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The firm of Greeley, Weed, and Seward

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Title:
The firm of Greeley, Weed, and Seward New York partisanship and the press, 1840-1860
Creator:
Borchard, Gregory Alan
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English
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viii, 266 p. : ; 29 cm.

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Autobiographies ( jstor )
Memoirs ( jstor )
News content ( jstor )
News media ( jstor )
Newspapers ( jstor )
Political campaigns ( jstor )
Political parties ( jstor )
Slavery ( jstor )
Trucks ( jstor )
Voting ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- Journalism and Communications -- UF ( lcsh )
Journalism and Communications thesis, Ph.D ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Abstract:
The firm of Greeley, Weed, and Seward led a revolution in political communications by promoting causes, parties, and candidates beyond the conventions of the second party system. Between 1840 and 1860, the firm championed economic policies built on free labor and free soil by advancing the agendas of the Whig and Republican parties. Greeley, Weed, and Seward led opposition to Jacksonian Democrats in the press and positions of elected power by organizing national interests that outlived regional competitors and survived the trials of war.
Abstract:
New Yorkers Horace Greeley, Thurlow Weed, and William H. Seward pioneered tactics commonly used by modern campaign strategists to reach the maximum number of voters, yet historians rarely recognize their role in founding a new political order. The firm effectively rallied a diverse network that was part of a national movement toward democratization, thereby popularizing electoral politics in the United States.
Abstract:
Greeley, editor of The New York Tribune, was recognized popularly as the firm's leader because he provided his newspaper, a leading penny press publication, as a mouthpiece for social transformation. Weed, boss of the Whig Party in New York, provided the political capital needed to back the firm's projects. And Seward, a statesman of national and international repute, represented the firm and its constituents as a high-ranking Whig and Republican official.
Abstract:
This dissertation provides an account of the firm between the famous “Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too” campaign and the election of Abraham Lincoln. It cites the publications, letters, and manuscripts of Greeley, Weed, Seward, and their associates to shed new light on previous interpretations of Whig and Republican policy. The study analyzes the role of the firm in the creation of the third party system and features the creation of a discourse among members of a representative democracy. It reveals the historic importance of the press—in particular, a three-member media-based institution—in determining the success or failure of political agendas and campaigns.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2003.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
General Note:
Printout.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Gregory Alan Borchard.

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THE FIRM OF GREELEY, WEED, AND SEWARD:
NEW YORK PARTISANSHIP AND THE PRESS, 1840-1860












By

GREGORY ALAN BORCHARD


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA




THE FIRM OF GREELEY, WEED, AND SEWARD:
NEW YORK PARTISANSHIP AND THE PRESS, 1840-1860
By
GREGORY ALAN BORCHARD
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2003


Copyright 2003
by
Gregory Alan Borchard


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
As a chapter in my graduate studies comes to a close, I thank the folks who have
given me a remarkable level of freedom as a doctoral candidate. Dr. William McKeen
deserves special acknowledgments for managing my work fairly and with respect.
Thanks go to my teaching mentor, Dr. Julie Dodd, a consistent source of inspiration and
support. Thanks go to Dr. Leonard Tipton, a good-natured intellectual and model faculty
member. Thanks go to Dr. Les Smith, a dedicated scholar and committee member.
Thanks go to Dr. Bertram Wyatt-Brown, a first-rate historian and editor. I appreciate Dr.
Marilyn Roberts, too, for accepting me into her seminar on political campaigns spring
2001. Dean Roberts did an exceptional job overseeing my coursework at the University
of Florida and inspired the focus of this dissertation.
I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of the interlibrary loan staff at the
University of Florida, who assisted in ordering and delivering microfilm and primary
sources. I appreciate especially their help in ordering the Horace Greeley Papers from
Duke University and the Thurlow Weed Papers from the University of Rochester.
Biggest thanks go to my family, a source of unconditional support: My parents,
Clark and Bonita, and siblings Tracie, Erin, and Steve are kind and generous. I will
remember most fondly my time in Florida with Grandmother Ruth Borchard. Our chats in
Borchards Orchard, Grandpas orange grove, were with me when I wrote.
iii


TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS HI
CHAPTERS
1 INTRODUCTION I
Statement ofPurpose 4
Literature Review 5
Significance of Historical Research 14
Methodology 15
Structure of Dissertation 21
Implications 23
Notes 24
2 MARKETING THE HARRISON PRESIDENCY: THE LOG CABIN, HARD TIMES,
AND HARD CIDER, TOO 35
Greeley: A Marked Man 36
The Mastermind and the Higher Law of the Whigs 38
The Second Party System 40
Marketing the Harrison Presidency 43
The Log Cabin 46
Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too 49
William Henry Harrison Is No More 51
Notes 53
3 NEW YORKS PENNY PRESS AND THE 1844 CAMPAIGN. FREE-SOIL MAKES
MUD OF CLAY 62
Selling Papers Like Hotcakes 63
What Hath God Wrought? 66
Boss Weed 70
Democrats in Whig Clothing 71
The 1844 Canvass: Two Things to Fear 74
Projections and Results: From Clay to Mud 78
The True Principles of Government 83
Notes 85
IV


4THE YEAR OF HOPE: THE FIRM IN 1848
93
War Games 94
In the Footsteps of John Quincy Adams 96
Going West: The Firm and the Homestead 97
The 1848 Canvass 99
Mr. Greeley Goes to Washington 101
Election Results: Meet the New Boss 103
The Year of Hope 104
Taylor Is Dead, Long Live the Whigs 105
The Little Villain 106
Compromise Failed 108
I Am Cross 109
Notes Ill
5 THE FAILED CAMPAIGN OF 1852: WHIGGING OUT 118
The Dictator 119
Why I Am a Whig 120
Fourierism 122
The 1852 Canvass 127
Election Results: The Whigs at Salt River 131
Kill Seward 133
Notes 135
6 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1856: REPUBLICAN REDEMPTION 142
The Drumbeat of the Nation 143
Bloody Kansas: The Great Battle Yet to Come 146
Call It Republican 148
A Gigantic Confederacy of Crime 150
Greeley Quits 151
The Letter 153
The Pathfinder of the West 155
Free Men, Free Speech, Free Press, Free Territory, Frmont 158
Election Returns: A Shade of Doubt 159
The Sinews of War 161
Notes 162
v


7 THE TRIBUNE AT HARPERS FERRY: HORACE GREELEY ON TRIAL 170
The Tribune at Harpers Ferry 171
The Evidence 174
The Raid: Historical Background 175
The Making of a Martyr 178
Horace Greeley on Trial 180
Higher Law 182
Trial by Press 183
In the Shades of Monticello 186
Notes 188
8 THE 1860 CAMPAIGN: SPLITTING RAILS 196
My Time Is Absorbed 197
The Log Cabin Campaign Revisited 201
The Great Endeavor 203
Incident at the Astor 204
The Past Is Dead 206
Black Republicans 209
Playing Possum: The 1860 Canvass 211
Election Results 214
Notes 216
9 CONCLUSION 224
Great, Just, and True Expositions 225
Brutus Greeley 227
The American Conflict 230
Too Much Faith 231
Greeleys Estimate of Lincoln 234
A Whig, a Republican, and a Democrat, Too 235
Greeley in His Own Words 238
Died of a Broken Heart 239
The Firm: Birth, Work, Death, and Rebirth 241
Notes 246
REFERENCES 255
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 266
vi


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE FIRM OF GREELEY, WEED, AND SEWARD:
NEW YORK PARTISANSHIP AND THE PRESS, 1840-1860
By
Gregory Alan Borchard
May 2003
Chair: William McKeen
Major Department: Journalism and Communications
The firm of Greeley, Weed, and Seward led a revolution in communications and
national politics by promoting causes, parties, and candidates beyond the conventions of
the second party system. The firm led opposition to Jacksonian Democrats by advancing
Republican institutions that survived the trials of war. They championed rights and an
economy that were built on free labor, free soil, and a popular press driven by sales.
The concerted partisanship of New Yorkers Horace Greeley, Thurlow Weed, and
William H. Seward on behalf of Whig and Republican agendas forever changed the
landscape of U.S. political campaigns. Weed, editor of the Albany Evening Journal,
provided New Yorks political capital to back the firms projects. William H. Seward
represented state and national constituents as a high-ranking Whig and Republican
official. Greeley, the unofficial leader of the triumvirate, provided one of the nations
leading journals as a mouthpiece for social transformation.


The firm placed the press, especially Greeleys New York Tribune, at the center of
presidential campaigns. Greeley, Weed, and Seward empowered previously
disenfranchised voters, and in so doing helped solidify the role of the Republican Party in
the nations third party system.
This dissertation analyzes the role of the firm in the development of the third party
system. In the Age of Jackson, Greeley, Weed, and Seward forged tactics commonly used
by modem campaign strategists, but historians have yet to recognize the firms role in
founding the new political order. The dissertation features Greeleys publications and
private writings between the famous Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too campaign of 1840 and
the election of Abraham Lincoln. It cites the letters and manuscripts of Greeley, Weed,
Seward, and their associates to shed new light on previous interpretations of Whig and
Republican agendas.
The three allies combined New Yorks dominance in the print industry with
political campaigns to form a national agenda that outlived the interests of Southern
Democrats. This account analyzes the firms creation of a discourse among members of
the new representative democracy and the importance of the press in determining the
success or failure of subsequent campaigns.
viii


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The firm of Greeley, Weed, and Seward combined editorial brilliance with
revolutionary campaign tactics to produce an enduring style of campaign politics in the
United States, Under the triumvirates leadership, the antebellum penny press, especially
Horace Greeleys New York Tribune, served as a mouthpiece for constituencies that
formed prior to the Civil War. Thurlow Weed, editor of The Albany Evening Journal,
and William H. Seward, Whig and Republican statesman, advanced a national agenda by
influencing the political machinery of New York and Washington, D.C., while readers of
the Tribune formed an increasingly sophisticated and democratized electorate.
The firm combined the commercialization of news with presidential campaigns to
attract support for a national agenda. Campaigns tailored the images of candidates and
platforms to the desires of energized voters. In so doing, firm members held separate but
compatible goals: Greeley sought the power of the printed word; Weed sought the wealth
of political brokering; and Seward sought the distinction of elected office. No one of the
three men apparently wanted what the other two desired, but together they made an
alliance that spearheaded national policy for more than 30 years.1
On notable occasions, the partnership failed in attaining its partisan goals, but on
just as many, if not more, it succeeded spectacularly.2 As early as 1838, Weed and
Greeleys publications advanced with Seward a federal government that served states
interests across sectional lines. And in 1840, the election of Whig candidate William
Henry Harrison catapulted the firm into national prominence.3 With the help of expanded
1


2
suffrage, a mobilized electorate, and patronage, the firm promoted in the early 1840s a
string of other successful Whig candidates for local, state, and national office.4
All along Greeley, Weed, and Seward objected to Andrew Jacksons beneficiaries,
members of the Democratic Party, who had insisted on freedom from a strong central
government but enjoyed the spoils of Jacksons victory. Jacksons Caesarism, an
apparent contempt for the separation of powers and the rule of law, genuinely appalled
members of the firm, and they tried to rally politicians and voters behind a crusade to
save the Revolutionary experiment in republican self-government.5 In speeches,
editorials, and political platforms, firm members pronounced beliefs in more than just
material gain: They emphasized the rights to work and live freely and to secure the
blessings of liberty.6
The ambitions of Greeley in particular surpassed the achievements of partisan and
non-partisan peers during the second party system. Between the elections of 1840 and
1860, during his tenure as a Whig and Republican leader, Greeley sought economic,
political, and moral change to improve the social order, often defying the interests of the
Democratic status quo.7 The liberal scope of news and opinions published in the Tribune
contributed to his popular remembrance as a reform-minded advocate.8 Under Greeleys
editorship, the Tribune and allied, regional newspapers provided a range of aspiring, third
party candidates the opportunity to espouse the right to work, travel, invest, and prosper.9
Greeleys partnership with Weed and Seward developed Whig and Republican
agendas, candidacies, and campaigns by combining the broad press coverage with
commercial and partisan efforts. The firm championed a loose-knit coalition of
homesteaders, abolitionists, free laborers, and businessmen, who both objected to the rule


3
of elite and demanded newly heralded rights.10 Greeley used the Tribune, his anti-
Jacksonian organ to align candidates and parties in the new political system, which all
stemmed from his dominance of the journalistic medium.11
The policies Greeley supported enjoyed unprecedented coverage at a level of
circulation no other newspaper could provide.12 A mass audience recognized him
appropriately as the leader of the powerful clique of editors in New York, a nexus for
Whig and Republican hopefuls.13 Other New York newspapers, among them the Times
and the Herald, simply covered political campaigns, but Greeley supported them both
directly and through the help of his staff. Combined with Greeleys other publications,
such as the New-Yorker, Jeffersonian, and Log Cabin, the Tribune served as the leading
exponent of Whig and Republican agendas by its promotion of partisan literature,
advertisements, songs, and campaign-related propaganda.14
As a charismatic leader of the Whigs and Republicans, Greeley used appealing
symbols in his editorials to attract popular support for campaigns, candidates, and
policies. Folksy, log-cabin imagery appeared recurrently in the 20-year revolt he led
against the Democrats.15 The counter-revolution drew votes from the populist base of
Jacksons base of supporters by offering an alternative, an agenda built on free labor, free
soil, and free speech.16 Although many of the Tribunes, 200,000 subscribers were
farmers in the Midwest, who had no sympathy with the newspapers utopian appeals, few
of them could doubt Greeleys sincere devotion to a fairer distribution of wealth because
he lived up to his advice by giving away to his employees all but a few shares of the
Tribunes earnings.17


4
The Tribune earned a loyal following, and in 1840, 1848, and 1860, Greeleys
favored presidential candidates won dramatic victories, and between victories, the
Tribune set the foundation for a constructive democracy. Greeley had recognized the
collapse of the Whigs in 1852 and embarked on an eight-year campaign for a Republican
presidential successor.18 With the rise of the Republican Party, the Tribune and allied
regional newspapers became a force that could make or ruin a presidency.19 Between
1844 and 1856, Greeley discovered the same populist formula that had worked in 1840
could lead Lincoln to victory in 1860. In order to preserve his editorial and political
ambitions, he even dissolved the partnership he had formed, the firm, with Weed and
Seward in 1854.20
Antagonisms with Democrats and Old Whigs persisted to a climax at the 1860
Republican Convention in Chicago, which featured Greeleys influence over delegates
and secured Lincolns nomination.21 Weed, Seward, and other associates rarely
recognized Greeleys tireless sponsorship of rallies, parades, meetings, and dances, but
the tactics proved successful with Lincolns election. Critics alleged Greeley was
inconsistent, vacillating, and even irrational; however, he helped forge a diverse coalition
of farmers, businessmen, abolitionists, and laborers, motivating them to build a new
revolution in U.S. politics based on republican principles.22
Statement of Purpose
The contributions of the firms individual members can be found in individual
biographies, but rarely if ever has the firm been the focus subject of scholarly study.
Although Greeleys life has been documented in numerous secondary sources, his role in
the firm is less well known. The origin, activities, and demise of his partnership with
Weed and Seward remains the most intriguing, yet neglected stories in U.S. history.


5
This dissertation profiles the professional relationships among Greeley, Weed, and
Seward between the Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too campaign and the election of Abraham
Lincoln. It explores the role of the Tribune, a leader in New Yorks penny press and a
contributing factor in the development of the nations third party system. It combines
primary and secondary bibliographic materials in creating the history of a precedent
setting institution in U.S. press and political history.
The breakdown of the second party system put the electoral process under great
stress, but Greeley held closely his convictions, which included faith in the power of
individual citizens to create a benevolent society.23 Telling indications of Greeleys
editorial skills are found in partisan articles, advertisements, and commentary from the
era.24 Synthesized with the wealth of the personal and private writings of Greeley, Weed,
and Seward, this dissertation reveals the workings of the 19th centurys leading campaign
agencies and a sophisticated, modern communications networks.
Literature Review
This section examines representative literature that is most pertinent to the study
and identifies contributions the dissertation will make to accounts of the activities and
lives of Greeley, Weed, and Seward. The scholarly literature most directly related to the
subject is based on biographical sources written in the 19th century, which later appeared
in the works of progressive and cultural historians.
Historians who were Greeleys contemporaries featured romantic interpretations of
leading U.S. personalities and institutions. James Parton, one of the 19th centurys leading
biographers, compiled profiles in developing an account of the transformation of
antebellum political parties. Such histories noted the collapse of the first party system,
but they also preserved the enlightenment traditions from which the American Revolution


6
emerged. Partons biographies, which included his Life of Horace Greeley, glorified the
heroic qualities of leading Founders and figures by mixing the premises of the
Constitution with a great man historical model. The contributions of remarkable
individuals were featured in the eras other histories as essential to continued growth.25
By the first half of the 20th century, progressive scholars reinterpreted the role of
heroic figures such as Greeley and suggested that individuals impacted history
precisely because they addressed dominant political, economic, and ideological issues.
Attention shifted from biographies of great men to analyses of adverse social
conditions and the response or lack of response from historical players and agents.
Progressives interpreted the roles of editors and politicians in terms of their success or
failures in addressing social disparities and economic injustices.
Henry Luther Stoddards biography, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader,
featured the progressive approach.26 Stoddard credited Greeley with the creation of the
Whig and Republican parties, but Greeleys tragic campaign in 1872 received due
attention, too. In-between the remarkable moments of Greeleys life, Stoddard
emphasized the role of the press in addressing critical issues. The thesis of his text was
formed by Greeleys attempt to find constructive solutions to critical, external
developments, which included passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the collapse of the
Whig Party, and the rise of sectional hostilities.27
Consensus historians in the mid-20th century responded to progressive scholars by
minimizing divisions among segments of American society. They suggested the nation
worked in a holistic framework, and the press and other institutions acted in accordance
with the prevailing cultural climate of given eras. Consensus scholars suggested that


7
newspapers and other popular institutions reflected U.S. society in equilibrium. Their
response countered economic, ideological, and political divisions noted by progressives,
but consensus histories failed to explain national crises, such as the Civil War
On one level, the cultural school, emergent in the early 20th century, represented an
interpretation of national history that was more holistic than the progressive approach;
however, cultural histories rarely featured the role of particular institutions or
personalities. According to John R. Commons, a leader of the cultural school, the Tribune
- not Greeley was the first and only great vehicle this country has known in the
advancement of constructive democracy.28
Commons interpretation of 19th century political organization cast Greeley not as a
moral crusader or literary genius; rather, Commons concentrated on Greeleys role as an
economic practitioner and as a powerful voice for labor interests. The Tribune responded
to cultural forces that demanded a more equal distribution of wealth, property, and labor.
Thus has the idealism of American history both issued from and counteracted its
materialism, Commons wrote. He cited the editorial columns of the Tribune from 1841
to 1854 as documentary records, and his examination of the two main currents of
idealism passing through the brain of Greeley revealed a constructive program for the
reorganization of society in the Tribune. We hear much nowadays of the economic
interpretation of history, Commons wrote. Human life is viewed as a struggle to get a
living and to get rich . Judged by this test, Horace Greeley was the prophet of the most
momentous period of our history.29
The Republican Party was not an anti-slavery party but a homestead party,
according to Commons, and on this point its agenda was identical with that of the


8
socialist Workingmens movement. The Republicans came into conflict with slavery
because slavery could not live on 160-acre farms.30
Unlike the progressives, who emphasized the interplay between dominant and
subordinate ideology, neo-progressives historians cited the growing power of the press by
the mid- 19th century to disseminate news to a large, commercial base. For neo
progressive historians of the late-20 century, Greeleys actions represented remarkable
business skills. Appreciations for great personalities, as well as technological advances,
peppered neo-progressive accounts.
The variety of approaches applied by historians in studies of the 19 century has
remained fluid with new data and methodologies. The Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too
campaign provided an example of the historical narrative that has been recently
reconsidered. For nearly a century, secondary historians commonly attributed the election
of Harrison to the near-drunk response of voters to a circus-like atmosphere during the
1840 canvass. The weight of historical interpretation focused subsequently on Greeleys
skills as a manipulator of the media and the masses.
In contrast, Michael Holts epic The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party
suggested that a sophisticated Whig electorate responded to a canvass filled with deep,
economic and cultural issues. Harrison was elected, Holt argued, because voters
responded to Whig proposals in lieu of a depressed economy .31 Events mattered, Holt
wrote. They, and not just social structures, economic conditions, fixed political contexts,
or ideology, often shaped subsequent behavior.32 The Whigs Holt profiled were an
amalgam of National Republicans, state-rights Southerners and Nullifiers, and the bulk of
Antimasons and dissident Democrats angered by Jacksons high-handed conduct and


9
the depression of 1837.33 The 1840 election was not merely about hard cider and songs;
rather, the Whigs fashioned a political platform that worked for them 34
The press played no small part in the rise of the Whig Party, as well as subsequent
political campaigns, and Holts organic history detailed the evolution of the Whig Party
until its dismemberment in the early 1850s.35 With the help of sophisticated data
collection techniques, he was able to compile statistical data that supported his argument
that Whig campaigns operated with very modem, calculated, demographic techniques.36
On popular and scholarly levels, Greeley has been remembered primarily as a
pioneer of the penny press. Holt was among the few to attribute modern campaign
techniques to Greeley, who targeted the masses, rich in electoral votes, with popular
editorial content. Primary sources indicate that Greeley was regarded by many of his
contemporaries as an honest man with sincere desires for a more fair, free, and civil
society.37 The bulk of modern histories have accordingly used a progressive approach in
detailing the Tribunes significance.
In traditional histories, Greeley has been often ascribed the status of a great man.
More than a few of Greeleys peers lambasted him, too, and a considerable strain of
progressive history supplies a skeptical treatment of his record. The observation that
resonated most loudly among Greeleys detractors was that he displayed a level of
irrationality in editorial policy, which stemmed apparently from his zeal for elected
office.38 It was a personality trait that led to the breakdown of relations with Weed and
Seward, and it resulted in Greeleys resignation from the firm.39
References to the partnership of Greeley, Weed, and Seward were found in
individual primary and secondary sources; however, none of the sources discovered


10
provided a profde of the firm itself. Glyndon Van Deusens biographies of leading Whigs
focused primarily on the split in the partnership of Greeley, Weed, and Seward. His
biographies individually, but not collectively, assessed the roles of the three.40
Weeds contributions to the 19th century were historic. Van Deusens biography of
the Albany Evening Journal editor supplied an array of important sources, based mostly
on Weeds masterful autobiography.41 Weed served a major role in journalism and
politics as an editor, writer, and party boss. His connections with the machinery of New
York and Washington, D C, made it inevitable that stories should circulate about his lack
of character. He was portrayed repeatedly as Fagln the Jew, or The Lucifer of the
Lobby, but many of these tales were only vicious and unfounded rumor, Van Deusen
wrote. In this category belonged the allegations that he extorted $20,000 from immigrants
at Castle Garden and despoiled Trinity Church of valuable property under the pretext of
building real estate improvements on Broadway.42
Sewards role as an anti-slavery advocate was equally controversial.43 His patrician
background put him at odds with Greeleys working-class agenda in their competing
quests for public office.44 Van Deusens biography of Seward was one of the most
readable political biographies of the 19th century United States, a chronicle of Sewards
rise to prominence through elected and appointed offices.45 Van Deusen suggested
Greeley split with Weed and Seward because of their attention to overtures from
Nativists. After the collapse of the Whigs in 1852, Van Deusen wrote, Greeley blamed
Weed and Seward for succumbing to the rotten influences of former Whig associates,
too. Greeley publicly denied having dissolved his ties to the firm; however, when the


11
contents of his 1854 letter to Seward were published, according to Van Deusen, It was
clear that Horace was suffering from a bad case of officitis [sic.]46
Van Deusen outlined an otherwise neglected aspect of the feud between Greeley
and Seward by delineating the factions separating populist followers of Greeley and the
patrician-minded associates of Weed and Seward.47 At Weeds request, Greeley worked
tirelessly on Sewards behalf. Greeley downplayed, perhaps too humbly, his role in the
Sewards elections by suggesting his editorial assistance was worth nothing;
nonetheless, Greeley believed that Sewards irrepressible conflict speech was so
important that it should be widely read.48 He insisted that the only way the Republicans
could triumph in 1860 would be to overcome the terror ofSewardism and the higher
law by putting this speech in every house in the free states.49 At the same time, the
competing interests of the firm members contributed to the demise of their partnership.
Historian Kenneth Stampp cited such antagonisms in his account of events that
sparked the Civil War. And the War Came placed most responsibility for the war on the
peculiar insistence that the Union must be maintained solely for the principles of free
labor.50 He attributed a secondary level of causation to the personal disputes among
leaders, especially between Northern and Southern officials, radicals, and editors. Stampp
praised the press role in the development of organized parties, but he condemned
Greeleys quests for office and his ambivalent editorials on the threats of secessionists.51
Romantic presentations of Greeley persist, despite recurring criticisms of the
Tribunes ambiguous editorial policy. Harlan Horner juxtaposed the lives of Greeley and
Lincoln, arguing that the two worked with similar beliefs and ideals throughout their
respective careers. Horner compared texts prepared by both individuals on the question of


12
slavery. The two almost repeat themselves, with Lincoln apparently following Greeleys
lead. Horners history profiled the interrelationship of the pair and their works and shows
how they worked together, consciously or not, for a more humane society.52
Of all biographies concerned with the penny press era, perhaps none was written
with the credibility of James Partons Life of Horace Greeley, an influential and
authoritative account of the man and his newspaper. It was published before many of
Greeleys highly documented appearances as a national political figure, nearly a full 20
years before Greeleys death. A second, updated account was published in 1872.53
Partons selection of quotes from primary sources indicates an unmatched intimacy
with Greeleys life story. Parton claimed that he began the project with a critical mind but
soon discovered worthy praises for Greeleys character. In minute detail, he unveiled
elements of Greeleys life, including his Scotch-Irish ancestors, his lineage, family tree,
and early childhood.54 Partons primary texts were mostly letters, some of which he
included with little attribution other than Greeleys name and the date they were written.
Other chapters contained extensive excerpts from lectures that in many cases were left
out of subsequent histories for reasons not wholly justified. A section detailing the
dispute between New York Times editor Henry J. Raymond and Greeley over socialism
was also astute. Raymond was concerned, Parton wrote, that Greeley had become
reckless in his advocacy for the abolition of private property. Not coincidentally,
Raymond left the eclectic Tribune before founding the Times 55
Other than the Tribune, Greeleys own historical works, especially his
groundbreaking The American Conflict, have been interpreted as secondary in importance
to his work as an editor, although the epic account of the Civil War was among the first


13
of its kind.56 His first historic move as a publisher came with the issue of the first New-
Yorker, March 22, 1834, without premonitory sound of trumpet.57 In the 1830s and
1840s, the Jeffersonian and Log Cabin added to his rsum, especially important in the
formation of the Whigs national agenda.58 These papers, Greeleys scholarly work, and
his polemical publications deserve analysis beyond scant secondary references.59
Greeleys published work reveals the doctrine he proposed completely violated
Whig policy, and yet he was one of the partys leaders.60 His advocacy of homestead
exemption, for example, which prevented settlers from losing their land as a form of
collateral against any debts incurred, put him in alliance with New York editor George
Henry Evans of the Working Mans Advocate, who also agitated for land reform.61 The
policy was more socialist than Whig, but shrewd leaders such as Greeley and Gov.
Hamilton Fish of New York recognized that the Nativists had capitalized on worker
discontent with traditional bank and tariff doctrine. Greeley and Fish subsequently
endorsed the Homestead Act because they reckoned it would encourage enterprise and
strengthen devotion to property rights.62
Fish became the curator of the Thurlow Weed collection, which is currently
maintained by the University of Rochester. Duke University provided copies of Greeleys
handwritten letters and memos from his personal collection. Private papers from both
collections are cited throughout this dissertation.63 Letters from Greeley to Weed, and
Weed to Greeley were featured according to their illustration of key events, as were the
correspondences of Lincoln, Seward, Granger, and a host of the 19th centurys key
figures. The authors notes on works at the Library of Congress are also cited in this
dissertation 64 Curators of the HarpWeek Web site have done a remarkable job of


14
cataloguing and citing historical information related to their collection of campaign-
related materials; however, most of the letters in the collections of Greeley and Weed
were not indexed, which made reading them a difficult but rewarding endeavor65
This study adds to the literature of the New York press by both building on the
work of past historians and adding an important institution to scholarly discussion. It
illustrates the nature of relationships among Greeley, Weed, and Seward by citing the
artifacts left by them in print, office, and party. It also provides an overview of a
communications network, whose New York base dominated the political machinery in
the antebellum era. The synthesis of evidence left by the firm with scholarly
interpretations provides the reader with a vision of the powerful firm of Greeley, Weed,
and Seward previously hidden by biographical accounts of individual personalities.
Significance of Historical Research
One of the most significant and potentially rewarding challenges in developing a
study of the firm from 1840 to 1860 was identifying facts that historians have either
neglected to synthesize into secondary accounts or misinterpreted because of scholarly
bias. The key point of doing such a history depended on the development of an analysis
that both confirmed facts and shed new light on them.
Even fewer scholars have examined specifically the partisan, election-related
materials produced by the firm that determined the outcome of campaigns during the
second party system.66 The study examined the context in which the combined efforts of
editors, writers, and politicians thrived during the mid-19111 century. At the same time, it
studied a particular aspect of Greeleys career that historians have only partially defined.
It suggested that in the elections between 1840 and 1860, key personalities, historical
events, and intellectual ideas transformed the Tribune and the Whig Party into institutions


15
that fulfilled an historic purpose: The Tribune survived the sectional crises of the 1850s,
and the Whig Party did not; however, Greeleys editorial skills preserved the most
resilient aspects of his early publications to create a Republican policy that endured.
After the Civil War, historians agreed that the firm played a determining role in
setting the agenda of the second party system, but few accounts articulated its impact on
subsequent campaigns. Fewer press histories have explored the era between the first
Whig and Republican presidents as a critical subject despite its enormous impact on
modern media. This dissertation sought enduring issues by implementing untapped
sources and contemporary methods. The sources cited throughout this dissertation were
intended to provide a clearer window into the firms political dynamic.67
When literature cited the association of Horace Greeley, William H. Seward, and
Thurlow Weed, it commonly referred to it as the firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley .
Greeley himself referred to his partnership as the firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley,
as reflected in the title of Chapter 38 in his autobiography.68 Weed also referred the firm
of Seward, Weed, and Greeley.69 For the purposes of this dissertation, which emphasizes
the importance of the Tribunes, effect on partisan politics, the firm was recast as
Greeley, Weed, and Seward to give Greeley an appropriate amount of credence.
Methodology
Editorials and articles from the Tribune, reflections of Greeleys motives, were
supported by correspondences between his journalistic and political allies and
antagonists. The context of Greeleys specific role was developed with references to
other prominent publications, especially New Yorks powerful Times and Herald, and
Weeds Albany Journal.70 Additional newspapers, which included New Yorks literary
journal Harper's Weekly, were analyzed on the basis of their contribution to key events in


16
19th century. Perspectives from outside New York were partly found in The Staunton
Spectator and The Valley Spirit, Chambersburg, Pa.71 Other newspapers in the South
were cited throughout the study, too, but the featured papers most appropriately depicted
the discourse between Northern and Southern interests Democratic, Whig and
Republican from the perspective of the firm.
In the 1840s and 1850s, the split between Northern and Southern Whigs became
acute, and publications allied with the Tribune, such as the staunch Republican Chicago
Tribune, took on a greater strategic importance.72 As the Whigs evolved into the
Republican Party, newspapers throughout the nation took on greater developmental and
cultural importance, but the newspapers cited revealed the central role of the Tribune as a
mouthpiece for Whig, Republican, Northern and ultimately Union ideals.
Special attention was paid to the editorials and articles written in the Tribune in the
days and weeks immediately preceding and following the elections of 1840, 44, 48, 52,
56 and 60. In determining the scope of materials to be studied, the months of October
and November played a significant role in the analysis of the firms campaign efforts.
Reviews of microfilm through entire yearly issues revealed that the efforts of editors to
make their partisan voices heard registered most loudly in the weeks before and after
each election. Significant statements were published in non-election months and years,
but the bulk of appropriate material from the Tribune in this study stemmed from a two-
month combination of pre-election commentary and post-election results.
Limitations were placed on the domain of data collected. Primary sources were
featured if they were written between 1840 and 1860 because the narrative provided a
chronology that limited study to events that occurred in the 20-year period. Events and


17
sources that fell outside this range were included only if they bore a direct value to the
studys sources and chronology. Conditions were also placed on the content of source
materials. Materials from Democratic newspapers were included only when they
provided direct commentary on the Tribune or other Whig and Republican publications.
The study set the foundation of the second party system on the party press era
(1783-1833) but did not discuss overtly the function of the first party system or the
nations first editors.73 Conclusions about the impact of the penny press era were limited
to the cumulative effect ofNew Yorks penny press on national political issues. The
intent of the study was not to provide a dialectic interpretation of Democratic partisanship
synthesized with Whig and Republican views; rather, it emphasized the role of the firm in
transforming national policy.
Web sources allowed strategic limitations on the volume of content. Key word
searches on computer databases assisted in providing narrow pools of articles and
campaign documents. Searches by key word included identification of the recurring
people, places, and issues associated with the study. The following words produced the
most significant hits at sites, which included HarpWeek, the Library of Congress, and the
Valley of the Shadow: Greeley, Tribune, Whigs, Republicans, penny press,
Harrison, Clay, Taylor, Scott, Frmont, Lincoln, Weed, Seward, and
campaigns. The same key words were identified visually in microfilm searches.74
Primary documents were interpreted using the theoretical designs proposed by
Startt and Sloan, which integrate methodological schools.75 The schools drew from
historians who focused on nationalist, romantic, developmental, progressive, consensus,
and cultural approaches. The progressive and cultural schools contributed most to this


18
study. When combined, these two approaches addressed the unique roles of Greeley and
the Tribune as shapers of ideology and reflections of US. culture before the Civil War.
The study featured a distinct interrelationship between the firm and the social
context in which its members lived. The political ambitions of the firm could not be
separated from the complex political issues of the era, which included slavery,
temperance, and homestead and tarifflegislation, among the Tribune's daily features. The
bibliography included the broadest available range of primary artifacts from the era, such
as correspondences, legal documents, private letters, and unpublished manuscripts.
In citing primary and secondary sources, the research addressed issues of causation,
the verifiability of historical facts, and interpretive bias in order to construct a narrative as
close to true events as possible. One of the first steps taken to address such issues was
with the development of an evolving bibliography, which consisted of letters, journal
articles, biographies, newspaper articles, scholarly accounts, and campaign documents. It
remained open to the addition of new sources, too, from a collection of 19th century
campaign materials that has yet to be featured in secondary or scholarly literature.
The secondary accounts, while carrying the weight of academic credibility, begged
the most scrutiny. Scholarly interpretation of Greeley and the Tribune has been
necessarily broad, and at the same time, it has produced accounts of poor quality or
biased research agendas. While part of the task of this study consisted of finding fresh
evidence, it also sifted through literally hundreds of interpretations, a number of which
were either problematic or exposed room for additional study.
For example, a number of histories demonstrated a tendency to assess the character
of anti- or pro-slavery advocates in contemporary terms rooted in civil-rights


19
consciousness. Such an approach imposed a level of present-mindedness on an era of
history that operated under circumstances remarkably different than later conditions. In
an attempt to check present-minded interpretations, the language of primary documents
was interpreted by immersion and relative to the texts of the era.76
Two types of evaluation were used to authenticate sources and to establish
credibility and understanding of their content: 1) External criticism, which addressed
authorship and dates of the sources through analysis of content and comparison of
various texts, if possible with the original record; 2) Internal criticism, which addressed
the credibility of the sources, as well as determining literal and real meaning of words,
including colloquial expressions, terms, and concepts from the period. Articles were
cross-referenced with other newspapers to identify key figures and events when particular
details were otherwise ambiguous.77
The study focused on the partisan agenda of the firm prior to the Civil War because
it is an area yet to be explored in press-related terms. It represented events, people, and
the cultural contexts that may have contributed indirectly to the war itself, without
making claims of causation: To do so would express the fallacy of direct, singular
causation, which plagues secondary accounts.78
Primary sources included the private papers of Horace Greeley and Thurlow Weed.
The letters of Abraham Lincoln were secured from the Library of Congress Web site.79
Newspaper articles were selected from the microfilm and microfiche collections of The
New York Tribune. Original copies of the Log Cabin were reviewed at the Library of
Congress. Other primary sources include the letters and speeches of contemporaries as
preserved in Duke Universitys Horace Greeley Collection and the Thurlow Weed Papers


20
at the University of New York, Rochester. The most illustrative primary sources included
the indexed campaign materials at the HarpWeek Web site, which featured artifacts of the
social transformation between 1840 and 1860. This transformation can be discovered in
campaign paraphernalia, editorials, and even satirical cartoons that continue to offer
constructive interpretations of the second party system.80
The documents in the Greeley and Weed papers were photocopies of their private
papers, which included letters from Whig and journalistic associates. Of particular
interest were the letters to Weed from Greeley (and vice versa.) The letters also included
early correspondences with Seward, Webster, Granger, and other early Whig influences
through Reconstruction. A few of the most remarkable letters from the collections have
been typeset in the biographies and autobiographies of the primary subjects. In such
cases, the accuracy of the transcribers was verified with the original text.
No such transcription existed for the majority of letters in the collections, and the
author relied on his first-hand readings of the manuscripts. The physical condition of
these primary documents was at times poor, but the letters provided some of the most
direct primary evidence concerning the nature of Whig and Republican partisanship and
opposition to Jacksonian Democracy. Elsewhere, the workings of Greeleys fevered
brain were apparent in the erratic or scribbled-like quality of his writing.81
The combined collections provided access to Greeleys most private thoughts,
which created some of the 19th centurys most enduring ideas and political platforms.
Emersion in secondary accounts revealed that scholars have yet to provide a
comprehensive analysis of Greeleys writings despite more than 130 years of study.82


21
Structure of Dissertation
The partisanship of the firm is presented in narrative form with two major concepts
tying the thesis together. Chapters 2 to 5 provide an overview of the firm and the second
party system. The chapters analyze presidential campaigns between 1840 and 1852,
which include the firms greatest victories and defeats. The pre-Republican elections
supply a context for interpreting the firm as an institution that influenced the world in
which Greeley, Weed, and Seward lived.
Chapter 2 sets the historical background and context for the Tippecanoe and Tyler,
Too campaign. It profiles the dynamics of the second party system by providing an
introduction to Weed, Seward, and other personalities, who would compete for a spot in
the political landscape of subsequent campaigns. It features Greeleys use of modem
campaign tactics, which included pre-election projection and image promotion. Chapter 3
introduces candidates James Knox Polk, Henry Clay, James G. Birney, and the evolving
Whig establishment. It reviews the context in which the penny press emerged by focusing
on Greeleys contribution to the circulation-driven industry. Chapter 4 introduces Whig
candidate Zachary Taylor and provides an account of his surprise victory. The chapter
also describes the impact of the death of Taylor, who was the second Whig president to
die in office, on Greeley, Weed, Seward, and the nation. Chapter 5 reviews the failed
campaign of 1852 and the rise of the sectional hostilities. Greeleys apprentice and
nemesis, Henry J Raymond of the New York Times, played a significant role in the 1852
election, and his role as a partisan editor is featured accordingly.
The second set of events and characters featured provide an account of the rise of
the Republican Party in the elections of 1856 and 1860. Chapters 6 to 8 profile Greeleys
leadership role in the new, third party system. This part of the narrative adds to the


22
chronology of previous chapters, but it also provides a context for the events that led to
the Civil War. It balances the arguments of the abolitionists and pro-slavery partisan
materials as they appeared in newspapers across the country.
Chapter 6 features the campaign of 1856 as the Republicans first organized
attempt to capture the presidency after Pierce and a Democratic Congress failed to quell
violence in Kansas. The chapter also explains factors that contributed to the dissolution of
the firm of Greeley, Weed, and Seward, a landmark event in determining the subsequent
election of Abraham Lincoln. Chapter 7 brings the firms influence to a climax. It
features the events at Harpers Ferry and John Browns trial as a defining moment in the
careers of Greeley, Weed, and Seward. It cites articles from Northern and Southern
papers, whose editors were already at war over sectional interests, in determining the fate
of John Brown Chapter 8 focuses attention on the Republican convention in Chicago. It
explains how Greeley used tactics similar to those in the Harrison campaign to secure
Lincolns presidency. It brings to a conclusion his relationship with the firm: Weed had
expected Seward would be the next president, but Greeleys role in denying the success
of the endeavor changed the course of US. history.
The Conclusion assesses the legacy of the firms victories, which were tempered by
the national tragedies of war. It explains how the firm succeeded in creating the third
party system and contributed to problems associated with it. The Conclusion focuses on
Greeleys contributions to a liberal-democratic discourse and assesses his role in the
formation of the Republican Party. It cites his campaign for the presidency in 1872 as a
closing chapter in the era of the New York penny press.


23
Implications
The personalities of Greeley, Weed, and Seward were complex, but their characters
could be at least partly discovered in their personal letters and papers and the reflections
of their contemporaries. Their psychological dispositions were also partly revealed in the
general legibility of their letters and personal memos. Greeleys writings provided an
especially intriguing sample of the troubled mind of a 19th century intellectual giant.
What made Greeleys life in particular even more remarkable was the controversy
that surrounded him. During his life and afterwards, he was both lambasted as a self-
seeking, office-driven pundit and received as a champion for fairness and civility.83 As a
result, subsequent generations of historians have been divided in assessments of his
character: Some have praised Greeleys altruism and portray him as an honest reformer;
others have ascribed to him egomaniacal motives that were influential but vain.84
In spite of past and more recent detractors, the professional masterpiece of Greeley
and the firm was their concerted challenge to the Democratic status quo over a 20-year
period 85 This study placed the development of an Anti-Jackson counter-revolution
primarily in the hands of this three-member institution. It cited Greeleys work with the
Tribune, Weeds published opinions and his behind-the-scenes maneuvers, and Sewards
official statements and actions as the driving force behind the development of a lasting
democratic discourse in U S. history.
Holt has paid particular attention to the response of the Whigs to socio-economic
conditions, but the focus of his approach was primarily on the political aspects of events
in the antebellum era. This dissertation featured Greeley as a leader who was committed
to journalism as an industry and a civic endeavor. It discovered a figure that has been
either misunderstood or misrepresented by scholars, one that was simultaneously creative


24
and conservative: Despite evidence that suggested Greeley did not completely abandon
his own interest in political office, this study argued that he pursued an idealistic interest
in the material and moral well being of the nation.86
The editor of the New York Tribune, Whig Party apologist, Republican ally and
Democratic presidential nominee in many ways was a renaissance man. His genius was
his ability to register in print the voices of his readers, constituents, partisan spokesmen,
and himself.87 Evidence in the literature and propaganda from the campaigns of 1840,
44, 48, 52, 56 and 60 revealed his model of a movement that bridged across sectional
lines and built a coalition, the Republican Party, which survived the trials of war 88
Gaps in the historical record of the national antebellum discourse have yet to be
fdled, but the primary importance of the Tribune is clear. It developed relative to other
national publications, especially New Yorks powerful Times and Herald, which were in
turn influenced by their proximity to the nexus of Whig activity the firm of Greeley,
Weed, and Seward.89 This dissertation provides an account of the firm as a force behind
an internal, national revolution by introducing three characters primarily responsible for
building the third party system.
Notes
1 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York:
G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946), 171.
2 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York:
G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946), 171, 172.
3 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 113.
From the slouching Whig defeat of 1836, wrote Greeley, lay the germ of the
overwhelming Whig triumph of 1840.


25
4Ronald P. Formisano, Differential-Participant Politics: The Early Republics
Political Culture, 1789-1840, The American Political Science Review, 68 (1974), 479-
483.
5 Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), xiii.
6 Daniel Walker Howe, The Evangelical Movement and Political Culture in the
North During the Second Party System, 77ie Journal of American History, 77, 4 (March
1991), 1216-1239.
7 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, Thurlow Weed, Wizard of the Lobby (Boston: Little,
Brown and Co., 1947), 253, 254. A beaming smile, a smile of unspeakable triumph,
illuminated the face of Horace Greeley as he sat amid the Oregon delegation. The great
moralist and disappointed office seeker was happy, Van Deusen wrote. The great
endeavor [to elect Seward] had ended in a great defeat.
8 John R. Commons, Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the
Republican Party, Political Science Quarterly, 24 (September 1909), 466-488. Greeley
was to the social revolution of the [1840s] what Thomas Jefferson was to the political
revolution of 1800, according to Commons. He was the Tribune of the People, the
spokesman of their discontent, the champion of their nostrums.
9 Frederic Bancroft, The Life of William H. Seward (New York, London: Harper
and Brothers, 1900), 540; Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His
Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84,
Vol. 2), 271.
10 Ronald P. Formisano, Differential-Participant Politics: The Early Republics
Political Culture, 1789-1840, The American Political Science Review, 68 (1974), 479-
483. Formisano suggested the Whig Party first emerged after the death of the National
Republicans in 1836. Patronage shifted from a patron-client relationship to one based on
party, and the influence of family and local notables could be expected to decline. In the
context of party, expanded suffrage, and a mobilized electorate, political party patronage
increasingly mediated between citizens and government, according to Formisano. In the
absence of parties before the 1830s, militia outfits, political societies, and secret orders
such as the Freemasons may have acted as recruiting and training agents for the political
establishment generally. More than any other word, deference characterizes eighteenth
century Whig political culture by referring directly to mens ideas and unspoken
assumptions about how society actually worked.
11 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York:
G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946), 162, 163. From the Tribune. The passage of the Nebraska


26
bill will arouse and consolidate the most gigantic, determined and overwhelming party
for freedom that the world has ever known.
12 James L. Crouthamel, Bennetts New York Herald and the Rise of the Popular
Press (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1989), x. The Herald, according to
Crouthamel, was not an organ of any party. The Herald spoke only for Bennett, who
was among the first to drive circulation-based papers into the forefront of mass media.
Bennett competed with Greeley in sales and succeeded remarkably by creating an
attractive and useful product for which there was a widespread but untapped demand.
13 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno, 1868), 136.
On the tenth day of April, 1841 a day of most unseasonable chill and sleet and snow, -
our city held her great funeral parade and pageant in honor of our lost President, who had
died six days before, Greeley wrote. On that leaden, funereal morning, the most
inhospitable of the year, I issued the first number of The New York Tribune.
14 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467. A more
pronounced party paper for popular circulation was needed, and in 1840, under the
auspices of the Whig State Committee, Mr. Greeley started the Log Cabin, Weed
wrote. The Log Cabin was zealous, spirited, and became universally popular. The
singing of patriotic songs at political meetings had its origin in that year, which was long,
and is even yet, remembered as the Tippecanoe and Tyler too Campaign [sic.]
15 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467. While at
Albany during the year he was dieing the Jeffersonian, Mr. Greeley was our guest, and
we became not only intimate politically but socially, Weed wrote. I formed a high
estimate of his ability and character confidently anticipating for a career alike honorable
and useful to himself and his country.
16 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 468. Weed
attributed Greeleys alienation among New York Whigs to his chronic interest in
Fourierism, an American breed of communism, which was taking hold in Europe through
the teachings of Marx.
17 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, An Interpretive
History of the Mass Media 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978), 129.
18 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 271. Weed
quoted Greeleys explanation for his actions in Chicago. The past is dead, Greeley said.
Let the dead past bury it, and let its mourners, if they will, go about the streets.


27
19 Frederic Bancroft, The Life of William H. Seward (New York, London: Harper
and Brothers, 1900), 540. Bancrofts analysis of Chicago convention noted the personal
dimensions of the characters involved arguably, accounts of creative fiction cross-
referenced with primary sources, which indicated the Chicago convention was a critical
moment in U.S. political history. Lincolns nomination so completely devastated
Weed, Bancroft wrote, that he lost his habitual prudence and stoical self-possession,
and gave way, at first, to angry words and tears. See also: Thurlow Weed, Life of
Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York:
Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 271.
20 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno, 1868), 315-318
[excerpts from Greeleys letter ] HORACE GREELEY TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD
[sic,] New York, Saturday Evening, November 11, 1854, Governor Seward, Greeley
wrote. The Election is over, and its results sufficiently ascertained. It seems to me a
fitting time to announce to you the dissolution of the political firm of Seward, Weed, and
Greeley, by the withdrawal of the junior partner.
21 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 490. Weed
cited the lyrics to one of the more popular tunes at Whig rallies. What has caused this
great commotion motion motion motion, Our country through, It is the ball a-rolling
on, For Tippecanoe and Tyler, too, For Tippecanoe and Tyler, too. And with them well
beat little Van, Van, Van, is a used up man.
22 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno, 1868.)
Greeleys autobiography was the most valuable source about his life. It contained his
reflections on politics, religion, and journalism, as well as editorials written in the
Tribune and the other papers he helped to build. Greeley was complex in descriptions of
his beliefs, vacillating, even contradictory in discussions about socialism and
individualism.
23 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 468. Greeleys
sympathy with and friendship for the toiling millions led him to favor associations and
unions of laborers and journeymen, Weed wrote, organizations which, countenanced by
the widely circulating Tribune, became as formidable as they were mischievous.
24 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988.) Fischers text contains an inventory of Whig campaign paraphernalia.
25 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855.)
James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley, Editor of the New York Tribune, From His Birth to
the Present Time (Boston: James Osgood and Co., 1872.)


28
26 Wm David Sloan, Perspectives on Mass Communication History (Hillsdale,
NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1991), 138.
27 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York:
G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946) Stoddard connected Greeley with the naming of the
Republican Party, although his attribution of sources was not entirely clear.
28 John R. Commons, Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the
Republican Party, Political Science Quarterly, 24 (September 1909), 472.
29 John R. Commons, Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the
Republican Party, Political Science Quarterly, 24 (September 1909), 468-488.
30 Paul Goodman, The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States:
Accommodation and Resistance to the Market Revolution, 1840-1880, The Journal of
American History, 80, 2 (September 1993), 486. A secure . humble home, Greeley
wrote, will yet be established as one of the cardinal principles of the Republican Polity.
31 Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999.)
32 Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), x.
33 Michael F Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), 46.
34 Michael F. Holt, The Election of 1840, Voter Mobilization, and the
Emergence of the Second American Party System: A Reappraisal of Jacksonian Voting
Behavior, A Master's Due: Essays in Honor of David Herbert Donald, ed. William J
Cooper Jr., Michael F. Holt, and John McCardell (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State
University, 1985), 16-58.
35 New York Daily Tribune, Jan. 26, 1854. The only question remaining from the
Kansas-Nebraska legislation was, according to the Tribune, whether northern sentiment
can be aroused and consolidated in solid phalanx against the atrocious proposition The
fools at Washington believe it cannot. We believe that it can! The United States will
extinguish slavery before slavery can extinguish the United States [sic.]
36 Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), x.


29
37 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467.
38 Abraham Oakey Hall, Horace Greeley Decently Dissected, in a Letter on
Horace Greeley, Addressed by A. Oakey Hall to Joseph Hoxie, esq., (New York: Ross &
Tousey, 1862.)
39 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, Horace Greeley, Nineteenth-Century Crusader (New
York: Hill and Wang, 1953, 1964), 251.
40 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, Horace Greeley, Nineteenth-Century Crusader (New
York: Hill and Wang, 1953, 1964), 249-253.
41 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84.)
42 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, Thurlow Weed, Wizard of the Lobby (Boston: Little,
Brown and Co., 1947), 227.
43 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop, William Henry Seward (Boston and New York:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896), 55-61. Seward was elected governor of New York in 1838.
He began addressing slavery most outspokenly in 1848 Whig campaign for presidency
and delivered speeches on the subject in New York, New England, Pennsylvania, New
Jersey, Delaware, and Ohio. In February 1849, he was chosen Senator for New York.
44 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop, William Henry Seward (Boston and New York:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896), 1, 2. Sewards father, Dr. Samuel S. Seward, was a
physician of good standing, and his grandfather John Seward served in the American
Revolution with New Jerseys First Sussex Regiment.
45 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, William Henry Seward (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1967.) See also: John M. Taylor, William Henry Seward: Lincolns
Right Hand(Washington, DC.: Brasseys, 1996.)
46 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, William Henry Seward (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1967), 251.
47 John Bigelow, William Cullen Bryant (Boston and New York: Arno & The
New York Times, 1893.) The Post editor has been omitted from the bulk of secondary
texts analyzing Whig and Republican politics, although Bryant is an important character
in 19th century press history, especially the Liberal Republican campaign of 1872.
48 Horace Greeley, Recollections ofaBusyLife (New York: Amo, 1868), 312.


30
49Frederic Bancroft, The Life of William H. Seward (New York, London: Harper
and Brothers, 1900), 518. On March 1, 1860, the Tribune suggested Sewards speech
would be of the greatest importance to the party if it should be widely read and that the
only way for the Republicans to triumph in 1860 would be to overcome the terror of
Sewardism and the higher law by putting this speech in every house in the tree states.
50 Kenneth M. Stampp, And the War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis
1860-1861 (Binghamton, NY: Louisiana State University Press, 1950), 136.
51 Kenneth M. Stampp, And the War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis
1860-1861 (Binghamton, NY: Louisiana State University Press, 1950.)
52 Harlan Hoyt Horner, Lincoln and Greeley (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois
Press, 1953.) Primary sources cited throughout include Greeleys book The American
Conflict (Chicago and Hartford: O D Case & Co., 1864-66, Vol. 1.), and David Mearns
collection The Abraham Lincoln Papers (Garden City, NY: Doubleday and Co., 1948.)
53 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855.)
James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley, Editor of the New York Tribune, From His Birth to
the Present Time (Boston: James Osgood and Co., 1872 )
54 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 19,
20. New Hampshire, the native State of Horace Greeley, was settled in part by colonists
from Massachusetts and Connecticut, and in part by emigrants from the north of Ireland.
The latter were called Scotch-Irish, for a reason which a glance at their history will
show, Parton wrote. Londonderry, the capital of which, called by the same name, had
been sacked and razed during the [Irish rebellion of 1612 ] The city was now rebuilt by a
company of adventurers from London, and the county was settled by a colony from
Argyleshire in Scotland, who were thenceforth called Scotch-Irish.
55 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855.)
James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley, Editor of the New York Tribune, From His Birth to
the Present Time (Boston: James Osgood and Co., 1872), 208-217; Horace Greeley,
Association Discussed; or. The Socialism of the Tribune Examined, Being a Controversy
Between the New York Tribune and the Courier and Enquirer, by H. Greeley and H.J.
Raymond (New York: Harper), 1847.
56 Horace Greeley, The American Conflict (Chicago and Hartford: O.D. Case &
Co, 1864-66, Vol. 1.)
57 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno, 1868), 94.
58 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co, 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467. The first
number of the Jeffersonian appeared in February 1838.


31
59 Francis Brown, Raymond of the Times (New York: Norton, 1951), 5. Shrill
partisanship had no place in the Jeffersonian, according to Brown. Instead, Greeley
filled its pages with general political news, with Congressional speeches, with articles on
political subjects, for he aimed, he said, to convince and win by candor and
moderation, rather than overbear by passion and vehemence.
60 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno, 1868), Chapter
38, Seward, Weed, and Greeley, provided one of the most direct treatments of the
controversial partnership. Greeley reserved praise for Seward but acknowledges his
admiration for the mans dedication to the abolitionist cause. Apart form politics, I like
the man [Seward], though not blind to his faults. His natural instincts were humane and
progressive, Greeley wrote. Mr. Thurlow Weed was of coarser mould and fibre tall,
robust, dark-featured, shrewd, resolute, and not over-scrupulous, keen-sighted, though
not far-seeing. Writing slowly and with difficulty, he was for twenty years the most
sententious and pungent writer of editorial paragraphs on the American press.
61 Paul Goodman, The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States:
Accommodation and Resistance to the Market Revolution, 1840-1880, The Journal of
American History, 80, 2 (September 1993), 483, In 1846, Gerrit Smith, a wealthy upstate
New York landowner and a leader of the Liberty Party, and other antislavery leaders
endorsed homestead exemption.
62 Paul Goodman, The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States:
Accommodation and Resistance to the Market Revolution, 1840-1880, The Journal of
American History, 80, 2 (September 1993), 482; Michael Holt, Winding Roads to
Recovery: The Whig Party from 1844 to 1848, Essays on American Antebellum Politics,
1840-1860, eds. Stephen E. Maislish and John J. Kushma (College Station, TX: Texas
A&M University, 1982), 122-165.
63 Horace Greeley Papers, Durham, NC: Duke University; Thurlow Weed Papers,
New York: University of Rochester.
64 Horace Greeley Papers, Durham, NC: Duke University; Thurlow Weed Papers,
New York: University of Rochester. Issues of the Log Cabin, reviewed at the Library of
Congress during the summer of 2001, were especially revealing.
65 Harpers Weekly [online]. New York: Harpers Magazine Co., accessed: Feb. 5,
2003; available at http://app.harpweek.com and http://elections.harpweek.com/. The Harp
Week Web sites featured articles from Harper's Weekly, a leading 19th century literary
journal, and political prints and cartoons. Political satirist Thomas Nast contributed to
Harpers Weekly throughout the late 1800s, and his work played a critical role in
Greeleys failed campaign during the 1872 election. The site included the work of artists
from Vanity Fair, Frank Leslies Illustrated Weekly, and Puck. It archived and indexed
the Library of Congress Collection of American Political Prints from 1766-1876, In


32
addition to explanations of each cartoon, the site contained biographies, explanations of
the issues, campaign overviews, and other relevant historical information.
66 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, An Interpretive
History of the Mass Media 4lh ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978), 126.
More books have been written about Greeley than about any other American of the
period, except Lincoln, according to Emery.
67 George William Curtis wrote in Harper's Weekly, Jan. 5, 1854, that Greeleys
editorials had become the drumbeat of the nation. Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace
Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York: G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946), 162-164.
Greeley at once became the banner-bearer of a new party, the herald and harbinger of a
free Union, Stoddard wrote. The daily issue ofThe Tribune was a startling drum-beat
and The Weekly Tribune became an incessant broadside.
68 Horace Greeley, Recollections ofaBusyLife (New York: Arno, 1868), 311.
69 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 554.
70 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York:
G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946), 171, 172. In 1838, Weed brought Greeley to Albany to edit
the Jeffersonian. It would seem that no other three men could possibly be better fitted to
work together, Stoddard wrote. Weed sought the power of politics; Greeley sought the
power of the printed word; Seward sought distinction in statesmanship. No one of the
three men apparently wanted what the other two desired.
71 Edward L. Ayers, The Valley of the Shadow: Living the Civil War in
Pennsylvania and Virginia, [online], Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia,
accessed: Feb. 5, 2003; http://jefferson.village.virginia.edu/vshadow/vshadow.html; Both
newspapers, The Staunton Spectator and The Valley Spirit, are available at The Valley of
the Shadow project.
72 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York:
G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946), 167. Joseph Medill aroused Republican followers in
Cleveland, Ohio, after becoming editor of the Chicago Tribune in 1856. Greeley
responded to Medills query about the new Republican Party, Go ahead, my friend, with
your proposed Republican party [sic,] and may God bless you, Greeley wrote. I hope
you will have the best of luck. The time has indeed come to bury our beloved [Whig]
party; it is dead. But we have many fool friends who insist it is only in a comatose state
and will recover, but I tell them it is dead still, I dare not yet in New York announce the
demise of the party and call for the reorganization of a new one. But do you go ahead on
the Western reserve and commence the work. I like the name for it. If you can get the
name Republican started in the West it will grow in the East. I fully agree to the new
name and the new christening.


33
73 Wm. David Sloan, Perspectives on Mass Communication History, The Party
Press, 1783-1833: Political Sycophant or Party Leader? (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence
Earlbaum Associates, 1991), 58-73. Historians have placed the party press between the
formation of the first party system and the collapse of the National Republicans.
74 Harpers Weekly [online]. New York: Harpers Magazine Co., accessed: Feb. 5,
2003; available at http://app.harpweek.com and http://elections.harpweek.com/.
HarpWeek offered access to Harper's Weekly, the Journal of Civilization, a popular
Id"1 century publication and a leader in covering the Civil War; Abraham Lincoln Papers
at the Library of Congress [online], Galesburg, IL: Knox College, accessed: Feb. 5, 2003;
available at: http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/aihtml/malhome.html; Edward L. Ayers,
The Valley of the Shadow: Living the Civil War in Pennsylvania and Virginia,
[online], Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia, accessed: Feb. 5, 2003; available at:
http://jefferson.village.virginia.edu/vshadow/vshadow.html.
75 James Startt and William Sloan, Historical Methods in Mass Communication
(Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Earlbaum Associates, 1989.)
76 Gregory Borchard, Civil Rights Consciousness: The Southern Press and the
15th Amendment, Masters Thesis, University of Minnesota, 1999. The author used a
similar approach in writing his masters thesis in which he analyzed editorials written in
three Southern newspapers at the passage of landmark civil-rights legislation. Issues of
the study included the necessity of interpreting texts without the biases of modern civil-
rights causes or the racial prejudices of 19th century editors.
77 Allan Nevins, The Gateway to History (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Co.,
Inc., 1962.)
78 Kenneth M. Stampp, And the War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis
1860-1861 (Binghamton, NY: Louisiana State University Press 1950.)
79 Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress [online], Galesburg, IL:
Knox College, accessed: Feb. 5, 2003; available at:
http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/alhtml/malhome.html.
80 Harpers Weekly [online]. New York: Harpers Magazine Co., accessed: Feb. 5,
2003; available at http://app.harpweek.com and http://elections.harpweek.com/.
81 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 315-
321. Greeley wrote Seward in 1854 complaining of apparent infirmities. I have no
further wish but to glide out of the newspaper world as quietly and as speedily as
possible, join my family in Europe, and, if possible, stay there quite a time, he wrote,
long enough to cool my fevered brain and renovate my overtasked energies.
82 Thurlow Weed Papers, New York: University of Rochester.


34
83 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467.
84 Abraham Oakey Hall, Horace Greeley Decently Dissected, in a Letter on
Horace Greeley, Addressed by A. Oakey Hall to Joseph Hoxie, esq., (New York: Ross &
Tousey, 1862.) Hoxie compared himself to David taking on Goliath. His scathing critique
of Greeleys editorial and political policies was a radical departure from most texts. His
self-proclaimed mission was to point out for posterity the hypocrisies, vanities, and
frivolities of some demi-god [Greeley] of a fanatical mob; and in demonstrating that the
patriotism of this demi-god was only a thin cloak that time rotted away.
85 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York:
G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946), 166. Various accounts of the origins of the Republican Party
were reviewed. Stoddard recognized Greeleys direct role. He wrote that Greeley heard in
1854 from Asahel N. Cole, editor of the Genesee Valley Free Press, called a convention
to meet and organize a political party to oppose Douglas Kansas-Nebraska legislation.
Cole asked Greeley to suggest a name. Call it Republican no prefix, no suffix, just
plain Republican, was Greeleys brief, historic reply. And, early in May, the name
Republican was flung to the breeze, as country weeklies then loved to say pridefully,
from the masthead of the Free Press the first newspaper to display it.
86 A Memorial of Horace Greeley, (New York: The Tribune Association, 1873.)
Greeley ran for president, ironically, as a Democrat in 1872 against Republican
incumbent Ulysses S. Grant. He was defeated, due in part to criticisms from fellow
editors and newspapers, which ran scathing critiques of his political/editorial hybrid.
Greeley died heartbroken in a sanitarium shortly afterwards.
87 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno, 1868), Chapter
38, Seward, Weed, and Greeley.
88 John R. Commons, Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the
Republican Party, Political Science Quarterly, 24 (September 1909), 466-488.
89 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York:
G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946), 171, 172.


CHAPTER 2
MARKETING THE HARRISON PRESIDENCY: THE LOG CABIN, HARD TIMES,
AND HARD CIDER, TOO
Horace Greeley, editor of the Log Cabin, enjoyed his first major political victory in
1840 with the election of Whig candidate William Henry Harrison to the presidency,
Greeleys role in the race revolutionized the art of campaign polemics. He was successful
because he tailored Harrisons image to meet the desires of an excited electorate.
Harrison was promoted as the Log Cabin Candidate, which set the tone for one of the
first endeavors in mass marketing.1
The Log Cabin and other Whig publications circulated campaign proposals and
literature in the form of editorials, articles, advertisements, announcements, and
broadsheets. The successes of the Harrison campaign relied on a saturation of the
electorate with image-building materials. The campaign featured a host of material tokens
and paraphernalia to accompany the revelry of supporters.2
The Whigs maximized their support by developing ads that addressed the
struggling economy. Log cabins of the nations westward settlements were co-opted as
symbols of freedom and security on an array of campaign materials. Greeley shaped the
Whigs image into a desirable one by cross-marketing literature and propaganda with
assorted songs, ads, and material tokens. Newspaper and journal articles reinforced
Whig-organized activities including rallies, parades, meetings, and dances.
35


36
Greeley: A Marked Man
Greeley was a marked person from his earliest childhood, according to
biographer James Parton. He was bom in the farm town of Amherst, N.H., Feb. 3, 1811,
the third of seven children.3 Friends remembered him with a vividness and affection
very extraordinary.4 His father had been reduced in the panic of 1819 from the position
of small farmer to that of day laborer. At the age of 15, Horace turned to an
apprenticeship in a printing office, then a tramp printer for extra income. The enterprise
failed, and he drifted east in 1831.
At the age of 20, he arrived in New York with just $10 to his name.5 He found
refuge in the midst of the first Workingmens Party meetings, which organized for the
rights of laborers.6 For five years, he traveled throughout the state, sustaining himself as
an itinerant printer, reading voraciously between jobs. After part-time work as a
compositor, he landed a permanent position with the Evening Post. Shortly afterwards,
partner Francis Story and he set up a shop of their own and printed a small weekly on
contract. The main revenue from the newspaper came from lottery advertising, a
circumstance his rivals never let him forget.7
Greeley was 28 when he first met Thurlow Weed, boss of the New York Whig
Party. Weed took an interest in acquiring Greeleys services after reading the New-
Yorker, one of Greeleys first successful ventures. In casting about for an editor it
occurred to me, Weed wrote, that there was some person connected with the New-
Yorker, a literary journal published in that city, possessing the qualities needed for our
new enterprise. Weed felt sure that its editor was a strong tariff man, and probably an
equally strong Whig. He found Greeley in the office of the journal, a young man with


37
light hair and blonde complexion, with coat off and sleeves rolled up, standing at the
case, stick in hand.8
Weed was in the process of producing the Jeffersonian, a news journal that featured
Whig activities. He sat down in the composing room with Greeley. When Weed informed
him of the object of his visit, Greeley was surprised, but evidently gratified, Weed
wrote. Greeley suggested the name for the new newspaper, and Weed approved.9 The
first number of the Jeffersonian appeared in February 1838. The issued, dated March 3,
1838, marked the christening of the political firm of Greeley, Weed, and Seward.10
The Jeffersonian was not meant to be a party newspaper in the ordinary
acceptation of that term. The purpose of the newspaper was to present the views of
public men on both sides of the great political questions of the day, and to exhibit, as far
as may be, the sentiments and opinions of all.11 Greeley conducted the journal with
marked ability, Weed wrote, discussing measures clearly, calmly, and forcibly,
exerting during the year of its existence a wide and beneficial influence.12 Greeley made
a point of avoiding the demagoguery common in newspapers of the Party Press, an era he
wanted to relegate to the past. Shrill partisanship had no place in the Jeffersonian, he
wrote. Instead, Greeley filled the newspapers pages with general political news,
Congressional speeches, and articles on political subjects, for he aimed to convince and
win by candor and moderation, rather than overbear by passion and vehemence.13
The life of the newspaper was relatively short, but it was instrumental in launching
Greeleys career. One year after the opening issue, Greeley announced he would be
moving on to greater pursuits. He thanked readers in the closing issue for supporting the
endeavor. He believed fully that he had made no assertion he did not fully believe to be


38
true, nor had he advanced any arguments that he did not honestly believe to be sound.
Greeley closed his labors with the Jeffersonian, he wrote, with a gratifying conviction
that they will have been regarded by his readers with a respect for his sincerity, however,
humble may be their estimate of his ability.14
The Mastermind and the Higher Law of the Whigs
Weed began a career of influence as an apprentice printer in upstate New York.15
Between 1809 and 1817, he worked as a journeyman and became interested in politics as
a follower of DeWitt Clinton, a forerunner of the Whigs whose platform included
building material improvements for state and national infrastructures. Weed rendered his
editorial services in the 1824 campaign but for which John Quincy Adams would not
have been President. By 1825, his work at the Rochester Telegraph helped launch him
to political power. He purchased the Telegraph and used it to promote his candidates.16
Weed built his reputation as an opponent of mob rule by blasting the Caesarism
of the Jackson administration. He held strong anti-Masonic principles in a day when
Masonry was a burning political issue. The Anti-Masonic Party with which Weed had
been affiliated raised funds to establish a newspaper at Albany, and Weed was made
editor of the Albany Evening Journal while he was still a leader in the Assembly.17
The Journal appeared in February 1830, and under Weed, it became the official
organ of the New York Whigs. Greeley and other Whigs gave Weed much of the credit
for electing Seward governor in 1838.18 During the 1840 campaign, Weed ran editorials
that strengthened the Harrison campaign. The Journal suggested the Whigs embodied
the hopes of the humble of the privations of the poor ... the emblem of rights that the
vain and insolent aristocracy of federal office-holders have . trampled on.19


39
Weed was loyal to Greeley. He consistently praised his associate despite their
prolonged business-related fallout. Our sentiments and opinions of public measures and
public men harmonized perfectly, Weed wrote. Our only difference was that upon the
temperance, slavery, and labor questions he was more ardent and hopeful. In this I gave
him credit for fresher and less disciplined feelings. Weed considered Greeley unselfish,
conscientious, public spirited, and patriotic. He had no habits or tastes but for work,
steady, indomitable work.20 But after Greeley dissolved his association with the firm in
1854, he tempered praise of the junior partner reflected on letters he received from
Greeley, who persistently but futilely sought office, as earnest and pathetic.21
Greeley considered Weed a friend, too, although the two antagonized each other
over preferred candidates for particular offices.22 Weed was of coarser mould and fibre
[sic] than Seward tall, robust, dark-featured, shrewd, resolute, and not over-
scrupulous, keen-sighted, though not far-seeing, Greeley wrote. Writing slowly and
with difficulty, he was for twenty years the most sententious and pungent writer of
editorial paragraphs on the American press.23
Greeley did not hold the same disdain for Weed as he did for Seward because
Seward had what Greeley wanted most in life political office. Seward was bom May
16, 1801, in Orange County, Warwick, Fla. His patrician background gave him a natural
advantage over Greeley in their quests for public office. Sewards father Dr. Samuel S.
Seward was a physician of good standing, and his grandfather John Seward served in the
American Revolution with New Jerseys First Sussex Regiment.24
Seward had previously been elected state senator in 1830. He lost soundly to
William Marcy in his first campaign for Governor of New York in 1834.25 Sewards rise


40
in the national political scene coincided with the Whig response to the 1837 panic. While
editing the Jeffersonian in Albany, Greeley wrote and reported legislative proceedings for
Weeds Journal and contributed to Sewards election as governor in 1838. After
Sewards election, Greeley, perhaps too humbly, downplayed his role in the election by
suggesting his editorial assistance was worth nothing.26
Seward took notice of Greeleys skill in the 1838 and 1840 campaigns, and he
welcomed Greeley as a member of the firm. The two kept a cool distance throughout
their careers. Greeley admired Seward, apart from his politics, he wrote, though not
blind to his faults. Sewards natural instincts were humane and progressive, and he
hated slavery and all its belongings.27
The Second Party System
The second party system emerged from the early republics absence of formal
parties. Prior to the 1830s, militia outfits, political societies, and secret orders such as the
Freemasons may have acted as recruiting and training agents for the political
establishment. Under Jackson, patronage shifted from a patron-client relationship to one
based on party. In the context of expanded suffrage and a mobilized electorate, political
party patronage mediated increasingly between citizens and government, and the
influence of family and local notables declined.28
The election of 1832 prompted the death of the National Republicans. Their base of
Northeastern elite was in disarray, and neither Anti-Masons nor Southerners could
support the Adams old party.29 Demoralized and disheartened National Republicans
rallied and joined in the formation of the Whig Party under a creed that supported internal
improvements, protection of American industry, and a national bank, which was at the
heart of Adams initial proposals.30


41
From the birth of the Whig Party in the winter of 1833-34 until its collapse in the
1852 campaign, members formed a federation of state and local organizations, each of
which were genuinely appalled by Jacksons Caesarism. They objected mostly to
Jacksons alleged contempt for the separation of powers and the rule of law. Whig
platforms summoned voters to rally behind candidates in a crusade for the salvation of
the nations republican self-government.31
Diverging interpretations of James Harrington, an influential 17th-century
republican theorist, polarized the new two-party split. Harrington espoused a belief that
the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few would warp the republic into an
oligarchy. In order to avoid the control of many by a few, he argued, republics had to
possess an equitable distribution of wealth.32 Democrats on the Jefferson-Jackson axis
maintained that deviations in mental and physical capabilities among men were not great
enough to justify extremes in wealth holding. Andrew Jacksons famous veto of the re
charter of the Second Bank of the United States was one of the most succinct examples of
Harringtons revolutionary theory of wealth distribution in action. Conversely, tariff
debates, common in Whig campaign literature, often addressed the importance of entail
and primogeniture as measures for correcting aristocratic wealth imbalances.33
Differences over a national economic policy came to a head with the panic of 1837,
which prepared voters for a change in executive administration. New York Governor
Marcy in his message to the legislature, Weed wrote, blamed the financial crisis on the
unregulated spirit of speculation, which reached a culminating point with bank failures
in New Orleans. The commercial pressure soon led to similar disasters in Charleston,
Savannah, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York, when the panic became general.


42
Banks suspended specie payments, fortunately while the legislature was in session, for
by a provision of law the failure to pay specie worked a forfeiture of their charter, Weed
wrote. Jackson pronounced the banks unsafe depositories for the public funds. In
response, the Whigs engineered the revolutionary campaign of 1840, and Greeley, Weed,
and Seward overwhelmed the Democracy of the nation as appointed leaders of the
campaign for a new administration.34
Prior to the Harrison campaign, New York had become a hotbed of Whig
activities. New York City was rendered for some weeks, a boiling cauldron of political
passions, Greeley wrote. The presses daily echoed the concerns daily received from
the merchants and bankers to avert bankruptcy. They voiced their concern about the
daily tightening of the money market, and the novel hopes of success inspired in the
breasts of those who now took the name of Whigs.35
The name Whig, wrote Greeley, was a reference to party members repugnance
to unauthorized assumptions of Executive power. The partys integration of spiritual,
civic, and economic interests served as part of the inspiration among the electorate to
react against Jacksons administration.6 Greeley despised the elitism of the Democratic
Party and its opposition to free labor. He believed that Van Burens election to the
presidency was a returned favor from Jackson, who laid an iron rule, Love me, love
my dog.37
Alarmed voters welcomed Whig proposals for abrupt, sweeping changes. The
promotion of tariffs and attacks on Jacksons bank policy were implemented into
campaign strategies as the economic conditions prior to 1840 worked against the
Democrats. A Whig festival at the Orange Hotel was typical of the celebrations of the


43
glorious victory of the people over Loco-Foco Agrarianism, infidelity, & Federalism.
Participants rejoiced in the triumph of Democratic Principles in this State.38
The public was also enticed to vote Whig through the distribution of enormous
collection of material tokens related to the Harrison campaign. While the Van Burn
campaign focused on particular issues related to labor policy, the array of Whig campaign
items reflected an active effort to promote a sense of economic security that would follow
under a new administration.39
Marketing the Harrison Presidency
The Whigs had become an amalgam of National Republicans, states-rights
Southerners and Nullifiers, Anti-Masons, and dissident Democrats. In 1840, the newly
formed New York power trio of Greeley, Weed, and Seward led the party in advancing a
candidate to voters sufficiently angered by Jacksons high-handed conduct.40
The election pitted incumbent President Van Burn, who was supported by the
beneficiaries of Jacksons affiliates, against a hungry party out of power. The Whig
nominee General William Henry Harrison had achieved marginal fame in the battle of
Tippecanoe.41 He had challenged Van Burn in the previous election in which the war-
hero image had worked well for him.42 As a regional Whig candidate, Harrison had
carried seven states Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, and
Indiana for 73 electoral votes.43 His military-hero image was a theme even more
enthusiastically exploited by his supporters in 1840.44
The firm used image advertising effectively by exploiting and inverting Jacksons
own campaign techniques for Harrisons benefit. Martin Van Burn, a pioneer in the art
of image making, ironically contributed to their success.45 The president and former vice
president had in 1828 melded Jacksons support in Tennessee and the West with his own


44
New York organization. He then won over leaders in Georgia, parts of Virginia, and the
Carolinas. Working from the top down, Van Burn drew primarily on state leaders like
Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri and urban leaders such as Alan Campbell of Louisville
to craft a national political organization on Jacksons behalf. In effect, Van Burn was
responsible for determining which issues were important to the electorate and how his
candidate would address them. When a local or state leader had committed to Jackson,
the members of his organization became Jacksons local hurrah boys. These precinct-
level workers dropped literature throughout the community, managed rallies, and staged
the first national get-out-the-vote campaign in villages and towns on Election Day.46
Jacksons campaign harnessed the mass medium of the day, the printing press, in
two ways. First, it made heavy use of sympathetic newspapers. Campaign representatives
worked ardently to secure favorable stories about the hero of New Orleans. Second, the
Jackson campaign produced enormous numbers of pamphlets, handbills, broadsides, and
other printed literature, which were distributed throughout the nation. Jackson rallies
were staged to generate public enthusiasm. In addition to the predictable political
speeches, these events involved food, drink, parades, songs, and the distribution of
campaign literature. The candidates nickname Old Hickory was celebrated at rallies,
too. Like the hardwood tree, Jackson had provided his toughness to his troops during the
War of 1812, and every Jackson rally gave away hickory brooms, canes, and sticks. On
city streets and in small town squares, Jackson supporters erected large hickory poles.
Like the buttons, bumper stickers, and yard signs of campaigns in the 20th century, these
symbols were tangible signs of support for the candidate.47


45
The Whig Partys challenge to Democratic ascendancy peaked in a climate ripe for
political theatrics. During the Jackson and Van Burn administrations, the number of
participating voters more than tripled. Electors grew loyal to one or the other presidential
candidates, and by 1840, they were eager to decide which candidate should lead the
country. The Whig press appealed to the emerging mass audience for support with
content that targeted popular interests.48
The Whigs economic interests concurred with the development of the commercial
press. The blossoming industry was utilized by playing a large role in disseminating the
news of party functions and promoting the political ideas and character of candidates.49
The function of antebellum newspapers, which were the organs of political parties, was
to make partisanship seem essential to mens identities, according to Whig historian
Elizabeth Varn.50 At a time when spiritual transformation was part of civic life, Whig
rallies functioned as secular camp meetings. The Whigs practiced secular revivalism.51
The Sabbatarian movement was part of the rise of the popular press. It contributed
to the development of the Whig agenda, too. Sabbatarians advocated the observance of
the Sabbath as a form of piety and political organization with techniques that mirrored the
Whigs tactics of arousal and agitation among the masses. It was not enough merely to
grant postmen a day of rest, according to historian Bertram Wyatt-Brown. True
Sabbatarianism included the closing of bakeries . stores, taverns, theaters and
offices.52 Whig activities were promoted by integrating fliers, pamphlets, and media
messages associated with the Sabbatarian temperance movement.
By 1840, Whig organizers had overcome their misgivings about the perils of mob
rule and exploited popular attachment to images that were associated with the


46
individualism and freedom of the American frontier. Democratic campaign materials
were less imaginative and less appealing than Harrison symbols.53 The differences
stemmed partly from nomination processes: The Whig Party tended to award its
nominations to non-political men of great popular renown, primarily war heroes long on
image and short on experience in public affairs; the Democrats most often chose
candidates on the basis of party service. By this line of reasoning, Whig candidates were
naturally suited to the new politics of popular entertainment and their material
components, and Democratic candidates were not.54
Homestead legislation, the charter of the national bank, and tariffs were features of
the campaign designed by Whig strategists, which resonated with the democratized
electorate. Jackson dismissed the tactics as little more than promotion of Logg [sic]
cabins, hard cider and coon humbuggery, but the material remains of the campaign
indicate Whig campaign managers sought an active remedy for the panic of 1837.55
The Log Cabin
The Van Burenite Baltimore Republican, according to Greeley, had in December
1839 sneered at the idea of electing Gen. Harrison when it suggested that the Whigs
ought to give him a barrel of HARD CIDER [sic] and a pension of $2,000 a year and
allow him to sit the remainder of his days in his LOG CABIN [sic] by the side of a sea-
coal fire, and study moral philosophy.56 After the taunts were circulated in other
Democratic newspapers, Whig editors spun the commentary as a slur by Eastern office
holding pimps against the great American yeomanry. They co-opted the reference and
turned it on its head by promoting Harrison as the Log-Cabin Candidate.57
Harrison did own a log cabin in North Bend, Ohio, one that he had built for his
bride near the turn of the century. It earned him designation as the farmer of North


47
Bend. He was in fact not bom in a log cabin but in a fine two-story brick home at
Berkeley on the James River in Virginia, and at the time of the campaign, he owned a
palatial Georgian mansion in Vincennes, Ind.58
Prior to 1840, campaign artwork evoked the story of the nation. But in 1840,
glorifications of the Constitution, Lady Liberty, the ship of state, and the eagle gave way
to highly personalized symbols associated with particular candidates.59 Commenting on
the transformation, Philip Hone, a New York Whig, observed in his diary that party
banners and transparencies had transformed the temple of Liberty into a hovel of
unhewn logs and the military garb of the general into the frock and shirtsleeves of a
laboring farmer. The American eagle was supplanted by a cider barrel, and the long-
established emblem of the ship was replaced by the plow. Hurrah for Tippecanoe! he
wrote, was heard more frequently than Hurray for the Constitution!60 Hone concluded
that the friends of Van Burn made their greatest mistake when, by their sneers, they
furnished the Whigs those powerful weapons, log cabin and hard cider ... It makes a
personal hurrah for Harrison which cannot in any way be gotten up for Van Burn.61
Greeleys Log Cabin was at the foundation of the first presidency won almost
entirely through the efforts of the mass media. He was credited with popularizing the
catchy slogan Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too and for advancing the Log-Cabin
Candidate in published songs, speeches, letters and assorted Whig propaganda. The Log
Cabin, a Greeley original, became the Whigs major organ during the 1840 race with a
national circulation that reached 80,000 copies a week.62 The newspaper has been cited as
no less than the greatest journalistic success America has ever known.63 Weed, who
had originally commissioned the project, credited Greeley with a single-handed,


48
journalistic coup. A more pronounced paper for popular circulation was needed, Weed
wrote. In 1840, under the auspices of the New York Whig State Committee, Greeley
started the Log Cabin, which was zealous, spirited, and became universally popular.64
For six months during the presidential campaign of 1840, Greeley published stories
and editorials that contributed to Harrisons rise to fame. The Log Cabin was first issued
May 2, 1840. A yearly subscription cost buyers $1.50, and 10 copies could be purchased
for $10.65 Its first front-page story, An Eloquent Record, featured quotes from Harrison
with his portrait in the upper comer. It published letters written by Harrison in the 1820s
and anecdotal reports about the Battle of Tippecanoe. It was Greeleys first effort at
providing readers with a vision of a candidates personality and political ambitions.66
A promotional blurb To Our Patrons laid out the editorial policies of the
newspaper and set forth goals for future publications. Greeley announced humbly his
own role in attempting to publish their hopes for a new nation, aware that the Log Cabin
contained some material, which though good was not new. We hope to improve.
Greeley wrote, so that all the contents of our sheet shall possess the double attraction of
freshness and worth.67 Subscribers ordered the newspaper until it was almost impossible
to get clerical help fast enough to take care of the mail, and the first issue of 20,000 prints
sold out at a rate greater than even Greeley could anticipate.68
The secret of the Log Cabin was that it was not stupid. It sparkled with literary
style, and every line was readable. What distinguished the newspaper and the
accompanying Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too campaign from all other presidential
campaigns was a distinguishing feature: The Log Cabin relied not only on what was
printed, but what readers did.66 Greeleys editorial skill earned the respect of his readers,


49
although he later noted that the endeavor earned no profit.70 His efforts remained the
Whigs first and best hope for a lasting challenge to the Democratic Party.71
Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too
The National Whig convention had adopted no official platform for the 1840
candidate.72 Harrison had expressed the view that Congress could not abolish or interfere
with slavery in the states except upon the application of the states, nor abolish slavery in
the District of Columbia without the consent of the residents therein. Clays compromise
tariff bill should be carried out, he added, and the presidential power of appointment
should be used only for the public advantage, not to promote the interests of party.7
Harrison had said little on other issues, and his silence seemed to reinforce the
assertions of the Democrats that he was the senile General Mum. But on June 6, 1840,
he spoke. Breaking with tradition, he addressed a crowd from the steps of the National
Hotel in Columbus, Ohio. It was the first of 23 speeches he delivered throughout the fall.
Ranging in length from one to three hours, his speeches refuted the charges that he was
incompetent or senile. It was not clear whether he had help in preparing his speeches.
Certainly it would have been available because the Whigs flooded the nation with
surrogate speakers: William Ogden Niles, using the name of the little village where
Harrison won his most significant military victory, published the 95-page Tippicanoe
Text Book [sic] explicitly to provide them with materials for surrogate speeches.74
The Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too slogan was Greeleys catchy creation that
referred to Harrisons victory and vice-presidential running mate John Tyler. The
alliterative phrase was a small part of the publics fascination with campaign. The
ensuing hero worship heaped on Harrison by the Whig press marked a landmark in the
camivalization of American elective politics.75


50
Before it ran its course, the Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too campaign inspired a
harvest of souvenir items seldom if ever surpassed in quantity and variety in nearly two
centuries of U.S. politics. Included in the campaign were examples of virtually every type
of item used politically in the United States before 1840. A partial inventory includes
thread boxes, papier-mch snuff boxes, flasks, cotton chintzes, at least 20 varieties of
silk kerchiefs or bandanas, almost as many different Sandwich cup plates, more than 60
known types of clothing buttons, an equal number of novelty medals and tokens, nearly
200 styles of silk ribbons, and an eclectic array of ceramic mementos that ranged from
exquisite and expensive copper luster pitchers to Ridgways Columbian Star
Staffordshire pottery priced at 7 cents per plate.76
The canvass was best characterized in the words of one of its own chants as the
great commotion.
What has caused this great commotion motion motion motion.
Our country through,
It is the ball a-rolling on
For Tippecanoe and Tyler, too,
For Tippecanoe and Tyler, too.
And with them we'll beat little Van,
Van, Van, is a used up man.11
Such slogans and songs appeared on nearly every item of Whig campaign literature, and
they were popularized by reproductions in the Log Cabin. Other methods were used to
agitate the people, including Whig dinners, barbecues, picnics, and processions, with
women as spectators and participants.78
Whig rallies and parades brought out posters, silk ribbon badges, floats, and cloth
banners of every sort.79 At a rally in Rockford, Ill., Oct. 7, 1840, banners bore the slogans
Belloit Is True for Tippecanoe, Whigs of Byron For Our Country We Rally, and


51
Pacatonic No Tonic for Van Burn.80 Van Burn was lambasted as a groveling
demagogue and associated with the eastern officeholder pimps.81
The commotion instigated by Greeley was later cited by Whig elder statesman John
Quincy Adams as a sign of a revolution in the habits and manners of the people.82
Under Greeleys direction, Harrison was the first man sung to the Presidency. The Log
Cabin published and popularized tunes such as The Hard Cider Quick Step and the
Log Cabin or Tippecanoe Waltz.83
The Log Cabin engaged in a number of other modem media practices, including
the use of pre-election projections. A chat! of popular votes in What is the Prospect?
Oct. 31, 1840, predicted that Harrison would win the Electoral College by a breakdown
of 194 votes to Van Burens 100.84 Greeley included a disclaimer that his estimates were
of course no better than any other mans estimate. We may be deceived or mistaken. We
pretend to no secret sources of information. We have only looked on, certainly not
without interest or care, through the contest.85
The Work is Done! announced a Monday, Nov. 9, 1840, headline.86 Greeley and
his editors had ascertained beyond doubt that the majority necessary for a Harrison and
Tyler administration had been chosen. Bretheren! Whigs! Are not our efforts and our
toils gloriously rewarded?87 Harrison went on to win the election soundly with 52.9
percent of the popular vote and 234 electoral votes. Van Burn received 46.8 percent of
the popular vote and 60 electoral votes.88 According to returns posed in the Log Cabin,
Harrison won 1,093,709 votes and Van Burn 875,374.89
William Henry Harrison Is No More
Accounts of the Harrison victory were joyous, and Whig supporters ignored
warnings and gripes from Democrats that Harrison was too ill to take office. The sun of


52
Reform and Liberty has at length risen on our long oppressed and misgoverned country!
The Administration of Martin Van Burn terminated on Wednesday of this week,
announced the Log Cabin, March 6, 1841. Harrisons inauguration would be celebrated
amidst an unprecedented concourse of rejoicing, sympathizing Freemen.'0
The Inauguration, published in the Log Cabin, March 13, 1841, described the
morning that heralded the Whigs greatest hour of victory, which broke somewhat
cloudily, and the horizon seemed rather to betoken snow or rain.' Other accounts
provided hints to the fate of the venerable old man as he walked through a storm along
Pennsylvania Avenue to the City Hall, amid double columns of human beings, the bells
ringing merrily, the flakes of snow rapidly mingling with his grey locks, his eye flashing
fire, and his step as firm as of youth or lusty manhood. It was the hour of triumph.92
The celebration in intemperate weather exacted a final toll on Harrison, as well as
the party that had catapulted him to national prominence. On April 3, 1841, a small
paragraph on page two of the Log Cabin disclosed without fanfare that the president was
taken suddenly ill on Saturday evening last, and for a time threatened with severe and
protracted if not dangerous indisposition.93 He was diagnosed with pneumonia, but
doctors assured the nation that the virulence of the disorder had been almost entirely
subdued, and sanguine expectations were entertained of his speedy recovery.94
Within a week, the Log Cabin was reissued with headlines announcing the Death
of President Harrison! We are constrained, wrote Greeley, to confirm the painful
tidings which have already been borne on the wings of the wind to every portion of our
land. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON IS NO MORE! [sic]95


53
The Whig Party did not recover from the loss of Harrison, but Greeley devoted his
life to attacking Jacksonian Democracy. Meantime, newspapers throughout the country
had carried already a formal account of the Whig Illinois State convention at Springfield
on Oct. 8, 1839, which named delegates to the Harrisburg National Convention. One of
the electors nominated to represent Illinois at Harrisburg was Abraham Lincoln of
Sangamon. It was the first time, notes Harrison biographer James A. Green, the name of
the nations first Republican president appeared in mass circulation.56
Notes
1 James W. Dearing and Everett M. Rogers, Agenda-Setting (Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage Publications, Inc., 1996.) The agenda-setting theories popularized in scholarly
literature by James W. Dearing and Everett M. Rogers noted similar strategies by mass
media practitioners in the 20th century.
2 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988.) Fischers text contained an impressive inventory of Whig campaign
paraphernalia.
3 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 2.
Greeleys father Zaccheus Greeley married Mary Woodbum in 1807. Horace was bom in
the farm town of Amherst, NH, Feb. 3, 1811, the third of seven children. Greeley
biographer James Parton, who spared neither metaphor nor detail in his description of the
editors eventful life, wrote that Greeleys birth was almost too much for him. Using
the language of one who was present, Parton wrote that Greeley came into the world
as black as a chimney. There were no signs of life. He uttered no cry; he made no motion;
he did not breathe. But the little discolored stranger had articles to write, and was not
permitted to escape his destiny.
4 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), ix.
5 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 84.
6 John R. Commons, Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the
Republican Party, Political Science Quarterly, 24 (September 1909), 470.
' Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, An Interpretive
History of the Mass Media 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978), 127.


54
8 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 466, 467.
9 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 466, 467.
10 Francis Brown, Raymond of the Times (New York: Norton, 1951), 5.
11 To the Public, The Jeffersonian, Feb. 17, 1838, v.l, no.l.
12 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 466, 467.
12 Francis Brown, Raymond of the Times (New York: Norton, 1951), 5.
14 To Our Readers, The Jeffersonian, Feb. 9, 1839, v.l, no.52.
15 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 1. Weed wrote
in his memoirs that he was bom in the small place called Acra, in the town of Cairo,
Greene County, New York, Nov. 15, 1797. Th e Autobiography ofThurlow Weed, edited
by his daughter Harriet A. Weed, and Weeds Memoir, edited by his grandson, Thurlow
Weed Barnes, were written at various periods, and in detached fragments. These
reminiscences are sufficiently full to make, when arranged in due order of time, Weed
wrote, a connected narrative of the events and experiences of the years he deemed of
chief interest or importance.
16 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 260.
17 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, An Interpretive
History of the Mass Media 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978), 132.
18 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, An Interpretive
History of the Mass Media 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978), 131.
19 Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), 107.
20 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467.
21 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 96, 97.


55
22 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, Thurlow Weed, Wizard of the Lobby (Boston: Little,
Brown and Co., 1947), 227. Weeds connections with the Anti-Masonic movement made
it inevitable that stories should circulate about his lack of character. He was portrayed
repeatedly as Fagin the Jew or The Lucifer of the Lobby. Some of the tales were only
vicious and unfounded rumors, according to biographer Glyndon Van Deusen. In this
category belonged allegations that Weed seduced immigrants at Castle Garden out of
$20,000 and that he was a party to a scheme for despoiling Trinity Church of valuable
property under pretext of upgrading Broadway.
23 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno, 1868), 312.
24 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop, William Henry Seward (Boston and New York:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896), 1, 2.
25 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 466, 467.
26 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 312.
27 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 311.
28 Ronald P. Formisano, Differential-Participant Politics: The Early Republics
Political Culture, 1789-1840, The American Political Science Review, 68 (1974), 479-
483.
29 Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), 18.
30 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop, William Henry Seward (Boston and New York:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896), 20, 21.
31 Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), xiii.
32 James L. Hutson, The American Revolutionaries, the Political Economy of
Aristocracy, and the American Concept of the Distribution of Wealth, 1765-1900, The
American Historical Review, 98, 4 (October 1993), 1080-1094.
33 James L. Hutson, The American Revolutionaries, the Political Economy of
Aristocracy, and the American Concept of the Distribution of Wealth, 1765-1900, The
American Historical Review, 98, 4 (October 1993), 1097.
34 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 450, 451.


56
35 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 111,
Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir
(Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 48. According to
Greeley, the first use of the term Whig to designate an American political party was by
Courier and Enquirer Editor James Watson Webb of New York.
36 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 111.
jl Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 113.
38 Your Obedient Servants, Dave[???] St. Barclay, etc., to Thurlow Weed, Esq.,
Nov. 16, 1838, Thurlow Weed Papers, New York: University of Rochester. Loco-Foco
was an enigmatic but pejorative term attached to the Democratic Party by Whig
advocates, according to Weed. Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His
Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84,
Vol. 2), 52. This curious word came into general use to designate the Democrats shortly
after the adoption of the word Whig to designate opponents of Jackson. It originally
meant a kind of self-igniting match, but as no other sort of matches are known, in this
sense it soon became obsolete. At a gathering in Tammany Hall, New York, in 1835, the
Varian faction extinguished the lights, fearing that the Curtis men had control of the
meeting, whereupon matches were produced by the Curits side, and business proceeded.
The Whig papers took advantage of this incident to fasten the term Locos, or Loco-
Focos, upon the Democratic party.
39 M. Bradley to Thurlow Weed; Michael F. Holt, The Election of 1840, Voter
Mobilization, and the Emergence of the Second American Party System: A Reappraisal
of Jacksonian Voting Behavior, A Master's Due: Essays in Honor of David Herbert
Donald, eds. William J. Cooper Jr., Michael F. Holt, and John McCardell (Baton Rouge,
LA: Louisiana State University, 1985), 21.
40 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467.
41 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 481.
4~ Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Packaging the Presidency: A History and Criticism of
Presidential Campaign Advertising 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996),
8.
43 John Fiske, Harrison, Tyler, and the Whig Coalition, Essays Historical and
Literary (New York: The MacMillan Co., 1925), 341, 342.
44 M.J. Heale, The Presidential Quest: Candidates and Images in American
Political Culture, 1789-1852 (New York: Longman, 1982.) See also Roger A. Fischer,


57
Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of American Presidential Campaigns
1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 35.
45 David D. Permutter, A Prehistory of Media Consulting for Political
Campaigns, The Manship School Guide to Political Communication (Baton Rouge, LA:
Louisiana State University Press, 1999), 13-15.
46 David D. Permutter, A Prehistory of Media Consulting for Political
Campaigns, The Manship School Guide to Political Communication (Baton Rouge, LA:
Louisiana State University Press, 1999), 14.
47 David D. Permutter, A Prehistory of Media Consulting for Political
Campaigns, The Manship School Guide to Political Communication (Baton Rouge, LA:
Louisiana State University Press, 1999), 14.
48 Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Packaging the Presidency: A History and Criticism of
Presidential Campaign Advertising 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996),
5. By 1828 a mass audience of voters existed, according to Jamieson. They were able
to determine directly who would win the presidency. Not surprisingly, pro-Jackson
editors used calculated efforts to popularize the legend of Old Hickory.
49 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 139.
As early as 1830, the idea of newspapers with national circulations began to take hold.
50 Elizabeth R. Varn, Tippecanoe and the Ladies, Too: White Women and the
Party Politics in Antebellum Virginia, The Journal of American History, 82, 2
(September 1995), 504.
51 Elizabeth R. Varn, Tippecanoe and the Ladies, Too: White Women and the
Party Politics in Antebellum Virginia, The Journal of American History, 82, 2
(September 1995), 504.
52 Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Prelude to Abolitionism: Sabbatarian Politics and the
Rise of the Second Party System, The Journal of American History, 58, 2 (September
1971), 330.
5j Robert Gray Gunderson, The Log-Cabin Campaign (Lexington, KY: University
of Kentucky Press, 1957), 74, 75; See: Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too;
The Material Culture of American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago:
University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45.
54 M.J. Heale, The Presidential Quest: Candidates and Images in American
Political Culture, 1789-1852 (New York: Longman, 1982), 83-132; Roger A. Fischer,
Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of American Presidential Campaigns
1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 47.


58
55 Jackson to Van Burn, July 13,1840; The Log-Cabin Campaign (Lexington,
KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1957.) See also: Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and
Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984
(Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 109.
56 The Log Cabin Candidate, The Log Cabin, May 2, 1840; Thurlow Weed, Life
ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York:
Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 80. Weed attributed the origin of the sneer
to a different newspaper, The Richmond Enquirer, edited by Thomas Richie. The taunt
in a Virginia newspaper that General Harrison would be contented in a log-cabin, with
plenty of hard citer was a god-send to the Whigs of 1840.
37 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988), 37.
58Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Packaging the Presidency: A History and Criticism of
Presidential Campaign Advertising 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996),
11.
59 Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Packaging the Presidency: A History and Criticism of
Presidential Campaign Advertising 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996),
9.
60 Allan Nevins, The Diary of Philip Hone: 1828-1851 (New York: Dodd, Mead,
1927, 1969, Vol. 1),472.
61 Allan Nevins, The Diary of Philip Hone: 1828-1851 (New York: Dodd, Mead,
1927, 1969, Vol. 1), 486.
62 Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), 106.
63 James A. Green, William Henry Harrison, His Life and Times (Richmond, VA:
Garrett and Massie, Inc., 1941), 352.
64 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467.
65 Log Cabin, April 3, 1841. Vol. 1. New Series, New-York, Saturday, No. 18,
$1.50 per annum; 10 copies for $10.
66 An Eloquent Record, Log Cabin, May 2, 1840.
67 To Our Patrons, Log Cabin, May 2, 1840.


59
68 James A. Green, William Henry Harrison, His Life and Times (Richmond, VA:
Garrett and Massie, Inc., 1941), 352.
69 James A. Green, William Henry Harrison, His Life and Times (Richmond, VA:
Garrett and Massie, Inc., 1941), 352.
Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 134.
71 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York:
G. P. Putnams Sons, 1946), 171, 172.
72 Freeman Cleaves, Old Tippecanoe; William Henry Harrison and His Time
(New York, London: Charles Scribners Sons, 1939), 319.
7" Harrison to J.M. Berrien, Nov. 4, 1836; Freeman Cleaves, Old Tippecanoe;
William Henry Harrison and His Time (New York, London: Charles Scribners Sons,
1939), 320.
74 David D. Permutter, A Prehistory of Media Consulting for Political
Campaigns, The Manship School Guide to Political Communication (Baton Rouge, LA:
Louisiana State University Press, 1999), 15.
75 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988), 29.
76 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988), 29.
77 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988), 29; See also: Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His
Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84,
Vol. 1), 490. Weed cited the lyrics to the most well known songs of the Whig rallies.
78 Staunton Spectator, Oct. 20, 1836, Sept. 10, 1840, features Whig activities in
Virginia during the elections of 1836 and 1840. Edward L. Ayers, The Valley of the
Shadow: Living the Civil War in Pennsylvania and Virginia, [online]. Charlottesville,
VA: University of Virginia, accessed: Feb. 5, 2003; available at:
http://jefferson.village.virginia.edu/vshadow/vshadow.html.
74 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988), 31.


60
80 North Western Gazette and Galena Advertiser, Oct. 16, 1840; Edward L.
Ayers, The Valley of the Shadow: Living the Civil War in Pennsylvania and Virginia,
[online]. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia, accessed: Feb. 5, 2003; available at:
http://jefferson.village.virginia.edu/vshadow/vshadow.html.
81 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988), 29.
82 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988), 29.
83 Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of
American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 1988), 30.
84 What is the Prospect? Log Cabin, Oct. 31, 1840.
85 What is the Prospect? Log Cabin, Oct. 31, 1840.
86 What is the Prospect? Log Cabin, Oct. 31, 1840. The Work is Done! Log
Cabin, Nov. 9, 1840, projected Harrison had won. We have already ascertained beyond
doubt that Harrison and Tyler Electors have been chosen in the following States: Halt!
Let us add up . GEN. HARRSISON IS ELECTED, without the votes of Georgia and
Michigan, which are now pouring in upon us in his favor . Brethren! Whigs! Are not
our efforts and our toils gloriously rewarded? [Popular votes posted Dec. 5; Harrison
1,093,709; Van Burn 875,374 vs. 1836: 610,214 to 643,247 respectively.]
87 The Work is Done! Log Cabin, Nov. 9, 1840.
88 Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian
Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), 825.
89 Log Cabin, Dec. 5, 1840. The final tally of votes was: (Whig) William H.
Harrison: 234 electoral votes, 52.9 percent popular votes; (Democrat) Martin Van Burn:
60 electoral votes, 46.8 percent popular votes; (Whig) John Tyler: 0 electoral votes, (??)
popular votes; (Unknown) James G. Bimey: 0 electoral votes, 0.3 percent popular votes;
(Whig) Hugh L. White: no data.
90 March 4lh, 1841, Log Cabin, March 6, 1841. The sun of Reform and Liberty
has at length risen on our long oppressed and misgoverned country! The Administration
of Martin Van Burn terminated on Wednesday of this week, and on Thursday the 4lh


61
inst. William Henry Harrison was inaugurated President of the United States, amidst an
unprecedented concourse of rejoicing, sympathizing Freemen,
91 The Inauguration, Log Cabin, March 13, 1841. A small paragraph on page
two, fourth column, toward bottom: President Harrison was taken suddenly ill on
Saturday evening last, and for a time threatened with severe and protracted if not
dangerous indisposition. (His disease is entitled by the doctors Pneumonia.)
92 Gen. Harrison at Washington, Correspondence of the N.Y. Express: Arrival of
General Harrison, Log Cabin, Feb. 13, 1841. Twelve years ago coming March, the
first, the very first, among all the numerous victims of a flagrant and persevering system
of proscription, Gen. William Henry Harrison was struck from the roll of Ministers
Plenipotentiary abroad, by Gen. Jackson, and Thomas P. Moore, of Kentucky, was
substituted in his stead. This first victim of a system which has been prolonged for twelve
years, sacrificing almost every man of apposing opinions to such an extent that few or
none of them now enjoy the honors or emoluments of a common Government, enters the
Capitol of his country today, by the voice of 19 out of 26 States of the Union, and amid
the acclimations of thousands of freemen. The air rings with their cheers.
93 Log Cabin, April 3, 1841.
94 Log Cabin, April 3, 1841.
95 New-York, Saturday, April 3, 1841: Death of President Harrison! Log Cabin,
April 10, 1841.
96 James A. Green, William Henry Harrison, His Life and Times (Richmond, VA:
Garrett andMassie, Inc., 1941), 329.


CHAPTER 3
NEW YORKS PENNY PRESS AND THE 1844 CAMPAIGN: FREE-SOIL MAKES
MUD OF CLAY
Henry Clay initiated his campaign confidently with an acceptance speech after
his May 4, 1844, nomination. He said he believed the call was in conformity with his
high sense of duty, and with feelings of profound gratitude,1 The convention had
resolved its adherence to the principles of the Whig Party, known of all men, and
cherished by a large majority of the American People, by setting a number of key issues
on its platform. It called for a protective tariff, which would provide sufficient revenue to
pay federal debts and defray governmental expenditures. The platform also called for a
national currency, which would be uniform in value in all branches of the country. Whigs
demanded finally a fair and equal distribution of the proceeds from public lands, a
revolutionary experiment in the allocation of the spoils from Westward settlement.2
Greeley counted himself among the leading exponents of the 1844 platform. A
column titled Henry Clay daily featured Whig doctrine in the Tribune's news section.
From Clays nomination until the election, it featured anecdotes of the candidates
character, Whig ideals, and strategies intended to ensure a victory in November. The
column included woodcut prints of American flags and various subtitle fonts that
decorated transcripts of Clays speeches and daily news events. The column reflected
Greeleys life-long respect for the Whigs elder spokesman, and it made appearances in
the Tribune until Clays death.3
62


63
Pre-election projections had determined, in the minds of Greeley and Tribune
editors, that Clays victory was assured. But in the months and days preceding the
election, the Whigs confidence in a victory slipped when it became apparent that Clays
ambivalence on the slavery issue had alienated anti-slavery voters in the Northeast.
Editorials continued to assure readers that Clays triumph was certain regardless, and the
true purpose of the campaign, according to the Tribune, was to send a message to
Democrats that the Whigs had arrived. But members of the Liberty Party, which was
headed by the uncompromising abolitionist James Bimey, challenged the Whigs
presumptions. Bimey supporters smashed Whig hopes by securing enough votes to cost
Clay New York and the election. Greeley was devastated, but his newspaper survived.
Selling Papers Like Hotcakes
Greeleys bold editorials brought notoriety to Clay and the Tribune, but he could
not take full credit for the success of his newspaper. Lesser-known influences,
nonetheless important, contributed to the rise of the penny press. Horatio David
Sheppard, a character featured in Partons biography of Greeley, was among the chief
exponents of the marketing scheme, which he first advanced in the early 1830s. It was a
simple idea based on daily observations. Sheppard noticed that a small boy in the streets
of New York would sell half a dozen penny cakes in the course of a minute. The
difference between a cent and no money did not seem to be appreciated by customers.
Sheppard reasoned that if a person saw something and wanted it, knowing the price to be
only one cent, he was almost as certain to buy it as though it were offered him for
nothing. Editors could make a fortune, he concluded, if they produced tempting
articles, which could be sold profitably for a cent in spicy daily papers.4


64
The timing of Sheppards efforts concurred with Greeleys work as Weeds
commissioned editor. Along with the Log Cabin, Greeley had enjoyed literary acclaim as
editor of the Jeffersonian, a Whig newspaper. His efforts at the Jeffersonian, Weed
wrote, had earned him the friendship and confidence of the strong men of his party.5
Greeleys calls for social reforms at first aroused no notice: His entrepreneurial
luck paralleled Sheppards, who could not convince one man of the feasibility of his
scheme not one!6 But he persevered and laid plans to engineer The New York Tribune,
one of the nations first mass-circulated dailies and one of the few newspapers that cost
one penny per issue. Shortly before Harrisons abrupt death, Greeley announced that he
would begin publishing his newspaper, and on April 10, 1841, the Tribune appeared at
that giveaway price. According to Weed, Greeleys reputation as the best-informed and
most efficient tariff man in the country made it possible for the journal to survive years
of low profit and remain influential.7
Greeleys account of the newspapers first edition suggests the Tribune did not
enjoy the same rousing debut as the Log Cabin. The president Greeley had labored to
elect died one week prior, and the event loomed heavily over him. Even the skies of New
York acknowledged the loss. On April 10, 1841, a day of most unseasonable chill and
sleet and snow, Greeley wrote, our city held her great funeral parade and pageant in
honor of our lost President, who had died six days before. The Tribune was released,
nonetheless, On that leaden, funereal morning, the most inhospitable of the year.8
Greeley used $1,000 of borrowed money, about $1,000 of his own money, and a
mortgage on his shop, a total capitalization of less than $3,000, to issue the first copies of
the newspaper.'7 The Tribune office was located at No. 30 Ann St., New York City. It


65
hosted a collection of young, enterprising writers. Henry Jarvis Raymond, future editor of
the New York Times, assisted Greeley in the department of literary criticism, fine arts,
and general intelligence from the newspapers earliest days.10 Other proteges also raised
the standards of the Fourth Estate. Charles A. Dana served as Greeleys loyal assistant.
The remaining staff, which was displayed prominently on the Tribune directory, included
associate-editors James S. Pike, William H. Fry, George Ripley, George M. Snow,
Bayard Taylor, F.J. Ottarson, William Newman, B. Brockway, Solon Robinson, and
Donald C. Henderson."
The Tribune was based on the premise that writers would meet the desire of
American readers to have news of every important occurrence. My leading idea,
Greeley wrote, was the establishment of a journal removed alike from servile
partisanship on the one hand and from gagged, mincing neutrality on the other.12
Lawyers, merchants, bankers, economists, authors, and politicians would find in the
paper whatever they needed to see, and be spared the trouble of looking elsewhere.lj
Greeleys idealistic vision for the Tribune might not have survived without the
assistance of Thomas McElrath, who invested $2,000 in the newspaper during an early
financial crisis.14 According to Greeley, McElrath made him a voluntary and wholly
unexpected business deal for the struggling but hopeful enterprise.15 His presence at
the Tribune was much less outspoken than Greeleys, and the editor was grateful for the
McElraths unusual tolerance of the new breed of journalism. During the 10 years that the
Tribune was issued by Greeley and McElrath, the latter never once indicated that the
radical opinions it expressed on abolitionism, the death penalty, socialism, and other
frequent aberrations from the straight and narrow path of Whig partisanship were


66
injurious to the interests of the publishers. The only time McElrath expressed
dissatisfaction with Greeleys work was when the latter dipped into the newspapers
treasury to help a friend who was, in the senior partners opinion, beyond help.16
The opening year for the Tribune was marked by success in circulation and sales,
but it was beleaguered with difficulties in sustaining profits. In an attempt to boost
business, Greeley announced the issue of the first number of The New York Weekly
Tribune, a much larger and, he claimed, fresher, more comprehensive, intelligent, and
better paper than the Tribune's, predecessor, the New-Yorker. The new political journal
was openly, decidedly, ardently Whig in its opinions and inculcations, but candid,
temperate in all things, and careful to be accurate and just in all its statements.17
The Weekly Tribune first appeared Sept. 2, 1841, and it was one of Greeleys great
successes. Offered at $2 a year or $1 a year when clubs of 20 members bought it, the
Weekly Tribune established Greeleys reputation as the greatest editor of his day.18 In the
Midwest, settlers, farmers, and homesteaders were said to have read it next to the
Bible. In lieu of the Weekly Tribunes editorial quality, the price of the Daily Tribune
was raised to 2 cents per issue. Weekly subscribers paid 1.5 cents per issue, and revenues
from Greeleys enterprises increased.19
What Hath God Wrought?
On May 25, 1844, Samuel F.B. Morse sat at a table in the old Supreme Court
chamber in Washington, D.C., and tapped out a message in code on a new device that
transmitted news instantly. His assistant in Baltimore decoded the clicks that spelled out
the message, What hath God wrought?20 Morses telegraph ushered into history the
information revolution, which relied on the creation of instant news for primarily


67
commercial purposes. The revolution commenced when the telegraph merged with the
New Yorks penny newspapers to create a full-fledged circulation war.
Greeleys reaction to the introduction of telegraphic transmissions was at first
mixed. He bewailed the fact that in one year alone, the Tribune paid more than $100,000
annually for intellectual labor and reporting based in the New York office alone, plus an
additional $100,000 in fees for telegraphic correspondence from around the country. Like
most editors at the time, he applauded availability of access to instant news; however, the
telegraph entailed a drawback that penny press editors were slow to overcome. The
electronic Telegraph, Greeley wrote, precluded the multiplication of journals in the
great cities, by enormously increasing the cost of publishing each of them.21
Nonetheless, the intersection of the penny press and the second party system
produced a unique breed of editors. Greeley led them. The new editors, unlike the close-
knit web of political apologists in the first party system, competed for independent ideas
that were associated with a mass readership ready and willing to pay for views that
subscribed to their own. The editors of the second party system were a useful, a
laborious, a generous, an honorable class of men and women, and their writings have
their due effect, Greeley wrote. But, that part of the newspaper which interests,
awakens, moves, warns, inspires, instructs and educates all classes and conditions of
people, the wise and the unwise, the illiterate and the learned, is the News!22
The evolution of the commercial press was accelerated by the invention of newer,
more efficient and faster print technology, too. The steam press replaced horse-powered
presses and produced about 500 pages per hour, twice the previous amount. The advances


68
coincided with one of the Whigs core beliefs economic growth and progress through
active, innovative efforts led by politicians and engaged citizenry.23
Greeley took pride in individual accomplishment, and the Tribune served as the
natural mouthpiece for the Whigs vision of human progress.24 At the same time, his
opinion of editors put him at odds with his peers. He suggested that editors were not in
all cases, or in most, the wisest of men, and editorial writing did not have a greater
value than hasty composition in general.25
In less literary attempts to beat the competition, penny press editors commonly
engaged in mudslinging allegations of ethical or legal misdeeds against each other. The
accusations were often rooted in attempts to besmirch the reputation of a newspaper that
had secured an advantage in the market. The rivalry between The New York Tribune and
The New York Herald was among the most intense.26
The Tribune trailed the Herald in daily sales but remained competitive with the
success and reputation of the Weekly Tribune. Throughout the 1840s and 50s, the
newspapers jockeyed for an advantage in total circulation, and the leader was often
determined by the relative success of each editor in discrediting his competitor.27
Editor William Bennett had early tried to recruit Greeley for a position at the
Herald, but the up-and-coming editor declined the offer. Bennett resented Greeleys
slight and publicly brandished him the most unmitigated blockhead concerned with the
newspaper press.28 Unlike the Tribune, the Herald was not an organ of any party; rather
it was created for the sole puiposes of Bennetts business ambitions.29 The Herald spoke
only for Bennett, whose concern for social health of the nation came after his economic


69
interests. His character offended readers and fellow businessmen, but the curmudgeon
made possible a more modem understanding of free speech and expression.30
Bennett successfully turned the Herald into an attractive and useful product for
which there was a widespread demand. The New York elite resented his overnight
success, and his personality did little to impress them.31 Bennett was horsewhipped seven
times in the public streets, Greeley wrote, not including the sundry kickings [sic] out of
hotels or the crushing ceremony of a company leaving the table when he ventured to sit
down among them. In turn, Greeley slammed the Herald editor for attacking the timid,
the gentle, the generous, and the forgiving. According to Greeley, Bennett lived on
defamation, slander, obloquy, beastliness, and lies. Of course such conduct could
not go unscourged [sic] even in New York. If he had lived further South, he would have
been simply beaten to death or shot. Here he was simply horsewhipped.32
Greeley remained cynical about the rancor in the press over the Tribunes agenda.
He attributed reactions like Bennetts to jealousy of the Log Cabins success. Two thirds
of the country press, he wrote, was a nuisance and a positive curse. The jealousy about
the Log Cabin was not so much induced by its circulation as its character. Other
newspapers, he alleged, were filled with medleys of murder, rape, and rascality, all
much lower than the Cabin at its lowest price ($1 by the quantity). Newspapers across
the nation had degenerated into demagogic mouthpieces, ravenous for spoils, Greeley
feared. Every one of these not only does us no good politically, but is morally unsound,
and tends to unfit its readers for earnest consideration of public affairs.33 His solution
was to publish constructive solutions to societys ailments instead of exploiting them.


70
His private letters indicate his desire to advance Whig principles. He wrote Weed,
Jan. 27, 1841, convinced that his honor and character what there are of them are
pledged to this thing: that the Whigs will act in power as they have talked out of power;
that they will honestly reform abuses, abolish useless offices, retrench exorbitant salaries,
and show by their whole conduct that they are not Tories.34
Boss Weed
The Whigs recovered slowly from the death of Harrison. Greeley was among the
loyal to rally forces before Democratic challenges erased Whig gains. He wrote Weed,
Sept. 15, 1841, distressed at the contents of the Journal. Every number seems to
proclaim that we are lost. I pray you give us a good, rousing leader, calling on the Whigs
of doubtful counties to rally desperately for the saving of the State. Weed took note of
Greeleys continued faith in the Whigs, and in turn, he watched as with a parents
solicitude the development of the young editor whose capacity for usefulness he had been
first to appreciate. Weed noted privately that Greeleys industriousness in editing the
Tribune was as marvelous as it had been editing the Log Cabin, but the zealous
advocate of reform lacked judgment.35
Greeley often ignored Weeds attempts to smooth the tone of the Tribune. Their
different personalities led to a split in the relationship. Among Greeleys follies, Weed
alleged, were various isms by which he was from time to time misled. Greeley
acknowledged that his mentor possessed superior experience and wisdom to which he
would sometimes defer, but he more often refused to be controlled by Weed.36
A breakdown in the relationship was evident before the 1844 election. On Sept. 10,
1842, Greeley wrote Weed with language that revealed his obsession for holding office.
You have pleased on several occasions to take me to task for differing from you, he


71
wrote, as though such conditions were an evidence, not merely of weakness on my part,
but of some black ingratitude, or heartless treachery. Greeley claimed that he never
desired offices of distinction, avenues to fortune, at Weeds expense. He stopped short
of blaming Weed for his lack of appointed office by suggesting that his services not
Weeds were sought at their first interview. I have ever been ready to give you any
service within my power; but my understanding, my judgment, my consciousness of
convictions, of duty and public good, these I can surrender to no man, Greeley wrote.
You wrong yourself in asking them, and in taking me to task, like a school-boy, for
expressing my sentiments respectfully when they differ from yours. Greeley concluded
his letter with an apparent resignation, the first of several breaks from the Whigs.
Henceforth, I pray you, he wrote, differ from me when you see occasion, favor me in
nothing, treat me as you do others.37
Democrats in Whig Clothing
Greeleys attempt to rally the Whigs after President Harrisons death would have
enjoyed greater success had successor John Tyler understood the office, in accordance
with Whig principles, as a trust to be administered in conformity with the policy of his
predecessor.38 At first, Tyler had no apparent intention of abandoning the Whigs, who
had accepted him reluctantly as an accidental president. When it became clear that he
stood little chance of reelection, he abandoned them.39
The Whigs soon discovered what a costly mistake they made when they first
nominated Tyler, an avowed Democrat, for the vice presidency. The initial strategy of
balancing the Whig ticket to appeal to Southern voters had worked; however, Tyler had
no qualms about returning to his previous factional affiliations. He refused to take


72
action on behalf of Whig interests, narrow and timid in certain ways, according to
Weed, which embodied a great share of the liberality and enlightenment of the nation.40
Within six months of assuming office, Tyler vetoed a Whig bill to restore the
United States Bank smashed by Jackson. With the exception of Secretary of State
Webster, his cabinet resigned in disgust. Henry Clay, next to Webster the leading Whig
of the country, resigned his seat in the Senate, sensing the futility of the Whigs marginal
gains from the previous election.41
Tylers intensions became even clearer when he reappointed cabinet members to
fill the vacancies. How the President will act with regard to appointments and general
political relations, I cannot say, Greeley wrote, but it seems to me the evident dictate of
good policy that he should meet... his friends.42 Greeley printed editorials in support of
Tyler, holding out hope that the party could be salvaged, which might entail his own
appointment to office.43 Years later, Greeley was criticized for failing to recognize
Tylers antagonisms because Tribune articles in 1841 alienated the interests of free-
laborers in the North, among his largest groups of constituents. In his defense, Greeley
claimed he connected himself with Tyler only because he had been assured that the
administration was heartily and faithfully Whig 44
Greeley was tormented by a bitter reality that an editor in the 19th century would
have been precluded by convention from holding office. The title he coveted most was
Post-Master General. He alluded to the ambition in a letter to Whig fellow Caleb Cushing
written Dec. 17, 1841. I have ever been hostile to indiscriminately universal
proscription, but I hold with Mr. Jefferson in 1801 that simple justice [sic] demands the
confiding of at least half the valuable offices to that party which for twelve years has


73
been denied any. In New York, six of the nine major cities had Loco-Foco
Postmasters, and Tyler had appointed only one of them.45
When it became clear that Tyler had abandoned the Whigs, a handful of party
loyalists, including Weed and later Greeley, used the press as their last weapons in a fight
for survival. Greeley opened the Tribune to the voices of disenfranchised voters. Every
hard reflection on the course of the Whigs, coming from the atmosphere of the
Presidents House, initiates the mass of our readers, Greeley wrote. They feel with
Shylock, If it will feed nothing itself, it will feed my revenge.46
One year into the Tyler administration, the Tribune began rallying against the
Democratic Party as the embodiment of corruption. According to a Tribune editorial,
Aug. 23, 1842, the abuse of official patronage under Van Burn reached its lowest
depth, and we believe no man on earth could have found a lower deep save the man
who is now scouring the very gutters of our city for the willing instruments of his corrupt
designs. Tylers desperate and contemptible knavery, sought to fasten upon the people
the curse of his rule. Tyler would find ere long that instead of postponing, he only
adds fiercer fury to the indignation they will poar [sic] upon his head.47 The Democratic
Party was allegedly composed of nine-tenths of the convicted felons, outlaws, fugitives
from justice, and others who have no right to vote in our city, and can never legally
acquire any, who were attached by an instinctive sympathy to the Loco-Foco party.48
Weed contributed to the dissent and attacked the administration savagely.49 His
editorials in the Journal called upon readers in the North to rise up and claim a free land,
which was rightfully theirs. The political, numerical, intellectual, moral, and physical
power and strength of the country resides north of Mason and Dixons line, he wrote,


74
but our dough-faces have frittered it all away. The newspapers and conventions of
abolitionists had begun to clamor for a moratorium on the admission of Texas, but for
the influence and action of these same Abolition newspapers and conventions, Weed
wrote, there would have been neither danger nor possibility of this extension of the
territory and augmentation of the power of slavery.50
I am reading your editorials every day, sometimes deploring the cruelty of your
trusted blade, a friend wrote Weed, sometimes aroused by the boldness of your sallies,
continually delighted by your dexterity in the fence, and always admiring the profuse
intermingling of general sentiments and happy conceits. It seems like a perpetual feast,
and indulgence only sharpens the appetite.51
The 1844 Canvass: Two Things to Fear
Clay accepted the role as frontrunner for the Whig presidential nomination,
recognizing early that mass disaffection with the incumbent president could lead to a
Whig triumph. As early as 1842, the Whigs began strategizing the recapture of the
executive office. Their calculations, although accurate in the previous contest, showed the
first signs of falter with overestimates of the importance of Ohio. They are very
confident of success in Ohio in general, and I think with much ground for hope, Clay
wrote Weed, Sept. 12, 1842. Should the Whigs achieve a triumph there, and your
anticipations are realized in New York, the victory of 1844 will eclipse that of 40.52
Ohio was home to some of the nations most outspoken abolitionists, among them
Joshua R. Giddings, who in 1842 was censured in the House of Representatives for
offering anti-slavery resolutions. He resigned his seat to throw the case back upon his
home district and was subsequently reelected as a leading Whig. Giddings constituents
rivaled those of the New York Whigs for setting party policy. In an attempt to temper the


75
radical sentiments of abolitionists, Weed turned to New Yorks Millard Fillmore to
represent the party publicly.
Weed had discovered Fillmore 20 years earlier in an obscure New York town and
brought him into public life. He suggested Fillmores nomination for the assembly in
1829 and for governor in 1844. The two grew to be close allies, although Fillmore later
embarrassed and betrayed Weed by supporting the Know-Nothing platform in the 1850s.
But during the elections of the 1840s, Fillmore was as much at home in Mr. Weeds
house as Mr. Seward or Mr. Greeley.53
Weeds success in engineering Sewards 1838 campaign had become famous
nationally, but in January 1842, Fillmore wrote Weed, We are in a bad fix. I fear the
[Whig] party must break up from its very foundations. There is no cohesive principle, -
no common head.54 Weed turned to him to repair damage done to the party. So I am in
for it, am I? Fillmore wrote Weed, on learning of his nomination to governor. We have
but two things to fear. First, the Abolition vote; second, that of our friends.55
With the momentum of gains in Ohio and New York, Weed, at least, grew
optimistic of success in the presidential election. Things certainly look blue for Van
(who is a little, old, red-faced, fat man) and unless the party rallies after he is nominated,
I dont see how he is to get through. We could carry New York if the Tariff question
would be made to take the Abolitionist starch out of five or six thousand Farmers, he
wrote. Maybe we can any how, for the West looks good and grand.56
Throughout the initial stages of the Clay campaign, Weed extolled Whig virtues to
friend Francis Granger, who withheld support of the party because of its abolitionist
tendencies. Weed realized the importance of Grangers agriculturally based supporters,


76
appealing to them help build his Northeastern coalition. If Connecticut sands by us as
she promises and the Senate stands firmly by the Tariff, as it is, [sic] we have a good
look for the White House, Weed boasted to Granger, March 15, 1844. The Wise Men
of Gotham, you see, have anticipated the duties of conventions, national and State.57
At the same time, Weed acknowledged the Whigs vulnerabilities on the slavery
issue, for which Clay offered only ambiguous solutions. We go into the fight tomorrow
with good prospects. If we dont do very well, I shall be disappointed, he wrote. Mr.
Clay would be far safer at home, but as that cannot be, we must take what comes.58
The Whig national convention met at Baltimore, May 1, 1844, and nominated
Henry Clay for president, his third and final attempt at the presidency. The Whigs
nominated Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey for vice president. The central issue of
the campaign turned on the admission of Texas to the Union.59 Democrats were publicly
committed to allowing the state to enter with slavery, and it was evident that they would
receive the pro-slavery and Southern vote. The presidential canvass that ensued,
according to Greeley, became not only the most arduous but the most equal of any that
the country had ever known, with the possible exception of that of 1800.60
The Democrats had planned to reward James K. Polk for his devoted service to the
party by nominating him for the vice-presidency in 1844, but a bitter dispute arose. When
the Van Burn and John C. Calhoun factions could not reach agreement, the national
Democratic convention selected Polk as a compromise candidate for the presidency. On
May 27, 1844, Silas Wright was nominated for the vice-presidency, but he declined.
George M. Dallas of Pennsylvania was substituted as Polks running mate.61


77
When pressed on the admission of Texas, Clay promised only that he would not
jeopardize the interests of the nation over regional disputes. He wrote Weed from
Washington, D.C., May 6, 1844, sure that his opinion on the Texas question would not
cost the Whigs the South.62 But late into the campaign, Clay blundered on the issue. On
Aug. 16, 1844, The North Alabamian published a letter from him that would come to be
known as The Alabama Letter. The document revealed Clays intentions as a president
- at least those he confided to two Alabama friends about the question of Annexation.
I do not think it right to announce in advance what will be the course of a future
Administration with respect to a question with a foreign power, he wrote. I have,
however, no hesitation in saying that, far from having and personal objection to the
Annexation of Texas, I should be glad to see it without dishonor, without war, with the
common consent of the Union, and upon just and fair terms. I do not think that the
subject of Slavery ought to affect the question, one way or the other.63
While the Alabamians in receipt of the letter may have welcomed the news as a
sign of the Whigs continued efforts to create compromise, the reaction to the publication
of the letter among Clays Whig allies in the North was nearly a universal disdain. There
is no history so unerring as a bundle of old letters, Weed wrote. How this great man
was self-deceived.64 The Alabama Letter, unlike any other amount of scrutiny, brought
readers an account of Henry Clay that none of the Whigs had anticipated. Things look
blue! Weed wrote Granger, Sept. 3, 1844. Ugly letter that to Alabama.65
Weed feared that the dismay among Whigs in the North, who increasingly turned to
abolitionism to distinguish themselves from the Democrats, would open the door for
dissenting voices. Liberty Party Candidate James G. Bimey rose in the public registry


78
because Clay would at first not take a stand on Texas; second, when he did, he appeared
to provide no answer at all, alienating both Northern Whigs and Southern Democrats.
The Whigs held out hope for Clays success.66
Projections and Results: From Clay to Mud
In mid-October, the Tribune reached strategically to Whigs outside New York to
dare to be Freemen and overwhelm the Democratic Party. Allegations of corruption
surfaced before the first ballots were cast, indicating the Whigs had grown increasingly
defensive of early leads. Be sure that every Whig vote in your Town is polled for
Electors of President [sic,] Greeley warned. It would not be enough for electors to
barely elect Mr. Clay. Whigs had to show a decided preponderance in the popular vote,
and to do this every Whig vote must come out. A vote in Alabama counted just as
much toward the aggregate as one in New York, according to the Tribune.61
The same week the warnings were issued, the Evening News announced Polk
would win the election. The Tribune responded to the Evening News' imposing
headline with The Question Settled. If the people are to have the President made for
them before they have had a chance to vote on the question, they would like at least to
have a look at the machinery.68 The Tribune attempted to reassure readers that Clay
would prevail, but early predictions of a Whig landslide were revised with each
subsequent, daily column.
The Evening News had posted the predicted electoral vote tallies based on pre
election projections. The Tribune reproduced the Evening News table, italicizing
Virginia, Georgia, Mississippi and Michigan as states in dispute.


79
States absolutely for Polk
Maine
9
Alabama
9
New Hampshire
6
Illinois
9
Virginia
17
Missouri
7
South Carolina
9
Michigan
5
Georgia
11
Arkansas
3
Mississippi
6
Total
91
Charts were also revised to make it appear as if Clay still possessed at least a
psychological advantage across the country, although the Whigs case was drawing thin
with abolitionists.
According to the Tribune, the four states placed in italics were likely to give as
many votes for Clay as for Polk. The column noted Georgia had 10 electors, not of 11,
and the News did not include states that were leaning toward Clay: New York with 36
electors, Louisiana 6, Pennsylvania 26, and Indiana 12, a total of 70 additional electoral
votes for the Whigs. The writers at the Tribune assuredly believed that these states,
except Pennsylvania were Whig, but they also acknowledged in print the severity of the
situation. Polk must carry New-York [sic] or he cannot be elected.65
Allegations of Democratic skullduggery grew at the same rate Whigs perceived
losses in their momentum. Greeley looked for marginal gains in predominantly Southern
states instead of boasting large leads in states throughout the Northeast and Midwest. The
Tribune printed an increasing number of anecdotes about pre-election fraud that hinted at
a number of unfavorable possible outcomes in the state. By Nov. 1, 1844, the legality of
the ballots for electors printed at Albany was suspect. The undoubtedly correct tickets
have the word Electors printed on the back [sic] of the names, and the words For
Electors of President and Vice President immediately over the names. They make no


80
designation of State and District Electors, the Tribune alleged. The friends of Clay
and Frelinghuysen in every County will be careful to use the unquestionable ballots.70
As the votes were counted, the Whigs realized how important New York had
become. The day after the election, when the results were still unclear, Greeley wrote
hopefully, Never was there a more gallant struggle than that made by the Whigs of our
City yesterday, and throughout the whole campaign. They have fought against the most
corrupt dispensation of Custom House and other Government Patronage against the arts
and appliances of an active, powerful, and unscrupulous body of opponents who would
have shown the Jacobins of the Reign of Terror their masters. The same column
provided hints that the Whigs gallant struggle might not carry the day. We are
overwhelmed in the City, by causes which cannot operate elsewhere by enormous
Illegal Voting, and by the general array of our immense Naturalized vote against us,
owing to the prevalence here of Native Americanism.71
But in the days following the election, it became clear that something had gone
critically wrong in the Whigs efforts. On Nov. 8, 1844, the Tribune posted the first in a
series of moribund columns explaining the Whigs demise. The State. By The Night
Boat, described the arrival of doom. The Boat from Albany this morning brings most
disastrous though not unexpected majorities .. We cannot doubt that Polks majority is
5,000 ... The deed is done!72
In hindsight, the Whigs blamed Bimeys Liberty Party for the loss of New Yorks
electoral votes. Bimey had transformed Clays letters into an element of decisive
influence and cost the Whigs the election.73 Polk would not have won the election, the
Whigs insisted, if the Liberty Party had not split the abolitionist vote in New York.74


81
The contest was fairly fought and won when Mr. Clays famous letter made its
appearance, Greeley wrote. I think we should have had at least half of that Birney vote
for Clay, and made him President (for he only needed the vote of New York), in spite of
all other drawbacks, but for all those fatal Alabama letters.75
On Nov. 9, 1844, the Tribune conceded reluctantly that there was barely a chance
that Clay might still win. We have not a hope left. How can we have? Greeley wrote.
On all the main issues involved in the late tremendous contest, the People are with us;
but a very small majority have been induced to vote for Polk or Birney.76 In subsequent
issues of the Tribune, Greeley defended the Whigs pre-election strategies. He had
predicted, after all, that Clay would carry New York by 20,000 votes.77 No one had
foreseen the introduction of the Alabama Letters, he wrote, which lowered their estimates
to a lead of only 10,000 votes, and this we believed he would most assuredly get.78
According to Greeley, Clays campaign supporters understood and appreciated the
importance of New York.79 Looking back through almost a quarter of a century on that
Clay canvass of 1844, Greeley later wrote autobiographically, I say deliberately that it
should not have been lost, that it need not have been.80 Up to the appearance of Clays
Alabama letter, he seemed quite likely to carry every great Free State, including New
York, Pennsylvania, and Indiana. Maine and New Hampshire voted strongly for Polk,
and his home state Tennessee went against him by a small majority. Clay lost Louisiana
only by fraud, and by a majority of less than 700 in nearly 27,000 votes.81
Closer to the event, the Tribune had asked, Nov. 11, 1844, Yet, we are beaten -
but how? The answer: By the throwing away of some 15,000 votesnine-tenths of
them Whig on all questions of National Policy on the Birney ticket.82 New York City


82
allegedly helped Whig opposition with a heavy illegal vote, barely carrying the state
against them.83 Greeley was convinced that eleventh-hour Abolitionists, who claimed of
all things to be opposed to the annexation of Texas, sacrificed enough votes upon Bimey
to make Polk president. Yet the false representation of Bimey, Leavitt & Co. that Clay
was as much for Annexation as Polk, and more likely to effect [sic] it, &c. &c. have
carried all these votes obliquely in favor of Annexation, War, and eternal Slavery.84
The final breakdown of votes was both narrow and sobering for the Whigs, as the
elections final results indicated the closest presidential race of the era. The following
chart, as published in the Tribune, listed popular majorities by state.
For Clay
For Polk
Rhode Island
2,500
New Hampshire
10,000
Connecticut
3,000
New York
4,500
New Jersey
900
Pennsylvania
6,000
Maryland
3,300
Virginia
3,000
North Carolina
3,000
Ohio
6,000
Total
18,700
Total
23,500
Electors
58
Electors
95
According to published results, Clay had in the whole Union 1,288,533 popular votes to
1,327,325 for Polk.85 Both candidates had secured 48.1 percent of the popular vote, but
Polk won 170 electoral votes. Clay won 105 electoral votes, losing a critical 2.3 percent
of the popular vote to Bimey in New York. Bimey had in all 62,263 votes, so that Mr.
Polk was preferred by a plurality, not a majority, of the entire people. But that did not
affect the fact nor the validity of his election.86


83
The New York Whigs were devastated. A margin of 15,812 votes cast for Bimey in
the state 237,588 for Polk and 232,482 for Clay had contributed to their defeat. The
votes cast for Bimey, which were worse than squandered in New York, to say nothing
of the thousands thrown away elsewhere, wailed Weed, have not only made shipwreck
of every other public interest, but threaten to extend the links and strengthen the chains of
slavery. Weed struggled with Greeley and other Whig supporters to find a redemptive
value from the Bimey influence. Bimeyism will not again have power, by casting its
weight into the scale of slavery, to make freedom the beam, Weed wrote. The Whig
party, as philanthropic as patriotic, will steadily pursue its enlightened policy, until
measures designed and calculated to secure the elevation and prosperity of those who are
free, and the ransom and happiness of all who are held in bondage throughout the Union,
have been carried into full and triumphant effect.87
The True Principles of Government
Weed held out hope that the results of the election, however disastrous in other
respects, would open the eyes of the people to the reckless designs and fatal tendencies
of ultra Abolitionists.88 But the failure of the 1844 campaign weighed heavily on him,
and he became one of the first of the Whigs New York circle to disassociate himself
with the party. The country owes much of its misrule and miser, wrote Weed bitterly,
to the action of minorities, well-meaning, patriotic, but misguided minorities.89 He
considered leaving the newspaper industry and, for a period, politics altogether. Word
traveled outside of the Whigs inner circle, distressing Governor Patterson who wrote
Weed, I hear some talk about your leaving the Evening Journal, and I protest against it
most earnestly and solemnly.90


84
Meantime, Greeley despaired, but he attempted to minimize the failure in the pages
of the Tribune by suggesting that a return to Whig prominence would occur in 1848. He
was pleased to cite the Clay campaign as one of his greatest journalistic successes. In
later years, he recalled that the newspaper was issued in the prime of his life, when he
was 33 years old, and he knew the industry as well as any editor. In his own estimate, the
Clay Tribune was one of the most effective daily political journals ever issued. It sold
for 2 cents, and it had 15,000 daily subscribers when the canvass closed.91
Greeleys coverage of the Clay campaign had featured a number of innovations that
celebrated the editors creative impulses. The Tribune carried campaign news and the
same basic design until Nov. 8, 1844, just a few days after the results of the election had
become clear. On Nov. 9, 1844, after Greeley accepted Clays defeat, the design of the
column returned to a more basic news format.92
Greeley could not hide from his fellow workers a deep sense of loss after Clays
defeat. His strenuous, ultimately futile work at the Tribune inflicted a heavy physical and
psychological blow. Weed and Seward were first among his closest associates to detect
his bouts with melancholia and related infirmities, which appeared as chronic conditions
after 1844; however, Greeley, the most atypical of the Whigs, remained truest to the party
spirit in his taste for constructive social programs expressed in the Tribune's liberal
editorial policy.9 The Tribune continued to bear the dying words of Harrison as its
motto, I desire you to understand the true principles of the government. I wish them
carried out. I ask nothing more.94
Amidst the same columns announcing Clays defeat, the Tribune implored readers
to hold fast to our own party and our own name! An increasing number of voices called


85
upon the Whigs to compromise their effort, and some even suggested a makeover under a
different party name. It is a standing reproach with our opponents that we need or take a
new name every few years, Greeley wrote. He acknowledged that the suggestion
involved nothing of which we should be ashamed, but it implied that members could
no longer confess a strong attachment to the good old Revolutionary name of Whig.95
The Whigs stumbled through the interim to the next election. Some reorganized
under alternative party affiliations and secret orders, but the Tribune remained committed
to the Whigs. Greeley dismissed attempts to scrap the party or denigrate its name. Our
forefathers bore and were proud of it; it is short, pithy, and implies Resistance to
Executive Despotism an evil to which ultra Democracy perpetually tends, he wrote. It
has come to imply also resistance to that baleful, blighting Jacobinism which seeks to
array the Poor against the Rich, the Laborer against the Capitalist, and thus embroil
Society in one universal net-work of jealousies and bitter hatreds.96
Notes
1 The Great Whig Young Mens Convention, New York Daily Tribune, May 4,
1844. The speech was not delivered in person by Clay but read at the convention and
published in transcript form. I request you, gentlemen, in announcing to the Convention
my acceptance of the nomination, Clay wrote, to express the very great satisfaction I
derive from the unanimity with which it has been made.
2 New York Daily Tribune, May 6, 1844. The following are Resolutions adopted
by the Young Mens National Convention.
3 For President, Henry Clay. For Vice President, Theo. Frelinghuysen, New
York Daily Tribune, May 3, 1844, to Nov. 9, 1844. The first such column ran May 3,
1844.
4James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 140.
3 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467.


86
6 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 142.
7 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467.
8 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 136.
9 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, An Interpretive
History of the Mass Media 4Ih ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978), 128.
10 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 136.
'1 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 395-
396. Parton reported from inside the office of the Tribune and described a catalogue
posted on the door entitled, Tribune Directory. Corrected May 10, 1854. A list of
Editors, Reporters, Publishers, Clerks, Compositors, Proof-Readers, Pressmen, &c.,
employed on the New York Tribune.
12 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 137.
13 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 142.
14 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, An Interpretive
History of the Mass Media 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978), 128.
15 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 140.
16 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868.)
17 To Our Patrons, The New-Yorker, Saturday, Sept. 11, 1841, v. 11, no.26, 409.
18 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography anda
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 468.
19 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, An Interpretive
History of the Mass Media 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978), 128.
71 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, An Interpretive
History of the Mass Media 4lh ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978), 141.
Morse sent the first telegraphic message published in a newspaper to the Baltimore
Patriot, One oclock There has just been made a motion in the House to go into
committee of the whole on the Oregon question. Rejected ayes, 79; nays, 86.
21 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 142.


87
22 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 138.
23 John W. Moore, Printers, Printing, Publishing, and Editing, 2nd ed., (New
York: Burt Franklin, 1886, Vol. 167), 35-39; See also: Donald K. Brazeal, Technology
Revisited: A Fresh Examination of the 1830s Penny Press and Printing Presses,
Presented at the Symposium on the 19th Century Press, the Civil War, and Free
Expression, November 2002.
24 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 193.
Park Benjamin of the Evening Sentinel revealed one such occasion in which the publisher
of the Sun developed a conspiracy to crush the New York Tribune in order to thwart
Greeleys growing acclaim.
25 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 138.
26 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 193.
27 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855), 138.
28 New York Herald, Sept. 14, 1842.
29 James L. Crouthamel, Bennetts New York Herald and the Rise of the Popular
Press (Syracuse University Press: Syracuse, New York, 1989), x.
30 New York Daily Tribune, Aug. 20, 1853.
31 James L. Crouthamel, Bennett's New York Herald and the Rise of the Popular
Press (Syracuse University Press: Syracuse, New York, 1989), x.
32 New York Daily Tribune, Aug. 20, 1853.
33 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 91-93.
34 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 91-93.
35 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 96, 97.
36 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 96, 97.
7 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 96, 97.


88
jS Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 93.
39 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 507.
40 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 94.
41 Joseph S. Myers, The Genius of Horace Greeley, Journalism Series
(Columbus, OH: The Ohio State University Press, No. 6, 1929), 14.
42 Horace Greeley to Caleb Cushing, Dec. 29, 1841, Horace Greeley Papers,
Durham, NC: Duke University.
43 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 470. Greeleys
politicizing was mixed with contempt for Tylers disregard for Whig interests. He wrote
Weed from Washington, D.C., Dec. 15, 1841, having stayed long enough to be
satisfied that Tyler and his newly appointed Democratic cabinet would not harmonize
with the Whig party, nor did they want peace, or to carry their measures, but mean to
keep up the quarrel as long as possible, with a view to the succession.
44 New York Daily Tribune, June 29, 1843. He acknowledged writing an article
containing something about nine steps out of twelve, which he alleged was aimed
solely at the desired reconciliation between Mr. Tyler and the Whigs.
^ Horace Greeley to Caleb Cushing, Dec. 17, 1841, Horace Greeley Papers,
Durham, NC: Duke University. Perhaps Greeley alone did not notice the conflict of
interest apparent to his national audience: The editor, an outwardly humble man, cited his
own sense of fairness to argue on behalf of the Whigs, a party which he almost single-
handedly brought to the fore of national politics. Is not the doctrine sound? Does it not
cover the whole ground?
46 Horace Greeley to Caleb Cushing, Dec. 17, 1841, Horace Greeley Papers,
Durham, NC: Duke University.
47 New York Daily Tribune, Aug. 23, 1842.
48 New York Daily Tribune, Feb. 12, 1842.
49 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 95.


89
50 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 125.
51 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 121.
52 H. Clay to Thurlow Weed, Sept. 12, 1842, Thurlow Weed Papers, New York:
University of Rochester.
53 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 170.
54 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 96.
55 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 122.
56 Thurlow Weed to Francis Granger, March 11, 1844, Thurlow Weed Papers,
New York: University of Rochester.
57 Thurlow Weed to Francis Granger, March 15, 1844, Thurlow Weed Papers,
New York: University of Rochester.
58 Thurlow Weed to Francis Granger, April 8, 1844, Thurlow Weed Papers, New
York: University of Rochester.
59 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 119.
60 Horace Greeley, The American Conflict (Chicago and Hartford: O.D. Case &
Co., 1864-66, Vol. 1), 168.
61 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 119.
62 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 120.
63 Horace Greeley, The American Conflict (Chicago and Hartford: O.D. Case &
Co., 1864-66, Vol. 1), 166.
64 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 120.


90
65 Thurlow Weed to Francis Granger, Sept. 3, 1844, Thurlow Weed Papers, New
York: University of Rochester.
66 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 120.
67 New York Daily Tribune, Oct. 17, 1844, This is the last paper which will reach
some thousands of our subscribers before the great contest is decided, and Henry Clay or
James K. Polk elected President of the United States. Allow us to address a few words to
you, then, brethren in the Whig Cause!
68 The Question Settled, New York Daily Tribune, Oct. 18, 1844.
69 The Question Settled, New York Daily Tribune, Oct. 18, 1844.
70 Whig Electoral Ticket, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 1, 1844.
71 The Election Our City, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 6, 1844.
72 The State. By The Night Boat, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 8, 1844.
73 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a
Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 124.
74 Honor the True! New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 9, 1844. Abolition has done
its worst with us ... Ah! But the Liberty vote of Pennsylvania is some Three or Four
Thousand; that of New-York is some Ten to Fifteen Thousand possibly Twenty
Thousand nine-tenths of it taken from the Whigs. It was not merely the vote of the
Abolitionists that hurt us their desperate effects were felt in defaming Mr. Clay and
confusing the public mind with regard to Texas. Their assurance made thousands believe
that Clay was as much an Annexationist as Polk. That finished us.
75 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 165.
76 The Great Result, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 9, 1844. In the great
contest from which we are emerging, there have been truths commended to the general
understanding, impressions made on the Moral Sense of the American People, which will
yet vindicate themselves and discomfit our time-serving adversaries. Whigs! Look aloft!
77 The Popular Vote, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 11, 1844. Weed agreed
with Greeleys assessment that Bimey had cost the Whigs the election, and it the role of
the Liberty Party is cited commonly in secondary sources, although it is not entirely clear
that Clay would have lost the election even with the electoral votes of New York.
Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir
(Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 124. New York would


91
have saved the Whigs, but that was not to be. Thanks to the third party, New York went
against the state and national Whig candidates, Silas Wright becoming Governor.
78 Our Defeat in New-York, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 11, 1844. Early in
the campaign, when it seemed to us impossible that the Van Burn men of this State
could be rallied to the unanimous and hearty support of James K. Polk, in view of the
circumstances of his nomination when it seemed to us impossible that avowed and
strenuous anti-Texas and Protective Tariff men should be brought to support an avowed
Annexationist and notorious Free Trader, we estimated that Mr. Clay would carry New
York by 20,000."
79 The Popular Vote, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 11, 1844.
80 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 167.
81 Horace Greeley, The American Conflict (Chicago and Hartford: O.D. Case &
Co., 1864-66, Vol. 1), 168.
82 The Popular Vote, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 11, 1844. But even this
would not have availed to defeat us but for an overwhelming Illegal Vote, beyond any
precedent. Thousands of Irishmen employed on the Canada Public Works came over here
to help their brethren in the contest, as they understood it, for Foreigners rights, and did
help them most effectually. The Alien (unnaturalized) population of our own and other
Cities gave a large vote, generally offering at least one ballot each, and many of them
more than one. From the statements of those who know, but who could make public what
they know only at the hazard of their lives, we infer that not less than Three Thousand
votes for Polk were cast in our City alone by men who were not citizens of the United
States. Right gladly would we risk our life on this, that a thorough sifting of the Polls, so
as to throw out every illegal vote cast in the State, would give its Thirty-six Electors
Vote to Clay and Frelinghuysen. But this cannot be had, and a South Carolina dynasty is
by the foulest deception and most atrocious fraud, fastened upon the American People for
four years to come. Bitterly will this be rued by many who cannot yet allow themselves
to get sober joy at the consummation.
83 The Popular Vote, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 11, 1844. Kentucky,
judging from the few returns we have seen, gave Clay a large majority, and Indiana
also sided with him.
84 The Popular Vote, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 11,1844. The Naturalized
Citizens, according to the Tribune carried the state for Polk by appeals to their
Religious and old world feelings and prejudices . They have been told that they would
be deprived of their Political Rights and reduced to vassalage in the event of Mr. Clays
election; and this, with still more monstrous bugbears, has driven from us those who were
formerly with us . Our Whig strongholds where there are few adopted Citizens have
not fallen off, except under the influence of Abolition. But not merely is the Naturalized


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THE FIRM OF GREELEY WEED AND SEWARD: NEW YORK PARTISA N SHIP AND THE PRESS 1840 1 8 60 By GREGORYALANBORCHARD A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREJ\.ffiNTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2 00 3

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Copyright 2003 by Gregory Alan Borchard

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS As a chapter in my graduate studies comes to a close I thank the folks who have given me a remarkable level of freedom as a doctoral candidate. Dr. William McKeen deserves special acknowledgments for managing my work fairly and with respect. Thanks go to my teaching mentor, Dr. Julie Dodd, a consistent source of inspiration and suppo11. Thanks go to Dr. Leonard Tipton, a good-natured intellectual and model faculty member. Thanks go to Dr. Les Smith, a dedicated scholru and committee member. Thanks go to Dr. Bertram Wyatt-Brown, a first-rate historian and editor. I appreciate Dr. Mruilyn Roberts, too, for accepting me into her seminar on political campaigns spring 2001. Dean Roberts did an exceptional job overseeing my coursework at the University of Florida and inspired the focus of this dissertation. I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of the interlibrruy loan staff at the University of Florida, who assisted in ordering and delivering microfilm and p1imary sources. I appreciate especially their help in ordering the Horace Greeley Papers from Duke University and the Thurlow Weed Papers from the University of Rochester. Biggest thanks go to my family, a source of unconditional support: My parents, Clark and Bonita, and siblings Tracie, Erin, and Steve are kind and generous. I will remember most fondly my time in Florida with Grandmother Ruth Borchard. Our chats in Borchard's Orchard, Grandpa's orange grove, were with me when I wrote. . 111

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TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKN"O WLEDG"MENT S ...... .. ............. .. ............ .. ............... .. ... .............................. ill CHAPTERS I 'INTRODUCTION ....... ................... ....... ... ............. ........ ............ ... .. ...................... 1 Statement of Purpose .............. .. ............... ................ .. .. .................... .................. .. ... 4 Literature Review ................ .. ................ ................ .. .. ............... .... .................. ..... 5 Significance of Historical Research .... .. . ................ .. .. ............... ... ................... ...... 14 Methodology .. ............ ......... ............ .. ................ .. .. ........... ... .......... ............ ..... 15 Structure of Dissertation ... ............... ............. .. ... ......................... ......... ... ........... 21 Implication s ...... .. .. ........................ ............. ................... .... ....... ..... .. .. ... .............. 23 N ates .................. .. .. .. ..................................... . .. .. .................. .. ............... .. ............. 2 4 2 MARKETING THE HARRISON PRESIDENCY : THE LOG CABIN HARD TIMES AND HARD CIDER, TOO .................. .. ................. .. ....................... .. ................. ..... 35 Greeley : A Marked Man .......... .. ......................................... ............. .. .. .. ............... 3 6 The Mastermind and the Higher Law of the Whigs ..................... ... ... .................. ... 3 8 The Second Party System .. ................... .. ... .. .... ......... .. .. ........................ ............ 40 Marketing the Harrison Presidency ... ................ .. .. ...................... .. ................... .. .. . 43 The Log Cabin .... .. .. ...................... ................... ...... .. ................... ...... .................... 46 Tippecanoe and Tyler Too ................ .. . . ....... ....... .. ... ................ .. .... .................. 49 William Henry Harrison Is No More ........ ... ................. ... .. . ................... ... .......... 51 Notes .... . ............................. ....................... .. ...................... .. .. ....................... .. ... 53 3 NEW YORK S PENNY PRESS AND THE 1844 CAMPAIGN : FREE-SOIL MAKES .MUD OF CLAY .................. .. .. .. ................ .. ...................... .. .. ... ...................... ..... 62 Selling Papers Like Hotcakes .................. .. .. .. .................. ... ....................... ........... 63 What Hath God Wrought ? ................. ....................... ... ........................ .................. 66 BossWeed ....................................................... .. ........................... ... ........ ........... 70 Democrats in Whig Clothing .............. ... ....................... .. ... ... .......................... ...... 71 The 1844 Canvass : Two Things to Fear .. ................ .... .. ......................................... 7 4 Projections and Results : From Clay to Mud .............. ... ............................ .. ............ 78 The True Principle s of Government ........ ...... ... .. ....................... ....... .................... 83 Notes ............................ ...... ............................. .. ... ...................... .... .... .. ............... 85 lV

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4 THE YEAR OF HOPE : THE FIRM IN 1848 ............................. ........................... .... 93 War Games ............................................... ................... ... ... .. ... ... .. .......................... 94 In the Foot s teps of John Quincy Adams .......................................... ... ........... .......... 96 Going West : The Firm and the Homestead ................ ...... .. ....................................... 97 The 1848 Canva s s .. ................................................................................... ......... .... 9 9 Mr Greeley Goes to Washington ........................ .. .......... ... .................................. 101 Election Results : Meet the New Boss ............................................. ........... ......... .. 103 The Year of Hope ................................................ ................................................... I 04 Taylor Is Dead Long Live the Whigs ........................ ....... ..................................... 105 The Little Villain ...................................... .. ................. ... ..................................... 106 Compromi s e Failed ................................................ .. .................. ............................ 108 I Am Cross ............................................ ... ............................................................. 109 Notes ....................................................................................................................... I 11 5 THE FAILED CAMPAIGN OF 1852 : WHIGGING OUT . ... ........ .... ................ .. 118 The Dictator ......................................................................................... ................... 119 Why I Am a Whig ..................................... ................................................. ........... 120 F ourieri s m ............................ ..................................... .......................................... . 122 The 1852 Canvass ................ .................................................................................. 127 Election Re s ult s: The Whigs at Salt River ............................................................. .. 131 Kill Seward ....... .................. .................................................................................. 133 Note s .............................................................................................. .. ... ............... .. 135 6 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1856 : REPUBLICAN REDEMPTION ................................ 142 The Drumbeat of the Nation ..................... .............................................................. 143 Bloody Kan s as : The Great Battle Yet to Come ........................................................ 146 Call It Republican . .. ................ .. ...... .. .. ... ...... ... .. ...... .. .. ..... ...... .... ............... 148 A Gigantic Confederacy of Crime ........................................................................ .. 150 Greeley Quit s .......................................................................................................... 151 The Letter ................................................................................................................ 153 The Pathfinder of the West ...................................................................................... 15 5 Free Men Free Speech Free Press Free Territory Fremont .................................... 158 Election Returns : A Shade of Doubt ........................................................................ 159 The Sinews o f War ............ ...................... .. .......... ............................ ................. . 161 Notes ....................................................................................................................... 162 V

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7 THE IRTRUNE AT HARPER S FERRY : HORACE GREELEY ON TRIAL ..... .. 170 The Tribune at Harper's Ferry ................................................................................. 171 The Evidence ............ ...... ....................................................................................... 17 4 The Raid: Historical Background ............................................................................. 175 The Making of a Martyr ............................. .. ........................................................... 178 Horace Greeley on Trial .............................................. .......................................... 180 Higher Law ................................ ......................................... ...................... ........... 182 Trial by Press .......................................................................................................... 183 In the Shades of Monticello ..................................................................................... 186 Notes ....................................................................................................................... 188 8 THE 1860 CAMPAIGN: SPLITTING RAILS ......................................................... 196 My Time Is Absorbed ...................................................... ....................................... 197 The Log Cabin Campaign Revisited ........................................................................ 201 The Great End ea vo r .................................. .. ............ .. .......................................... .. 203 Incident at the Astor ........................................................ ... ............................ .. ..... 204 The Past Is Dead .............................................................. .. .. ... ................................. 206 Black Republicans ................................................................................................... 209 Playing Possum : The 1860 Canvass ...................................... ........ ......................... 211 Election Results ........................................................ .. ..... .. ... ....... .......................... 214 Notes ................... ............................................................. ... .. ... ... ........................... 216 9 CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................... 224 Great Just and True Expositions ............................................................................. 225 Brutus Greeley ........................................................................................................ 227 The American Conflict ............................................................................... .. ........... 230 Too Muc h Faith ...................................................... .. ............................................... 231 Greeley s Estimate of Lincoln .................. .............................................................. 234 A Whig, a Republican, and a Democrat Too ........................................................... 23 5 Greeley in His Own Words ......................................................... ............................ 23 8 Died of a Broken Heart ................................................... ... .................................... 23 9 The Firm: Birth Work, Death and Rebirth .............................................................. 241 N ates ....................................................................................................................... 246 .REFERENCES ............................................................................................................ 255 BIOGRAPI-IICAL SKETCH ....................................................................................... 266 Vl

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philo sophy THE FIRM OF GREELEY, WEED, AND SEW ARD: NEW YORK PARTISANSHIP AND THE PRESS 1840 -1860 By Gregory Alan Borchard May 2003 Chair: William McKeen Major Department: Journalism a11d Communications The firtn of Greeley Weed, and Seward led a revolt1tion in communications and national politics by promoting ca u ses, parties, a nd candidates beyond the conventions of the second party system The firm led opposition to Jack so nian Democrats by advancing Republican institutions that survived the trials of war. They championed rights and an economy that were built on free labor, free soil, and a popular press d1ive11 by sales. The concerted partisanship of New Yorkers Horace Greeley Thurlow Weed and William H. Seward on behalf of Whig a nd Republi ca n agendas forever changed the l andscape of U.S. political campaig 11 s. Weed, editor of the Albany Evening J ou rnal provided New York's political capital to back the firm's projects. William H. Seward represented state and national constituents as a high-ranking Whig and Republican official. Greeley the unoffi cial leader of the triumvirate provided one of the nation's leadin g journals as a mouthpiece for socia l transfor1nation. . Vil

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The firr11 placed the press, especially Greeley's New York Tribune, at the center of presidential campaigns. Greeley, Weed, and Seward empowered previously disenfranchised voters, and in so doing helped solidify the role of the Republican Party in the nation's third party system This dissertation analyzes the role of the firm in the development of the third party system. In the Age of Jackson, Greeley, Weed, and Seward forged tactics commonly used by modem campaign strategists, but historians have yet to recognize the firm s role in founding the new political order. The dissertation features Greeley's publications and private writings between the famous ''Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too'' campaign of 1840 and the election of Abraham Lincoln. It cites the letters and manuscripts of G1eeley, Weed, Seward, and their associates to shed new light on previous interpretations of Whig and Republican agendas. The three allies combined New York's dominance in the print industry with political campaigns to form a national agenda that outlived the interests of Southe1-n Democrats. This account analyzes the firrr1's creation of a discourse among members of the new representative democracy and the importance of the press in deter1nining the success or failure of subsequent campaigns. . Vlll

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The frrm of Greeley Weed and Seward combined editorial brilliance with revolutionary campaign tactics to produce an enduring style of campaign politics in the United States Under the triumvirate s leadership the antebellum penny press especially Horace Greeley s New York Tribu11e served as a mouthpiece for constituencies that formed prior to the Civil War Thurlow Weed editor of The Albany Evening Journal and William H Seward Whig and Republican statesman, advanced a national agenda by influencing the political machinery ofNew York and Washington, D C ., while readers of the Tribune formed an increasingly sophisticated and democratized electorate. The firm combined the commercialization of news with presidential campaigns to attract support for a national agenda Campaigns tailored the images of candidates and platfortns to the desires of energized voters In so doing firm members held separate but compatible goals : Greeley sou g ht the power of the printed word ; Weed sought the wealth of political brokering ; and Seward sought the distinction of elected office No one of the three men apparently wanted what the other two de s ired but together they made an alliance that spearheaded national policy for more than 30 years. 1 On notable occasions the partnership failed in attaining its partisan goals but on just as many i f not more it succeeded spectacularly 2 As early as 1838 Weed and Greeley s publications ad v anced with Seward a federal government that served states interests acros s sectional lines And in 1840 the election of Whig candidate William Henry Harrison catapulted the firm into national prominence. 3 With the help of expanded I

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2 suffrage a mobilized electorate and patronage the firm promoted in the early 1840s a string of other successful Whig candidates for local state and national office. 4 All along Greeley Weed and Seward objected to Andrew Jackson's beneficiaries members of the Democratic Party who had insisted on freedom from a strong central government but enjoyed the spoils of Jackson s victory Jackson s '' Caesarism, an apparent contempt for the separation of powers and the rule of law genuinely appalled members of the firm and they tried to rally politicians and voters behind a crusade to save the Revolutionary experiment in republican self-government 5 In speeches editorials and political platfor111s firm members pronounced beliefs in more than just material gain : They emphasized the rights to work and live freely and to secure the blessings of liberty 6 The ambitions of Greeley in particular surpassed the achievements of partisan and non-partisan peers during the second party system Between the elections of 1840 and 1860 during hi s tenure as a Whig and Republican leader Greeley sought economic political and moral change to improve the social order often defying the interests of the Democratic status quo 7 The liberal scope of news and opinions published in the Tribune contributed to his popular remembrance as a refonn-minded advocate 8 Under Greeley s editorship the T ribune and allied regional newspapers provided a range of aspiring, third party candidates the opportunit y to espouse the right to work, travel invest and prosper 9 Greeley s partnership with Weed and Seward developed Whig and Republican agendas candidacie s, and campaigns by combining the broad press coverage with commercial and partisan effort s. The firm championed a loose-knit coalition of homesteaders abolitionists free laborers and businessmen, who both objected to the rule

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3 of elite and demanded newly heralded rights 1 0 Greeley used the Tribune his anti Jacksonian '' organ' to align candidates and parties in the new political system which all stemmed from his dominance of the journalistic medium 11 The policies Greeley supported enjoyed unprecedented coverage at a level of circulation no other newspaper could provide 12 A mass audience recognized him appropriately as the leader of the powerful clique of editors in New York, a nexus for Whig and Republican hopefuls 13 Other New York newspapers among them the Times and the Herald simply covered political campaigns but Greeley supported them both directly and through the help of his staff Combined with Greeley's other publications, such as the New-Yorker, Jeffe, onian and Log Cabin, the Tribune served as the leading exponent of Whig and Republican agendas by its promotion of partisan literature advertisements songs, and campaign-related propaganda 14 As a charismatic leader of the Whigs and Republicans, Greeley used appealing symbols in his editorials to attract popular support for campaigns candidates and policies Folksy log-cabin imagery appeared recurrently in the 20-year revolt he led against the Democrats 15 The counter-revolution drew votes from the populist base of Jackson s base of supporters by offering an alternative an agenda built on free labor free soil and free speech 1 6 Although many of the Tribur1e's 200 000 subscribers were farmers in the Midwest who had no sympathy with the newspaper s utopian appeals few of them could doubt Greeley s sincere devotion to a fairer distribution of wealth because he lived up to his advice by giving away to his employees all but a few shares of the Tribune s earnings. 17

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4 The Tribune earned a loyal following, and in 1840 1848, and 1860, Greeley s favored presidential candidates won dramatic victories and between victories the Tribune set the foundation for a constructive democracy. Greeley had recognized the collapse of the Whigs in 1852 and embarked on an eight-year campaign for a Republican presidential successor 18 With the rise of the Republican Party, the Tribu11e and allied regional newspapers became a force that could make or ruin a presidency 19 Between 1844 and 1856 Greeley discovered the same populist formula that had worked in 1840 could lead Lincoln to victory in 1860 In order to preserve his editorial and political ambitions he even dissolved the partnership he had formed the firm, with Weed and Seward in 1854 20 Antagonisms with Democrats and Old Whigs persisted to a climax at the 1860 Republican Convention in Chicago wruch featured Greeley's influence over delegates and secured Lincoln s nomination 21 Weed Seward and other associates rarely recognized Greeley s tireless sponsorship of rallies, parades, meetings, and dances but the tactics proved successful with Lincoln s election. Critics alleged Greeley was inconsistent vacillating and even irrational ; however he helped forge a diverse coalition of farmers businessmen abolitionists and laborers, motivating them to build a new revolution in U S politics based on republican principles 2 2 Statement of Purpose The contributions of the firm s individual members can be found in individual biographies, but rarely if ever has the firm been the focus subject of scholarly study. Although Greeley s life has been documented in numerous secondary sources his role in the firm is less well known The origin activities and demise of his partnership with Weed and Seward remains the most intriguing yet neglected stories in U S history

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5 This dissertation profiles the professional relationships among Greeley Weed and Seward between the '' Tippecanoe and Tyler Too '' campaign and the election of Abraham Lincoln It explores the role of the Tribune a leader in New York's penny press and a contributing factor in the development of the nation s third party system. It combines primary and secondary bibliographic materials in creating the history of a precedent setting institution in U S press and political history The breakdown of the second party system put the electoral process under great stress, but Greeley held closely his convictions, which included faith in the power of individual citizens to create a benevolent society 23 Telling indications of Greeley s editorial skills are found in partisan articles advertisements and commentary from the era 24 Synthesized with the wealth of the personal and private writings of Greeley Weed and Seward this dissertation reveals the workings of the 19 th century's leading campaign agencies and a sophisticated modern communications networks Literature Review This section examines representative literature that is most pertinent to the study and identifies contributions the dissertation will make to accounts of the activities and lives of Greeley, Weed, and Seward. The scholarly literature most directly related to the subject is based on biographical sources written in the 19 th century which later appeared in the works of progressive and cultural historians. Historians who were Greeley's contemporaries featured romantic interpretations of leading U S personalities and institutions. James Parton one of the 19 th century s leading biographers compiled profiles in developing an account of the transformation of antebellum political parties Such histories noted the collapse of the first party system, but they also preserved the enlightenment traditions from which the American Revolution

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6 emerged Parton s biographies which included his Life of Horace Greeley glorified the heroic qualities of leading Founders and figures by mixing the premises of the Constitution with a '' great man '' historical model The contributions of remarkable individuals were featured in the era's other histories as essential to continued growth 25 By the first half of the 20 th century progressive scholars reinterpreted the role of '' heroic' figures such as Greeley and suggested that individuals impacted history precisely because they addressed dominant political economic and ideological issues. Attention shifted from biographies of '' great '' men to analyses of adverse social conditions and the response or lack of re s ponse from historical players and agents Progressives interpreted the roles of editors and politicians in terms of their success or failures in addressing social disparities and economic injustices Henry Luther Stoddard s biography Horace Greeley Printer, Editor, C ru s ader featured the progre s sive approach 26 Stoddard credited Greeley with the creation of the Whig and Republican parties but Greeley s tragic campaign in 1872 received due attention too In-between the remarkable moments of Greeley s life Stoddard emphasized the role of the press in addressing critical issues The thesis of his text was formed by Greeley s attempt to find constructive solutions to critical external development s, which included passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act the collapse of the Whig Party and the rise of sectional hostilities. 27 Consensus historians in the mid-20 t h century responded to progressive scholars by minimizing divisions among segments of American society. They suggested the nation worked in a holistic framework, and the press and other institutions acted in accordance with the prevailing cultural climate of given eras. Consensus scholars suggested that

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7 newspapers and other popular institutions reflected U S society in equilibrium. Their response countered economic ideological and political divisions noted by progressives, but consensus histories failed to explain national crises such as the Civil War. On one level the cultural school emergent in the early 20 th century represented an interpretation of national history that was more holistic than the progressive approach; however cultural histories rarely featured the role of particular institutions or personalities According to John R Commons a leader of the cultural school, the Tribune not Greeley was '' the first and only great vehicle this country has known '' in the advancement of constructive democracy. 28 Commons interpretation of 19 th century political organization cast Greeley not as a moral crusader or literary genius ; rather, Commons concentrated on Greeley s role as an economic practitioner and as a powerful voice for labor interests The Tribune responded to cultural forces that demanded a more equal distribution of wealth, property and labor '' Thus has the idealism of Ainerican history both issued from and counteracted its materialism ," Commons wrote He cited the editorial columns of the Tribune from 1841 to 1854 as documentary records and his examination of the '' two main currents of idealism passing through the brain of Greeley '' revealed a constructive program for the reorganization of society in the T,ibune '' We hear much nowadays of the economic interpretation of history ,"' Commons wrote. '' Human life is viewed as a struggle to get a living and to get rich ... Judged by this test Horace Greeley was the prophet of the most momentous period of our history ." 29 The Republican Party was not an anti-slavery party but a homestead party according to Commons and on this point its agenda was identical with that of the

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8 socialist Workingmen s movement The Republicans came into conflict with slavery because slavery could not live on 160-acre farms. 30 Unlike the progressives who emphasized the interplay between dominant and subordinate ideology neo-progressives historians cited the growing power of the press by the mid-19 th century to disseminate news to a large commercial base For neo progressive historians of the late-20 th century Greeley s actions represented remarkable business skills Appreciations for '' great ' personalities as well as technological advances peppered neo-progressive accounts The variety of approaches applied by historians in studies of the 19 th century has remained fluid ,ith new data and methodologies The '' Tippecanoe and Tyler Too' campaign provided an example of the historical narrative that has been recently reconsidered For nearly a century, secondary historians commonly attributed the election of Harrison to the near-drunk response of voters to a circus-like atmosphere during the 1840 canvass. 1 he weight of historical interpretation focused subsequently on Greeley s skills as a manipulator of the media and the masses In contrast Michael Holt s epic The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party suggested that a sophisticated Whig electorate responded to a canvass filled with deep economic and cultural issues Harrison was elected Holt argued because voters responded to Whig proposals in lieu of a depressed economy 3 1 '' Events mattered ," Holt wrote '' They and not just social structures, economic conditions fixed political contexts or ideology often shaped subsequent behavior ' 32 The Whigs Holt profiled were an amalgam of National Republicans state-rights Southerners and Nullifiers and the bulk of Antimasons and dissident Democrats angered by Jackson s '' high-handed conduct '' and

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9 the depression of 1837 33 The 1840 election was not merely about hard cider and songs ; rather the Whigs fashioned a political platform tl1at worked for them 34 The press played no small part in the rise of the Whig Party as well as subsequent political campaigns and Holt s organic history detailed the evolution of the Whig Party until its dismemberment in the early 1850s 3 5 With the help of sophisticated data collection techniques he was able to compile statistical data that supported his argument that Whig campaigns operated with very modem calculated, demographic techniques 36 On popular and scholarly levels Greeley has been remembered primarily as a pioneer of the penny pre s s Holt was among the few to attribute modern campaign techniques to Greeley who targeted '' the masses ,'' rich in electoral votes with popular editorial content Primary sources indicate that Greeley was regarded by many of his contemporaries as an honest man with sincere desires for a more fair free, and civil society 3 7 The bulk of modern histories have accordingly used a progressive approach in detailing the Tribune s significance. In traditional histories Greeley has been often ascribed the status of a '' great man .'' More than a few of Greeley s peers lambasted him too and a considerable strain of progressive hi s tory supplies a skeptical treatment of his record The observation that resonated most loudly among Greeley s detractors was that he displayed a level of irrationality in editorial policy which stemmed apparently from his zeal for elected office 38 It was a personality trait that led to the breakdown of relations with Weed and Seward and it resulted in Greeley s resignation from the firm 3 9 References to the partnership of Greeley Weed and Seward were found in individual primary and secondary sources ; however none of the sources discovered

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10 provided a profile of the firm itself Glyndon Van Deusen s biographies of leading Whigs focused primarily on the split in the partnership of Greeley Weed and Seward His biographies individually, but not collectively assessed the roles of the three 4 0 Weed s contributions to the 19 th century were historic Van Deusen s biography of the Albany Evening Jo11rnal editor supplied an array of important sources based mostly on Weed s masterful autobiography 41 Weed served a major role in journalism and politics as an editor writer and party boss His connections with the machinery of New York and Washington D C ., made it inevitable that stories should circulate about his lack of character He was portrayed repeatedly as ' Fagin the Jew ," or 'The Lucifer of the Lobby ," but many of these tales were only '' vicious and unfounded rumor ," Van Deusen wrote In this category belonged the allegations that he extorted $20 000 from immigrants at Castle Garden and despoiled Trinity Church of valuable property under the pretext of building real e s tate improvements on Broadway 42 Seward s role as an anti-slavery advocate was equally controversial 43 His patrician background put him at odds with Greeley s working-class agenda in their competi11g quests for public office 44 Van Deusen s biography of Seward was one of the most readable political biographies of the 19 th century United States a chronicle of Seward s rise to prominence through elected and appointed offices. 4 5 Van Deusen suggested Greeley split with Weed and Seward because of their attention to overtures from Nativists After the collapse of the Whigs in 1852 Van Deusen wrote Greeley blamed Weed and Seward for succumbing to the '' rotten '' influences of former Whig associates too. Greeley publicly denied having dissolved his ties to the firm ; however, when the

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11 contents of his 1854 letter to Seward were published according to Van Deusen, '' It was clear that Horace was suffering from a bad case of officitis [sic ] ' 46 Van Deusen outlined an otherwise neglected aspect of the feud between Greeley and Seward by delineating the factions separating populist followers of Greeley and the patrician-minded associates of Weed and Seward 4 7 At Weed's request Greeley worked tirelessly on Seward s behalf Greeley downplayed perhaps too humbly his role in the Seward s elections by suggesting his editorial assistance was '' worth nothing; ' nonetheless Greeley believed that Seward s '' irrepressible conflict ' speech was so important that it should be widely read 48 He insisted that the only way the Republicans could triumph in 1860 would be to overcome the '' terror of Sewardism and the higher law ''' by putting this speech in every house in the free states 49 At the same time the competing interests of the firm members contributed to the demise of their partnership Historian Kenneth Stampp cited such antagonisms in his account of events that sparked the Civil War And the War C ame placed most responsibility for the war on the peculiar insistence that the Union must be maintained solely for the principles of free labor 5 0 He attributed a secondary level of causation to the personal disputes among leaders, especially between Northern and Southern officials radicals, and editors Stampp praised the press role in the development of organized parties but he condemned Greeley s quests for office and his ambivalent editorials on the threats of secessionists 51 Romantic presentations of Greeley persist despite recurring criticisms of the Tribune s ambiguous editorial policy. Harlan Homer juxtaposed the lives of Greeley and Lincoln, arguing that the two worked with similar beliefs and ideals throughout their respective careers Horner compared texts prepared by both individuals on the question of

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12 slavery The two almost repeat themselves with Lincoln apparently following Greeley s lead Homer's history profiled the interrelationship of the pair and their works and shows how they worked together consciously or not for a more humane society 5 2 Of all biographies concerned with the penny press era perhaps none was written with the credibility of James Parton s Life of Horace Greeley an influential and authoritative account of the man and his newspaper It was published before many of Greeley s highly documented appearances as a national political figure nearly a full 20 years before Greeley s death A second updated account was published in 1872 53 Parton s selection of quotes from primary sources indicates an unmatched intimacy with Greeley s life story. Parton claimed that he began the project with a critical mind but soon discovered worthy prai s es for Greeley s character In minute detail he unveiled elements of Greeley s life, including his Scotch-Irish ancestors his lineage family tree and early childhood 5 4 Parton s primary texts were mostly letters some of which he included with little attribution other than Greeley s name and the date they were written Other chapter s contained extensive excerpts from lectures that in many cases were left out of subsequent histories for reasons not wholly justified A section detailing the dispute between New York Times editor Henry J. Raymond and Greeley over socialism was also astute Raymond was concerned Parton wrote that Greeley had become reckless in his advocacy for the abolition of private property. Not coincidentally Raymond left the eclectic Tribun e before founding the Times 55 Other than the Tribun e, Greeley s own historical works especially his groundbreaking Th e Am e rican C o,ifl,ict have been interpreted as secondary in importance to his work as an editor although the epic account of the Civil War was among the first

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13 of its kind 56 His first historic move as a publisher came with the issue of the first New Yorker March 22 1834 '' without premonitory sound of trumpet ." 57 In the 1830s and 1840s, the Jeffersonian and Log Cabin added to his resume especially important in the formation of the Whig s national agenda 58 These papers Greeley s scholarly work, and his polemical publications deserve analysis beyond scant secondary references 59 Greeley s published work reveals the doctrine he proposed completely violated Whig policy and yet he was one of the party's leaders 6 0 His advocacy of homestead exemption for example which prevented settlers from losing their land as a form of collateral against any debts incurred put him in alliance with New York editor George Henry Evans of the Worki11g Man's Advocate who also agitated for land reform 6 1 The policy was more socialist than Whig but shrewd leaders such as Greeley and Gov. Hamilton Fish of New York recognized that the Nativists had capitalized on worker discontent with traditional bank and tariff doctrine Greeley and Fish subsequently endorsed the Homestead Act because they reckoned it would encourage enterprise and strengthen devotion to property rights. 62 Fish became the curator of the Thurlow Weed collection which is currently maintained by the University of Rochester Duke University provided copies of Greeley s handwritten letters and memos from his personal collection Private papers from both collections are cited throughout this dissertation 63 Letters from Greeley to Weed and Weed to Greel e y were featured according to their illustration of key events as were the correspondences of Lincoln Seward Granger and a host of the 19 th century's key figures The author s notes on works at the Library of Congress are also cited in this dissertation 64 Curators of the Harp Week Web site have done a remarkable job of

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14 cataloguing and citing historical information related to their collection of campaign related materials ; however most of the letters in the collections of Greeley and Weed were not indexed which made reading them a difficult but rewarding endeavor 65 This study adds to the literature of the New York press by both building on the work of past historians and adding an important institution to scholarly discussion It illustrates the nature of relationships among Greeley Weed and Seward by citing the artifacts left by them in print office and party. It also provides an overview of a communications network, whose New York base dominated the political machinery in the antebellum era The synthesis of evidence left by the firm with scholarly interpretations provides the reader with a vision of the powerful firm of Greeley Weed, and Seward pre\ r iously hidden by biographical accounts of individual personalities. Significance of Historical Research One of the most significant and potentially rewarding challenges in developing a study of the firm from 1840 to 1860 was identifying facts that historians have either neglected to synthesize into secondary accounts or misinterpreted because of scholarly bias. The key point of doing such a history depended on the development of an analysis that both confirmed facts and shed new ligl1t on them Even fewer scholars have examined specifically the partisan, election-related materials produced by the firm that deterrnined the outcome of campaigns during the second party system 66 The study examined the context in which the combined efforts of editors writers and politicians thrived during the mid-19 th century At the same time it studied a particular aspect of Greeley s career that historians have only partially defined. It suggested that in the elections between 1840 and 1860 key personalities historical events and intellectual ideas transformed the Tribune and the Whig Party into institutions

PAGE 23

15 that fulfilled an historic purpose : The Trib1,ne survived the sectional crises of the 1850s and the Whig Party did not ~ however Greeley s editorial skills preserved the most resilient aspects of his early publications to create a Republican policy that endured. After the Civil War, historians agreed that the firm played a determining role in setting the agenda of the second party system, but few accounts articulated its impact on subsequent campaigns. Fewer press histories have explored the era between the first Whig and Republican presidents as a critical subject despite its enorrnous impact on modern media This dissertation sought enduring issues by implementing untapped sources and contemporary methods The sources cited throughout this dissertation were intended to provide a clearer window into the firm s political dynamic 67 When literature cited the association of Horace Greeley William H Seward and Thurlow Weed it commonly referred to it as '' the firm of Seward Weed and Greeley ." Greeley himself referred to his partnership as the firm of 'Seward Weed and Greeley as reflected in the title of Chapter 38 in his autobiography 6 8 Weed also referred ' the firm of Seward Weed and Greeley ." 69 For the purposes of this dissertation which emphasizes the importance of the Tribur,e s effect on partisan politics '' the firm '' was recast as '' Greeley Weed and Seward '' to give Greeley an appropriate amount of credence Methodo l ogy Editorials and articles from the Trib1,11e reflections of Greeley s motives were supported by correspondences between his journalistic and political allies and antagonists The context of Greeley s specific role was developed with references to other prominent publications especially New York s powerful Times and Herald and Weed s Albany Journal 7 0 Additional newspapers which included New York s literary journal Harper s Weekly, were analyzed on the basis of their contribution to key events in

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16 19 th century Perspectives from outside New York were partly found in The Staunton Spectator and The Valley Spirit Chambersburg, Pa 71 Other newspapers in the South were cited throughout the study, too but the featured papers most appropriately depicted the discourse between Northern and Southern interests Democratic Whig and Republican from the perspective of the firm In the 1840s and 1850s the split between Northern and Southern Whigs became acute and publications allied with the Tribune, such as the staunch Republican Chicago Tribune took on a greater strategic importance. 72 As the Whigs evolved into the Republican Party newspapers throughout the nation took on greater developmental and cultural importance, but the newspapers cited revealed the central role of the Tribune as a mouthpiece for Whig Republican Northern and ultimately Union ideals Special attention was paid to the editorials and articles written in the Tribi,r1e in the days and weeks immediately preceding and following the elections of 1840 44 48, 52 56 and 60 In determining the scope of materials to be studied the months of October and November played a significant role in the analysis of the firm s campaign efforts Reviews of microfilm through entire yearly issues revealed that the efforts of editors to make their partisan voices heard registered most loudly in the weeks before and after each election. Significant statements were published in non-election months and years but the bulk of appropriate material from the Tribune in this study stemmed from a two month combination of pre-election commentary and post-election results Limitations were placed on the domain of data collected Primary sources were featured if they were written between 1840 and 1860 because the narrative provided a chronology that limited study to events that occurred in the 20-year period Events and

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17 sources that fell outside this range were included only if they bore a direct value to the study s source s and chronology Conditions were also placed on the content of source materials Materials from Democratic newspapers were included only when they provided direct commentary on the Tribun e or other Whig and Republican publications The stud y set the foundation of the second party system on the party press era (1783-1833) but did not discuss overtly the function of the first party system or the nation s first editors 73 Conclusions about the impact of the penny press era were limited to the cumulative effect of New York s penny press on national political issues The intent of the study was not to provide a dialectic interpretation of Democratic partisanship synthesized with Whig and Republican views ; rather it emphasized the role of the frrm in transforming national policy Web sources allowed strategic limitations on the volume of content Key word searches on computer databa s es a ss isted in providing narrow pools of articles and campaign documents Searches by key word included identification of the recurring people places and issues associated with the study The following words produced the most significant hits at sites which included Harp Week, the Library of Congress and the Valley of the Sha dow : '' Greeley ," '' Tribune ," '' Whigs ," '' Republicans ," '' penny press ," '' Harrison '' '' Clay '' '' Taylor '' '' Scott '' '' Fremont '' '' Lincoln '' '' Weed '' '' Seward '' and ' ' ' '' campaigns ." The same key words were identified visually in microfilm searches 74 Primary documents were interpreted using the theoretical designs proposed by Startt and Sloan which integrate methodological schools 75 The schools drew from historians who focused on nationalist romantic developmental, progressive consensus, and cultural approaches The progressive and cultural s chools contributed most to this

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18 study When c o mbined the s e two approaches addressed the unique roles of Greeley and the Tribune as shapers of ideology and reflections of U S culture before the Civil War The study featured a distinct interrelationship between the firm and the social context in which its members lived The political ambitions of the ftrm could not be separated from the complex political issues of the era which included slavery temperance and homestead and tariff legislation among the Tribune s daily features The bibliography included the broade s t available range of primary artifacts from the era such as correspondence s, legal documents private letter s, and unpublished manu s cripts In citing primary and secondary sources the research addressed issues of causation the verifiabilit y of historical facts and interpretive bias in order to construct a narrative as close to true events as possible One of the first steps taken to address such issues was with the development of an evolving bibliography which consisted of letters journal articles, biographies newspaper articles scholarly accounts and campaign documents It remained open to the addition of new sources too from a collection of I 9 th century campaign materials that has yet to be featured in secondary or scholarly literature The secondary accounts while carrying the weight of academic credibility begged the most scrutiny Scholarly interpretation of Greeley and the Tribune has been necessarily broad and at the s ame time, it has produced accounts of poor quality or biased research agendas While part of the task of this study consisted of finding fresh evidence it also sifted through literally hundreds of interpretations a number of which were either problematic or exposed room for additional study For example a number of hi s tories demonstrated a tendency to assess the character of antior pro-slavery advocates in contemporary terms rooted in civil-rights

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19 consciousness Such an approach imposed a level of present-mindedness on an era of hjstory that operated under circumstances remarkably different than later conditions In an attempt to check present-minded interpretations, the language of primary documents was interpreted by immersion and relative to the texts of the era 76 Two type s of evaluation were used to authenticate sources and to establish credibility and understanding of their content : 1) External criticism which addressed authorship and dates of the sources through analysis of content and comparison of various texts if possible with the original record ; 2) Internal criticism which addressed the credibility of the sources as well as determining literal and real meaning of words including colloquial expre s sions terms and concepts from the period. Articles were cross-referenced with other newspapers to identify key figures and events when particular details were otherwise ambiguous 7 7 The study focused on the partisan agenda of the firm prior to the Civil War because it is an area yet to be explored in press-related ter1ns It represented events people and the cultural contexts that may have contributed indirectly to the war itself, without making claims of causation : To do so would express the fallacy of direct singular causation which plagues secondary accounts 7 8 Primary sources included the private papers of Horace Greeley and Thurlow Weed The letters of Abraham Lincoln were secured from the Library of Congress Web s ite 7 9 Newspaper articles were selected from the microfilm and microfiche collections of The New York Tribun e. Original copies of the Log C abin were reviewed at the Library of Congress Other primary sources include the letters and speeches of contemporaries as preserved in Duke University s Horace Greeley Collection and the Thurlow Weed Papers

PAGE 28

20 at the University ofNew York Rochester The most illustrative primary sources included the indexed campaign materials at the HarpWeek Web site which featured artifacts of the social transformation between 1840 and 1860 This transformation can be discovered in campaign paraphernalia, editorials and even satirical cartoons that continue to offer constructive interpretations of the second party system 80 The documents in the Greeley and Weed papers were photocopies of their private papers which included letters from Whig and journalistic associates Of particular interest were the letters to Weed from Greeley (and vice versa ) The letters also included early correspondences with Seward Webster Granger and other early Whig influences through Reconstruction A few of the most remarkable letters from the collections have been typeset in the biographies and autobiographies of the primary subjects In such cases the accuracy of the transcribers was verified with the original text No such tran s cription existed for the majority of letters in the collections and the author relied on hi s first-hand readings of the manuscripts The physical condition of these primary documents was at times poor but the letters provided some of the most direct primary evidence concerning the nature of Whig and Republican partisanship and opposition to Jacksonian Democracy Elsewhere the workings of Greeley s '' fevered brain '' were apparent in the erratic or scribbled-like quality of his writing 8 1 The combined collections provided access to Greeley's most private thoughts which created some of the 19 th century s most enduring ideas and political platforms Emersion in secondary account s revealed that scholars have yet to provide a comprehensive analysis of Greeley s writin g s despite more than 130 years of stud y. 8 2

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21 Structure of Dissertation The partisanship of the firm is presented in narrative form with two major concepts tying the thesis together Chapters 2 to 5 provide an overview of the firm and the second party system The chapters analyze presidential campaigns between 1840 and 1852 which include the firm s greatest victories and defeats The pre-Republican elections supply a context for interpreting the firm as an institution that influenced the world in which Greeley Weed and Seward lived Chapter 2 sets the historical background and context for the '' Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too '' campaign It profiles the dynamics of the second party system by providing an introduction to Weed Seward and other personalities who would compete for a spot in the political landscape of subsequent campaigns It features Greeley s use of modem campaign tactics which included pre-election projection and image promotion Chapter 3 introduces candidates James Knox Polk Henry Clay James G Birney and the evolving Whig establishment It reviews the context in which the penny press emerged by focusing on Greeley s contribution to the circulation-driven industry Chapter 4 introduces Whig candidate Zachary Taylor and provides an account of his surprise victory The chapter also describes the impact of the death of Taylor who was the second Whig president to die in office on Greeley Weed Seward and the nation Chapter 5 reviews the failed campaign of 1852 and the rise of the sectional hostilities. Greeley s apprentice and nemesis Henry J Raymond of the New York Times played a significant role in the 1852 election and his role as a partisan editor is featured accordingly The second set of events and characters featured provide an account of the rise of the Republican Party in the elections of 1856 and 1860 Chapters 6 to 8 profile Greeley s leadership role in the new third party system This part of the narrative adds to the

PAGE 30

22 chronology of previous chapters but it also provides a context for the events that led to the Civil War. It balances the arguments of the abolitionists and pro-slavery partisan materials as they appeared in newspapers across the country Chapter 6 features the campaign of 1856 as the Republicans first organized attempt to capture the presidency after Pierce and a Democratic Congress failed to quell violence in Kansas The chapter also explains factors that contributed to the dissolution of the firm of Greeley Weed and Seward a landmark event in deter1nining the subsequent election of Abraham Lincoln. Chapter 7 brings the firm s influence to a climax It features the events at Harper s Ferry and John Brown s trial as a defining moment in the careers of Greeley Weed and Seward It cites articles from Northern and Southern papers whose editors were already at war over sectional interests in deterrnining the fate of John Brown Chapter 8 focuses attention on the Republican convention in Chicago It explains how Greeley used tactics similar to those in the Harrison campaign to secure Lincoln s presidency It brings to a conclusion his relationship with the firm : Weed had expected Seward would be the next president but Greeley s role in denying the success of the endeavor changed the course of U S history. The Conclusion assesses the legacy of the firm s victories, which were tempered by the national tragedies of war It explains how the firm succeeded in creating the third party system and contributed to problems associated with it The Conclusion focuses on Greeley s contributions to a liberal-democratic discourse and assesses his role in the formation of the Republican Party It cites his campaign for the presidency in 1872 as a closing chapter in the era of the New York penny press

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23 Implications The personalities of Greeley Weed and Seward were complex but their characters could be at least partly discovered in their personal letters and papers and the reflections of their contemporaries Their psychological dispositions were also partly revealed in the general legibility of their letters and personal memos Greeley's writings provided an especially intriguing sample of the troubled mind of a I 9 th century intellectual giant. What made Greeley s life in particular even more remarkable was the controversy that surrounded him During his life and afterwards he was both lambasted as a self seeking office-driven pundit and received as a champion for fairness and civility 83 As a result subsequent generations of historians have been divided in assessments of his character : Some have praised Greeley s altruism and portray him as an honest reformer ; others have ascribed to him egomaniacal motives that were influential but vain 84 In spite of past and more recent detractors the professional masterpiece of Greeley and the firm was their concerted challenge to the Democratic status quo over a 20-year period 85 This study placed the development of an Anti-Jackson counter-revolution primarily in the hands of this three-member institution It cited Greeley s work with the Tribune, Weed 's published opinions and his behind-the-scenes maneuvers and Seward s official statements and actions as the driving force behind the development of a lasting democratic discourse in U S. history Holt has paid particular attention to the response of the Whigs to socio-economic conditions but the focus of his approach was primarily on the political aspects of events in the antebellum era This dissertation featured Greeley as a leader who was committed to journalism as an industry and a civic endeavor It discovered a figure that has been either misunderstood or misrepresented by scholars one that was simultaneously creative

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24 and conservative: Despite evidence that suggested Greeley did not completely abandon his own interest in political office, this study argued that he pursued an idealistic interest in the material and moral well being of the nation 86 The editor of the New York Tribune Whig Party apologist, Republican ally and Democratic presidential nominee in many ways was a renaissance man His genius was his ability to register in print the voices of his readers constituents partisan spokesmen, and himself 8 7 Evidence in the literature and propaganda from the campaigns of 1840 44 '48 52, '56 and 60 revealed his model of a movement that bridged across sectional lines and built a coalition, the Republican Party, which survived the trials of war. 8 8 Gaps in the historical record of the national antebellum discourse have yet to be filled but the primary importance of the Tribune is clear It developed relative to other national publications especially New York s powerful Times and Herald, which were in tum influenced by their proximity to the nexus of Whig activity the firm of Greeley Weed and Seward 8 9 This dissertation provides an account of the firm as a force behind an internal national revolution by introducing three characters primarily responsible for building the third party system Notes 1 Henry Luther Stoddard Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York : G P Putnam's Sons 1946), 171. 2 Henry Luther Stoddard Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York : G. P. Putnam s Sons 1946) 171 172 3 Horace Greeley Recollections of a Busy Life (New York : Arno 1868), 113. From the ' slouching Whig defeat of 1836 ," wrote Greeley, '' lay the germ of the overwhelming Whig triumph of 1840 ."

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25 4 Ronald P Formisano, '' Differential-Participant Politics : The Early Republic's Political Culture 1789-1840, The American Political Science Review 68 (1974) 479483 5 Michael F Holt The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party : Jacksonian Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), xiii 6 Daniel Walker Howe ' The Evangelical Movement and Political Culture in the North During the Second Party System," The Journal of American History, 77, 4 (March 1991) 1216-1239 7 Glyndon G Van Deusen, Thurlow Weed, Wizard of the Lobby (Boston : Little Brown and Co ., 1947), 253 254 '' A beaming smile, a smile of unspeakable triumph, illuminated the face of Horace Greeley as he sat amid the Oregon delegation The great moralist and disappointed office seeker was happy ," Van Deusen wrote 'The great endeavor [to elect Seward] had ended in a great defeat." 8 John R Commons '' Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the Republican Party ," Political Science Quarterly 24 (September 1909) 466-488 '' Greeley was to the social revolution of the [1840s] what Thomas Jefferson was to the political revolution of 1800 according to Commons '' He was the Tribune of the People, the spokesman of their discontent the champion of their nostrums. ' 9 Frederic Bancroft The Life of William H. Seward (New York London : Harper and Brothers, 1900) 540 ; Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co ., 1883-84, Vol 2), 271 1 0 Ronald P Forrnisano 'Differential-Participant Politics : The Early Republic's Political Culture 1789-1840 ," The American Political Science Review, 68 (I 974) 479483 Formisano suggested the Whig Party first emerged after the death of the National Republicans in 1836 Patronage shifted from a patron-client relationship to one based on party and the influence of family and local notables could be expected to decline In the context of party expanded suffrage and a mobilized electorate, political party patronage increasingly mediated between citizens and government according to Formisano In the absence of parties before the 1830s militia outfits political societies and secret orders such as the Freemasons may have acted as recruiting and training agents for the political establishment generally ''More than any other word, deference' characterizes eighteenth century Whig political culture by referring directly to men s ideas and unspoken assumptions about how society actually worked. 11 Henry Luther Stoddard, Horace Greeley, Pri11ter, Editor, Crusader (New York : G P Putnam's Sons 1946) 162, 163 From the Tribune: ''The passage of the Nebraska

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26 bill will arouse and consolidate the most gigantic deter111ined and overwhelming party for freedom that the world has ever known 12 James L Crouthamel, Bennett's New York Herald and the Rise of the Popular Press (Syracuse NY : Syracuse Unjversity Press 1989), x. The He,ald, according to Crouthamel, was not an '' organ ' of any party. The Herald spoke only for Bennett who was among the first to drive circulation-based papers into the forefront of mass media Bennett competed with Greeley in sales and succeeded remarkably by creating c'an attractive and useful product for which there was a widespread but untapped demand '' 13 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York : Arno 1868) 136 'On the tenth day of April 1841 a day of most unseasonable chill and sleet and snow our city held her great funeral parade and pageant in honor of our lost President, who had died six days before, Greeley wrote '' On that leaden, funereal morning, the most inhospitable of the year I issued the first number of The New York Tribune 14 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His A1,tobiography and a Memoir (Boston New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co 1883-84 Vol. 1) 467 ' A more pronounced party paper for popular circulation was needed, and in 1840 under the auspices of the Whig State Committee Mr Greeley started the Log Cabin ,''' Weed wrote '' The Log Cabin was zealous spirited, and became universally popular The singing of patriotic songs at political meetings had its origin in that year which was long and is even yet remembered as the Tippecanoe and Tyler too Campaign [sic ] ' 15 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed Jncl11ding His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co 1883-84, Vol. 1) 467 '' While at Albany during the year he was dieing the 'Jeffersonian Mr Greeley was our guest and we became not only intimate politically but socially Weed wrote 'I formed a high estimate of his ability and character confidently anticipating for a career alike honorable and useful to himself and his country ." 1 6 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co ., 1883 84, Vol. 1) 468 Weed attributed Greeley s alienation among New York Whigs to his chronic interest in Fourierism, an American breed of communism which was taking hold in Europe through the teachings of Marx 17 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery The Press and America, An Interpretive History of the A,fass Media 4 th ed (Englewood Cliffs NJ : Prentice-Hall Inc ., 1978), 129 18 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed l11cl1,ding His Autobiog,aphy and a Memoir (Boston New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co ., 1883 84, Vol 2) 271 Weed quoted Greeley s explanation for his actions in Chicago '' The past is dead ," Greeley said '' Let the dead past bury it and let its mourners, if they will go about the streets ."

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27 19 Frederic Bancroft, The Life of William H. Seward (New York, London: Harper and Brothers 1900) 540. Bancroft's analysis of Chicago convention noted the personal dimensions of the characters involved arguably accounts of creative fiction cross referenced with primary sources whjch indicated the Chicago convention was a critical moment in U S political history. 'Lincoln's nomination so completely devastated Weed," Bancroft wrote, '' that he lost his habitual prudence and stoical self-possession and gave way, at first to angry words and tears See also: Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co ., 1883-84 Vol 2), 271 2 0 Horace Greeley Recollections of a Busy Life (New York : Arno 1868) 315-318 [ excerpts from Greeley s letter.] HORACE GREELEY TO WILLIAM H SEW ARD [sic ] '' New York, Saturday Evening November 11 1854, Governor Seward," Greeley wrote '' The Election is over and its results sufficiently ascertained. It seems to me a fitting time to announce to you the dissolution of the political ftrtn of Seward Weed and Greeley by the withdrawal of the junior partner ." 21 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co ., 1883-84 Vol 1) 490 Weed cited the lyrics to one of the more popular tunes at Whig rallies '' What has caused this great commotion motion motion motion Our country through, It is the ball a-rolling on, For Tippecanoe and Tyler too, For Tippecanoe and Tyler too And with them we'll beat little Van Van Van, is a used up man ." 22 Horace Greeley Recollections of a Busy Life (New York : Arno, 1868 ) Greeley s autobiography was the most valuable source about his life It contained his reflections on politics religion, and journalism as well as editorials written in the Tribune and the other papers he helped to build Greeley was complex in descriptions of his beliefs vacillating even contradictory in discussions about socialism and individualism 23 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84 Vol 1) 468 Greeley s sympathy with and friendship for '' the toiling millions'' led him to favor associations and unions of laborers and journeymen Weed wrote organjzations which 'countenanced by the widely circulating Tribune, became as formidable as they were mischievous ." 24 Roger A Fischer Tippeca11oe and Trinkets Too; The Material Cultu, e of American Presidential Campaig,1s 1828-1984 (Urbana Chicago: University of Illinois Press 1988 ) Fischer s text contains an inventory of Whig campaign paraphernalia 2 5 James Parton Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers 1855 ) James Parton Life of Horace Greeley, Editor of the New Yo, k Tribune, From His Birth to the Present Time (Boston : James Osgood and Co., 1872 )

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28 26 Wm David Sloan Perspectives on Mass Communication History (Hillsdale NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum Associates 1991) 138 27 Henry Luther Stoddard Horace Greeley, Pri11ter, Editor, Crusader (New York : G P Putnam's Sons 1946.) Stoddard connected Greeley with the naming of the Republican Party although his attribution of sources was not entirely clear 2 8 John R Commons ''Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the Republican Party ," Political Science Quarterly, 24 (September 1909) 472 29 John R Commons '' Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the Republican Party ," Political Science Quarterly 24 (September 1909) 468-488 30 Paul Goodman, '' The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States : Accommodation and Resistance to the Market Revolution 1840-1880 ," The Journal of American Hist ory, 80 2 (September 1993) 486 '' A secure ... humble home ," Greeley wrote '' will yet be established as one of the cardinal principles of the Republican Polity ." 31 Michael F Holt The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and th e Onset of th e C ivil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press 1999 ) 32 Michael F Holt The Rise a11d Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and th e Onset of the C ivil War (New York, Oxford : Oxford University Press 1999) X 33 Michael F Holt Th e Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and th e Onset of the C ivil War (New York, Oxford : Oxford University Press 1999) 46 34 Michael F Holt, '' The Election of 1840 Voter Mobilization and the Emergence of the Second American Party System : A Reappraisal of Jacksonian Voting Behavior ," A Master's Di1e : Essays in Honor of David Herbert Donald ed William J. Cooper Jr. Michael F Holt and John McCardell (Baton Rouge, LA : Louisiana State University 1985) 16-58 35 New York Daily Tribune Jan 26 1854 The only question remaining from the Kansas-Nebraska legislation was according to the Tribune, '' whether northern sentiment can be aroused and consolidated in solid phalanx against the atrocious proposition The fools at Washington believe it cannot. We believe that it can! The U11ited States will extinguish slavery b efo re slavery ca11 exting,,ish the United States [sic ] '' 36 Michael F Holt Th e Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party : Jacksonian Politics and th e Onset of the C ivil War (New York, Oxford : Oxford University Press 1999) X.

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29 37 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston New York: Houghton Mifilin and Co ., 1883-84, Vol. 1) 467. 38 Abraham Oakey Hall, Ho,ace Greeley Decently Dissected, in a Letter on Horace Greeley, Addressed by A. Oakey Hall to Joseph Hoxie, esq., (New York : Ross & Tousey 1862.) 39 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, Horace Greeley, Nineteenth-Century Crusader (New York : Hill and Wang 1953 1964) 251 4 0 Glyndon G Van Deusen, Horace Greeley, Nineteenth-Century Crusader (New York : Hill and Wang 1953, 1964) 249-253 41 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Bosto11 New York : Houghton Mifilin and Co ., 1883-84 .) 42 Glyndon G Van Deusen Thurlow Weed, Wizard of th e Lobby (Boston : Little Brown and Co ., 1947) 227. 43 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop William Henry Seward (Boston and New York : Houghton Mifflin Co. 1896) 55-61 Seward was elected governor of New York in 1838 He began addressing slavery most outspokenly in 1848 Whig campaign for presidency and delivered speeches on the subject in New York New England Pennsylvania, New Jersey Delaware and Ohio In February 1849 he was chosen Senator for New York 44 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop, William Henry Seward (Boston and New York : Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896) 1 2. Seward s father Dr Samuel S Seward was a physician of good standing, and his grandfather John Seward served in the American Revolution with New Jersey s First Sussex Regiment 45 Glyndon G Van Deusen William Henry Seward (New York : Oxford University Press 1967.) See also : John M Taylor William Henry Seward: Lincoln's Right Hand (Washington, D C .: Brassey s 1996 ) 4 6 Glyndon G Van Deusen William Henry Seward (New York : Oxford University Pre ss, 1967) 251 47 John Bigelow William C ullen Bryant (Boston and New York : Amo & The New York Times 1893 ) The Post editor has been omitted from the bulk of secondary texts analyzing Whig and Republican politics although Bryant is an important character in 19 th century press history especially the Liberal Republican campaign of 1872 4 8 Horace Greeley R eco ll ec tio11s of a Busy Life (New York : Amo 1868) 312.

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30 49 Frederic Bancroft The Life of William H. Seward (New York, London : Harper and Brothers 1900) 518 On March 1, 1860 the Tribune suggested Seward s speech would be of the greatest importance to the party if it should be widely read and that the only way for the Republicans to triumph in 1860 would be to overcome the ''terror of Sewardism and the higher law by putting this speech in every house in the free states ." 5 Kenneth M Stampp And the War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis 1860-1861 (Binghamton NY : Louisiana State University Press, 1950) 136 51 Kenneth M. Stampp, And the War Came: The North and the Secession C risis 1860-1861 (Binghamton NY : Louisiana State University Press, 1950 ) 52 Harlan Hoyt Horner Lincoln and Greeley (Urbana, IL : University of Illinois Press 1953 ) Primary sources cited throughout include Greeley's book The American Conflict (Chicago and Hartford : O.D Case & Co ., 1864-66 Vol 1 ) and David Mearns collection The Abraham Lincoln Papers (Garden City NY : Doubleday and Co ., 1948.) 53 James Parton Life of Horace Greeley (New York : Mason Brothers, 1855 ) James Parton Life of Horace Greeley, Editor of the New York Tribune, From His Birth to the Present Time (Boston : James Osgood and Co ., 1872.) 54 James Parton Life of Horace Greeley (New York : Mason Brothers 1855) 19 20 '' New Hampshire the native State of Horace Greeley was settled in part by colonists from Massachusetts and Connecticut, and in part by emigrants from the north of Ireland The latter were called Scotch-Irish for a reason which a glance at their history will show ," Parton wrote. '' Londonderry the capital of which, called by the same name had been sacked and razed during the [Irish rebellion of 1612 ] The city was now rebuilt by a company of adventurers from London and the county was settled by a colony from Argyleshire in Scotland, who were thenceforth called Scotch-Irish ." 55 James Parton Life of Horace Greeley (New York : Mason Brothers 1855 ) James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley, Editor of the New York Tribune, From His Birth to the Present Time (Boston : James Osgood and Co ., 1872), 208-217 ; Horace Greeley Association Disc1,ssed; or, The Socialism of the Trib1,ne Examined, Being a Co11troversy Between the New York Tribune a,1d the Courier and Enquirer, by H. Greeley and H.J. Raymond (New York : Harper), 1847 56 Horace Greeley The Ame, ican Conflict (Chicago and Hartford : O D Case & Co ., 1864-66 Vol 1.) 57 Horace Greeley R ec ollections of a Busy Life (New York : Arno, 1868) 94. 58 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York : Houghton Mifllin and Co ., 1883-84 Vol 1) 467 The first number of the J e ffersonian appeared in February 1838

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31 5 9 Francis Brown Raymo,ui of the Times (New York : Norton, 1951), 5 '' Shrill partisanship' had no place in the Jeffersonian according to Brown. ''Instead Greeley filled its pages with general political news with Congressional speeches with articles on political subjects for he aimed ,' he said to convince and win by candor and moderation rather than overbear by passion and vehemence .''' 60 Horace Greeley Recollections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno 1868) Chapter 38, ' Seward, Weed and Greeley," provided one of the most direct treatments of the controversial partnership. Greeley reserved praise for Seward but acknowledges his admiration for the man's dedication to the abolitionist cause ' Apart form politics I like the man [Seward] though not blind to his faults His natural instincts were humane and progressive ," Greeley wrote. '' Mr Thurlow Weed was of coarser mould and fibre tall robust, dark-featured shrewd resolute, and not over-scrupulous, keen-sighted, though not far-seeing Writing slowly and with difficulty he was for twenty years the most sententious and pungent writer of editorial paragraphs on the American press 61 Paul Goodman '' The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States : Accommodation and Resistance to the Market Revolution, 1840-1880, The Journal of American History, 80, 2 (September 1993) 483; In 1846 Gerrit Smith a wealthy upstate New York landowner and a leader of the Liberty Party and other antislavery leaders endorsed homestead exemption 6 2 Paul Goodman, '' The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States : Accommodation and Resistance to the Market Revolution 1840-1880 ," The Journal of American History 80 2 (September 1993), 482; Michael Holt '' Winding Roads to Recovery : The Whig Party from 1844 to 1848 Essays on American Antebellum Politics 1840-1860, eds Stephen E Maislish and John J Kushma (College Station TX : Texas A&M University 1982) 122-165 6 3 Horace Greeley Papers Durham NC : Duke University ; Thurlow Weed Papers New York : University of Rochester 6 4 Ho,a c e G, eeley Pap e rs Durham, NC : Duke University; Thurlow Weed Papers New York : University of Rochester. Issues of the Log Cabin reviewed at the Library of Congress during the summer of 2001 were especially revealing 65 Harper s Weekly [online] New York : Harper's Magazine Co ., accessed : Feb 5 2003 ; available at http :// app harpweek com and http :// elections harpweek com/ The Harp Week Web sites featured articles from Harper's Weekly a leading 19 th century literary journal, and political prints and cartoons Political satirist Thomas Nast contributed to Harper's Weekly throughout the late 1800s, and his work played a critical role in Greeley s failed campaign during the 1872 election. The site included the work of artists from Vanity Fair Frank Leslie's Illustrated Weekly, and Puck It archived and indexed the Library of Congress Collection of American Political Prints from 1766-1876 In

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32 addition to explanations of each cartoon the site contained biographies explanations of the issues campaign overviews and other relevant historical information 66 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery The Press and America, An Interpretive History of the Mass Media 4 th ed (Englewood Cliffs NJ : Prentice-Hall Inc ., 1978), 126 '' More books have been written about Greeley than about any other American of the period except Lincoln, according to Emery 67 George William Curtis wrote in Harper s Weekly, Jan 5 1854 that Greeley's editorials had become the '' drumbeat of the nation ." Henry Luther Stoddard Horace Greeley, Print e r Editor, Crusader (New York : G P Putnam's Sons 1946) 162-164 ''Greeley at once became the banner-bearer of a new party the herald and harbinger of a free Union," Stoddard wrote '' The daily issue of The Tribune was a startling drum-beat and The Weekly Tribune became an incessant broadside ." 68 Horace Greeley Recollections of a Busy Life (New York : Arno 1868) 311 6 9 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow W e ed Inc/11ding His Autobiog, aphy ar1d a Memoir (Boston New York : Houghton Miffiin and Co ., 1883-84 Vol 2), 554. 7 0 Henry Luther Stoddard Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Cn,sader (New York : G P Putnam's Sons 1946) 171 172 In 1838 Weed brought Greeley to Albany to edit the Jeffersonian '' It would seem that no other three men could possibly be better fitted to work together ," Stoddard wrote 'Weed sought the power of politics ~ Greeley sought the power of the printed word ; Seward sought distinction in statesmanship No one of the three men apparently wanted what the other two desired ." 71 Edward L Ayers '' The Valley of the Shadow : Living the Civil War in Pennsylvania and Virginia ," [online] Charlottesville VA : University of Virginia accessed : Feb 5 2003 ; http :// jefferson vi1lage virginia edu / vshadow / vshadow html ; Both newspapers, The Staunton Spectator and The Valley Spirit, are available at The Valley of the Shadow project 72 Henry Luther Stoddard Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York : G. P Putnam s Sons 1946) 167 Joseph Medill aroused Republican followers in Cleveland Ohio after becoming editor of the Chicago Tribune in 1856 Greeley responded to Medill s query about the new Republican Party '' Go ahead my friend with your proposed Republican party [sic ] and may God bless you Greeley wrote '' I hope you will have the best of luck The time has indeed come to bury our beloved [Wrug] party ; it is dead But we have many fool friends who insist it is only in a comatose state and will recover but I tell them it is dead still, I dare not yet in New York announce the demise of the party and cal I for the reorganization of a new one But do you go ahead on the Western reserve and commence the work I like the name for it If you can get the name Republican started in the West it will grow in the East. I fully agree to the new name and the new christening ."

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33 73 Wm David Sloan, Perspectives on Mass Communication History '' The Party Press, 1783-1833 : Political Sycophant or Party Leader? '' (Hillsdale, NJ : Lawrence Earlbaum Associates 1991 ) 5 873 Historians have placed the party press between the formation of the first party system and the collapse of the National Republicans 74 Harper's Weekly [online] New York: Harper s Magazine Co ., accessed : Feb 5 2003 ; available at http :// app harpweek.com and http :// elections harpweek.com/ Harp Week offered access to Harper's Weekly the '' Journal of Civilization," a popular 19 th century publication and a leader in covering the Civil War ; Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Co ngres s [ online] Galesburg IL : Knox College accessed : Feb 5 2003 ; available at : http :// memory.loc gov / ammem/alhtml / malhome htrnl ; Edward L Ayers '' The Valley of the Shadow : Living the Civil War in Pennsylvania and Virginia ," [online] Charlottesville, VA : University of Virginia accessed : Feb 5 2003 ; available at : http :// jefferson .v illage .v irginia edu / vshadow / vshadow html 75 Jame s Startt and William Sloan Historical Methods in Mass Communication (Hillsdale NJ: Lawrence Earlbaum Associates, 1989 ) 76 Gregory Borchard ''C ivil Rights Consciousness: The Southern Press and the 15th Amendment ," Master's Thesis University of Minnesota 1999. The author used a similar approach in writing his master s thesis in which he analyzed editorials written in three Southern newspapers at the passage of landmark civil-rights legislation Issues of the study included the necessity of interpreting texts without the biases of modem civil rights causes or the racial prejudices of 19 t h century editors 77 Allan N evins Th e Gateway t o Hi s tory (Garden City NY : Doubleday & Co., Inc ., 1962 .) 78 Kenneth M Stampp And the War Ca m e: Th e North a11d the Seces .. ~ion C risis 1860-1861 (Binghamton NY : Louisiana State University Press 1950 .) 79 Abraham Lincoln Pap e rs at the Library of Co ngr ess [online]. Galesburg IL : Knox College ac cessed : Feb 5 2003; available at : http :// memory loc .go v / ammem/alhtml / malhome html 80 Ha,p e r's Weekly [online] New York : Harper s Magazine Co ., accessed : Feb 5 2003 ; available at http :// app harpweek com and http :// elections harpweek com/ 81 Hora ce Greeley Recoll ec tions of a Busy Life (New York : Amo 1868) 315321. Greeley wrote Seward in 1854 complaining of apparent infirmities '' I have no further wish but to glide out of the newspaper world as quietly and as speedily as possible join my family in Europe and, if possible stay there quite a time ," he wrote, '' long enough to cool my fevered brain and renovate my overtasked energies .'' 82 Th1,rl ow W ee d Papers, New York : University of Roche s ter

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34 83 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co ., 1883-84, Vol 1), 467 84 Abraham Oakey Hall, Horace Greeley Decently Dissected, in a Letter on Horace Greeley, Addressed by A. Oakey Hall to Joseph Hoxie, esq., (New York : Ross & Tousey 1862 ) Hoxie compared himself to David taking on Goliath His scathing critique of Greeley s editorial and political policies was a radical departure from most texts. His self-proclaimed mission was to point out '' for posterity the hypocrisies vanities and frivolities of some demi-god [Greeley] of a fanatical mob; and in demonstrating that the patriotism of this demi-god was only a thin cloak that time rotted away ." 85 Henry Luther Stoddard Horace Greeley, Printer, Editor, Crusader (New York : G. P Putnam 's Sons 1946) 166 Various accounts of the origins of the Republican Party were reviewed Stoddard recognized Greeley s direct role He wrote that Greeley heard in 1854 from Asahel N Cole editor of the Genesee Valley Free Press called a convention to meet and organize a political party to oppose Douglas Kansas-Nebraska legislation Cole asked Greeley to suggest a name ''Ca ll it Republican no prefix no suffix just plain Republican ," was Greeley s brief, historic reply '' And early in May the name Republican was flung to the breeze ,' as country weeklies then loved to say pridefully from the masthead of the Free Pre ss the first newspaper to display it .'' 86 A M emo rial of Horace G,eeley, (New York: The Tribune Association, 1873 ) Greeley ran for president, ironically as a Democrat in 1872 against Republican incumbent Ulysses S Grant He was defeated due in part to criticisms from fellow editors and newspapers, which ran scathing critiques of his political / editorial hybrid Greeley died heartbroken in a sanitarium shortly afterwards 87 Horace Greeley Recolle c tions of a Busy Life (New York : Arno 1868) Chapter 38, '' Seward, Weed and Greeley ." 88 John R Commons '' Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the Republican Part y," Political Science Qi,arterly, 24 (September 1909) 466-488 89 Henry Luther Stoddard Hora ce Greeley, Printer Editor, Cn,sader (New York : G P Putnam 'sSo ns 1946) 171 172.

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CHAPTER 2 MARKETING THE HARRISON PRESIDENCY: THE LOG CABIN, HARD TIMES, AND HARD CIDER, TOO Horace Greeley, editor of the Log Cabin, enjoyed his first major political victory in 1840 with the election of Whig candidate William Henry Hamson to the presidency Greeley's role in the race revolutionized the art of campaign polemics. He was successful because he tailored Harrison's image to meet the desires of an excited electorate. Hamson was promoted as ''the Log Cabin Candidate which set the tone for one of the first endeavors in mass marketing. 1 The Log Cabirz and other Whig publications circulated campaign proposals and literature in the for1n of editorials, articles advertisements, announcements, and broadsheets. The successes of the Harrison campaign relied on a saturation of the electorate with image-building materials. The campaign featured a host of material tokens and paraphernalia to accompany the revelry of supporters. 2 The Whig s maximized thei1 suppo11 by developing ads that addressed the struggling economy. Log cabins of the nation s westward settlements were co-opted as symbols of freedom and security on an anay of campaign materials. Greeley shaped the Whigs image into a desirable one by cross-marketing literature and propaganda with assorted songs, ads, and material tokens. Newspaper and journal articles reinforced Whig-organized activities inclt1ding rallies, parades, meetings, and dances . 35

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36 Gree l ey: A Marked Man Greeley was 'a marked person from hi s earliest childhood, according to biographer Jame s Pru1on. He wa s born in the farm town of Amher s t, N.H. Feb. 3, 1811 the third of seven children. 3 Friends remembered him with ''a vividne s s and affection very extraordinary ." 4 His father had been reduced in the panic of 1819 from the po s ition of small far111er to that of day laborer. At the age of 15 Horace turned to an apprenticeship in a p1inting office, then a tramp printer for extra income. The enterprise failed, and he drifted east in 1831. At the age of 20 he arrived in New York with just $10 to his name. 5 He found refuge in the midst of the first Workingmen s Party meetings which organized for the rights of laborer s 6 For five years he traveled throughout the state, sustaining himself as an itinerant printer reading voraciou s ly between job s After part-time work a s a compo s itor he landed a per1nanent position with the E ve ning Po s t. Shortly afterward s, partner Fran c i s Story and he set up a shop of their own and printed a small weekly on contra c t. The main revenue from the newspaper came from lottery advertising a circumstance l1is rivals never let him forget. 7 Greeley was 28 when he first met Thurlow Weed boss of the New York Whig Party. Weed took an interest in acquiring Greeley's s ervices after reading the New Yorker, one of Greeley' s first successful ventures. '' In casting about for an editor it occu1Ted to me," Weed wrote, ' that there was some person connected with the New Yorker a literary journal publi s hed in that city, possessing the qualities needed for our new enterpri s e. Weed felt s ure that '' its editor was a s trong tariff man and probably an equally s trong Whi g He found Greeley in the offi c e of the journal '' a yot1ng man with

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37 light hair and blonde complexion, with coat off and sleeves rolled up, standing at the case, stick in hand. '' 8 Weed was in the process of producing the Je_ffersonian, a news journal that featured Whig activities. He sat down in the composing room with Greeley. When Weed inforrned him of the object of hi s visit Greeley was ''surprised, but evident l y gratified ," Weed wrote. Greeley s ugge s ted the name for the new newspaper and Weed approved. 9 The first nt1mber of the J effersonian appeared in February 1838. The i ss ued, dated March 3 1838 marked the christening of the political firm of Greeley Weed and Seward. 10 The J effersonian was not meant to be a party newspaper ' in the ordinary acceptation of that tetm. The purpose of the new s paper was to present '' the views of publi c men on both si de s of the great political que st ion s of the day and to exhibit, as far as may be, the sentiments and opinions of all." 11 Greeley conducted the journal with '' marked ability," Weed wrote, ''discussing measures clearly, calmly, and forcibly exerting during the year of its existence a wide and beneficial influence. 12 Greeley made a point of avoiding the dem agog ue1 y commo n in new s paper s of the Party Pre ss, an era he wanted to relegate to the past. '' Shrill partisan s hip had no place in the Jeffersonian ," he wrote. In s tead Gree l ey filled the newspaper 's page s with general political new s, Congressional s peeches and articles on politi ca l s ubject s, for he aimed '' to convince a nd win by candor and moderation rather than overbear by pa ssio n and vehemence 13 The life of the n ews paper was relatively s hort but it was in s trumental in launching Greeley 's career. One year after the opening i ss ue, Greeley announced he would be moving on to greater pur s uits. He thanked readers in the closing issue for suppo11ing the endeavor. He believed ful l y that he had made no assertion he '' did not fully believe to be

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38 true," nor had he advanced any arguments that he ''did not honestly believe to be sound." Greeley closed his labors with the Jeffersonian, he wrote, ''with a gratifying conviction that they will have been regarded by his readers with a respect for his sincerity, however, humble may be their estimate of his abi]ity 14 The Mas t ermi nd a nd t h e H i g h er Law of th e W hi gs Weed began a career of influence as an apprentice printer in upstate New York. 1 5 Between 1809 and 1817, he worked as a journeyman and became interested in politics as a follower of De Witt Clinton, a forerunner of the Whigs whose platfor1n included building material improvements for state and national infrastructures. Weed rendered his editorial services in the 1824 campaign ''but for which John Q u incy Adams would not have been President." By 1825, his work at the Rochester Telegraph helped launch him to politica l power. He purchased the Telegraph and used it to promote his candidates. 16 Weed bui It his reputation as an opponent of mob rule by blasting the ''Caesarism'' of the Jackson administration. He held strong anti-Masonic principles in a day when Masonry was a bu1ning political issue. The Anti-Masonic Party with which Weed had been affiliated raised funds to establish a newspaper at Albany, and Weed was made editor of the Albany Evening Journal while he was still a leader in the Assembly. 17 The Journal appeared in February 1830, and under Weed, it became the official 01gan of the New York Whigs Greeley and other Whigs gave Weed much of the credit for electing Seward governor in 1838. 18 During the 1840 campaign, Weed ran editorials that strengthened the Harrison campaign. The Journal suggested the Whigs embodied ''the hopes of the humble of the privations of the poor .. the emblem of rights that the vain and insolent aristocracy of federal office-holders have ... trampled on." 19

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39 Weed was loyal to Greeley. He consistently praised his associate despite their prolonged bu s ine s s-related fallout. 'Our sentiment s and opinions of public measures and public men harmonized perlectly Weed wrote. ''Our only difference was that upon the temperance slavery, and labor questions he was more ardent and hopeful. In this I gave him credit for fresher and less disciplined feelings." Weed considered Greeley 'unselfish conscientious, public spirited, and patriotic. He had no habits or tastes but for work, steady indomitable work." 2 0 But after Greeley dissolved his association with the firm in 1854 he tempered praise ot the junior partner reflected on letters he received from Greeley, who per s istently but futilely sought office as 'earnest and pathetic. 21 Greeley con s idered Weed a friend too although the two antagonized each other over preferred candidates for particular offices. 22 Weed was of ''coarser mould and fibre' [ s ic] than Seward ''tall, robu s t, dark featured, shrewd resolute and not over scrupulous keen-sighted, though not far-seeing Greeley wrote. 'Writing slowly and with difficulty he was for twenty years the most sententious and pungent writer of editorial paragraphs on the American press. '' 23 Greeley did not hold the same disdain for Weed as he did for Seward because Seward had what Greeley wanted most in life political office. Sewaid was born May 16, 1801, in Orange County, Warwick Fla. His patrician background gave him a natural advantage over Greeley in their que s t s for public office. Seward s father Dr. Samuel S. Seward wa s a phy s ician of good standing, and hi s grandfather John Seward s erved in the American Revolution with New Jer s ey s First Sus s ex Regiment. 24 Seward had previously been elected state senator in 1830. He lost soundly to William Marcy in his first campaign for Governor of New York in 1834. 25 Seward 's ri s e

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40 in the national political scene coinc id ed with the Whig response to the 1837 panic. While editing the Jeffersonian in Albany, Greeley wrote and reported legislative proceedings for Weed's Journal and contributed to Seward s election as governor in 1838. After Seward's election, Greeley, perhaps too humbly, downplayed his role in the election by suggesting his editorial assistance was ''worth nothing 26 Seward took notice of Greeley's skill in the 1838 and 1840 campaigns, and he welcomed Greeley as a member of the fi1111. The two kept a cool distance throughout their career s Greeley admired Seward, '' apart from his politics," he wrote ''though not blind to his faults." Seward's natural instincts were ''humane and progressive," and he ' hated slavery and all its belongings. 27 The Second Party System The second party system emerged from the ea1ly republic's absence of formal parties. Prior to the 1830s militia outfits, political societies and secret orders such as the Freemasons may have acted as recruiting and training agents for the political establishment. Under Jackson, patronage s hift ed from a patron-client relationship to one based on paity. In the context of expanded suffrage and a mobilized electorate, political party patronage mediated increasingly between citizens and government, and the influence of family and local notables declined. 28 The election of 1832 prompted the death of the National Republicans. Their base of Northeastern elite was in disanay and neither Anti-Masons nor Southerners could support the Adams' old party. 29 Demoralized and disheartened National Republican s rallied and joined in the formation of the Whig Party under a creed that supported internal improvements, protection of American industry, and a national bank, which was at the heart of Adams' initial proposals. 30

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41 From the birth of the Whig Party in the winter of 1833-34 until its collapse in the 1852 campaign members formed a federation of state and local organizations, each of which were genuinely appalled by Jackson s ' Caesarism." They objected mostly to Jackson s alleged contempt for the separation of powers and the rule of law Whig platforms summoned voters to rally behind candidates in a crusade for the salvation of the nation's republican self-govemment 3 1 Diverging interpretations of James Hanington, an influential 17 th -century republican theorist, polarized the new two-party split Hanington espoused a belief that the concentration of wealth in the hand s of a few would wat-p the republic into an oligarchy. In order to avoid the control of many by a few he argued, republics had to possess an equitable distribution of wealth. 32 Democrats on the Jefferson-Jackson axis maintained that deviations in mental and physical capabilities among men were not great enough to justify extremes in wealth holding. Andrew Jackson s famous veto of the re charter of the Se c ond Bank of the United States was one of the most succinct examples of Hanington s revolutionary theory of wealth disttibution in action. Conversely tariff debates, common in Whig campaign literature, often addressed the importance of entail and primogeniture as measures for correcting a1istocratic wealth imbalances. 33 Difference s over a national economic policy came to a head with the panic of 1837, which prepared voters for a change in executive administration. New York Governor Marcy in hi s me ss age to the legi s lature Weed wrote blamed the financial crisis on the ''unregulated spirit of speculation," which reached a culminating point with bank failures in New Orleans. The commercial pre ss ure soon led to similar di s a s ters in Charleston, Savannah B a l ti more Philadelphi a, and New York, when the panic became general

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42 Ba11k s s u s pended s p ec ie payments, ''fo 11unately while the legislature was in session, for by a provision of law the failure to pay spec ie worked a forfeiture of their chaiter Weed wrote. Jackson pronounced the banks un safe depo sitories for the public funds. In response, the Whig s engineered the revolutionary campaign of 1840 and Greeley, Weed, and Seward ''overwhelme d th e Democracy of the nation'' as appointed leader s of the campa ign for a new administration. 3 4 Prior to the Harri so n campaign, New York had become ''a hotbed of Whig activities." New York City was rendered for some weeks, '' a boiling ca uldr on of political passions," Greeley wrote. The presses daily echoed the concerns ''da il y received '' from the merchants and bankers to avert banlauptcy. They voiced their co ncern about ''the daily tightening of the mon ey market, and the novel hop es of success in sp ir ed in the breasts of tho se who now took the n ame of Whig s. ''' 3 5 The n a m e 'Whig," wrote Greeley, was a reference to party members' ''repugnance to unautho1ized assumptions of Executive pow e r. The party 's inte g ration of spiritual, civic, and economic interests served as part of the inspiration among the e le ctorate to r eact agai n st Ja ckso n s administration. 3 6 Greeley despised the elitism of the Democratic P arty and its opposition to free labor. H e believed that Van Bur en's e l ec tion to the presidency was a retu111ed favor from Jackson who laid ''a n iron rule," ''Love me love my dog." 37 Alanned voters welco m ed Whig proposals for abrupt, sweep ing c han ges. The promotion of tariffs and attacks on Jackson's bank policy were implemented into cam paign stra te gies as the economic conditions prior to 1840 worked against the Democrats. A Whig festival at the Orange Hotel was typical of the celebrations of the

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43 ''g lo1ious victory of the people over Loco-Foco Agrarianism, infidelity & Federali s m ." Participants rejoiced in '' the triumph of Democratic Principles in this State. 38 The publi c wa s a l so enticed to vote Whig through the distribution of enor1nous co ll ection of material tol < ens related to the Harrison campaign While the Van Buren c ampaign focused on particular is s ue s related to labor policy the array of Whig cam paign item s refle c ted a n active effort to promote a sense of economic s ecurity that would follow d d 39 un er a new a m1ru s trat1on. Marketing the Harrison Presidency The Whig s had become an amalgam of National Republican s, states' -rights Southerner s and Nullifier s, Anti Masons, and dissident Democrats. In 1840 the newly forrned New York power t1io of Greeley Weed and Seward led the party in advancing a ca ndidate to voters s ufficiently angered by Jackson's ''hig h-handed conduct ." 40 The election pitted incumbent Pre s ident Van Buren who was supported by the beneficiaries of Ja c k so n 's affiliate s, against a hungry party out of power The Whi g nominee Gener a l William Henry Harri s on had achieved marginal fame in the battle of Tippecano e. 4 1 He had c hall enged Van Buren in the previous election in which the war hero image had worked well for him. 4 2 As a regional Whig candidate, Harrison had carried seven states Vermont, New Jersey Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio and Indiana for 73 electoral votes. 4 3 His military hero image was a theme even more enthusiastical l y ex ploited by hi s supporters in 1840 44 The firm u se d image adverti s ing effectively by exp loiting and inverting Jack so n' s own campaign techniques for Harri s on's benefit. Martin Van Buren a pioneer in the art of image makin g, ironically contributed to their s ucce ss. 45 The pre s ident and forrner vice president had in 1828 melded Jack so n 's s uppo11 in Tenne ssee and the We s t with his own

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44 New York organjzation. He then won over leaders in Georgia, part s of Virginia, and the Carolinas. Working from the top down, Van Buren drew primarily on state leader s like Thomas Hart Benton of Missou1i and urban leaders s uch as Alan Campbell of Loui sv ille to craft a national political organization on Ja ckson's behalf. In effect, Van Buren was responsible for determining which issues were important to the electorate and how his ca ndidate would address them When a local or sta te leader had committed to Jack so n, the members of his organization became Jack so n' s local '' hurrah boys.'' These pre ci n ct level workers dropped literature throughout the community, managed rallies and staged the first national ge t -o ut-the -vo te campaign in villages and towns on Ele ct ion Day. 46 Jackson's ca mpai g n harnessed the ma ss medium of the day, the printing pres s, in two ways. First it made heavy use of sympat h etic n ewspapers. Campaign represent atives worked a1dently to sec ure favorable s tori es about the hero of New Orleans. Second, the Jack so n campaign produced enonnous number s of pamphlets, handbills, broad sides, and other printed literature, which were distributed throughout the nation. Jackson rallie s were s taged to generate public enthusiasm. In addition to the predictable political speeches, these events involved food, drink parades, songs, and the distribution of cam paign literature. The candidate's nickname '' Old Hickory'' was celebrated at rallie s, too. Like the hardwood tree, Jack son had provided his toughne ss to his troops during the War of 1812 and every Ja c kson rail y gave away hickory broom s, canes, and st i cks. On city s treet s and in s mall town squares, Ja ckso n s upporter s erected large hickory poles. Like tl1e buttons, bumper stickers, and yard signs of campaigns in the 20 th century, these symbo l s were tangible signs of sup port for the candidate. 47

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45 The Whig Party's challenge to Democratic ascendancy peaked in a climate ripe for political theatri cs. During the Jackson and Van Buren administrations, the numb er of participating voters more than tripled. Electors grew loyal to one or the other presidential candidates, and by 1840 they were eager to decide which candidate should lead the co untry The Whig press appealed to the emerging mass audience for support with co ntent that targeted popular interests. 48 The Whigs economic int erests concurred with the development of t he commercial press. The blossoming indu stry was utilized by playing a large role in disseminating the news of party functions and promoting the political ideas and character of candidates. 4 9 ''T he function of antebellum new spape r s, which were the organs of political parties, was to make partisanship seem essential to men's identities," according to Whig hi storian Elizabeth Varon. 50 At a time when spiritua l transfor1nation was part of civic life Whig rallies functioned as sec ular camp meetings. The Whigs practiced ''secu lar revivaJism 51 The Sabbatarian movement was part of the rise of the popular press. It contributed to the development of the Whig agenda, too. Sabbatarians advocated the observance of the Sabbath as a forrn of piety and political organization with techniques that mirrored the Whigs tactics of arousal a nd agitation among the masses. '' It was not enough merely to grant postn1en a day of rest," according to hi s torian Bertram Wyatt-Brown ''True Sabbatarianism included the closing of bakeries ... stores, taverns, theaters and offices." 52 Whig activities were promoted by integrating fliers, pamphlets, and media messages associated with the Sabbatarian temperance movement. By 1840 Whig organizers had overcome their misgivings about the perils of mob rule and exploited popular attachment to image s that were associated with th e

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I 46 individualism and freedom of the American fron tier. Democratic campaign materials were less imaginative and less appealing than Ha1Tison symbols. 5 3 The differ ences stemmed partly from nomination processes: The Whig Party tended to award its nominations to non-political men of great popular renown, primarily war heroes long on image and s hort on experience in public affairs~ the Democrat s most often chose candidates on the basis of party service By this line of rea so ning Whig candidates were naturally s uited to the new politi cs of popular entertainment and their material components, and Democratic candidates were not 54 Homestead legi s lation the charter of the national bank, and tariffs were features of the campaign designed by Whig strategists, which resonated with the democr at i zed electorate. Jackson dismissed the tactics as little more than promotion of ''Logg [sic] cabins, hard cider and coon humbuggery ," but the material remains of the campaign indicate Whig campaign managers so u ght an active remedy for the panic of 1837 55 The Log Cabin The Van Burenite Baltimore R epublicari, according to Greeley, had in December 1839 ''s neered at the idea of electing Gen. Harrison '' when it suggested that the Whigs ought to ''give him a barrel of HARD CIDER [sic]'' and a pension of $2,000 a year a nd allow him to ''sit the remainder of his days in hi s LOG CABIN [sic] by the side of a sea coal' fire, and study moral philo so phy. '' 56 After the taunts were circulated in other Democratic newspapers, Whi g editors sp un the commentary as a s lur by Eastern office holding ''pimps'' against the great American yeomanry. They co-opted the reference and turned it on its h ead by promoting Harrison as the '' Log-Cabin Candidate. '' 57 Hanison did own a log cabin in North Bend, Ohio, one th a t he had built for his bride near the turn of the century. It earned him designation as '' the farmer of North

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47 Bend He was in fact not born in a log cabin but in a fine two-story brick home at Berkeley on the James River in Virginia, and at the time of the campaign, he owned a palatial Georgian mansion in Vincennes, Ind. 58 P1ior to 1840 campaign artwork evoked the story of the nation. But in 1840, glorifications of the Constitution, Lady Liberty the ship of state, and the eagle gave way to highly personalized symbols associated with particular candidates. 59 Commenting on the transformation Phi lip Hone a New York Whig observed in his diary that party banners and transparencies had transfor1ned ''the temple of Liberty'' into ''a hovel of Ltnhewn logs'' and ''the military garb of the general into the frock and shirtsleeves of a laboring farmer." The American eagle was supplanted by a cider barrel, ''and the long established emblem of the ship'' was replaced by the plow. '''Hurrah for Tippecanoe!''' he wrote, was heard more frequently than ''Hurray for the Constitution!'' 60 Hone concluded that the friends of Van Buren made their greatest mistake when, ''by their sneers, they furnished the Whigs those powerful weapons, 'log cabin' and 'hard cider' ... It makes a personal hurrah for Harrison which cannot in any way be gotten up for Van Buren." 61 Greeley's Log Cabin was at the foundation of the first presidency won almost entirely through the efforts of the mass media He was credited with popularizing the catchy slogan ''Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too'' and for advancing ''the Log-Cabin Candidate'' i11 published songs, speeches, letters and assorted Wltig propaganda. The Log Cabin, a Greeley original, became the Whigs' major organ during the 1840 race with a national circulation that reached 80,000 copies a week. 62 The newspaper has been cited as no less than ''the greatest journalistic success America has ever known." 6 3 Weed, who had originally commissioned the project, credited Greeley with a single-handed,

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48 journalistic coup. ''A more pronounced paper for popular circulation was needed ," Weed wrote. In 1840 under tl1e auspices of the New York Whig State Committee Greeley started the Log Cabin, which was ''zealous, s pirited, and became univer sa lly popular." 64 For six months during the presidential ca mpaign of 1840, Greeley published sto rie s and editorials that contributed to Harrison' s rise to fame. The Log Cabin was first issued May 2, 1840. A yearly subscription cost buyers $1.50, and 10 copies could be purcha sed for $10. 65 Its first front-page story, '' An Eloquent Record, featured quotes from Harrison with his portrait in the upper comer. It published letters written by Harri so n in the 1820s and anecdotal reports about the Battle of Tippecanoe. It was Greeley's first effort at providing readers with a vision of a ca ndidate's personality and political ambitions. 66 A promotional blurb ''To Our Patrons' laid out the editorial policies of the newspaper and set fo11h goals for future publications. Greeley announced humbly his own role in attempting to publish their hopes for a new nation aware that the Log Cabiri co ntained some material which ''tho ugh good'' was not new ''We hope to improve." Greeley wrote, ''s o that all the contents of our s heet shall pos sess the double attraction of fresh ne ss and worth." 67 Sub scribers ordered the newspaper until it was almost impossible to get clerical help fast enot1gh to take care of the mail and the first issue of 20,000 prints sol d out at a rate greater tl1an even Greeley could anticipate. 68 The secret of the Log Cabin was that it was not s tupid. It s pa1kled with literary s tyle, and every line was readable What distinguished the newspaper and the accompanying ''Tippeca noe and Tyler, Too'' campaign from all othe1 presidential ca mpaign s was a distinguishing feature: The Log Cabi11 relied not only on what was printed but what readers did. 69 Greeley's editorial skill earned the respect of his readers,

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49 although he later noted that the endeavor earned no profit. 70 His efforts remained the Whigs' first and best hope for a lasting challenge to the Democ1atic Party. 71 Tippeca n oe a n d Tyle r Too The National Whig convention had adopted no official platfor1r1 for the 1840 candidate. 7 2 Harrison had expressed the view that Congress could not abolish or interfere with slavery in the states except upon the application of the states, nor abolish slavery in the District of Columbia without the consent of the residents therein. Clay's compromise tariff bill should be carried out, he added, and the presidential power of appointment should be used only for the public advantage, not to promote the interests of party. 73 Harrison had said little on other issues, and his silence seemed to reinforce the assertions of the Democrats that he was the senile ''General Mum But on June 6, 1840 he spoke. Breaking with tradition, he addressed a crowd from the steps of the National Hotel in Columbus, Ohio It was the first of 23 speeches he delivered throughout the fall. Ranging in length from one to three hours, his speeches refuted the charges that he was incompetent or senile. It was not clear whether he had help in preparing his speeches. Certainly it would have been available because the Whigs flooded the nation with surrogate speakers: William Ogden Niles, using the name of the little village where Harrison won his most significant military victory, published the 95-page Tippicano e Text Book [sic] explicitly to provide them with materials for surrogate speeches. 7 4 The ''Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too'' slogan was Greeley's catchy creation that refened to Harrison's victory and vice-presidential running mate John Tyler. The alliterative phrase was a small part of the public's fascination with campaign. The ensuing hero worship heaped on Harrison by the Whig press marked ''a landmark in the camivalization of American elective politics." 75

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50 Before it ran it s course, the ''Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too'' campajgn in spired a harvest of so uvenir items seldom if ever s urpassed in quantity and variety in nearly two ce nturi es of U.S. politics. In cl Ltded in the campaign were examples of virtually every type of item u sed politi ca lly in the United States before 1840. A partial inventory includes thread boxes, papier-mache s nuff boxes, fla sks, cotton chintzes, at lea s t 20 varieties of si lk kerchiefs or bandanas, almo s t as many different Sandwich cup plate s, more than 60 known type s of c lothing button s, an equal number of novelty medals and tokens, nearly 200 styles of silk ribbons, and an eclectic atTay of ceramic mementos that ranged from exquisite and expensive copper luster pitchers to Ridgway's ''Columbian Star '' Stafford s hire pottery priced at 7 cents per plate 76 The canvass was best characterized in the words of one of its own chants as the ''great commotion." What has caused tliis great commotion notion 11i o tion motion, Ou r coitntry through, It is the ball a-rolling on For Tippecanoe and T yle r, too, F or Tippecanoe artd Tyler, too. A1id with tliem we'll beat little Van, Van, Va,i, is a used up man. 77 Such slogans and songs appeared on nearly every item of Whig campaign literature and they were popularized by reproductions in the Log Cabin. Other methods were used to ''agitate the people," including Whig dinners barbecues, picnics, and procession s, with women as s pe ctato r s and participants. 78 Whig rallies and parades brought out posters, silk ribbon badges floats, and cloth banners of every sort. 79 At a rally in Rockford, Ill ., Oct. 7, 1840 banners bore the slogans '' Belloit I s True for Tippecanoe," '' Whi gs of Byron For Our Country We Rally ," and

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51 ''Pacatonic No Tonic for Van Buren." 80 Van Buren was lambasted as a '' groveling demagogue ' and associated with the ''eastern office holder pimps." 8 1 The commotion instigated by Greeley was later cited by Whig elder statesman John Quincy Adams as a sign of ' a revolution in the habits and manners of the people." 82 Under Greeley's direction, Harrison was the first man ''sung to the Presidency ." The Log Cabin publi s hed and popularized tunes such a s ' The Hard Cider Quick Step '' and the '' Log Cabin or Tippecanoe Waltz." 83 The Log Cabin engaged in a number of other modem media practices including the u s e of pre-el e ction proje c tion s A c ha1t of popular votes in 'What is the Pro s pe c t ? ' Oct. 31 1840 predicted that Ha1Tison wou ld win tl1e Electoral Col l ege by a breakdown o f 194 vote s to Van Buren 's 100. 8 4 Greeley included a disclaimer that his estimate s were ''of course no better than any other man's estimate. We may be deceived or mistaken. We pretend to no secret sources of inforr11ation. We have only looked on certainly not without interest or care, through the contest. ' 85 '' The Work is Done!'' announced a Monday, Nov 9, 1840 headline. 86 Greeley and his editors had a s ce1tained ' beyond doubt'' that the majority necessary for a Harrison and Tyler administration had been chosen. ' Bretheren Wl1igs Are not our effort s and our toil s glo1iously rew a rded ?' 87 Harri s on went on to win the election soundly with 52.9 per ce nt of the popular vote and 234 electoral vote s Van Buren received 46.8 percent of the popular vote and 60 electoral votes. 88 A c corcling to returns posed in the Lo g Cabiri, Harrison won 1,093 709 vote s and Van Buren 875,374 89 William Henry Harrison Is No More Accounts of the Harrison victory were joyous, and Whig s upp orters ignored warnings and gripes from Democrats that Harrison was too ill to take office. 'The s un of

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52 Reform and Libe11y has at length risen on our long oppressed and misgoverned country! The Administration of Martin Van Buren terminated on Wednesday of thi s week announced the L og Cabin March 6 1841. Harrison's inauguration would be celebrated ''amidst an unprecedented concourse of rejoicing sympathizing Freemen. '' 90 'The Inau g uration published in the Log Cabin March 13, 1841 described the morning that h e ralded the Whig s' greatest hour of victory, which '' broke s omewhat c loudily and the horizon s eemed rather to betoken s now or rain 9 1 Oth e r a cc ount s provided hint s to the fate of the '' venerable old man' as he walked through a s torrn alon g Pennsylvania Avenue to the City Hall, ''amid double columns of human beings, the bells ringing merrily the flakes of snow rapidly mingling with his grey locks, his eye flashing fire, and hi s step as firm as of youth or lusty manhood." It was the ''hour of triumph." 92 The celebration in intemperate weather exacted a final toll on Harrison as well as the party that had catapulted him to national prominence. On April 3, 1841, a small paragraph on page two of the Log Cabin disclosed without fanfare that the president '' wa s taken s udd e nly ill on Saturda y evening l as t and for a time threatened with s e v ere a nd protracted if not dangerous indi s position." 93 He wa s diagno s ed with pneumonia but doctors a s sured the nation that ' the virulence of the disorder had been almo s t entirely subdued and sanguine expectations were entertained of his speedy recovery ." 94 Within a week the Log Cabin was reissued with headlines announcing the ''Death of P1esident Harrison!'' ''We are constrained wrote Greeley, ' to confirrn the painful tidings which have already been borne on the wings of the wind to every portion of our land. WlLLIAM HENRY HARRISON IS NO MORE! [sic] '' 95

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53 The Whig Party did not recover from the lo ss of Harri so n but Greeley devoted his life to attacking Jacksonian Democracy. Meantime newspaper s throughout the country had ca1Tied already a forrnal account of the Whig Illinois State convention at Springfield on Oct 8, 1839, which named delegates to the Harrisburg National Convention. One of the electors nominated to represent Illinoi s at Harrisburg was ''Abraham Lin co ln of Sangamon. '' It was the first time, notes Ha1Tison biographer Jame s A. Green, the name of the nation 's first Republican president appeared in ma ss circulation. 96 Notes 1 James W. Dearing and Everett M. Roger s, Agenda-Setting (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. 1996. ) The agenda-setting theories popularized in scholarly literature by James W. Dearin g and Everett M. Roger s noted similar s trategie s by mass media practitioners in the 20 th century. 2 Rog er A. Fischer, Tippecanoe artd Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of America,i Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urba na Chicago: University of Illinois Pre ss, 1988 .) Fi scher's text contained an impressive inventory of Whig campaign paraphernalia. 3 James Parton, Lif e of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers 1855), 2. Greeley's father Zaccheus Greeley married Mary Woodburn in 1807. Horace was born in the farm town of Amherst, NH, Feb. 3, 1811 the third of seven children. Greeley biographer James Parton who spared neither metapho1 nor detail in his description of the editor's eventful life wrote that Greeley's birth ''was almost too much for him ." Using the language ''of one who was present," Parton wrote that Greeley ''came into the world as black as a chimney. There were no signs of life. He uttered no cry~ he made no motion~ he did not breathe. But the little discolored stranger had articles to write, and was not per1nitted to escape his destiny ." 4 James Parton, Life oj'Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brother s, 1855) ix. 5 Hora ce Greeley, R ecollections of a Bu sy Life (New York: Amo, 1868 ), 84. 6 John R. Commons, ''Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the Republican Party ," Political Science Quarterly, 24 ( September 1909), 470. 7 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, Arz Int erpretive Histor y of the Mass Media 4 th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1978), 127.

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54 8 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurl ow W eed In cl uding His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol 1), 466,467. 9 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow W eed Including His Autobiograph y and a Menioir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 1 ), 466,467. 1 Francis Brown, Ra ymond oftJie Ti11ies (New York: Norton, 1951) 5. 11 '' To the Publi c," The J effe rsonian Feb. 17 1838, v .1, no.1. 12 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Th11rl o-vv W eed /1 1clitdirig Hi s Aittobi ograp h y a11d a Menioir ( Bo ston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -84, Vol. 1 ), 466,467 11 Fran c i s Brown, Ra y n1orid of tli e Ti111 es (New York: Norton 1951), 5. 14 'To Our Readers ," Th e Jeff e rsonian, Feb. 9, 1839 v.l, no .52. 15 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow Weed In cluding His Autobiograph y and a Menioir ( Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol 1) 1 Weed wrote in his memoirs that he was born ''i n the s mall place called Acra, in the town of Cruro, Greene County, New York, Nov. 15 1797 ." The Autobiog,aphy of Thurlow Weed, edited by his daughter Harriet A. Weed and Weed's M emoir, edited by his grandson, Thurlow Weed Barnes were written at various period s, and in detached fragments. ''T he se reminiscences are sufficie ntly full to make when arranged in due order of time ," Weed wrote '' a connected na11ative of the events and experiences of the years he deemed of chief intere s t or importance. 16 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Thitrlow Weed In cluding His Aittobiograph y and a Me111oir ( Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -84, Vol. 2), 260. 1 7 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery Tli e Pr ess and America An Int e rpreti ve Hi story of th e Mass M e dia 4 th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentic eH a ll In c., 1978 ), 1 32. 18 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery Tli e Pr e:ss and A111 e ri c a Ari J, i t er pr etive Hi :sro r y of th e Ma ss M ed ia 4 th ed. (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice Hall Inc ., 1978) 131. 19 Michael F. Holt, The Ri se and Fall of the American Whig Party: Ja cksonian Politics and the Oriset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Pre ss, 1999) 107 20 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow W ee d I,i cluding Hi s Autobiograpli y arid a Memoir ( Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 1), 467. 21 Thurlow Weed, Life ofTl1urlow Weed In cli tding His Autobiograph y arid a M e 11 zoir ( Bo ston, New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 96 97.

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55 22 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, Thurlow Weed, Wizard of tlie Lobb y ( Bo ston: Little Brown and Co., 1947), 227. Weed's co nn ectio n s with the Anti-Masonic movement made it inevitable that stories s hould circ ulate abo ut his lack of character. He was portrayed repeatedly as ''Fagin the J ew'' or ''The Lucifer of the Lobby." Some of the tales were o nl y ''vicio u s and unfounded rumors," according to biographer Glyndon Van Deu sen. In this category belonged allegations that Weed sed uced immigrants at Castle Garden out of $20,000 and that he was a party to a sc heme for despoiling Trinity Church of valuable property under pretext of upgrading Broadway. 23 Horace Greeley, R ecollectioris of a Bu sy Lif e (New York: Arno, 1868) 312. 24 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop William H enry Seward (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896), 1 2. 25 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow We ed In cluding His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 1) 466, 467. 26 Hora ce Greeley, R ecollections of a Bu sy Life (New York: Arno 1868 ), 312. 27 Horace Greeley, R ecollections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno, 1868 ), 311. 28 Ronald P. Formisano, ''D ifferential-Participant Politics: The Early Republic 's Political Culture 1789-1840," The Americari Politi cal Scierice Re view, 68 ( 1974 ), 479483. 29 Michael F. Holt Tlie R ise and Fall o,f the American Whig Par ty: Ja ckso,iian P olitics arid th e Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Pre ss, 1999 ), 18 30 Tho11on Kirkland Lothrop William Henry Seward (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896), 20, 21. 3 1 Michael F. Holt The Ris e and Fall of the American Whig Party: Ja cksonian Politi cs and the Onset of the Civil War (New York, Oxfotd: Oxford University Pre ss, 1999) xiii. 32 Jame s L Hutson ''The American Revolutionaries, the Political Economy of Aristocracy and the Ame1ican Concept of the Di s tribution of Wealth 1765-1900 ," Th e A11iericari Hi s torical R eview, 98, 4 (Oc tober 199 3), 1080 1094 33 Jame s L. Hutson, ''The American Revolutionarie s, the Political Economy of Aristocracy, and the American Concept of the Di st 1ibution of Wealth 1765 -1900," Th e America,i Historical Revi ew, 98 4 (October 1993), 1097. 3 4 Thurlow Weed Life of Tlzurlow Weed Iri cluding Hi s Autobiograpfi y and a Memoir (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 1 ) 450, 451.

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56 35 Horace Greeley Recoll e ctions oj a Bus y Life (New York: Amo 1868) 111. Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol 2), 48. According to Greeley the first use of the term ' Whig'' to designate an American political party was by Courier and Enqi,irer Editor James Watson Webb of New York. 36 Horace Greeley, Recoll e ctions of a Bus y Life (New York: Amo, 1868) 111 37 Horace Greeley Re c oll ec tions of a Bu sy Life (New York: Arno, 1868), 113. 38 ' Your Obedi e nt Servant s, Dave[? ?? ] St. Barclay etc. to Thurlow Weed E s q. Nov 16 1838 Thurlow W ee d Pap e rs, New York: Univer s ity of Rochester. 'Loco Foco'' was an enigmatic but pejorative term attached to the Democratic Party by Whig advocates according to Weed Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow W ee d In c luding Hi s Autobiograpli y and a M e nioir (Bo s ton, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84 Vol. 2) 52. ' Thi s curious word c ame into ge11eral use to designate the Democrats s hortly after the adoption of the word Whig to de s ignate opponent s of Jack s on It originall y meant a kind of s elf-igniting match but as no other sort of matche s are known, in thi s sense it soon became obsolete At a gathering in Tammany Hall New York in 1835 the Varian faction extinguished the lights, fearing that the Curtis men had control of the meeting, whereupon matches were produced by the Curits side, and business proceeded. The Whig papers took advantage of this incident to fasten the term 'Locos,' or Loco Focos,' upon the Democratic party.'' 39 M. Bradley to Thurlow Weed~ Michael F. Holt, 'The Election of 1840, Voter Mobilization and the Emergence of the Second American Party System : A Reapprai s al of Jack s onian Voting Behavior ," A Mast e r 's Du e : Essa y s in Honor of David H e rb e rt Donald, ed s William J Cooper Jr. Michael F Holt and John McCardell (Baton Rouge LA: Louisiana State University, 1985), 21 40 Thurlow Weed, Lif e o f Thurlow W e ed In c luding His Autobiograph y and a M e 11 1o i r ( B os ton N ew York : Hou g hton Mifflin and Co ., 1883-84 Vol 1 ), 467. 4 1 Thurlow Weed, Lif e o f Thurl ow W ee d Iri c luding Hi s Autobiograp}i y and a Men i oir (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883 84, Vol 1) 481 42 Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Packaging the Presidency: A History and Criti c i s m of Pr e sid e ,itial Ca,npaign Adv e rti s ing 3 rd ed. (New York: Oxford Uni ve1sity Pre ss, 1996 ) 8. 43 John Fiske, ''Harrison, Tyler, and the Whig Coalition," Essay s Historical and Lit e rary (New York: The MacMillan Co., 1925), 341, 342. 44 M.J. Heale, The Presidential Quest: Candidates and Images in American P o liti c al Cultur e 1789 1852 (New York: Longman 1982 ) See al s o Roger A. Fi s cher

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57 Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of American Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 35. 45 Da vid D. Permutter ''A Prehi s tory of Media Consulting fo1 Political Campaigns," Th e Manship School Guide to Politi ca l Communication ( Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Pre ss, 1999) 13 15. 46 David D Permutter ''A Prehi st ory of Media Consulting for Political Campaigns," TJze Manship School Gitide t o P olitical Communication ( Baton Rouge LA : Louisiana State University Press 1999) 14. 47 David D. Permutter, '' A Prehistory of Media Consulting for Political Campaigns," Th e Manship School Guid e to Political Communication (Baton Rouge LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1999), 14. 48 Kathleen Hall Jamieson Packaging the Presidericy: A History and Criticism of Presideritial Campaign Advertisin g 3 rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996) 5. ''By 1828 a mass audience of voters existed," according to Jamieson. ''They were able to determine directly who would win the presidency. Not surprisingly, pro-Jackson editors used calculated efforts to popularize the legend of 'Old Hickory.''' 49 James Parton, Lif e of Horac e Gr eeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855 ), 139. As early as 1830, the idea of newspapers with national circulations began to take hold. 50 Elizabeth R. Varon ''Tippecanoe and the Ladies Too: White Women and the Part y P olitics in Antebellum Virginia," Tl ie J oitrnal of American Hi story, 82, 2 ( September 1995 ), 504. 51 Elizabeth R. Varon, ''Tippecanoe and the Ladies, Too: White Women and the Party Politic s in Antebellum Virginia," The Journal of American History, 82, 2 (September 1995), 504. 52 Bertram Wyatt-Brown ''Prelude to Abolitionism: Sabbatarian Politics and the Rise of the Second Party System ," The Journal of American History, 58, 2 (September 1971), 330. 53 Robert Gray Gunderson, The Lo g-C abin Campaign (Lexington, KY : University of Kentuck y Pre ss, 1957) 74, 75; See: Roger A. Fi sc her, Tippecanoe arid Trinkets Too; TJie Mat erial Citlture of Am erican Pre side ntial Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Press 1988), 45. 54 M.J. Reale Th e Presidential Quest: Cartdidates and Images in American Political Culture, 1789-1852 (New York: Longman 1982), 83-132; Roger A. Fischer Tippecanoe and Trinkets Too; Th e Material Culture of American Presid e ntial Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinoi s Pre ss, 1988 ), 4 7.

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58 55 Ja ckson to Van Buren, July 13, 1840 ; TJie Log-Cabin Campaign (Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1957 .) See also: Roger A. Fischer, Tippecanoe arid Tririkets Too; The Material Culture of American Pr esidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Pre ss, 1988), 109. 56 ''T he Log Cabin Candidate," The Log Cabin, May 2, 1840; Thurlow Weed Life of Thurl ow Weed lnclitding Hi s Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 188 3-84, Vol. 2), 80. Weed attributed the origin of the sneer to a different newspaper, The Richmond Ertquirer, edited by Thomas Richie. ''The ta unt in a Virginia newspaper that General Ham so n would be contented in a log-cabin with plenty of hard citer was a god-send to the Whig s of 1840 ." 57 Roger A. Fischer, Tipp ecanoe and Trinkets Too; The Mat erial Culture of Aniericari Presidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Pre ss, 1988) 37. 58 Kathleen Hall Jamie son, Pa ckagirig tlie Pr es iderzc y : A Hi story and Criti cis n1 of Presidential Campaign Advertising 3 rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Pre ss, 1996) 11. 59 Kathleen Hall Jamie son, Pa ckagi ,i g the Presidency: A History and Criticism of Pr esidential Campaign Advertising 3 rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Pre ss, 1996), 9. 60 Allan Nevins, The Diary of Philip Hone : 1828-1851 (New York: Dodd Mead, 1927 1969, Vol. 1), 472. 61 Allan Nevins, The Diary of Philip Hon e: 1828-1851 (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1927, 1969, Vol. 1), 486. 62 Michael F Holt, The Ri se and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics a11d tlie Onset of the Civil War (New York Oxford : Oxford University Pre ss, 1999) 106. 63 Jame s A. Green, William H enry Harr ison, His Lif e and Times ( Ri c hmond VA: Garrett and Massie, In c., 1941 ), 352. 64 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including H is Autobiography arid a Me111oir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 1) 467. 65 Log Cabi,i, April 3, 1841. Vol. 1. New Series, New-York, Saturday No. 18, $ 1.50 per annum; 10 copies for $10. 66 ''An Eloquent Record," Log Cabin, May 2, 1840. 67 ''To Our Patrons," Log Cabin, May 2, 1840.

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59 68 J ames A. Green, William H enry Harri son, Hi s Lif e and Times ( Ri c hmond VA: Garr ett and M assie, Inc. 1941 ), 3 5 2. 69 Jame s A. Green, W illia n H enry Harri sori, Hi s Life and T imes (Ri c hmond VA: Garrett a nd Massie, Inc ., 1941), 352. 7 0 H o r ace Greeley R e c ollections of a Bu sy Lif e (New York : Amo, 1 868), 1 34. 71 H e nr y Luther Stoddard H o ra ce Greeley, Pririt e r, Editor, Crusader (New York: G. P Putn am s So n s, 1946) 1 7 1 172. 72 Freeman Cleaves, Old Tippecarioe; W illiam H enry Harri son and H is Ti, ne (New York, London : Charles S cri bner' s Son s, 19 39), 3 19. 73 H a rri son to J M B errien, Nov. 4, 1 836; Freeman Cleaves, O ld T ipp e cano e ; William H enry Harri so rz and Hi s Time (New York, London: Charles Scribner 's Son s, 19 39), 320. 74 David D. P e nnutter ' A Prehi sto ry of Media Consulting for Political Ca mpaigns ," Tli e Man s hip School Guide to P o liti ca l Commuriication ( B a ton Rou ge LA : Loui s iana St a te University Pre ss, 1999 ), 15 75 Roger A. Fischer, Tipp ecanoe and Trinkets Too; TJi e Mat e rial Culture of American Pr esidential Campaigrzs 1828-1984 (Urba n a, Chicago: University of Illin ois Pre ss, 1988 ) 29. 76 R oge r A. Fischer, Tipp e cario e arid Trinkets Too; T he M ate r ial Cultur e oj Americari Pr esid e ntial Canipaigns 1828-1984 (U rb a na, Chicago: University of Illin ois Pre ss 1988), 29. 77 R oge r A. Fischer, Tippecarioe and Trin kets T oo; Th e Mat e r ial C ultur e of American Pr es id en tial Campaigns 1 8281984 (U rb a na Chicago: University of Illinoi s Pre ss, 198 8), 29; See a l so: Thurlow Weed Lif e of Th urlow W eed In cluding Hi s Aittobiography and a M enioir (Bo s ton N ew York: Houghton Miffljn and Co., 188 3-84, Vol. 1 ), 490. Weed cited the lyti cs to the mo s t well known songs of the Whig rallies. 7 8 Staunt o n Spectator, O ct. 20, 1836, Sept. 10, 1840 feature s Whig activitie s in Virginia durin g the elections of 1 836 a nd 1840. Edward L Ayer s, '' The Valley of th e Shadow : Livin g the Civil War in Penn sy lvania and Virginia ," [online]. Charlottesville, VA: U ni versi t y of Virginia accessed: Feb. 5, 2 003 ; available at: http :/ /je ffer so n village. virginia.edu/vshadow/vshadow .html 7 9 R oge r A. Fischer, T ipp e canoe and Trinkets Too; The Material Culture of American Pr es id ential Canipaigns 1828-1984 (U rbana, Chicago: University of Illinoi s Pr ess, 1988) 3 1

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60 80 North We s t e rn Ga z ette arzd Gal e na Adv e rti se r Oct. 16 1840; Edward L. Ayers '' The Valley of the Shadow: Living the Civil War in Pennsylvania and Virginia ," [ on lin e ]. Charlottesville VA: University of Virginia acce s sed: Feb. 5 2003; available at: http:/ /jeffer s on. v illage. virgi nia.edu/v s hadow/vshadow .html. 8 1 Roger A. Fischer, Tipp ec ano e arid Trink e t s T o o ; Tli e Material Cultur e of Ani e ri c an Pr e sid e ntial Campai g ,i s 1828 1984 ( Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinoi s Pre ss, 1988 ) 29 82 Roger A Fischer, Tipp e cano e and Trink e ts Too ; The Mat e rial Citltur e of American Pr e sidential Campaigns 1828-1984 (Urbana Chicago : University of Illinois Pre s s 1988), 29. 83 Roger A. Fi sc her, Tipp e cano e and Trink e t s To o; Th e Mat e rial Cultur e of Am e ri c an Presid e rztial Campaigris 1828 1984 (Urbana Chicago: Univer s ity of Illinoi s Pre s s 1988), 30 84 '' What i s the Pro s pect ?'' L og Cabin O c t. 31 1840. 85 'What i s the Pro s pect ? ' L og Cabin O c t 31, 1840. 86 'What i s the Pro s pect ?'' L og Cabirz O c t. 31 1840. ''The Work is Done!' Lo g Cabin Nov 9, 1840 projected Harri s on had won. ''We have already ascertained beyond doubt that Harri s on and Tyler Elector s have been cho s en in the following States: Halt! Let u s add up ... GEN. HARRSISON IS ELECTED, without the vote s of Geo1 gia and Michigan which are now pouring in upon us in his favor ... Brethren! Whig s Are not our eft ort s and our toil s gloriou s l y rewarded ?'' [Popular vote s po s ted Dec. 5 ; Harri so n 1 09 3 ,709; Van Buren 875,374 v s 1836: 610,214 to 643,247 respectively.] 87 'The Work i s Done!'' Lo g Cabin, Nov. 9, 1840. 88 Michael F. Holt, The Ri se and Fall of th e Ameri c an Whig Party: Ja ckso nian P o liti cs and tJz e On se t of th e Ci v il War (New York Oxford: Oxford Univer s ity Pre ss, 1999), 825. 89 L og Cabin Dec. 5 1840. The final t a lly of vote s wa s : (Whi g) William H Harri s on: 2 3 4 ele c toral vote s 52.9 percent popular votes ; (Democrat ) Martin Van Buren : 60 e l ec toral v ot es, 46.8 p e rc e nt popular v ote s; (Whig ) John Tyler: 0 electoral vote s, ( ? ? ) popular votes; ( Unknown) Jam es G. Birney: 0 electoral vote s, 0. 3 per c ent popular vo t es; (Whig) Hu g h L. White: no data. 90 'March 4 th 1841 ," L og Cabin March 6, 1841. ''The s un of Reforrn and Liberty ha s at length ri s en on our long oppre s sed and mi s governed country! The Admini s tr a tion of Martin Van Buren ter1ninated on Wedne s day of thi s week and on Thur s da y the 4 Lh

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61 inst. William Henry Harrison was inaugurated President of the United States, amidst an unprecedented concourse of rejoicing, sympathizing Freemen." 91 ''The Inauguration," Log Cabin, March 13, 1841. A small paragraph on page two, fourth column, toward bottom: ''President Hat1ison was taken suddenly ill on Saturday evening last and for a time threatened with s evere and protracted if not dangerous indisposition. (His disease is entitled by the doctors Pneumonia.)'' 92 'Gen. Hanison at Washington Correspondence of the N.Y. Express: Arri v al of General Harrison ," Log Cabin, Feb. 13 1841 ''Twelve years ago coming March the first, the very first among all the numerous victims of a flagrant and persevering sy s tem of pro s cription Gen. William Henry Hanison wa s struck from the roll of Mini s ter s Plenipotentiary abroad, by Gen. Jackson and Thomas P. Moore, of Kentucky, was substituted in his s tead. This first victim of a system which has been prolonged for twelve years, s acrificing almost every man of appo s ing opinions to such an extent that few or none of them now enjoy the honors or emoluments of a common Government enter s the Capitol of his country today, by the voice of 19 out of 26 States of the Union, and amid the acclimations of thousands of freemen. The air rings with th eir cheers. 93 Log Cabin, April 3 1841. 94 L o g Cabi,i, April 3, 1841. 95 ''New-York, Saturday, April 3, 1841: Death of President Harrison!'' Log Cabirz April 10, 1841 96 James A. Green, Williani Henry Harrison, His Life and Times (Richmond, VA: Ganett and Massie, Inc., 1941), 329.

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CHAPTER 3 NEW YORK'S PENNY PRESS AND THE 1844 CAMPAIGN: FREE-SOIL MAKES MUD OF CLAY Henry Clay initiated his campaign ''confidently'' with an acceptance speech after his May 4, 1844, nomination. He said he believed the call was in confornlity with his ''high sense of duty, and with feelings of profound gratitude." 1 The convention had resolved its adherence to the principles of the Whig Party, ''known of all men, and cherished by a large majority of the American People," by setting a number of key issue s on its platfor111. It called for a protective tariff, which would provide sufficient revenue to pay federal debts and defray governmental expenditures. The platfo1m also called for a nation a l c un ncy which would be uniform in value in all branche s of the co untry. Whig s demanded finally ''a fair and equal distribution of the proceeds from public lands ," a revolutionary experiment in the allocation of the spoils from Westward settlement. 2 Greeley counted himself among the leading exponents of the 1844 platforrn. A column titled ''Henry Clay'' daily featured Whig doctrine in the Tribune's news section. From Clay's nomination until the election, it featured anecdotes of the candidate's character, Whig ideals, and strategies intended to ensure a victory in November. The column included woodcut prints of American flags and various subtitle fonts that decorated transcripts of Clay's speeches and daily news events. The column reflected Greeley's life-long respect for the Whig's elder spokesman, and it made appearance s in the Tribitri e until Clay's death 3 62

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63 Pre-election projection s had deter11lined in the mind s of Greeley and Tribune editors, that Clay's victory wa s assured. But in the month s and days preceding the election, th e Whi gs' co nfiden ce in a victory s lipped when it became apparent that Clay's a mbi valence on the slavery issue had alienated a nti -s l ave ry voters in the Northeast. Editorials con tinued to assure re a der s that Clay's triumph was ce rtain regardless, an d the true purpo se of the cam paign a cco rdin g to the Tribune, was to se nd a me ss a ge to D emocrats that the Whi gs h ad arrive d. But member s of the Liberty Party which was h ea d e d by the uncompromising abolitionist Jame s Birney challenged the Whig s' presumptions. Birney s upporter s s ma s h ed Whig h opes by sec uring e n ough votes to cost Clay New York and the e le c ti o n Gr ee l ey was devastated, but hi s new spa p er s ur v i ve d Selling Papers Like Hotcakes Greeley's bold editorials brought notoriety to Clay and the Tribune, but he co uld not take full credit for the s ucce ss of hi s new s paper Le sse r-known influen ces, n o neth eless important, contributed to the ri se of th e penny press. Horatio David Sheppard a c hara cter featured in Parton 's biography of Gre e ley was among the c hi ef expone nt s of the marketing sche m e, which h e first advanced in the early 18 30s. It was a s imple idea ba sed on dail y observations. Sh ep pard noti ced that a small boy in t h e streets of New Y ork wo uld se ll half a do ze n penny cakes in the co ur se of a minut e. The differe1 1 ce between a ce nt a 11d no money did not see m t o be appreciated by customers. Sheppard reasoned that if a person saw so m et hin g and wanted it, knowing th e price to be only one cent, h e was almost as ce rtain to buy it as though it were offered him for nothing. Editors co uld make a fort une h e co ncluded if they produced '' tempting '' articles, which could be so ld profitably for a cent in ''s picy '' daily paper s 4

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64 The timing of Sheppard 's efforts co ncurred with Greeley's work as Weed 's commissioned e ditor. Along with the Lo g Cabin, Greeley had enjoyed literary acclaim as editor of th e J effersonian, a Whig n ews paper. Hi s efforts a t the J effe r soriiar i, Weed wrote, had earned him ''the f1iendship and co nfiden ce of the s tron g men of hi s part y." 5 Greeley 's ca ll s for soc ial refor111s at first arot1 se d no notice: His entrepreneurial luck paralleled Shep p a rd 's, who ''cou ld not co nvin ce one man of the feasibility of hi s scheme not one! '' 6 But he per seve red and laid plan s to engineer The New York Tribun e, one of the nation's first ma ss-c irculated dailies and one of the few newspaper s that cos t one penny per issue. Shortly before Harri so n' s abrupt death, Greeley announced that he would begin publishing his new s paper, and on April 10, 1841, the Tribun e appeared at that giveaway pri ce. According to Weed Greeley's reputation as ''the be s t infor1ned and most efficient tariff man in the co untry'' made it po ss ible for the journal to surv ive years of low profit and remain influential. 7 Greeley' s account of the new s paper's fi r st editio n suggests the Tr ibu 1 1e did not enjoy the sa me rou si ng debut as the L og Cabin. Th e pre s ident Greeley had labored to ele c t died one week prior, and the event loomed heavily over him Even the s kie s of New York acknowledged the lo ss. On April 10 1841 ''a day of mo s t unseasonable c hill and s leet and s now ," Greeley wrote, '' our city held her great funeral parade and pageant in honor of our lost President who had died six days before." The Tribun e was relea se d, nonethele ss, '' On that leaden funereal morning, the most inhospitable of the year. '' 8 Greeley u se d $1,000 of borrowed money, about $1,000 of hi s own mone y, and a mortgage on his shop, a tot a l ca pitali za tion of le ss than $3,000, to i ss ue the first copies of the new spaper. 9 The Tribu,i e office was lo cate d at No. 30 Ann St. New York C it y. I t

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65 hosted a collection of young, enterprising writers. Henry Jarvis Raymond, future editor of the New York Times, assisted Greeley in the department of literary criticism, fine arts, and general intelligence from the newspaper's earliest days. 10 Other proteges also raised the standards of the Fourth Estate. Charles A. Dana served as Greeley's loyal assistant. The remaining staff, which was displayed prominently on the Triburie directory, included associate-editors James S. Pike, William H. Fry, George Ripley, George M. Snow, Bayard Taylor, F.J. Ottarson, William Newman, B. Brockway, Solon Robinson, and Donald C. Henderson. 11 The Triburie was based on the premise that writers would meet the desire of American readers to have news of every important occt11Tence. ''My leading idea," Greeley wrote '' was the establishment of a journal removed alike from servile partisanship on the one hand and from gagged, mincing neutrality on the other." 1 2 Lawyers, merchants, bankers, economists, authors, and politicians would find in the paper whatever they needed to see, ''and be spared the trouble of looking elsewhere. 13 Greeley's idealistic vision for the Tribune might not have survived without the assistance of Thomas McElrath who invested $2 000 in the newspaper during an early financial crisis. 14 According to Greeley McElrath made him ''a voluntary and wholly unexpected' business deal for the ''struggling but hopeful enterprise." 15 His presence at the Tribune was much less outspoken than Greeley's, and the editor was grateful for the McElrath 's unu s ual tolerance of the new breed of jou111alism. During the 10 years that the Triburie was issued by Greeley and McElrath the latter '' never once'' indicated that the radical opinions it expressed on abolitionism, the death penalty, socialism, ''and other frequent abetTations from the straight and narrow path of Whig partisanship'' were

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66 injurious to the interests of the publishers. The only time McElrath expressed dissatisfaction with Greeley's work was when the latter dipped into the newspaper 's treasury to help a friend who was, in the s enior partner's opinion, beyond help. 16 The opening year for the Tribune was marked by s ucces s in circulation and sales, but it was b e le aguere d with diffi c ulties in s u s t a inin g profit s. In an attempt to boo s t busine ss, Greeley announced the issue of the first number of The N ew York W eekly Tribu11 e, a much lar ge r a nd he c l ai m e d fresher, more compre h ensive, intelligent an d ''better paper'' than the Tribun e's predecessor the N ewY o rk e r. The new political journal was ''openly decidedly, ardently Whig in it s opinions and inculcations, but candid, temperate in all things, and careful to be accurate and just in all its statements." 1 7 The W eek l y Tribune first appeared Sept. 2 1841, and it was one of Greeley 's great successes. Offered at $2 a year or $1 a year when ''clubs'' of 20 members bought it the W eekly Trib i tri e establ i s hed Gre e ley 's reputation a s the gieatest editor of his day. 1 8 In th e Midwe st, set tler s, farmers, and hom es teader s were sa id to have read it '' n ex t to the Bible. In li eu of the W eek l y Triburi e's edito1ial quality, the price of the Dail y Tribun e was rai se d to 2 ce nt s per is s ue Weekly s ubscribers paid 1 .5 cen t s per is s ue, and revenue s from Greeley 's en terpri ses in crease d 19 What Hath God Wrought? On May 25, 1844 Samuel F.B. Morse sat at a table in the old Supreme Court c hamb er in Washington, D C. and tapped out a message in code on a new device that transmitted new s instantly. His assistant in Baltimore decoded the clicks that sp elled out the me ss age ''What hath God wrought?'' 20 Morse 's telegraph ushered into hi s tory the info11nation re vo lution, which r e lied on the crea tion of instant new s for primarily

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67 co mmer c ial purpo ses. The revolution commenced when the telegraph merged with the New York 's penny new s p a per s to c r ea te a full -fle d ge d c ir c ulation war. Greeley's reac tion to th e introd11ction of tel eg raphi c tran s mi ss ion s was a t f ir s t mixed. H e be wai led the fact that in one year alone, the Tribune paid more than $ 100 000 annually for intellectual labor and reporting based in the New York office alone plus an additional $100,000 in fee s for telegraphi c conespondence from around the country. Like mo s t editors at the time he applauded availability of acces s to instant news; however, the t e legr a ph entailed a drawba c k that penny press editor s were slow to overcome. ''The electronic Telegr a ph ," Greele y wrote, '' pre c luded the multiplication of journ a l s in the great c itie s, by eno rrnou s ly in c rea s ing the cos t of publi s hing each of them." 21 Nonetheless, the inter sectio n of th e p e nny pre ss and the seco nd party system pr o du ce d a unique breed of editors. Gr ee l ey led them. The new editors, unlik e the c lo se kn it web of p o liti cal a pol ogis t s in the first party syste m co mpet e d for independent ide as that were associated with a ma ss reader s hip ready and willing to pay for views that s ub scribe d to their ow n The e ditor s of the seco nd p a rty sys tem were ''a u sef ul a labo1io11s a generous, an honorable class of men and women and their writings have their due effect," Greeley w1ote. '' But that part of the new s paper which intere sts, awakens, move s, warns, in s pire s, instructs and educate s all classes and conditions of p eo ple the wise a nd the unwi se, the illiterate and the learned i s the News!'' 22 The evolution of the co mmer c ial pre ss was accelerated by the invention of n ewe r more eff i cie nt and f as t e r print technology, too. The steam pre ss replaced hor sepo were d presses and produced about 500 pages per hour, twi ce the pre v i o u s amount. The advances

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68 coincided with one of the Whigs' core beliefs economic growth and progress through active, innovative efforts Jed by politicians and engaged citizemy. 23 Greeley took pride in individual accomplishment, and the Triburie served as the natural mouthpiece for the Whig's vision of human progress. 24 At the same time, his opinion of editors put him at odds with his peers. He suggested that editors were not ''in all cases, or in most, the wisest of men," and editorial writing did not have ''a greater value than hasty composition in general." 2 5 In less literary attempts to beat the competition, penny press editors commonly e n g a g ed in mud s lin g ing allegations of ethical or legal misdeeds against each other. The accusations were often rooted in attempts to besmirch the reputation of a newspaper that had secured an advantage in the market. The rivalry between The New York Tribune and The New York Herald was among the most intense. 26 The Triburie trailed the Herald in daily sales but remained competitive with the success and reputation of the We e kl y Tribune. Truoughout the 1840s and '50s the newspapers jockeyed for an advantage in total circulation, and the leader was often deter111ined by the relative success of each editor in discrediting his competitor. 27 Editor William Bennett had early t1ied to recruit Greeley for a position at the Herald but the up-and-coming editor declined the offer. Bennett resented Greeley 's slight and publi c ly brandished him '' the most unmitigated blockhead concerned with the newspaper press." 28 Unlike the Tribune, the Herald was not an organ of any party; rather it was created for the sole purposes of Bennett's business ambitions. 2 9 The Herald spoke only for Bennett, whose conce111 for social health of the nation came after his economic

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69 interests. His chruacter offended readers and fellow businessmen, but the curmudgeon made possible a more modem understanding of free speech and expression. 30 Bennett successfully turned the Herald into an attractive and useful product for which there was a widespread demand. The New York elite resented his overnight success, and his personality did little to impress them. 3 1 Bennett was horsewhipped seven times in the public streets, Greeley wrote, not including the ''sundry kickings [sic] out of hotels'' or ''the crushing ceremony of a company leaving the table when he ventured to sit down among them." In tum, Greeley slammed the Herald editor for attacking ''the timid, the gentle, the generous, and the forgiving." According to Greeley, Bennett lived on ''defamation, slander, obloquy, beastliness," and ''lies." ''Of course such conduct could not go unscourged [sic] even in New York. If he had lived further South, he would have been simply beaten to death or shot. Here he was simply horsewhipped." 32 Greeley remained cynical about the rancor in the press over the Tribune's agenda. He attributed reactions like Bennett's to jealot 1 sy of the Log Cabin's success. ''Two thirds of the country press," he wrote, was 'a nuisance and a positive curse." The jealousy about the Log Cabiri was not so much induced by its circt1lation as its character. Other newspapers he alleged, were filled with ''medleys of murde1, rape, and rascality, all much lower than the 'Cabin' at its lowest price ($1 by the quantity)." Newspapers across the nation had degenerated into demagogic mouthpieces, ''ravenous fo1 spoils," Greeley feared. ' Every one of these not only does us no good politically, but is morally unsound and tends to unfit its readers for earnest consideration of public affairs." 33 His solution was to publish constructive solutions to society's ailments instead of exploiting them.

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70 Hi s privat e letters indi ca te hi s de s ire to advance Whig principle s. He w1ote Weed J a n 27, 1841 co nvin ce d that hi s '' honor and character what there are of them aie pledged to thi s thing: that the Whi gs will act in power as they have talked out of power; that they will hone st ly reform abuses, abolish u se le ss offices, retrench exorbitant salai i es, and s how by their whole co ndu ct t hat the y aie not Tories." 34 Boss Weed The Whi gs recovered slowly from the death of Harri so n. Greeley was among the loyal to rally forces before Demo cr ati c c hallen ges erased Whig g ain s. He wrote Weed S ep t 15 1841 '' di s tre sse d '' a t the contents of the J o un ial. '' Every number see m s to proclaim that we are lost. I pray yo u g i ve us a goo d rousing leader ca llin g on the Whigs of doubtful counties to rally de s perately for the saving of the State ." Weed took note of Greeley 's co ntinued faith in the Whig s, and in tum he watched ''as with a parent 's so licitude the development of the young editor who s e capacity for usefulne ss he had been f irst to appreciate." Weed noted privately that Greeley 's industriousne ss in editing the Tribit11e was as ''m arvelous'' as it had been editing the Log Cabin, but the zealo u s a dvocate of re for1 n '' lacked jud gme nt.'' 35 Greeley often ignored Weed 's attempts to smoot h the tone of the Tribun e. Their different personalities led to a split in the r e lation s hip Amon g Gr eeley's fo lli es, W ee d alleged, were vario u s '' i s m s'' by wh i c h he was ''f rom time to time mi s led ." Gr ee le y ack n owledge d t h at h is m e nt o r possessed s up e rior ex p e 1ience and wisdom to which he would so m e time s defer but h e more often refu se d to be controlled by Weed 36 A breakdown in the relationship was evident before the 1844 election. On Sept. 10 1842, Greeley wrote Weed with la n g ua ge that revealed his obsession for holdin g office. '' You have pleased on severa l o ccas ion s to take m e to ta s k for differing from yo u ," he

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71 wrote, ''as though such conditions were an evidence, not me1ely of weakness on my part, but of some black ingratitude, or heartless treachery." Greeley claimed that he ''never desired offices of distinction avenues to fortune ," at Weed's expense. He stopped s hort of blarrung Weed for his lack of appointed office by suggesting that hi s services not Weed's were so ught at their first interview. '' I have ever been ready to give you any service within my power; but my understanding, my judgment, my consciousness of convictions, of duty and public good, these I can sunender to no man," Greeley wrote. ''You wrong yourself in asking them and in taking me to task, l ike a school-boy, for expressing my sentiments respectfully when they differ from yours." G1eeley concluded his letter with an apparent resignation, the first of severa l breaks from the Whigs. ''Henceforth, I pray you," he wrote, ''differ from me when you see occasion, favor me in nothing treat me as you do others. '' 37 Democrats in Whig Clothing Greeley 's attempt to rally the Whigs after President Hanison 's death would have enjoyed greater s uccess had successor John Tyler understood the office, in accordance with Whig prin cip les as ''a trust to be administered in confor 1nity with the policy of his predecessor ." 38 At first, Tyler had no apparent intention of abandoning the Whigs, who had accepted him reluctantly as an ''accidental'' president. When it became clear that he stood little chance of reelection, he abandoned them. 39 The Whigs soon discovered what a costly mistake they made when they first nominated Tyler, an avowed Democrat, for the vice presidency. The initial strategy of balancing the Whig ticket to appeal to Southern voters had worked; however Tyler had no qualms about returning to his previous ''factional affiliations.' He refused to take

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72 action on behalf of Whi g int e r es t s '' narrow and timid in certain ways," according to We e d which embodied a great s hare of '' the liberality and enlightenment of the nation '' 4 0 Within s i x month s of assuming office, Tyler vetoed a Whig bill to restore the United State s Bank smashed by Jackson With the exception of Secretary of State Web s ter hi s cab inet resigned in di sg u s t. Henry Clay, next to Webster the leading Whig of the co untr y, resigned hi s seat in the S e nate se n s in g the futility of the Whi gs' m arg in a l gai n s from the previous election. 41 Tyler's in tensions b ecame even c learer when he reappointed cabinet m e mber s to fill the vacancies. ''How the Pre si dent will act with regard to appointments and ge neral politi ca l relations, I ca nnot say Greeley wrote, '' but it see m s to me the evident dictate of goo d policy that h e sho uld m eet ... hi s f riend s." 4 2 Greeley printed editorials in s up port of Tyler, holding out hope that the party co uld be s alvaged, which might entail hi s own appointment to office. 4 3 Year s l a ter Greeley was c riticized for failing to recogni ze Tyler's antagonisms becau se Tribun e articles in 1841 alienated the intere s ts of free laborer s in the North, among hi s large st groups of co nstituents In his defens e, Gre e le y c l aime d he co nn ecte d him se lf w ith Tyler only b eca u se h e had been assured that th e administration was '' heartily and faithfully'' Whig 44 Greeley was tormented by a bitter reality that an editor in the 19 th ce ntury would have been precluded by convention trom holdin g office The title he covete d most was Po s t M as t er G e n era l He alluded to the ambition in a letter to Whi g fe llo w Caleb Cushing w 1itt e n Dec. 1 7 1841. '' I ha ve ever b ee n ho s tile to indi scri minately uni versal proscription, but I hold with Mr Jeffer so n in 1801 that si mple justice [ s i c ] demand s the c onfiding of at l eas t half the valuable offices to that paity which for twelve years ha s

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73 been denied any." In New York, six of the nine major cities had ''Loco-Foco Postmaster s," and Tyler had appointed only one of them. 4 5 When it became clear that Tyler had abandoned the Whigs a handful of party loyalists, including Weed and later Greeley used the press as their last weapons in a fight for survival. Greeley opened the Tribitne to the voices of disenfranchised voters. ''Eve ry hard reflection on the course of the Whi gs, coming from the atmo s phere of the Presidents Hou se, initiate s the ma ss of our readers," Greeley wrote. '' They feel with Shylock, If it will feed nothing itself, it will feed my revenge ''' 46 One year into the Tyler administration, the Tribun e began rallying against the Democratic Party as the embodiment of corruption. According to a Tribune editorial Aug. 23, 1842 the abuse of official patronage under Van Buren reached ''its lowest depth and we believe no man on eart h could have found a 'lower deep save the man who is now scouring the very gutters of our city for the willing instruments of hi s corrupt designs." Tyler's '' de s perate and contemptible knavery ," sought to fasten upon the people ''the curse of his rule." Tyler would find ''ere long that instead of postponing, he only adds fiercer fury to the indignation they will poar [ s ic] upon his head. 47 The Democrati c Party was allegedly composed of ''nine-tenths'' of the convicted felons, outlaws, fugitives from justice, ''and others who have no right to vote in our city, and can never legally acquire any," who were attached by an instinctive sympathy to ''the Loco-Foco party. 48 Weed contributed to the dissent and attacked the administration ''savagely." 49 Hi s editorials in the Journal called upon readers in the North to rise up and claim a free land, which was rightfully theirs. ''The political, numerical, intellectual moral and phy sical power and s trength of the country resides north of Mason and Dixon 's line ,''' he wrote,

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74 ''but our 'dough-faces have frittered it all away." The newspapers and conventions of abolitionists had begun to c l amor for a moratorium on the admission of Texas ''but for the influence and action of these same Abolition newspapers and conventions Weed wrote, ''there would have been neither danger nor possibility of this extension of the territory and augmentation of the power of slavery." 50 ''I am reading your editorials every day sometimes deploring the cruelty of your trusted blade," a friend wrote Weed, ''sometimes aroused by the boldness of your sallies, continually delighted by your dexterity in the fence, and always admiting the profuse inter1r1ingling of general sent im ents and h appy conceits. It seems like a perpetual feast and indulgence only sharpens the appetite." 5 1 The 1844 Canvass: Two Things to Fear Clay a c cepted the role a s frontrunner for the Whig presidential nomination recognizing early that mass disaffection with the incumbent president cou ld lead to a Whig tri umph As early as 1842 the Whigs began strategizing the recapture of the executive office. Their calculations, although accurate in the previous contest, showed the first signs of falter with overestimates of the importance of Ohio. ''They are very confident of success in Ohio in general, and I think with much ground for hope Clay wrote Weed, Sept. 12, 1842. ''Should the Whigs achieve a triumph there, and your anticipations are realized in New York, the victory of 1844 will eclipse that of '40. 5 2 Ohio was home to some of the nation's most outspoken abolitionists, among them Joshua R. Giddings who in 1842 was censured in the House of Representatives for oft'ering anti-s l avery resolutions. He resigned his seat to throw t he case back upon rus home district and was subsequently reelected as a leading Whig. Giddings constituents 1ivaled those of the New Y 01k Whigs for setting party policy. In an attempt to temper the

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75 radical sentiments of abolitionists, Weed t11rned to New York's Millard Fillmore to represent the party publicly Weed had di scove red Fillmore 20 years earlier in '' an obscure New York town '' and brought him into public life He s ugge s ted Fillmore' s nomination for the assembly in 1829 and for governor in 1844 The two grew to be close allies, although Fillmore later e mbarr asse d and b et ray ed W eed by su ppo1tin g the Know Nothin g platform in the 1850s. But du1ing the e le c tion s of the 1840 s, Fillmore was ''as much at home in Mr. Weed 's hoL1 se as Mr Se wa rd or Mr Greeley." 53 Weed 's success in engineering Seward' s 1838 campaign had become famou s nationally, but in January 1842, Fillmore wrote Weed, ''We are in a bad fix. I fear the [Whig] party must break up from its very foundations There is no cohesive principle no common head ." 54 Weed turned to him to repair damage done to the party '' So I am 'i n for it ,' am I ?'' Fillmore wrote Weed on learning of hi s nomination to governor. '' We have but two thing s to fear. First the Abolition vote; seco nd, that of our friend s." 55 With th e momentum of gains in Ohio a nd New York, Weed, at least, grew optimistic of success in the pre s idential election. '' Thing s c ertainly look blue for Van (w ho is a little o ld red-faced fat man ) and unle ss the party rallie s after he i s nominated I don't see h ow he i s to get through We co uld ca rry New York if the Tariff que s tion would b e made to take the Abolitionist starch out of five or six thousand Farmer s," he wrote. ''Maybe we can any how for the We s t look s good and grand." 56 Throughout the initial stages of the Clay campaign, Weed extolled Whi g virtues to friend Fran c i s Granger, who withheld s upport of the party becau s e of its abolitioni st tenden c ies. W eed re a lized the importance o f Gran ge r 's agriculturally based s upporter s,

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76 appealing to them help build hi s Northea s tern coalition. '' If Connecticut s and s b y us a s s he promi ses and the Senate s tand s firrnly by the Tariff a s it is [sic] we ha ve a good look for th e Wh ite Hou se," Weed boa s ted to Granger Mar c h 15 1844 '' The Wi se Men of Gotham ,' you see, hav e anticipated the dutie s of co nventions national and State ." 57 At the s ame time, Weed acknowledged the Whig 's vulnerabilities on the slavery issue, for which Clay offered only ambiguous s olution s. '' We go into the fight tomorrow with good prospects If we don't do very well, I shall be disappointed," he wrote. '' Mr Clay would be far s afer at home but a s that cannot be we must take what comes." 58 The Whi g national convention met at Baltimore, May 1, 1844, and nominated Henry Clay for pre s ident, hi s third and final attempt at the presidency. The Whi gs nomin ate d The o dore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey for v i ce pre si dent. The central i ss ue of the c ampai g n turned on the admission of Texa s to the Union. 59 Demo cr at s were publi c ly co mmitt e d to allowing the s tate to enter with s lavery, and it was evident that they would receive the pro-slavery and Southe111 vote. The pre s idential canvass that ensued, according to Gre e le y, became '' not only the mo s t arduous but the most equal of any that the country had ever known with the possible exception of that of 1800. 60 The Demo c rat s had planned to reward Jame s K. Polk for his devoted service to th e party by nominating him for the vice-presidency in 1844 but a bitter dispute aro se. When the Van Buren and John C. Calhoun faction s could not reach agreement the national Demo c rati c co n ve ntion se lected Polk as a comp1omise candidate for the pre si denc y. On May 27, 1 844, Silas W1i g ht was nomin a ted for the vice-presidency, but h e de c lined George M Dall as of P e nn sy lvani a was s ub st ituted as Polk 's running mate. 61

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77 When pressed on the admission of Texas Clay promised only that he would not jeopardize the interests of the nation over regional disputes. He wrote Weed from Washington, D.C., May 6, 1844, st1re that his opinion ''on the Texas question'' would not cost the Whigs the South. 62 But late into the campaign, Clay blundered on the issue. On Aug. 16, 1844 TJie North Alabamian published a letter from him that would come to be known as ''The Alabama Letter." The document revealed Clay's intentjons as a pre s ident at least those he confided to two Alabama friends about the question of Annexation. '( I do not think it right to announ c e in advance what will be the course of a future Admini s tration w ith re s pect to a que s tion with a foreign power, he wrote. '' I have however, no hesitation in saying that, far from having and personal objection to the Annexation of Texa s I should be glad to see it without dishonor, without war with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and fair ter1ns. I do not think that the subject of Slavery ought to affect the question one way or the other." 6 3 While the Alabamians in receipt of the letter may have welcomed the news a s a sign of the Whigs continued efforts to create compromise, the reaction to the publication of the letter among Clay' s Whig allies in the North was nearly a universal di s dain. 'There i s no hi s tor y s o unerring a s a bundle of old letter s," Weed wrote. ''How thi s great man was s elf-de c eiv e d ." 64 The Alabama Letter unlike any other amount of scrutiny brought readers an account of Henry Clay that none of the Whigs had anticipated. '' Things look blue!'' Weed wrote Granger, Sept. 3, 1844. ''Ugly lette1 that to Alabama." 65 Weed feared that the dismay among Whigs in the North, who increasingly turned to abolitionism to distinguish themselves from the Democrats would open the door for dissenting voice s Liberty Patty Candidate James G. Birney rose in the public regi s try

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78 because Clay would at first not take a s tand on Texa s; seco nd when he did, he appeared to pro vi de no answer at all, a lienatin g both Northern Whig s and South ern Dem oc ra ts. The Whigs held out hope for Clay's s ucce ss. 66 Projections and Results: From Clay to Mud In mid-October th e Tribun e 1eached s trat eg i ca lly to Whi gs outside N ew Y ork to dare ''to be Freemen'' and overwhelm the Democratic Party Allegations of corruption s urfaced before the fir s t ballot s were cast, indicating the Whigs had grown increa s ingly defensive of early lead s ''Be sure that every Whi g vote in yoitr Town is poll ed for Electors of Pr es id ent [ s ic ] '' Greeley warned. It wou ld not be enough for electors to ''b arely elect Mr Clay." Whi gs had to s h ow a decided preponderance in the popular vo t e, and to do thi s ''eve ry Whi g vote must c ome out." A vote in Alabama counted just as mu c h toward th e aggregate as one in New York according to the Trib i tn e. 67 The same week the warning s were i ss ued the Evening N ews announced Polk wo uld win the e l ectio n Th e Tribi,ne r espo nd e d t o th e Evening News ''i mpo si n g'' h e adline with '' The Question Settled." '' If tl1e people are to have the Pre s ident made for them before they have h ad a c han ce to vote on the question, they would like at l east to have a look at the machinery. '' 68 The Tribun e attempted to reassure reader s that Clay would prevail but early prediction s of a Whig land s lide were revi se d with each s ub se qu e nt daily co lumn. The Evening News had po s ted the predi c ted electoral vote tallie s ba se d on pre election proje c tion s. Th e Tribun e reprodu ce d the Eveni,ig News' table it a li ciz in g Virginia, Georgia, Mi ssissi ppi a nd Michigan as s tate s in di s put e.

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79 '' State s absolutely for Polk '' Maine 9 Alabama 9 New Hamp s hire 6 Illinois 9 Vir g inia 17 Mi sso uri 7 South Carolina 9 Mi cliigan 5 Georgia 11 Arkan sas 3 M ississippi 6 Tota l 91 Charts were also revised to make it a ppear as if Clay s till po ssesse d at lea s t a p s ychological advantage across the country, although the Whig s' case wa s drawin g thin wi th a bolitioni sts. According to the Tribune, the four s t a te s pla ce d in italics were lik e l y to give as many votes for Clay as for P olk. The co lumn n oted Georgia had 10 electors, not of 11 and the N ews did not include s tate s that were leaning toward Clay: New York with 3 6 electors, Loui s iana 6, Penn sy lvania 26, and Indiana 1 2, a total of 70 additional electoral vo te s for the Whi gs. The writers at the Tribun e ''assuredly'' believed that the se s tate s, ''exce pt Penn sy l va ni a'' were Whi g, but they also acknow l edged in print th e seve rit y of th e s ituation '' P olk must ca r ry New York [ s i c ] or h e ca nnot be elected." 69 Alle g ation s of Democratic s kt1llduggery grew at the same rate Whig s perceived l osses in th e ir m o m e ntum. Greeley looked for marginal ga in s in predomin a ntl y Southern s t ates instead of boasting lar ge lead s in s tate s throu g hout the Northeast a nd Midw est. The Tribitri e printed a n increasing numb er of anec d otes a bout pre -e l ec tion fraud that h inted at a number of unf avo r a ble possible outcome s in t h e s t a te. By Nov. 1 1844 th e le ga lity of th e ballot s for electors printed at Albany was suspect. '' The undoubtedly correc t tickets h ave the word Electors' printed on the back [ s i c ] of the name s, and the words 'For Electors of Pre side n t and Vi ce Pre s ident immediat e ly over the name s. They make no

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80 design a tion of State and 'District' Electors," the Tribune alleged. ''The friends of Clay and Frelinghuysen in every County wi ll be careful to use the unquestionable ballot s." 70 As the votes were counted, the Whigs realized how important New York had become. The day after the election, w h en the results were still unclear Greeley wrote hopefully ''Never was ther e a more gallant st1 1..1ggle than that made by the Whig s of our City yesterday, and throughout the whole campaign. They have fought against the most corrupt dispensation of Custom House and other Government Patronage against the arts and appliances of an active, powerful, and unscrupulous body of opponents who would have shown the Jacobins of the Reign of Terror their masters." The same column provided hints that the Whigs ga llant struggle might not carry the day. '' We are overwhelmed in the City, by causes which cannot operate elsewhere by enorrnous Illegal Voting and by the general array of our immense Naturalized vote against u s, owing to the prevalence here of Native Americanism." 71 But in the days fo ll owing the election, it be came c lear that so methin g had go ne c1i tically wrong in the Whig 's efforts. On Nov. 8, 1844, the Tribun e posted the first in a series of mo1ibund co lumns explaining the Whigs demise. '' The State. By The Night Boat ," described the arriva l of doom. ''The Boat from Albany this morning brings most di s astrous though not unexpected majoritie s ... We cannot doubt that Polk 's majority is 5,000 .. The deed is done!' 72 In hind s ight the Whigs blamed Bimey's Liberty Party for the loss of New York's electoral votes. Birney had transforrr1ed Clay's letters '' into an element of decisive influence'' and cost the Whig s the election. 7 3 Polk would not have won the election the Whi gs in s i ste d if the Libert y Part y had not s plit the abolitionist vote in New York. 74

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81 '' The c onte s t wa s fairly fought and won whe11 Mi. Clay 's famous letter made it s appearance ," Greeley wrote. ' I think we should have had at least half of that Birney vote for Clay, and made him President (for he only needed the vote of New York) in spite of all other drawbacks, but for all those fatal Alabama letters." 75 On Nov. 9 1844, the Tribun e conceded reluctantly that there was ''barely a chance'' that Clay might still win 'We have not a hope left. How can we have?'' Greeley wrote. 'On all the main issues involved in the late tremendous contest, the People are with us; but a very s mall majority have been induced to vote for Polk or Birney." 76 In subsequent issues of the Triburie Greeley defended the Whig s' pre-election strategies. He had predicted, after all, that Clay would carry New Yorl< by 20 000 votes 77 No one had foreseen the introduction of the Alabama Letters, he wrote which lowered their e s timate s to a lead of only 10,000 votes, ''and this we believed he would most assuredly get." 78 According to Greeley, Clay's campaign supporters understood and appreciated the importance of New York. 7 9 ''Looking back through almost a quarter of a century on that Clay canvass of 1844 Greeley later wrote autobiographically, 'I say deliberately that it should not have been lost, that it need not have been." 8 0 Up to the appearance of Clay 's Alabama letter, he seemed quite likely to carry ''every great Free State," including New York Penn s ylvania, and Indiana Maine and New Hampshire voted strongly for Polk, and hi s home s tate Tenne ss ee went again s t him by a small majority. Clay lost Loui s iana ' only by fraud ," and by a majority of le s s than 700 in nearly 27,000 votes. 8 1 Clo s er to the event the Tribun e had asked, Nov. 11 1844 '' Yet we are beaten but how ? '' The answer: '' By the throwing away of s ome 15,000 vote s -nine tenth s of them Whig on all questions of National Policy on the Birney ticket." 82 New York City

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82 allegedly helped Whig opposition with ''a heavy illegal vote barely carrying the state against them. 83 Greeley was convinced that ''eleventh-hour Abolitionists, who claimed of a ll things to be opposed to the annexation of Texas sacrificed enough votes upon Birney to make Polk pre s ident. 'Yet the false representation of Birney, Leavitt & Co. that Clay was as much for Annexation a s Polk, and more likely to effect [sic] it, &c. &c. have canied all these vote s obliquely in favor of Annexation, War and eternal Slavery." 84 The final breakdown of votes was both narrow and sobering for the Whigs a s the election s fina l re s ults indicat e d the close s t presidential race of the era. The following chart, as published in the Tribun e listed popular majorities by state. For C l ay Rhode Island Connecticut New Jer s ey Maryland North Carolina Ohio Total Elector s 2,500 3 000 900 3,300 3 000 6 000 18 700 58 For Polk New Hampshire New York Pennsylvania Virginia Total Elector s 10 000 4,500 6,000 3,000 23 500 95 According to published resu lt s Clay had in the who l e U nion 1 ,288,533 popular votes to 1,327,325 for Polk. 85 Both candidates had secured 48.1 percent of the popular vote but Polk won 170 electoral vote s Clay won 105 e l ectoral votes, losing a critical 2 .3 percent of the popular vote to Birney in New York. Birney h ad in all 62 263 votes, ' so that Mr. Polk was preferred by a plurality not a majority of the entire people. But that did not affect the fact nor the va lidit y of his e l ection 8 6

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83 The New York Whigs were devastated. A margin of 15,812 votes cast for Birney in the state 237,588 for Polk and 232 482 t or Clay had contributed to their defeat. The vote s c a s t for Birney ''which were worse than squandered in New York, to say nothing of the thou s and s thrown away elsewhere wailed Weed, ''have not only made shipwreck of every other public interest, but threaten to extend the links and strengthen the chains of slavery Weed struggled with Greeley and other Whig s upp orters to find a redemptive value from the Birney influence. 'Bimeyism will not again have power, by casting its weight into the scale of slavery, to make freedom the beam," Weed wrote. ' The Whig party, a s philanthropic as patriotic, wi ll steadily pursue its enlightened policy, until measure s designed and calculated to secure the elevation and prosperity of tho s e who ar e free and the ran s om and happiness of all who are held in bondage throughout the Union have been canied into full and triumphant effect. 87 The True Principles of Government Weed held out hope that the results of the election ''however disastrous in other respects," wo uld 'open the eyes of the people to the reckless designs and fatal tendencies of ultra Abolitionists." 88 But the failure of the 1844 campaign weighed heavily on him, and he became one of the first of the Whigs' New York circle to disassociate himself with the party. ''The country owe s much of its misrule and miser," wrote Weed bitterly ''to the action of minorities, well-meaning patriotic but misguided minorities." 89 He considered leaving the newspaper industry and, for a period, politics altogether. Word traveled outside of the Whig s inner circle, distressing Governor Patterson who wrote Weed ''I hear some talk about your leaving the Evening Journal ,' and I prote s t against it most earnestly and s olemnly." 90

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84 Meantime, Greeley de s paired, but he attempted to minimize the failure in the page s of the Tribune by suggest ing that a return to Whig prominence would occur in 1848 He was pleased to cite the C l ay campaign as one of his greatest journa li stic successes. In later years, he recalled that the newspaper was issued in the prime of hi s life when he was 33 years old, and he knew tl1e indu s try as well as any editor. In his own estimate, the Clay Tribune was ''one of the mo s t effective daily political journal s ever i ssue d. It so ld for 2 ce nt s, and it h a d 15 ,0 00 daily s ub scribe r s when the ca nva ss c lo se d. 91 Greeley's coverage of the Clay campaign had featured a number of innovations that ce lebrated the editor's creative impul ses. The Tribun e carried ca mpaign new s and the s ame ba s ic de sig n until Nov. 8, 1844 ju s t a few day s after the results of the election had become clear. On Nov. 9, 1844, after Greeley accepted C l ay's defeat the de s ign of the column returned to a more ba s ic news format. 92 Greeley could not hid e from hi s fe ll ow workers a deep se n se of loss aft er Clay's defeat. Hi s s tre11uou s, ultimately futile work a t the Tribi1n e inflicted a heavy physical and psychological blow. Weed and S eward were first among l1i s closest associates to detect hi s bottt s with melancholia and related infirrr1itie s, which appeared as chronic co ndition s after 1844~ however, Gre e l ey, the mo s t atypical of the Whig s, remained truest to the part y spi rit in hi s taste for co n s t1 u c tive soc ial program s expressed in the Triburi e's liberal editorial policy. 93 The TtibL1n e co ntinued to bear th e dying words of Harri so n as it s motto, '' I de s ir e you to under s tand the true principle s of the government. I wish them canie d out. I ask nothing more." 94 Amid s t the s ame columns announcing Clay's defeat the Tribun e implored reader s to '' hold tast to our own party and our own name! '' An increa s in g number of voices ca lled

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85 upon the Whig s to compromise their effort and so me even suggested a makeover under a different party name. '' It i s a s tanding reproach with our opponent s that we need or take a new name eve r y few years," Gr ee le y wrote. He ac knowled ge d that the s u ggestio n involved '' nothin g of which we s hould be ashamed," but it imp l ied that m e mber s could n o longer co nfe ss '"a s trong attachment to the good old Revolutionary name of Whig. 95 The Whig s s tumbled through the inte1im to the next election. Some reor ga ni ze d under alternative party affiliations and s ec1et orders, b u t the Tribune remained committed to the Whi gs. Greeley dismissed attempts to sc rap the party or denigrate it s name. '' Our forefathers bore and were proud of it~ it i s short, pithy, and implie s Re s i stance to Executive De s poti s m an evil to which ultra Democracy perpetually tend s," he wrote. ''It ha s come to imply al s o re s i s tance to that baleful blighting Jacobinism which seeks to array th e Po or against the Ri c h the Labor e r ag ain st th e Capitalist, and thus em br oil So c iet y in o ne univer s al net -wo rk of jealou s ie s and bitter hatred s." 96 Notes 1 '' The Great Whig Young Men' s Convention," N ew York Dail y Tribun e, May 4 1844. The speech was not delivered in person by Clay but read at the c onvention and publi s hed in tran sc ript form. '' I reque s t you, ge ntlemen, in announcing to the Convention my acceptance of the nomination ," Clay wrote, 'to express the very great sa ti sfac tion I derive trom the unanimity with which it has been made." 2 ''N ew Y o rk Dail y Triburi e, May 6, 1844 ''The following are Resolutions adopted by the Young Men 's National Convention." 3 '' For Pre s ident, Henry Clay. For Vi ce Pre s id e nt, Theo. Frelinghuy se n ," New Y o rk Dail y Tribun e, May 3, 1844 to Nov. 9 1844 The first s u c h column ran May 3, 1844. 4 J a me s Parton Lif e of H o ra ce Greeley (New York: Ma s on Brother s, 1 8 55 ), 140. 5 Thurlow We e d Lif e of Thurlow W eed In cludi n g Hi s Autobiography and a M enioir ( Bo sto n New York: Hou g hton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -8 4 Vol. 1 ), 467.

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86 6 James Parton, Lif e of H o rac e Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers 1855), 142. 7 Thurlow Weed, Lif e ofTlzitrlow Weed Including His Autobiograph y and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 1) 467 8 Hor ace Greeley, R ecollectio ,z s of a Bu sy Life (New York: Arno 1868 ), 136 9 Edwin Emery and Mi chael Emery, The Pr ess arid Anierica, An Int e rpr etive History of the Mass Media 4 th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1978) 128 10 Horace Greeley, Re collect i o ,i s of a Bu sy Life (New York: Arno, 1868 ), 1 36. 11 Jame s Parton Lif e of H o ra ce Greele y (New York : Mason Brother s, 1855 ), 395 396. Parton repo11ed from in side the office of the Tribit11 e and de sc ribed a ca talo gue posted on the door entitled, '' Tribune Directory Corrected May 10, 1854. A li s t of Editors Repo1 ters, Publi s her s, Clerk s, Compositors, Proof Readers, Pres smen, &c., employed on the New York Tribune. '' 12 Hora ce Greeley, R ecollectio 1 1s of a Bu sy Life (New York : Arno 1868 ), 137. 1 3 Horace Greeley, R ecollectio 11. s of a Bitsy Life (New York: Arno, 1868) 142 14 Edwin Emery and Mi c hael Emery, The Pres s and Anierica, An Int erp r etive History of th e Mass Media 4 th ed. (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc. 1978) 128 1 5 Horace Greeley, R ecollections of a Bu sy Life (New York: Amo 1868 ), 140. 16 Hora ce Greeley R ecollecrioris of a Bit sy Lif e (New York : Arno 1868.) 17 ''To Our Patron s," T/1.e New-Yorker, Saturday Sept. 11 1841, v.11, no.26 409. 1 8 Thurlow Weed, Life of Tliurlow W eed In cli ,din g His Autobiograplz y a,zd a Memoir ( Bo sto n New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883 -84, Vol. 1 ), 468 19 Edwin Emery and Mi c hael Emery, Tlz e Pr ess a11cl A11z e rica An Int e tpr e ti, ,e Hi story of tlz e Mass Media 4 th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc. 19 78), 128. 2.o Edwin Emery and Mi c hael Emery, The Pr ess and America, An lrit erpretive Hi story of tli e Ma ss Media 4 th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc ., 1978) 141. Morse se nt the fir s t telegraphic message published in a new spa per to the Baltimore Patri ot, ''One o'clock There ha s just been made a motion in the Hou se to go into co mmittee of the whole on the Oregon question. Re jec ted ayes, 79; nays, 86 ." 21 Hora ce Greeley R ecollectio11s of a Bus y Life (New York: Amo 1868 ), 142

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87 22 James Parton, Life of H orace Greeley (New York: Mason Brother s, 1855), 138. 23 John W. Moore, Printers, Printin g, Publishing, and Editing, 2 nd ed., (New York: Burt Franklin, 1886 Vol. 167), 35-39; See also: Donald K. Brazeal, Technology R evisited: A Fresh Examination oftlie 1830s P enny Press and Printing Presses, Pre sented at the Symposium on the 19 th Century Press, the Civil War, and Free Expression, November 2002. 24 Jam es Patton, Life of H orace Greeley (New York: Mason Brother s, 1855 ), 193. Park Benjamin of the Evenirig Sentinel revealed one s uch occasion in which the publisher of the Sun developed ''a conspiracy to crush the New York Tribune'' in order to thwart Greeley's growing acclaim. 25 James Parton, Life of Horace Greeley (New York: Mason Brother s, 1855 ), 138. 26 Jame s Parton, Lif e of Horac e Greeley (New York: Mason Brother s, 1855), 19 3. 27 James Patton, Life of Horac e Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers 1855), 138. 28 New York Herald, Sept. 14, 1842 29 Jame s L. CroL1thamel, B eririett' s New York H erald and the Ri se of the Popular Pr ess (Sy racu se University Pre ss: Syracuse, New York, 1989), x. 30 New York Daily Tribune, Aug. 20, 1853. 31 Jame s L. Crouthamel Benrzett' s New York Herald and th e Ri se of the Popular Press (Syrac u se University Pre ss: Syracuse, New York, 1989) x. 32 New York Daily Tribune, Aug. 20, 1853. 33 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow W eed In cluding Hi s Autobiography and a Memoir ( Bo sto n, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 91-93. 34 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow W eed Including His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 91-93. 35 Thurlow Weed, Life o/Th urlow Weed In cluding Hi s Autobiography and a Me,noir (Bos ton New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -84, Vol. 2), 96 97. 36 Thurlow Weed, Life a/Thurlow Weed lri cludi11g Hi s Autobiography and a Menioir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -84, Vol 2), 96, 97. 37 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed In cluding His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Hou ghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 96, 97.

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88 38 Thurl ow We e d Lif e of Th1,1,rlow W eecl Incl i ,ding Hi s AutobiograpJzy and a M e m oi r (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -8 4 Vol. 2), 93 39 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Thurl ow W ee d In c luding Hi s Aitt ob i ogr aph y and a M emo ir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -8 4 Vol 1 ), 507. 40 Thurlow Weed Lif e ofTli urlow W ee d ln c litdirig His Autobiography arid a M enioi r (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 94. 41 J ose ph S. My e r s, '' Th e Geniu s of Horace Greeley," J ournalism Series (Co lumbu s, OH : The Ohio State University Pre ss, No. 6 1929 ), 14 42 Hora ce Greeley to Caleb Cushing, De c. 29, 1841, H o ra ce Gr eeley Pap ers, Durh am, NC: Duk e U niv e r si t y. 43 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Thurl ow W eed lri cluding Hi s Autobi og raph y and a Menioir ( B os t on, New Y o rk : Hou g hton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -84, Vol. 1 ), 470. Greeley' s politi cizing was mixed with co nt emp t for Tyler's di s r egar d fo r Whi g intere sts. H e wrote W eed from W as hin gto n D .C., D ec. 15 1 8 41 havin g stayed '' long enough to be sat i s fi e d '' that Tyler and hi s newly appointed Demo c rati c cabinet would not '' har111oniz e with the Whi g party nor did they ''want p eace, or to carTy their mea s ur es, but mean to kee p up the quarrel as lon g as po ss ible with a view to the s u ccess ion ." 44 New York Dail y Tribune, Jun e 29, 1843. He a c knowledged writing an art ic le co ntainin g ''so mething about 'nine s tep s out of twelve,''' which he alleged was aimed so lely at the '' de s ired reconciliation b e tween Mr. Tyler and the Whigs. 45 Hora ce Greeley to Caleb Cushing, Dec 17 1841, H o ra ce Gr ee l ey Pap ers, Durham NC: Duke University. Perhap s Greeley alone did not notice the conflict of int erest ap p are nt to hi s national audience: The editor, a n outwardly humble man cit ed hi s ow n se n se of fairness to argue on b e half of th e Whi gs, a party which he almo s t sing le handedly brought to the f o re of nation a l politi cs. '' I s not the doctrine sound? Doe s it not cove r the whole ground?'' 46 Horace Greeley t o Caleb Cushing, D ec. 1 7, 1 84 1 H o r ace Gre eley P apers, Durham NC: Duke U ni versity. 47 New York Dai ly Tribun e, Aug. 23, 184 2. 48 New Y o rk Da ily Tribune, F e b 1 2, 184 2. 49 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow W ee d In cl udin g Hi s Autobiography and a M emoir (Boston, New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol 2), 95.

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89 50 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow Weed Iricluding His Autobiograph y and a M e ,rioir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2) 125. 51 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiograph y and a M e moir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol 2), 121 52 H. Clay to Thurlow Weed, Sept. 12, 1842, Thurlow We e d Pap e r s, New York : Univer s ity of Rochester. 53 Thurlow Weed Lzj e of Thurlo w W ee d In c ludin g Hi s Autobi og raph y and a M e 11i oi r (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 170. 54 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow Weed I,i c luding His Autobiograph y and a M e moir (Boston, New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84, Vol. 2), 96 55 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow Weed In c luding His Autobiograph y and a M e moir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 122. 56 Thurlow Weed to Francis Granger, March 11, 1844, Thi,rlow Weed Pap e rs, New York: University of Rochester 57 Thurlow Weed to Francis Granger March 15 1844, Thurlow We e d Pap e r s, New York: University of Roche s ter. 58 Thurlow Weed to Ftancis Granger April 8, 1844, Thurlow Weed Pap e r s, New York: University of Roche s ter. 59 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Thurl ow W ee d In c luding Hi s Aut o biograph y and a M e m o ir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 119. 60 Hor ace Greeley Th e Ani e ri ca 11 Conflict (C hicago and Hartford: O D Case & Co., 1864-66 V o l 1 ), 168. 61 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiograph y and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 119 62 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Thurlow W ee d In c luding His Autobiograph y and a M e moir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84 Vol. 2), 120. 63 Horace Greeley Th e American Conflict (Chicago and Hartford: O.D Case & Co., 1864-66 Vol. 1 ), 166 64 Thurlow Weed Lif e ofTh itrlow W ee d ln c ludirig Hi s Autobiograph y and a M e m oi r (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84 Vol 2), 120

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90 65 Thurl ow We e d to Fran c i s Gran ge r Sept. 3, 1 8 44 Thu rl ow W eed P a p e r s, N e w Y o rk : U ni ve r s it y o f Ro c he s t e r 6 6 Thurlow Weed Lif e o f Thurl o w W ee d Iri c luding His Autobi og raph y and a M e ,n o ir (Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co ., 1883-84 Vol. 2) 1 2 0. 67 N e w Y o rk Dail y Tribu,i e, O c t. 17, 1844, '' This is the last paper whi c h will rea c h s ome thou s and s of our sub s cribers before the great contest is decided, and Henry Clay or Jame s K. Polk elected President of the United State s Allow u s to addres s a few words to y ou then brethren in the Whig Cau s e! '' 68 '' The Que s tion Settled N e w Y o rk Dail y Tribun e, Oct 18 1844. 69 ' Th e Que s tion Settled ," N e w Y o rk Dail y Tribun e Oct. 18 1844. 70 '' Whi g Electoral Ti c ket, N ew Y o rk Dail y Tribune Nov 1, 1844 7 1 '' Th e E le c tion Our City ," N ew Y o rk Dail y Tr i bun e, Nov 6 1844 72 '' Th e State B y Th e Ni g ht Boat ," N ew Y o r k D ai l y Tr i bu ne, No v 8, 1844. 73 Thurl o w We e d Lif e of Tli i trl ow W ee d lr ic ludin g Hi s Aut o bi og raph y and a M e m oi r ( Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883 84 Vol. 2), 1 2 4. 7 4 '' Honor the T1ue! '' N e w Y o rk Dail y Tribun e, Nov 9 1844 ' Abolition ha s done its wor s t with u s . Ah! But the Liberty' vote of Penn s ylvania is s ome Three or Four Thou s and ; that of New-York i s s ome Ten to Fifteen Thousand pos s ibly Twenty Thou s and nine-tenths of it taken from the Whig s It wa s not merely the vot e of the Abolitioni s t s that hurt u s their de s per a te effect s were felt in defaming Mr. Clay a nd c onfusing the public mind with regard to Texas. Their assurance made thou s ands believ e that Clay wa s a s much an Anne x ationi s t a s Polk. That fini s hed u s. 75 Hora c e Greeley R ec oll ec ti o n s o f a Bu sy L~f e (New York: Arno, 1868 ), 165. 76 '' The Great Result ," N e w York Dail y Tribitn e Nov. 9, 1844. ' In the great co nte s t from whi c h we ar e emergin g, th e re have b e en truth s c ommended to the g en e ral under s tandin g, impre s sion s made on th e Moral Sen s e of the Ameri c an Peopl e, whi c h w ill y et vindi c ate th e m s elve s a nd di s comfit our time -s ervin g adver s arie s. Whig s Look aloft !' 77 '' The P o pular Vot e," N ew Y o r k Da i l y Tr i buri e, Nov. 11, 1844 We e d a gre e d w ith Gre e l ey's ass e ss ment th a t Birn ey had c o s t th e Whig s the e le c tion and it th e r o l e of the Liberty Part y i s cited c ommonly in s econdary s our c e s, althou g h it i s not entir e l y clear that Clay would have lo s t the election even with the e le c toral vote s of New York Thurlow Weed Lif e of Thurl o w W ee d In c luding His Autobiograph y and a M e m o ir (Bo s ton N e w York : Hou g hton Mifflin and Co ., 1883 84 Vo l 2 ), 124. ' New York would

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91 have saved the Whigs, but that was not to be. Thanks to the 'third party ,' New York went against the state and national Whig candidates, Silas Wright becoming Governor. 78 ''Our Defeat in New-York ," New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 11, 1844. ''Ear ly in the campaign, when it seemed to us impossible that the Van Buren men of this State could be rallied to the unanimou s and hearty support of James K. Polk, in view of the circumstances of his nomination when it seemed to us impossible that avowed and strenuous anti-Texas and Protective Tariff men should be brought to suppo11 an avowed Annexationist a nd notorious Free Trader we estimated that Mr. Clay would cru.Ty New York by 20 000. '' 79 ''T he Popular Vote ," New York Dail y Tribun e, Nov. 11 1844. 80 Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Bus y Life (New York: Arno, 1868) 167. 81 Horace Greeley, The American Conflict (Chicago and Hartford: O.D Case & Co., 1864-66 Vol. 1), 168. 82 ''The Popular Vote ," New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 11 1844. '' But even this would not have availed to defeat us but for an overwhelming Illegal Vote, beyond any precedent. Thou sa nds of Irishmen employed on the Canada Public Works came over here to help their brethren in the contest, as they understood it, for Foreigner's rights, and did help them most effectually. The Alien (unnaturalized) population of our own and other Cities gave a large vote, generally offering at least one ballot each, and many of them more than one. From the s tatements of those who know but who could make public what they know only at the hazard of their lives, we infer that not less than Three Thousand votes for Polk were cast in our City alone by men who were not citizens of the United States. Right gladly would we risk our life on this, that a thorough sifting of the Polls so as to throw out every illegal vote cast in the State, would give its Thirtys ix Electors' Vote to Clay and Frelinghuysen. But thi s cannot be had and a South Carolina dyna sty is by the foulest deception and most atrocious fraud, fastened upon the American People for four years to come. Bitterly will this be rued by many who cannot yet allow themselves to get sober joy at the consummation." 83 ''The Popular Vote, New York Daily Tribune, Nov. 11, 1844. Kentucky ''judging from the few returns we have seen," gave Clay a large majority and Indiana also sided with him. 84 ''The Popular Vote," New York Daily Tribune Nov. 11, 1844. ''The Naturalized Citizens," according to the Tribune carried the state for Polk ''by appeals to their Religious and old world feelings and prejudices ... They have been told that they would be deprived of their Political Rights and reduced to vassalage in the event of Mr. Clay's election; and this, with still more monstrous bugbears, has driven from us those who were for1nerly with u s .. Our Whig s trongholds where there are few adopted Citizens have not fallen off, except under the influence of Abolition. But not merely is the Naturalized

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92 Vote against u s, but it i s many thousands s tron ge r than it would have been but for the Philad elphia Riot s and the Catholic dread of Nativism. All our Courts that could Naturalize were crow ded with applicants for citizenship for weeks before election, and voters were turned out at some of them with astonishing celerity. We hear that some of the judge s have been employed for days si nce the election in signing the affidavits &c., which they appear on the record as having executed before the Election.'' 85 Horace Greeley, R ecollections of a Bu sy Lif e (New York: Amo, 1868 ), 166. Whig alternate Hugh L. White posted no returns, and other candidates combined won 0 electoral votes and 0.1 percent of the popular vote. 86 Horace Greeley, Re col l ections of a Busy Life (New York: Arno, 1868) 166. 87 Horace Greeley R ecollections of a Bus y Life (New York: Amo, 1868) 165. 88 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow W eed Including Hi s Autobiography and a M emoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co 1883-84, Vol 2), 126 89 Thurlow Weed Life of Tliurlow W eed In cludi ng His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -84, Vol. 2), 124. 90 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlo w Weed In cluding Hi s Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 123 24. 91 Hora ce Greeley, R ecollectioris of a Bu sy Life (New York: Arno 1868) 167 92 ''Fo r President Henry Clay. For Vice President, Theo. Frelinghuysen," New York Dail y Tribune, May 3, 1844 to Nov. 9, 1844. 93 Joseph S. Myers, ''T he Genius of Horace Greeley," Journalism Series (Columbus, OH: The Oruo State University Press No 6, 1929), 14, 15. 94 Jame s Parton Life of Hora ce Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers 1855) 19 2. 95 ''Nat ive Americanism," New York Dail y Tribune, Nov. 11, 1844. 96 ''Native Americanism," New York Dail y Tribune, Nov. 11, 1844

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CHAPTER4 THE YEAR OF HOPE: THE FIRM IN 1848 Zachary Taylor's presidency at first put Weed Greeley, Seward, and the Whigs in limbo. The General 's campaign statements had provided only obscure political position s. Even though his election was a welcome event, it left open unsettling questions about hi s inten sio ns as pre s ident. Greeley found himself in the awkward position of havin g s upported a candidate he did not expect to win, the second and last Whig pre s ident. 1 ''I cannot ask favors of the new dynasty, nor place myself under aberrations to it till I s ee how it means to behave," Greeley wrote. ''I pay little attention to letter s which rea c h me with requests to offices, believing that Gen. Taylor should be advised mainly by tho se more devoted to him." 2 Greeley turned his attention to campaigns that he could control more directly. He had been ''a zealous, if not very effective, advocate'' of Seward 's bid for Senate, he wrote, and after four years of obscuration, Seward '' the Whig s tar ," was again ''in the ascendant.'' 3 Du1ing the 1848 campaigns, Seward began publicly denouncing s lavery in s peeches in New York, New England, Pennsylvania, New Jersey Delaware, and Ohio. Greeley took heart as Seward took an interest in the Tribun e's anti slavery editorials. 4 In February 1849, Seward was chosen the Senator for New York. 5 At the same time Greeley appealed to members of the Whig establishment for appointment to office. He respected Weed 's political judgment more than that of the Whigs' new breed of maverick abolitionists and deferred to him because of his role as New York party bo ss. 6 ''I am not very high in the confidence of the Taylor leader s," Greeley wrote. 'I don't belong to their parti c ulru s quad but to the old Whig phalan x. 7 93

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94 The f requ e n cy of Greeley's letter s to Weed increa se d throughout Taylor's pr es id ency, a nd a number of them so li cited an interest in p artic ul ar off i ces. 8 War Games Greeley's oppos ition to the M ex i ca n W a r made hi s s upport for Taylor's candi da cy rel u c t a nt. The General earned renown in M ex i ca n ca mpaign s and was known to side wit h Southe111 intere sts, which made him an unlikely beneficiary of the Tribun e's e ditorial agenda. Greeley 's gre ate s t s uc cess had been both in s upport and opposition of military f igure s, a personality easily prai se d and lampooned in the penny press. '' Battles afford ge n e ral s an opportunity to di sti ngui s h them se lves ," Greeley wrote. ''Ge neral Jackson and General H arrison ha ve been e l ecte d to the pre si dency G e neral T ay lor is in the minds of many, a nd in th e heart s of many more for the same hi g h p1ace." 9 By 1 848, the Whig s had reached a ver di ct that Henry Clay co uld no lon ge r be the party's presidential ca ndid a te having grown ''tire d of the idea' of running him. 10 He had been a ca ndid ate for more than 20 years a nd was fulfilling a predi c tion made by We e d in 1846 that Dem ocraticleanin g T ay lor would fill the vacuum left from the Whig s' previou s d efeat. 11 Hi s demon st rat e d s kill s in the Mexican War and hi s affiliation with Southern intere s t s made him the only ca ndidate Whig s in the South could s upport. 1 2 Part y member s recognized Taylor a s ''an excellent so ldier ." But he had no experience as a s t a t esman, a nd hi s ca pacit y for civi l administration was ''w holly undemonstrated." 13 Taylor sugges ted that if elected, he mi g ht co ndu ct hi s administration on '' pur ely business prin ciples'' a nd with no regard to partisan obligations. 14 He had ne ve r voted, and he p aid littl e attention to politics. Though in c lin e d toward the Whig Part y, he was ''but slig htl y id ent i fied with it s ideas a nd its efforts." Few if a n y vo ter s, l e t alone Whig Party leaders, cou ld exp lain Taylor's views on protection, internal improvement or the

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95 c urren cy '' On the great que s tion of the fate of newly acquired land from Mexi co, Taylor had ''nowise declared him se l f." The fact that he owned s lave s justified a pre s umption th at he like m os t s laveholder s, ''deemed it right that a se ttler in the Territorie s should be at liberty to t a ke thither and hold th e re as property whatever the law s of hi s own St ate r ecog ni ze d a s property." 15 Pre s ident Jame s K Polk had waged an aggressive war on Mexi co in th e n a m e of s l ave holder s' interests. The M ex i ca n War po se d pointed moral question s about W estwar d ex p ans i o n an d raised objection s from di se n fra n c hi sed Whi gs, es peciall y in the North. Greeley W ee d a nd S ewar d as we l l a s a giowing coa lition of a nti D e m ocratic voters u se d '' Polk s War '' a s a rally cry again s t a new form of Caesarism. The co nfli ct enlarged s la v e territories and offended t he se n s ibilitie s of abolitionists. It reinvi go rated the Whig s. The war with Mexico '' though causeless and ugly co ntain e d jewels, Weed wrote. An impending war with Eng land over Oregon reopened issues at t ache d to We stward expansion p o li cy and offered the party a chance at vi ndi cat ion It forced the Whi gs to crea te b o th a ne w s t1ate gy for wining the pre si den cy, and it exposed a weaknes s in the D e mocrati c agenda their neglect in securing the votes of Northeastern indu stria li sts and Midwe s t e rn h o m es t ea der s Weed s u gges ted the Whi gs s hould embrace war with En g l and if it re su lted in ''tari ff Canada and freedom." 16 Tay l or wa s the on l y feasi bl e c andidate the Whi gs co uld nominat e. Y et they reali zed that n o ne of hi s po s ition s on i ss u es reflected any part of their age nda. P arty m em b ers so u g ht a return to national prominen ce and agreed to ''a bond of fate '' with th e under st andin g that th ey c ould not a l low hi s v iew s to be co me part of a Whig pre s idency. 17

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96 In the Footsteps of John Quincy Adams Weed had lost a valuable political alliance with decades-old friend Francis Granger over the Birney fiasco in New York. He wrote Granger, June 19, 1845, refusing to part the company of ' an old and cherished friend'' without an explanation. He had to acknowledge Granger's split with the Whigs as indicative of a larger trend, one that Greeley, Seward, and he would have to confront in the next e le ctio n But Weed continued to follow ''in the footsteps of John Quincy Adams," h e wrote. ''I not only appreciate your feelings in relation to the perverse and dishonest course of political Abolitionists, but fu ll y participate in those feelings. Nor have I failed to hold [them] responsible for the evil they have accomplished.'' 18 ''You a nd I and the Whigs with whom we rut, are better friends with the slave and true advocates for emancipation than the 'Liberty Party' organs and leaders," Weed wrote. ''Shall we then allow their organs and leaders to hold a power, which they wield year after year with such fata l effect against the count1y?'' 19 Weed hoped to entice Granger back into a partnership by promising offices in exchange for the valuable votes of the Grangers, an agricultural-based movement. ''You and I know that the Office of Comptrol l er i s in your line if you a1e willing to work for the People." 20 By the late 1840s, however the split between the Grangers and the Whigs had become irreparable, not the least of the antebellum era's frequent political convu l sions. Weed's philanthropy was we ll publicized, and his response to appeals for contribut ion s for cultural projects kept the fi1111 in good standing with benefactors. He was solicited by faculty at Union Col l ege for funds to build a new art gallery in New York. There was no doubt that the city was in ''great and most urgent need'' of influences that would ''refine and exalt while they tranquilize a nd which take the place in some

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97 measure of those coarser pursuits and pleasures which prevail too exclusively." Weed found himself in agreement witl1 Profes so r Potter s re comme ndation that there was '' no such influences cheaper or more salutary than Galleries of Art." 21 Regional and third party intere s ts continued to influence the outcome of national elections, but Greeley, Weed, and Seward were assured victory for their candidates after the les so n s they learned in 1844. ''The result of the election vindicated the wisdom of General Taylor 's nomination, while the purity and patriotism of his administration fulfilled the assurances and expectations of his friends," Weed wrote. New York was agai n the pivot upon which Taylor 's e le ction would depend. 22 Weed had been charged with throwing New York 's votes by ensuring that Clay would not be nominated in 1848 '' Soon however an e l ement cropped out which entirely changed the aspect," he wrote. ''The friends of Mr. Van Buren, exasperated by the refusal of the Democratic National Convention to nominate that gentleman, deter1nined to run him as a 'Free-Soil' candidate. That movement was encouraged by the dissatisfaction in the Whig party with the nomination of General Taylor. It was believed that a large Whig vote, especially in the New England States, would be cast for the Free-Soil' candidates, Charles Fran cis Adams, of Bo s ton being on that ticket for vice-president." 23 Go in g West: T h e Fir m a n d t h e H o me stea d We ed had a ttended the River and Harbor Convention held in Chicago in Jul y 1847 where resolutions were adopted demanding appropriations for the removal of obstruction s to the co mmer ce of the Great Lakes. 24 Greeley and W ee d were Iikeminded in their advocacy of home s tead sett lement s. They s upported Westward expansion with a populist sense of Manifest Destiny; however where Weed and Greeley parted was in regards to Greeley s radical proposals linking Home s tead ownership to a socialist utopia.

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98 ''The freedom of the public lands to actual sett ler s and the limit a tion of future acquisitions of land to some reasonable amount," Greeley wrote, ''are also measures [that] seem to u s vita lly necessary to the ultimate emancipation of labor from thralldom and misery." Greeley cal led for the chance of eac h man to earn the ''j ust fruits of his labors." Every new labor saving invention provided a rea so n to believe that the goal cou ld be achieved. '' W e must achieve these results; we c an do it," he wrote. '' We must go to the root of the evi l so lon g as the laboring class must live by working for others while others are striving to live lu x uriou s ly and amass wealth out of the fruits of suc h l abor." 25 By the late 1840 s, Greeley's call for the di s tribution of land as a measure for securi ng soc ial equity serve d as a corne r sto ne for the Republican Party which emerged for1nally in su b seq uent elections. The mo ve ment relied on appeals to freedom as well as the promise of gai n s in property. Cultural historian John R. Commons' attributed the phenomenon to '' two main c urrent s of idealism passing through the brain of Greeley and coming out a constr u ctive program for the r eorganizat ion of society." 26 The cu ltural s i gnifica n ce of integrating the homestead with a political party was at first immeasurable but by 1860 it ca me to symbolize a reorganization of American socie ty The Republican Party which Greeley virtually wrote into existence, was at first a party of home steaders with po s itions identical to the free-labor ba se d Workingmen' s Party. The Republican s came into conflict with s lavery because s lavery could not live on 160-acre farms. 27 Greeley's articulate state ment s on the home stead policy made him one of the most widely read figures in the nation. 28 Grassroots movement s contributed to the social tr ansfor1natio n but Seward Weed and Greeley were remembered popularly as

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99 champions of republican government, self-made men of the first rate. They also took the blame for alienating moderate Whig s and Southerner s on the issue of slavery The 1848 Canvass The national Whig convention met in Philadelphia, June 1848, s eeking its se c ond presidential election with Taylor a s the presidential nominee and Fillmore, Weed' s associate from New York, a s vice president. Eight years earlier the Whigs had won with a military hero Gen. William H Harrison. Now they again turned to a Gener a l, Za c hary Taylor, and nominated him on the fourth ballot. Taylor campaigned on his military record and on hi s promi s e of a non-politi c al admini s tration Daniel W e b s ter, a Hanison c abinet member, approached Weed upon the c ommen c ement of Taylor' s c a mpaign 'Well," a s ked Webster ''how do thing s look now ? I s uppo s e the qu es tion s till i s who will poll the mo s t votes? '' Weed replied '' Ye s, and that man i s General Taylor, who will be the next Pre s ident Webster taken aback replied ''Why, Taylor is an illiterate frontier Colonel who hasn't voted for forty year s ' 29 The Democratic Party nominated Lewis Cass a militia general and Senator from Michigan. The Democrat s adopted a vague platform. Both major parties avoided the vital i s sue of the time the expan s ion of slavery in the tenito1ies As a result antis lavery faction s formed the Free-Soil Party headed by former president Van Buren 30 The Free Soil organi z ation Weed wrote at fir s t caused anxiety and apprehension in th e Whi g rank s A s the election approa c hed, confidence wa s ree s tablished, and the Whig '' ma ss e s' becam e 'united a nd z ealou s 31 Tayl o r 's c h a n ces were in c rea s ed with a nexu s of s upport in New York, e s pe c ially with Greeley' s fir s t concerted efforts to make a name for himself as an elected offi c ial. His fir s t major public appearance occurred in Chicago, July 5, 1847, at a meeting of

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100 Midwestern Whigs. Thomas Corwin closed the meetings, but delegates, who were certainly familiar with his new spa per if not hi s ac tual per so n issued a call for '"Greeley." He was li stened to ''with great atte ntion and warmly cheere d in concluding. Every word that he uttered was fu ll of truth and wisdom." 3 2 Greeley's greatest ally and hi s greatest obstacle, as well, in obtaining office was hi s association with Weed He wrote We e d, Jan 3 1, 1848 in one of hi s numerou s correspo nden ces abo ut personal ca mpaign s that fa iled to produ ce de sire d results. '' There wi ll be a ca ll out for a Whi g National Convention before the close of the week which will render nece ssary a sa te ca ll for the election of delegate s.'' Should the Whig s of the legislature see fit to de s ignat e the two se natorial delegate s, Greeley wrote, ''I have a great mind to ask that my name be co n s idered among the candidates for that honor '' 33 On Sept. 22, 1848 Greeley again wrote Weed, ''I bother you only to ask you not to take any more trouble in my b e h a lf in reference to the co ngre ss ional business." 34 H e refused to abandon the Whi gs, but the Triburie had prote s ted consistently and loudl y about Taylor 's ro l e in the Texa s tr avesty. '' I had intended to put up th e T aylor ticket to morrow mornin g, the Clay movement being definitely a t an e nd, h e wrote. ''I s hall s till let m y nam e be talked about for congress more likely again s t than with the Whi g nomination bu t with the di sti n ct under s tandin g that I yield no further su pport to General Taylor than i s di ctate d by .. duty and my pledge fully given the day after the Philadelphia nomination. 35 The Tribune's opposition had been noted by otherwise di s pirited Whig s, including New York's Thomas Corwin, who wrote, '' Your activity on Mexican affai r s are r ea d with much intere s t here and I believe with ge neral affection ." 36

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101 Mr. Greeley Goes to Washington Greeley h a d little faith in third-party ca ndidate s, and he at first s u s pected Taylor's nomination represented ''a n occult purpo se'' to help the D e mo c 1 t s by dr aw in g off votes f rom the Whi gs: The same nominatin g co nv e ntion had resolved to oppose the W i lmot Provi so. 3 7 Zealous Whig s apprehended that Taylor might if elected, balk at the opportunity to di sc h a rge officeholders ap pointed by Tyler and Polk Greeley co ntinued to re sist s upportin g Taylor ''I did not hu1ry my s elf to sec ure h is election," he wrote. '' In fact, that of 184 8 was my easiest a nd lea s t anxious Presidential canvass si n ce 18 24." 38 Taylor h ad avowed him se lf ''a Whi g, but not a n ultra Whi g and Greeley believed that was ''a bout the literal truth." 3 9 Greeley 's hi s tory with the party was a valuable commo dit y for Taylor s upp orters, and they a pp ea l ed to hi s se n se of d e di cation. H e was persuaded to give a speech on Taylor's be h a lf a t Vauxhall Garden, N.Y., Sept 27, 1848. The speec h i nf ormed the audience o f r easo n s w h y loyalty to th e party sho uld take precedent over Taylor s apparent misgivings on abolitionism. '' I s hall s upport the Whig nomination s with a view to the t r iumph of Free Soil ," Greeley explained, '' tru s tin g that the d ay is not d is tant when a n amendment of the Federal Constitution will give the appointment of Po st ma s ter s and other local officers to the People and st rip the Pre side nt of the e normou s a nti -rep t1bli ca n patrona ge which now ca u ses the whole Poli tical action of the count ry to hin ge upon its Pre side n tia l Elections." 40 Greeley' s act of loyalty earne d him a sea t in the H o u se of Repre se ntati ves, w hi ch t h e death of a n1ember had made vaca nt H e was e l ecte d for o n e session o nl y and it wa s a s hort one onl y three month s W1iting in the t h ird pe r s o n he acknowledged t h e odd ci r c um sta n ces surroun din g hi s nomination w hi c h was e nt e 1 d a nd approved by telegra phi c tran s mi ss ion. ''A n editor of th e Tribune was once nominated throu g h th at

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102 rnachinery. So he was to serve ninety days in Congress and he doesn't feel a bit proud of it." In spite of his feigned humility which his letters to Weed exposed, Greeley accepted the job wholeheartedly. 41 His term extended from Dec. 1, 1848 to March 4, 1849 a partial fulfillment of hi s deeply held de si re for office. Even thou gh his ter1n was s hort he made his pre se nce known. 42 One of the first mea s ur es Greeley took coincided with the Tribitn e's advocacy of Westward expansion: He brou g ht in a bill to di sco urage speculation in publi c lands and establish home steads upon the same On other m easures, h e was le ss s ucce ss ful. He failed in his advocacy for refo 1m s in the Navy, suc h as abo li sh ing floggin g and the i ss uing of grog ration s. He also attacked the graft of congressmen in connection witl1 the mileage allowed them in traveling to and from Washington, D C. He estin1ated that members collected nearly $200,000 more than they should by charging the government for roundabout routes to the capita ] Hi s bill to regulate this mileage was defeated, but hi s c1usade ''did some good. 43 Tribu,ie ed itor s memorialized Gre e l ey's career in Congress, which fellow congressmen would have othe1wise ignored. According to the Tribune, '' Member s did not relish the exposure of their dishonesty, but all their talking did not in the least disturb Mr. Greeley's e quanimity. He opposed appropriations for furnishing members with libra1ies at the public expense. No member was ever more faithful to his dutie s, and no one ever re ce ived s mal !er reward. '' 44 He could not distance him se lf entirely from his editorial respon s ibilitie s, and it was sa id that h e '' di st ingui s hed him se lf as much by his work as cotTespondent for the Tribitne as by his record on the floor of the House. '' 45 Greeley directed pointed criticisms at co ng1e ss men, keeping an eye on hi s line of communications. His letters to Charles D a n a,

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103 the Tribun e's managing editor, expressed an obsession for control of the new s paper 's 11 h. 46 image, as we as 1s own. Lat e in 1848 Gr ee le y first met Abraham Lin co ln a s a representative in the 30 th Congress, the only one to which Linco]n was ever elected Lincoln 's di st rict was Whig according to th e apportionment of an 1840 census. Voters elected Lincoln in 1846 with the largest majority ever given in that district. He was one of ''the very mildest type of Wilmot Proviso Whigs from the free State s not nearly so pronounced a s many who long since found a congenia l re s t in the ranks of the pro-slavery democracy '' 47 Election Results: Meet the New Boss In the com p et ition among ca ndidate s Taylor Demo c rat Lewi s Cass, and Fre eSoil candidate Martin Van Buren Taylor won a s urprise victory for the Whig s. Fillmore stage d a ca mpai g n of hi s own, w hi c h s plit the Whi g Party mes sage. Taylor noneth eless canied ei gh t s l ave s tates and seve n free s tate s for 163 electoral votes, winning 4 7 .3 percent of the popular vote. Cass c arried se ven s lave s tate s and eight free s tate s for 127 electoral votes winning 42.5 percent of the popular vote. Van Buren failed to carry any states for electoral votes, but he picked up 10.1 percent of the popular vote. The F i llmore ca mpajgn floundered, winning only 0 1 percent of the popular vote and no elector s. In a rever s al of fortune from the 1844 election, Van Buren 's finish drew votes from Ca ss, ensuring Taylor 's victory. 48 Taylor' s link to the intere s t s' of Southern states was well known. He had written Jeffer so n Da v i s th at the mom e nt the abolition i s t s ''we nt beyond the point where r es i s tan ce becomes ri g ht and proper ," th e SoL1th s hould act '' promptly boldl y and de c i s iv e ly with arm s in their hand s, if nece ssa ry a s the Union in that case will be blown to ato m s, o r w ill b e no lon ger wo11h pre se rving. '' 49 Toombs, Stephen s, and Clingman

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104 member s of Congress from Georgia who then professed to be Whig s, visited the White Hou se and endeavored to influen ce Taylor by urging him to admit California as a s ] ave s tate 50 To t he su rpri s e of the nation l e t alone the Whig Party Taylor refu se d and took a s tand for t he Union, affording c onclu s ive evidence that there were ''no northern aggressions; that the cry of so uthern dan g er and alar1n was s imulated or at least Ltnfounded, and t hat the re a l foes to be re s i s ted were at th e South, and not in the Notth 51 T h e Yea r of Hope The Whi gs ce lebrat e d th e president's une x pe c ted loyalty to the party, but hi s turnab o ut much unlike that of D emocra ti cl ea nin g John Tyler c re a t ed a cris i s of co nfiden ce in Southern voters, w ho r e treated f rom affiliation with the N o rth east establishment. Whig moderate s we re equally alienated in their pre s umption that the ne w president would not act to jeopardize regional intere s t s. And as much a s the Taylor administration was heralded a s a vic tory for the Whig s it al s o s pel l ed the party 's d emise Greeley played politic s with hi s s upport of Taylor and other leadin g Whi gs, a nd at the sa m e time, Weed jo ckeyed for in s id e a ccess to the new a dmini s tration W eed's efforts a t first paid dividend s He went witl1 Seward on Jan 18 1850 to visit Taylor who gave th e m ' a n ag r eeab l e a udien ce," a nd in th e m ee tin g, the pre s ident exp1essed fir s t s ign s that he would d efy the D e mo c rat s and fol l ow Whi g principles. Ta y lor gave We ed hi s wo rd that he wou ld ''st ron g ly r e buk e di s unioni sts." 5 2 Wh en S o u t h ern representatives were i nfor1ned tl1at T ay lor would approve any co n stitu tional bill that Congre ss mi g ht pa ss and execute the laws of the country, th ey threatened di ssol ution of the Union. In reply Taylor info11ned them that if it became nece ss ary h e would take co mmand of the army him se lf, a nd that 'if they were t ake n in

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105 rebellion again s t the Union he would hang them with less reluctance than he had hung deserters and spies in Mexico!'' 53 Greeley had proclaimed the year 1848 ''The Year of Hope!'' A revolutionary spirit swept the populace at home and abroad and causes to which the Whigs we1e sympathetic made gains. ' You have not forgotten, 0 reader, the thrill the tumult , the ecstasy of joy with which on the morning of March 28Lh' 1848, you read in the morning paper s these electric and tran s porting capitals," Greeley wrote. ''Regale your eyes with them once more ... ABDICATION OF LOUIS PHTI,IPPE! A REPUBLIC PROCLAIMED. 5 4 Taylor Is Dead, Long Live the Whigs But the exuberance of the republican movement, headed for the moment in the United States by the Whig Party was short lived. The Whigs second president and the second one to die in office passed away myste1iously on July 9 1850. A new regime was installed. Millard Fillmore became president and Webster accepted the position of Secretary of State. Weed s account of Taylor's death was succinct and impersonal reflecting the shock felt throughout the party. ''General Taylor was elected," he wrote, adding little eulogy. ''He died soon afterwards." 5 5 Greeley's exuberance died by mid-1850. Anti-democratic forces squashed the republican revolutions that swept E11rope in previous years, and the Whigs' victories at home were undone by partisan infighting. The party suffered a mortal blow with Taylor's baffling death. For only two years, the Whigs enjoyed the sense that their party had secured a spot on the nation's political landscape. But Taylor died in a fashion a s untimely as the beloved General Harrison. ' Our success in 1848 was the triumph o f General Taylor, not our principles Greeley later reflected wearily. 'It showed that a majority prefe11 ed General Taylor to General Cass for President: that was all. 56

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106 Taylor was remembered as a man of little educa tion or li terary cu ltu1 e, but h e possessed 'good sense, coolness, and freedom from prejudice. '' 5 7 The Whigs were soon filled with a sense of betrayal when Taylor's successor, Millard Fi llm o1e, former ''ar dent friend of freedom," se nsed the opportL1nity to exerc i se power and ''v eered round '' to espouse the ca u se of s lavery Daniel Web s ter accepted the po s iti on of Secretary of State, and the new Fillmore ''regime'' was insta ll ed. In one deva s tating motion Weed wrote, Fillmore signed the fugitive s lave law and rendered the Whig Party '' in twain forever 5 8 At the s ame time a n upsetting private letter from Daniel Web ste r was exposed a nd published in nationa l n ewspapers inclL 1 ding the Tribitne. It cal l ed upon all good citizens not to rekind l e the flames of ''L1seless a nd dangerous cont r oversy, an indi cat ion that W ebster, too, had grown ambivalent on the s l avery i ss u e, a '' false course'' he initiated ear l ier that year with his infamous 7 th of Mar c h s peech. 59 Greeley s uspected th at the c han ge of h eart in the administratio n was provoked by the pronounced a ntis l avery po sit ion s of We e d a nd Seward, w h om both Fi ll more and Web ster felt com pelled to s plit with politi ca Jly 60 In doing so, the Fil lm ore admini stration fol l owed J ohn Tyler's lead embraci n g pr ojec t s that Zachary Taylor h ad rejected ''wit h righteous indignation." 61 The Little Villain T h e stre n gth of t h e f i r1n began to L1nrave] after a Wh ig gathering at Castle Garden in October 1850 Attendees disguised themselves as unionists, but they formed instead a demonstration agai n st Weed a nd Seward. 62 Aspiring editor Henry Jarvi s Raymond Greeley's former assista nt u sed the occasion to attack Weed a s a man whose ''da n ge rou s free so il tenden cies provoked di scor d and di sse ntion." 6 3 Resolutions at the Cast l e Garden s meeting were adopted calling for vigorous enforcement of the fugitive slave law,

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107 and Raymond insisted that newspapers publish the names of merchants who refused to s ign the cal l so that the South might under s tand from whom to withdraw patrona ge. 64 Raymond founded The New York Times, Sept. 18, 1851. He was born in Lima, N.Y., Jan. 24, 1 82 0 the so n of Jarvi s and Lavinia Bro ckway Raymond. He showed promise as a thinker g raduatin g from the University of Vermont in 1840 with the highest honor s. H e devoted hi s life to political ac ti v ity a nd was an advocate of co n servat i ve, Whig and Republican poli cy. After founding the Times, he retracted criticisms of Weed and for1ned an alliance with Seward and him: As New York Assembly speaker, he u sed his office to def e nd the two from Fillmore's attacks. 65 Raymond later became a leading s upporter of Pre s ident Lincoln He acted as one of the chief spokespersons for the n a tion 's bu s ine ss intere s t and u se d his political offices to protect them; howe ve r Raymond died from a s troke June 18 1869, before living out hi s political ambitions. 66 Gre eley n o ted Raymond 's brilliance from the moment he began writing new s. 67 Whil e st ill in college at the age of 18 he was among Greeley's recruits at Th e N ew York e r ''a va lu ed contributor to the literary s ide. '' He became Greeley's c hie f assistant in 1841 the yea r the Triburi e was fo und ed. 'Abler and stro n ger men I may ha ve met ," Greeley wrote, ''a cleverer, re a dier, more generally efficient journalist, I never saw 68 The two produced years of inspired material together, in spite of difference s. They found it hard to work with each other on equal terms, agreeing rarely: Greeley was a liberal Universalist; Raymond a conservative Pre s byterian the former regarded the world as a place to be made better by living in it and the latter regarded it as ''an oyster to be opened." 69 M a ny of the i ssues they quan ele d about had root s in petty personal

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108 rival1ies, but they augmented the ho sti lity between the two editors to the point where the Tini es nearly always opposed measures favored by the Tribune. 70 Greeley paid Raymond a mode st $400 per year for hi s dutie s 71 Raymond objected that he was not being paid enough, but he late1 suggested that it was Greeley 's erratic mental behavior that drove him from the Tribune. 72 They se parated amicably, and each went his way. 7 3 Greeley dubbed Raymond '' The Little Villain'' after the fallout, an epithet that Raymond accep ted without objection. 74 Raymond left the Tribun e to work for Colonel James Watson Webb' s Courier and Enquirer. Working toward editorial independence Raymond managed Harp er's Ma gazine's at it s debut in June 1850. He remained at the magazine until 1856 as a part time editor. 75 The first issue of the Ti,1 1es so ld for one cent, aiming for c irculation levels as l arge as the Tribune's. Unlike other penny pre ss publications that targeted the masses, the new s paper s hunned the sensationalism of the Sun and Herald, and the whimsy of the Tribune. 76 In hi s first Tinies editorial, Raymond promised his readers that he would avoid w1iting as if he were in a pas sio n. 77 '' There are very few things in this world which it is worth while to get angry about," he wrote, ''and they are just the things that anger will not improve." 78 The reasonableness of the Tinie s made the newspaper and its editor important joumalistically and politically It was a welcome addition to the penny press which had been dominated by Greeley's eccent1ic tastes. Compromise Failed Greeley and Weed joined forces to denounce the Fillmore administration, but Greeley alone believed that the Whigs might po ss ibly recover from Taylor 's death His pJan was to return to the forrr1ula that had worked for him in 1840 by s ponsoring another campa i g n for a popular military general. Weed regarded the strategy as obsolete and out

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109 of the que st ion but he was unwilling to oppose his friend and decided to escape to Europe ''for six or eight month s'' in order to avoid the fray. 79 A s ub se quent meltdown in parti san alliances in Congress was waylaid temporarily by the Compromise of 1850 which s pelled doom for the Whig s and, in a larger se n se, all hopes for regional secu rity. ''The struggle of 1850 ," according to the Tribune was one in w hi ch '' the great No11hem anti-Slavery sen timent was inundated and overwhelmed in consequence of the s uccumbing temper and faithlessness of rotten l eaders.'' 8 First Clay and Fillmore and then Web ster Whi gs one after another all sol d their prin c iple s in efforts to obtain office. 81 Democratic Senator Stephen Douglas engineered the Compromise a belabored so lution to the co mplex issues of settlement in the We st. The Compromise, Greeley wrote a llowed for the ''legal [sic] existence'' of s lavery in the newly acquired Territories, which pre s umed ''the Federal Constitution necessarily became the fundamental law of any region acquired by the United States, and thu s legalized Slavery in that region." 82 At best the solution was a temporary fix, but it s impli ca tion s were ominous for advocates of free labor and abo lition. I Am Cross Greeley was irate, and hi s columns for yea1s following reflected hi s frustration with the national government. He blasted the members of the 31 st Congiess for inaugur at ing ''t he era of su bmi ss ion to s lavery '' and began attacking en masse nearly everyone in Wa shing ton D.C ., including member s of hjs own party. ''With their own hands they destroyed the dy kes and let th e waters flow in and wash away the 1ich f1 uit s of years," he wrote. With one swee ping motion, Fillmore, Web ste r and the entire Wa s hington establishment forced Greeley to re-establish the course of the Triburi e, the Whig s, a nd hi s

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110 own political endeavors. ''Not only was the Slavery que stio n compromised, but the c hara cte r reputation, and prin cip le s of hundreds of our public men were also d b h '' 83 comp ronu se y t e same operation. The presidential contest of 1852 that ensued attested to the practical di ssol ution of the Whig Party not by creating popular aversion to its principles or its elders, Greeley wrote, '' but by the ever-increasing and ultimately absorbing importance acquired by questions to which those principles bore no direct relation Veterans, who fought their best campaigns under the lead of Clay, Harrison or Webster failed to realize that their principles were out of touch with the c hanging demand s of the next generation of vote r s. Scott lo s t the election, Greeley wrote, becau se a young, ambitious, unprejudiced electorate perceived ''by instinct' th at the party which triumphed in 1 8 40 a nd in 1848 which was barely even if fairly, outnumbered in 1844 ''was so paralyzed by divi s ion s and defection s founded on new or alien i ss ue s, that it could hardly be expected ever to carry the country again 84 Greeley remained true to the principles he believed were viable, and at the same time, he acknowledged the Whigs ''virtual dissolution left the ground open and inviting for new combinations and developments." 85 Greeley had vacillated on a number of key issues in the Taylor campaign. His outspoken criticism of the Compromise of 1850 put him in a n isolated position. He had clearly taken the lead in condemning Congress, but at the time, n o altemati ve to their actio n s existed. It was not clear whether the Whig s would S L1rvive. Greeley 's psyche like the tom party s howed sig n s of unraveling even befor e Taylor' s death. He wrote impulsive erratic letter s, filled with petty complaints about sma ll loan s, editing mistakes, and general ill

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111 health. 86 ''I bored you with a l etter last night," Greeley wro te Weed, ''but now that we are beaten I may as we ll write you agai n for I am cross, a nd you shal l see with reason ." 87 Notes 1 Thurlow Weed, Life o.f Thurlow Weed In cluding His Autobiograph y and a Memoir ( Bo ston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84, Vol. 2), 169 One of the few statements Taylor made about his intentions as president was that he would conduct his admin i stration on ''p urely business principles," with no regard to partisan obligations. 2 Horace Greeley to E.G. Aymes, Feb. 24, 1849, Horac e Greele y Papers, Durham, NC: Duke University. 3 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop, William H e 1zry Sevvard (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1 896), 61. 4 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop, William H eriry Seward ( Bo s ton and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896 ), 55, 56. 5 Tho1ton Kirkland Lothrop, William H en y Seward (Boston and New York: Hou g hton Mifflin Co., 1896 ), 55, 56. 6 H orace Greeley to Thurlow Weed Nov. 17, 1849 Thurlow Weed Papers, New York: University of Ro c h ester. Greeley wrote Weed s ugge sti ng that he had been ''thinking today of writing a J etter to [Hamilton] Fisl1 advising him to decline [nomination.] If you [Weed] think it best I wil l do so. I am not reluctant t o do it but only wait your judgment." 7 Hora ce Greeley to Mott Feb. 2 1 1849 H orace Greeley Pap ers, Durham NC: Duke University. 8 Horace Greeley to Thurlow Weed, Nov. 17, 1849 TJiurlow Weed Paper s, New York: University of Rochester. '' I ha ve been looking down the open throat of Delaware and the teeth lo ok ugly ," Greeley w rote ''I remember old Root 's remark at Ohio in 1846 w h en Fish was nominated with John Young. 'That Fish ca n 't win in Delaware." 9 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow W ee d In cluding Hi s Autobiograph y and a Memoir (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol 1) 572; Albany Ev e riirig J ounial, June 1 8, 1 846. 10 Thurlow Weed, Life of Tliurlow W ee d In cluding H is Autobiograph y and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -84, Vo]. 2), 165.

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112 11 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Tliurlow Weed !1 1clud in g Hi s Autobiograpliy and a M emoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 188 3-8 4 Vol. 2), 166. 12 Thurlow W ee d Life of Tl1urlo'llv W eed In cluding Hi s Autobiography and a Memoir ( Bo ston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 188 3-8 4, Vol. 2), 165 1 3 Hora ce Greeley, R ecollections oja Bus y Lif e (New York: Amo, 1868), 211. 14 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow W eed Iri cludi n g His Autobiography and a Menioir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 169. 15 Horace Greeley Re col l ections of a Bus y Life (New York: Amo, 1868) 211. 16 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow W eed In cluding Hi s Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co 1883 -8 4, Vol. 2), 1 33. Weed 's l e tter to Jo s hu a R. Gidding s, Dec 23, 1845 was addressed from New York City's illustrious Astor Hou se, which Greeley, Seward and he u se d as home base in plotting Whig and Republican strategies. 17 Horace Greeley Re collections of a Bu sy Lif e (New York: Amo, 1868) 211. 1 8 Thurlow Weed t o Fr ancis Granger, June 19, 1845, Thurlow Weed Papers, New York: University of Rochester. 19 Thur l ow Weed to Francis Granger, Jun e 19 1845 Thitrlow Weed Papers, New York: University of Ro cheste r 20 Thur l ow Weed to Francis Granger, Oct. 2, 1847, Thurlow We ed Paper s, New York: University of Rochester. 21 Extract of a letter from Doct Potter Proff Etc., [sic] Union College, to Thurlow Weed March 22, 1844 TJiurl ow W eed Pap e r s, New York: University of Ro c he s ter. Weed donated money to charitable causes and added to cultural context of hi s time s. Yet h e was una s ham e d to depart from Greeley and other leading spokesman on key questions of social refor1n including the temperan ce movement Weed and Potter ''wet'' Whig s, regarded the movement as a negative influence, a di s traction from more pressing i ssues. 22 Thurlow Weed Lif e of T}iurlow W eed In cluding Hi s Autobiography and a M emoi r ( Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -8 4 Vol. 1) 583. 23 Thur l ow Weed Life ofTliurlow Weed In cluding Hi s Autobiography and a Memoir ( B os t on, New York: Hou gh t on Mifflin a nd Co., 188 3-84, Vol. 1 ), 583. 24 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow W eed In cli tdin g Hi s Autobiograplzy and a Memoir ( Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -84, Vol. 2), 147.

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11 3 25 New York W eekly Tribun e, May 2, 1846, p.3 c.3; John R Commons, '' Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the Republican Party ," Political Science Quart e rl y, 24 (September 1909 ), 482. 26 John R. Commons, '' Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origin s of the Republi ca n Part y," Politi ca l Sci e n ce Quart erly, 24 (September 1909), 488 27 John R. Commons, '' Hora ce Greeley and the Working Class Origin s of the Republi c an Party ," Politi cal Science Quart er l y, 24 (September 1909), 468 4 88. ''Th u s ha s the ideali s m of American hi s tory both i ss ued from and counteracted its materiali s m ." Commons' c ultural interpret a tion of Greeley not as a moral crusader or literary ge niu s focused on hi s role as an economic pr ac titioner and as a powerful voice fo r labor interests. 28 Mich ae l F. Holt Tli e Ri se and Fall of th e Ameri c an Whi g Par ty : J acksoniari P o liti cs and tJie On se t of the Ci v il W ar (New York Oxford: Oxford University Pr ess, 1 999 ), 43 1 29 Thurlow Weed Lif e o_fTh urlow W ee d In c ludi11 g His Aut o biograph y and a M e m oi r (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol 2), 168. 30 Thurlow Weed Lif e ofThi trl ow W ee d In c ludin g Hi s Autobio g raph y and a M e m oi r (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co ., 1883-84, Vol 2), 168 3 1 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Tliurlo w W eed In c ludin g Hi s Autobiograph y and a M emoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883 -8 4 Vol. 1 ), 583. 32 Thurl ow Weed Lif e of Thurlow W ee d Iri cl udin g His Autobi ography and a M e m o ir ( Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 1 ), 148. 33 Hora ce Greeley to Thurlow Weed Jan. 3 1 1848, Thurl ow W eed P ape r s, New York: U niv e r s ity of Roche st er. Greeley' s letter di sta nced him s elf f rom the T ay lor factio n s. ''Of course, if there i s a Taylor majority I don't want to repre se nt them but th e r e i s not a b it of dan ge r ," he wrote. '( Confidential) [ s i c ] Clay is for Free Territory a nd none other if we have to take any though he doesn t want a ny ju s t li ke me. 34 H orace Greeley to Thurlow Weed Sept. 22, 1848 Thurlow W eed Pap e r s, New York: University of Ro c he s ter 35 Horace Greeley to Thurlow Weed Sept 22 1848 Thurlow W ee d Pap e r s N ew York: University of Rochester. 36 Thoma s Corwin to Hora ce Greeley, Feb 21 1846, Hora ce Greele y Pap e rs, Durham NC : Duke University.

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114 37 Horace Greeley R eco ll ec ti o n s o f a Bu sy Lif e (New York: Arno 1868 ), 215 38 Jame s Parton L ife of H o ra ce Gr ee l ey (New York : Mason Brother s, 1855 ), 286. 39 Jame s Parton Lif e of Horac e Gr ee l ey (New York: Mason Brother s, 1855 ), 2 8 6 4 0 Jam es Parton Lif e of H o r a ce Gr ee l ey (New York: Mason Brother s 1855 ), 286. 4 1 Jame s Parton Lif e o f H o ra ce Gr eeley (New York: Mason Brother s, 1855 ), 2 8 6. ' [T]he Convention was not cho s en to nominate him, and did not (we presume) think of doing any such thing, until I had unanimously nominated another, who unexpectedly declined, and then one of u s wa s pitched upon to s upply his place." 4 2 A M e rn o rial o f Hora ce Gr e ele y (New York: The Tribune Association 1873) 257 258 4 3 Joseph S. Myer s ''The Geniu s of Horace Greeley ," Journali s m Seri e s ( Columbu s, OH : The Ohio State Univer s ity Pres s No 6, 1929), 20 21 . 4 4 A M e m o rial o f Hora ce Gr e el ey, ( New York: The Tribune A ss ociation 1873) 257 258. 4 5 J ose ph S Myer s, '' Th e G e niu s o f Horace Greeley Journali s m S e ri es (Columbu s, OH : The Ohio State Univer s ity Pre s s No. 6, 1929), 20, 21 4 6 Jo se ph S Myer s, '' The Geniu s of Horace Greeley ," Journali s m S e ri es (Columbu s, OH : The Ohio State Univer s ity Pre ss, No. 6, 1929), 20, 21 47 Horace Greeley Gr ee l ey's E s tirr1at e o f Lincol,z (Hancock, NY: Herald Printery t1npublished, 1868 ? ) 10 11. 4 8 Thurlow Weed, Lif e o fThitrlo w W ee d Including His Autobiograph y and a M e nioir (Boston, New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84 Vol 1) 583. 4 9 Thurlow Weed, Life ofThitrlow W e ed In c luding His Autobi o graph y and a M e nioir (Boston New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co 1883-84, Vol. 2), 179. 50 Thurlow Weed Lif e o f Thurl ow W ee d In c litdin g His Autobi o graph y and a M e n i oir (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co 1883-84, Vol. 2) 176 5 1 Thurlow Weed, Lif e o f Tliurl ow W ee d In c ludin g Hi s Aut o biograph y and a M e m o ir (Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2) 179. 52 Thurl ow W e ed to Hamilton Fi s h J a n 16, 1850 TJ1url ow W ee d Pap e r s, N ew York : U niv e r s ity of Ro c he s ter

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115 53 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow Weed Including His Autobiograph y and a Menioir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84, Vol. 2), 177. 54 Jame s Parton Lif e of Horac e Greeley (New York: Mason Brothers, 1855 ), 282. 55 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow W eed Includin g His Autobiograph y and a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 169. 56 Horace Greeley Recollection s of a Bus y Life (New York: Amo, 1868), 214. 57 Ho1ace Greeley, Recollection s of a Bu sy Life (New York: Arno 1868) 215. 58 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Thurlow W eed In cluding His Autobiography and a M emoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1 883-84, Vol 2), 169. 59 Thurlow Weed Life of Thitrlow Weed In clud ing His Autobiography and a M emoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 184-88. 6 0 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of TJiu,low We ed ln cludir ig Hi s Autobiograph y a,id a M e n1 oir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 184-88. 61 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurl ow W eed In cluding Hi s Aittobiograph y arid a Memoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 184. 62 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow W ee d lncludirig His Aittobiograph y and a Menioir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 184 -88 63 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thitrlow W eed Includi,ig Hi s Autobiograph y and a Menioir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 191 64 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow W eed /1i cludi 1ig His Autobiography and a Memoir (Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -8 4 Vol. 2), 184 -88. 65 Augustus Maverick, H enry J. Ra y ,n ond a11 d tlie New Y o rk Pr ess (New York: Arno 1870 1 970), 88, 89. 66 Francis Brown Ra yniond of the Tini es (New York: Norton 1951) 332. 67 Francis Brown, Ra ymond oj'the Tim es (New York: Norton, 1951) 5. 68 Hora ce Greeley, Recoll ectio 11 s of a Bu sy Life (New York: Alilo 1868 ), 138. 69 Augustus Maverick, H enry J. Ra y ,nond and th e New York Pres s (New York : Arno 1870, 1970),34.

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116 70 Dorothy Dodd H eriry J. R ay 111 ond arid the New Y ork Tim es Durin g R ecorzst ru ction (Chicago: University of Chicago Libraries 1936) 4. 71 Augt1 s tus M ave 1i ck, H e11 r y J. Ra y mond and tlie New Y ork Pr ess (New York: A1110 1870 1970) 88, 89. 72 Augustus Mave1ick H enry J. Ra y mond and the New York Pr ess (New York: Arno, 1870 1970 ),3 4 73 J ames Parton Lif e of H orace Greele y (New York: Mason Brother s, 1855 ), 205. 74 Dorothy Dodd, He11ry J. RcL y mond and the N ew York Tim es Durin g R ecoris tru ctio n (C hicago: University of Chicago Libraries 19 36), 109 75 Dorotl1y Dodd Henry J. Ra y m o nd and the New York Tim es During R e co11struction (Chicago: University of Chicago Libraries, 1936), 4. 76 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America A,i Int e rpr et iv e Hi story of th e Mass Media 4 th ed. (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Pr e ntic e-Hal l Inc., 1978) 1 30. ''We do not mean to write as if we were in a passion Raymond w r ote ''unless that s h al l really be the case~ and we sha ll make it a point to get into a passion as rarely as po ss ible ." Raymond sa w fanati c al advocacy of reform as no part of a n editor' s duty. He believed that desirable changes co uld be effecte d by moderate, reasoned criticism of soc ial and politi cal evils. He cont 1ibt1t ed a level of reasonable decency to public reporting. Hi s paper a ppeal e d to read e r s w ho li ked the H e rald 's aggressiveness but resented its bad ta ste. There was a minimt1m of personal inve c tive in the Ti,n es. It se ldom pre se nted i ss ue s in the bla ck and white pattern s favored by Greeley. Raymond targeted tho se who admired the Triburi e but s uspected Greeley 's fanaticism. 77 Willard G. Bleyer, Main Currents iri the Histor y of Ameri c an Journalism ( Bo s ton: Hou g hton Mifflin 1927), 240. 78 New Y o rk Ti,n es, Sept 18 1851. 79 Thurlow Weed Life of Thurlow W ee d In c luding His Autobiograph y and a Mem oi r (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 84, Vol. 2), 197. 80 ' Slavery in the Field ," New York Dail y Tribune, Jan. 6 1854 81 '' I s it a Fraud?'' New Y ork Dail )' Tribun e, Feb. 15, 1854. Greeley credited Clay with the n1o st rea s oned attempt to r eso lve the c risi s of 1850, alt h ough Cl ay had lon g s in ce r e linqui s hed hi s ro l e as a st ate s man. ''We know Henry C l ay did not deceive us with regard to hi s mind ," acco rding to the Tribitn e. 'Others may ha ve been deeper in hi s co nfidenc e; but he de c eived no man, and h e dis c u sse d the whole s ubject freely with us

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117 and ever regarded it as one wherein ... the practical business was to save the South from all needles s and wanton humiliation." 82 Hora ce Greeley, R ecollec tiori s of a Busy Life (New York: Amo, 1868) 256. 83 ''Slavery in the Field," N ew York Dail y Triburte Jan. 6, 1854. 84 Horace Greeley Recoll ec tiori s of a Busy Life (New York: Arno 1868) 289. 85 Hora ce Greeley, Recoll ec tions of a Bus y Life (New York: Arno 1868), 289. 86 Horace Gree]ey to Charles Dana, March 8, 1856, Horace Gre eley Paper s, Durham NC: Duke University. Greeley's letters to Dana included paranoid accusations. '' No Jew ever managed a pawnbroker 's shop in a baser, narrower, more short s ighted s pirit than The Tribune is managed and I am heart sick," Greeley wrote. '' I would s tay here forever and work like a slave if I could get my letters printed as I send them but The Tribune i s doomed to be a seco nd rate paper and I am tired." 87 Horace Greeley to Thurlow Weed Nov. 10 1851 Thurlow W eed Pap e r s, New York: University of Roche s ter

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CHAPTERS THE FAIT.ED CAMPAIGN OF 1852: WHIGGING OUT An incident prior to Taylor's death illustrated the perception of Greeley amongst the elite, who generally mistrusted him and even despised him Weed's friend William Kent wrote him in search of mate1ials for a lecture at ''Old Harvatd." ''Dear Mr. Dictator, How do you do?'' Kent wrote. ''I rather fear our courses are diverging. Certainly they are if you think with Horace Greeley, whom I abominate as the most pernicious journalist that ever pressed crazy reforms or urged to madness rampart Democracy." 1 Greeley's reputation had been besmirched before, and opponents of vatious partisan persuasions would misrepresent his record for years to come. But Weed remained one of Greeley's most patient suppo11ers. He understood that his junior partner would return from Congress to his editorial duties in good spirits 2 A year after Taylor's death, Greeley rebounded from a bout with melancholia to begin a new campaign for the Whigs. ''Surely we are a wise people!'' he wrote Weed. 3 He expressed hope that Fillmore and Webster would ''use each other up'' in their rivalry for leading Whig candidate in 1852, and witl1 an invigorated campaign, the Whigs would recover. 4 Greeley thought he had every reason to be optimistic. The Tribz-tne was ''doing well never better. I am personally out of debts," he wrote 5 He admitted the challenges ahead but failed to recognize what Weed acutely anticipated: The 1852 canvass would spell the practical dissolution of the Whig Party. Seward had become radical in his anti-slavery statements, and Democrats demonized him. Opposition to Whig candidates was 118

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119 galvanized, and the Tribu,ie' s suppo rt of General Winfield Scott did little to excite vo ter s in a campaign otherwise dominated by voter apathy. Tribun e co1Tespondents were rallied to embark on an aggressive campaign for Scott despite his age and lack-luster campaign appearances; however, the deaths of two Whig presidents left reformers doubting the strength of their cause. Whig supporters knew their chances with th e war veteran, who opponents derided as ''Old Fuss and Feathers ," were even le ss than those with Harri so n in 1840. Scott had the same lack of charisma as Taylor, and popular reception of for him another formulai c Whig candidate, was unenthusia st ic. But no one expected the election rout delivered by Pierce or the bloodshed in Kansas that followed. The Dictator President Fillmore had made no secret of' his plans to ''crush'' Weed and hi s associates. Fillmore spared no qualms about betraying his political ally, whom he had trusted as mentor decades earlier. He under s tood Weed's ftustrations with abolitionists, but the ex-Whig feared the Democrats. He treated denunciations of slavery as a threat to the power of the presidency. All federal office-holders suspected of fidelity to Weed were reque ste d to re sig n. A newspaper rivaling Weed's Albany Journal, The Albany R egis t e r, was established and commissioned to speak for the administration '' by authority. The R egister dubbed Weed ''Generalissimo-in-chief of the Abolition forces.' 6 Weed had written volumes on the issue of slavery He had lo s t the support of allies because of the i ssue, and he appreciated the high cost of association with abolitionism. 7 But h e co ntinued to in s ist publicly and privately that s lavery was '' deleteriou s," ''a c ur se to the slave master, to the slave owner, to the state, to the community and to the soul upon which it exists." 8 His opponents in the press and in politics construed hi s state ment s

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120 as radical and threatening. Democratic editors directed a barrage of criticism at Weed, and readers throughout the nation associated him increasingly with radical abolitionist editors William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Dougla ss Passages from the J ounial were cited in anti-abolition papers out of context to make them appear more inflammatory. Weed was denounced by William A. Duer a member of Congress and a leading Fillmore politician, for ''trying to build up abolitionism on the ruin s of the Whig party." Newspapers opposed to the Jourrial repeated the allegations and implored the South to break up the Union i f Weed s uc cee ded in carrying out his '' nefariou s abolition poli cy." 9 Weed's friends even addressed him facetiously as ''Dictator," but he was diplomatic about the antagonisms. 10 ''The President may do what he pleases with hi s appointments," he wrote. '' If his measures ru :e right, if he adheres to the principles of the Whig party, we sh all prove better supporters of his administration than the fly-blown adventurers who bask in his favor. 11 The Whigs scrambled to defend Weed and simultaneously appease the Southern electorate. At a Sept. 27, 1850, convention in Syracuse, N.Y., Francis Granger a Harri so n cabinet member al li ed him se lf with Fillmore to co u1 1 Know-Nothing votes. The move was an added blow to Weed' s role as New York pa11y boss, which Granger first attacked after the s poiled campaign of 1844. 12 Why I Am a Whig Greeley remained loyal to the movement he had helped bring to prominence but his frustrations with elected officials began mounting. ''Democracy is I know full well, a word of power ," he wrote. ''I know that it has a charm for the hopeful, the generous, the lowly and tl1e aspiring, a s well as for many darker spirits 13 He blamed the problems the Whigs experienced on a lack of me ssage. The Whigs attacked, but they rarely offered a so lid or coherent platfor1n.

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121 Why I am a Whig was Greeley's re s ponse to the problem The text i s hi s repl y to a friend, addressed only as '' P ," which a n swe r s specifica lly a question from '' P '' about Greeley's co ntr oversia l s tan ce on protection. The do c um e nt was later advertised in the Tribun e as one of the leading exponents of Whi g doctrine, but the bulk of Greele y's argument f ocuses on rea so n s why he refused to be associated with the Democrati c Party. '' May it be written on my grave that I never was a follower, and lived and died in nothing its debtor! '' he wrote. 14 The D emoc rati c Party and demo c racy in general, Greeley alleged, were unfriendly to prote ctio n be caL 1 se it guaranteed free laborers a fair s hare of the nation 's pro sperity, and from Jackson and Van Buren to Tyler Polk and Fillmore, Democrati c policy focused on rewarding s lave lik e subse rvien ce to ''Caesar'' with co rrupt s poil s. ''S t1ictl y speaki n g ther e i s but one organ i zed, di sc iplin ed party in our co untry that which assumes to be the c hampion and embodiment of Demo c racy ," Greeley wrote. 15 The Demo c rat s enjoyed a certain advantage in political co ntest s because of their party name Greeley wrote, a name that '' the most ignorant comprehends'' that attracted the ' depre sse d '' to find ''promise of hope'' and which the ''humble and lowly immigrant, ju st landed from hi s Atlantic voyage, recognizes as the watchword of liberty in the beloved land whence he is, for libe11 y s sake, a n exi le. 16 Democracy namely the Democrati c Party Greeley wrote, en s u1 d that the masse s would not object to the robbery of ''the la s t of de c linin g Spain 's valuable po ssessio n s'' from ''the effeminate Mexican," which, in th e n omina lly Free States, ' plants its he el on the ne c k of the abject a nd powerless Negro and hurl s it s axe after the flying forrn of the plundered homele ss, and desolate Indian. 1 7

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122 He also wrote in defense of Whig principles, which were in the process of both for1nal extinction and giving birth to a new political organization: Republican principle s had begun to sweep Europe and were regarded at home 'as the natural friend and s ervant of the People." The s e principle s enjoyed increasing renown despite the ''immen s e advantage s '' enjoyed by the Democrats in spite also of the prestige they enjoyed in previou s ele c tion s The Demo c ratic Party Greeley noted had been beaten in two of the three last pre s idential election s and ' barely s ucceeded ' in the 1844. 'Could s uch ha ve been the fa c t if it s distinctive principle s and pra c tice s had not been decidedly adver s e to the plain requir e ments of the public wea1 ? ' 1 8 '' Protection diverts Labor from non productive to productive employment s that i s the whole story ," Greeley wrote. 1 9 And under the next Whig presidency Greeley vowed republican gove1'llment wou ld en s ure that the burden s of people would be lightened and 'increase their facilities for intercourse or intelligence and to contribute in all practicable way s to their pro g re s s comfort and happine ss ." 2 0 Fourierism Greeley wa s s ympathetic to Fou1ieri s m an early breed of Marxist s ocialism that a dvo ca t e d union s a nd th e e ffe c tive di ss olution of the private owner s hip of propeity 2 1 In 1 8 4 2, he de v ot e d a c olun111 in the Tribu rie to tl1e editorial c harge of Albert Bri s bane a primar y expon e nt of the theory in the United State s In 1844 Greeley served a s fir s t vice pre s ident for a Fourierite convention h e ld in New York and at the c l o s ing banqt1et he wa s toasted as ha v ing '' created the cau s e on this continent." 22 Throughout the 1850 s, the Tribur1 e spent many page s explaining socia li sm. Into the 1860s, one of the London c orre s pondent s for the Tribun e was Karl Marx, co founder of communism.

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123 Greeley's beliefs violated the Whigs capitalist doctrine but he was s till recognized as the l eader of the party. 23 On occasio n his leadership was cha llen ge d, and he found himself ha vi n g to defend his radical utopian beliefs to fellow Whi gs. He had to assure Weed that the doctrines of Fot1rier had r ece i ved the approval of some of the strongest and most practical minds of New York C ity and e l sew her e. ''C lerk Garland of the U.S. House General Keim, M.C Berks, G.A. Wo11h cas hier of City Bank, Aldennan Phoenix, and many other so und men, are favorably impressed with it," he wrote. ''I think you take the wrong v i ew of the political bearing of this matter, though I act wit hout reference to that. ' 2 4 Weed under stoo d that Greeley's n a tural sy mpathy for the ''toi ling millions'' wo uld l ead him to favor associa tion s and unions of laborers and joumeymen 25 But these organizat ion s ''as form id a bl e as they were mischievous," Weed feared would explo it the Triburie's endorsements and m a nipulat e Greeley. 2 6 In follow-up exp l a nation s to Weed, Greeley spe ll ed out co n fide ntl y the merits of the Tribune's liberal treatment of news, exp l ai nin g hi s editorial ambitions, which would, he assured, build a coa lition ba se d on diverse interests. '' Hitherto all the devotee s of social reform of any kind, all the advocates of a higher de st iny for labor all the combatants against unjust and false socia l principle s, in s hort all the social discontent of the co untry has been regularly repelled from the Whig party a nd attracted to its opposite ," he wrote. ''This for111s a heavy dead-weight against us. I t st1ikes me that it is unwi s e to persist in this course, unless we are amb itiou s to be co n sidered t he e nemi es of improvement and the bulwarks of an outgrown aristocracy in the co untry But I will not ask you to think a s I do. I only want a chance to think for m yself ." 27

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124 Greeley debated Fourierism in publi c p e r so nally with brilli a nt opponents, amo n g th e m Henr y R aymon d While the T riburie advocated stea dily for agrarian refo1rr1s an d the Hom es t ea d Bill the Times argued fo r th e exte n s ion of capitalism a nd t he free mar ket. From their earliest da ys working together, Greeley and Raymond had argued a classic dialectic b y dj spu tin g the o ther 's c laim s a bout th e eco nomy and po liti cs. Th ey focu se d their debate o n the practice of soc ial is m vers u s capita li sm, a discussion tha t pers i sted in va ri ous media wel l after th e ir d eat h s. Associatiorz Di scussecl, a text composed of letter s and respo n ses from the two, is the prototype of their exc han ges. 28 Greeley publi s h ed the pamphlet in the attempt to assure reade r s and constituents that hi s und ers t a ndin g of soc iali sm was not as radi ca l or far-fetch ed as hi s detra c tor s suggeste d H e, like M arx, knew full well that before soc iali sm cou ld be realized a co mpl ete revolution in public se ntim e nt mu s t be effecte d a revolution that wou ld require many yea r s of patient effo rt on the part of its advocates. Greeley m a de manifest hi s advocacy in in c rement s on the page s of the Tribu ne. 29 The series of artic l es wri tt en by Greeley and Ra y mond began w ith a l etter written by Bri sba n e on Sept. 7 1846 The l ette r was po s t e d in th e both t h e Tribun e an d th e Coi tr ier and Enquir er, R aymond's for1ner employer In the year following, Greeley and Ra ymo nd po s ted dueling res p o n ses in th eir respective n ews pap ers to question s rai se d by Brisbane 's letter The co lumn s provide so me of th e mo s t dramati c evide n ce of the jo urn a li stic, p o lit ical a nd pr ofess i o n a l s plit b e tw ee n the two: Ra y mond a lle ged th at Greeley advocated th e abo l ition of private property; Greeley con t e nded that h e advocated o nl y the right s of union s. 30 The text is m ode m in ton e, virtually anticipating the critica l approac he s of contem porar y social scie nti s t s and c riti ca l theori sts. 31

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125 The exchanges between Raymond and him, though volatile, were well reasoned on both side s '' Heavens! Here we have one of the leading Whig presses of New York advocating the doctrine that no man can rightfully own land!'' Raymond wrote. '' Con s ervative powers pre s erve us! ' To whi c h Greeley responded ''Fudge! What I s aid wa s thi s : Society having divested the majority of any right to the soil, is bound to compensate them by guaranteeing to each an opportunity of earning a subsistence by Labor.'' 32 ''Stop a moment," Raymond retorted. 'The test of true benevolence is practice, not preaching; and we have no hesjtation in saying that the members of any one of our city churches do more every year for the practical relief of poverty and suffering than any phalanx that ever existed. ' 33 Raymond fearlessly attacked his forrner boss and questioned the title bestowed on him a s Whig le a der. '' There ca n b e no pea c e in the Whig ranks while the New York Triburi e i s c ontinued to be called Whig ," he wrote. '' The principles [sic] of the Whig party are well d e fined; They a1e co n se rvati ve [sic] and inculcate a regard for the laws and support of all established institutions of the cot1ntry They eschew radicalism [sic] in every for1n; they sustain the constitution and the laws; they foster a spirit of patriotism [sic]." The best way for Greeley to fix the mess created by the Tribune Raymond wrote was for the newspaper to publish an announcement admitting that it was ''only Whig on the s ubject of the Tariff and then devote it s elf to '' the advocacy of Anti-Rent, Abolition Fourierite and Vote-yourself-a-farm doctrines." 3 4 ' You tell me that the s ole efficient agency of So c ial Reform is Chri s tianity ," Greeley re s ponded. '' I an s wer that a ss ociation i s Chri s tianity; and the di s location now

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126 existing between capital and labor between the capitalist and the laborer, is as atheistic as . h ,,35 1t 1s 1n uman. Greeley's 1850 publication Slavety at Home spelled out clearly his concern for the conditions of the working class. ''If I am less troubled concerning the Slavery [sic] present in Charleston or New-Orleans, it is because I see so much Slavery [sic] in New York which appears to claim my first efforts," he wrote. '' Wherever the ownership of the soil is so engrossed by a small party of the community, that the far larger number are compelled to pay whatever the few may see fit to exact for the privilege of occupying and cultivating the earth, there is so mething very like Slavery. 36 His analysis of slavery as a national crisis that was not exclusive to the Cotton States made him one of the earliest Marxi sts radical s. He saw slavery not as a racial issue, but a class one. Slavery existed wherever a service was rendered from one human being to another, ''o n a footing of one-sided and not of mutual obligation where the relation between the servant and the served is one not of affection and reciprocal good offices, but of authority, soc ial ascendancy and power over subsistence on the one hand and of neces s ity servility, and degradation on the other there in my view, is Slavery." 37 Greeley 's c ritique of working conditions concluded, ''I understand by Slavery, that cond ition in wl1ich one human being exists 1naitil y as a convenience for other humari beings [sic.]'' He expressed a peculiar belief that had more in common with Marxist theory than abolitionist doctrine: Slavery existed in the North as well as the South, in Europe and elsewhere in conditions ''i n which the time, the exertions, the facultie s of a part of the Human Family are made to s ubserve, not their own development, physi ca l, intellectual and moral, but the comfort, advantage, or caprices of others.'' 38

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127 Well after the articles of Association Di scussed were publi s hed th e d ebate between th e editors co ntinued and s hap e d Whi g a nd Republi c an poli cy Greeley 's po si tion s o n prote ct i o n prope11y a nd l a bor baffled hi s pe e r s, but because of hi s s tature a nd r espect among million s of re a der s, p a rt y members and editors were for ce d to tol e rate him 39 Th ey dreaded him too cha r g in g him with ''a tt e mptin g ince ssa ntl y'' to excite the prejudi ces of the poor aga in st the rich: A s a l leged by the Expr ess, the Tr ibitne's ai m was ''to a rray one class of society against the other'' with co n s tant s ug ges tion s that there was ''a lar ge amount of s uffering arising from want of employment and that thi s employment the rich might give." If Greeley's s u gges tion s were true the Express co ntended they were injurious to hi s own se lf-profe sse d cause because they ultim ately prejudiced the poor against the Whi g Patty 40 Th e id ea of protection or tariff for t h e sake of s ecuring capit al wa s at the ba s e of main s tream Whig polic y, but Gree l ey in s i s ted that the purpo se of tariff was for th e s ake of labor. Whil e his th eory was unac ce pt ab l e to th e Whi gs, t h ey u s ed him in early ca mpaign s to propa ga t e part y intere s t s. In turn Greeley modified hi s fai th in the h atmony of social in te r es t s, t aki n g up l eg i s lation in beh a l f of workers. He rounded out a the ory of labo r l eg i s l at i on by the s tat es to s upplement prot ective tari ff le g i s l a tion by Congre ss which became the R e publi ca n theory of prote c tion in place of the dying Wh ig the ory. The Republican s were not alway s co n s i s tent in maintaining thi s principle, but the ir adaptation of Whig principle s illustrated a uniquely American practice that combines a belief i n hum an right s with property right s 4 1 The 1852 Canvass Weed and Gr ee le y foc u s ed their printed objection s o n th e Demo crat i c adminis t ration s ca pitulation t o the intere s t s of s l a v e holder s, but they co uld not agree on

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128 how they s hould react to Fillmore 's a ssa ult Weed hoped for peace ''W hen the de s ire for h a rmony is mutu a l there ca nnot be much difficulty in ge ttin g at it ," he wrote. 4 2 Greeley found the suggestion offen s ive. 'To m ake a peace now under s u c h auspice s," he replied ''is to throw away the state in al l future e l ections He proposed making s la very the focus of national campaigns, which had prior to 1848 a spec ial intere st only. ''If we don 't carry [the e l ection ] next fall on 'Higher Law grou nd s, we sha ll lose it entirely ," h e wrote. 4 3 Weed m ore or le ss agreed with Greeley's sentime nt but h e had little faith in the so undne ss of the s trategy. The prohibition of liqu or rivaled slave r y as a l eading c ampaign i ss ue in 1852. T e mperan ce was one of Greeley 's pet s ubject s, and editoria l s in the Tribune called frequently for a cessat ion of rum importation which had followed in the s hadow s of the o utl awed s la ve trade. 44 Gr ee l ey expected that he would be elected gove 1nor o f New York in 1854 becau se of his e ditori a l s tance o n the i ss ue, but Weed so ught to hold the n ational party together with candidates that appealed to ''we t' Whigs. Combined with the Tribun e's attent ion to di v i s iv e i ss ue s Weed increasingly di s tanced him se l f from Greeley' s appeal s for nomin at ion 45 At th e out s et of th e 185 2 cam paign, only nine out of the 75 Whig new s paper s in New York s upp orted Fillmore: He had gained supporters in the South but a s Greel ey hoped the president and W e b s ter '' u se d each other up '' a t the Whi g nati ona l convention in Baltimor e, Jun e 16 1 852. A lon g deb a te over minor questions h a d taken place before ballots were cast, and af t er 52 f ai l e d nomination attempts t he deci s ive vo te f inally cas t General Winfi e ld S c ott as th e Whig candidate. S cot t r ece i ved 159 votes, Fillmore 11 2, a nd W ebs ter 2 1 whic h co n f ir med officially '' Dani e l Web s te1 wo uld never be Pre s ident ."

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129 Webster's disappointment at the news was reportedly ''more than the great man could bear." He retired to Marshfield and advised his friends to vote for the Democrati c ti c ket. 46 So many st rong candidates for the Democratic nomination met at the 1852 convention that none could win the required two-thirds vote. Franklin Pierce had refused all offers of public office after his resignation from the Senate, but he had maintained an active interest in politi cs. To break the deadlock the co nvention finally nominated Pierce on the 49 th ballot. William R. King of Alabama was the candidate for vice-president. Weed was both s urpri se d and embatTassed by the Whigs selection of Scott an aged general dubbed derisively throughout the campaign as old ''Fuss and Feathers. The Whigs' populist fotmula of nominating a wat hero, Weed believed, had worn out its charm, and he left for Europe to watch the Whigs' demise from a distance. Meantime Greeley 's co nfidence in the po ss ibility of Whig success continued unabated. ''You are not well posted as to the presidency, "' Greeley wrote Weed in Eu1ope. He scolded Weed 's skepticism. '' The only danger is that [Scott] will be forced to shoulder the fugitive s lave law, and be c ru s hed by it." 47 Greeley implored the Whig faithful to support the Hero of Lundy Lane. ''Friends! Are you in c lined to faint?'' the Tribitn e asked, Oct. 20, 1852. '' Do you say that the prospect looks gloomy?'' Doubting voters were consoled with anecdotes of Scott 's glory from an earlier era. '' Remember that it looked darker at the corresponding stage of the Battle of Lundy 's Lane, yet Scott left that field covered with unfading laurels. Trust, then in the star of our heroic Chief and advance to a beneficent triumph. '' 48 The Whig s were at a clear disadvantage throughout the campaign, but the Tr ib un e denied signs of impending disa s ter. Coverage of the campaign ignored the Whig s'

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130 splintered condition, and rally cries with tired theme s persi s ted through it s final da ys '' I f every one who believes Gen. Scott should [ s i c ] be chosen will only act [ s ic] as that belief requires, h e ca nnot be b eate n There a r e voters enough who prefer him if the y ca n o nl y be drawn to th e poll s. Will you not help thi s work to the extent of your ability?'' 49 Allu s ion s to Scott 's wisdom in battle peppered the Triburi e, but editorials and article s addressed rarely the actual s ize of battling artnies. 50 In previou s contests, the Tribitne and other Greeley publications had po s ted pre election projections with remarkable s trategic impact. In the Harrison cam paign the Log Cabin predicted a victory with s urp1i s ing ac c uracy. 51 In the Clay campaign the Tribun e indi ca ted c l ear ly the overwhelming importance o f New York' s electorate 52 But in the S co tt ca mp aign, prospective votes were not on the Whi gs s ide Greeley r ea li ze d S co tt was in for a fi g ht but th e re s pon se of the Tribun e wa s s low and l ess co mpelling than previou s contests. He hoped to provide Whigs with a p syc hologi ca l boo s t by po s tin g alleged g ains on a regional basi s. At the sa me time the Tribun e feebly downplayed th e consistent Demo c rati c advantage. 53 In the day s before the election, S c ott' s fate became cleru:er and Greeley was forced to more de s perate tactic s ''Our opponents will be astonished at the extent of their own defeat ,' he promi se d. 54 The Trib1 tn e attempted to rally Whig confidence with rea ss uran ces that a ''s ilent movement '' had swe pt the nation ''among tho s e who have her e tofore go n e against u s." The results on Election Day would produ ce a result a s t onis hin g to the L ocoFo co D e m oc r acy." 55 In the weeks l e ading to Election D ay, the Tribun e po s ted only vague progno s ti ca tion s with so ft number s indi ca ting an advantage for Scott. In one in sta n ce, the

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131 Triburze alleged that editors h ad letters '' from scores of quiet people in the country, s aying that in their respective school districts are half a dozen, a dozen or t h irty Democrat s, a s t h e case may be who have never voted a Whig ticket, but who will vote for Scott." 56 ''If we are beaten ," Gree l ey predi c ted, '' it will be because a full vote is not polled and not because there is a majority of voters against u s." 57 Ot h er pre -e lection analyses in the Triburz e were equal l y ambi g uou s and redundant, but Greeley as s ured readers that the fate of the nation was theirs if they so wanted it. '' O l d C h ippewa '' wou l d emerge victo riou s as s urely as had Zack Taylor and General Mum provided Whig s voted and practiced their patriotic duty. 58 ''Without thorough Organization, one-tenth ot the Whig vote wil l remain unpolled and Gen Scott wil l be beaten. Wherever our organization i s perfect and our voters a l l cal l ed out, we s ha l l do better than Gen. Taylor did; where every thing i s at loose ends, we s h all fa l l behind and lose ground," Greeley wrote ''Our XV th Ward for example, wil l ce rtainly give Gen. Scott Twelve H un dred and may give him Fifteen Hundred Majority if the la st vote i s called out; but slouching, dawdlin g, ineffective mana ge ment may reduce that majority to One Thou sa nd." 59 E l e ction R es ult s : T h e Whi gs at S alt Ri v er Weed a nd other senior Whig s feared that voter apathy would cost them the election and it was clear that Greeley refused to address problem s endemic to the Scott campaign. The war-hero image that had worked well in 1840 and 1848 failed in 1852 partly because Harrison and Taylor in their deaths failed ultimate l y, too. Loyal W h igs braced for a defeat similar to Clay's in 1844 but no one expected the smashing defeat that en s ued Greeley claimed in hi s autobiograp h y that the defeat of 1852 came to him painle ss ly a l though Triburi e editoria l s and hi s private writing s suggest he wa s de v a s tated. Hi s work on the S co tt campaign, he wrote, was ''short, tolerab l y s pirited, but

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132 one-sided from the start." 6 0 Perhaps still in denial, Greeley att1ibuted the Democratic landslide to a '' heavy side-b l ow' from Free Soil nominee John P. Hale, who challenged both parties and took thousands of votes that ''but for the Compromise platto1m would have been given for Scott." 6 1 The Scott campaign delivered the Whig Party to Salt Ri ver, a 19 th ce n tury metaphor for the site ot final demise. 62 At the closi n g of t h e polls in November, Scott carried only four of 3 1 states Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee for a total of 42 e l ectoral votes. All ot h er states, a total of 254 votes, went to Pierce: New York by 25 000 vote s and Penn s ylvania Ohio and Virginia by majorities equa ll y conclu s ive. Pierce earned 51 percent of t h e popular vote, Scott 43 percent, a nd H a l e 5 percent. The national popular vote was clo s er t h an the e l ectoral vote but according to the Tribune, Pierc e carried a majority of 200,000 votes in an aggregate poll of 3 million. 6 3 ''The immense and unprecedented majorities for the Pi erce a nd King Electors'' in New York, Baltimore, D e troit, e t c., l eft no doubt of '' the s ignal defeat '' of Gen. Scott and the Whigs 64 The Triburi e acknowledged complete defeat. ''We have n o desire to question the co mpl eteness nor belittle t h e conseq uen ces of o ur opponents' triumph in the recent Election," Greeley wrote. '' So fru as we can now see, neither can be over s tated. The Protection of Home Industry as an avowed, conspic u ous l eading feature or of our National policy, is crus hed probably for years possibly forever." 65 The result s '' baffled'' Greeley but he ac c epted the total ruin of the Whig Pa1ty 'The Whig pa1ty had been often beaten before Greeley reflected but this defeat proved the party ' pra c ti c al l y defunct and in an advanced s tage of decomposition. 66 At the same

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133 time, the shrewd, corrupt Democracy ''liberally supplied with money ," was credited only h h '' ,,67 wit av1ng went to win. In the initial stages of po st-e lection analysis, the loss was blamed on Whigs who failed to do their duty. ''Our wealthy and mer ca ntile Whigs generally kept away from the polls, or took little interest in the Election. Many who came either voted the dead 'U nion ticket or else refr ained from voting for any Electors." Mru.ginal gains were made in Congr ess, but the victories gave Greeley littl e reason for hope. '' We ru.e so badly beaten throughout the Union on Pre sident that we ha ve not c ho sen to waste the morning hours in making up table s of Memb ers of Congress and Assembly probably elected." 68 The Tribitne wailed the events following the election. '' There was a general debauch and demoralization throughout all political circles as was clearly manifested in the triumphant run of Gen Pierce." 69 His Southe111 constituents, many of whom had left the Whigs during the Fillmore admini s tration s oon so li ci ted him for offices and agreements about se ttlement in the We stern territories, and he acquiesced readily. 70 '' 'The American System' lie s cold in the g rave," eulogized the Tribi,n e in a tribute to th e decea s ed Whig Party. '' It has been deemed expedient, by ce rtain magnates of other day s ... that the Whi g party shou ld be cr u s hed and they have done the job most effectua lly ." 7 1 No amount of edi torial repair cot1ld reverse the outcome, and the experience was sobe ring for Greeley, who realized that he had few options in deter1rtinin g a redeemable Whig agenda. One of the few possibilities in c luded sc rapping the party completely. '' It would be a pity to have so much labor and expense wasted," he wrote, 'as though a man shoul d burn down his own hou se in order to rid it of a haunting gho s t

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134 which should prove after all, but a phantom projected by a guilty conscience on hi s own perturbed imagination.'' 7 2 The Whigs struggled for a remedy, and as they looked for the source of their ills, it became clear that radicalism had cont1ibuted to their downfall. The Yankee pres s in c luding Greele y's Triburz e, began murrnuring about Seward's role in the election. The veteran politician had distanced himself from Greeley's positions on the tariff but in the years preceding the Scott campaign, Seward had moved from an anti-slavery position to one of hard-lined abolitionism. 73 Seward s campaign for Senate in 1848 began to bring his views about the ' Irrepressible Conflict' to the fore, and his role in politics was as much revered if not fearedin Northern circles as despised in Southern ones. ' 'Sewaid!' 'Seward!' Seward!' has been the burden of our adversaries' song from the outset the theme on which the Satanic Press has expended half its venom and on which the journals s ubsisting on advertis e ments of women and children for s ale have expatiated with unequaled persistence and fervor. '' 7 4 Greeley cited columns from other newspapers that called readers to ''Kill Seward. Sewardism had come to represent all radical threats from the Whigs on the stability of the status quo, but the threats were exaggerated, Greeley insisted ''Such deliberate and systematic lying by Governors, U.S. Senators, ex-Senators ex-Heads of Departments, &c. &c .. such base appeals to the friends of Clay and Webster to vote against Gen. Scott in order to wreak their vengeance on Gov. Seward ... were never equaled before a nd w e tru s t will never be paralleled hereafter 75

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135 Even though Weed and Greeley had co ntribut ed as much e ditoriall y to ra di calizing the Whigs Seward acted as t h e party's leading statesman, an d the t hr ee were seen in creasingly as out of touch with popular sent iment Greeley was psychologically devastated by Scott's defeat as he realized how far th e group had sl ipp ed from popular favor in tl1e 1840 campaign. The natural react i on of the Triburie s editors was to try and deflect any blame that mi g h t be directed at Greeley. Even though Greeley defended Seward s sta n ce on abol iti on, it was clear that the issue alienated voters w ho favored a return to the s tatu s quo. Demo c rat s and Whigs alike made Seward th e scapegoat: The fo r mer did s o b ec au s e Seward threatened national civility ; the l atter in order t o s ur v ive. Gree l ey asked readers whet h e r th ey thought the Wl 1 i g Part y might regain its for1r1er stre n gt h b y ''eschewing or avoiding Sewardism?'' His own response to the qu es ti on was one of overwhelmed apathy. '' W e whom you cal l 'Sewardites' are tired, and wi ll gladly rest awhile and let yo u go ahead as you see fit Whether your anti-Progressive, Pro Slavery Whi g party wo uld be s tron ger th an that w hi ch ha s just been rou te d ... can better be deter1"Iuned after than before a trial. The national verdict according to the Tr;bz,1,ne was that Whi gs had been renounced ''w ith no other avowed reason than this that Gen. Scott was the 'Seward c andidate and therefore must be crushed. 76 Notes 1 William Kent to Thurlow Weed, F eb. 3, 1847 Thurlow Weed L(fe o f Thurlow W ee cl Includin g Hi s Aut o bi og rapl iy ar1d a M e n1 o ir (Boston New York: Houghton M i fflin and Co. 1 88 384 Vol. 2) 14 6 2 Thorton Kirkland Lothrop Williani Henry Seward (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1896), 215, 2 1 6. Weed stayed true to Greeley even after the disclosure of Greeley's und yi n g hostility t oward Seward. After Greeley s death, Weed remarked about t h e letter of dissolution ''Havi n g remained for s ix years in blis s ful ignorance of its contents, we shoul d have much preferred to have ever remained s o It jar s

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136 harshly upon cherished memories. It destroys ideals of disinterestedness and generosity which relieved political life from so much that i s selfish, sordid, and rapacious." ., -' Horace Greeley to ThL1rlow Weed, Dec. 1 1851 Thurlo w W eed Pap ers, New York: University of Rochester Greeley wrote Weed and described proceedings in Cong1ess, where Brooks who ''pushed views all nite [ s ic] ," came out of deliberations ''s ho cki ngly mauled'' by the words of opponents. '' I never saw a man suffer worse," Greeley wrote. '' Hi s brass was completely melted and he felt that he ca ught a flogging." 4 Hora ce Greeley to Thurlow Weed D ec. 1 1851 TJiurlow Weed Pap ers, New York: University of Rochester. 5 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlo w We ed In cluding H is Aut ob iograph y and a M ernoir ( Bo s ton, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 217. 6 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow We e d I ncluding His Autobiograph y and a M en zoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 184. Office holders suspected of fide lity to '' the Dictator'' were requested to resign. 7 Thurlow Weed to Francis Granger, June 19 1845, Thurlow We ed Pap ers, New York: University of Rochester. Weed was not a l ways a t lib erty to a nn ounce ties to the abolition i sts. After Clay's devastating defeat in 1844, he was forced to confront the liability that the Whigs suffered by association wit h Bimey 's movement. He lo s t the support of Francis Granger, a former, close supporter, who had littl e sympathy for the plight of the enslaved African He all but apologized for the abolitionists influence but in subsequent campaigns, his tone was l ess compromising. '' I not on l y appreciate your fee lin gs in re l ation to the perver se and dishone st co ur se of political Abolitionist s, but fully part i c ip a te in tho se fee lin gs ... You and I and the Whigs with whom we art, are better friends with the s l ave and true advocates for emancipation than the 'Liberty Party organs and leader s. Shall we t h en a ll ow t h eir organs and l eaders to hold a power which they wield year after year with suc h fatal effect agai n st the country?'' 8 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow We ed lrzcluding His Autobiography and a M emoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84, Vol. 2), 185. 9 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed I ncluding His Autobiograph y an d a M emoi r (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1 883-84, Vol. 2), 1 84. 10 William Kent to Thurlow Weed, Feb. 3, 1847 Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlo w Weed Includin g Hi s Arttobiography and a M emoir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -84, Vol. 2), 146. 11 Thurlow Weed Lif e of Thitrlow W eed In cluding Hi s Autobiography and a M e 111 oir ( Bo s ton, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1 883-84, Vol. 2), 185

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137 12 Thurlow Weed Life of Thitrlow Weed Iri cludirig His Autobiography a1zd a Me11ioir (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 186 13 Horace Greeley, Why I am a Whig (New York: Tribune Office, 1852[?]), 15 14 Horace Greeley, Why I am a Whig (New York: Tribune Office 1852[?]), 16 15 Horace Greeley, Why I am a Wlii g (New York: Tribune Office, 1852[?]) 3. 16 Horace Greeley, Why I a,n a Wliig (New York: Tribune Office, 1852[?]) 3. 1 7 Horace Greeley, Wh y I arrt a Whig (New York: Tribune Office 1852[?]) 16. 18 Horace Greeley, Wliy I am a Whig (New York: Tribune Office, 1852[ ?]), 4. 19 Horac e Greeley, Why I an1 a Wliig (New York: Tribune Office 1852[ ?]), 11. 20 Hora ce Greeley, Wli y I am a Wliig (New York: Tribune Offi ce, 1852[ ?]), 12 21 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thitrlow We e d In cluding His Autobiograph y and a Memoir ( Bo s ton New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 VoJ. 1) 468. Weed later di s mi sse d them movement as one of the ''p lau si ble but fallacious theorie s the impracticability of which time explodes." 22 John Humphrey Noyes, Hi story of American Socialisni, Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, l 870~ New York: Dover 1966. 23 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery The Pr ess and America, An Int erpretive Histo ry of tlie Mass M edia 4 th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: P1entice-Hall, Inc. 1978 ), 1 29. 24 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow Weed In cluding His Autobiograpli y and a Meni oir (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883 -8 4, Vol 2), 92, 93. 25 T.C. Wittenbe1g to Thurlow Weed Oct. 22, 1858, Thurlow Weed Papers, New York: University of Roche ster. Unions and soc iali s t groups sol icited Weed. '' I called on you at your offer on my way out west to give you a little information as regard s the Working1nen [sic], Wittenberg wrote. '' I think we can give you 25,000 votes if the Finan ce Committee think proper to co ntribute a smal l [??] for our expenses and s h ou ld be pleased to receive it and will m ake good u se of it." 26 Thurlow Weed, Lif e of Thurlow W eed Includirzg His Autobiography and a Memoir (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84 Vol. 1) 468 27 Thurlow Weed Life of T}iurlow Weed In cluding Hi s Autobiograpli y and a Memoir (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1883-84, Vol. 2), 92, 93.

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138 28 Horace Greeley, As soci ati o ,z Di sc u sse d; o r, Tli e Socialism of th e Tribun e Examined B eing a Controvers y B etween the New Y o rk Tribun e and the Coitrie, and Enquirer, by H Greeley arid H.J. Ra y mond (New York : Harpe1), 1847 The Triburi e, Aug. 19 1846 co nt a in e d a lett e r signe d by Mr A. Bri s bane addre sse d to the e dit or of the Courier and Enquirer. It propo se d s undry inquirie s co ncerning ce rtain features of t h e sc heme of So c ial Reform of which h e wa s the a c knowledged advocate." The Courier a12d Eriquirer answered the se i nquir es at len gt h Aug. 25, 1846. '' On the 26 th Th e Tribune contained and editorial rejoinder to which the Cou1ier replied on the 28 th The Ttibune on th e 1 st of September, agai n re s ponded editorially a nd thi s was followed on th e 5 th by a rejoinder from th e Cou1ier. Th e se quel may be be s t understood from the following para graphs, which a r e in se rt e d in th e o rd er and m a nner of their f ir st ap pearan ce." 29 Jam es Parton Lif e of H orace Gr eeley ( New York: Mason Brother s, 1855 ), 20 1 30 J a me s Paiton, Lif e of H o ra ce Gr ee l ey ( N e w York: Ma so n B1 ther s, 1855 ), 208. 3 1 Horace Greeley A ssocia tion Dis c u sse d; o r Th e So cia li sm of th e Tribun e E xamined, B e in g a Controversy B etwee ri th e New Y o rk Tribun e and th e Courier and Enq i tir e r, by H Greeley and H J Ra ymo nd (New York: Harper), 1847 32 Jame s Parton Life of H o ra ce Gr ee l ey (New York: Ma s on Brother s, 1855 ), 208. 33 Jam es Parton Lif e of H o ra ce Gr eeley (New York: Ma s on Brother s, 18 55), 213. 34 Courier a id E,iquirer Au g. 14 1 8 47; quoted in W eekly Tribun e, Aug. 21 1847, p.3, c .5; John R. Commons, '' Hora ce Greeley and the Working Class Origin s of the R e publi ca n Part y," P oli ti ca l Scierzc e Qua11 e rly, 2 4 ( Septemb e r 1909) 473. 35 Jam es P a rton L ife of H o ra ce Gre e ley (New York : Ma so n Brother s, 1855 ), 2 1 3. 36 H o ra ce Greeley Hi1i ts Toward R efon12s, i11 L ectu r es, Addre sses, a id Otlz e r Writi ngs (New York: Harper 1850 .) 37 Hora ce Greeley, Hirit s T owa rd R efo rm s, in L ec tur es, Addr esses and Oth e r Writin gs (New York: Hat-per 1850) 353. ''Wherever opportunity to labor i s obtained with difficulty, and i s so deficient that the employing class may virtually pres c ribe their own ter1n s and pay the Labo1er only s uch s hares a s they choose of the produ ct," Greele y wrote, '' there i s a very s trong tenden cy to Slavery ." 38 H orace Greeley Hi, its Toward R eforms, in L ect ure s, Addr esses, and Oth e r Writings (New York: H a rper 1850) 353. 39 B osto,i Pil o t O ct. 3 0 1852 Greeley stayed fir1n in hi s po s ition de s pit e c ritici s m from more practical Whig s. According to the Pil o t '' Only a common humbu g

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139 li ke Greele y would, under existing ci rcum s t a n ces, ask a man to cas t hi s vote for Pr es id e nt on t h e gro und of Prot ect ion or No Pr otec tion. 40 New York Dail y Trib11n e, Aug. 5, 1 845, p.2 c.2; John R Commons '' Horace Greeley and th e Working C l ass Ori g in s of the Republi ca n Party ," P olitical Scierice Quart e rl y, 24 (Septembe r 1909 ), 473. 41 J ohn R Commo n s, '' H orace Greeley and the Working C la ss Origin s of th e R epublican Party ," P o liti cal Science Quart e rl y, 24 ( September 1909) 487 4 2 Thurlow Weed to Lyman Dec 5, 1 850, Tliurlo w W eed Pap e r s, New Y ork: U niver s ity of Ro c h es ter 43 Hora ce Gr ee l ey to Thur l ow Weed, Feb. 29, 1 85 1 Thitrlo w W eed P apers, New York: University of Rochester 44 New York Dail y Trib i tn e, Nov. 9 1 852. Aft er the e le ction, Greeley acknowledged that h is s tance on the temperance i ss ue mi g ht h ave contribu t ed to the demi se of S co tt but the Tr ibune objected to al l ega tion s fro m the Albany R egister that Greeley had weakened the Whi g ti cke t by sup po rti n g o nl y '' dr y'' Whig s. The Tribi,11.e asked the R eg i ster to '' t e ll u s w h ether l egalized Rum -se llin g a nd Slavery are among its p1in c iples. If they are t h en we don 't be l ong to it." 45 Letter to Governor Seward New York Nov. 11 1854 Thurlow Weed, Life of Tliurl ow W eed In cl udin g Hi s Autobi og raph y arid a M e moir (Bosto n New York : Hot1 g h ton Mifflin and Co., 1 883-84, Vol. 2), 280. 46 Thurlow W ee d Lif e of Thurl ow W eed l l'icluding Hi s Autobiography arid a M emo ir ( B oston, New York: Houghton Mifflin an d Co., 1883-84 Vol. 2), 215. 47 Th url ow Weed, Lif e of Th urlow W eed I ncluding Hi s Autobiography arid a M emoir ( B oston New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1 883-84, Vol. 2), 217. 48 '' The Work t o be Done, New Y ork Dail y Tr iburie, O c t 20, 185 2. 49 ''ToDay, N ew Y ork Dail y Tribune, Nov. 2, 1852. 50 '' Onl y On e Week ," Nevv York D aily Tribune, O c t. 23, 1852. '' There are t ow n s in n ea rl y every Fr ee State in whic h th e Whi g vote a lr eady s ure t o co me out may b e i n c r eased at l east o ne -te nth by proper effo rt b etwee n this a nd th e Election ... G e n Scott 's e l ection o r defeat dep e nd s on the ca l ling o ut o r l eavi n g unpolled t h a t hitherto dormant vote." 51 '' Wh at i s the Pro s p ect?'' L og Cabin, Oct. 3 1 1 840.

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140 52 ''Our Defeat in New-York ," New York Dail y Tribune, Nov. 11 1844 The election number s, but the mo s t fitting s ummary of the New York meltdown explained, '' it seemed to us impo ssib le that avowed and strenuous anti-Texas and Protective Tariff men s hould be brought to support an avowed Annexationi st and notorious Free Trader we estimated that Mr. Clay wo u ld carry New York by 20,000." 53 '' Brag is a Good Do g, But Holdfa st i s Better ," New Y ork Dail y Tribune Oct. 29 185 2. ''Our oppone nt s are playing a g re a t g ame of bo as ting . They e ntertain no s u c h co nt .ide n ce as they profe ss. They feel that Scott i s s ure to defeat them utterly unless th ey ca n make the Whi gs de s pond and falter. See that they are di sa ppointed ." 54 '' How it Goes,'' New York Dail y Tribun e, Oct. 7, 1852. 55 ''T h e Pr ospect," N ew Y o rk Dail ) Tribit11 e O c t 30, 1852 'The Whi gs in all quart ers are ready and c onfident and have good rea so n for relyin g upon a victory. From all the Northern States ou1 friends write in the be s t spirits and we have assurances from every direction that the s ilent movement in favor of our great l ea der among tho se w ho have heretofore g one against u s, will s how on Tuesday next a resu l t that will astoni s h the Loco -Foco Democracy. ' 56 '' How it Goe s," N ew York Dail y Tribun e, Oct. 7, 1852 57 ''Only One Week ," N ew Y o rk Dail y Tribun e, O c t. 23 1852. 58 '' Ho w it G oes," New York Dail y T,ibun e, O ct. 7, 1852 Scott 's ga in s were cast in metaphori cal lan g uage '' It i s a dmitted on all hand s that the S co tt co lumn i s developing a de g r ee of force and of unity that it s adversaries have not counted on .. It remain s true that no pre si dential election was ever co nducted with s o l ittle general excitement ... It proved first o f all th a t there was no great, popular de sire to re s tore the Administration of the country into the hand s of the party that in 1840 and 1848 were pronounced unworthy t o h o ld it ... Th e co untry thu s proclaim s itself co nt e nt that th e Whi gs s h oul d co ntinue to hold the Executive authority. 59 ''C lo se Up! ' N ew Y o rk Dai ly Triburi e, O c t 25, 185 2. 60 Thurlow Weed Lif e oj'Th urlow W eed Iricluding Hi s Autobiograph y and a M emo ir ( Bo s ton New York : Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1883-84 Vol 2) 167 61 Hora ce Gree l ey, R ecollectio n s of a Bu sy Life (New York: Arno, 1868 ), 28 0 62 Har pe r 's We e kl y [on l ine] New York: Harper 's Maga zi ne Co. accessed: Fe b 5 2003; available a t http://app.harpweek.com and http://election s. harpweek .com/. Illu s tration s of Salt Ri ver ca n be fou nd at the Harp We ek Web s ite Th e metaphor i s re c urrent in a numb er of campaign print s, which include illu s tration s of various ca ndidate s and cam p a ign s ac tually d1 ow nin g in the river. The exa c t etymology of the

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141 te1m i s enigmati c but it refers apparently to the unnatural feature of an inland salt water river, w