relationship
between places on the landscape.81 The bird's eye view is an artificial device used by people who
have not grown up walking to these places and provides insights into historical process not
otherwise available. Because local people do not see the landscape from this perspective, these are
not adequate representations of the "mental maps of oral tradition but remain useful to the
historian.
Historical Reconstruction and Chapter Organization
This dissertation is organized into four sections according to indigenous time frames. The
first section concerns the present era in which the research was conducted, the colonial period in
which these narratives were reformulated into ethnic accounts and the disaster years in which
social identity was significantly transformed. Because the analysis of this dissertation is heavily
dependent on the narrative form of oral tradition and its transmission, the next chapter looks at
these issues in terms of the social organization of knowledge about the past. The third chapter
familiarizes the reader with the events of the late nineteenth century disasters because of their
significance in the reshaping of historical consciousness that must be read into the oral traditions
analyzed in the rest of the dissertation.
80 The classic study in this regard is A.R.E. Sinclair and M. Norton-Griffiths, eds.
Serengeti: Dynamics of an Ecosystem (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979).
81 Thanks to Peter Shetler for his assistance and expertise in GIS and other forms of
computer mapping in creating these maps.


53
The second section is concerned with the oldest period of indigenous history or time frame,
looking at the traditions of ethnic and clan origins, analyzing them in terms of the social
organization of space over the longue dure. Although they have been overlaid with material from
other time periods, I concentrate on the core images of these traditions that correspond to the
spaces of production, reproduction, regional networks of association and settlement. These
traditions do not yield a sense of change over time, but they do provide a basic framework for
understanding the social organization of space in the distant past in terms of generative principles.
The third section, on the middle period of indigenous history, looks at the lists of settlement
sites names and descriptions of rituals concerning the land that refer to a period of time in which
people established rights to the land that exist today. Long-term settlement patterns, methods for
incorporating strangers and rituals for marking boundaries are described. These means by which
people established a relationship to the land were used in the second half of the nineteenth century
to create new territorial groupings in response to disaster.
The fourth and final section represents the climax of the story in which the creative
changes in the spatial organization of social identity take place in response to the disasters of war,
famine, disease and later colonial intrusion. It describes how age-set territories emerged in the east
to reconfigure settlement structure and how a sense of ethnicity developed in the early colonial
years. It is only by setting the events of the late nineteenth century in the context of long-term
social process that the full meaning of the nineteenth century changes are understood.
In each chapter successive layers in the interpretation of oral traditions are analyzed by
looking at different versions as they shed light on various aspects of the form of social identity
under consideration. In this way the oral traditions themselves set the terms of the analysis and
other forms of evidence used to elaborate further these themes.


PART ONE:
THE SOCIAL SPACES OF ORAL TRADITION AND
HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE WESTERN SERENGETI
54


CHAPTER TWO
ORAL TRADITION:
THE GENDERED SPACES OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE
AND THE SECRETS OF THE PAST
To approach the history of the western Serengeti from the perspective of its oral traditions,
the historian must first consider the performance context in which people tell these narratives.
When and where are stories of the past told, to whom, by whom, for what purposes? Why are they
remembered? How is this knowledge used in contests of power? How have shifting
understandings of the past modified historical narratives over the generations?
Individual members of particular social groups formulate, transmit, and maintain historical
knowledge within the physical spaces that they occupy in daily practice, physical spaces that
structure their interaction with others. In particular, a gendered division of knowledge about the
past is explored in the lived spaces where men and women transmit separate realms of knowledge.
The present generation of elders developed their ethnic narratives within the expanded space of the
colonial territory and its reliance on the written word. Although most people consider historical
traditions as men's knowledge, women significantly influence the transmission of oral traditions
through their informal knowledge of current community affairs. In addition, women occupying
exceptional social positions cross these boundaries of gendered knowledge and gain access to men's
knowledge.
The classification of some kinds of knowledge as "secret" and available only to insiders
also confines knowledge about the past to particular social spaces. Inside or specialized
knowledge represents a key social resource that initiates preserve in things and places as well as in
55


56
people. Cohens caution against a formalist definition of oral tradition as a set of fixed texts allows
us to see how historical knowledge is exchanged in the everyday critical, lively, intelligence which
surrounds the status, activities, gestures, and speech of individuals.1 Yet the social spaces that
people inhabit restrict the ways that they can share and alter that knowledge. Although historical
knowledge crosses social boundaries, it does so in structured ways. Each kind of oral tradition
contains the knowledge of a particular social group as they represent themselves in relation to
others, within a field of multiple and overlapping sets of knowledge, rather than as a discrete subset
of the collective knowledge of an integrated society. Social groups not only represent the spatial
organization of social relations in their oral traditions but also maintain and transmit these
narratives within the spaces that structure their relationships. Understanding the social
organization of knowledge prepares the way to interpret oral traditions.
The Social Spaces of Historical Knowledge
Historical narratives are not disembodied social facts but are inseparable from the
historical context and geographical space in which people tell them. Discerning the social units
defined by oral tradition and the social definition of the people who tell oral tradition provides key
insights into the historical meaning of these narratives.
Locating the Western Serengeti as a Region
The largest social space of western Serengeti oral traditions defines a region within which
the narrators of these traditions locate themselves. The principal narrators of oral tradition
analyzed in this dissertation include the Bantu-speaking hill farmers of the western Serengetithe
Ikoma, Nata, Ishenyi, Ikizu and Ngoreme ethnic groups. They now occupy the Serengeti and
Bunda Districts in the southeastern portion of the Mara Region of Tanzania. However, hill
12.
D. W. Cohen, The Undefining of Oral Tradition," Ethnohistorv. 36, 1 (Winter 1989):


57
fanners have not been the only inhabitants of this region over the long-term. The adaptation of
farmers to the ecology of this region and their ongoing prosperity depended upon interaction with
pastoralists and hunter/gatherers. The story of Bantu-speaking hill farmers is integrally connected
to that of Dadog-speaking pastoralists in the western Serengeti, the Rotigenga and Isimajek
Tatoga.2 I cannot do justice to the Tatoga story here, but will use it to shed light on the
development of the region as a whole. 1 hope that their story can one day be published in its own
right. The other set of actors in this story, the Asi hunter-gatherers, do not have a voice here
because I could not identify any Asi descendants in the western Serengeti who knew these
traditions. Regrettably, they are only represented here in the stories of others. I hope that the
research will someday be done to gather what fragments remain of this tradition. [See Figure 2-1:
Regional Setting of the western Serengeti.]
No local designation exists for this group of Bantu-speaking farmers as a whole except
Rogoro, or "the people of the east," yet even the area to which this refers varies relative to the
location of the speaker. These people feel a diffuse sense of collective identity due to their common
historical background, shared cultural assumptions, and proximity to each other. Another way to
define this group would be to use the colonial term, "South Mara." I rejected this term because it
also includes peoples along the shores of Lake Victoria, whose traditions are significantly different
from those in the interior. No absolute set of boundaries defines the regional unity of western
Serengeti. My research was concerned with five ethnic groups, given the limitations of field
research, but logically could have expanded to include Zanaki, Sizaki and, at a larger scale still,
Kuria or the Mara Region as a whole. Limited interviews among these neighboring groups allow
for a regional comparison.
21 use Dadog to refer to the language and Tatoga to refer to the people, including both
Rotigena, Isimajek and the larger Tatoga community in other places in Tanzania.


Lake
Victoria
TaMAASAT
SUKUMA
MWANZA
D.O.S. 900 (Series 1301)
Edition 4 D.O.S.
Published by Directorate of Overseas Surveys
for the United Republic of Tanzania 1966
(adapted)
Present Ethnic Centers of Research Areas
Figure 2-1: Regional Setting of the Western Serengeti


59
I use the term "region" to refer to the western Serengeti or to the Mara as a whole in the
sense that they represent the geographical boundaries of intercommunicating, interacting sets of
people. "Region" defines neither a homogeneous cultural or social unit nor economic relations of
exchange or formalized marketing systems, as has been the trend in much of the recent regional
analysis. Regions are rather historical products constantly negotiated and transformed.3 Even the
most rigidly conceived regional boundaries with the Maasai to the east or the Sukuma to the south
were frequently crossed through trade, marriage, prophecy or refuge. Although the case could be
made for defining a western Serengeti region based on linguistic and cultural unity, it would then
only include the Bantu-speaking farmers. This region, both past and present, has functioned based
on its linguistic, cultural and economic diversity.
I have chosen to call this group the peoples of the western Serengeti, rather than of
eastern South Mara, because of their orientation east toward relationships in the Serengeti during
the late nineteenth century, when the social transformations this dissertation narrates took place.
"Serenget" is a Maasai word, referring to a historical Maasai section and meaning "wide-open
3 On some recent theoretical work still using the concept of hierarchical relations of
exchange to define regions see for example, Claudio Lomnitz-Adler, Concepts for the Study of
Regional Culture, American Ethnologist 18, 2 (May 1991): 195-214; EricVan Young,
Introduction: Are Regions Good to Think?," Mexicos Regions: Comparative History and
Development (San Diego: Center for U.S.- Mexican Studies, UCSD, 1992), pp. 1-36. For a
review of the literature see Carol A. Smith, Regional Economic Systems: Linking Geographical
Models and Socioeconomic Problems, Regional Analysis. Yol. 1: Economic Systems (New York:
Academic Press, 1976), pp. 3-63; Mary Beth Pudup, Arguments within Regional Geography,
Progress in Human Geography 12, 3 (September 1989): 369-391. As applied to a historical study
in Africa, see Charles H. Ambler. Kenya Communities in the Age of Imperialism: The Central
Region in the Late-Nineteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988); and Allen M.
Howard, "The Relevance of Spatial Analysis for African Economic History: The Sierra Leone -
Guinea System," Journal of African History 17, 3 (1976): 365-388. My use of "region" is closer
to that of Richard Waller for interior East Africa in "Ecology, Migration and Expansion in East
Africa," African Affairs 84 (July 1985): 356-7.


60
spaces." I use this word simply because of its widespread recognition. The peoples of this region
would not recognize this name as their own but would recognize their common story.4
The western Serengeti is bounded on the east by the Great Serengeti Plains and
Maasailand, on the north by the Mara River and Kurialand, on the west there is a gradual shift,
without any natural division, toward the peoples of Lake Victoria, and on the south by the
Mbalageti River and Sukumaland. These boundaries define an ecologically unified area, called the
Serengeti-Mara ecosystem by ecologists, in which the interdigitation of hills, woodlands and
grasslands allowed farmers, hunters and herders to develop interdependent specializations. Yet the
ecological unit is not fixed either, as a gradual change in ecology occurs as one nears the lake with
no natural boundaries.
From the colonial period on the peoples of the western Serengeti began to see themselves
as part of the Mara Region, or Musoma District as it was then known. These were the boundaries
within which the colonial imagination of place shaped the image of the Musoma "tribes" and
reoriented historical vision toward the lake and to the west.
Narrative Forms and Narrators
Historical narratives in the western Serengeti are, like those of many other non-centralized
societies in Africa, weak and loosely structured. They appear more in the form of conversation
than as epic poetry in set verse.5 No particular word exists in local language for this genre of oral
tradition except as amang'ana ga hare (matters of the past). No formal experts control this
41 had many interesting discussions with local people about what to call this group. Many
voted for Rogoro, the people of the east, but just as many declared it was not an encompassing
term. Some wanted the name of a mountain to designate their unity but could not agree on whether
that should be Bangwesi or Chamuriho.
5 Hofmeyr, We Spend Our Years. p. 4; and David W. Cohen, Womunafus Bunafu: A
Study of Authority in a Nineteenth Century African Community (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1977), pp. 8-9.


61
knowledge although some are considered more knowledgeable than others. Those who know more
about "matters of the past" acquired their knowledge through personal desire or aptitude, rather
than purely as a function of their position. Some people have a "gift" for it, given by the ancestors.
Elders attain legitimacy as narrators of "matters of the past" through a combination of ability,
respect, experience and the sanction of the ancestors, manifested in the effectiveness of the tales.
In the western Serengeti individuals tended to specialize in particular kinds of knowledge
depending on their own interests and experience. Each was a historian in his or her own right
because they not only mastered this knowledge but organized and found new meaning in it.
Similarly, Guyer and Belinga emphasize that the preservation and transmission of knowledge in
Equatorial Africa were personalistic: different people took on different parts of the overall
expanding corpus, largely by choice rather than the ascription of parentage or assignment within
secret societies.6
A profile of the person most often recommended to me as one who knew about these
"matters of the past" consists of a man more than sixty years of age who occupied some position of
authority or respect in the "traditional" structures of society.7 If that man also had education and
political office, the community valued him as an able intermediary with an outsider. On the other
hand, many felt that educated people disparaged traditional knowledge. Educated men often
presented the past simplistically as "warring tribes" ruled by clan headmen. Material wealth was
not a particular criterion for recommendation. All were respected elders who people in the
community consulted for their wisdom. Some highly respected community leaders did not have
much to say about the past, although people assumed that they must. Almost all had some
6 Guyer and Belinga, Wealth in People, pp. 110-111.
7 By contrast among the Tatoga I was often taken to interviews with men in a younger
generation.


62
experience in the colonial labor force but the most knowledgeable elders had spent much of their
lives at home. Those with the most extensive social networks, and thus prestige, in the community
tended to be the ones most knowledgeable about the past.
Gendered Knowledge
The formal restriction of historical knowledge to elderly men stands out most in the social
organization of knowledge. Women, elderly or not, possessed entirely distinct forms of knowledge
about the past. When I would ask to speak with those who knew about history, local colleagues
led me almost exclusively to interviews with older men. Both men and women alike agreed that
men of this generation were the keepers of historical knowledge. When I insisted on talking to
women, 1 found that most women did not know the larger ethnic accounts of origin, migrations,
clans, ritual and battle, which made up the spontaneous content of interviews with men. At first I
thought that women were just reluctant to give me their versions of the past, but I later became
convinced that women possessed not just another version but wholly different kinds of knowledge
about the past. In South Africa, Hofmeyr describes a similar gendered division of oral literature in
which people said that men told "true" histories while women told "fictional narratives." She goes
on to claim that the content and style of these stories are similar, the only difference being the
spaces in which they are told.8
1 argue, however, that because people learn about the past in particular gendered spaces,
men and women share neither styles of oral narration nor types of knowledge about the past. They
transmit and maintain knowledge by the ways in which gendered space is represented and
organized in daily practice. Men and women occupy separate spheres of interaction in their daily
routines, sharing the same world but participating in different, though intersecting, sets of
Hofmeyr, "We Spend Our Years." p. 6.


63
discourses about that world.9 They keep and transmit historical knowledge by the paths that they
walk each day and the positions that they occupy in the imagined male and female spaces that
permeate their world. Women may learn some of men's knowledge about the past but they do not
transmit those stories in the narrative style of men nor in the formal setting of men's courtyard
meetings.
The Colonial Contexts of Men's Historical Narratives
Men's public knowledge of the past is now almost entirely represented as a body of unique
ethnic traditions, for example, of the Nata or the Ishenyi. As I demonstrate in later chapters,
western Serengeti people created ethnicity in its present form as a result of the late nineteenth
century disasters, solidified by the colonial experience. The stories they tell about ethnogenesis,
however, do not date from this period. Men reworked narratives from many different kinds of
social units, representing different kinds of social boundaries, into a unified corpus of ethnic
history. While I analyze the specifics of these changes in oral traditions in later chapters, here I am
concerned with how the space of "tribes" within the larger colonial territory shaped knowledge
about the past.10 The creation of ethnic history was not only an imposition of colonial hegemony
but also a creative adaptation of old knowledge to new circumstances. It was a product both of
opportunistic men reaping the benefits of the new system and of common people trying to make
9 See Janice Boddy, Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women. Men and the Zar Cult in Northern
Sudan (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), pp. 5-7, on the analysis of spirit
possession cults controlled by women as a counter hegemonic discourse to the dominant male,
Islamic discourse.
101 use the term tribe only as it refers to the colonial creation of tribal units for
administrative purposes and not as a traditional category of social identity. I use quotation marks
to remind the reader of this interpretation. As will become clear in later chapters the way that
"tribe" came to be defined locally differed significantly from other places in Tanganyika.


64
sense of a new world in which old relationships took on new meaning and new relationships were
assimilated into old patterns.
Men's Colonial Experience
The colonial experience deeply affected men's oral narratives of the past. With the advent
of indirect rule the social unit of political significance became the "tribe." Nevertheless, because
colonial officers failed to define the boundaries of "tribe" and no traditional system of chiefs
existed in the Musoma District, local people enjoyed ample room in the negotiations to set
boundaries. Certain individuals, families or groups gained significant benefits by defining "tribal"
boundaries to promote their own interests. Wambura Igina of the Simbiti chiefdom became the
second German chief by translating the people's questions to the German officer as their call for
Igina's appointment as chief." Fundi Kenyeka of Busegwe became a German chief because he was
a blacksmith and provided them with nails." Both made themselves useful to the Germans and
thereby attained the status of representing their "people," among whom they had but little
"traditional" authority.
Within the colonial system of indirect rule, many men had the opportunity to negotiate a
beneficial reconfiguration of tribe and authority in their narrations of the past.13 When the
colonial officers of Musoma realized that the system of chiefs was not working, because the chiefs
lacked traditional authority, they began investigating "pre-European tribal organization" to restore
11 Zedekia Oloo Siso, Buturi, The Oral Traditions of North Mara, unpublished
manuscript in author's collection, 1995.
12 E. C. Baker, Tribal History and Legends, 9 December 1929, microfilm, Musoma
District Books (MDB).
13 For the wider application of this observation in the Lakes region see David Schoenbrun,
"A Past Whose Time Has Come: Historical Context and History in Eastern Africa's Great Lakes
Region," History and Theory 32, 4 (1993): 32-56.


65
the "ancient rights and powers" of the clan elders as the basis for indirect rule.14 In 1945, Hans
Cory led the effort to visit each chiefdom, or to call elders to Musoma, to question them about
tribal practice and history. A major reorganization of tribes and a new Constitution for North
and South Mara resulted, in 1948.15 This colonial way of interpreting the past through the lens of
"tradition" and "tribe" became widespread and strongly influenced local historical narrative.
Men formulated ethnic histories, not surprisingly, in this era when they had increasing
opportunity to travel and meet people from other places. Some among the present generation of
elders were the first to go to school in Musoma; some had careers as government clerks or mine
supervisors throughout the Territory; others went as far as Burma with the K.A.R. (King's African
Rifles) in World War Two or to Nairobi, Tanga and Magadi Soda as migrant laborers. Away
from home, men began to see themselves as part of larger communities, seeking out people who
came from areas neighboring their homes and who spoke similar languages. Laborers in Nairobi
popularized Kuria identity by forming the Kuria Union in 1945, expanded one year later to "The
South and North Mara Tanganyika Union," based on a common tradition and origin. Their goals
were to promote modernization, help the sick, arrange for funerals, and return fugitive women from
Nairobi.16 Migrant laborers walking to Magadi Soda in Kenya found hospitality among the Sonjo,
14 District Commissioner, Musoma, Memorandum on the Revival and Application of the
Clan Regime in the Musoma District, 4 July 1945, CORY #347, EAF, UDSM.
15 Hans Cory, Report on the pre-European Tribal Organization in Musoma (South Mara
Distict and Proposals for adaptation of the clan system to modern circumstances, 1945, CORY
#173, EAF, UDSM; Hans Cory, South Mara Constituent Assembly, a new constitution for the
South Mara Council..., 1959-60, CORY #385, EAF, UDSM. Hans Cory, Report on the
general situation in Kuria Chiefdoms of North Mara and proposals for its improvement..., 1945-
49, CORY #171, EAF, UDSM. For a discussion of this process as a territorial model see, C.
Winnington-lngram, "Reforming Local Government in a Tanganyika District," Journal of Africa
Administration 2. 2 (April 1950): 10-12.
16 Tarime District Office, Native Administration, Kuria Union Meetings 1946-52, 83/3/2,
TNA.


66
in the midst of Maasailand, based on a shared nlemi scar on the right breast. Subtle shifts in the
historical imagination took place as narratives began to account for a larger nation of "tribes."17
The Colonial Concept of "Tribe"
The peoples of Musoma District reworked existing identities to comply with the need of the
colonial government for tribes, but they did it on their own terms and created small units that
were responsive to local control. However, as these units became the basis for political action they
took on a life of their own and the "tribal" assumed the status of the "traditional." To understand
the idiom in which elders cast oral traditions today, we must look at how they adopted and
transformed European notions of "tribe" in this region.
The "tribal" model of African society is a nineteenth century European idea developed as
emerging nations sought their ancient origins in self-conscious "tribes.18 This model sees "tribes"
as discrete and bounded entities whose movement and influence the observer can trace, like billiard
balls rolling across space and time as a unit. The influence of this model on colonial officers is
apparent as they characterized each "tribe" in the western Serengeti with distinct origins and
customs, despite their obvious linguistic and cultural similarities. One of the first Musoma District
Officers stated, based on oral tradition, that the Ikizu and Sizaki "are Sukuma" who "arrived
17 For similar processes throughout Africa see: Leroy Vail, ed., The Creation of Tribalism
in Southern Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); in
Tanganyika see John Iliffe, A Modern History ofTanganvika (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1979); in other places E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger, eds. The Invention of Tradition
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); and Terence O. Ranger, "The Invention of
Tradition Revisisted: The Case of Colonial Africa," in Legitimacy and the State in Twentieth
Century Africa. Terence O. Ranger and O. Vaughan, eds. (Oxford: St. Anthony's College, 1993),
pp. 62-111. Benedict Anderson. Imagined Communities: Reflections of the Origin and Snread of
Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983).
18 See an analysis of the "tribal model" in Igor Kopytoff, "Introduction: The Internal
African Frontier," in The African Frontier: The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies
(Bloomington: Indiana University Pres, 1987), pp. 3-4.


67
fourteen generations ago," and that the Nata are "an offshoot of the Ikizu from whom they
separated owing to floods." The same officer described other western Serengeti peoples (the
Ikoma, Ishenyi and Ngoreme) as Sonjo, who have "become somewhat mixed owing to the
settlement of Bakuria in the area."19 The Musoma District Book records a single, static precolonial
"tradition" for each group-discovered by seeking the "true" origins of peoples who had come into
contact with many other groups in their "tribal" migrations.
In the "tribal" model colonial officers sought the origins of a "tribe" using the concept of
biological parentage or "blood," rather than adoption, incorporation or assimilation. The image of
blood relations underwrites the larger historical scheme of evolution in which not only the plant and
animal kingdoms, but also humans, follow a unilineal trajectory toward a higher state of being.
Each "tribe" can thus be located according to its social and cultural development, with western
culture at the pinnacle. The development of humans is represented as a tree in which many
branches emerge on the way to the top, with one set of roots. Each "tribe" is similarly imagined to
have one set of roots with many branches that diverged during migration.20
However, colonial observers found the heterogeneous composition of the peoples of
Musoma District difficult to reconcile with these preconceived notions of "tribe." The
inconsistencies that they record provide the historian, from another perspective, with a unique
glimpse of people in the process of becoming "tribes." The fluidity of the situation and the ways in
which local people were reworking their own histories is obvious. Migration histories of the
Musoma peoples told of ancestors coming from every direction, rather from a single point of
19 Baker,Tribal History and Legends, 9 December 1929, MDB. See also Native Affairs
Census 1926-1929, Chiefdom Census 1926, 246/P.C./3/21, TNA.
20 For a comprehensive review of anthropology and the tribalparadigm in Africa see
Sally Falk Moore, Anthropology and Africa: Changing Perspectives on a Changing Scene
(Charlottesville and London: The University Press of Virginia, 1994).


68
origin. They spoke Bantu languages and yet appeared in dress, circumcision rites and age-set
organization to be Nilotic-speakers. Kinship systems did not consistently follow matrilineal or
patrilineal patterns, and did not form a neat segmentary system of clans. A tribe was nearly as
likely to raid one of its own clans as those of another tribe.21 Traditional chiefs did not exist and
the tribal units themselves were difficult to identity. The smaller units, sometimes called "sub
tribes," warranted their own chiefs, but were too small and numerous for effective administration;
while the larger "tribal" units had no inherent cohesion or unifying institutions of authority.22
Since tribes were assumed to be biologically separate, though related, societies and
cultures, colonial writers most often explained heterogeneity as a result of "mixed stock." For
example, the District Officer characterized the Zanaki as consisting of "an admixture of Kuria
blood from the north and a heavy strain of Sukuma from the south."23 The German colonial
encyclopedist, Schnee, described the Ruri as a people, "strongly coursing with Massai and Wageia
[Luo] blood, shot through with Bantu, who have also adopted Massai armaments and military
tactics.24
21 An example of a contemporary scholarly formulation of the "tribal model" is colonial
anthropologist E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer: A Description of the Modes of Livelihood and
Political Institutions of a Nilotic People (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1940), pp. 120-122. Here he
identifies the important characteristics of a tribe: 1) a common and distinct name; 2) a common
sentiment; 3) a common and distinct territory; 4) a moral obligation to unity in war; 5) a moral
obligation to settle feuds and other disputes by arbitration; 6) a segmented structure with
opposition between its segments; 7) an important structural relation between the lineage structures
of the dominant clan and the territorial system; 8) a unity within a system of tribes; and 9) the
tribal organization of age-sets.
22 Edward Conway Baker, North Mara paper, 1935, Tanganyika Papers, microfilm
project of Oxford University Press.
23 E.C. Baker, "Tribal History and Legends, 9 December 1929, MDB.
24 Heinrich Schnee, ed., Deutsches Kolonial-Lexikon. 3 Vols. (Leipzig: Quelle and Meyer,
1920), p. 679.


69
A closer look at the social realities behind these observations demonstrates that other
boundaries were at work besides the ethnic in these ascriptions of various groups to a particular
parentage. For example, elders did not describe the relationship of Nata to Ikizu as one of a
"splinter group" from parental stock but rather of a shared system of eldership titles. I interpret the
relationship of the Ikizu and Sizaki to Sukuma in their origin stories not as one defined by "blood,"
but by Ikizu and Sizaki acceptance of the limited authority of a Kwaya rainmaker clan from
Kanadi, Sukuma, to gain access to power over fertility. The language, society and culture
remained Mara and not Sukuma. Similarly the Ikoma, Ngoreme and Ishenyi, whom oral traditions
say came from Sonjo, share very few cultural, linguistic or social elements with Sonjo. What they
do have in common is a shared experience of extreme Maasai pressure in the second half of the
nineteenth century that created refugees on both sides of the Serengeti plain. Yet, spokesmen from
each group were willing to present these diverse connections as "blood" relations in the "tribal"
idiom.
The categories and terms of classification for the Musoma "tribes" subtly shifted
throughout the colonial period as those who implemented indirect rule constantly redefined tribal
identity in their search for "tradition." This confusion is evident in the population statistics of the
various chiefdoms. In 1909 the German officer in Shirati reported a total of twenty-six Sultans
(Chiefs) north and twenty-eight Sultans south of the Mara River with a total estimated population
of 110,000.25 A German classification of tribes listed more than thirty, with the major
classifications including the Nata and Ikoma as Maasai peoples and the Sizaki, Ngoreme, Ikizu and
25 Schultz, Schirati, to Governor, Dar es Salaam, 25 December 1909, Schirati, 1909-1910,
G/45/2, TNA.


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