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Understanding values and attitudes toward recycling

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Understanding values and attitudes toward recycling predictions and implications for communication campaigns
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Werder, Olaf
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Altruism ( jstor )
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Explanation theories ( jstor )
Marketing ( jstor )
Modeling ( jstor )
Motivation ( jstor )
Normativity ( jstor )
Psychological attitudes ( jstor )
Recycling ( jstor )
Social psychology ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- Mass Communication -- UF ( lcsh )
Mass Communication thesis, Ph.D ( lcsh )
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2002.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 136-145).
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Printout.
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Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Olaf Werder.

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University of Florida
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UNDERSTANDING VALUES AND ATTITUDES TOWARD
RECYCLING: PREDICTIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR
COMMUNICATION CAMPAIGNS













By

OLAF WERDER


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2002
































Copyright 2002

by

OlafWerder
























This dissertation is dedicated to my mentor, Dr. Kim B. Rotzoll, who predicted the route I
was taking years before I entered it. May I strive to justify the faith and intuition.













ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

While a dissertation is often considered the labor of life and pain of one single

individual to earn his or her rights of passage into the academic community, in actuality

there are many individuals without whose help this work would never be completed in its

present form. Consequently these people deserve my thanks for their contribution to this

dissertation. Without doubt, I was very fortunate to have found such an accomplished

scholar, advisor, teacher, and friend in Dr. Marilyn Roberts, who has entered my doctoral

life early. Without her, my experience would not have been as enjoyable and satisfying.

While her constant support and guidance have made me a better scholar, it is actually

hard to express in words the gratitude I feel for her encouragement. It has truly been a

privilege to work with her.

Several others have also been essential to my experience in the doctoral program

and in the completion of this dissertation; in particular the members of my committee. I

offer Dr. Debbie Treise my sincere thanks for helping me organize and simplify my ideas

on theory and application; and for sharing a kind word when I needed one. I thank Dr.

John Sutherland for his patience and belief in me while I struggled to learn the details of

statistical analysis; and for allowing me to learn from his expertise. I thank Dr. Cynthia

Morton for helping me find the connection between my personal ideals and academic

research, in introducing me to the field of social marketing; and for always being there

when I had questions. I thank Dr. Samuel Barkin for giving me a deeper understanding of








decision-making under risk, for helping me connect my interest in mass communication

with the broader topic of environmental risk analysis, and for simply being a friend.

I am indebted to my students, many of whom were possibly not quite aware of the

"double-life" I was leading as a teacher and researcher during that time. Their humor and

excitement in the classroom made my teaching role easier and gave me new enthusiasm

for continuing with my project every time I came out of the classroom. Their ability to

learn almost by themselves helped when I was engrossed with the research, and allowed

me to advance without "letting them down."

I extend special thanks to fellow doctoral students Stephynie Chapman, Andrew

Clark, Guy Golan, Jaemin Jung, Michael Palenchar, and (now faculty member) Kelly

Page for their wisdom and encouragement. I feel blessed to have these people as friends

in my life.

I feel indebted to the management and staff of the Florida Survey Research

Center. I have a deep appreciation for the generosity and wisdom of Dr. Michael

Scicchitano and Dr. Tracy Johns. Beyond assisting with the collection of the data, their

guidance was truly vital to this research.

I especially thank Dr. Lynda Kaid and her assistant Cynthia DeForest for giving

their time and resources in tracking down sources, for being willing to sponsor this

research, and for always lending a sympathetic ear when the research hit a dead end.

I thank Ken; Barbara and Johnny; Dr. Kim; Jason; Mary and her staff; Patty, Pam,

and Jodie; Ryan; Paisley; Charles; Florann and Jochen for supporting me, even though

they sometimes were not aware that they did. Their acceptance and support, even at weak








moments, gave me confidence to finish this project. Knowing that they exist in this world

is enough to make me happy and proud.

Finally, and above all, I want to thank my Mom and Dad, my sister Astrid and my

brother-in-law Andi, and my Grandpa and late Grandma. They are my light, model and

motivation. Words fail to describe how their love and support have made me into the

person I am today. While they pressed me when I needed it, they always saw the potential

in me, and their belief in me gave me faith to believe in myself. I am the person I am

because of these people.















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKN OW LEDGM ENTS ..................................................... ........... ................ iv

A B STR A C T ........................................... ............ ... .......... .. ............. .. x

CHAPTER

1 IN TRODU CTION ............................................. 1

Purpose of the Study .............................................. .........................................3
T heoretical R ationale.............................. .......... ........ ............................. ... 5
Scope and Lim stations .................................................... ................... .......... 8

2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE................................................................ 10

Social M marketing ..................................... ...... ............ ...... ..... .......... 10
Environmental Research in the Social Sciences............................. ................. 12
Environment as a Social Construct........................... ......................... 12
Environm ent in the M edia.............................................. ..... .... ......... 15
Environm ent and the Consum er ........................................ .......... ................17
Environmental Research ........................................... ..................... 19
Definition of the Recycling Term and Current Situation...................................20
Recycling in Florida............................ .. ... ................ 23
R recycling R esearch................................ ..................... ...... ............ 24
Theory of R seasoned A action ...............................................................26
Definition ...................................................... 26
Application in Recycling Research .................................... .................... 29
Move toward the Theory of Planned Behavior............................................ ....33
D definition ......................................... ............. ......... ..... ...... .......... ... 33
A application in R recycling Research .............................. .....................................37
Personal V alues and Recycling ....................................................... ................42
Introduction ........................... ....... ... ... ... ...... 42
V alues Research .................... ..... ....... .... ..... .... ... .. ........... 42
Schwartz Values M odel...................................... ................. ..... ..........44
Application in Environmental/Recycling Research.................................. .....46
Inclusion of Values in the Theory of Planned Behavior.................................. 52
Proposed M odel ........................................................ .. ..... ..........54
Summary, Research Questions, and Hypotheses ........................... ................ 58



vii








Research Questions.......................... ....... ................................ 61
H ypotheses .................................................... ............... ......... ...... .......62

3 M ETH OD OLOGY ............................................................ .............................. 64
Operationalization of the M odel............... .............. ............................ 64
Sample............... ...................... .. .. ..............65
Survey D esign ............................ .... ..... .......... .... ....... ... ... ........ ......... 66
Explanatory Variables................ ....................... 67
R response V ariable ................................................... ............ .................. 69
R eliab ility ............... .. ... ..... .. ......... .............. .. ..... ........ ...... .. ... ........... 70
V alid ity ................ ................ .. .... ..... .. ...... ... ...... ... ...................... .. ........ .. ..... 7 1
Content V validity ........................................ ............ ....... ..................71
Convergent and Discriminant Validity..................................... ................. 71
Predictive V alidity ..................................................................................... 72
Construct Validity................................................................ 73
E external V alidity........................ ....... ....... ........................ ............... 73
Procedures .......................... ... .............. ..... .... ... ............. 74
M easurem ent ................... .......... ... ... ... ...... ....... .... .......... ...74
D ata Examination and Cleaning............................................. ..... .......... 75
Statistical Analyses.......... ................................................... 75
Data Aggregation........................................... ................ 76
Correlation Analysis ................................. ........................................76
Regression Analyses ................................ .............. ..........................76
Assumptions of M multiple Regression Tests...................... ............... .. ......77

4 RESULTS ....................... ................. ..... ............ 80
Prelim inary A nalyses.................................................. .......... ................. 80
Study Participants ....................................... ........................................... 80
D ata Exam nation Results........................................... ........................... 81
Regression Model Assumptions........................ ............................. 82
Analysis of the Theory of Planned Behavior ........................................ ..................83
V ariable Preparation ........................................ ................................. 84
R egression Study ................................................. .................................. 85
Analysis of the Proposed Values-Enhanced Model ......................................... 87
C orrelation Study................................... ............ ................................. 88
R egression Study ................................................... ............................... 90
Sum m ary of the H ypothese Tests.................... .................................................. 95
Exploratory Post-Hoc Analyses ........................................ .......................... 98
Sum m ary of the R research Q uestions...................................................................... 100

5 D ISC U SSIO N ........................ ........ ... .............................................. .... 103
Applicability of the Theory of Planned Behavior to Predict Recycling Interest ....... 103
Overview of the Hypotheses ............................................... 103
Comparison of the Effects of the Determinants of Intention........................... 104
Connection between Intention and Behavior .......................................... 109
Impact of Personal Values on Recycling Intentions............... ................. 110



viii








Review of Different Recycling Belief Components............................... 110
O verview of H ypotheses................................................................... ......... 112
Improvement of Predictability Power of the Model........................................ 112
Relevance for Public Entities Creating Recycling PSA Campaigns..................... 115
Lim stations of the Study....................................... ......................... ................. 120
Suggestions for Future Research ........................................ ....................... 125
Conclusion ................................................ ... .... ... ... ............ 127

APPENDIX QUESTIONNAIRE ............................. ..................... ....... 130

LIST OF REFEREN CES............................................................................... .. 136

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH................................................................... 146






































ix













Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

UNDERSTANDING VALUES AND ATTITUDES TOWARD RECYCLING: PRE-
DICTIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR COMMUNICATION CAMPAIGNS

By

Olaf Werder

August 2002

Chairman: Marilyn S. Roberts, Ph.D.
Major Department: Mass Communication

Since the 1980s, waste management issues have emerged as a key concern for

Florida, a state with rapid population growth. Because the influence of the legislature is

limited to supporting the counties in their recycling efforts, a vast discrepancy exists

among Florida's 67 counties.

While recycling figures and participation percentages might be difficult to com-

prehend, their role as an environmental problem is not. Because research into intrinsic

motivation considers fundamental factors in actual decision making, an important con-

cern of public entities in charge of community recycling has always been to determine

why people do or do not participate in these programs.

Environmental values have been found to be a key determinant for pro-

environmental behavior and, therefore, regulate the manner in which behavior occurs.

Social marketing efforts often compromise a person's values, in order to promote values

deemed socially more compelling by the sponsoring organization. Since individuals hold-








ing opposing values may be reluctant to comply with the marketing goals, it seems criti-

cal to incorporate personal values into a public campaign.

The purpose of the present study is first to test the Theory of Planned Behavior as

an explanation of recycling intentions. The theory maintains that attitudes, norms, and

perceived control elements determine behavioral intentions. Second, the study will ex-

plore more fully what role values play in explaining recycling intentions.

A telephone survey was conducted during the last two weeks of May 2002 in

Gainesville, Florida. It was hypothesized that residents' attitudes, subjective norms, and

perceived behavioral control would equally predict recycling intentions. It was further

hypothesized that the inclusion of values would increase the likelihood to explain recy-

cling intentions better.

The findings suggest that attitudes toward recycling are the most significant pre-

dictor of intentions. While certain values correlated well with the TPB model variables,

values did not significantly improve the parameters' predictability over intentions. How-

ever, the close correlations values have with beliefs and evaluations of recycling imply

that values can expand the applicability of behavioral models for recycling. On a practical

level, the study suggests that an understanding of values can improve communication

campaigns that aim to change or reinforce habits.













CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Since the 1980s, waste management issues have emerged as a key concern for

state and local governments in the United States, particularly in states with rapid

population growth. In Florida over 24.8 million tons of solid waste were collected in

1998 (Department of Environmental Protection 2001), an increase of over 500,000 tons

from 1995 (Department of Environmental Protection 1996). This translates into 9.1

pounds per person per day. While this figure is slightly lower than the estimated Florida

average of 10.2 pounds/person/day (DEP 2001), the corresponding recycling estimate is

dramatically below reality. Florida's prediction report for 1998 estimated that 10.1

million tons of waste (about 36% of the total) would be recycled. The actual recycling

rate for 1998 was 6.9 million tons, or 28% (DEP 2001). This means that 270 pounds per

Floridian per year will actually end up on landfills instead of being recycled.

Although Florida's average recycling rate of 38 to 40% ranked highest in the

nation (Environmental Protection Agency 1999), the state placed 56% of its total waste in

landfills and 16% in combustion. In other words, the recycling quota is in a negative

trend (-12% from 1995). With a population growth projection between 17.5 and 23

million people by 2020 (DEP 2001, Roe Littlejohn 1997), there is ample concern about

Florida's waste management.

Florida's Department of Environmental Protection and individual counties

administer the funds for education and information (media). As a result, the incorporated

municipalities have a great deal of discretion in structuring the actual recycling programs










within their boundaries (Martinez & Scicchitano 1998). The influence of the legislature is

limited to mandating certain waste reduction figures (currently 30% should be recycled

for counties with populations over 50,000) and introducing recycling goals for individual

counties. A vast discrepancy in recycling rates exists among Florida's 67 counties,

ranging from a recycling rate of 38% in Lee County to 5% in Hendry County (DEP

2001). Recycling success or failure cannot simply be explained by factors such as

urbanization, population size or citizens' educational and income levels.

Alachua County, the home of Florida's largest public university, is a rather rural

county in the northeast part of the state. With a population of about 212,000 it ranks only

nineteenth in population size among all counties. However, it shares the fourth rank with

Palm Beach County in recycling rates (DEP 2001). It not only surpassed counties with

metropolitan areas, such as Orlando, Miami, and Tampa, but also counties with

educational centers, such as Leon County, where Florida's second largest university is

located. If not demographics, what explains Alachua's success? The county and its

largest community, Gainesville, have managed to establish curbside recycling pick-up

service to 96% of single-family dwellings and 5% of multi-family dwellings (apartment

complexes). Among those with service, 80% of single-family homes and 4% of multi-

family homes participated, for a total participation rate in the county of 58% (DEP 2001).

Although a rate of 58% is compared to other counties an adequate level, it also means

that 42% of the population are not recycling. Simply judging from the service-to-

participation relationship, one notices that 17% of homes that could recycle are not

currently recycling. It seems that creation of service is not enough to overcome reluctance

to recycle in certain individuals.









While the amount of waste and participation percentages may be difficult to

comprehend, their roles in environmental problems are not (Bagozzi & Dabholkar 1994).

Given that environmental problems and social ills are interconnected, waste management

is a social problem with far reaching consequences in the areas of human health,

ecological balance, and the local economies (Starke 1991). Consequently, determining

consumers' reluctance to recycle created considerable research interest in disciplines such

as psychology and environmental policy (Arbuthnot 1977; Hines, Hungerford & Tomera

1987).

Thogersen (1996) describes recycling research as falling into two main theoretical

approaches. The first, applied behavioral analysis (Stem & Oskamp 1987) provides

information about reactions to extrinsic stimuli. The second, attitude research (Hopper &

Nielsen, 1991; Kok & Siero 1985) analyzes the cognitive (attitudinal) antecedents

believed to guide the behavior. Because research into intrinsic motivation considers

fundamental factors in actual decision making, it bodes well for future effort of

determining motivating factors of recycling (Bagozzi & Dabholkar 1994).


Purpose of the Study

The purpose of the present study is twofold. First the Theory of Planned Behavior

(Ajzen 1985) was tested as an explanation of recycling intention. This provided an

effective framework for studying the determinants of recycling behavior. The Theory of

Planned Behavior hypothesizes that intentions directly determine behavior and are

themselves influenced by attitudes toward the consequences, projected subjective norms

about others' opinions, and feelings about personal control over one's behavior and its

outcomes. Despite its successful application to recycling behavior (Oskamp et al. 1991;










Vining & Ebreo 1990), most studies have not operationalized the variables specifically,

but have deviated from the recommended practice of applying all determinants as

specified by the theory. Thus findings have been mixed. By applying the Theory of

Planned Behavior in the current study, the full model was tested. The findings were then

compared to an augmented model in which recycling-related personal values were

introduced as a predictor of recycling intentions (Schwartz 1992; Stern & Dietz 1994).

The second purpose of this study is to more fully examine the determinants of

attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioral control as they relate to recycling.

The study models and builds upon the research of Bagozzi and Dabholkar (1994), who

stated their purpose as follows:

"Previous research using attitude theory has investigated antecedents based upon
beliefs and evaluations and organized these into the summation of the products of
beliefs and evaluations. This approach works best for physical products or when
the consequences of acting are concrete and tangible. But because recycling
involves abstract goals and values and is highly subjective, the traditional
approach is less useful. Recycling-related beliefs are concrete judgments about
the consequences (positive or negative) of recycling and tend to focus more on
means or outcomes (e.g., inconvenience, saving money). Recycling goals, in
contrast, are abstract motives for recycling (by definition positive) and refer to
ends (e.g., provide for future generations). Recycling beliefs enter decision
making as reasons for or against acting; recycling goals are more conative and
may even be deontological moral values that motivate or compel one to act. Many
recycling goals, particularly higher-order ones, do not arise from decision making
but are a priori virtues. Another problem with the traditional approach is that it
does not address the hierarchical organization of the antecedents to attitudes,
subjective norms, and past behavior. Our second objective is thus to discover (a)
the key antecedents, (b) how they are structured, and (c) how they influence the
proximal causes (i.e., attitudes and subjective norms) of decisions to recycle" (p.
318-19).

In other words, it is important to separate between beliefs and goals, or values that

lie beneath beliefs and are unencumbered by cognitive decision making processes.










Assuming the role of a priori virtues, values are more difficult to influence by everyday

stimuli while at the same time determining to a large extent the motivation to act.

Theoretical Rationale

Most marketing and mass communication research has focused on studying

demographic variables, knowledge, or environmental concerns (Vining & Ebreo 1990;

Van Liere & Dunlap 1980). Previous researchers (Oskamp et al. 1991) sought to identify

demographic and psychographic profiles of environmentally concerned people in order to

use this information for product development or target segmentation. Environmentally

conscious or "green" consumer segments have become increasingly important for the

proliferation of products and services as well as corporate images (Elkington 1994;

Kassarijan 1973).

This mode of thinking seems to reflect the prevalence of the established

'consumption constellation construct,' (Lowrey et al. 2001), defined as "a cluster of

products and consumption activities associated with a social role" (Kamins & Assael

1987). It suggests that attitudes toward products symbolize information about the

consumer's self-identity. In the realm of social and environmental issues, this correlates

to a scenario in which a positive attitude toward a cause leads to a positive behavior with

respect to that cause.

A shortcoming of most research of environmental concerns is that the

conceptualization and measurement are too broad. Many previous studies cover both a

wide range of psychological reactions and a wide range of behaviors within the same

construct (Bagozzi & Dabholkar 1994). By mixing the many psychological reactions with

the many behaviors, the construct makes it difficult to predict specific behaviors beyond










tautological interpretations (Van Liere & Dunlap 1981). Ajzen and Fishbein (1980)

suggested that there is reason to expect that "attitudes toward a target may be unrelated to

a person's beliefs about the consequences of performing a specific action toward that

target" (p. 88). For example, a person may hold pro-environmental opinions, but in no

way be inclined to participate in household recycling activities. The particular individual

may not perceive his or her behavior as negatively impacting the environment.

A promising line of inquiry examines the behavioral and attitudinal causes of

recycling. Those using expectancy-value models (such as the Theory of Reasoned Action

or Theory of Planned Behavior) largely subscribe to a rational actor idea. In these

models, the individual weighs the costs and benefits of the outcomes of his or her

behavior and acts accordingly. Although it was found that economic sensibility is one of

two basic attitudes leading to sorting of recyclables (Israel 1991), it was not so much the

economic motives but the idealistic motives (protecting the environment) that stimulated

people to participate. De Young (1986) reported a close association between derived

satisfaction and intrinsic motivation. These motives allow for the inclusion of ethical and

altruistic positions, in which the individual might not be the beneficiary of the action.

Ultimately, both positions are results of the abstract goals and values origins of the

behavior.

While personal values define individual goals, goal-directed behavior is

considered the substance for both rationality and altruism (Pierce 1979). Essentially both

the economic and the socio-psychological models of man emphasize two basic cognitive

components: values and beliefs (Shapiro 1969). Values are responsible for the selection

and maintenance of the ends or goals toward which human beings strive. Beliefs are










proscriptive convictions upon which humans act by preference (Allport 1961) creating an

intervening variable for behavior. Values in turn regulate the methods and manner in

which this striving takes place (Vinson et al. 1977).

There is debate about the degree to which value systems at the societal level

directly drive society-environment interactions. A growing body of literature on the

distribution of risk within and between nations treats decisions about technological risk as

revealing societal value preferences (Beck 1992; Salmon 1989). Some nations (Germany,

Great Britain, and the U.S.) are willing to accept the risk connected to advancing

technology, such as nuclear energy generation, while others (Denmark, Sweden) are more

concerned about the risk element and approach progress more carefully.

Public information campaigns take the form of social interventions that have been

prompted by the determination that some situation represents a social problem meriting

social action. These campaigns are logically seen as a value-laden activity, where people

bring their own moral judgments to an activity (e.g., anti-yard burning campaigns). Not

all persons will agree upon the ends pursued (stop yardburning) and the means used to

achieve these ends. At the center of this conflict is the fundamental tension between

social control and individual freedom (Salmon 1989). As such, social marketing or

communications efforts necessarily compromise certain values and interests, in order to

promote values and interests deemed more socially, economically or morally compelling

by the sponsoring organization of the change effort. As a result, individuals holding

opposing values will be reluctant to comply with the message content.

Previous research on the values origins of general environmental concerns and

specific environmental behavior, such as recycling, identified three "ethics"










corresponding to three classes of valued objects. These are: the homocentric (or socio-

altruistic) which focuses on other people; the ecocentric (or biospheric) which focuses on

nonhuman objects; and the egocentric (or egoistic) which focuses on the self (Stern et al.

1993; Merchant 1992). The first two have often been combined in subsequent research

(Stern & Dietz 1994) to form a general altruistic ethic toward human and nonhuman

entities. Schwartz (1992) eventually added a traditional orientation as a fourth "ethic,"

implying a behavior using internalized societal norms (such as local customs).

A communication study that examines the origins of recycling beliefs and

intentions will provide implications for public policy, marketing communications, and

future public service or advocacy campaigns that aim to affect behavioral change. By

providing additional information through extensions of the studies of Ajzen and Fishbein

(1980) and Bagozzi and Dabholkar (1994), we hope to further clarify the role of values in

citizens' attitudes and behaviors toward recycling. Values, as enduring beliefs in the

preference of a specific mode of conduct (Rokeach 1973), form the foundation for human

attitudes and perceptions of the world. Communicators need to understand the nature and

range of values (and how different value orientations affect both attitudes and consequent

behaviors), if they want to predict outcomes of policy decisions. Social marketers and

advocacy communicators must learn how to craft more successful advertising messages

for issues and causes of local, national and global concerns.


Scope and Limitations

Any sampling choice has the potential not to be representative of an entire area

population, let alone the population of the entire country. The current study should be

seen as offering a theoretical relationship between values differences and their potential










impact on behavior in a narrow geographic area. Although any limited survey will never

elucidate the tendencies of an entire population, it can point to other relevant avenues for

future research.

While the current study postulates an extension to an existing model of human

behavior regarding recycling, it also naturally excludes additional variables that may

moderate or explain recycling behavior, such as personal effort or the influence of

persuasive cues. While researchers do not always agree on the exact impact of a given

variable on recycling behavior, values do indeed have an effect, either by reinforcing

existing beliefs and attitudes or by obstructing or counteracting situational attitudes and

norms.

Finally, issues of measurement reliabilities in the model construction need to be

addressed. While it is hoped that proper pre-testing and variable definition will largely

eliminate confusion and misunderstanding, the potential of misunderstanding in defining

and measuring a rather amorphous and seemingly intuitive construct such as a value does

exist. Since people might not apply much cognitive effort to summon a personal value

(unlike the attitude toward an object or behavior), it is the researcher's responsibility to

minimize confounding influences.














CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

This review consists of four main sections:

* A brief overview of social issues and environmental issues communication theory
with an emphasis of waste recycling literature.

* A discussion of the Theory of Reasoned Action and review of selected empirical
studies in which this theory was used as a framework for recycling.

* A discussion of the Theory of Planned Behavior and review of selected empirical
studies in which this theory was used as a framework for recycling.

* A review of values research, its use as a framework in recycling studies, and the de-
velopment of the final model to be used in the current study.


Social Marketing

Social issues are ideas that are of interest to many individuals within a society

(Fine 1981). They differ from commercial ideas (for tangibles or services) as they are not

only motivated by self-serving goals, but by a desire to help others. Most social issues

benefit other people more than the individual acting on a social message, while he or she

carries most of the burden or cost. For instance, avoiding littering to preserve nature's

pristine beauty when one has to carry the wrapping paper of a hamburger for hours be-

cause there are no receptacles around is generally considered a huge cost by most people,

while the benefit to the self does not seem evident.

The adoption of new social ideas is closely related to the formation of values, atti-

tudes, beliefs, interests, and opinions about issues. A belief (as well as the related con-

cepts) can be regarded as a mental acceptance of the validity of an idea. The totality of all










beliefs the belief system determines the position one takes on an issue, which often

prompts participation in social action (Fine 1981).

At first glance the adoption process for social ideas does not seem to be too dif-

ferent from that for commercial goods. At the heart of all marketing lies a philosophy of

consumer orientation. Goods and services are described as the solution to a problem. The

aim of marketing efforts is to position this idea in a way that potential consumers of the

good accept this description and act accordingly. Social marketing, or the marketing and

promotion of social issues, distinguishes itself from commercial marketing by two key

components. First, the "product" of social marketing is often amorphous, a mere idea of

what ought to be, such as physical health, pollution control, social justice, gender and

race equality. This makes it fairly difficult to attach a price to the "product," not only for

the change agent, but also the consumer. This, in turn, has effects on promotion, which is

often in an interactive relationship with price. It also affects measurement of the social

price of an idea for cost/benefit purposes. Ideas of "breaking even" and "getting what you

paid for" do not seem to apply well.

Second, related to this is the idea of consumer response within the larger field of

consumer research. One difference lies in the nature of the forces motivating purchase (or

adoption) behavior. The perceived (and actual) consequences could be more far reaching,

more involving, than the effects of an ordinary purchase. Being a Ford Truck owner is a

less profound statement than being a Greenpeace activist. It would seem that adoption

behavior is based on more subtle and indirect motivation than acquisition behavior. In

committing oneself to follow a particular movement, one probably undergoes a good deal

of forethought. Impulse buying is not very prevalent (Fine 1981). In adopting an idea,










reinforcement through gratification either occurs as a delayed reward (weight reduction,

quitting smoking) or it accrues not to the individual, but to society as a whole (pollution,

equal employment).

It makes sense that social consumer behavior is well suited to be studied within

the broader discipline of consumer psychology. The argument is that conceptual frame-

works (such as perception, cultural values, attitudes, group influences, personality, learn-

ing, and information processing) form an important role in understanding a consumer's

opinion and reaction toward a social issue. Wasik (1996) argued that "the ultimate exten-

sion of marketing is the selling of values" (p. 59).

One area that fits squarely under the above-mentioned agenda is the relationship

of people toward their natural environment. A heightened research interest in this rela-

tionship is documented by a subfield of social issues communication (the area of envi-

ronmental, green, or eco-communication). The next segment introduces this discipline

and discusses the particular circumstances that surround environmental issues.


Environmental Research in the Social Sciences

Environment as a Social Construct

Social theorists, studying environmental risk perception, concentrate almost ex-

clusively on the social and economic spheres and have tended to neglect the cultural

arena (Beck 1995). The environment is more often associated with the natural than the

social sciences, explaining in part the silence of sociology on this issue. When it was ex-

amined, the relationships between society and nature were seen as distinct spheres gov-

erned by different temporal mechanisms.










Throughout the history of Western thought there have been competing models of

the relationship between humans and nature. Some have depicted nature as a state of

chaos. Thomas Hobbes (1651/1958) viewed the natural human condition before the emer-

gence of civilized society as brutish and short. By contrast, his contemporary John Locke

(1690/1960) thought that nature was a state of humanitarian bliss; "natural laws" must

form the basis of a just society. "Nature," or our relationship with the physical environ-

ment, is socially constructed. "Nature" is culturally and historically constructed since our

perceptions are inextricably bound up with particular models of society that are dominant

at any one period in time.

Recently anthropological studies have concentrated on how certain social prob-

lems come to be defined as risks. A study by Douglas & Wildavsky (1982) suggested that

our selection of risks is influenced by social values and the way in which different cul-

tures operate. Competing public perceptions of risk are equally biased because they re-

flect different cultural meaning systems. Alex Wilson (1992) in his seminal book entitled

'The Culture ofNature' explored some of the ways in which "nature" is culturally con-

structed in modern society. He argued that nature cannot be separated from culture since

it is mediated through major social institutions and the culture industry.

For the German social theorist Ulrich Beck (1992), risk, appearing in the natural

environment (e.g., nuclear reactor explosions, greenhouse effect, groundwater contamina-

tion by leaching landfills) has become a central anchor for conflict in modern industrial-

ized society. He argued that riches are tangible goods that are understandable. Production

is the result of methodological thinking and execution. In contrast, the perception of eco-

logical devastation and the consequences of industrial growth are difficult to grasp. This









perception can depend to a much lesser extent on methodological knowledge, measure-

ment procedures, rules of accountability and acknowledgement in science and law, and

on information policies of suspect operations and cooperating authorities.

Perception of devastation must break through the wall of denial that stems from

the fact that most ecological disasters elude pinpointed scientific measure, making it hard

for scientists to generate laws. There is no trend in sight that experts are getting organ-

ized. Neither can those who report isolated cases escape playing the role of a "deviant

expert." In the ecological conflict, individuals or small groups can act with considerable

effect. The politics of the ecological question involve universal themes. The conflict even

passes through people. While one's heart may beat "Green," one's mind and routine con-

tinue in old habits.

Unlike social issues, ecological ones often face human inactivity. While our own

experience supports action on the social question, the ecological issue is not merely ab-

stract. It virtually requires that we ignore our own senses. Although poverty can be made

to disappear statistically, it remains painfully present for those who endure it. On the

other hand, air pollution from cars or land pollution from littering resembles examples of

'prisoner's dilemma' theories (Van Vugt et al. 1995). Often the menace can only be per-

ceived in defiance of the semblance of normality (Beck 1995).

Only by using complicated measuring instruments can the nature and degree of

the threat be determined. Thus, threats replace individual organs of perception with gov-

ernmental, bureaucratic, and scientific "organs." The blindness of everyday life with re-

spect to the omnipresent, abstract, scientific threats is a relative and revisable process. It

depends on the socially available knowledge and how much society considers it worth-










while to pay attention to these events that "at first glance" appear to be nonexistent. Ways

of acting need to be rewarded that simply raise into view what was previously invisible.

Democracy can be protected from perishing in the thicket of risk expertocracy. Those

who would open people's eyes to the ecological issue and keep them open must redirect

and inspire society's knowledge and perception through education and training. Beck

(1995) argued:

"Only if nature is brought into people's everyday images, into the stories they tell,
can its beauty and its suffering be seen and focused on. Seeing is cultural seeing,
attention is narrated attention. Our culture, and therefore, we ourselves, see and
hear in symbols, in which what is invisible or forgotten stands out and lives figu-
ratively. This does not just happen; rather it is done, often against resistance.
Knowledge of cultural sensitivities is just as significant for this work as are cour-
age or objective knowledge" (p. 56).

The social and economic importance of knowledge grows similarly, and with it

the power over the media to structure knowledge (science and research) and disseminate

it (mass media).


Environment in the Media

Many risk communication studies are based on the underlying assumption that it

is possible to judge the quality of reporting through the use of objective measures. Al-

though we cannot totally dispense with the objective ideal, objectivity is not necessarily

the same thing as accuracy. For instance, with culture variously being defined as incorpo-

rating values and norms, ideology, subjective states, rituals and discourse, events dis-

cussed by the mass media often tune into deeply held cultural beliefs. Particular issues

that attract attention tend to be mediagenic and often possess a powerful symbolic reso-

nance.










The importance of culture in the local context drives the framing of public under-

standing of environmental issues. Lay audiences often draw on local knowledge in mak-

ing sense of those issues. Though the news media play a significant role in shaping atti-

tudes, audience research suggests that we may take on different subjectivities in interpret-

ing media texts. In other words, our reading of media texts is framed by our pre-existing

attitudes and social and cultural backgrounds (Allan et al. 2000).

Media reporting on environmental issues is often risk-led. Coverage is often based

on anxieties, concerning threats to health posed by major incidents, accidents, or disas-

ters. People's attitudes about risk are largely focused on specific risks rather than an out-

look on environmental issues in general. Where some risks are concerned, there are im-

portant divergences of perception between policy-makers, scientists and the public. The

environment, like other substantive areas of media reporting, is largely mediated through

the "expert" as the voice of authority, using quantitative measures as a basis for risk per-

ception. They often marginalize lay views (Bell 1994), which are more likely to be influ-

enced by qualitative assessments. Risk "experts" are often critical of the mass media, ar-

guing that risks tend to be distorted and the media are too reliant on pseudo-experts. Me-

dia practitioners tend to treat issues in a rather emotive way, exploiting the human inter-

est factor.

Stories lacking emotive quality (such as household waste recycling) are usually

not communicated, or communicated in a way that would shape attitudes in favor of the

subject. With lack of interest from the editorial side, it seems to be the commercial com-

munication field that aims to reach and form ecological awareness.










Environment and the Consumer

Although concerns about environmental issues have objective roots, they are

shaped by the promotional activities of issue sponsors and culture representation (includ-

ing advertising, photography and art). A change in the perception of nature has led to a

growing recognition of the need to "manage" public opinion concerning the environment.

Since the mid 1980s significant energies have been channeled into the substantial risk-

management industry and corporate green advertising (Anderson 1997).

The reason for this activity was that many businesspeople believed that the 1990s

started an "environmental decade" (Fisher 1990). In fact, consumer interest in environ-

mentalism, a phenomenon labeled "green consumerism" by Ottman (1992), grew in the

marketplace, primarily fueled by an increasing awareness of issues due to increased me-

dia coverage of disasters, such as the Exxon Valdez spill and the Bhopal killings. A gen-

eration who grew up with environmental education had meanwhile reached working and

voting age. It seems that the public had begun to realize that their consumption activities

contributed to environmental problems. "As a consequence there appears to be a growing

desire to protect the environment as evidenced by a seeming willingness of consumers to

avoid products that they believe contribute to environmental degradation" (Carlson et al.

1995).

The end result of "green advertising" can be understood as an attempt to engineer

change in society. A media or information campaign takes the form of social intervention

prompted by the determination that some situation represents a social problem meriting

social action. This campaigning effort is logically seen as a value-laden activity, as not all

persons will agree on the ends pursued and the means used to achieve these ends. At the










center of this conflict is the fundamental tension between social control and individual

freedom (Salmon 1989). As such, social marketing or communications efforts necessarily

compromise certain values and interests, in order to promote values and interests deemed

more socially, economically or morally compelling by the organization sponsoring the

change effort.

Depending on the context, this social situation can take the form of some individ-

ual or group, a change agent or agency, making such determinations. As a case in point,

some individuals might engage in behaviors which bring them pleasure or facilitate their

lives, but which also have a level of risk associated with them that a change agent consid-

ers too high. In general, any phenomenon that happens in and to the environment has

usually major consequences for humans (greenhouse effect, ozone layer, erosions,

groundwater contamination, and air pollution to name a few).

Both J. Walter Thompson (1990)'and The Roper Organization (1990) have con-

ducted large-scale surveys in the United States. The findings empirically supported the

success of campaigns in identifying relatively large and emerging consumer segments

with a definite lifestyle and propensity to "buy green" (Fuller and Allen 1995). The rea-

son for why "green consumerism" became one of the most accepted areas among all en-

vironmental issues seems to be found in the fact that it resembles most the marketing sce-

narios of commercial marketing. It is important to point out, though, that the bulk of

environmental marketing and social marketing in general has to deal with challenges

that are qualitatively different and unique to its field. Those comprise characteristics,

such as lacking demand (enticing positive behavior toward a service for which the target

audience sees no need), obscure benefits (encouragement of a behavior that leads to the










absence of a negative outcome), or third party benefits (payoff of a behavior goes to a

third party or society in general) (Andresen 1995; Kotler and Andresen 1991).

A case in point is the effort of local communities to deal with the reduction of

household trash, officially called municipal solid waste (MSW). As more landfills are

filled to their capacity, various municipalities in the U.S. have engaged in serious efforts

to promote waste avoidance in the form of reducing, reusing, or recycling waste. The ac-

ceptance rate to cooperate is different for cities and states. Household waste recycling

constitutes an example of the third-party benefit characteristic.


Environmental Research

As early as the 1970s, marketing efforts have attempted to identify the ecological

oriented consumer. A flurry of research was conducted to profile population segments

that showed environmental concern (Anderson and Cunningham 1972; Balderjahn 1988;

Kassarjian 1971). Throughout the 1980s other academic areas began concentrating on the

ecologically-conscious public as well, such as sociology (Van Liere and Dunlap 1981),

education (Hines, Hungerford and Tomera 1987), and psychology (Arbuthnot 1977).

Similar to marketing studies, these research projects concentrated for the most part on

descriptive information, such as demographics, with some focusing on personality and

psychological factors, such as alienation, attitude toward pollution and knowledge of en-

vironmental issues (Polonsky et al. 1995).

Overall, the relationships of demographic and socioeconomic variables with eco-

logical concern did sometimes result in inconsistent or contradictory findings with re-

spect to the direction of the assumed relationship. On the other hand, constructs such as

personality measures, dogmatism, and attitude studies showed some promise (Kinnear,










Taylor and Ahmed 1974). The idea behind these constructs was that each citizen has a

duty to the community and future generations in an environmentally responsible manner.

Schudson (1991) in his framework analyzed the consumption culture. His findings not

only echoed the psycho/social indicators, but also added the construct of social norms or

pressures as a guide for environmental behavior.

Unfortunately, much of the past behavioral science research has studied general

environmental concern rather than more restricted topics (Oskamp et al. 1991). After re-

viewing 23 articles that investigated factors relating to environmental concern, Van Liere

and Dunlap (1980) recommended that environmental concern should be studied in terms

of more specific environmental issues. Research should investigate people's beliefs and

attitudes of those issues concerning trade-offs to other valued goals. Dunlap and Van

Liere (1984) found, for instance, that traditional American values (e.g., support for eco-

nomic growth) were detrimental to maintaining a strong proenvironmental stance.

Recycling is used in this project as it is a good example for an action that typically

offers little direct benefit to the individual, but that often involves substantial personal

cost with respect to time and effort (Smith et al. 1994). Next, the attention is turned to the

specific environmental issue of recycling.


Definition of the Recycling Term and Current Situation

Municipal waste recycling, or post-consumer recycling, is a term applying to the

recycling of waste materials generated by personal consumption activity as opposed to

those generated directly by industrial processes (Fuller and Allen 1995). Recycling is de-

fined as "the extraction and reuse of useful substances found in waste" (American Heri-

tage Dictionary 1985). This definition implies a circular flow of product disposition, as










opposed to the traditional linear one, to reintegrate materials in the market (Fuller and

Allen 1995).

Of the twenty most industrially advanced democracies in the world, the U.S.

ranks fifteenth in paper recycling and nineteenth in glass recycling. According to the

Congressional Research Service, "Other countries use less packaging than the U.S., recy-

cle more of it, and are considering recycling policy measure stronger than measures gen-

erally being considered in America." Despite the fact that on a per capital basis, as well as

in absolute amounts, the U.S. is the largest generator of waste of any nation on earth, the

U.S. is least engaged in any of the above-mentioned activities (Hershkowitz 1998).

Using recycled materials helps avoid the air and water pollution typically caused

by manufacturing plants that solely rely on unprocessed virgin raw materials. Recycling

materials reduces the need to process and refine the raw materials for paper, plastics,

glass, and metals. Recycling lessens the toxic air emissions, effluents, and solid wastes

that these manufacturing processes create. Moreover, timber harvests, for instance, would

have to increase 80% over current levels without recycled fibers (Hershkowitz 1998), an

example of its influence on virgin resources and the entire 'ecoscape'. Recycling also im-

pacts energy production by saving more of it relative to the incineration of wastes for en-

ergy recovery. Aside from these indirect effects, recycling has direct positive effects re-

lated to health and ecological risks associated with human household and industrial

waste.

Landfills generate hazardous and uncontrolled air emissions and threaten surface

and groundwater supplies. They have contaminated aquifer drinking water supplies, wet-

lands, and streams throughout the U.S. The list of toxic and hazardous chemicals emitted










as gas or leaking as liquid from thousands of landfills defines a waste management option

with wide-ranging pollution impacts.

As Americans learned of these serious environmental problems posed by the dis-

posal of certain materials batteries, yard wastes, tires, etc. into landfills, recycling be-

gan to proliferate. The management of garbage became more complicated. As entrepre-

neurs and environmentalists demanded that valuable, useful, or dangerous materials in

the waste stream be separated for reprocessing or marketing, the logic of municipal waste

collection shifted in many communities. Operating budgets and administrative procedures

relating to sanitation programs were modified.

The media began to turn more proactive as well. What has previously been la-

beled a "non-event" had evolved into something that could be captured with pictures and

personal stories, showing the risk affiliated with anti-recycling behavior. As a result recy-

cling stories and stories of risks due to unchecked waste dumping became more numer-

ous. Since recycling is part of a larger web of interwoven economical, political, legal, and

cultural issues, the rate of recycling differs from state to state and community to commu-

nity within a state.

The execution of the recycling task has normally been placed in the jurisdiction of

a local municipality. In a response to escalating waste problems many states and munici-

palities have issued legislation that typically includes mandated curbside collection pro-

grams of recyclable goods. However, these mandates effectively removed the voluntary

cooperation aspect of recycling for those communities.










Recycling in Florida

In Florida, curbside recycling activities are voluntary. The state of Florida is actu-

ally a leading state on recycling. It is currently tied for third place with Tennessee and

Wisconsin, after Minnesota and New Jersey respectively, in the percentage of municipal

waste that gets recycled (EPA Data 1999). Florida's 67 counties show differing rates of

accomplishing the average statewide recycling goal of between 35 and 40% of all waste.

While more rural areas with low populations and infrastructure (Dixie County, Indian

River County) tend to be the low recycling candidates, and urban centers (Miami-Dade

County, Duval County) the leaders, there are surprising differences from that norm. The

top recycler in the state is Lee County (Ft. Myers), while the Tampa-St. Petersburg metro

area (Hillsborough and Pinellas Counties) as well as the capital city of Tallahassee (Leon

County) rank in the lower midfield, despite equal ordinances by the respective state de-

partment (Department of Environmental Protection 2001).

It is the local municipality's responsibility to provide special bins at no cost to the

household, which would then put those bins out alongside the regular garbage receptacles

on collection day. There is some evidence that this approach has met with consumer ac-

ceptance. Sixty to eighty percent of the eligible households (usually single unit homes) in

communities such as Jacksonville, Fort Myers, Daytona, and Gainesville participate in

the program. Computed over the entire community's population, this roughly translates

into the targeted acceptance rate of 30 to 40% (Department of Environmental Protection,

2001). These statistical averages cannot accurately reflect and demonstrate a unified re-

cycling participation rate within even the high-scoring communities. It constitutes, among










others, a reason for why communities and companies are still searching for better ap-

proaches to change recycling behavior.

Waste haulers, the companies hired by a local municipality to pick up household

waste, have been in a unique position to become functionaries in these channels, as a re-

sult of this acceptance rate. For example, in North and Central Florida, Waste Manage-

ment Inc., a major solid waste hauler, has formed a subsidiary, Recycle America, to im-

plement curbside collection contracts with local municipalities. "The process involves the

use of specialized, compartmentalized collection vehicles and also the operation of a cen-

tralized municipal reclamation facility (MRF), which is sponsored by a consortium of

local governments. The MRF is the central receiving facility, at which sorting, packaging

(baling, densification, etc.), and marketing activities take place. Since the geographic

coverage of waste-hauler contracts is often extensive, these systems can generate signifi-

cant steady volumes of materials over time" (Fuller and Allen 1995).


Recycling Research

Waste management issues have become a key concern of the government, the pri-

vate sector, and the general public (Taylor and Todd 1995). People appear sensitive to

environmental issues, and many seem to hold positive attitudes toward environmental

programs. Despite these positive attitudes, participation in different voluntary waste man-

agement programs varies widely (McCarthy and Shrum 1994). Notwithstanding a grow-

ing literature on the behavioral research on recycling (Ebreo 1999; Shrum et al. 1995;

Stern and Oskamp 1987), little is known about the factors that influence individual waste

management behavior, or how beliefs and attitudes relate to behavior. According to

Shrum, Lowrey and McCarthy (1994), most studies examine only a small number of










variables and create models that lack integrative power. In an attempt to build more theo-

retically integrated models to understand the relationship between beliefs, attitudes, and

behavior, more personality and values variables have been used recently (Guttierez 1996;

Park et al. 1998; Thogersen 1986;).

"Unfortunately, personality variables (e.g., altruism) are seldom actionable from a

public perspective. More direct measures of recycling concern and recycling knowledge

seem to be more salient means of segmentation and may result in improved marketing

strategies. In addition, much of the existing research has operationalized ecological con-

cern in terms of attitudinal responses about environmentally sound activity, e.g., the use

of recycling centers. However, since progress toward solving environmental problems is

likely to be dependent on pro-environmental behaviors more so than ecological con-

sciousness (Van Liere and Dunlap 1981), researchers should focus on consumers' actions

with respect to the environment [here: recycling] rather than simply their attitudes [here:

clean, safe environments]. Recent investigations have used multiple measures of ecologi-

cal concern that include some behavioral component. Unfortunately, these behavioral

measures often tap consumers' purchase activities to the exclusion of other forms of

ecologically sound behavior (e.g., conservation activities)" (Polonsky et al. 1995). The

recycling discussion in the industry has focused on the biodegradability and bio-safety of

the organic product or packaging in stores rather than the recycling activity itself

Most recycling models have analyzed the cognitive (attitudinal) antecedents or

dispositions believed to guide the behavior (Hopper and Nielsen 1991; Kok and Siero

2985; Vining and Ebreo 1992). The most popular model in attitude research on recycling

behavior has been the Theory of Reasoned Action (Thogersen 1996).











Theory of Reasoned Action

Definition

Throughout the history of social psychology the concept of attitude has played a

major role in explaining human action, viewing attitudes as behavioral disposition (Ajzen

and Fishbein 1980). Since the early 1900s a number of theories have been developed to

provide a framework for the attitude-behavior relationship that would provide explana-

tory and predictive information.

Despite concerns by some, e.g., Allport (1935), early studies seemed to confirm

the validity of unidimensional effects of attitudes on behavior. Findings, such as the one

by LaPiere (1934), raised doubts about this assumption. With the accumulation of nega-

tive results, alternative influences on behavior and explanations for the failure of attitude

as a predictor were needed. "By the late 1950s, a multicomponent view was adopted and

attitudes were viewed as a complex system comprising the person's beliefs about an ob-

ject, his feelings toward the object, and his action tendencies with respect to the object"

(Ajzen and Fishbein 1980).

One such theory, the theory of reasoned action (Fishbein 1967; Fishbein and

Ajzen 1975), suggested that a person's behavior is determined by his intentions to behave

in a specific way. His intention is, in turn, influenced by the person's attitude toward the

behavior and the perception of social pressures imposed to perform the behavior (Ajzen

and Fishbein 1980) (Figure 2-1)

Behavioral intention represents an individual's motivation to attempt to engage in

a certain behavior. The stronger a person's intention to perform the behavior, the greater

is the likelihood that it will happen. For instance, if the resident of a given city states that










he/she is extremely likely that he/she will recycle glass bottles, then it is conceivable that

he/she will ask for recycling bins and dispose of all empty glass bottles separate from the

other household waste.

The attitude toward performing the behavior is on average measured with a sim-

ple method of the semantic differential. Attitudes toward a concept in the model are re-

garded as the person's feelings of favorableness or infavorableness for that concept. The

perception of social pressures, also known as subjective norms, deals with the influence

of the social environment on intentions and behavior. It refers to and asks for a person's

perception that important others (known as referents) think that the person should or

should not perform the behavior in question (Fishbein and Stasson 1990).

Attitudes toward the behavior are determined themselves by behavioral beliefs

and evaluations of consequences, emanating from those beliefs (Figure 2-1). It is impor-

tant to note that within this model the object of the belief is the behavior of interest and

the associated attribute is a consequence of the behavior. The interest is not in a person's

beliefs about, say, the "church", but rather in the person's beliefs about "attending church

this Sunday". According to Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) these are the only attitudes that are

directly relevant for predicting and understanding human behavior. As defined by Ajzen

and Fishbein (1980),

"Attitudes are based on the total set of a person's salient beliefs. People usually
believe that performing a given behavior will lead to both positive and negative
consequences; their attitudes toward the behavior correspond to the favorability or
unfavorability of the total set of consequences, each weighted by the strength of
the person's beliefs that performing the behavior will lead to each of the conse-
quences" (p. 67).

Subjective norms are also a function of a person's beliefs, but in this case they are

not behavioral, but normative beliefs. They are measured by multiplying a person's belief










that specific referents think he/she should (or should not) perform the behavior with the

person's general motivation to comply with each referent (Figure 2-1).


Behavioral
Beliefs



Motivation to Normde

Outcomply





Figure 2-v1. Path model for the Theoy of Reasoned Action


Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) do not deny that other variables, such as age, educa-
tion, or personality traits, may be related to behavior. Unlike other behavavioral Behavior
they argue that "external variables will be related to behavior only if they are related to









one or more of the variables specified by our theory" (p. 82). The fields of social issues
and altruism, for instance, are areas, where personal traits are frequently used. Azen and










Fishbein argue that discussed personality traits are too generic to relate them to a specific
Beliefs
Subjective
Motivation to Nor
Comply









behavFigure 2-1. Personalty traits (or valuthe Theory of Reasons) are usually viewed as a predisposition
Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) do not deny that other variables, such as age, educa-







tion, or personality traits, may be related to behaviors (eg., aggressiveness, caringlike other behaviors), but not any specific
they argue that "external variables will be related to behavior only if they are related to

one or more of the variables specified by our theory" (p. 82). The fields of social issues

and altruism, for instance, are areas, where personal traits are frequently used. Ajzen and

Fishbein argue that discussed personality traits are too generic to relate them to a specific

behavior. Personality traits (or value orientations) are usually viewed as a predisposition

toward a class of behaviors (e.g., aggressiveness, caring behaviors), but not any specific

action. While someone might, for example, be generally pro-environmentally predis-

posed, that same individual might still not recycle. However, Ajzen and Fishbein do grant

the question about the origins of behavioral beliefs (1980, see p. 90).










Application in Recycling Research

The Theory of Reasoned Action has been used successfully in the past 20 years in

a variety of behavioral outcome or intention research, both in naturalistic and experimen-

tal settings. A number of studies have examined the predictive power of the model to ex-

plain particular behaviors, as well as tested correlations between the variables in the

model. The theory was, for instance, used to explain reenlisting in the military (Shtiler-

man 1982), voting behavior (Fishbein, Jaccard, Davidson, Ajzen and Cohen 1980), hav-

ing an abortion (Smetana and Adler 1980) and breast-feeding vs. bottle-feeding of babies

(Manstead et al. 1983).

Within the realm of recycling behavior the theory of reasoned action has been

used to explain the influence of education on recycling intentions of students (Goldehar

1991), the differences in recycling behaviors between ethnic subgroups (Gamba 2000),

and the relationship of self-perceptions on recycling behavior (Park, Levine and Sharkey

1998). Two of these studies have applied the Theory of Reasoned Action with success to

explain recycling behavior, the third (Gamba 2000) found less support for the theory.

Goldenhar (1991) conducted two studies testing the influence factors on recycling

of college students, specifically those that live in on-campus dormitories. In the first

study, she tested in a decision-making model, how well the theory explains recycling be-

havior. In the second study she incorporated two types of interventions (educational and

feedback), which were developed to modify recycling attitudes, beliefs, and behavioral

intentions, in order to enhance recycling behavior. A questionnaire comprising the con-

cepts of the Theory of Reasoned Action was administered to 4,682 first-year students at

The University of Michigan. Baseline data were gathered from 3,706 out of 4,682 stu-










dents (80% response rate). Of those 3,706 students, 1,604 students also completed the

follow-up questionnaire (34% response rate overall). For her second study she used a

quasi-experimental design over eight residence halls to match them on size and randomly

assign them to one of four intervention conditions (two halls per group): (1) recycling

education, (2) feedback about recycling behavior, (3) education plus feedback, or (4) con-

trol. The intervention period lasted 5 months. Path analysis, used in the first study, indi-

cated that the Theory of Reasoned Action was useful in explaining self-reported recycling

behavior. The respondents' rated importance of recycling compared to other social issues

mediated the relationship between attitudes, beliefs, and behavioral intentions. Utilizing

multiple comparisons in the analysis of the second study, her results showed that there

were no significant group differences in terms of the students' attitudes, beliefs, rated im-

portance, recycling knowledge, or behavioral intentions. Students receiving monthly

feedback pertaining to the amount of material recycled in their residence, however, re-

ported participating in recycling to a greater degree than those receiving only the educa-

tional intervention or nothing at all.

Park, Levine, and Sharkey (1998) examined behavioral intentions to recycle

among students in Hawaii, using the Theory of Reasoned Action as a framework. Based

on prior findings that attitude toward the behavior is a better determinant of intentions to

recycle than subjective norms, they speculated that an individual's self-image (called

self-construals in the study) will have an influence on the weight of attitudinal and nor-

mative influence on intentions to recycle. Accepting the original theory, the interest of

Park, Levine, and Sharkey lies not so much in the relation between attitude toward the

behavior and subjective norm, but in the relative weight of each component in the theory.










Based on results from previous studies that found gender differences for condom

use (Greene, Hale, and Rubin 1997) and cultural differences between countries for prod-

uct purchase influences (Lee and Green 1991), Park et al. hypothesized that one's self-

perception in relation to others influences the attitude and norm variables of the Theory

of Reasoned Action. Data were gathered from 201 undergraduate students enrolled in up-

per division classes at the University of Hawaii with a diverse ethnic makeup (25% Japa-

nese, 18% Chinese, 14% Caucasian, 13% Filipino, 7% Hawaiian, 2% Hispanic, 2% Afri-

can-American, 19% other) to determine if the different culturally imposed self-images

have indeed an influence on recycling intentions.

While the researchers found that their test of the Theory of Reasoned Action sup-

ported the original predictions of the theory, the data were not consistent with the hy-

potheses raised involving self-construals. Instead, self-construals had direct effects on the

attitudes toward behavior and subjective norm measures. In other words, even though

self-construals affected attitude toward behavior and subjective norm, they did not influ-

ence either the relation between the two components or the relative weight of the two

components in predicting behavioral intention. Systematic effects on subjective norm,

however, revealed an effect of self-construals. The more interdependent one's self-

construal was that is, the more one aligns one's self-image with expectations and values

of others (a concept closely related to the "locus of control" idea) the higher the scores

were on subjective norm. Park et al. (1998) found that "these higher scores were a func-

tion of higher scores on motivation to comply" (p. 203). Though the data were not consis-

tent with their original assumptions of an influence of self-construals on the relative

weight of the attitudinal and normative factors, the researchers drew an interesting con-










clusion. Since self-construals have an obvious direct influence on the motivation to com-

ply factor, it appears that individual with high interdependent selves are more susceptible

to messages targeting both attitudinal and normative components, as those individuals see

the positive social consequences of recycling as more likely. Individuals high in inde-

pendence would most likely be better targeted with messages, aiming at behavioral out-

comes alone (p.206).

In a study that analyzed how different ethnic groups in a city engage in household

recycling, Gamba (2000) used the Theory of Reasoned Action as a predictive model. He

specifically examined the similarities and differences between Latino, European-

American, Asian, and Filipino residents of San Francisco in their recycling attitudes,

norms, intentions, and observed behaviors. A mail survey was conducted and observa-

tions of curbside recycling were made (walk-along on collection day, ride-along with col-

lection trucks) in selected areas of San Francisco for eight weeks. Data were gathered for

1092 respondent households. Gamba found that recycling participation was relatively

high and no discernable differences were found among the cultural groups. Unlike the

previous studies, Gamba found less support for the Theory of Reasoned Action in his

study. His regression analysis revealed less explanatory power of attitudes and subjective

norms on intention to recycle (5% for subjective norm and 14% for attitude). He also

found little variance in observed recycling behavior explained by a respondent's inten-

tion, although the latter did predict self-reported recycling well. He asserted that the fact

that recycling participation among his sample was already high and a widespread practice

in this urban area, the assumed model showed less empirical support. He also observed

that the mailing of the questionnaire alone and the follow-up reminders produced a sub-










stantial observed increase in average weekly participation for all cultural groups over the

duration of the study. This demonstrates the effect of making beliefs more salient in peo-

ple's mind. In conclusion, he suggests that a program should emphasize an individual's

intentions to recycle and basic knowledge of the program, stress the ease of participating

and use simple reminders as possible intervention strategies to increase curbside recy-

cling (p. 158).

Overall, findings from the three studies suggest that there is a relationship be-

tween an individual's recycling attitudes, beliefs, and behavior. In addition, feedback and

educational intervention strategies, as well as self-images and values constructs appear

useful in explaining and enhancing recycling behavior.

Based on the empirical research by Goldenhar (1991), Park, Levine, and Starkey

(1998), and Gamba (2000), the following premises are suggested as a foundation for the

current study's hypotheses and research questions:

1) Intentions to recycle are on average a sufficient predictor for actual recycling behav-
ior, in case intention is measured on an aggregate level.

2) Attitudes and subjective norms about recycling are influenced by personal and cul-
tural constructs, such as self-perceptions and values.

3) Attitudes and subjective norms alone are necessary but not sufficient determinants of
recycling intentions.

Move toward the Theory of Planned Behavior

Definition

The Theory of Reasoned Action was developed explicitly to deal with purely voli-

tional behaviors (Ajzen 1988). Problems arise, when the theory is applied to behaviors

that are not entirely under a person's volitional control. A well-known case in point

would be the failed attempt of people to quit smoking, although they seriously intended










to do so. Failure to enact the behavior may occur either because of a change in intentions

or because performance of the behavior failed.

A number of researchers have focused on the question of volitional control (Ban-

dura 1977; Kuhl 1981). Perhaps the best known example is the concept of internal and

external locus of control (Rotter 1966). It refers to the belief that one's outcomes are ei-

ther under the control of one's own behavior (internal) or under the control of such fac-

tors as powerful others or chance (external) (Ajzen 1988). Bandura (1977) introduced the

concept of perceived self-efficacy. The concept refers to the subjective probability that

one is capable of executing a certain course of action. In a somewhat related analysis of

action control, Kuhl (1981) introduced the concept of state versus action orientation, a

concept close to willpower. Action-oriented people are assumed to focus their attention

on action alternatives and to make use of their abilities to control their performance. In

contrast, state-oriented individuals focus their attention on their thoughts (their present,

past, or future) rather than taking action consistent with their intentions (Ajzen 1985).

Closely related to self-efficacy beliefs is Ajzen's (1985) concept of perceived be-

havioral control, a variable that is defined as one's perception of how easy or difficult it

is to perform the behavior (Eagly and Chaiken 1993). Ajzen (1985) states,

"the success of an attempt to execute the behavioral plan depends not only on the
effort invested (the strength of the attempt), but also on the person's control over
other factors, such as requisite information, skills, and abilities, including posses-
sion of a workable plan, willpower, presence of mind, time, opportunity, and so
forth" (p. 36).

Ajzen proposed an extension of the Theory of Reasoned Action, the Theory of

Planned Behavior (Ajzen 1985; Ajzen and Madden 1986). The addition of the third ante-

cedent of intention is the degree of perceived behavioral control. As a general rule, the











greater the perceived behavioral control, the stronger is the intention to perform the be-

havior under consideration. For example, if a person wants to recycle and thinks he or she

has control over this behavior (recycling bins are readily available, there is no extra cost,

recyclables can be put out together with the regular waste), the person is more likely to

actually recycle (Figure 2-2).

In summary, the four directly measured variables are: (1) behavioral intention

(BI), (2) attitude toward the behavior (A), (3) subjective norm (SN), and (4) perceived

behavioral control (PBC). These variables form the following equation:

BI (A + SN + PBC) = wlA + w2SN + w3PBC

with wl, w2 and w3 representing the relative contributions (weights) of attitude, subjec-

tive norm, and perceived behavioral control, respectively, to the prediction of behavioral

intention (Ringer Lepre, 2000).


Beliefs Attitude

Outcome
Evalons Behavioral Behavior

Normative
Beliefs
Subjective
Motivation to Norm
Comply

Control
Beliefs Perceived
Behavioral
Control
Perceived
Facilitation


Figure 2-2. Path model for the Theory of Planned Behavior










The addition of the perceived behavioral control variable raises two interesting

questions regarding its meaning and value for the model. First, perceived behavioral con-

trol is added as an exogenous variable that has both a direct effect on behavior and an in-

direct effect on behavior through intention. According to the construction of the original

Theory of Reasoned Action, Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) argued that "the effects of exter-

nal variables are mediated by beliefs, and therefore, taking external variables into account

is not expected to improve prediction of intention (...) or behavior" (p. 91). Since the ad-

dition of the control variable does improve the prediction of intentions, it seems to open

the door for the addition of other "external" variables that could strengthen the model.

Second, Ajzen's claim of perceived behavioral control's synonymity with self-

efficacy as defined by Bandura (1977) has met with criticism (Fishbein and Stasson

1990). These studies assert that self-efficacy is a more internally based notion within an

individual. This contrasts with perceived behavioral control which includes an influence

by others or events. It should be plausible to allow for other internally-located factors

next to self-efficacy, such as willpower, interest, or ascription of responsibility, to flow

into the measure of perceived behavioral control. Finally, there seems to be some merit to

divide the perceived behavioral control variable into an external component (as defined

by Fishbein and Stasson (1990)), and an internal component (as defined by Bandura

(1977)). This would not influence the original theory substantially. Both of the other two

crucial variables- attitudes and norms are likewise comprised of two antecedent com-

ponents that form this variable.










More research seems needed at this point to clearly determine the appropriate

measure for use in the theory of planned behavior. There seems to be some value in

including measures of both external and internal control elements.

Based on the theoretical underpinnings of the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen

1985), the following premise can be introduced as a foundation for this study's research

questions:

4) With the addition of the perceived behavioral control element in the Theory of
Planned Behavior the predictive power of the original Theory of Reasoned Action
model is increased, allowing for cases in which the behavior (recycling) is not under
complete volitional control.

Application in Recycling Research

Similar to the Theory of Reasoned Action, the Theory of Planned Behavior has

been used in multiple studies to explain behavior. Ajzen and his colleagues (Ajzen and

Madden 1996; Schifter and Ajzen 1985) were among the first to empirically test the the-

ory. These studies dealt with weight loss and class attendance topics. In either case the

new variable of perceived behavioral control showed strong predictive power in explain-

ing intention to behave in a certain way. The overall predictive ability of the Theory of

Reasoned Action was substantially improved. As a result, the Theory of Planned Behav-

ior appeared to be an improvement over the Theory of Reasoned Action to explain inten-

tion and actual behavior.

In the area of recycling and green consumerism, two studies applied the Theory of

Planned Behavior to explain the antecedents of recycling and composting intentions

within an integrated waste management behavior model (Taylor and Todd 1995), and the

influence of self-identity on attitudes and intentions to engage in shopping for organic

products (Sparks and Shepherd 1992).










Sparks and Shepherd (1992) based their study on reports that a relationship exists

between self-identity concepts and behavioral intentions that is independent of the role of

attitudes toward the behavior or social norms. Since all these studies seemed to have been

discussed in reference to the Theory of Reasoned Action, Sparks and Shepherd hypothe-

sized that the concept of self-identity could be covered well by the added variable of per-

ceived behavioral control. In other words, an adequate operationalization of the compo-

nents of the Theory of Planned Behavior would result in no independent relationship be-

tween a measure of self-identity and a measure of behavioral intentions.

To test the hypothesis, 236 randomly sampled members of the general public in a

medium-sized town in England returned a mailed questionnaire. The questionnaire in-

cluded the standard variables of the Theory of Planned Behavior (salient beliefs, outcome

evaluations, attitudes, subjective norm, perceived control, and intentions) as well as

measures of identification with green consumerism and health-consciousness and a

"green concern" index. Contrary to their expectations, the analysis revealed a substantial

independent effect for self-identity, an effect that persisted when a measure of past con-

sumption was included in the equation. They tentatively concluded that psychological

identification (pro-environmental self-concept) reflects more than an inference from past

behavior and acts as more than an index of values concerning external consequences of

action (p. 394).

This, in turn, supports proposals that both the Theory of Reasoned Action and the

Theory of Planned Behavior need to take account of the role of self-identity in influenc-

ing behavioral intention. While both the Theory of Planned Behavior and the Theory of

Reasoned Action were successfully replicated, the above issue raises questions for mod-










els of attitudes based on "expected utility" because choices seem to be influenced by a

multitude of considerations. These would include the socially or culturally fashioned

symbolic meanings of those choices, such as the social identities that the choices might

help to confer (p. 397). Identity-related symbolic outcomes that are supported by different

choices would likely be of great importance to people and their particular social milieu

(Giddens 1991).

Within the concept of the Theory of Reasoned Action and Theory of Planned Be-

havior, attitudes are formulated on the basis of utilitarian outcomes. These outcomes are

the result of a cost/benefit analysis of the individual. A closer examination of how atti-

tudes relate to subjective expected utility underpinnings of the Theory of Reasoned Ac-

tion and Theory of Planned Behavior is needed. There may be evidence to either question

the usefulness of the measured attitudes, or add an antecedent dimension to the model

that can sufficiently explain the formation of those attitudes.

Taylor and Todd (1995) were concerned primarily with the critique that the recy-

cling behavior literature lacks an integrated theoretically based model to understand the

relationships between environmental beliefs, attitudes, and behavior (Hopper and Niel-

sen, 1991). Taylor and Todd created an integrative model, based on the Theory of

Planned Behavior, which also included perceived innovation characteristics (Rogers

1983), facilitating conditions (Triandis 1979), and self-efficacy (Bandura 1977) as key

determinants of recycling intentions and behavior. The latter two variables were posi-

tioned as direct antecedents to Ajzen's perceived behavioral control variable within the

model. The first variable is based on beliefs about the perceived characteristics of an in-

novation (Rogers 1983).










According to the innovation literature, three perceived characteristics of an inno-

vation have been found to influence adoption behavior: relative advantage, complexity,

and compatibility. Since relative advantage and complexity have been found to be impor-

tant predictors of attitude, Taylor and Todd expected those characteristics to influence

attitude formation in the context of the Theory of Planned Behavior. Compatibility, a

component of facilitating conditions (Triandis 1979), was estimated to influence per-

ceived behavioral control. In the altered design of the Theory of Planned Behavior model,

relative advantage refers to the degree an innovation provides benefits that supersede

those of its precursor (a concept consistent with the notion of perceived costs and bene-

fits). Complexity represents the degree to which an innovation is perceived to be difficult

to understand and use (p. 611). Among the new three control variables, forming the per-

ceived behavioral control structure, facilitating conditions relate to access to resources

necessary to perform the behavior. Self-efficacy correlates to the perceived ability to

carry out the behavior. Perceived compatibility is defined as the degree to which the in-

novation fits with the potential adopter's existing values, lifestyle, previous experiences,

and current needs (p. 612).

After pilot-testing the constructs, data were gathered through a survey over 761

respondents in a mid-sized city for both recycling and composting intentions. Both fit sta-

tistics and path analyses suggested that the integrative model explained the assumed func-

tioning of recycling intentions well. Taylor and Todd 1995) pointed out that intentions to

recycle were positively influenced by attitude and perceived behavioral control, but were

negatively influenced by subjective norm. The somewhat surprising result in regards to










the subjective norm was assumed to be due to the relative maturity of the recycling pro-

gram.

This argument was also raised by Gamba (2000) as a potential interpretation of

his inconclusive findings regarding the Theory of Reasoned Action effects on household

recycling. Normative influences were important determinants of subjective norm, ex-

plaining 75% of its variance (p. 620). Finally, efficacy and resource-facilitating condi-

tions were positively related to perceived behavioral control, though compatibility was

not. Taylor and Todd argue that although recycling does not seem to be perceived by

people as being compatible with their daily routines or lifestyles, it did not weaken the

control they felt over their behavior. It suggests that, given adequate knowledge, people

may be willing to overcome personal inconvenience to realize the more global benefits of

recycling (p. 620). Taylor and Todd maintain that while the original Theory of Planned

Behavior is a useful starting point, the integrated waste management model can provide a

better understanding of the complex relationships that influence waste management inten-

tions and subsequent behavior.

Based on these empirical research studies, applying the Theory of Planned Behav-

ior, the following premises are added as foundations for this study's hypotheses and re-

search questions:

5) The addition of perceived behavioral control in studies predicting recycling intentions
and behavior has shown to improve predictability of the Theory of Reasoned Action.

6) Attitude, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control all seem to provide
equally significant explanatory power for behavioral intentions and behavior.

7) A stricter separation of the perceived behavioral control variable into control beliefs
and perceived external facilitation conditions will strengthen this variable.










8) The inclusion of antecedents to the attitudinal, normative, and control beliefs in the
form of self-concepts or personal values has been found to improve predictive ability
of the entire model.

Personal Values and Recycling

Introduction

As the two empirical studies using the Theory of Planned Behavior have shown, a

growing number of researchers have begun to study the development of environmental

attitudes as well as underlying cultural or personal values systems, influencing recycling

behavior directly. Research streams emerged from the literature on norm activation the-

ory, perceived risk, self-concept effects, psycho-social variables, and the new environ-

mental paradigm (NEP). Each stream can be considered a relatively large autonomous

field of its own. Together they may be viewed as parts of a larger, more generalized

framework, which incorporated ideas about nature of values proposed by Schwartz

(1977, 1992) and Rokeach (1973, 1979). Schwartz's theories have been applied by Stem

(1987, 1992) within the context of environmental concern research (Young 1997). The

following discussion assesses values research and explains and defends its use in a modi-

fied model of the Theory of Planned Behavior within the current study. This will provide

a conceptual framework.


Values Research

Values and norms can predispose individuals to hold certain attitudes and react in

predictable ways toward environmental problems (Dunlap and Van Liere 1978; Stem,

Dietz and Kalof 1993). It seems that there are compelling theoretical reasons for assum-

ing that the study of a person's values is likely to be useful. The study will use the defini-

tion of Rokeach (1973), who stated:










A value is an enduring belief that a specific mode of conduct or end-state of exis-
tence is personally or socially preferable to an opposite or converse mode of con-
duct or end-state of existence. A value system is an enduring organization of be-
liefs concerning preferable modes of conduct or end-states of existence along a
continuum of relative importance (p. 5).

The key elements of this definition are comprised of the words "enduring", "be-

lief', and "end-state of existence". The endurance quality of a value stems from the fact

that a value is learned initially in isolation from other values in an absolute manner. One

can, to use the example of "honesty" as a value, not be just a little honest. At the same

time, one can also not be sometimes honest, and sometimes not. Honesty, as an example

for an end-state of existence, is always desirable over others. Although people learn

through experience and maturation to integrate values into a hierarchical system, the be-

havioral outcome in a specific scenario will be determined by the relative importance of a

specific value compared to others. For example, honesty as a value might be subordinated

to another value (say: freedom), if this value is seen as more important in the situation,

but it will never be compromised in its own right.

A value is also considered a prescriptive, or proscriptive, belief, or "a belief upon

which a man acts by preference" (Allport 1961). Values have cognitive, affective, and

behavioral components (Rokeach 1973). "It has a behavioral component in the sense that

it is an intervening variable that leads to action when activated" (Rokeach 1973, p.7).

The distinction of beliefs toward a mode of conduct versus end-states of existence

separates values into two kinds: instrumental values and terminal values. Since values

form a functionally interconnected system, once they are internalized, subsequent values

research (Kahle 1984; Schwartz 1992) has not maintained this strict separation.










Values researchers have concluded that values are multi-faceted standards. Values

help individuals to rationalize beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors that would otherwise be

personally or socially unacceptable so that one will end up with personal feelings of mo-

rality and competence, and in the end enhanced self-esteem.

An attitude refers to an organization of several beliefs around a specific object or

situation (Rokeach 1968). In contrast, a value refers to a single belief of a very specific

kind. Attitudes are focused on some specified object or situation, while values transcend

them. Since values are also considered standards, applying to all kinds of situations, they

are believed to occupy a more central position than attitudes within one's personality

makeup and cognitive system. Values are determinants of attitudes as well as behaviors.

Values also differ from social norms. A value refers to an end-state of existence

and transcends specific situations. In contrast, a social norm refers to only one mode of

behavior connected in a prescriptive fashion to a specific situation. For example, Navaho

Indians should refrain from having ceremonials at the time of an eclipse of the moon

(Kluckhohn 1951). This behavior is subject to sanctions from the Navaho society, and

only apply to the eclipse scenario. Second, a value is more personal and internal, whereas

a norm is consensual and external to the person (Rokeach 1973).

It can be assumed that values may have a rightful place as antecedents to beliefs,

attitudes, norms, and actions in a model, such as the Theory of Planned Behavior.


Schwartz Values Model

Schwartz (1970) proposed that people are aware and concerned with others' well-

being and consequently act out of a sense of moral obligation to help others. In other

words, they act altruistically. "These moral norms may be internalized wholly or par-










tially, or they may be perceived as expectations held by significant others" (Schwartz

1970, p. 130). Schwartz's term for a non-internalized norm is "social norm", which is de-

fined the same as in the Theory of Reasoned Action. His term for an internalized norm is

"personal norm". He referred to it as "internalized values" (Schwartz and Howard 1980).

People, who, e.g., hold a great concern for the environment, generally have a

great concern for others' welfare as well. If they are aware of adverse consequences to

others, as a result of their behavior, they behave in a pro-environmental fashion. They

will do so as well, if they ascribe a personal responsibility to themselves to act altruisti-

cally and reduce the negative consequences. Thus values influence behavior when they

are activated by situational concern (Karp 1996).

Schwartz (1992, 1994) extended his research on values, administering a global

survey with Likert-type questions that inquired on the importance of 56 value items as

"guiding principles" in respondents' lives. His new theory of values was predicated on

the Rokeach scale. He identified ten motivational goals (e.g., conformity, security, he-

donism), which were further collapsed into four identifiable clusters, representing the ex-

tremes of two basic conditions (Young 1997). This is illustrated in Figure 2-3.


Self-Transcendence 4 -Self-Enhancement
Openness
To Change
Self-direction Achievement




Conformity Power

Conservation


Figure 2-3. Schwartz values dimensions (with 4 exemplary motivational types)











The openness to change versus conservation dimension indicates the degree to

which individuals are motivated to independent action and willing to challenge them-

selves for both intellectual and emotional realization (Karp 1996).

[The dimension] arrays values in terms of the extent to which they motivate peo-
ple to follow their own intellectual and emotional interests in unpredictable and
uncertain directions versus to preserve the status quo and the certainty it provides
in relationships with close others, institutions, and traditions (Schwartz 1992, p.
43).

The second dimension contrasts values oriented toward the pursuit of self-interest

(self-enhancement) with values related to a concern for the welfare of others (self-

transcendence).

It arrays values in terms of the extent to which they motivate people to enhance
their own personal interests (even at the expense of others) versus the extent to
which they motivate people to transcend selfish concerns and promote the welfare
of others, close and distant, and of nature (Schwartz 1992, p. 43).

As traditionally understood, the concern for others in the environmental literature

usually refers to people. However, if the subject holds "ecological values", there is no

reason why the "other" could not be nonhuman (Thogersen 1996). Consequently, some

scholars include "biospheric altruism" behaviors judged with reference to ecological

values within the domain of morality (Ster, Dietz and Kalof 1993). Overall,

Schwartz's work on individual values will be used as a basis for the current study in re-

gards to environmental values, related to recycling.


Applications in Environmental/Recycling Research

The Theory of Reasoned Action and the Theory of Planned Behavior have be-

come the most popular analytical framework for recycling and more general proenviron-

mental research. Both are a variety of Subjective Expected Utility (SEU) models that as-










sume that action is motivated by a desire to maximize private utility (Thogersen 1996).

The general assumption for recycling research was that action is indeed either triggered

by selfish motives (gains, cost avoidance) or adherence to accepted social norms in the

society. Scholars, such as Thogersen (1996), have argued that recycling should be treated

as an instance of prosocial behavior, because of its benefits to society and the environ-

ment.

"In affluent industrial societies, environmental behaviors like recycling are typi-
cally classified within the domain of morality in people's minds. Attitudes regard-
ing this type of behavior are not based on thorough calculation, conscious or un-
conscious, of the balance of costs and benefits. Rather, they are a function of the
person's moral beliefs, that is, beliefs in what is the right or wrong thing to do"
(Thogersen 1996, p.537).

This alternative, theoretical approach that seeks to explain behavior with values

and morality has been applied in studies, testing Schwartz's altruism model (Guagnano,

Ster and Dietz 1995; Hopper and Nielsen 1991; Vining and Ebreo 1992), and more ad-

hoc based models (Derksen and Garttrell 1993; De Young 1986; Stem, Dietz and Kalof

1993). Two studies applied the concept ofproenvironmental values and personality traits

directly to explain proenvironmental behavioral intentions. Karp (1996) analyzed the in-

fluence of value orientations on the intention to protect the environment. Allen and Fer-

rand (1999) applied the influence of Geller's concept of "actively caring for the environ-

ment" (1995) to determine proenvironmental behavior.

Karp (1996) based his study on Schwartz's theory and measure of values (1992),

accepting the assumption that values play a role in specific situations when activated by a

set of altruistic concerns. The idea of an impact for specific situations was criticized by

attitude theory (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980). Subsequent studies (Ster and Dietz 1994)

have demonstrated that values are a good predictor of specific behaviors. The goal of










Karp's study was to clarify the role of values in predicting environmental behavior by

using a complete Schwartz Scale of Values to test the effect of values. Values are arrayed

along two dimensions, one spanning between self-enhancement and self-transcendence,

another spanning between openness to change and conservation. Within this 2x2 values

dimension matrix exist ten value categories, called motivational types by Schwartz.

Those include values, such as benevolence, security, power, and hedonism, among oth-

ers. Karp hypothesized that individuals, who hold self-transcendence and openness to

change values are the most likely to engage in proenvironmental behavior. Those that

combine self-transcendence with conservation values engage in proenvironmental behav-

ior, if based on a normative standard (rules).

Finally, those that hold self-enhancement values are less likely to act in a proenvi-

ronmental fashion. This behavior is only modified by the openness to change dimension.

Openness to change might lead self-enhancement individuals to engage in proenviron-

mental behaviors, if there is a link to self-interest, e.g., buying organic food for health

reasons (p. 116). In the study Karp conducted, he measured values along the Schwartz

(1992) Scale of Values (a 9-point scale, ranging from "opposed to my values" to "of su-

preme importance to me") and proenvironmental behavior on a self-reported scale of ac-

tivities (a 5-point scale, ranging from "never" to "always"). Through factor analysis the

behaviors were reduced to three categories, called "Good Citizen" (frequent proenviron-

mental behaviors), "Activist" (infrequent proenvironmental behavior), and "Healthy Con-

sumer" (targeted proenvironmental behavior).

The main finding of the study was that the effect of self-transcendence and open-

ness to change, as well as a biospheric motivation type, has a strong positive effect on all










three categories of environmental behavior. The other combinations of values dimen-

sions, however, were not fully supported by the findings, except for the extreme opposite

values combination to the above (self-enhancement and conservation), which showed a

negative effect on the composite behavioral category as well as the "Activist" category.

Overall, Karp found that an understanding of the relationship between values and

behavior increases the likelihood of determining what triggers people to engage voluntar-

ily in proenvironmental behaviors. This would help to engage in programs that promote

noncoercive solutions to problems rather than forcing a behavior to avoid a free-rider ef-

fect. Since the findings were no entirely conclusive, Karp suggests that in addition to us-

ing values alone, one should consider addressing rational considerations (perceived indi-

vidual efficacy, estimation of consequences) as well (p. 131). This suggestion does point

to the usefulness of a merging of two theory streams a theory based on rational choice,

such as the Theory of Planned Behavior, with a values-based theory, such as the

Schwartz model.

Related to the idea of perceived efficacy is the concept of actively caring, devel-

oped by Geller (1995). The actively caring perspective is analogous to the concept of

self-transcendence (Maslow 1971; Schwartz 1992). Actively caring explains behaviors,

executed to benefit others, make others feel better, or influence other's behavior in a de-

sired direction (Geller 1995). Geller developed a model of actively caring, a form of al-

truistic motivation that primarily looked at the psychological internal determinants of an

"actively caring" attitude. Geller's actively caring variable mediates the relationship be-

tween environmentally responsible behaviors and personality factors related to self-

affirmation (self-esteem, belonging, self-efficacy, optimism, and personal control).










Allen and Ferrand (1999) tested this hypothesis empirically in a study on 121 stu-

dents in New York. Although Geller's model is related to Schwartz's norm activation

model of altruism (1977), it contains specific precursors lacking in the Schwartz model.

In addition, unlike the Schwartz model, which includes an adherence to a social norm,

Geller's notion of caring is directly arrived from an internal feeling of sympathy and per-

sonal psychological makeup. Hence, data testing Schwartz's model would be inconsistent

with Geller's hypothesis (Allen and Ferrand 1999, p.341). The purpose was to directly

test Geller's model.

Allen and Ferrand (1999) asked 121 undergraduate students at a liberal-arts col-

lege in New York to fill out a lengthy questionnaire that assessed self-esteem, feelings of

belonging, sense of personal control regarding environmental problems, sympathy for

others, and the extent to which they engaged in a variety of environmentally friendly be-

haviors. To measure the predictors, existing scales were used, whenever possible, from

previous research. Personal control was measured with the Environmental Action Internal

Control Index (Smith-Sebastano 1992). Self-esteem was measured using the Texas Social

Behavior Inventory (Helmreich, Stapp and Ervin 1974). Belonging was measured using

the Social Connectedness Scale from Lee and Robbins (1995). Since Geller had not iden-

tified a specific measure of actively caring, the researchers chose Davis' (1983) measure

of sympathy.

Path analyses were conducted to test the mediational aspect of Geller's model

(p.344). Allen and Ferrand's findings suggest that sympathy is an important predictor of

environmentally responsible behavior. Sympathy is facilitated by feelings of personal

control, which supports Geller's notion that actively caring mediates the relation between










self-affirmation factors (e.g., personal control) and environmentally friendly behavior.

Unlike personal control though, self-esteem and belonging did not predict environmen-

tally friendly behavior well. The researchers speculated that their measure of personal

control was the one, most specifically related to environmental problem solving and con-

cern. People felt specifically empowered or self-affirmed in relation to environmental is-

sues. If it is the case that self-empowerment feelings unlike self-affirmation goals need to

precede dispositional factors to predict behavior, Geller's theory (1995) does not explain

actively caring properly and needs to be changed.

Similarly to Karp (1996), Allen and Ferrand caution as well to interpret their find-

ings in a way that suggests that environmentally friendly behavior is entirely a function of

sympathy and altruism. As Ster, Dietz and Kalof(1993) demonstrated in finding egois-

tic motives in addition to altruistic motives as antecedents of environment-protecting be-

havior, environmentally friendly behavior appears to be multiply determined.

Based on these empirical research studies, applying the concepts of values and

personality traits, the following premises are added as foundations for this study's hy-

potheses and research questions:

9) Value orientations seem to provide explanatory power for the origins of behavioral,
normative, and control beliefs.

10)A succinct value orientation scale, such as the one provided by Schwartz, delivers
adequate explanation for proenvironmental behaviors, such as recycling.

11) Perceived behavioral control is sufficiently explained by internal beliefs of empow-
erment (self-efficacy) and beliefs about the extent of control of external factors.

12) Values influence behavioral intention about recycling through their proximal relation-
ship with attitudes, norms, and control perceptions.










Inclusion of Values in the Theory of Planned Behavior

Ajzen's Theory of Planned Behavior (1985) specifies in a mathematical way the

relationship among beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors (Petty and Cacioppo 1981). The the-

ory is based on the assumption that "humans are rational animals that systematically use

or process the information available to them" and that "the information is used in a rea-

sonable way to arrive at a behavioral decision" (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980).

The assumption of rationality has a favored position in economics (Tversky and

Kahneman 2000) and related disciplines. A society that is influenced by scientific think-

ing usually holds up the "rational choice model" of decision making as an ideal to which

we should aspire (Miller 1999). In other words, when confronted with an environmental

problem (such as solid waste), it is argued that we should develop a comprehensive un-

derstanding of the problem, explore all possible alternatives, engage in logical decision-

making, and seek evaluative feedback on the consequences of our actions.

In practice, "rationality" can take many forms. Being rational simply means that

one takes orderly steps toward achieving a reasonable coherent goal, as irrational as it

might appear to a neutral observer. Rationality is simply a mental model composed of

two broad sets of ideas, what people believe and value (their ideology), and how they

seek to achieve their valued goals (their preferred mode of reasoning or conduct) (Miller

1999). While two different people may use different rationalities, they are similar in that

their behavior is embedded in a set of values. It follows that all problem-solving behavior

is subjective; it cannot be "objective" in the sense of being totally detached from personal

and cultural values (p. 12).










This study does not argue that Fishbein and Ajzen assume a positivistic rationality

in their theory, it appears questionable why personal values as part of the "other vari-

ables" should be entirely exogenous to the model and can only indirectly (through be-

liefs) affect behavior or behavioral intent (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980, p. 82). Deducing

from the above arguments, it is possible that values can have a direct influence on behav-

ior, as demonstrated in the results of the previously tested empirical studies. In general,

researchers should consider including values as an antecedent internal variable set to be-

liefs with stable theoretical relations to behavior.

Furthermore, the main argument against the inclusion of personality traits which

would include values into the model has been that a general measure of, e.g., altruism

will not correlate well with any specific single behavior (p. 89). Values and attitudes are

organized in a hierarchical construct that renders values the determinants of attitudes. For

example, a held value, such as "a world of beauty" will be expressed in a specific situa-

tion in the form of a belief, such as "preference for a highway without litter". This might

ultimately result in a behavior, such as participating in an "adopt-a-highway" program to

act on the attitude. Granted, in this example the flow is sequential, and no direct value-

behavior relationship is present. However, there is no reason to exclude values from the

"value-belief-attitude-intention-behavior" sequence of operation, just because it is the

antecedent to the following.

In their own work, Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) opened the door for questions re-

garding the origins of beliefs (p. 90). The current study argues that values are the origins

of the beliefs and should be included in the model as an internal variable.










Proposed Model

Previous studies have demonstrated that values research applied to environmental

issues, including recycling, has become more robust. The work by Stern, Dietz and Kalof

(1993) incorporated Schwartz's work (1992) on universal values into a specification of

environmental concern (Young 1997). The combined model which Young (1997) has

called the Stern-Schwartz model proposes that individuals make decisions and form

attitudes about environmental issues by processing these situations through a system of

heuristics, where values, beliefs, and attitudes influence an individual's propensity to act.

The key component for the current study is the interactive inclusion of values orientations

to the attitudinal, normative, and control determinants of behavioral intention in the

model of the Theory of Planned Behavior. The idea of values enhanced variables will be

borrowed for use in the present study.

Value orientations underlie all beliefs, attitudes, and behavioral intentions; thus

they are postulated as causally antecedents to all other variables within the modified The-

ory of Planned Behavior. People can hold multiple value orientations to certain degrees,

which can vary across individuals. Individual attitudes toward recycling emanate from

three value orientations.

First, an egoistic value orientation predisposes people perform a type of cost/

benefit analysis with regard to recycling. Persons take either pro- or anti-recycling

stances in accordance with their assessment of the personal costs associated with the

problem (Stern et al. 1993; Young 1997). This could include such actions as supporting a

citywide household recycling program only if utility fees or taxes are not adversely im-

pacted by it. Empirical work by Ster and Dietz (1994) has shown that the egoistic value










is conceptually and empirically equivalent to Schwartz's Self-Enhancement dimension.

Literature on environmental risk rests on this value orientation in particular (Douglas and

Wildavsky 1982; Wilson 1992). Kahneman and Tversky (1979) have shown that if deci-

sions include great risk, people tend to minimize losses rather than maximize gains. This

is consistent with an egoistic value orientation.

Second, an altruistic value orientation describes individuals' concern about the

impact of the waste problem and their non-recycling behavior on others. Individuals are

likely to act to reduce the negative effects. People with this value orientation recycle in

order to provide long-term availability of natural resources to future generations (Young

1997). A potential behavioral intention could include an active and ongoing recycling and

clean-up support of the neighborhood so that people within (e.g., children at play) are

safe from pollution and run-off. Studies by Ster and Dietz (1994) have shown that the

altruistic value orientation is included in Schwartz's Self-Transcendence dimension.

A related value, the biospheric value orientation, predisposes people to be con-

cerned about the consequences of not recycling on the earth itself This orientation is also

conceptually included within Schwartz's Self-Transcendence dimension. Biospheric val-

ues are essentially synonymous with the New Environmental Paradigm (NEP). This

worldview, developed by Catton and Dunlap (1978), understands humans as part of the

natural world and governed by its rules. Recycling decisions are made as a result of con-

cerns what non-recycling would do to the natural environment (poisoning, endangered

species, etc.). Slightly different from the altruistic value orientation, behavior resulting

from biospheric values could include recycling activities motivated by desires to keep the

environment itself (not fellow citizens) safe from toxins and non-degradable trash. Bio-










spheric values have played a prominent role in the thinking of environmentalists (Naess

1989). Empirical analyses (Ster & Dietz, 1994) have failed to reveal a clear distinction

in the general public between valuing nature in itself and valuing nature because of the

human benefit. In the current study, the altruistic and biospheric orientations will be re-

garded as one category.

Third, a traditional value orientation predisposes individuals to act according to

established, internalized norms and cultural paradigms. Decisions on recycling are made

based on an adherence to an agreed-upon status quo within the community that a person

belongs to ("this is how it's done around here"). This orientation is conceptually related

to Schwartz's Conservation dimension. This dimension could manifest itself in a recy-

cling behavior that is largely motivated by how someone grew up, and how the neighbor-

hood thinks about recycling.

Finally, Schwartz' fourth dimension, Openness-to-change, will not be used via a

related values orientation. The reason is that this dimension is implicitly part of both the

egoistic and altruistic values orientation in this model.

With all other variables equal to the Theory of Planned Behavior, the proposed

model is illustrated in Figure 2-4.




























---- -J \I Behavioral
Stable theoretical rltions Perceived o Ctrol
-.- Facilitation
Possible explanations for rela-
tions

Figure 2-4. Path model for the values-enhanced model

In summary, seven variables are measured directly. They are: (1) behavioral in-

tention (BI), (2) attitude toward the behavior (A), (3) subjective norm (SN), (4) perceived

behavioral control (PBC), and (5 through 7) the values (V). These variables form the fol-

lowing equation:

BI -V(A +SN+ PBC) =a fPVra,A + 2VrSN + 3jVgoPBC+e

with fi, P and a3 representing the relative contributions (weights) of attitude, subjective

norm, perceived behavioral control, enhanced by the dominant values respectively, to the

prediction of behavioral intention.

Three of the determinants of intention (A, SN, and PBC) are, in turn, determined

by underlying belief structures, while the values construct is determined by the most

dominant values orientation. Stated formally, A is the sum of attitudinal beliefs (abi) mul-

tiplied by an evaluation of their outcome (ei), that is,










A = Z abie,.

SN is the product of the individual's normative beliefs regarding the influence of a par-

ticular referent (nbj) and the motivation to comply with that referent (mc,), that is,

SN = E nbjmcj.

PBC is the result of the sum of beliefs about personal control, i.e. the perceived difficulty

(or ease) with which to execute the behavior, (cbk) multiplied by the perceived facilitation

of the control factor (pk), that is,

PBC = E cbkpfk.

Finally, the dominant values orientation that is linked to the respective determi-

nant, is the result of the different values, an individual possesses. The subscripts rt, o,

and t. refer to the rational, altruistic, and traditional value orientation (V), as follows:

Val = (E veg) (Y v.a, + vbio)
VIra = (X vI,)
Vego = (Y VgJ.)


Summary, Research Questions. and Hypotheses

Summary of the Literature

The review of the literature on pro-environmentalism and recycling provides the

background and structure for the current study. Some of the most important points are

summarized below:

1: Recycling is an activity that despite its social benefits and potential benefits to

the individual's future well being is not done universally.

2: People cite different reasons for why they do not recycle, such as lack of

opportunity, lack of knowledge, doubts about making a difference, degree of difficulty,

and lack of interest.










3: Information campaigns to entice people to engage in recycling have usually fo-

cused on risks of non-recycling (fear appeal) or ease of engaging in it.

4: Research about recycling discovered that both rational and moral/ethical

thoughts determine people's behavior.

5: The Theory of Reasoned Action has proven to be a model that is useful to de-

termine and predict the variables that influence behavioral intention on recycling and

proenvironmental behavior in general.

6: The Theory of Planned Behavior has proven to be a model that strengthens the

determination and prediction of variables, influencing behavioral intention on recycling

and proenvironmental behavior in general.

7: Values orientation has shown to determine belief and attitude orientation to-

ward a proenvironmental behavior, including recycling.

8: Beliefs about the control over one's behavior are determined by one's inner

self-empowerment thoughts as well as perceptions of control over external factors.

9: Both empirical studies, adhering to models of rationality and those adhering to

altruism, suggest a strengthening of their predictive power through borrowing ideas from

the opposite concept.


Premises

Throughout the literature review several premises have been proposed as a foun-

dation for the current study. They will be used to formulate the research questions and

hypotheses in the current study. Those premises are:

1) Intentions to recycle are on average a sufficient predictor for actual recycling

behavior, in case intention is measured on an aggregate level.










2) Attitudes and subjective norms about recycling are influenced by personal and

cultural constructs, such as self-perceptions and values.

3) Attitudes and subjective norms alone are necessary but not sufficient determi-

nants of recycling intentions.

4) With the addition of the perceived behavioral control element in the Theory of

Planned Behavior the predictive power of the original Theory of Reasoned

Action model is increased, allowing for cases in which the behavior (recy-

cling) is not under complete volitional control.

5) The addition of perceived behavioral control in studies predicting recycling

intentions and behavior has shown to improve predictability of the Theory of

Reasoned Action.

6) Attitude, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control all seem to pro-

vide equally significant explanatory power for behavioral intentions and be-

havior.

7) A stricter separation of the perceived behavioral control variable into control

beliefs and perceived external facilitation conditions will strengthen this vari-

able.

8) The inclusion of antecedents to the attitudinal, normative, and control beliefs

in the form of self-concepts or personal values has been found to improve

predictive ability of the entire model.

9) Value orientations seem to provide explanatory power for the origins of be-

havioral, normative, and control beliefs.










10) A succinct value orientation scale, such as the one provided by Schwartz, de-

livers adequate explanation for proenvironmental behaviors, such as recycling.

11) Perceived behavioral control is sufficiently explained by internal beliefs of

empowerment (self-efficacy) and beliefs about the extent of control of exter-

nal factors.

12) Values influence behavioral intention about recycling through their proximal

relationship with attitudes, norms, and control perceptions.


Research Questions

After a thorough review of the literature, it is conceivable that personal, social or

traditional values can directly and indirectly influence behavioral intentions. In so doing,

values related to a specific behavior could become the origin of beliefs regarding the in-

tention.

RO1: What roles do values orientations play in explaining recycling intention?


Furthermore, specific values orientations seem to be closely related to a particular

determinant of behavior. In other words, a rational motivation to act seems to stem from a

rational values base, while e.g., a behavior resulting from adherence to norms comes

from a values orientation based on traditions.

RQ2: Can attitudes, social norms, and perceived control dominance in reference to recy-

cling intentions be traced back to their specific underlying values orientations?


Finally, if the different values are connected to different determinants of intention,

we could explain their effect on behavior and the origins for the respective recycling be-

liefs.










R3: Will the likelihood of recycling intentions be explained better if we include values

to the belief-behavior model?


Hypotheses

After formulating the research questions, several hypotheses were developed.

They are as follows:

HI: Behavioral beliefs, outcome evaluations, normative beliefs, motivations to

comply, control beliefs, and perceived facilitation will predict attitudes to-

ward, subjective norms about, and perceived control about intentions to en-

gage in recycling.

H2: Attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control will predict be-

havioral intention to engage in recycling.

H3: Attitudes and perceived control will be major predictors of intention to en-

gage in recycling.

H4a: Egoistic value orientations will be positively related to the control compo-

nent and negatively related to the attitudinal and normative components.

H4b: Altruistic/biospheric value orientations will be positively related to the atti-

tudinal component and negatively related to the control and normative com-

ponents.

H4c: Traditional value orientations will be positively related to the normative

component and not significantly related to the attitudinal and control com-

ponents.

H4d: Rational value orientations (the resultant value of the difference of egoistic

value orientations and altruistic/biospheric value orientations) will be posi-










tively related to the attitudinal component and negatively related to the nor-

mative and control components.

H5a: The inclusion of rational value orientations to attitudes will make a signifi-

cant contribution in the prediction capability of attitude for recycling inten-

tion.

H5b: The inclusion of traditional value orientations to subjective norms will make

a significant contribution in the prediction capability of subjective norms for

recycling intention.

H5c: The inclusion of egoistic value orientations to perceived behavioral control

will make a significant contribution in the prediction capability of perceived

behavioral control for recycling intention.

H6: The inclusion of values will improve the predictability of the attitudinal,

normative and control variables to explain recycling intentions in the Theory

of Planned Behavior.













CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

This study uses survey methodology to assess differences in values, beliefs, atti-

tudes, and behavioral intention among the sample. It is broken out into two main parts.

First a correlation analysis will be conducted to confirm the hypothesized variables from

the question item set and explore the relationships between the variables set forth in the

theoretic part. Second, a regression analysis will be conducted to test the hypotheses and

research questions.

This chapter is broken out into five sections. The first section deals with the

model operationalization and sampling strategy. The second section discusses the survey

design as well as variable and scale development issues. The third section analyzes reli-

ability and validity issues regarding measurement. The fourth section explains procedures

and data cleaning techniques. And the fifth section details statistical analyses.


Operationalization of the Model

The purpose of the current research was to develop and test the influence of per-

sonal values on the recycling intentions of residents in the Gainesville, Florida area, using

the Theory of Planned Behavior as a guide. The model is operationalized according to the

outline by Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) and its expansion by Ajzen and Madden (1986).

The first three steps are more theoretical in nature, while the final two steps are empirical

and necessitate the involvement of the population of interest. The five steps are as fol-

lows (Young et al. 1991):











1. Select the behavior of interest and define it in terms of its action, target, context, and
time elements.
2. Define the corresponding behavioral intention.
3. Define general attitude, social norm, and perceived behavioral control. Define the val-
ues set.
4. Elicit the salient behavioral, normative, and perceived control beliefs about the target
behavior from a representative sample.
5. Develop or adjust questionnaire items from the salient behavioral, normative, and
perceived control beliefs.

A comparative analysis will be performed over the most recent and representative

studies on recycling that have used either the Theory of Reasoned Action or the Theory

of Planned Behavior (Bagozzi and Dabholkar 1994; Gamba 2000; Goldenhar 1991; Park

et al. 1998; Todd and Taylor 1995). The most frequently cited beliefs are subsequently

used as questionnaire items in the study. A similar analysis is performed over studies that

have used values orientations (Guttierez Karp 1996; Schwartz 1992; Stern & Dietz 1994).


Sample

The context of this study is a random digit dialing telephone survey. This method

was chosen as it seems appropriate for investigating recycling in a natural setting and

reaching a representative sample ofrecyclers and non-recyclers. Since recycling services

in the greater Gainesville area are primarily offered to single-family households, a study

targeting a completely random population that, e.g., includes over-proportionally a popu-

lation living in multi-family dwellings would skew its findings too much.

A total of 400 people will be surveyed during the last two weeks of May 2002 by

telephone in the greater Gainesville, Florida area. A random-digit dialing procedure over-

laid by the appropriate ZIP code classification will be used to draw from the population

of all potential recycling households with working telephones, regardless of if the number

was directory listed or not (Bagozzi & Dabholkar 1994). The person responsible for recy-










cling will be asked for to select a respondent in each household. Within the ordered ZIP

code area, a computer-assisted method will be used to generate the last four digits of the

phone number. Due to this technique the sample can be considered a random digit dialing

(RDD) sample (Klecka and Tuchfarber 1978; Miller 1991).

In order to minimize Type I and Type II errors, and to be able to detect moderate

levels of change, 400 respondents will be recruited, classified as the heads of household.

This number was calculated in accordance with an alpha level of .05, and a range of accu-

racy of the estimate of plus/minus 5% within the population percentage. In other words,

the 95% confidence interval should be the sample percentage plus or minus 5%. Accord-

ing to Kalton (1983), this specification requires that 1.96 SE(p) = 5%, where p is the

sample percentage and SE the standard error. With the use of a random sample, SE(p) is

the square root of PQ / n', where P is the population percentage, Q = 100 P, and n' is

the estimate of that sample size. Thus, 1.96 times the square root of PQ / n' = 5, or: n' =

1.962PQ / 5.

In order to determine n', a value is needed for P. Since PQ is largest at P = Q =

50%, a very conservative choice is to set P equal to 50%. With this choice, n' = 384,

which would constitute the maximum required sample size.


Survey Design

The survey instrument includes five scales. It combines elements from Stern,

Dietz, and Kalof's (1993), and Stern and Dietz's (1995) previously validated instruments

for the values dimensions (V), and elements from Ajzen and Fishbein's (1980) previously

validated instruments for attitudes (A), subjective norms (SN), and perceived behavioral

control (PCB). Subscales will be replicated directly and have shown medium to high reli-










ability, as will be reported later. The dependent measure is composed of the behavioral

intention (BI) scale, also replicated from Ajzen and Fishbein (1980). The variables and

scale items of the model are discussed below.


Explanatory Variables

values are operationalized in this study by a scale that consists of 16 values items.

Three of those dimensions that had been previously used in the Ster et al. (1994) study

hypothesized to load on three of the Schwartz (1992) dimensions. In addition, the authors

generated the 'biospheric' dimension. Borrowing from Schwartz's methodology, Ques-

tion 15 of the survey instrument (Appendix, p.129f) was created using seven-point

Likert-scale questionnaire items. They ask respondents if a particular value is "important"

to their overall life's value system, with the scale ranging from "extremely unimportant"

to "extremely important" (Schwartz, 1992). Subscale items of the four values dimensions

are hypothesized as:

Factor One: Egoistic Values Factor Three: Biosperic Values
Vego 1 Authority Vbio 1 Unity with nature
Veg, 2 Social Power Vbio 2 Protecting the environment
Vego 3 Wealth Vbio 3 Respecting the earth
Vego 4 Influence

Factor Two: Altruistic Values Factor Four: Traditional Values
Van 1 A world at peace Vi, 1 Honoring parents and elders
V.i 2 -Equality V" 2 Self-discipline
V.t 3 Social justice V" 3 Clean
V. 4- Helpful V. 4 Politeness
Vt, 5 Social order

Attitude is operationalized by defining it as the attitudinal beliefs about the conse-

quences of performing a particular behavior. Following instructions by Ajzen and

Fishbein (1980), several measures do combine to get the overall score for attitude. In or-










der to receive a measure of "attitude toward the behavior of recycling household waste",

a direct attitude measure, using seven-point Likert-scale questionnaire items (e.g., "Recy-

cling is a beneficial activity (unimportant criterion important criterion)") was assessed.

Along with the direct measure, a combined measure is calculated. The combined measure

is computed by adding the products of pairs of seven-point Likert-scale behavioral belief

questionnaire items (e.g., "Recycling reduces landfill use and waste (strongly disagree -

strongly agree)") and seven-point Likert-scale outcome evaluation questionnaire items

(e.g., "I like to decrease landfill use and messy trash (extremely unimportant- extremely

important)") (Questions 9a-c, lOa-g and 1 la-g in Appendix, p.127f).The behavioral belief

measures were drawn from previous research studies that inquired about the most salient

beliefs and outcome evaluations about engaging in recycling.

Subjective norm is operationalized as an individual's normative beliefs concern-

ing the influence of a particular referent (e.g., family, friends) over the participant per-

forming a particular behavior. Following instructions by Ajzen and Fishbein (1980), a

direct measure, using a seven-point Likert-scale subjective norm questionnaire item (e.g.,

"Most people who are important to me think I should recycle in the next week (strongly

disagree strongly agree)"), was assessed first. This was again contrasted to a combined

measure, tabulated by summing seven-point Likert-scale normative belief questionnaire

items (e.g., "How much do you agree with the statement that your neighbors think that

you should recycle (strongly disagree strongly agree)") multiplied by seven-point

Likert-scale motivation to comply questionnaire items (e.g., "How likely it is that you

would want to do what your neighbors thinks you should do? (extremely unlikely ex-

tremely likely)"). The normative belief measures were drawn from previous research










studies that had asked respondents to list people who might have an influence over their

decision to engage in curbside recycling (Questions 12 through 14 in Appendix, p. 129).

Perceived behavioral control is operationalized as the beliefs about the control an

individual feels he or she has over performing a particular behavior. Following Ajzen's

(1985) and Taylor and Todd's (1995) instructions, several measures combine to achieve

an overall perceived behavioral control score. Direct perceived behavioral control meas-

ures were assessed using seven-point Likert-scale questionnaire items (e.g., "Whether or

not I recycle is completely up to me (strongly disagree strongly agree)"). A combined

measure, computed by summing the products of pairs of seven-point Likert-scale control

belief questionnaire items (e.g., "Recycling takes too much effort (strongly disagree -

strongly agree)") and seven-point Likert-scale perceived control factor facilitation ques-

tionnaire items (e.g., "I don't like to participate in activities if they make my life more

difficult (extremely unimportant- extremely important)") was again contrasted to the di-

rect measure. Control beliefs and perceived facilitation beliefs were also drawn from pre-

vious research studies that asked for a list of items/ feelings that might facilitate or ob-

struct an engagement in recycling (Questions 9d, 10h-1 and 1 lh-1 in Appendix, p. 127f).


Response Variable

The response variable in this study is behavioral intention. This variable was cho-

sen as the variable of interest, because the Theory of Planned Behavior states that behav-

ioral intention directly predicts behavior (Ajzen 1985), unless intention precedes actual

behavior with a huge time-lag. Therefore, it was of interest to find how independent vari-

ables relate to the reported behavioral intentions. Behavioral intention was defined as

how likely or unlikely it is that a respondent would engage in a particular behavior, which










in this study means recycling. Similar to the other variables the instructions of Ajzen and

Fishbein (1980) were followed, using seven-point Likert-scale questionnaire items (e.g.,

"During the next 30 days, how likely is it that you will take part in a city-sponsored recy-

cling program (extremely unlikely extremely likely)") to obtain a behavioral intention

score (Questions 7 and 8 in Appendix, p. 127).


Reliability

Reliability refers to the degree to which a measure is free of variable measure-

ment error. If we assume that the "true" score remains constant (e.g., that the person's

"true" attitude has not changed), a perfectly reliable instrument will yield the same results

on different occasions (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975). This will assure generalizability of the

study's results.

The most appropriate method to measure reliability of a group of items that are

hypothesized to measure separate aspects of the same concept is called internal consis-

tency. The term refers to the consistency or cooperation that should exist between a sub-

set of questions in measuring the same idea. The benefit of this technique is that it re-

quires only a single test administration, which provides subsequently a unique estimate of

reliability. The most popular of these estimates is given by Cronbach's alpha (Carmines

and Zeller 1979).

In this study, items that were assumed to measure a concept (e.g., attitude) will be

compared, using Cronbach's alpha. In total, tests will be conducted for the four values

dimensions, attitudes, and the perceived behavioral control.










Validity

Validity, in general, refers to the degree to which an instrument measures the

"true" score it was designed to measure (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975). For surveys, it refers

to the items or scales in a questionnaire. Assessing the validity of a measuring instrument

can take several forms. The most appropriate ones for the current study are discussed be-

low.


Content Validity

This type of validity depends on the extent to which an empirical measurement re-

flects a specific domain of content (Carmines and Zeller 1979). As it is usually difficult

to objectively measure an abstract theoretical concept, such as "value" precisely, content

validity on average refers to the "mutual acceptance of the universe of content" (Cron-

bach and Meehl 1955) by a group of knowledgeable reviewers.

As far as the current study is concerned, a thorough review of the literature was

conducted by the researcher to show a holistic picture of the concept that allows compar-

ing and contrasting of the study's measures. Furthermore, academics in the College of

Journalism and Communication and the College of Political Science at the University of

Florida examined the literature and concepts, and agreed upon the fit of the measures

with the studied concepts.


Convergent and Discriminant Validity

Convergent validity is achieved when an instrument that forms a valid measure of

a construct correlates highly with another valid measure toward the same construct.

Campbell and Fiske (1959) furthermore argued that an instrument should also have dis-










criminant validity. If the same method or instrument (e.g., the Likert procedure) is used to

measure different variables (attitude toward different objects), different results should be

obtained (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975).

For application to the Theory of Reasoned Action, Fishbein and Ajzen (1975)

tested the convergent validity of the measures of its concepts (beliefs, attitudes, and in-

tentions). They found that single self-report scales of attitude toward e.g., religiosity cor-

related highly with four traditional attitude scales (Guttman, Likert, Thurstone, and se-

mantic differential scales). Schwartz (1992) found similar results in tests of the values

measures. Davidson (1973) established empirical support for convergent and discriminant

validity of intentional measures, using 'true-false' and 'likely-unlikely' scales to assess a

variety of family planning concepts (e.g., intentions). Since this study's measures follow

the specifications of both the Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) and the Schwartz (1992) models,

it is thought that this study's measures establish validity properly.


Predictive Validity

Predictive validity refers to the ability of an instrument to estimate an important

future behavior or event (Nunally 1978). Both the Theory of Reasoned Action and the

Schwartz Values Theory apply models that are primarily designed to make predictions.

Previous empirical research has established the studies' measures of e.g. behavioral in-

tention, attitudes, and beliefs. Following the guidelines outlined in these theories strictly,

the current study's measures are thought to predict the concepts equally well.










Construct Validity

Fundamentally, construct validity is concerned with the extent to which a particu-

lar measure relates to other measures consistent with theoretically derived hypotheses

concerning the concept (or construct) that are being measured (Carmines and Zeller

1979). Thus, it focuses on the extent to which a measure performs in accordance with

theoretical expectations of contributing to a single concept.

For the constructs in this study, taken from the Theory of Planned Behavior, the

measures followed the exact specifications of Ajzen and Fishbein (1980), who have con-

structed a valid questionnaire to test the Theory of Planned Behavior. In reference to

these concepts, validity of the study's measures is assumed.

The values construct measures follow research based on the Schwartz Values

Model (Dietz and Stern 1994; Schwartz 1992; Young 1997), and can equally be consid-

ered valid. To assure unidimensionality of the four values dimensions (egoistic, bio-

spheric, altruistic, and traditional) in this study, item loadings are established. If items do

not load on the specific constructs or load on multiple constructs, they have to be as-

sumed as weak predictors for the values dimension. They might make up a distinct, but

related construct, and will be treated accordingly (e.g., taken out of further consideration

for a particular values dimension or merged to form a unidimensional construct).


External Validity

External validity answers the question "to what populations, settings, treatment

variables, and measurement variables an effect can be generalized" (Campbell and

Stanley 1963). Because the sample in this study was drawn at random from a general










population in Gainesville, we can assume that there should not be a problem to generalize

findings to the larger population of the sampling area (Gainesville).



Procedures

Measurement

A 30-item questionnaire was created and designed for telephone survey technol-

ogy. A pilot-test was conducted to assess reliability and validity issues. Once these issues

were found acceptable for the questionnaire, it will be administered to the sample.

The data will be collected in May 2002. Responses will be gathered by profes-

sional telephone callers under the supervision of the Florida Survey Research Center. The

callers completed a one-to two-hour training session and have between two to four years

of experience making calls. The random samples of residential telephone exchanges will

be provided by Genesys Sampling Systems. A variety of efforts will be used to reduce

bias due to nonresponse, including making weekend calls as supplements to weekday

evening calls, performing multiple callbacks, and accommodating requests for interview

appointments (Martinez & Scicchitano 1998).

This study implements a household survey that asks to speak to the person most

familiar with the family's recycling. Once the respondents are willing to participate, the

interviewer briefly discusses the purpose of the questionnaire of investigating attitudes

toward the environment and recycling behavior. After the introduction, the interviewer

explains the answer categories of the Likert scale and begins the interview. Initially, the

interviewer will inform the respondents that this particular study has been approved by

the Instructional Review Board at the University of Florida. The interviewer then reads










the respondents the approved informed consent and explains the rights of participation in

the study. The interviewer also advises them again that any personal information that is

given will be kept completely confidential, and that names and responses will be kept

anonymous. The questionnaire is estimated to take about 15-18 minutes to complete.


Data Examination and Cleaning

Surveys will be visually inspected to look for obvious respondent errors. For ex-

ample, if a whole section is unanswered, that particular survey is discarded. Before pre-

liminary analysis, the data will be transformed to ensure proper analysis with SPSS. This

transformation step includes recoding of values questions to eliminate negative numbers,

and reverse-coding of negatively worded questions to assure consistency (Young 1997).

To further examine the data for errors frequency of all variables will be run. This

procedure will identify any items that may be outside an acceptable range for a specific

variable. Problems that surface through this procedure will be subsequently corrected. In

a next step, the nature of the respondent answers will be examined as well. If a problem

surfaces, the case will be identified and the problem corrected.


Statistical Analyses

The level of significance for the statistical tests for this study is .05. This equates

to an acceptance of risk by this study that out of 100 samples, a true null hypothesis

would be rejected five times (Polit and Hungler 1999). After aggregation the collected

data will be analyzed in several ways, depending on the hypotheses and research ques-

tion, they related to.










Data Aggregation

The items hypothesized to form the variables attitude, subjective norm, and per-

ceived behavioral control will be subjected to a reliability analysis, and indices created

for each respectively by averaging the means of the responses and combining the items

measuring the three beliefs and three evaluations/ motivations into one weighted variable

respectively. The weighted variables will be used in the correlation and regression analy-

sis (Ringer-Lepre 2000).

A reliability analysis will also be conducted for the three values orientation to

check, if the theoretical values differences would persist for this study. Then an index

will be created for each values orientation, constructed as an average of the orientations.

A fourth values orientation index, the rational (or self-driven) orientation, will be created

as well from the difference of egoistic and altruistic/biospheric values. These weighted

values variables will be used in the correlation and regression analyses.


Correlation Analysis

Hypotheses 4a through 4d will be tested using bivariate correlation analysis. The

correlation table will provide the significance of relationship between each of the four

values orientations and attitude, subjective norm and perceived behavioral control.


Regression Analyses

The remaining hypotheses will be tested using simple or multiple linear regres-

sion. Hypotheses 1 through 3 are using multiple regression to test the original Theory of

Planned Behavior. This means that the attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behav-

ioral control factors will be regressed against the two aggregated recycling intention fac-










tors (plan to recycle, do not plan to recycle). Hypotheses 5a through 5c uses simple linear

regression, testing the partial effect of one of the determinants of intention (attitude, sub-

jective norm, or perceived behavioral control) without the addition of their respective

values orientation and with their interaction of this value orientation, both multiplicative

(e.g., Vt x A) and additive (e.g., Vr, + A). The three resulting goodness-of-fit values

(R2) will be compared to observe, if the original R2 value (that without addition of a val-

ues term) has significantly improved by either method. The results of those three regres-

sions will then be used in Hypothesis 6, comparing the original Theory of Planned Be-

havior regression equation to the values-enhanced regression equation, applying the most

appropriate interactive term for each variable.


Assumptions of Multiple Regression Tests

Since multiple and simple linear regression are the primary methods for testing

the hypotheses (Agresti 1997; Norusis 1994), attention needs to be paid to its assump-

tions. The assumptions underlying multiple regression concern both the dependent and

independent variables and the relationship between those. Unlike many other statistical

tests, the analysis of assumption violation must be performed after the estimation of the

regression model. According to Hair et al. (1987), "the basic issue is whether, in the

course of calculating the regression coefficients and predicting the dependent variable,

the assumptions of regression analysis have been met (p. 172)." The major assumptions

are (Hair et al. 1987):

1. Linearity of the phenomenon: There is an assumed linear relationship between the
group of independent variables as well as between each independent variable and the
dependent variable. An analysis of partial regression plots between each independent
variable and the dependent variable was suggested by Hair et al. (1987) to assess this










assumption. A curvilinear pattern of residuals would indicate a non-linear relation-
ship.

2. Constant variance of the error term: This assumption refers to the concept of homo-
scedasticity (equal variance). Hair et al. (1987) recommended plotting the studen-
tized residuals against the predicted dependent variable values and comparing them
to a null plot (a random plot of points).

3. Independence of error terms: Regression analysis assumes independence of the pre-
dicted value. Predictions are not sequenced by other variables .Plots of residuals
against possible sequencing variables are useful to identify non-independence.

4. Normality of the error term distribution: Normal probability plots, comparing stan-
dardized residuals to a normal distribution (straight line), are a useful method for
identifying this condition (Hair et al. 1987).

This study will examine studentized residuals, outliers, influential observations,

and multicollinearity to test for assumption violations as outlined by Hair et al. (1987).

Partial regression plots will be used to examine the linearity of relationships. Cases that

are identified as violating these assumptions will be deleted from further specification.

To identify outliers, visual inspection of partial regression plots as well as indi-

vidual leverage values will be used. The latter indicate the distance between a single case

and the center of all observations. According to Neter et al. (1990), values greater than

2p/n were scanned, whereby p = the number of regression parameters in the function in-

cluding the intercept term, and n = sample size. The typical regression function for this

study includes the intercept and the variables attitude, subjective norm, and perceived be-

havioral control for a total of four regression parameters with a sample of 400.

As a second method to detect outliers, studentized deleted residuals will be used.

Following Neter et al. (1990), absolute values of the studentized deleted residuals will be

compared to a t-distribution with n-p-1 degrees of freedom.










The Variance Inflation Factor (VIF) will be used to discover multicollinearity ef-

fects. Neter et al. (1990) suggest that multicollinearity between the independent variables

exists, if a VIF value in excess of 10 for any of the independent variables is present. Hair

et al. (1987) suggest a process that this study followed. First, all condition indices above a

threshold value of 15, a conservative value (Hair et al. 1987), will be identified. Among

condition indices exceeding 15, variables with variance proportion above 90% will be

identified. A .90 or higher between two or more coefficients will indicate multicollinear-

ity.

For each regression, the Enter variable function will be used. Consistent with the

hypotheses of this study, this approach enters all variables simultaneously. After the data

are adjusted for violations of assumptions a second analysis will be conducted. In all

cases, the first elimination of outliers produces results that will be judged to adequately

meet the assumptions of multiple regression.













CHAPTER 4
RESULTS

This chapter consists of three parts. First, a discussion of the descriptive statistics

about the study sample and assumptions of the regression method. Next, the analysis of

the original Theory of Planned Behavior, and an examination of the value-added model.

Finally, the results of the respective hypothesis tests and answers to the research ques-

tions are presented. The key method used for the statistical tests was multiple linear re-

gression.


Preliminary Analyses

A discussion of the demographic statistics, the results of the data examinations,

and the results of the tests for violations of the regression model assumptions follows.


Study Participants

Four hundred residents in the Gainesville, Florida area were surveyed during the

last two weeks of May 2002 by telephone. The participants ranged in age from 18 to 89

with a mean age of 40.9 years (SD=18.6). There were slightly more women in the sample

with approximately 62 percent of the respondents being female (n = 247). Most respon-

dents (96%) had a high school diploma or more. There was a statistically significant dif-

ference (t=3.16, p=.002) in educational levels between recyclers and nonrecyclers. Both

segments lived an average of 13 years in the Gainesville area with recyclers slightly

longer (+2 years). The household income demographics showed a propensity to recycle

that was slightly more pronounced among more affluent people. While 62% of house-


80









holds with an income above $35,000 tended to recycle, only 49% of households below

$35,000 did so. There was no statistical difference between recyclers and nonrecyclers as

far as their political orientations were concerned. While recyclers tended to lean slightly

more liberal (30%), the nonrecycler segment was concentrated in the moderate category

(40%). Details on the demographic characteristics are summarized in Table 4-1.


Table 4-1. Demographic characteristics of recyclers and nonrecyclers

Recyclers Nonrecyclers t Significance Total
Characteristic (N= 365) (N = 35) (N= 400)
Age (years) 3.24 .001
Range 18-89 19-81 18-89
Mean (SD) 41.1 (18.5) 32.3(16.6) 40.9 (18.6)
Education [n (%)] 3.16 .002
College+ 311(85) 26 (74) 337 (84)
No college 50(14) 9 (26) 59(15)
Family income [n (%)] 0.05 .964
> $35,000 225 (62) 17(49) 242 (61)
< $35,000 108 (30) 16(46) 124 (31)
Political orientation 1.51 .146
[n (%)]
Conservative 88 (24) 6 (17) 94 (23)
Moderate 134 (37) 14 (40) 148 (37)
Liberal 109 (30) 8(23) 118(29)
Residency (years) 1.59 .114
Range 0-75 0-52 0-75
Mean (SD) 15.2(15.3) 12.4(12.8) 14.9(15.1)

Data Examination Results

Surveys were visually inspected to control for obvious respondent errors. Incom-

plete surveys and surveys that seemed to be answered the same way throughout the sur-

vey were discarded. Multiple samples were ordered by the Florida Survey Research In-

stitute to arrive at the contracted number of 400 respondents. As a result none of the 400

surveys had to be discarded due to survey errors. Surveys were then given case identifica-

tion numbers for further analysis. The dataset arrived in an ASCII format. The data were









first entered into Excel and then visually inspected for data entry error. If an error was

found on a specific row, the survey was retrieved by case number and the record was cor-

rected. The entire file was translated to SPSS for preliminary analysis. In addition, nega-

tively worded questions (Ql 1.8-11.12, Q12.8-12.12) were reverse-coded for consistency.

After the data entry, a preliminary inspection of the data was conducted to un-

cover potential confounding effects in the sample. Frequencies of all variables were run

to further examine the data for error. The data were inspected to determine if items fell

outside the acceptable range for a particular variable. In a next step, the nature of the re-

spondent answers was examined. Cases were checked for "Don't know" and "Refused"

answers by sorting the cases in an ascending fashion from the lowest to highest value.

Cases with "Don't know" and "Refused" answers were considered missing variables and

discarded.

Similarly, all weighted variables, such as the attitude belief and outcome evalua-

tion total, were checked for missing values. Cases with data of that nature were evaluated

as being missing and listwise deletion was used to eliminate them. Out of a total of 400

surveys, 87, (22%) were discarded because they had missing values in one or more of the

model variables. A total of 313 cases were retained for further analysis.


Regression Model Assumptions

Regression analyses involve a series of assumptions about the relationships of the

variables being measured to each other. These assumptions again are as follows:

1. Linearity of the phenomenon
2. Constant variance of the error term
3. Independence of the error term
4. Normality of the error term distribution









Violation of these assumptions can lead to serious problems in interpreting the re-

sults of the study. To test for assumption one and two, standardized residuals were plotted

against the predicted individual independent variables. The scatterplots showed a random

distribution void of observable pattern. As for assumption three, although data were not

collected and recorded sequentially, it is plausible that 'time' may have influenced the

residuals. The plot of standardized residuals against the sequencing variable showed no

discernible pattern. Finally, to test for normality (assumption four), a histogram of re-

siduals was constructed and superimposed with a normal distribution curve. The distribu-

tion of residuals appeared to be approximately normal.

Multicollinearity did not surface as a problem in the analyses of this study. This

was in part due to the fact that empirically tested variables and variable relationships of

tried theories were used. Both the Theory of Planned Behavior and the Schwartz Values

Model have been tested extensively by subsequent research. The variables behaved in the

detected fashion in this study as well.


Analysis of the Theory of Planned Behavior

This section discusses the results of the first three hypotheses, testing the Theory

of Planned Behavior as an explanation of recycling intention. The first hypothesis pro-

posed that belief and outcome variables would predict attitude, subjective norms and per-

ceived behavioral control. The second hypothesis predicted that attitude, subjective

norms, and perceived behavioral control would explain recycling intentions. The third

hypothesis suggested that attitude and perceived behavioral control would be the most

significant influence factors on recycling intentions.










Variable Preparation

Before testing the hypotheses, it was necessary to recode the attitude variable and

create an index. Three items on the questionnaire were designed to measure respondents'

attitude toward recycling. Each question was worded "Participation in recycling is" fol-

lowed by a different response scale for each question.

The seven-point scales measured the respondents' evaluation of how wise/foolish,

important/unimportant, and beneficial/harmful they perceived recycling. A reliability

analysis yielded an alpha of .76 for the three items. The attitude index was created by av-

eraging the means of the responses of the three items.

As far as the variables subjective norm and perceived behavioral control were

concerned, there was only one item determining a general measure of each variable. The

measure for subjective norm was worded: "Please tell me much you agree with the state-

ment that most people who are important to you think that you should recycle" with an-

swers ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (7). The measure for perceived

behavioral control was worded: "Whether or not I recycle is completely up to me" with

an identical answer distribution. Since those two variables were composed of single-item

measures, it was unnecessary to create an index for use in the regression model. All three

variables were subsequently recorded to change their one to seven scales into bipolar -3 to

+3 scales to be consistent with the following predictor variables.

New weighted variables for the three explanatory variables in the model were re-

quired. The items measuring behavioral beliefs and outcome evaluations, normative be-

liefs and motivation to comply and control beliefs and perceived facilitation were com-










bined into one weighted variable each. These three weighted variables were subsequently

used in the regression model.

To accomplish this, the items measuring behavioral beliefs, normative beliefs,

control beliefs, outcome evaluation, motivation to comply, and perceived facilitation

were recorded to change their one to seven scales into bipolar -3 to +3 scales. Then, each

of the seven items measuring behavioral beliefs was multiplied with its matched item

measuring outcome evaluation. For example, the two items "Recycling reduces landfill

use and waste" (behavioral beliefs) and "I like to decrease landfill use and messy trash"

(outcome evaluation) were a matched pair and their product formed a weighted variable.

Similarly each of the five items measuring normative belief was multiplied with

its matched item measuring motivation to comply, as were the five items measuring con-

trol belief with their matched item measuring perceived facilitation.


Regression Study

Hypotheses one through three used linear regression to analyze the Theory of

Planned Behavior. Hypothesis one stated that the explanatory variables behavioral beliefs

and outcome evaluations will predict attitudes toward recycling, normative beliefs and

motivations to comply will predict subjective norms about recycling, and control beliefs

and perceived facilitation will predict perceived control about intentions to engage in re-

cycling. The regression analysis showed a significant and positive correlation between

the weighted variables representing behavioral beliefs and outcome evaluations and the

attitude index (r=.381, p<.001). The regression analysis also showed a significant and

positive correlation between the weighted variables representing normative beliefs and

motivation to comply and the general subjective norm variable (r=.230, p<.001). Finally,









the regression showed a significant and positive correlation between the weighted vari-

ables representing control beliefs and perceived facilitation and the general variable

measuring perceived behavioral control (r=. 195, p<.05). Consequently, it was concluded

that these weighted variables were significant predictors of attitude, subjective norm, and

perceived behavioral control.

Hypotheses two and three maintained that attitudes, subjective norms, and per-

ceived behavioral control would predict behavioral intention to engage in recycling, and

that attitudes and perceived control would be the major predictors of intention to engage

in recycling. A regression analysis revealed a significant and positive correlation between

attitude and behavioral intention (r=.208, p<.001). The correlation between subjective

norm and behavioral intention was positive, but not significant (r=.078, p<. 10), as was

the correlation between perceived control and behavioral intention (r=.043, p=.25).

The three variables then were entered into the model using stepwise regression

analysis (Table 4-2). The results showed that only attitude was a significant predictor of

behavioral intention (Table 4-3). As residents' attitudes toward recycling increase, so do

residents' intentions to engage in recycling activities.


Table 4-2. Stepwise model

Measure Step r
Attitude 1 .208
Subjective Norm 2 .078
Perceived Behavioral Control 3 .043

Table 4-3. Intention to recycle household waste

Measure St. Beta Signifiance .......
Attitude .208 3.39 .001
Subjective Norm .078 1.26 .210
Perceived Behavioral Control .047 0.77 .444











From the results of these hypotheses tests, a path model showing the application

of the Theory of Planned Behavior concerning recycling was developed (Figure 4-1).


Behavioral
Beliefs Attitude
Sr.381l\ r=.20s
Outcome w=.200X
Evaluations Relative importance r=.213 Behavioral .186 Behavior

Normti scodssubjective norm n '
Normative -- ,4 -
Beliefs w2=.053 e ,, --'b
Subjective r-.078**
Motivationto .20 Norm r.043** .0
Comply

Control
Beliefs \ Perceived ,,-
195 Behavioral
Control
Perceived Cnr
Facilitation



Figure 4-1. Path model for the Theory of Planned Behavior.
** indicates non-significant path

Analysis of the Proposed Values-Enhanced Model

This section discusses the results of the final eight hypotheses tests. These hy-

potheses examined the roles values orientations play in explaining recycling intention,

and if the likelihood of recycling intentions can be explained better if one includes values

to the belief-behavior model of Ajzen and Fishbein.

Before testing the hypotheses, the four values variables were recorded and an in-

dex created for each of them. Four items on the questionnaire were designed to measure

respondents' egocentric values orientation. Four items were designed to measure respon-

dents' altruistic values orientation. Three items were designed to measure respondents'









biospheric values orientation. Five items were designed to measure respondents' tradi-

tional values orientation. Each question was worded "How important are the following

principles in your life" followed by a response scale from "extremely unimportant" to

"extremely important" for each question.

A reliability analysis was conducted for each values dimension to see how well a

question set measured each construct. The analyses yielded the following: an alpha of .67

for the four egoistic values items; an alpha of .87 for the four altruistic values items; an

alpha of.81 for the three biospheric values items; an alpha of.84 for the combined altru-

istic/biospheric values items; and an alpha of .66 for the five traditional values items. The

constructed rational values orientation computed as the difference between egoistic and

altruistic values was checked by examining the correlation between the questions per-

taining to those values. The analysis yielded an alpha of .63 on the eight items. Four val-

ues indices were created by averaging the means of the responses of the items.


Correlation Study

Hypotheses four (a) through four (d), aimed to corroborate the basic structure of

the effects of the four values dimensions (egoistic, altruistic, traditional, rational) on the

three determinants of behavioral intention respectively via correlational analysis.

Hypothesis four (a) stated that the egoistic value orientation would be positively

related to the control component and negatively related to the attitudinal and normative

components. The Pearson correlation (Table 4-4) showed that the egoistic values dimen-

sion correlated significantly with perceived behavioral control (r=.207, df=313, p<.001).

This value was not significantly correlated with any other component.










Hypothesis four (b) affirmed a positive relationship between the altruis-

tic/biospheric value orientation and the attitudinal component and a negative relationship

between this value and the control and normative components. The altruistic/biospheric

values dimension correlated significantly but negatively with attitude (r--.227, df=313,

p<.001) as well as with subjective norm (r=-.127, df=313, p<.01). It did not correlate sig-

nificantly with perceived behavioral control (r=.047, df=313, p=.45).

Hypothesis four (c) maintained that the traditional value orientation is positively

related to the normative component and not significantly related to the attitudinal and

control components. While the traditional values dimension did indeed correlate signifi-

cantly with subjective norm, it correlated negatively (r=-.175, df-313, p<.001). Further-

more, it did not significantly correlate with either attitude (r--.092, df=313, p=. 14), or

perceived behavioral control (r-.088, df=313, p=.16).

Finally, hypothesis four (d) stated that the rational value orientation (the resultant

value of the difference of egoistic value orientations and altruistic/biospheric value orien-

tations) is positively related to the attitudinal component and negatively related to the

normative and control components. The correlation analyses confirmed this hypothesis in

part (Table 4-4). The rational values dimension was positively correlated and statistically

significant with attitude (r=. 172, df=313, p<.001), but not significantly correlated to sub-

jective norm (r=.019, df-313, p=.76). On the other hand, the findings showed a weak

positive correlation with perceived behavioral control (r=.148, df=313, p<.01).




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UNDERSTANDING VALUES AND ATTITUDES TOW ARD RECYCLING : PREDICTIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR C01\1MUNICATION CAMPAIGNS By OLAFWERDER A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILL:MENT OF THE REQUIRE:MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PIDLOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2002

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Copyright 2002 by OlafWerder

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This dissertation is dedicated to my mentor Dr Kim B Rotzoll who predicted the route I was taking years before I entered it May I strive to justify the faith and intuition

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS While a dissertation is often considered the labor of life and pain of one single individual to earn his or her rights of passage into the academic community in actuality there are many individuals without whose help this work would never be completed in its present fortn Consequently these people deserve my thanks for their contribution to this dissertation Without doubt I was very fortunate to have found such an accomplished scholar advisor teacher and friend in Dr Marilyn Roberts who has entered my doctoral life early. Without her my experience would not have been as enjoyable and satisf y ing While her constant support and guidance have made me a better scholar, it is actually hard to express in words the gratitude I feel for her encouragement It has truly been a privilege to work with her Several others have also been essential to my experience in the doctoral program and in the completion of this dissertation ; in particular the members of my committee I offer Dr Debbie Treise my sincere thanks for helping me organize and simplify my ideas on theory and application ; and for sharing a kind word when I needed one I thank Dr John Sutherland for his patience and belief in me while I struggled to learn the details of statistical analysis ; and for allowing me to learn from his expertise I thank Dr Cynthia Morton for helping me find the connection between my personal ideals and academic research in introducing me to the field of social marketing ; and for always being there when I had questions I thank Dr Samuel Barkin for giving me a deeper understanding of lV

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decision-making under risk, for helping me connect my interest in mass communication with the broader topic of environmental risk analysis and for simply being a friend I am indebted to my students many of whom were possibly not quite aware of the '' double-life '' I was leading as a teacher and researcher during that time Their humor and excitement in the classroom made my teaching role easier and gave me new enthusiasm for continuing with my project every time I came out of the classroom. Their ability to learn almost by themselves helped when I was engrossed with the research, and allowed me to advance without '' letting them down .'' I extend special thanks to fellow doctoral students Stephynie Chapman, Andrew Clark, Guy Golan Jaemin Jung Michael Palenchar and (now faculty member) Kelly Page for their wisdom and encouragement I feel blessed to have these people as friends in my life I feel indebted to the management and staff of the Florida Survey Research Center I have a deep appreciation for the generosity and wisdom of Dr Michael Scicchitano and Dr Tracy Johns Beyond assisting with the collection of the data their guidance was truly vital to this research I especially thank Dr Lynda Kaid and her assistant Cynthia DeForest for giving their time and resources in tracking down sources for being willing to sponsor this research and for always lending a sympathetic ear when the research hit a dead end I thank Ken ; Barbara and Johnny ; Dr Kim ; Jason ; Mary and her staff ; Patty Pam and Jodie ; Ryan ; Paisley ; Charles ; Florann and Jochen for supporting me even though they sometimes were not aware that they did Their acceptance and support even at weak V

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moments, gave me confidence to finish this project Knowing that they exist in this world is enough to make me happy and proud Finally, and above all I want to thank my Mom and Dad my sister Astrid and my brother-in-law Andi, and my Grandpa and late Grandma They are my light model and motivation Words fail to describe how their love and support have made me into the person I am today While they pressed me when I needed it, they always saw the potential in me, and their belief in me gave me faith to believe in myself I am the person I am because of these people Vl

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TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKN"O'WLEDG:ME.NTS .................. ........................................................................... iv ABSTRA.CT ......................................................................... ........................................... X CHAPTER I illTRODUCTION .. .................................................................................................. 1 Pui-pose of the Study ................................................................................................... 3 Theoretical Rationale .... .. ............................................................................................ 5 Scope and Limitations ............. .................................................................................. 8 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ........................................................................... 10 Social Marketing .................................................................................. ................... 10 Environmental Research in the Social Sciences ................ ........................................ 12 Environment as a Social Construct ..................................................................... 12 Environment in the Media .................................................................................. 15 Environment and the Consumer ......................................................................... 17 Environmental Research .................................................................................... 19 Definition of the Recycling Term and Current Situation ..................................... 20 Recycling in Florida ........................................................................................... 23 Recycling Research ......................................... .................................................. 24 Theory of Reasoned Action ...................................................................................... 26 Definition .......................................................................................................... 26 Application in Recycling Research .................................................................... 29 Move toward the Theory of Planned Behavior .......................................................... 33 Definition ............................................................................. ............................ 33 Application in Recycling Research .................. ................................................. 3 7 Personal Values and Recycling ................................................................................. 42 Introduction ................................................................ ...................................... 4 2 Values Research ................................................................................................ 4 2 Schwartz Values Model ..................................................................................... 44 Application in Environmental/Recycling Research ............................................. 46 Inclusion of Values in the Theory of Planned Behavior ...................................... 52 Proposed Model ................................................................................................. 54 Summary Research Questions and Hypotheses ....................................................... 5 8 Vil

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Research Questions ..................... .. .................... .................... ... ... .................. 61 Hypotheses ....... .. ........................................................ .. ....................... ........... 62 3 ~THODOLOGY .................. .................... .. ..................... .. ................ .. ................. 64 Operationalization of the Model .................................................... .. .......................... 64 Sample .................... ........................................................................ ................. 65 Survey Design ............ ............... ................................. .. .... ..................................... 66 Explanatory Variables ........................................................................................ 67 Response Variable ........................ .................................................. ................. 69 Reliability .............................. ... ............. .. .. ............................................................ 70 Validity ................. ........................... ................. ... ....................... .. ....................... 71 Content Validity ..................... ............... ............................. ... .. ....................... 71 Convergent and Discriminant Validity .......... .......... ..................... ................... 71 Predictive Validity ................................................ ........................................... 72 Construct Validity .................... .. ........................... ................................ .. .......... 73 External Validity . ... .................... ................................ ................................... 73 Procedures ....... ... .. ................................................................................................. 7 4 Measurement ...... ....................... .. .. .................... ............................................. 7 4 Data Examination and Cleaning ........ ............................................. .................. 75 Statistical Analyses ................... ............................... .. ............................................ 75 Data Aggregation ..................... .. ........................ .. ............................................ 76 Correlation Analysis .......................................................................................... 76 Regression Analyses .......................................................................................... 7 6 Assumptions of Multi pie Regression Tests ......................................................... 77 4 "RESfilTS ..... ................. ..................................... ... .. ........................................ ................. 80 Preliminary Analyses ................ ................................ ...... ....................................... 80 Study Participants .............. ... .. ... ................................ .. ... .............................. 80 Data Examination Results .. ... ................................................. .... .................... 81 Regression Model Assumptions ....................... ................................................. 82 Analysis of the Theory of Planned Behavior ............................... ....... ... ................. 83 Variable Preparation ...................... ...... ................................................... ........ 84 Regression Study ............................................................................................... 85 Analysis of the Proposed Values-Enhanced Model ........ ... .. ....... ............................. 8 7 Correlation Study ................................. .. .. .............................................. : .......... 88 Regression Study ..... ........... ................... .. .... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... .................................. 90 Summary of the Hypothese Tests ........................... .......... ....................................... 95 Exploratory Post-Hoc Analyses ..................... ... ... .. ... .. .. ....................................... 98 Summary of the Research Questions ....................................................................... 100 5 DISCUSSION ..... ............................................................. ... .. . ......... ................... 103 Applicability of the Theory of Planned Behavior to Predict Recycling Interest . ... .. 103 Overview of the Hypotheses . ...... ................................................................... 103 Comparison of the Effects of the Determinants of Intention ............................. 104 Connection between Intention and Behavior ................. ........ ........ ................ 109 Impact of Personal Values on Recycling Intentions ................................................. 110 Vlll

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Review of Different Recycling Belief Components ... ................. ... . ................ 110 Overview of Hypotheses ............. .. ................. .................... ............................ 112 Improvement of Predictability Power of the Model ................. ........................ 112 Relevance for Public Entities Creating Recycling PSA Campaigns ................. ....... 115 Limitations of the Study ...... ................ ......................................... ........................ 120 Suggestions for Future Research .............. .................. ................... ....................... 125 Conclusion .............. ........ ...................................................................................... 127 APPENDIX QUESTIONNAIRE . ................. ...................... .................................. 130 LIST OF "REFERENCES ........ .................... ............................................................... 136 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................ .............................................. ....................... 146 lX

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy UNDERSTANDING VALUES AND ATTITUDES TOW ARD RECYCLING : PRE DICTIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR COMMUNICATION CAMPAIGNS By OlafWerder August 2002 Chairman : Marilyn S Roberts Ph D Major Department : Mass Communication Since the 1980s waste management issues have emerged as a key concern for Florida a state with rapid population growth Because the influence of the legislature is limited to supporting the counties in their rec y cling efforts a vast discrepancy exists among Florida s 67 counties While recycling figures and participation percentages might be difficult to com prehend their role as an environmental problem is not Because research into intrinsic motivation considers fundamental factors in actual decision making an important con cern of public entities in charge of community recycling has always been to determine why people do or do not participate in these programs Environmental values have been found to be a key determinant for pro environmental behavior and therefore regulate the manner in which behavior occurs Social marketing efforts often compromise a person s values in order to promote values deemed socially more compelling by the sponsoring organization Since individuals holdX

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ing opposing values may be reluctant to comply with the marketing goals, it seems criti cal to incorporate personal values into a public campaign The purpose of the present study is first to test the Theory of Planned Behavior as an explanation of recycling intentions The theory maintains that attitudes norms and perceived control elements deter1nine behavioral intentions Second the study will ex plore more fully what role values play in explaining recycling intentions A telephone survey was conducted during the last two weeks of May 2002 in Gainesville Florida It was hypothesized that residents attitudes subjective norms and perceived behavioral control would equally predict recycling intentions It was further hypothesized that the inclusion of values would increase the likelihood to explain recy cling intentions better The findings suggest that attitudes toward recycling are the most significant pre dictor of intentions While certain values correlated well with the TPB model variables, values did not significantly improve the parameters' predictability over intentions How ever the close correlations values have with beliefs and evaluations of recycling imply that values can expand the applicability of behavioral models for recycling On a practical level, the study suggests that an understanding of values can improve communication campaigns that aim to change or reinforce habits X1

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Since the 1980s waste management issues have emerged as a key concern for state and local governments in the United States, particularly in states with rapid population growth In Florida over 24 8 million tons of solid waste were collected in 1998 (Department of Environmental Protection 2001), an increase of over 500 000 tons from 1995 (Department of Environmental Protection 1996). This translates into 9 1 pounds per person per day While this figure is slightly lower than the estimated Florida average of 10 2 pounds / person/day (DEP 2001), the corresponding recycling estimate is dramatically below reality Florida's prediction report for 1998 estimated that 10.1 million tons of waste (about 36% of the total) would be recycled The actual recycling rate for 1998 was 6 9 million tons, or 28% (DEP 2001). This means that 270 pounds per Floridian per year will actually end up on landfills instead of being recycled Although Florida's average recycling rate of 38 to 40% ranked highest in the nation (Environmental Protection Agency 1999) the state placed 56% of its total waste in landfills and 16 % in combustion In other words the recycling quota is in a negative trend (-12% from 1995). With a population growth projection between 17 5 and 23 million people by 2020 (DEP 2001 Roe Littlejohn 1 997), there is ample concern about Florida's waste management Florida 's Department of Environmental Protection and individual counties administer the funds for education and information (media). As a result the incorporated municipalities have a great deal of discretion in structuring the actual recycling programs 1

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2 within their boundaries (Martinez & Scicchitano 1998) The influence of the legislature is limited to mandating certain waste reduction figures ( currently 30% should be recycled for counties with populations over 50 000) and introducing recycling goals for individual counties. A vast discrepancy in recycling rates exists among Florida s 67 counties, ranging from a recycling rate of38% in Lee County to 5% in Hendry County (DEP 2001) Recycling success or failure cannot simply be explained by factors such as urbanization population size or citizens' educational and income levels Alachua County, the home of Florida s largest public university is a rather rural county in the northeast part of the state With a population of about 212 000 it ranks only nineteenth in population size among all counties However it shares the fourth rank with Palm Beach County in recycling rates (DEP 2001 ) It not only surpassed counties with metropolitan areas such as Orlando Miami and Tampa but also counties with educational centers, such as Leon County where Florida's second largest university is located If not demographics what explains Alachua s success? The county and its largest community, Gainesville have managed to establish curbside recycling pick-up service to 96% of single-family dwellings and 5% of multi-family dwellings (apartment complexes) Among those with service 80% of single-family homes and 4% of multi family homes participated for a total participation rate in the county of 58% (DEP 2001 ) Although a rate of 58% is compared to other counties an adequate level it also means that 42% of the population are not recycling Simply judging from the service-to participation relationship one notices that 17% of homes that could recycle are not currently recycling It seems that creation of service is not enough to overcome reluctance to recycle in certain individuals

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3 While the amount of waste and participation percentages may be difficult to comprehend, their roles in environmental problems are not (Bagozzi & Dabholkar 1994) Given that environmental problems and social ills are interconnected waste management is a social problem with far reaching consequences in the areas of human health ecological balance and the local economies (Starke 1991) Consequently determining consumers reluctance to recycle created considerable research interest in disciplines such as psychology and environmental policy (Arbuthnot 1977; Hines, Hungerford & Tamera 1987) Thogersen (1996) describes recycling research as falling into two main theoretical approaches The first applied behavioral analysis (Stern & Oskamp 1987) provides information about reactions to extrinsic stimuli The second attitude research (Hopper & Nielsen 1991 ; Kok & Siero 1985) analyzes the cognitive (attitudinal) antecedents believed to guide the behavior Because research into intrinsic motivation considers fundamental factors in actual decision making it bodes well for future effort of determining motivating factors of recycling (Bagozzi & Dabholkar 1994) Purpose of the Study The purpose of the present study is twofold First the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen 1985) was tested as an explanation of recycling intention This provided an effective framework for studying the determinants of recycling behavior The Theory of Planned Behavior hypothesizes that intentions directly determine behavior and are themselves influenced by attitudes toward the consequences, projected subjective norms about others opinions and feelings about personal control over one s behavior and its outcomes Despite its successful application to recycling behavior (Oskamp et al 1991 ;

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4 Vining & Ebreo 1990), most studies have not operationalized the variables specifically but have deviated from the recommended practice of applying all determinants as specified by the theory. Thus findings have been mixed By applying the Theory of Planned Behavior in the current study the full model was tested. The findings were then compared to an augmented model in which recycling-related personal values were introduced as a predictor of recycling intentions (Schwartz 1992 ; Stem & Dietz 1994) The second purpose of this study is to more fully examine the determinants of attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioral control as they relate to recycling. The study models and builds upon the research of Bagozzi and Dabholkar (1994) who stated their purpose as follows : ' Previous research using attitude theory has investigated antecedents based upon beliefs and evaluations and organized these into the summation of the products of beliefs and evaluations This approach works best for physical products or when the consequences of acting are concrete and tangible But because recycling involves abstract goals and values and is highly subjective the traditional approach is less useful Recycling-related beliefs are cor1crete judgments about the consequences (positive or negative) of recycling and tend to focus more on means or oz,tcomes (e.g ., inconvenience saving money) Recycling goals in contrast, are abstract motives for recycling (by definition positive) and refer to e11d~ ( e g ., provide for future generations) Recycling beliefs enter decision making as reasons for or against acting; recycling goals are more conative and may even be deontological moral values that motivate or compel one to act Many recycling goals, particularly higher-order ones do not arise from decision making but are a priori virtues Another problem with the traditional approach is that it does not address the hierarchical organization of the antecedents to attitudes subjective norms and past behavior Our second objective is thus to discover (a) the key antecedents (b) how they are structured and (c) how they influence the proximal causes (i e ., attitudes and subjective norms) of decisions to recycle '' (p 318-19) In other words it is important to separate between beliefs and goals, or values that lie beneath beliefs and are unencumbered by cognitive decision making processes

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5 Assuming the role of a priori virtues, values are more difficult to influence by everyday stimuli while at the same time determining to a large extent the motivation to act Theoretical Rationale Most marketing and mass communication research has focused on studying demographic variables knowledge or environmental concerns (Vining & Ebreo 1990 ; Van Liere & Dunlap 1980) Previous researchers (Oskamp et al 1991) sought to identify demographic and psychographic profiles of environmentally concerned people in order to use this information for product development or target segmentation Environmentally conscious or 'g reen '' consumer segments have become increasingly important for the proliferation of products and services as well as corporate images (Elkington 1994 ; Kassarijan 1973) This mode of thinking seems to reflect the prevalence of the established consumption constellation construct ,' (Lowrey et al 2001) defined as '' a cluster of products and consumption activities associated with a social role' (Kamins & Assael 1987) It suggests that attitudes toward products symbolize information about the consumer s self-identity. In the realm of social and environmental issue s, this correlates to a scenario in which a positive attitude toward a cause leads to a positive behavior with respect to that cause A shortcoming of most research of environmental concerns is that the conceptualization and measurement are too broad Many previous studies cover both a wide range of psychological reactions and a wide range of behaviors within the same construct (Bago zz i & Dabholkar 1994) By mixing the many psychological reactions with the many behaviors the construct makes it difficult to predict specific behaviors beyond

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6 tautological interpretations (Van Liere & Dunlap 1981). Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) suggested that there is reason to expect that '( attitudes toward a target may be unrelated to a person's beliefs about the consequences of perfor1ning a specific action toward that target'' (p 88) For example, a person may hold pro-environmental opinions but in no way be inclined to participate in household recycling activities. The particular individual may not perceive his or her behavior as negatively impacting the environment A promising line of inquiry examines the behavioral and attitudinal causes of recycling. Those using expectancy-value models (such as the Theory of Reasoned Action or Theory of Planned Behavior) largely subscribe to a rational actor idea In these models the individual weighs the costs and benefits of the outcomes of his or her behavior and acts accordingly Although it was found that economic sensibility is one of two basic attitudes leading to sorting of recyclables (Israel 1991) it was not so much the economic motives but the idealistic motives (protecting the environment) that stimulated people to participate De Young (1986) reported a close association between derived satisfaction and intrinsic motivation These motives allow for the inclusion of ethical a11d altruistic positions, in which the individual might not be the beneficiary of the action Ultimately, both positions are results of the abstract goals and values origins of the behavior While personal values define individual goals goal-directed behavior is considered the substance for both rationality and altruism (Pierce 1979). Essentially both the economic and the socio-psychological models of man emphasize two basic cognitive components : values and beliefs (Shapiro 1969) Values are responsible for the selection and maintenance of the ends or goals toward which human beings strive Beliefs are

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7 proscriptive convictions upon which humans act by preference (Allport 1961) creating an intervening variable for behavior Values in tum regulate the methods and manner in which this striving takes place (Vinson et al 1977) There is debate about the degree to which value systems at the societal level directly drive society-environment interactions A growing body of literature on the distribution of risk within and between nations treats decisions about technological risk as revealing societal value preferences (Beck 1992 ; Salmon 1989) Some nations (Germany Great Britain and the U S ) are willing to accept the risk connected to advancing technology, such as nuclear energy generation while others (Denmark Sweden) are more concerned about the risk element and approach progress more carefully Public information campaigns take the form of social interventions that have been prompted by the determination that some situation represents a social problem meriting social action These campaigns are logically seen as a value-laden activity where people bring their own moral judgments to an activity ( e g ., anti-yard burning campaigns) Not all persons will agree upon the ends pursued (stop yardburning) and the means used to achieve these ends At the center of this conflict is the fundamental tension between social control and individual freedom (Salmon 1989) As such social marketing or communications efforts necessarily compromise certain values and interests in order to promote values and interests deemed more socially, economically or morally compelling by the sponsoring organization of the change effort As a result individuals holding opposing values will be reluctant to comply with the message content Previous research on the values origins of general environmental concerns and specific environmental behavior, such as recycling identified three '' ethics ''

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8 corresponding to three classes of valued objects These are : the homocentric (or socio altruistic) which focuses on other people ; the ecocentric ( or biospheric) which focuses on nonhuman objects ; and the egocentric ( or egoistic) which focuses on the self (Stern et al 1993 ; Merchant 1992) The first two have often been combined in subsequent research (Stern & Dietz 1994) to form a general altruistic ethic toward human and nonhuman entities Schwartz (1992) eventually added a traditional orientation as a fourth '' ethic ," implying a behavior using internalized societal norms (such as local customs) A communication study that examines the origins of recycling beliefs and intentions will provide implications for public policy, marketing communications and future public service or advocacy campaigns that aim to affect behavioral change By providing additional information through extensions of the studies of Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) and Bagozzi and Dabholkar (1994) we hope to further clarify the role of values in citizens' attitudes and behaviors toward recycling Values as enduring beliefs in the preference of a specific mode of conduct (Rokeach 1973), forin the foundation for human attitudes and perceptions of the world Communicators need to understand the nature and range of values (and how different value orientations affect both attitudes and consequent behaviors) if they want to predict outcomes of policy decisions Social marketers and advocacy communicators must learn how to craft more successful advertising messages for issues and causes of local national and global concerns Scope and Limitations Any sampling choice has the potential not to be representative of an entire area population, let alone the population of the entire country. The current study should be seen as offering a theoretical relationship between values differences and their potential

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9 impact on behavior in a narrow geographic area Although any limited survey will never elucidate the tendencies of an entire population it can point to other relevant avenues for future research While the current study postulates an extension to an existing model of human behavior regarding recycling it also naturally excludes additional variables that may moderate or explain recycling behavior, such as personal effort or the influence of persuasive cues While researchers do not always agree on the exact impact of a given variable on recycling behavior values do indeed have an effect either by reinforcing existing beliefs and attitudes or by obstructing or counteracting situational attitudes and norms Finally issues of measurement reliabilities in the model construction need to be addressed While it is hoped that proper pre-testing and variable definitior1 will largely eliminate confusion and misunderstanding the potential of misunderstanding in defining and measuring a rather amorphous and seemingly intuitive construct such as a value does exist Since people might not apply much cognitive effort to summon a personal value (unlike the attitude toward an object or behavior) it is the researcher s responsibility to minimize confounding influences

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CHAPTER2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE This review consists of four main sections : A brief overview of social issues and environmental issues communication theory with an emphasis of waste recycling literature A discussion of the Theory of Reasoned Action and review of selected empirical studies in which this theory was used as a framework for recycling A discussion of the Theory of Planned Behavior and review of selected empirical studies in which this theory was used as a framework for recycling A review of values research, its use as a framework in recycling studies, and the de velopment of the final model to be used in the current study Social Marketing Social issues are ideas that are of interest to many individuals within a society (Fine 1981) They differ from commercial ideas (for tangibles or services) as they are not only motivated by self-serving goals but by a desire to help others. Most social issues benefit other people more than the individual acting on a social message while he or she carries most of the burden or cost For instance avoiding littering to preserve nature s pristine beauty wl1en one has to carry the wrapping paper of a hamburger for hours because there are no receptacles around is generally considered a huge cost by most people, while the benefit to the self does not seem evident The adoption of new social ideas is closely related to the formation of values atti tudes beliefs interests and opinions about issues A belief (as well as the related con cepts) can be regarded as a mental acceptance of the validity of an idea The totality of all 10

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11 beliefs the belief system deter tnines the position one takes on an issue which often prompts participation in social action (Fine 1981 ) At first glance the adoption process for social ideas does not seem to be too dif ferent from that for commercial goods At the heart of all marketing lies a philosophy of consumer orientation Goods and services are described as the solution to a problem The aim of marketing efforts is to position this idea in a way that potential consumers of the good accept this description and act accordingly Social marketing or the marketing and promotion of social issues, distinguishes itself from commercial marketing by two key components First the '' product '' of social marketing is often amorphous a mere idea of what ought to be such as physical health pollution control social justice gender and race equality This makes it fairly difficult to attach a price to the '' product ," not only for the change agent but also the consumer This in turn has effects on promotion, which is often in an interactive relationship with price It also affects measurement of the social price of an idea for cost/benefit purposes Ideas of '' breaking even '' and '' getting what you paid for'' do not seem to apply well Second related to this is the idea of consumer response within the larger field of consumer research One difference lies in the nature of the forces motivating purchase (or adoption) behavior The perceived (and actual) consequences could be more far reaching more involving, than the effects of an ordinary purchase Being a Ford Truck owner is a less profound statement than being a Greenpeace activist It would seem that adoption behavior is based on more subtle and indirect motivation than acquisition behavior In committing oneself to follow a particular movement one probably undergoes a good deal of forethought Impulse buying is not very prevalent (Fine 1981) In adopting an idea,

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12 reinforcement through gratification either occurs as a delayed reward (weight reduction, quitting smoking) or it accrues not to the individual but to society as a whole (pollution, equal employment) It makes sense that social consumer behavior is well suited to be studied within the broader discipline of consumer psychology The argument is that conceptual frame works (such as perception cultural values attitudes group influences, personality learn ing and information processing) forn1 an important role in understanding a consumer's opinion and reaction toward a social issue Wasik (1996) argued that '' the ultimate exten sion of marketing is the selling of values' (p 59) One area that fits squarely under the above-mentioned agenda is the relationship of people toward their natural environment A heightened research interest in this rela tionship is documented by a subfield of social issues communication (the area of envi ronmental green or eco-communication) The next segment introduces this discipline and discusses the particular circumstances that surround environmental issues Environmental Research in the Social Sciences Environment as a Social Construct Socia] theorists studying environmental risk perception concentrate almost ex clusively on the social and economic spheres and have tended to neglect the cultural arena (Beck 1995) The environment is more often associated with the natural than the social sciences explaining in part the silence of sociology on this issue When it was ex amined the relationships between society and nature were seen as distinct spheres gov erned by different temporal mechanisms

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13 Throughout the history of Western thought there have been competing models of the relationship between humans and nature Some have depicted nature as a state of chaos Thomas Hobbes (1651 / 1958) viewed the natural human condition before the emer gence of civilized society as brutish and short By contrast his contemporary John Locke (1690 / 1960) thought that nature was a state of humanitarian bliss ; << natural laws' must form the basis of a just society 'Nature ," or our relationship with the physical environ ment is socially constructed 'Nature '' is culturally and historically constructed since our perceptions are inextricably bound up with particular models of society that are dominant at any one period in time Recently anthropological studies have concentrated on how certain social prob lems come to be defined as risks A study by Douglas & Wildavsky (1982) suggested that our selection of risks is influenced by social values and the way in which different cul tures operate Competing public perceptions of risk are equally biased because they re flect different cultural meaning systems Alex Wilson (1992) in his seminal book entitled The Cult1,re of Natu, e' explored some of the ways in which '' nature '' is culturally con structed in modern society He argued that nature cannot be separated from culture since it is mediated through major social institutions and the culture industry For the German social theorist Ulrich Beck (1992) risk appearing in the natural environment ( e g ., nuclear reactor explosions greenhouse effect groundwater contamina tion by leaching landfills) has become a central anchor for conflict in modern industrial ized society He argued that riches are tangible goods that are understandable Production is the result of methodological thinking and execution In contrast the perception of eco logical devastation and the consequences of industrial growth are difficult to grasp This

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14 perception can depend to a much lesser extent on methodological knowledge measure ment procedures, rules of accountability and acknowledgement in science and law and on information policies of suspect operations and cooperating authorities Perception of devastation must break through the wall of denial that stems from the fact that most ecological disasters elude pinpointed scientific measure making it hard for scientists to generate laws There is no trend in sight that experts are getting organ ized Neither can those who report isolated cases escape playing the role of a '' deviant expert ." In the ecological conflict individuals or small groups can act with considerable effect The politics of the ecological question involve universal themes The conflict even passes through people While one s heart may beat '' Green ," one's mind and routine con tinue in old habits Unlike social issues ecological ones often face human inactivity While our own experience supports action on the social question the ecological issue is not merely ab stract It virtually requires that we ignore our own senses Although poverty can be made to disappear statistically it remains painfully present for those wl10 endure it On the other hand air pollution from cars or land pollution from littering resembles examples of 'prisoner s dilemma' theories (Van Vugt et al 1995) Often the menace can only be per ceived in defiance of the semblance of normality (Beck 1995) Only by using complicated measuring instruments can the nature and degree of the threat be determjned Thus threats replace individual organs of perception with gov ernmental bureaucratic and scientific '' organs .'' The blindness of everyday life with re spect to the omnipresent abstract scientific threats is a relative and revisable proce s s It depends on the socially available knowledge and how much society considers it worth

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15 while to pay attention to these events that 'at frrst glance '' appear to be nonexistent Ways of acting need to be rewarded that simply raise into view what was previously invisible Democracy can be protected from perishing in the thicket of risk expertocracy Those who would open people s eyes to the ecological issue and keep them open must redirect and inspire society s knowledge and perception through education and training Beck (1995) argued : ''Only if nature is brought into people s everyday images into the stories they tell can its beauty and its suffering be seen and focused on Seeing is cultural seeing attention is narrated attention Our culture and therefore we ourselves see and hear in symbols in which what is invisible or forgotten stands out and lives figu ratively This does not just happen ; rather it is done often against resistance Knowledge of cultural sensitivities is just as significant for this work as are cour age or objective knowledge' (p 56) The social and economic importance of knowledge grows similarly and with it the power over the media to structure knowledge (science and research) and disseminate it (mass media) Environment in the Media Many risk communication studies are based on the underlying assumption that it is possible to judge the quality of reporting through the use of objective measures Al though we cannot totally dispense with the objective ideal objectivity is not necessarily the same thing as accuracy For instance with culture variously being defined as incorpo rating values and norms ideology subjective states rituals and discourse events dis cussed by the mass media often tune into deeply held cultural beliefs Particular is s ues that attract attention tend to be mediagenic and often possess a powerful symbolic resonance

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16 The importance of culture in the local context drives the framing of public under standing of environmental issues Lay audiences often draw on local knowledge in mak ing sense of those issues Though the news media play a significant role in shaping atti tudes audience research suggests that we may take on different subjectivities in interpret ing media texts In other words our reading of media texts is framed by our pre-existing attitudes and social and cultural backgrounds (Allan et al 2000) Media reporting on environmental issues is often risk-led Coverage is often based on anxieties concerning threats to health posed by major incidents accidents or disas ters People s attitudes about risk are largely focused on specific risks rather than an out look on environmental issues in general Where some risks are concerned there are im portant divergences of perception between policy-makers scientists and the public The environment like other substantive areas of media reporting is largely mediated through the '' expert '' as the voice of authority using quantitative measures as a basis for risk per ception. They often marginalize lay views (Bell 1994) which are more likely to be influ enced by qualitative assessments Risk ' experts '' are often critical of the mass media ar guing that risks tend to be distorted and the media are too reliant on pseudo-experts Me dia practitioners tend to treat issues in a rather emotive way exploiting the human inter est factor Stories lacking emotive quality (such as household waste recycling) are usually not communicated or communicated in a way that would shape attitudes in favor of the subject With lack of interest from the editorial side, it seems to be the commercial com munication field that aims to reach and form ecological awareness

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17 Environment and the Consumer Although concerns about environmental issues have objective roots they are shaped by the promotional activities of issue sponsors and culture representation (includ ing advertising photography and art) A change in the perception of nature has led to a growing recognition of the need to '' manage '' public opinion concerning the environment Since the mid 1980s significant energies have been channeled into the substantial risk management industry and corporate green advertising (Anderson 1997) The reason for this activity was that many businesspeople believed that the 1990s started an '' environmental decade '' (Fisher 1990). In fact consumer interest in en v iron mentalism a phenomenon labeled '' green consumerism '' by Ottman (1992) grew in the marketplace primarily fueled by an increasing awareness of issues due to increased me dia coverage of disasters such as the Exxon Valdez spill and the Bhopal killings A gen eration who grew up with environmental education had meanwhile reached working and voting age It seems that the public had begun to realize that their consumption activities contributed to environmental problems '' As a consequence there appears to be a growing desire to protect the environment as evidenced by a seeming willingness of consumers to avoid products that they believe contribute to environmental degradation '' (Carlson et al 1995) The end result of '' green advertising '' can be understood as an attempt to engineer change in society A media or information campaign takes the fortn of social intervention prompted by the deterrnination that some situation represents a social problem meriting social action This campaigning effort is logically seen as a value-laden activity as not all persons will agree on the ends pursued and the means used to achieve these ends At the

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18 center of this conflict is the fundamental tension between social control and individual freedom (Salmon 1989) As such social marketing or communications efforts necessarily compromise certain values and interests in order to promote values and interests deemed more socially economically or morally compelling by the organization sponsoring the change effort Depending on the context this social situation can take the form of some individ ual or group a change agent or agency, making such determinations As a case in point some individuals might engage in behaviors which bring them pleasure or facilitate their lives but which also have a level of risk associated with them that a change agent consid ers too high In general any phenomenon that happens in and to the environment has usually major consequences for humans (greenhouse effect ozone layer, erosions groundwater contamination, and air pollution to name a few) Both J Walter Thompson (1990) and The Roper Organization (1990) have con ducted large-scale surveys in the United States The findings empirically supported the success of campaigns in identifying relatively large and emerging consumer segments with a definite lifestyle and propensity to '' buy green ' (Fuller and Allen 1995) The rea son for why '' green consumerism' became one of the most accepted areas among all en vironmental issues seems to be found in the fact that it resembles most the marketing sce narios of commercial marketing It is important to point out though that the bulk of environmental marketing and social marketing in general has to deal with challenges that are qualitatively different and unique to its field Those comprise characteristics such as lacking demand (enticing po s itive behavior toward a service for which the target audience sees no need) obscure benefits ( encouragement of a behavior that leads to the

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19 absence of a negative outcome) or third party benefits (payoff of a behavior goes to a third party or society in general) (Andresen 1995; Kotler and Andresen 1991 ) A case in point is the effort of local communities to deal with the reduction of household trash officially called municipal solid waste (MSW) As more landfills are filled to their capacity various municipalities in the U S have engaged in serious efforts to promote waste avoidance in the form of reducing reusing or recycling waste The ac ceptance rate to cooperate is different for cities and states Household waste recycling constitutes an example of the third-party benefit characteristic Environmental Research As early as the 1970s marketing efforts have attempted to identify the ecological oriented consumer A flurry of research was conducted to profile population segments that showed environmental concern (Anderson and Cunningham 1972 ; Balderjahn 1988 ; Kassarjian 1971) Throughout the 1980s other academic areas began concentrating on the ecologically-conscious public as well such as sociology (Van Li ere and Dunlap 1981 ) education (Hines Hungerford and Tomera 1987) and psychology (Arbuthnot 1977 ). Similar to marketing studies, these research projects concentrated for the most part on descriptive information such as demographics with some focusing on personality and psychological factors such as alienation, attitude toward pollution and knowledge of en vironmental issues (Polonsky et al 1995) Overall, the relationships of demographic and socioeconomic variables with eco logical concern did sometimes result in inconsistent or contradictory findings with re spect to the direction of the assumed relationship On the other hand constructs such as personality measures, dogmatism and attitude studies showed some promise (Kinnear

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20 Taylor and Ahmed 1974) The idea behind these constructs was that each citizen has a duty to the community and future generations in an environmentally responsible manner Schudson (1991) in his framework analyzed the consumption culture His findings not only echoed the psycho / social indicators but also added the construct of social norms or pressures as a guide for environmental behavior Unfortunately much of the past behavioral science research has studied general environmental concern rather than more restricted topics (Oskamp et al 1991) After re viewing 23 articles that investigated factors relating to environmental concern Van Liere and Dunlap (1980) recommended that environmental concern should be studied in terms of more specific environmental issues Research should investigate people s beliefs and attitudes of those issues concerning trade-offs to other valued goals Dunlap and Van Liere (1984) found for instance that traditional American values (e.g ., support for eco nomic growth) were detrimental to maintaining a strong proenvironmental stance Recycling is used in this project as it is a good example for an action that typically offers little direct benefit to the individual but that often involves substantial personal cost with respect to time and effort (Smith et al 1994) Next the attention is turned to the specific environmental issue of recycling Definition of the Recycling Term and Current Situation Municipal waste recycling or post consumer recycling is a term applying to the recycling of waste materials generated by personal consumption activity as opposed to those generated directly by industrial processes (Fuller and Allen 1995) Recycling is de fined as '' the extraction and reuse of useful substances found in waste'' (American Heri tage Dictionary 1985) This definition implies a circular flow of product disposition as

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21 opposed to the traditional linear one to reintegrate materials in the market (Fuller and Allen 1995) Of the twenty most industrially advanced democracies in the world, the U.S. ranks fifteenth in paper recycling and nineteenth in glass recycling According to the Congressional Research Service '' Other countries use less packaging than the U.S., recy cle more of it and are considering recycling policy measure stronger than measures gen erally being considered in America ." Despite the fact that on a per capita basis as well as in absolute amounts, the U S is the largest generator of waste of any nation on earth the U S is least engaged in any of the above-mentioned activities (Hershkowitz 1998) Using recycled materials helps avoid the air and water pollution typically caused by manufacturing plants that solely rely on unprocessed virgin raw materials Recycling materials reduces the need to process and refine the raw materials for paper, plastics glass, and metals Recycling lessens the toxic air emissions eftluents and solid wastes that these manufacturing processes create Moreover timber harvests, for instance would have to increase 80% over current levels without recycled fibers (Hershkowitz 1998), an example of its influence on virgin resources and the entire 'ecoscape'. Recycling also im pacts energy production by saving more of it relative to the incineration of wastes for en ergy recovery Aside from these indirect effects recycling has direct positive effects re lated to health and ecological risks associated with human household and industrial waste Landfills generate hazardous and uncontrolled air emissions and threaten surface and groundwater supplies They have contaminated aquifer drinking water supplies, wet lands and streams throughout the U.S The list of toxic and hazardous chemicals emitted

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22 as gas or leaking as liquid from thousands of landfills defines a waste management option with wide-ranging pollution impacts As Americans learned of these serious environmental problems posed by the dis posal of certain materials batteries yard wastes tires etc into landfills recycling be gan to proliferate The management of garbage became more complicated As entrepre neurs and environmentalists demanded that valuable useful or dangerous materials in the waste stream be separated for reprocessing or marketing the logic of municipal waste collection shifted in many communities Operating budgets and administrative procedures relating to sanitation programs were modified The media began to tum more proactive as well What has previously been la beled a '' non-event '' had evolved into something that could be captured with pictures and personal stories showing the risk affiliated with anti-recycling behavior As a result recy cling stories and stories of ri s k s due to unchecked waste dumping became more numer ous Since recycling is part of a larger web of interwoven economical political legal and cultural issues the rate of recycling differs from state to state and community to commu nity within a state The execution of the recycling task has normally been placed in the jurisdiction of a local municipality In a response to escalating waste problems many states and munici palities have issued legislation that typically includes mandated curbside collection pro grams of recyclable goods However these mandates effectively removed the voluntary cooperation aspect of recycling for those communities

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23 Recycling in Florida In Florida curbside recycling activities are voluntary The state of Florida is actu ally a leading state on recycling It is currently tied for third place with Tennessee and Wisconsin after Minnesota and New Jersey respectively in the percentage of municipal waste that gets recycled (EPA Data 1999) Florida s 67 counties show differing rates of accomplishing the average statewide recycling goal of between 35 and 40% of all waste While more rural areas with low populations and infrastructure (Dixie County Indian River County) tend to be the low recycling candidates and urban centers (Miami-Dade County Duval County) the leaders there are surprising differences from that norm The top recycler in the state is Lee County (Ft Myers) while the Tampa-St Petersburg metro area (Hillsborough and Pinellas Counties) as well as the capital city of Tallahassee (Leon County) rank in the lower midfield despite equal ordinances by the respective state de partment (Department of Environmental Protection 2001 ) It is the local municipality s responsibility to provide special bins at no cost to the household, which would then put those bins out alongside the regular garbage receptacles on collection day There is some evidence that this approach has met with consumer ac ceptance Sixty to eighty percent of the eligible households (usually single unit homes) in communities such as Jacksonville Fort Myers Daytona and Gainesville participate in the program Computed over the entire community s population this roughly translates into the targeted acceptance rate of 30 to 40% (Department of Environmental Protection, 200 I) These statistical averages cannot accurately reflect and demonstrate a unified re cycling participation rate within even the high-scoring communities It constitutes among

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24 others, a reason for why communities and companies are still searching for better ap proaches to change recycling behavior Waste haulers the companies hired by a local municipality to pick up household waste, have been in a unique position to become functionaries in these channels as a re sult of this acceptance rate For example in North and Central Florida Waste Manage ment Inc a major solid waste hauler has formed a subsidiary Recycle America to im plement curbside collection contracts with local municipalities 'The process involves the use of specialized compartmentalized collection vehicles and also the operation of a cen tralized municipal reclamation facility (MRF) which is sponsored by a consortium of local governments The MRF is the central receiving facility at which sorting packaging (baling densification etc ) and marketing activities take place Since the geographic coverage of waste-hauler contracts is often extensive these systems can generate signifi cant steady volumes of materials over time '' (Fuller and Allen 1995) Recycling Research Waste management issues have become a key concern of the government the pri vate sector and the general public (Taylor and Todd 1995). People appear sensitive to environmental issues and many seem to hold positive attitudes toward environmental programs Despite these positive attitudes, participation in different voluntary waste man agement programs varies widely (McCarthy and Shrum 1994) Notwithstanding a grow ing literature on the behavioral research on recycling (Ebreo 1999 ; Shrum et al 1 99 5 ; Stern and Oskamp 1987) little is known about the factors that influence individual waste management behavior, or how beliefs and attitudes relate to behavior According to Shrum Lowrey and McCarthy (1994) most studies examine only a small number of

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25 variables and create models that lack integrative power In an attempt to build more theo retically integrated models to understand the relationship between beliefs attitudes and behavior, more personality and values variables have been used recently (Guttierez 1996 ; Park et al 1998 ; Thogersen 1986 ; ). ''Unfortunately personality variables ( e g. altruism) are seldom actionable from a public perspective More direct measures of recycling concern and recyc] ing knowledge seem to be more salient means of segmentation and may result in improved marketing strategies In addition much of the existing research has operationalized ecological con cern in terms of attitudinal responses about environmentally sound activity e g ., the use of recycling centers However since progress toward solving environmental problems is likely to be dependent on pro-environmental behaviors more so than ecological con sciousness (Van Liere and Dunlap 1981) researchers should focus on consumers actions with respect to the environment [here : recycling] rather than simply their attitudes [here : clean, safe environments] Recent investigations have used multiple measures of ecologi cal concern that include some behavioral component Unfortunately these behavioral measures often tap consumers purchase activities to the exclusion of other forms of ecologically sound behavior (e g ., conservation activities) '' (Polansky et al 1995) The recycling discussion in the industry has focused on the biodegradability and bio-safety of the organic product or packaging in stores rather than the recycling activity itself Most recycling models have analyzed the cognitive ( attitudinal) antecedents or dispositions believed to guide the behavior (Hopper and Nielsen 1991 ; Kok and Siero 2985 ; Vining and Ebreo 1992) The most popular model in attitude research on recycling behavior has been the Theory of Reasoned Action (Thogersen 1996)

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26 Theory of Reasoned Action Definition Throughout the history of social psychology the concept of attitude has played a major role in explaining human action viewing attitudes as behavioral disposition ( Ajzen and Fishbein 1980) Since the early l 900s a number of theories have been developed to provide a framework for the attitude-behavior relationship that would provide explana tory and predictive information Despite concerns by some e g Allport (1935) early studies seemed to confinn the validity of unidimensional effects of attitudes on behavior Findings such as the one by LaPiere (1934) raised doubts about this assumption With the accumulation of nega tive results alternative influences on behavior and explanations for the failure of attitude as a predictor were needed 'By the late 1950s a multicomponent view was adopted and attitudes were viewed as a complex system comprising the person s beliefs about an ob ject his feelings toward the object and his action tendencies with respect to the object '' (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980) One such theory the theory of reasoned action (Fishbein 1967 ; Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) suggested that a person's behavior is determined by his intentions to behave in a specific way His intention is in tum influenced by the person s attitude toward the behavior and the perception of social pressures imposed to perform the behavior (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980) (Figure 2-1) Behavioral intention represents an individual's motivation to attempt to engage in a certain behavior. The stronger a person s intention to perforn1 the behavior the greater is the likelihood that it will happen For instance if the resident of a given city states that

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27 he / she is extremely likely that he / she will recycle glass bottles then it is conceivable that he/she will ask for recycling bins and dispose of all empty glass bottles separate from the other household waste The attitude toward performing the behavior is on average measured with a sim ple method of the semantic differential Attitudes toward a concept in the model are re garded a s the person s feelings of favorableness or infavorableness for that concept The perception of social pressures also known as subjective norms deals with the influence of the social environment on intentions and behavior It refers to and asks for a person s perception that important others (known as referents) think that the person should or should not perform the behavior in question (Fishbein and Stasson 1990) Attitudes toward the behavior are determined themselves by behavioral beliefs and evaluations of consequences emanating from those beliefs (Figure 2-1) It is impor tant to note that within this model the object of the belief is the behavior of interest and the associated attribute is a consequence of the behavior The interest is not in a person s beliefs about say the '' church '', but rather in the person's beliefs about '' attending church this Sunday ''. According to Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) these are the only attitudes that are directly relevant for predicting and understanding human behavior As defined by Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) '' Attitudes are based on the total set of a person's salient beliefs People usually believe that performing a given behavior will lead to both positive and negative consequences ; their attitudes toward the behavior correspond to the favorability or unfavorability of the total set of consequences each weighted by the strength of the person s beliefs that performing the behavior will lead to each of the conse quences '' (p 67) Subjective norms are also a function of a person s beliefs, but in this case they are not behavioral but norrnative beliefs They are measured by multiplying a person s belief

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28 that specific referents think he / she should ( or should not) perform the behavior with the person's general motivation to comply with each referent (Figure 2-1 ) Behavioral Beliefs Outcome Evaluations Normative Beliefs Motivation to Comply Attitude Subjective Norm Behavioral Intention Figure 2-1 Path model for the Theory of Reasoned Action Behavior Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) do not deny that other variables such as age educa tion, or personality traits, may be related to behavior Unlike other behavioral theories they argue that '' external variables will be related to behavior only if they are related to one or more of the variables specified by our theory ' (p 82) The fields of social issues and altruism for instance are areas where personal traits are frequently used Ajzen and Fishbein argue that discussed personality traits are too generic to relate them to a specific behavior Personality traits (or value orientations) are usually viewed as a predisposition toward a class of behaviors (e g ., aggressiveness caring behaviors) but not any specific action While someone might for example be generally pro-environmentally predis posed that same individual might still not recycle However, Ajzen and Fishbein do grant the question about the origins of behavioral beliefs (1980 seep 90)

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29 Application in Recycling Research The Theory of Reasoned Action has been used successfully in the past 20 years in a variety of behavioral outcome or intention research, both in naturalistic and experimen tal settings A number of studies have examined the predictive power of the model to ex plain particular behaviors as well as tested correlations between the variables in the model The theory was for instance used to explain reenlisting in the military (Shtiler man 1982) voting behavior (Fishbein, Jaccard Davidson Ajzen and Cohen 1980) hav ing an abortion (Smetana and Adler 1980) and breast-feeding vs bottle-feeding of babies (Manstead et al 1983) Within the realm of recycling behavior the theory of reasoned action has been used to explain the influence of education on recycling intentions of students (Goldehar 1991), the differences in recycling behaviors between ethnic subgroups (Gamba 2000) and the relationship of self-perceptions on recycling behavior (Park Levine and Sharkey 1998) Two of these studies have applied the Theory of Reasoned Action with success to explain recycling behavior the third (Gamba 2000) found less support for the theory Goldenhar (1991) conducted two studies testing the influence factors on recycling of college students, specifically those that live in on-campus dormitories In the first study she tested in a decision-making model how well the theory explains recycling be havior In the second study she incorporated two types of interventions ( educational and feedback), which were developed to modify recycling attitudes beliefs and behavioral intentions, in order to enhance recycling behavior A questionnaire comprising the con cepts of the Theory of Reasoned Action was administered to 4 682 first-year students at The University of Michigan Baseline data were gathered from 3 706 out of 4 682 stu

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30 dents (80% response rate) Of those 3 706 students 1 604 students also completed the follow-up questionnaire (34% response rate overall) For her second study she used a quasi-experimental design over eight residence halls to match them on size and randomly assign them to one of four intervention conditions ( two halls per group) : (I) recycling education, (2) feedback about recycling behavior (3) education plus feedback or ( 4 ) con trol The intervention period lasted 5 months Path analysis, used in the first study indi cated that the Theory of Reasoned Action was useful in explaining self-reported recycling behavior The respondents rated importance of recycling compared to other so cial issues mediated the relationship between attitudes beliefs and behavioral intentions Utilizing multiple comparisons in the analysis of the second study her results showed that there were no significant group differences in tertns of the students' attitudes beliefs rated im portance recycling knowledge or behavioral intentions Students receiving monthly feedback pertaining to the amount of material recycled in their residence however re ported participating in recycling to a greater degree than those receiving only the educa tional intervention or nothing at all Park, Le v ine and Sharkey (19 9 8) examined behavioral intentions to recycle among students in Hawaii using the Theory of Reasoned Action as a framework. Based on prior findings that attitude toward the behavior is a better detenninant of intentions to recycle than subjective norn1s they speculated that an individual s s elf-image ( called self-construals in the study) will have an influence on the weight of attitudinal and nor mative influence o n intentions to recycle Accepting the original theory the intere s t of Park Levine and Sharkey lies not so much in the relation between attitude toward the behavior and subjective norm but in the relative weight of each component in the theory

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31 Based on results from previous studies that found gender differences for condom use (Greene Hale and Rubin 1997) and cultural differences between countries for prod uct purchase influences (Lee and Green 1991) Park et al hypothesized that one s self perception in relation to others influences the attitude and norm variables of the Theory of Reasoned Action Data were gathered from 20 I undergraduate students enr o lled in up per division classes at the University of Hawaii with a diverse ethnic makeup ( 25 % Japa nese 18% Chinese 14% Caucasian, 13% Filipino 7 % Hawaiian 2 % Hispanic 2 % Afri can-American, 1 9% other) to deter111ine if the different culturally imposed self-ima g es have indeed an influence on recycling intentions While the researchers found that their test of the Theory of Reasoned Action sup ported the original predictions of the theory the data were not consistent with the hy potheses raised involving self-construals Instead self-construals had direct effects on the attitudes toward behavior and subjective norm measures In other words even though self-construals affected attitude toward behavior and subjective norm they did not influ ence either the relation between the two components or the relative weight of the two components in predicting behavioral intention Systematic effects on subjective norm however revealed an effect of self-construals The more interdependent one s self construal was that is the more one aligns one s self-image with expectation s and values of others (a concept closely related to the '' lo c us of control '' idea) the higher the scores were on subjective nonn Park et al (19 9 8) found that ' these higher scores were a func tion of higher scores on motivation to comply '' (p 203) Though the data were not c onsis tent with their original assumptions of an influence of self-construals on the relative weight of the attitudinal and normative fa c tors the researchers drew an interesting c on

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32 clusion Since self-construals have an obvious direct influence on the motivation to com ply factor it appears that individual with hjgh interdependent selves are more susceptible to messages targeting both attitudinal and nortnative components as those individuals see the positive social consequences of recycling as more likely Individuals high in inde pendence would most likely be better targeted with messages aiming at behavioral out comes alone (p 206) In a study that analyzed how different ethruc groups in a city engage in household recycling Gamba (2000) used the Theory of Reasoned Action as a predictive model He specifically examined the similarities and differences between Latino European American Asian and Filipino residents of San Francisco in their recycling attitudes norms intentions and observed behaviors A mail survey was conducted and observa tions of curbside recycling were made (walk-along on collection day ride-along with col lection trucks) in selected areas of San Francisco for eight weeks Data were gathered for I 092 respondent households Gamba found that recycling participation was relatively high and no discernable differences were found among the cultural groups Unlike the previous studies Gamba found less support for the Theory of Reasoned Action in his study His regression analysis revealed less explanatory power of attitudes and subjective norms on intention to recycle (5% for subjective norm and 14% for attitude) He also found little variance in observed recycling behavior explained by a respondent s inten tion although the latter did predict self-reported recycling well He asserted that the fact that recycling participation among rus samf:>le was already high and a widespread practi c e in this urban area the assumed model showed less empirical support He also observed that the mailing of the questionnaire alone and the follow-up reminders produced a sub

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33 stantial observed increase in average weekly participation for all cultural groups over the duration of the study This demonstrates the effect of making beliefs more salient in peo ple's mind. In conclusion, he suggests that a program should emphasize an individual's intentions to recycle and basic knowledge of the program stress the ease of participating and use simple reminders as possible intervention strategies to increase curbside recycling (p 158) Overall, findings from the three studies suggest that there is a relationship be tween an individual's recycling attitudes, beliefs, and behavior In addition, feedback and educational intervention strategies as well as self-images and values constructs appear useful in explaining and enhancing recycling behavior Based on the empirical research by Goldenhar (1991 ), Park Levine and Starkey (1998) and Gamba (2000), the following premises are suggested as a foundation for the current study' s hypotheses and research questions : I) Intentions to recycle are on average a sufficient predictor for actual recycling behav ior, in case intention is measured on an aggregate level 2) Attitudes and subjective norms about recycling are influenced by personal and cul tural constructs such as self-perceptions and values 3) Attitudes and subjective norms alone are necessary but not sufficient determinants of recycling intentions Move toward the Theory of Planned Behavior Definition The Theory of Reasoned Action was developed explicitly to deal with purely voli tional behaviors (Ajzen 1988) Problems arise when the theory is applied to behaviors that are not entirely under a person's volitional control A well-known case in point would be the failed attempt of people to quit smoking, although they seriously intended

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34 to do so Failure to enact the behavior may occur either because of a change in intentions or because performance of the behavior failed A number of researchers have focused on the question of volitional control (Ban dura 1977 ; Kuhl 1981) Perhaps the best known example is the concept of internal and external locus of control (Rotter 1966) It refers to the belief that one s outcomes are ei ther under the control of one s own behavior (internal) or under the control of such fac tors as powerful others or chance (external) (Ajzen 1988) Bandura (1977) introduced the concept of perceived self-efficacy The concept refers to the subjective probability that one is capable of executing a certain course of action In a somewhat related analysis of action control Kuhl ( 1981) introduced the concept of state versus action orientation, a concept close to willpower Action-oriented people are assumed to focus their attention on action alternatives and to make use of their abilities to control their performance In contrast state-oriented individuals focus their attention on their thoughts (their present past or future) rather than taking action consistent with their intentions (Ajzen 1 9 85) Closely related to self-efficacy beliefs is Ajzen's (1985) concept of perceived be havioral control a variable that is defined as one s perception of how easy or difficult it is to perform the behavior (Eagly and Chaiken 1993) Ajzen (1985) states, '' the success of an attempt to execute the behavioral plan depends not only on the effort invested (the strength of the attempt) but also on the person s control over other factors such as requisite information skills and abilities including posses sion of a workable plan, willpower presence of mind time opportunity and so forth '' (p 36) Ajzen proposed an extension of the Theory of Reasoned Action the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen 1985 ; Ajzen and Madden 1986) The addition of the third ante cedent of intention is the degree of perceived behavioral control As a general rule the

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35 greater the perceived behavioral control the stronger is the intention to perforrn the be havior under consideration For example if a person wants to recycle and thinks he or she has control over this behavior (recycling bins are readily available there is no extra cost, recyclables can be put out together with the regular waste) the person is more likely to actually recycle (Figure 2-2) In summary, the four directly measured variables are : (I) behavioral intention (BI), (2) attitude toward the behavior (A), (3) subjective norm (SN) and ( 4) perceived behavioral control (PBC) These variables for1n the following equation : Bl -(A + SN + PBC) = wlA + w2SN + w3PBC with w 1 w2 and w3 representing the relative contributions (weights) of attitude subjec tive norm and perceived behavioral control respectively, to the prediction of behavioral intention (Ringer Lepre 2000) Bel1avioral Beliefs Outcome Evaluations Normative Beliefs Motivation to Comply Control Beliefs Perceived Facilitation Attitude Subjective Norm Perceived Behavioral Control ., ., , Behavioral Intention ., , , ., ., , ., Figure 2-2 Path model for the Theory of Planned Behavior ., , ., , Behavior , ,

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36 The addition of the perceived behavioral control variable raises two interesting questions regarding its meaning and value for the model First perceived behavioral con trol is added as an exogenous variable that has both a direct effect on behavior and an in direct effect on behavior through intention According to the construction of the original Theory of Reasoned Action, Ajzen and Fishbein (I 980) argued that '' the effects of exter nal variables are mediated by beliefs and therefore taking external variables into account is not expected to improve prediction of intention( ... ) or behavior' (p 91) Since the ad dition of the control variable does improve the prediction of intentions it seems to open the door for the addition of other '' external '' variables that could strengthen the model Second Ajzen s claim of perceived behavioral control s synonymity with self efficacy as defined by Bandura (I 977) has met with criticism (Fishbein and Stasson 1990) These studies assert that self-efficacy is a more internally based notion within an individual This contrasts with perceived behavioral control which includes an influence by others or events It should be plausible to allow for other internally-located factors next to self-efficacy such as willpower interest or ascription of responsibility to flow into the measure of perceived behavioral control Finally there seems to be some merit to divide the perceived behavioral control variable into an external component (as defined by Fishbein and Stasson (1990)) and an internal component (as defined by Bandura (1977)) This would not influence the original theory substantially Both of the other two crucial variables attitudes and norms are likewise comprised of two antecedent com ponents that form this variable

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37 More research seems needed at this point to clearly determine the appropriate measure for use in the theory of planned behavior There seems to be some value in including measures of both external and internal control elements Based on the theoretical underpinnings of the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen 1985) the following premise can be introduced as a foundation for this study' s research questions : 4) With the addition of the perceived behavioral control element in the Theory of Planned Behavior the predictive power of the original Theory of Reasoned Action model is increased allowing for cases in which the behavior (recycling) is not under complete volitional control Application in Recycling Research Similar to the Theory of Reasoned Action the Theory of Planned Behavior has been used in multiple studies to explain behavior Ajzen and his colleagues (Ajzen and Madden 1996; Schifter and Ajzen 1985) were among the first to empirically test the the ory These studies dealt with weight loss and class attendance topics In either case the new variable of perceived behavioral control showed strong predictive power in explain ing intention to behave in a certain way The overall predictive ability of the Theory of Reasoned Action was substantially improved As a result the Theory of Planned Behav ior appeared to be an improvement over the Theory of Reasoned Action to explain inten tion and actual behavior In the area of recycling and green consumerism two studies applied the Theory of Planned Behavior to explain the antecedents of recycling and composting intentions within an integrated waste management behavior model (Taylor and Todd 1995) and the influence of self-identity on attitudes and intentions to engage in shopping for organic products (Sparks and Shepherd 1992).

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38 Sparks and Shepherd (I 992) based their study on reports that a relationship exists between self-identity concepts and behavioral intentions that is independent of the role of attitudes toward the behavior or social norms Since all these studies seemed to have been discussed in reference to the Theory of Reasoned Action, Sparks and Shepherd hypothe sized that the concept of self-identity could be covered well by the added variable of per ceived behavioral control In other words an adequate operationalization of the compo nents of the Theory of Planned Behavior would result in no independent relationship be tween a measure of self-identity and a measure of behavioral intentions To test the hypothesis 236 randomly sampled members of the general public in a medium-sized town in England returned a mailed questionnaire The questionnaire in cluded the standard variables of the Theory of Planned Behavior (salient beliefs outcome evaluations attitudes subjective norm, perceived control and intentions) as well as measures of identification with green consumerism and health-consciousness and a 'green concern' index Contrary to their expectations the analysis revealed a substantial independent effect for self-identity an effect that persisted when a measure of past con sumption was included in the equation They tentatively concluded that psychological identification (pro-environmental self-concept) reflects more than an inference from past behavior and acts as more than an index of values concerning external consequences of action (p 394) This in tum supports proposals that both the Theory of Reasoned Action and the Theory of Planned Behavior need to take account of the role of self-identity in influenc ing behavioral intention While both the Theory of Planned Behavior and the Theory of Reasoned Action were successfully replicated the above issue raises questions for mod

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39 els of attitudes based on '' expected utility'' because choices seem to be influenced by a multitude of considerations These would include the socially or culturally fashioned symbolic meanings of those choices, such as the social identities that the choices might help to confer (p 397). Identity-related symbolic outcomes that are supported by different choices would likely be of great importance to people and their particular social milieu (Giddens 1991) Within the concept of the Theory of Reasoned Action and Theory of Planned Be havior, attitudes are formulated on the basis of utilitarian outcomes These outcomes are the result of a cost/benefit analysis of the individual A closer examination of how atti tudes relate to subjective expected utility underpinnings of the Theory of Reasoned Ac tion and Theory of Planned Behavior is needed There may be evidence to either question the usefulness of the measured attitudes, or add an antecedent dimension to the model that can sufficiently explain the formation of those attitudes Taylor and Todd (1995) were concerned primarily with the critique that the recy cling behavior literature lacks an integrated theoretically based model to understand the relationships between environmental beliefs attitudes and behavior (Hopper and Niel sen 1991) Taylor and Todd created an integrative model based on the Theory of Planned Behavior, which also included perceived innovation characteristics (Rogers 1983), facilitating conditions (Triandis 1979) and self-efficacy (Bandura 1977) as key deter1ninants of recycling intentions and behavior The latter two variables were posi tioned as direct antecedents to Ajzen s perceived behavioral control variable within the model The first variable is based on beliefs about the perceived characteristics of an in novation (Rogers 1983)

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40 According to the innovation literature three perceived characteristics of an inno vation have been found to influence adoption behavior : relative advantage complexity and compatibility Since relative advantage and complexity have been found to be impor tant predictors of attitude Taylor and Todd expected those characteristics to influence attitude formation in the context of the Theory of Planned Behavior Compatibility a component of facilitating conditions (Triandis 1979) was estimated to influence per ceived behavioral control In the altered design of the Theory of Planned Behavior model relative advantage refers to the degree an innovation provides benefits that supersede those of its precursor (a concept consistent with the notion of perceived costs and bene fits) Complexity represents the degree to which an innovation is perceived to be difficult to understand and use (p 611 ) Among the new three control variables forming the per ceived behavioral control structure facilitating conditions relate to access to resources necessary to perform the behavior Self-efficacy correlates to the perceived ability to carry out the behavior Perceived compatibility is defined as the degree to which the in novation fits with the potential adopter s existing values lifestyle previous experiences and current needs (p 612) After pilot-testing the constructs data were gathered through a survey over 761 respondents in a mid-sized city for both recycling and composting intentions Both fit sta tistics and path analyses suggested that the integrative model explained the assumed func tioning of recycling intentions well Taylor and Todd 1995) pointed out that intentions to recycle were positively influenced by attitude and perceived behavioral control but were negatively influenced by subjective nor1n The somewhat surprising result in regards to

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41 the subjective norm was assumed to be due to the relative maturity of the recycling pro gram This argument was also raised by Gamba (2000) as a potential interpretation of his inconclusive findings regarding the Theory of Reasoned Action effects on household recycling Non11ative influences were important determinants of subjective no11n ex plaining 75% of its variance (p 620) Finally efficacy and resource-facilitating condi tions were positively related to perceived behavioral control though compatibility was not Taylor and Todd argue that although recycling does not seem to be perceived by people as being compatible with their daily routines or lifestyles it did not weaken the control they felt over their behavior It suggests that, given adequate knowledge people may be willing to overcome personal inconvenience to realize the more global benefits of recycling (p 620) Taylor and Todd maintain that while the original Theory of Planned Behavior is a useful starting point, the integrated waste management model can provide a better understanding of the complex relationships that influence waste management inten tions and subsequent behavior Based on these empirical research studies applying the Theory of Planned Behav ior the following premises are added as foundations for this study s hypotheses and re search questions : 5) The addition of perceived behavioral control in studies predicting recycling intentions and behavior has shown to improve predictability of the Theory of Reasoned Action 6) Attitude subjective norms and perceived behavioral control all seem to provide equally significant explanatory power for behavioral intentions and behavior 7) A stricter separation of the perceived behavioral control variable into control beliefs and perceived external facilitation conditions will strengthen this variable

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42 8) The inclusion of antecedents to the attitudinal normative and control beliefs in the form of self-concepts or personal values has been found to improve predictive ability of the entire model Personal Values and Recycling Introduction As the two empirical studies using the Theory of Planned Behavior have shown a growing number of researchers have begun to study the development of environmental attitudes as well as underlying cultural or personal values systems influencing recycling behavior directly Research streams emerged from the literature on norm activation the ory perceived risk, self-concept effects psycho-social variables and the new environ mental paradigm (NEP) Each stream can be considered a relatively large autonomous field of its own Together they may be viewed as parts of a larger more generalized framework, which incorporated ideas about nature of values proposed by Schwartz (1977 1992) and Rokeach (1973 1979) Schwartz s theories have been applied by Stern (1987 1992) within the context of environmental concern research (Young 1 9 97) The following discussion assesses values research and explains and defends its use in a modi fied model of the Theory of Planned Behavior within the current study This will provide a conceptual framework Values Research Values and norms can predispose individuals to hold certain attitudes and react in predictable ways toward environmental problems (Dunlap and Van Liere 1978 ; Stern Dietz and Kalof 1993) It seems that there are compelling theoretical reasons for assum ing that the study of a person s values is likely to be useful The study will use the defini tion of Rokeach ( I 973) who stated :

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43 A value is an enduring belief that a specific mode of conduct or end-state of exis tence is personally or socially preferable to an opposite or converse mode of con duct or end-state of existence A value system is an enduring organization of be liefs concerning preferable modes of conduct or end-states of existence along a continuum of relative importance (p 5) The key elements of this definition are comprised of the words '' enduring '', '' be lief ', and '' end-state of existence ' The endurance quality of a value stems from the fact that a value is learned initially in isolation from other values in an absolute manner One can, to use the example of ' honesty '' as a value not be just a little honest At the same time one can also not be sometimes honest and sometimes not Honesty as an example for an end-state of existence is always desirable over others Although people learn through experience and maturation to integrate values into a hierarchical system the be havioral outcome in a specific scenario will be determined by the relative importance of a specific value compared to others. For example honesty as a value might be subordinated to another value (say : freedom) if this value is seen as more important in the situation but it will never be compromised in its own right A value is also considered a prescriptive or proscriptive belief, or '' a belief upon which a man acts by preference '' (Allport 1961) Values have cognitive affective and behavioral components (Rokeach 1973) '' It has a behavioral component in the sense that it is an intervening variable that leads to action when activated '' (Rokeach 1973 p 7). The distinction of beliefs toward a mode of c ond11ct versus end-states of e xistenc e separates values into two kinds : instrumental values and terminal values Since values form a functionally interconnected system once they are internalized subsequent values research (Kahle 1984 ; Schwartz 1992) has not maintained this strict separation

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44 Values researchers have concluded that values are multi-faceted standards Values help individuals to rationalize beliefs attitudes, and behaviors that would otherwise be personally or socially unacceptable so that one will end up with personal feelings of mo rality and competence and in the end enhanced self-esteem An attitude refers to an organization of several beliefs around a specific object or situation (Rokeach 1968) In contrast, a value refers to a single belief of a very specific kind Attitudes are focused on some specified object or situation while values transcend them Since values are also considered standards applying to all kinds of situations they are believed to occupy a more central position than attitudes within one s personality makeup and cognitive system Values are determinants of attitudes as well as behaviors Values also differ from social norms A value refers to an end-state of existence and transcends specific situations In contrast a social norm refers to only one mode of behavior connected in a prescriptive fashion to a specific situation For example Navaho Indians should refrain from having ceremonials at the time of an eclipse of the moon (Kluckhohn 1951) This behavior is subject to sanctions from the Navaho society and only apply to the eclipse scenario Second a value is more personal and internal whereas a nor1n is consensual and external to the person (Rokeach 1973) It can be assumed that values may have a rightful place as antecedents to beliefs attitudes nonns and actions in a model such as the Theory of Planned Behavior Schwartz Values Model Schwartz (1970) proposed that people are aware and concerned with others well being and consequently act out of a sense of moral obligation to help others In other words they act altruistically '' These moral 001 ins may be internalized wholly or par

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45 tially, or they may be perceived as expectations held by significant others '' (Schwartz 1970 p 130) Schwartz's term for a non-internalized nor111 is ''social nortn '', which is de fined the same as in the Theory of Reasoned Action His term for an internalized norm is ''personal norm ''. He referred to it as ''internalized values' (Schwartz and Howard 1980) People who e.g ., hold a great concern for the environment generally have a great concern for others' welfare as well If they are aware of adverse consequences to others as a result of their behavior they behave in a pro-environmental fashion They will do so as well if they ascribe a personal responsibility to themselves to act altruisti cally and reduce the negative consequences Thus values influence behavior when they are activated by situational concern (Karp 1996) Schwartz (1992, 1994) extended his research on values administering a global survey with Likert-type questions that inquired on the importance of 56 value items as '' guiding principles' in respondents lives His new theory of values was predicated on the Rokeach scale He identified ten motivational goals ( e g ., conformity security, he donism) which were further collapsed into four identifiable clusters representing the ex tremes of two basic conditions (Young 1997) This is illustrated in Figure 2-3 Openness To Change Consen-ation Self-Transcendence I Self-direction I Confomuty Self-Enhancement I Achievement I Power Figure 2-3 Schwartz values dimensions (with 4 exemplary motivational types)

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46 The openness to change versus conservation dimension indicates the degree to which individuals are motivated to independent action and willing to challenge them selves for both intellectual and emotional realization (Karp 1996) [The dimension] arrays values in tertns of the extent to which they motivate peo ple to follow their own intellectual and emotional interests in unpredictable and uncertain directions versus to preserve the status quo and the certainty it provides in relationships with close others institutions and traditions (Schwartz 1992 p 43) The second dimension contrasts values oriented toward the pursuit of self-interest (self-enhancement) with values related to a concern for the welfare of others (self transcendence) It arrays values in terms of the extent to which they motivate people to enhance their own personal interests ( even at the expense of others) versus the extent to which they motivate people to transcend selfish concerns and promote the welfare of others, close and distant, and of nature (Schwartz 1992, p. 43) As traditionally understood the concern for others in the environmental literature usually refers to people However if the subject holds '' ecological values '', there is no reason why the '' other' could not be nonhuman (Thogersen 1996) Consequently some scholars include '' biospheric altruism ' behaviors judged with reference to ecological values within the domain of morality (Stern Dietz and Kalaf 1993) Overall Schwartz's work on individual values will be used as a basis for the current study in re gards to environmental values related to recycling Applications in Environmental/Recycling Research The Theory of Reasoned Action and the Theory of Planned Behavior have be come the most popular analytical framework for recycling and more general proenviron mental research Both are a variety of Subjective Expected Utility (SEU) models that as

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47 sume that action is motivated by a desire to maximize private utility (Thogersen 1996) The general assumption for recycling research was that action is indeed either triggered by selfish motives (gains cost avoidance) or adherence to accepted social norms in the society Scholars such as Thogersen (1996) have argued that recycling should be treated as an instance of prosocial behavior, because of its benefits to society and the environ ment 'In aflluent industrial societies environmental behaviors like recycling are typi cally classified within the domain of morality in people's minds Attitudes regard ing this type of behavior are not based on thorough calculation, conscious or un conscious of the balance of costs and benefits Rather, they are a function of the person's moral beliefs that is beliefs in what is the right or wrong thing to do '' (Thogersen 1996 p 537) This alternative theoretical approach that seeks to explain behavior with values and morality has been applied in studies testing Schwartz s altruism model (Guagnano Stem and Dietz 1995 ; Hopper and Nielsen 1991 ; Vining and Ebreo 1992) and more ad hoc based models (Derksen and Garttrell 1993 ; De Young 1986 ; Stem Dietz and Kalof 1993) Two studies applied the concept of proenvironmental values and personality traits directly to explain proenvironmental behavioral intentions Karp (1996) analyzed the in fluence of value orientations on the intention to protect the environment Allen and Fer rand (1999) applied the influence of Geller s concept of '' actively caring for the environ ment '' (1995) to deternune proe11vironmental behavior Karp (1996) based his study on Schwartz s theory and measure of values (1992) accepting the assumption that values play a role in specific situations when activated by a set of altruistic concerns The idea of an impact for specific situations was criticized by attitude theory (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980) Subsequent studies (Stem and Dietz 1994) have demonstrated that values are a good predictor of specific behaviors The goal of

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48 Karp's study was to clarify the role of values in predicting environmental behavior by using a complete Schwartz Scale of Values to test the effect of values Values are arrayed along two dimensions one spanning between self-enhancement and self-transcendence another spanning between openness to change and conservation Within this 2x2 values dimension matrix exist ten value categories called motivational types by Schwartz Those include values, such as benevolence security power and hedonism among oth ers Karp hypothesized that individuals who hold self-transcendence and openness to change values are the most likely to engage in proenvironmental behavior Those that combine self-transcendence with conservation values engage in proenvironmental behav ior if based on a normative standard (rules) Finally those that hold self-enhancement values are less likely to act in a proenvi ronmental fashion This behavior is only modified by the openness to change dimension Openness to change might lead self-enhancement individuals to engage in proenviron mental behaviors if there is a link to self-interest e g ., buying organic food for health reasons (p 116) In the study Karp conducted he measured values along the Schwartz (1992) Scale of Values (a 9-point scale ranging from (( opposed to my values '' to '( of su preme importance to me '' ) and proenvironmental behavior on a self-reported scale of ac tivities (a 5-point scale ranging from '' never' to '' always '' ) Through factor analysis the behaviors were reduced to three categories called '' Good Citizen '' (frequent proenviron mental behaviors) '' Activist' (infrequent proenvironmental behavior) and '' Healthy Con sumer '' (targeted proenvironmental behavior) The main finding of the study was that the effect of self-transcendence and open ness to change as well as a biospheric motivation type has a strong positive effect on all

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49 three categories of environmental behavior The other combinations of values dimen sions, however were not fully supported by the findings, except for the extreme opposite values combination to the above (self-enhancement and conservation) which showed a negative effect on the composite behavioral category as well as the <' Activist '' category Overall Karp found that an understanding of the relationship between values and behavior increases the likelihood of determining what triggers people to engage voluntar ily in proenvironmental behaviors This would help to engage in programs that promote noncoercive solutions to problems rather than forcing a behavior to avoid a free-rider ef fect Since the fmdings were no entirely conclusive Karp suggests that in addition to us ing values alone one should consider addressing rational considerations (perceived indi vidual efficacy, estimation of consequences) as well (p 131) This suggestion does point to the usefulness of a merging of two theory streams a theory based on rational choice such as the Theory of Planned Behavior, with a values-based theory such as the Schwartz model Related to the idea of perceived efficacy is the concept of actively caring devel oped by Geller (1995) The actively caring perspective is analogous to the concept of self-transcendence (Maslow 1971 ; Schwartz 1992) Actively caring explains behaviors executed to benefit others make others feel better or influence other's behavior in a de sired direction (Geller 1995) Geller developed a model of actively caring a fonn of al truistic motivation that primarily looked at the psychological internal determinants of an '' actively caring '' attitude Geller s actively caring variable mediates the relationship be tween environmentally responsible behaviors and personality factors related to self affirmation (self-esteem belonging self-efficacy optimism and personal control)

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50 Allen and Ferrand (1999) tested this hypothesis empirically in a study on 121 stu dents in New York Although Geller' s model is related to Schwartz s norm activation model of altruism (1977) it contains specific precursors lacking in the Schwartz model In addition, unlike the Schwartz model which includes an adherence to a social norm, Geller s notion of caring is directly arrived from an internal feeling of sympathy and per sonal psychological makeup Hence data testing Schwartz s model would be inconsistent with Geller's hypothesis (Allen and Ferrand 1999, p 341) The purpose was to directly test Geller s model Allen and Ferrand (1999) asked 121 undergraduate students at a liberal-arts col lege in New York to fill out a lengthy questionnaire that assessed self-esteem feelings of belonging sense of personal control regarding environmental problems sympathy for others and the extent to which they engaged in a variety of environmentally friendly be haviors To measure the predictors, existing scales were used whenever possible from previous research Personal control was measured with the Environmental Action Internal Control Index (Smith-Sebastano 1992) Self-esteem was measured using the Texas Social Behavior Inventory (Helmreich Stapp and Ervin 1974) Belonging was measured using the Social Connectedness Scale from Lee and Robbins (1995) Since Geller had not iden tified a specific measure of actively caring the researchers chose Davis (1983) measure of sympathy Path analyses were conducted to test the mediational aspect of Geller s model (p 344) Allen and Ferrand s findings suggest that sympathy is an important predictor of environmentally responsible behavior Sympathy is facilitated by feelings of personal control which supports Geller s notion that actively caring mediates the relation between

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51 self-affirmation factors ( e g ., personal control) and environmentally friendly behavior Unlike personal control though self-esteem and belonging did not predict environmen tally friendly behavior well The researchers speculated that their measure of personal control was the one most specifically related to environmental problem solving and con cern People felt specifically empowered or self-affirmed in relation to environmental is sues If it is the case that self-empowerment feelings unlike self-affirmation goals need to precede dispositional factors to predict behavior Geller s theory (1995) does not explain actively caring properly and needs to be changed Similarly to Karp (1996) Allen and Ferrand caution as well to interpret their find ings in a way that suggests that environmentally friendly behavior is entirely a function of sympathy and altruism As Stern Dietz and Kalaf (1993) demonstrated in finding egois tic motives in addition to altruisti c motives as antecedents of environment-protecting be havior environmentally friendly behavior appears to be multiply determined Based on these empirical research studies applying the concepts of values and personality traits the following premises are added as foundations for this study s hy potheses and research questions : 9) Value orientations seem to provide explanatory power for the origins of behavioral normative and control belief s. 10) A succinct value orientation scale such as the one provided by Schwartz delivers adequate explanation for proenvironmental behaviors such as recycling 11) Perceived behavioral control is sufficiently explained by internal beliefs o f empow erment (self efficacy) and beliefs about the extent of control of external factors 12) Values influence behavioral intention about recycling through their proximal relation ship with attitudes norrns and control perceptions

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52 Inclusion of Values in the Theory of Planned Behavior Ajzen's Theory of Planned Behavior (1985) specifies in a mathematica] way the relationship among beliefs attitudes, and behaviors (Petty and Cacioppo 1981) The the ory is based on the assumption that ' humans are rational animals that systematically use or process the infor111ation available to them ' and that ''the information is used in a rea sonable way to arrive at a behavioral decision '' (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980) The assumption of rationality has a favored position in economics (Tversky and Kahneman 2000) and related disciplines A society that is influenced by scientific think ing usually holds up the '' rational choice model'' of decision making as an ideal to which we should aspire (Miller 1999) In other words, when confronted with an environmental problem (such as solid waste) it is argued that we should develop a comprehensive un derstanding of the problem explore all possible alternatives, engage in logical decision making, and seek evaluative feedback on the consequences of our actions In practice ''rationality ' can take many forms Being rational simply means that one takes orderly steps toward achieving a reasonable coherent goal, as irrational as it might appear to a neutral observer Rationality is simply a mental model composed of two broad sets of ideas what people believe and value (their ideology) and how they seek to achieve their valued goals (their preferred mode of reasoning or conduct) (Miller 1999) While two different people may use different rationalities they are similar in that their behavior is embedded in a set of values It follows that all problem-solving behavior is subjective ; it cannot be '' objective '' in the sense of being totally detached from personal and cultural values (p 12)

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53 This study does not argue that Fishbein and Ajzen assume a positivistic rationality in their theory it appears questionable why personal values as part of the 'other vari ables '' should be entirely exogenous to the model and can only indirectly (through be liefs) affect behavior or behavioral intent (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980 p 82) Deducing from the above arguments it is possible that values can have a direct influence on behav ior as demonstrated in the results of the previously tested empirical studies In general researchers should consider including values as an antecedent internal variable set to be liefs with stable theoretical relations to behavior Furthermore the main argument against the inclusion of personality traits which would include values into the model has been that a general measure of, e g ., altruism will not correlate well with any specific single behavior (p 89) Values and attitudes are organized in a hierarchical construct that renders values the deterrninants of attitudes For example a held value such as '' a world of beauty '' will be expressed in a specific situa tion in the form of a belief, such as '' preference for a highway without litter' '. This might ultimately result in a behavior such as participating in an '' adopt-a-highway '' program to act on the attitude Granted, in this example the flow is sequential, and no direct value behavior relationship is present However there is no reason to exclude values from the '' value-belief-attitude-intention-behavior' sequence of operation just because it is the antecedent to the following In their own work, Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) opened the door for questions re garding the origins of beliefs (p 90) The current study argues that values are the origins of the beliefs and should be included in the model as an internal variable

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54 Proposed Model Previous studies have demonstrated that values research applied to environmental issues including recycling has become more robust The work by Stern Dietz and Kalof (1993) incorporated Schwartz s work (1992) on universal values into a specification of environmental concern (Young 1997) The combined model which Young (1997) has called the Stem-Schwartz model proposes that individuals make decisions and for111 attitudes about environmental issues by processing these situations through a system of heuristics, where values beliefs and attitudes influence an individual s propensity to act The key component for the current study is the interactive inclusion of values orientations to the attitudinal norrnative and control determinants of behavioral intention in the model of the Theory of Planned Behavior The idea of values enhanced variables will be borrowed for use in the present study Value orientations underlie all beliefs attitudes, and behavioral intentions ; thus they are postulated as causally antecedents to all other variables within the modified The ory of Planned Behavior People can hold multiple value orientations to certain degrees which can vary across individuals Individual attitudes toward recycling emanate from three value orientations First an ee;oistic value orientation predisposes people perform a type of cost/ benefit analysis with regard to recycling Persons take either proor anti-recycling stances in accordance with their assessment of the personal costs associated with the problem (Stem et al 1993 ; Young 1997) This could include such actions as supporting a citywide household recycling program only if utility fees or taxes are not adversely im pacted by it Empirical work by Stem and Dietz (1994) has shown that the egoistic value

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55 is conceptually and empirically equivalent to Schwartz's Self-Enhancement dimension Literature on environmental risk rests on this value orientation in particular (Douglas and Wildavsky 1982 ; Wilson 1992) Kahneman and Tversky (1979) have shown that if deci sions include great risk, people tend to minimize losses rather than maximize gains This is consistent with an egoistic value orientation Second an altruistic value orientation describes individuals concern about the impact of the waste problem and their non-recycling behavior on others Individual s are likely to act to reduce the negative effects People with this value orientation recycle in order to provide long-term availability of natural resources to future generations (Young 1997) A potential behavioral intention could include an active and ongoing recycling and clean-up support of the neighborhood so that people within (e g ., children at play) are safe from pollution and run-off Studies by Stern and Dietz (I 994) have shown that the altruistic value orientation is included in Schwartz s S e lf-Transcendence dimension A related value the biospheric value orientation predisposes people to be c on cerned about the consequences of not recycling on the earth itself. This orientation is also conceptually included within Schwartz s Self-Trans ce ndence dimension Biospheric val ues are essentially synonymous with the New Environmental Paradigm (NEP ). Thi s worldview developed by Catton and Dunlap (1978) understands humans as part of the natural world and governed by its rules Recycling decisions are made as a result of con cerns what non-recycling would do to the natural environment (poisoning endangered species etc .). Slightly different from the altruistic value orientation, behavior resulting from biospheric values could include recycling activities motivated by desires to keep the environment itself (not fellow citizens) safe from toxins and non-degradable trash Bio

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56 spheric values have played a prominent role in the thinking of environmentalists (Naess 1989) Empirical analyses (Stern & Dietz, 1994) have failed to reveal a clear distinction in the general public between valuing nature in itself and valuing nature because of the human benefit In the current study the altruistic and biospheric orientations will be re garded as one category Third a traditional value orientation predisposes individuals to act according to established internalized norrr1s and cultural paradigms. Decisions on recycling are made based on an adherence to an agreed-upon status quo within the community that a person belongs to ( '' this is how it s done around here '' ) This orientation is conceptually related to Schwartz's Conservation dimension This dimension could manifest itself in a recy cling behavior that is largely motivated by how someone grew up, and how the neighbor hood thinks about recycling Finally Schwartz' fourth dimension, Openness-to-change will not be used via a related values orientation The reason is that this dimension is implicitly part of both the egoistic and altruistic values orientation in this model With al] other variables equal to the Theory of Planned Behavior the proposed model is illustrated in Figure 2-4

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I Behavioral Beliefs I .__ _____ ___, I I I I Outcome Evaluations 57 Attitude I I t==============-------~ I I Values I I I I / / / I I / I / // / -~ ,~ / -i: Normative Beliefs ....... '~ .... ~ Motivation to \ '', Comolv \ '' \ \ ---------\ \ \ \ \ \ \ Control Beliefs \ 1----------, Stable theor e tical r e lations Perceived ---Po ssi ble ex planati o n s for rela tions Facilitation R e lativ e importan ce Subjective Norm Relative importance Perceived Behavioral Control Figure 2-4. Path model for the values-enhanced model Behavioral Intention In summary seven variables are measured directly They are : (I) behavioral in tention (BI) (2) attitude toward the behavior (A), (3) subjective norm (SN), ( 4) perceived behavioral control (PBC) and (5 through 7) the values (V) These variables form the fol lowing equation : with /3 1, /3 2 and /3 1 representing the relative contributions (weights) of attitude subjective norm perceived behavioral control enhanced by the dominant values respectively to the prediction of behavioral intention Three of the determinants of intention (A, SN and PBC) are in tum determined by underlying belief structures while the values construct is determined by the most dominant values orientation Stated for1nally, A is the sum of attitudinal beliefs (ab 1 ) mul tiplied by an evaluation of their outcome ( e 1 ) that is

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58 A = r ab;e ;. SN is the product of the individual's normative beliefs regarding the influence of a par ticular referent (nb 1 ) and the motivation to comply with that referent (mc 1 ), that is PBC is the result of the sum of beliefs about personal control, i e the perceived difficulty ( or ease) with which to execute the behavior, ( cbk) multiplied by the perceived facilitation of the control factor (pf k ), that is Finally the dominant values orientation that is linked to the respective determi nant, is the result of the different values an individual possesses The subscripts ra t, ego, and tra refer to the rational altruistic and traditional value orientation (V) as follows : Yr at = (L V ego) (L Va lt + LV b10 ) V tra = (L Vtra) V ego = (r V ego). Summary, Research Questions, and Hypotheses Summary of the Literature The review of the literature on pro-environmentalism and recycling provides the background and structure for the current study Some of the most important points are summarized below : 1 : Recycling is an activity that despite its social benefits and potential benefits to the individual s future well being is not done universally 2 : People cite different reasons for why they do not recycle such as Jack of opportunity lack of knowledge, doubts about making a difference degree of difficulty and lack of interest

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59 3 : Information campaigns to entice people to engage in recycling have usually fo cused on risks of non-recycling (fear appeal) or ease of engaging in it 4 : Research about recycling discovered that both rational and moral/ethical thoughts detertnine people s behavior 5 : The Theory of Reasoned Action has proven to be a model that is useful to de ter1nine and predict the variables that influence behavioral intention on recycling and proenvironmental behavior in general 6 : The Theory of Planned Behavior has proven to be a model that strengthens the determination and prediction of variables influencing behavioral intention on recycling and proenvironmental behavior in general 7 : Values orientation has shown to determine belief and attitude orientation to ward a proenvironmental behavior including recycling 8 : Beliefs about the control over one s behavior are deterrnined by one s inner self-empowerment thoughts as well as perceptions of control over external factors 9 : Both empirical studies adhering to models of rationality and those adhering to altruism suggest a strengthening of their predictive power through borrowing ideas from the opposite concept Premises Throughout the literature review several premises have been proposed as a foun dation for the current study They will be used to forrnulate the research questions and hypotheses in the current study Those premises are : 1) Intentions to recycle are on average a sufficient predictor for actual recycling behavior in case intention is measured on an aggregate level

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60 2) Attitudes and subjective nor1ns about recycling are influenced by personal and cultural constructs, such as self-perceptions and values 3) Attitudes and subjective nor1ns alone are necessary but not sufficient determi nants of recycling intentions. 4) With the addition of the perceived behavioral control element in the Theory of Planned Behavior the predictive power of the original Theory of Reasoned Action model is increased allowing for cases in which the behavior (recy cling) is not under complete volitional control 5) The addition of perceived behavioral control in studies predicting recycling intentions and behavior has shown to improve predictability of the Theory of Reasoned Action 6) Attitude, subjective norms and perceived behavioral control all seem to pro vide equally significant explanatory power for behavioral intentions and be havior 7) A stricter separation of the perceived behavioral control variable into control beliefs and perceived external facilitation conditions will strengthen this vari able 8) The inclusion of antecedents to the attitudinal nortnative and control bet iefs in the form of self concepts or personal values has been found to impro v e predictive ability of the entire model 9) Value orientations seem to provide explanatory power for the origins of be havioral normative and control beliefs

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61 10) A succinct value orientation scale such as the one provided by Schwartz de livers adequate explanation for proenvironmental behaviors, such as recycling. 11) Perceived behavioral control is sufficiently explained by internal beliefs of empowerment (self-efficacy) and beliefs about the extent of control of exter nal factors 12) Values influence behavioral intention about recycling through their proximal relationship with attitudes norrns and control perceptions Research Questions After a thorough review of the literature it is conceivable that personal social or traditional values can directly and indirectly influence behavioral intentions In so doing values related to a specific behavior could become the origin of beliefs regarding the in tention RQI : What roles do values orientations play in explaining recycling intention ? Furthermore specific values orientations seem to be closely related to a particular detertninant of behavior In other words a rational motivation to act seems to stem from a rational values base while e g ., a behavior resulting from adherence to norms comes from a values orientation based on traditions RQ2 : Can attitudes social norms and perceived control dominance in reference to recy cling intentions be traced back to their specific underlying values orientations ? Finally if the different values are connected to different determinants of intention we could explain their effect on behavior and the origins for the respective recycling be liefs

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62 RQ3 : Will the likelihood of recycling intentions be explained better if we include values to the belief-behavior model ? Hypotheses After fonnulating the research questions, several hypotheses were developed They are as follows : Hl : Behavioral beliefs outcome evaluations normative beliefs motivation s to comply control beliefs and perceived facilitation will predict attitudes to ward subjective norms about and perceived control about intentions to en gage in recycling H2 : Attitudes subjective norms and perceived behavioral control will predict be havioral intention to engage in recycling H3 : Attitudes and perceived control will be major predictors of intention to en gage in recycling H4a : Egoistic value orientations will be positively related to the control compo nent and negatively related to the attitudinal and normative components H4b : Altruistic / biospheric value orientations will be positively related to the atti tudinal component and negatively related to the control and nonnative com ponents H4c : Traditional value orientations will be positively related to the norrnative component and not significantly related to the attitudinal and control com ponents H4d : Rational value orientations (the resultant value of the difference of egoistic value orientations and altruistic / biospheric value orientations) will be posi

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63 tively related to the attitudinal component and negatively related to the nor mative and control components H5a : The inclusion of rational value orientations to attitudes will make a signifi cant contribution in the prediction capability of attitude for recycling inten tion H5b : The inclusion of traditional value orientations to subjective norms will make a significant contribution in the prediction capability of subjective no11ns for recycling intention H5c : The inclusion of egoistic value orientations to perceived behavioral control will make a significant contribution in the prediction capability of perceived behavioral control for recycling intention H6 : The inclusion of values will improve the predictability of the attitudinal normative and control variables to explain recycling intentions in the Theory of Planned Behavior

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CHAPTER3 METHODOLOGY This study uses survey methodology to assess differences in values beliefs atti tudes and behavioral intention among the sample It is broken out into two main parts First a correlation analysis will be conducted to confirm the hypothesized variables from the question item set and explore the relationships between the variables set forth in the theoretic part Second a regression analysis will be conducted to test the hypotheses and research questions This chapter is broken out into five sections The first section deals with the model operationalization and sampling strategy The second section discusses the survey design as well as variable and scale development issues The third section analyzes reli ability and validity issues regarding measurement The fourth section explains procedures and data cleaning techniques And the fifth section details statistical analyses Operationalization of the Model The purpose of the current research was to develop and test the influence of per sonal values on the recycling intentions of residents in the Gainesville Florida area using the Theory of Planned Behavior as a guide The model is operationalized according to the outline by Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) and its expansion by Ajzen and Madden (1986) The first three steps are more theoretical in nature while the final two steps are empirical and necessitate the involvement of the population of interest The five steps are as fol lows (Young et al 1991) : 64

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65 1 Select the behavior of interest and define it in terrns of its action target context and time elements 2 Define the corresponding behavioral intention 3 Define general attitude social norm and perceived behavioral control Define the val ues set 4 Elicit the salient behavioral normative and perceived control beliefs about the target behavior from a representative sample 5 Develop or adjust questionnaire items from the salient behavioral nor1native and perceived control beliefs A comparative analysis wi 11 be performed over the most recent and representative studies on recycling that have used either the Theory of Reasoned A c tion or the Theory of Planned Behavior (Bagozzi and Dabholkar 1994 ; Gamba 2000 ; Goldenhar 1991 ; Park et al 1998 ; Todd and Taylor 1995) The most frequently cited beliefs are subsequently used as questionnaire items in the study A similar analysis is perfor1ned over studies that have used values o rientations (Guttierez Karp 1996 ; Schwartz 1992 ; Stem & Dietz 1994) Sample The context of this study is a random digit dialing telephone survey This method was chosen as it seems appropriate for investigating recycling in a natural setting and reaching a representative sample of recyclers and non-recyclers Since recycling services in the greater Gainesville area are primarily offered to single-family households a study targeting a completely random population that e g ., includes over-proportionally a popu lation living in multi-family dwellings would skew its findings too much A total of 400 people will be surveyed during the last two weeks of May 20 0 2 by telephone in the greater Gainesville Florida area A random-digit dialing procedure over laid by the appropriate ZIP code classification will be used to draw from the population of all potential recycling households with working telephones regardless of if the number was directory listed or not (Bagozzi & Dabholkar 19 9 4) The person responsible for recy

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66 cling will be asked for to select a respondent in each household Within the ordered ZIP code area, a computer-assisted method will be used to generate the last four digits of the phone number Due to this technique the sample can be considered a random digit dialing (RDD) sample (KJecka and Tuchfarber 1978 ; Miller 1991) In order to minimize Type I and Type II errors and to be able to detect moderate levels of change 400 respondents will be recruited, classified as the heads of household This number was calculated in accordance with an alpha level of 05 and a range of accu racy of the estimate of plus / minus 5% within the population percentage In other words the 95% confidence interval should be the sample percentage plus or minus 5% Accord ing to Kalton (1983), this specification requires that 1 96 SE(p) = 5% where pis the sample percentage and SE the standard error With the use of a random sample SE(p) is the square root of PQ / n ', where Pis the population percentage Q = 100 P and n is the estimate of that sample size. Thus 1 96 times the square root of PQ / n = 5, or : n' = 1.96 2 PQ I 5 2 In order to determine n a value is needed for P Since PQ is largest at P = Q = 50%, a very conservative choice is to set P equal to 50% With this choice n = 384 which would constitute the maximum required sample size Survey Design The survey instrument includes five scales It combines elements from Stern, Dietz, and Kalofs (1993), and Stern and Dietz s (1995) previously validated instruments for the values dimensions (V) and elements from Ajzen and Fishbein s (1980) previously validated instruments for attitudes (A) subjective norms (SN), and perceived behavioral control (PCB) Subscales will be replicated directly and have shown medium to high reli

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67 ability as will be reported later The dependent measure is composed of the behavioral intention (BI) scale, also replicated from Ajzen and Fishbein (I 980) The variables and scale items of the model are discussed below Explanatory Variables Values are operationalized in this study by a scale that consists of 16 values items Three of those dimensions that had been previously used in the Stem et al (1994) study hypothesized to load on three of the Schwartz (1992) dimensions In addition the authors generated the biospheric' dimension Borrowing from Schwartz s methodology Ques tion 15 of the survey instrument (Appendix p 129f) was created using seven-point Like.rt-scale questionnaire items They ask respondents if a particular value is '' important '' to their overall life s value system with the scale ranging from ' extremely unimportant '' to ' extremely important '' (Schwartz 1992) Subscale items of the four values dimensions are hypothesized as : Factor One : Egoistic Values V e go 1 Authority V ego 2 Social Power V e g o 3 Wealth Vego 4 Influence Factor Two : Altruistic Values Va1t I A world at peace Va1t 2 Equality V alt 3 Social justice Va1t 4 Helpful Factor Three : Biosperic Value s vbio I Unity with nature V bi o 2 Protecting the environment V bi o 3 Respecting the earth Factor Four : Traditional Values V 1ra I Honoring parents and elders Vtra 2 Self-discipline V1ra 3 Clean V tra 4 Politeness V tra 5 Social order Attitude is operationalized by defining it as the attitudinal beliefs about the conse quences of performing a particular behavior Following instructions by Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) several measures do combine to get the overall score for attitude In or

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68 der to receive a measure of' attitude toward the behavior of recycling household waste '', a direct attitude measure, using seven-point Likert-scale questionnaire items ( e g ., '' Recy cling is a beneficial activity (unimportant criterion important criterion) '' ) was assessed Along with the direct measure a combined measure is calculated. The combined measure is computed by adding the products of pairs of seven-point Likert-scale behavioral belief questionnaire items (e g ., ' Recycling reduces landfill use and waste (strongly disagree strongly agree) ') and seven-point Likert-scale outcome evaluation questionnaire items ( e g '' I l i ke to decrease landfill use and messy trash ( extremely unimportant extremely important) '' ) (Questions 9a-c lOa-g and l la-gin Appendix p 127f) The behavioral belief measures were drawn from previous research studies that inquired about the most salient beliefs and outcome evaluations about engaging in recycling Subjective norrn is operationalized as an individual s nor1native beliefs concern ing the influence of a particular referent ( e g ., family friends) over the participant per forming a particular behavior Following instructions by Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) a direct measure, using a seven-point Likert-scale subjective norrn questionnaire item ( e g ., '' Most people who are important to me think I should recycle in the next week (strongly disagree strongly agree)' ) was assessed first This was again contrasted to a combined measure tabulated by summing seven-point Likert-scale normative belief questionnaire items (e g ., '' How much do you agree with the statement that your neighbors think that you should recycle (strongly disagree strongly agree) '' ) multiplied by seven-point Likert-scale motivation to comply questionnaire items ( e g ., '' How likely it is that you would want to do what your neighbors thinks you should do? (extremely unlikely ex tremely likely)' ) The normative belief measures were drawn from previous research

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69 studies that had asked respondents to list people who might have an influence over their decision to engage in curbside recycling (Questions 12 through 14 in Appendi x, p 129 ). Perceived behavioral control is operationalized as the beliefs about the control an individual feels he or she has over performing a particular behavior Following Ajzen s (1985) and Taylor and Todd's (1995) instructions several measures combine to achieve an overall perceived behavioral control score Direct perceived behavioral control meas ures were assessed using seven-point Likert-scale questionnaire items (e g ., '' Whether or not I recycle is completely up to me (strongly disagree strongly agree) '' ) A combined measure computed by summing the products of pairs of seven-point Likert-scale control belief questionnaire items ( e g ., '' Recycling takes too much effort (strongly disagree strongly agree) ') and seven-point Likert-scale perceived control factor facilitation ques tionnaire items ( e g ., '' I don't like to participate in activities if they make my life more difficult ( extremely unimportant extremely important) '' ) was again contrasted to the di rect measure Control beliefs and perceived facilitation beliefs were also drawn from pre vious research studies that asked for a list of items / feelings that might facilitate or o struct an engagement in recycling (Questions 9d lOh-1 and 11 h-1 in Appendix p 127) Response Variable The response variable in this study is behavioral intention This variable was cho sen as the variable of interest because the Theory of Planned Behavior states that behav ioral intention directly predicts behavior (Ajzen 1985) unless intention precedes actual behavior with a huge time-lag Therefore it was of interest to find how independent vari ables relate to the reported behavioral intentions Behavioral intention was defined as how likely or unlikely it is that a respondent would engage in a particular beha v ior which

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70 in this study means recycling Simi]ar to the other variables the instructions of Ajzen and Fishbein (1980} were followed using seven-point Likert-scale questionnaire items ( e g ., 'During the next 30 days, how likely is it that you will take part in a city-sponsored recy cling program (extremely unlikely extremely 1ike1y) ') to obtain a behavioral intention score (Questions 7 and 8 in Appendix p 127) Reliability Reliability refers to the degree to whjch a measure is free of variable measure ment error. If we assume that the '' true '' score remains constant (e g ., that the person s '' true ' attitude has not changed) a perfectly reliable instrument will yield the same results on different occasions (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) This will assure generalizability of the study s results The most appropriate method to measure reliability of a group of items that are hypothesized to measure separate aspects of the same concept is called internal consis tency The term refers to the consistency or cooperation that should exist between a sub set of questions in measuring the same idea The benefit of this technique is that it re quires only a single test administration which provides subsequently a unique estimate of reliability The most popular of these estimates is given by Cronbach s alpha (Carrines and Zeller 1979) In this study items that were assumed to measure a concept (e g ., attitude) will be compared using Cronbach's alpha In total te s ts will be conducted for the four values dimensions attitudes and the perceived behavioral control

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71 Validity Validity, in general, refers to the degree to which an instrument measures the ''true'' score it was designed to measure (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) For surveys it refers to the items or scales in a questionnaire Assessing the validity of a measuring instrument can take several forms The most appropriate ones for the current study are discussed be low Content Validity This type of validity depends on the extent to which an empirical measurement re flects a specific domain of content (Carmines and Zeller 1979) As it is usually diffi c ult to objectively measure an abstract theoretical concept such as '' value '' precisely content validity on average refers to the '' mutual acceptance of the universe of content ' (Cron bach and Meehl 1955) by a group of knowledgeable reviewers As far as the current study is concerned a thorough review of the literature was conducted by the researcher to show a holistic picture of the concept that allows compar ing and contrasting of the study s mea s ures Furthermore academics in the College o f Journalism and Communication and the College of Political Science at the University of Florida examined the literature and concepts and agreed upon the fit of the measures with the studied concepts Convergent and Di s criminant Validity Convergent validity is achieved when an instrument that forms a valid measure of a construct correlates highly with another valid measure toward the same con s truct Campbell and Fiske (1959) furthermore argued that an instrument should also have dis

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72 criminant validity If the same method or instrument (e g ., the Likert procedure) is used to measure different variables (attitude toward different objects) different results should be obtained (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) For application to the Theory of Reasoned Action Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) tested the convergent validity of the measures of its concepts (beliefs attitudes, and in tentions) They found that single self-report scales of attitude toward e g ., religiosity cor related highly with four traditional attitude scales (Guttman, Likert Thurstone and se mantic differential scales) Schwartz (1992) found similar results in tests of the values measures Davidson (1973) established empirical support for convergent and discriminant validity of intentional measures using true-false and likely-1,nlikely scales to assess a variety of family planning concepts (e g ., intentions) Since this study s measures follow the specifications of both the Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) and the Schwartz (1992) models it is thought that this study s measures establish validity properly Predictive Validity Predictive validity refers to the ability of an instrument to estimate an important future behavior or event (Nunally 1978) Both the Theory of Reasoned Action and the Schwartz Values Theory apply models that are primarily designed to make predictions Previous empirical research has established the studies' measures of e g behavioral in tention, attitudes and beliefs Following the guidelines outlined in these theories strictly the current study s measures are thought to predict the concepts equally well

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73 Construct Validity Fundamentally construct validity is concerned with the extent to which a particu lar measure relates to other measures consistent with theoretically derived hypotheses concerning the concept (or construct) that are being measured (Carmines and Zeller 1979) Thus it focuses on the extent to which a measure performs in accordance with theoretical expectations of contributing to a single concept For the constructs in this study taken from the Theory of Planned Behavior the measures followed the exact specifications of Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) who have con structed a valid questionnaire to test the Theory of Planned Behavior In reference to these concepts validity of the study s measures is assumed The values construct measures follow research based on the Schwartz Value s Model (Dietz and Stern 1994 ; Schwartz 1992 ; Young 1997) and can equally be consid ered valid To assure unidimensionality of the four values dimensions (egoistic bio spheric altruistic and traditional) in this study item loadings are established If items do not load on the s pecific constructs or load on multiple constructs they have to be as sumed as weak predictors for the values dimension They might make up a distinct but related construct and will be treated accordingly ( e g ., taken out of further consideration for a particular values dimension or merged to form a unidimensional construct) External Validity External validity answers the question ' to what populations settings treatment variables and measurement variables an effect can be generalized '' (Campbell and Stanley 1963) Because the sample in this study was drawn at random from a general

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74 population in Gainesville, we can assume that there should not be a problem to generalize findings to the larger population of the sampling area (Gainesville) Procedures Measurement A 30-item questionnaire was created and designed for telephone survey technol ogy A pilot-test was conducted to assess reliability and validity issues Once these issues were found acceptable for the questionnaire it will be administered to the sample. The data will be collected in May 2002 Responses will be gathered by profes sional telephone callers under the supervision of the Florida Survey Research Center The callers completed a one-to two-hour training session and have between two to four years of experience making calls The random samples of residential telephone exchanges will be provided by Genesys Sampling Systems A variety of efforts will be used to reduce bias due to nonresponse, including making weekend calls as supplements to weekday evening calls perfor1ning multiple callbacks and accommodating requests for interview appointments (Martinez & Scicchitano 1998) This study implements a household survey that asks to speak to the person most familiar with the family's recycling Once the respondents are willing to participate the interviewer briefly discusses the purpose of the questionnaire of investigating attitudes toward the environment and recycling behavior After the introduction the interviewer explains the answer categories of the Likert scale and begins the interview Initially the interviewer will inform the respondents that trus particular study has been approved by the Instructional Review Board at the University of Florida The interviewer then reads

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75 the respondents the approved informed consent and explains the rights of participation in the study The interviewer also advises them again that any personal information that is given will be kept completely confidential, and that names and responses will be kept anonymous The questionnaire is estimated to take about 15-18 minutes to complete Data Examination and Cleaning Surveys will be visually inspected to look for obvious respondent errors For ex ample if a whole section is unanswered that particular survey is discarded Before pre liminary analysis the data will be transformed to ensure proper analysis with SPSS This transfo11nation step includes recoding of values questions to eliminate negative numbers and reverse-coding of negatively worded questions to assure consistency (Young 1997) To further examine the data for errors frequency of all variables will be run This procedure will identify any items that may be outside an acceptable range for a specific variable Problems that surface through this procedure will be subsequently corrected. In a next step the nature of the respondent answers will be examined as well If a problem surfaces, the case will be identified and the problem corrected Statistical Analyses The level of significance for the statistical tests for this study is 05 This equates to an acceptance of risk by this study that out of 100 samples, a true null hypothesis would be rejected five times (Polit and Hungler 1999) After aggregation the collected data will be analyzed in several ways depending on the hypotheses and research ques tion they related to

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76 Data Aggregation The items hypothesized to form the variables attitude subjective norm, and per ceived behavioral control will be subjected to a reliability analysis and indices created for each respectively by averaging the means of the responses and combining the items measuring the three beliefs and three evaluations/ motivations into one weighted variable respectively The weighted variables will be used in the correlation and regression analy sis (Ringer-Lepre 2000) A reliability analysis will also be conducted for the three values orientation to check, if the theoretical values differences would persist for this study Then an index will be created for each values orientation, constructed as an average of the orientations A fourth values orientation index, the rational ( or self-driven) orientation, will be created as well from the difference of egoistic and altruistic/biospheric values These weighted values variables will be used in the correlation and regression analyses Correlation Analysis Hypotheses 4a through 4d will be tested using bivariate correlation analysis The correlation table will provide the significance of relationship between each of the four values orientations and attitude subjective norm and perceived behavioral control Regression Analyses The remaining hypotheses will be tested using simple or multiple linear regres sion Hypotheses 1 through 3 are using multiple regression to test the original Theory of Planned Behavior This means that the attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behav ioral control factors will be regressed against the two aggregated recycling intention fac

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77 tors (plan to recycle do not plan to recycle) Hypotheses Sa through Sc uses simple linear regression, testing the partial effect of one of the determinants of intention (attitude sub jective nor1n or perceived behavioral control) without the addition of their respective values orientation and with their interaction of this value orientation both multiplicative ( e g ., V rat x A) and additive ( e g ., V rat + A) The three resulting goodness-of-fit values (R 2 ) will be compared to observe if the original R 2 value (that without addition of a val ues te11n) has significantly improved by either method The results of those three regres sions will then be used in Hypothesis 6 comparing the original Theory of Planned Be havior regression equation to the values-enhanced regression equation, applying the most appropriate interactive term for each variable Assumptions of Multiple Regression Tests Since multiple and simple linear regression are the primary methods for testing the hypotheses (Agresti 1997 ; Norusis 1994) attention needs to be paid to its assump tions The assumptions underlying multiple regression concern both the dependent and independent variables and the relationship between those Unlike many other statistical tests the analysis of assumption violation must be performed after the estimation of the regression model According to Hair et al (1987) '' the basic issue is whether in the course of calculating the regression coefficients and predicting the dependent variable the assumptions of regression analysis have been met (p 172) ." The major assumptions are (Hair et al. 1987) : 1 Linearity of the phenomenon : There is an assumed linear relationship between the group of independent variables as well as between each independent variable and the dependent variable An analysis of partial regression plots between each independent variable and the dependent variable was suggested by Hair et al (I 987) to assess this

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78 assumption A curvilinear pattern of residuals would indicate a non-linear relation ship 2 Constant variance of the error term : This assumption refers to the concept of homo scedasticity (equal variance) Hair et al {1987) recommended plotting the studen tized residuals against the predicted dependent variable values and comparing them to a null plot (a random plot of points) 3 Independence of error ter1ns : Regression analysis assumes independence of the pre dicted value Predictions are not sequenced by other variables Plots of residuals against possible sequencing variables are useful to identify non-independence 4 Nor1nality of the error term distribution : Normal probability plots comparing stan dardized residuals to a normal distribution (straight line) are a useful method for identifying this condition (Hair et al 1 9 87) This study will examine studentized residuals outliers influential observations and multicollinearity to test for assumption violations as outlined by Hair et al {1987) Partial regression plots will be used to examine the linearity of relationships Cases that are identified as violating these assumptions will be deleted from further specification To identify outliers visual inspection of partial regression plots as well as indi vidual leverage values will be used The latter indicate the distance between a single case and the center of all observations According to Neter et al (1990) values greater than 2p / n were scanned whereby p = the number of regression parameters in the function in cluding the intercept term and n = sample size The typical regression function for this study includes the intercept and the variables attitude subjective norm and perceived be havioral control for a total of four regression parameters with a sample of 400 As a second method to detect outliers studentized deleted residuals will be used Following Neter et al {1990) absolute values of the studentized deleted residuals will be compared to at-distribution with n-p-1 degrees of freedom

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79 The Variance Inflation Factor (VlF) will be used to discover multicollinearity ef fects Neter et al (1990) suggest that multicollinearity between the independent variables exists if a VlF value in excess of 10 for any of the independent variables is present Hair et al (1987) suggest a process that this study followed First all condition indices above a threshold value of 15 a conservative value (Hair et al 1987) will be identified Among condition indices exceeding 15 variables with variance proportion above 90% will be identified A 90 or higher between two or more coefficients will indicate multicollinear ity For each regression the Enter variable function will be used Consistent with the hypotheses of this study this approach enters all variables simultaneously After the data are adjusted for violations of assumptions a second analysis will be conducted In all cases the frrst elimination of outliers produces results that will be judged to adequately meet the assumptions of multiple regression

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CHAPTER4 RESULTS This chapter consists of three parts First, a discussion of the descriptive statistics about the study sample and assumptions of the regression method Next the analysis of the original Theory of Planned Behavior, and an examination of the value-added model Finally the results of the respective hypothesis tests and answers to the research ques tions are presented The key method used for the statistical tests was multiple linear regress1on Preliminary Analyses A discussion of the demographic statistics the results of the data examinations and the results of the tests for violations of the regression model assumptions follows Study Participants Four hundred residents in the Gainesville Florida area were surveyed during the last two weeks of May 2002 by telephone The participants ranged in age from 18 to 89 with a mean age of 40 9 years (SD = 18.6) There were slightly more women in the sample with approximately 62 percent of the respondents being female (n = 247) Most respon dents (96%) had a high school diploma or more There was a statistically significant dif ference (t = 3 16 p =. 002) in educational levels between recyclers and nonrecyclers Both segments lived an average of 13 years in the Gainesville area with recyclers slightly longer (+2 years) The household income demographics showed a propensity to recycle that was slightly more pronounced among more affluent people. While 62% of house80

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81 holds with an income above $35 000 tended to recycle only 49% of households below $35,000 did so There was no statistical difference between recyclers and nonrecyclers as far as their political orientations were concerned While recyclers tended to lean slightly more liberal (30%), the nonrecycler segment was concentrated in the moderate category ( 40% ) Details on the demographic characteristics are summarized in Table 4-1 Table 4-1 Demographic characteristics of recyclers and nonrecyclers er : _.._11,,veee,_,_,,_, ; tere ony .___,__,,eceeeee nee nasnnnoen neonere,erne .-,,, en,""'' Characteristic Age (years) Range Mean (SD) Education [ n (%)] College + No college Family income [n (%)] > $35,000 < $35 000 Political orientation [n (%)] Conservative Moderate Liberal Residency (years) Range Mean (SD) Recyclers (N = 365) 18-89 41 1 (18.5) 311 (85) 50 (14) 225 (62) 108 (30) 88 (24) 134 (37) 109 (30) 0-75 15 2 (15.3) Data Examination Results Nonrecyclers t (N = 35) 3 24 19-81 32 3 (16 6) 3.16 26 (74) 9 (26) 0 05 17 (49) 16 (46) 1 51 6 (17) 14 (40) 8 (23) 1 .59 0-52 12 4 .. (,1~.~2" '' "' Significance 001 002 964 146 114 I [[ )lat I l [014 ncua N MN Total (N = 400) 18-89 40 9 (18 6) 337 (84) 59 (15) 242 (61) 124 (31) 94 (23) 148 (37) 118 (29) 0-75 1~ 9 (l~_.l) Surveys were visually inspected to control for obvious respondent errors Incom plete surveys and surveys that seemed to be answered the same way throughout the sur vey were discarded Multiple samples were ordered by the Florida Survey Research In stitute to arrive at the contracted number of 400 respondents As a result none of the 400 surveys had to be discarded due to survey errors Surveys were then given case identifica tion numbers for further analysis The dataset arrived in an ASCII format The data were

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82 frrst entered into Excel and then visually inspected for data entry error If an error was found on a specific row, the survey was retrieved by case number and the record was cor rected The entire file was translated to SPSS for preliminary analysis In addition, nega tively worded questions (Q 11 8-11 12 Q 12 8-12 12) were reverse-coded for consistency After the data entry a preliminary inspection of the data was conducted to un cover potential confounding effects in the sample Frequencies of all variables were run to further examine the data for error The data were inspected to determine if items fell outside the acceptable range for a particular variable In a next step the nature of the respondent answers was examined Cases were checked for '' Don t know '' and '' Refu s ed '' answers by sorting the cases in an ascending fashion from the lowest to highest value Cases with '' Don't know'' and '' Refused '' answers were considered missing variables and discarded Similarly all weighted variables such as the attitude belief and outcome evalua tion total, were checked for missing values Cases with data of that nature were evaluated as being missing and listwise deletion was used to eliminate them Out of a total of 400 surveys 87 (22 % ) were discarded because they had missing values in one or more of the model variables A total of 313 cases were retained for further analysis Regression Model As s umptions Regression analyses involve a series of assumptions about the relationships of the variables being measured to each other These assumptions again are as follows : 1 Linearity of the phenomenon 2 Constant variance of the error term 3 Independence of the error term 4 Normality of the error terr11 distribution

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83 Violation of these assumptions can lead to serious problems in interpreting the re sults of the study To test for assumption one and two standardized residuals were plotted against the predicted individual independent variables The scatterplots showed a random distribution void of observable pattern As for assumption three although data were not collected and recorded sequentially, it is plausible that time' may have influenced the residuals The plot of standardized residuals against the sequencing variable showed no discernible pattern Finally, to test for normality (assumption four) a histogram of re siduals was constructed and superimposed with a normal distribution curve The distribu tion of residuals appeared to be approximately nor111al Multicollinearity did not surface as a problem in the analyses of this study This was in part due to the fact that empirically tested variables and variable relationships of tried theories were used Both the Theory of Planned Behavior and the Schwartz Values Model have been tested extensively by subsequent research The variables behaved in the detected fashion in this study as well Analysis of the Theory of Planned Behavior This section discusses the results of the first three hypotheses, testing the Theory of Planned Behavior as an explanation of recycling intention The first hypothesis pro posed that belief and outcome variables would predict attitude subjective nor1ns and per ceived behavioral control The second hypothesis predicted that attitude subje c tive norms and perceived behavioral control would explain recycling intentions The third hypothesis suggested that attitude and perceived behavioral control would be the most significant influence factors on recycling intentions

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84 Variable Preparation Before testing the hypotheses, it was necessary to recode the attitude variable and create an index Three items on the questionnaire were designed to measure re s pondents attitude toward recycling Each question was worded '' Participation in recycling is '' fol lowed by a different response scale for each question The seven-point scales measured the respondents evaluation of how wise / foolish, important/unimportant, and beneficial / harmful they perceived recycling A reliability analysis yielded an alpha of 76 for the three items The attitude index was created by av eraging the means of the responses of the three items As far as the variables subjective nortn and perceived behavioral control were concerned there was only one item deterrriining a general measure of each variable The measure for subjective norm was worded : '' Please tell me much you agree with the state ment that most people who are important to you think that you should recycle '' with an swers ranging from strongly disagree (I) to strongly agree (7) The measure for perceived behavioral control was worded : '' Whether or not I recycle is completely up to me '' with an identical answer distribution Since those two variables were composed of single-item measures it was unnecessary to create an index for use in the regression model All three variables were subsequently recoded to change their one to seven scales into bipolar -3 to + 3 scales to be consistent with the following predictor variables New weighted variables for the three explanatory variables in the model were re quired The items measuring behavioral beliefs and outcome evaluations nor1native be liefs and motivation to comply and control beliefs and perceived facilitation were com

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85 bined into one weighted variable each These three weighted variables were subsequently used in the regression model To accomplish this the items measuring behavioral beliefs normative beliefs control beliefs outcome evaluation motivation to comply, and perceived facilitation were recoded to change their one to seven scales into bipolar -3 to + 3 scales Then, each of the seven items measuring behavioral beliefs was multiplied with its matched item measuring outcome evaluation For example the two items 'Recycling reduces landfill use and waste '' (behavioral beliefs) and '' I like to decrease landfill use and messy trash ' (outcome evaluation) were a matched pair and their product formed a weighted variable Similarly each of the five items measuring normative belief was multiplied with its matched item measuring motivation to comply as were the five items measuring con trol belief with their matched item measuring perceived facilitation Regression Study Hypotheses one through three used linear regression to analyze the Theory of Planned Behavior Hypothesis one stated that the explanatory variables behavioral beliefs and outcome evaluations will predict attitudes toward recycling, normative beliefs and motivations to comply will predict subjective norrns about recycling and control beliefs and perceived facilitation will predict perceived control about intentions to engage in re cycling The regression analysis showed a significant and positive correlation between the weighted variables representing behavioral beliefs and outcome evaluations and the attitude index ( r=. 381, p <. 001) The regression analysis also showed a significant and positive correlation between the weighted variables representing normative beliefs and motivation to comply and the general subjective norm variable (r= 230, p <. 001) Finally

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86 the regression showed a significant and positive correlation between the weighted vari ables representing control beliefs and perceived facilitation and the general variable measuring perceived behavioral control (r= 195, p <. 05) Consequently it was concluded that these weighted variables were signjficant predictors of attitude subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control Hypotheses two and three maintained that attitudes, subjective norms and per ceived behavioral control would predict behavioral intention to engage in recycling and that attitudes and perceived control would be the major predictors of intention to engage in recycling A regression analysis revealed a significant and positive correlation between attitude and behavioral intention (r= 208 p <. 001) The correlation between subjective norm and behavioral intention was positive, but not significant (r=.078, p <.10 ) as was the correlation between perceived control and behavioral intention (r=.043, p =. 25) The three variables then were entered into the model using stepwise regression analysis (Table 4-2) The results showed that only attitude was a significant predictor of behavioral intention (Table 4-3) As residents attitudes toward recycling increase so do residents' intentions to engage in recycling activities Table 4-2 Stepwise model Measure Attitude Subjective Norm Perceived Behavioral Control Stee 1 2 3 r t '' 208 078 043 IN aaa ; .. WV'IJW aw;,o u. a h,. Aau"Ji U:N= .. ... .. -l4'iftlu 1 0-'loA~~- ..... 'A Table 4-3 Intention to recycle household waste v ,errrnnne 111rnreneerennnr = .. e Measure St Beta t Sio-nificance ....... .. ................... . ................. .. -. -. ....... .. ....... ...... .. .... ... ... ..... .. .. .. -... --... .. . ......... .... ... -.......... ....... ...... ... ............................ Q ........ ........ -. .. .... ..... -. Attitude Subjective Norin Perceived Behavioral Control 208 078 047 3 39 1 26 0.77 001 210 444 ....... .. .... .. ..

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87 From the results of these hypotheses tests a path model showing the application of the Theory of Planned Behavior concerning recycling was developed (Figure 4-1) Behavioral Beliefs Outcome Evaluations Nonnative Beliefs Motivation to Comply Control Beliefs Perceived Facilitation Attitude Relative imp o rtan ce of attitude and s ubj e ctiv e norm I r= 208 r= 21 3 Behavioral I I I Intention w 2=. 053 ,' , --------. Subjective Nonn Perceived Behavioral Control I r= 078** , , , r=.043** , , ., ., ; ., .. ; .. ; ,, , .. ; ., , ., ; ., ., , ., ., ; ., ., ., ., Figure 4-1 Path model for the Theory of Planned Behavior * indicates non-significant path ., ., r= 186 Behavior ., ., ., ., ., ., r= 098** Analysis of the Proposed Values-Enhanced Model This section discusses the results of the final eight hypotheses tests These hy potheses examined the roles values orientations play in explaining recycling intention, and if the likelihood of recycling intentions can be explained better if one includes values to the belief-behavior model of Ajzen and Fishbein Before testing the hypotheses the four values variables were recoded and an in dex created for each of them Four items on the questionnaire were designed to measure respondents egocentric values orientation Four items were designed to measure respon dents altruistic values orientation Three items were designed to measure respondents'

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88 biospheric values orientation Five items were designed to measure respondents tradi tional values orientation Each question was worded '' How important are the following principles in your life '' followed by a response scale from '' extremely unimportant '' to '' extremely important ' for each question A reliability analysis was conducted for each values dimension to see how well a question set measured each construct The analyses yielded the following : an alpha of 67 for the four egoistic values items ; an alpha of 87 for the four altruistic values items ; an alpha of 81 for the three biospheric values items ; an alpha of 84 for the combined altru istic / biospheric v alues items ; and an alpha of 66 for the five traditional values items The constructed rational values orientation computed as the difference between egoistic and altruistic values was checked by examining the correlation between the questions per taining to those values The analysis yielded an alpha of 63 on the eight items Four val ues indices were created by averaging the means of the responses of the items Correlation Study Hypothe s es four (a) through four ( d) aimed to corroborate the basic structure of the effects of the four values di mens ions ( egoistic altruistic traditional rational) on the three detenninants of behavioral intention respectively via correlational analysis Hypothesis four (a) stated that the egoistic value orientation would be positively related to the control component and negatively related to the attitudinal and normative components The Pearson correlation (Table 4-4) showed that the egoistic values dimen sion correlated significantly with perceived behavioral control (r= 207 d f= 313 p <. 001 ). This value was not significantly correlated with any other component

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89 Hypothesis four (b) affirmed a positive relationship between the altruis tic/biospheric value orientation and the attitudinal component and a negative relationship between this value and the control and nor1native components. The altruistic/biospheric values dimension correlated significantly but negatively with attitude (r=. 227 df=313 p <. 001) as well as with subjective norm (r=. 127 df=313, p <. 01) It did not correlate sig nificantly with perceived behavioral control (r= 047 df=313, p =. 45). Hypothesis four (c) maintained that the traditional value orientation is positively related to the normative component and not significantly related to the attitudinal and control components While the traditional values dimension did indeed correlate signifi cantly with subjective norm it correlated negatively (r=-.175, df=313 p <. 001) Further more, it did not significantly correlate with either attitude (r=. 092 df=313 p =. 14) or perceived behavioral control (r= 088 df=313 p =. 16) Finally hypothesis four ( d) stated that the rational value orientation (the resultant value of the difference of egoistic value orientations and altruistic/biospheric value orien tations) is positively related to the attitudinal component and negatively related to the normative and control components The correlation analyses confirmed this hypothesis in part (Table 4-4) The rational values dimension was positively correlated and statistically significant with attitude (r= 172 df=313, p <. 001) but not significantly correlated to sub jective nortn (r= 019, df=313, p =. 76) On the other hand the findings showed a weak positive correlation with perceived behavioral control (r= 148 df=313 p <. 01)

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90 Table 4-4 Pearson correlation coefficients between values and model components ~..,._._,.,...,~-onvve.,,e,,-.~~..,...an_,,.,,,......,_,A,l\aN:ll'eze: ,_, ,,,~..,_,,,,,,.,,.-...h._._,n,eneerV1oo:iAr~~-t t *. Attitude Subjective Norm Perceived Behav Control Egoistic Values 037 090 207** Altruistic Traditional Rational Values Values .. Values {V e -Va) 227** 092 172** 127* 175** 019 047 088 148* ............. ., ......... ... il!## ..... A"-. .. W ....................... . .... ... WW w .Jlf'!uW ...... .,. ................ Note : = p <. 01 ** = p <. 001 Regression Study Based on the strength of the relationship of individual values dimensions and in dividual determinants of behavioral intention hypotheses five (a) through five (c) tested the effect of the respective value on the significance of the respective deten11inant on the response variable intention In other words, if a particular value is intricately connected to a particular determinant then the goodness-of-fit indicator (R 2 ) of this determinant to ward the response variable should increase significantly, if an interaction term is used rather than the determinant variable alone These assumptions were analyzed using sim ple linear regression Hypothesis five (a) asserted that the inclusion of the rational value orientation to the attitude component would make a significant contribution in the prediction capability of attitude for recycling intention To conduct the analysis scores on behavioral intention were first regressed onto scores for attitude and then onto both the multiplicative interac tion tertn of attitude with rational values (attitude x rational values orientation) and the additive interaction term of attitude with rational values (attitude + rational values orien tation) Results showed that when entered alone the main effect accounted for a signifi cant proportion of the variance in behavioral intention R =. 208 F{l 312) = 11 49 p <. 001 When the multiplicative interaction ter1n was entered into the equation it did not

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91 account for a significant increase in the proportion of explained variance R 2 change = 009, F(2 311) = 0 06, p = .80 However, the additive interaction term did account for a small but statistically insignificant increase R 2 change = 013, F(2, 311) = 3 39 p <. 06 To account for the actual significance in increase in R 2 the two regression models were compared using the R 2 comparison technique for complete and reduced models as introduced by Agresti (1997 p 409-410) In short '' since the complete model has k ex planatory variables it has n-(k + 1) degrees of freedom Similarly the reduced model which contains g explanatory variables has n-(g + J) degrees of freedom The addition of the extra (k-g) terms in the complete model reduces the error degree of freedom by (k-g) A relatively large reduction in error yields a large F test statistic and small P-value '' (Agresti 1997) In other words the change in R 2 can be considered significant The com parison technique revealed a significant change in explanatory power at the 95% confi dence level, F(l 312) = 9 54 p <. 05 Hypothesis five (b) contended that the inclusion of the traditional value orienta tion to subjective norms would make a significant contribution in the prediction capabil ity of subjective norms for recycling intention To conduct the analysis scores on behav ioral intention were first regressed onto scores for subjective norm and then onto both the multiplicative interaction term of subjective norm with traditional values (subjective norm x traditional values orientation) and the additive interaction term of subjective norm with traditional values (subjective norm + traditional values orientation) Results showed that when entered alone the main effect by itself did not account for a significant propor tion of the variance in behavioral intention, R = .078 F(l 312) = 1 58 p =. 21 When the multiplicative interaction term was entered into the equation, there was no increase in the

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92 proportion of explained variance R 2 change = 000 F(2 311) = 0 19 p =. 89 The same occurred when entering the additive interaction terrn which also failed to account for a significant increase R 2 change = 000 F(2 311) = 0 19 p =. 88 A s a result it was not necessary to perform the model comparison check Finally hypothesis five ( c) stated that the inclusion of the egoistic value orienta tion to perceived behavioral control would make a sign i ficant contribution in the predic tion capability of perceived behavioral control for recycling intention Again to conduct the analysis scores on behavioral intention were first regressed onto scores for perceived behavioral control and then onto both the multiplicative interaction term of perceived behavioral control with egoistic values (perceived behavioral control x egoistic values orientation) and the additive interaction ter1n of perceived behavioral control with egois tic values (perceived behavioral control + egoistic values orientation) Result s showed that when entered alone the main effect did not explain a significant proportion of the variance in behavioral intention, R =. 043 F(l 312) = 0 60 p =. 44 When the multiplica tive interaction term was entered into the equation it did not lead to a significant increase in the proportion of explained variance R 2 change = 009 F(2 311) = 1 17 p =. 31 As a precaution the model comparison test was condu c ted to see if this minimal increase had significance for the model No significance increase was detected F(l 312) = 1 25 p >. 05 The additive interaction terrn did also not ac c ount for a significant increase R 2 change = 001 F(2 311) = 0 29 p =. 59 Table 4-5 summarize s the results for the regression model As expected fr o m the previous analysis of the Theory of Planned Behavior the main effect for attitude was sig nificant but th os e for subjective norm and perceived behavioral control were not The

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93 predicted interactions were only marginally significant For example only for one of the determinants (attitude) did an interaction improve the proportion of the explained vari ance a little. The findings do not support an assumption that due to significant correla tions between certain values orientations and parameters, an additive or multiplicative interaction term significantly improves the model Table 4-5 Regression of behavioral intention on individual model components and in teractions with respective values dimensions Variable Attitude ( A) AX Vrat(V e -Va) b 281 002 208 016 t 3 39 0 25 Significance 001 802 ... A .. t .. Y! ~ ~ (Y ~ : Y ~2 ............................................................ : ~ ~ ....................... : ~ ~ ?. . ................. .: ~1 ........................... : g ~ ? ................ Subjective Norrn (SN) 004 078 1 26 210 SN x Vtra 002 009 -0 43 891 SN+ Vtra 001 009 -0 43 891 Perceived Behav Control (PBC) 006 047 0 77 444 PBC x V a1t 002 045 1 08 476 PBC + Vait 002 034 -0 54 589 Based on the hypothesized functioning of these individual interactions between specific values and specific model parameters hypothesis six was formulated It stated that the inclusion of values as an intimate portion of the parameters determining intention would ultimately improve the predictability of the three model determinants in the The ory of Planned Behavior to explain recycling intentions Again the original regression model of the main effects of the three determinants (attitude, subjective norrn perceived behavioral control) was compared to a model where the determinants were in an interactive relationship with a close correlating value. The implementation of any interactive term models seemed academic at this time since the individual regressions did not reveal any significant improvement of any of the three

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94 variables Results had shown that when entered alone the main effect accounted for a significant proportion of the variance in behavioral intention, R -. 219, F(3, 310) = 4 23, p <. 005 As expected neither the multiplicative interaction terrns, R =. 051 F(6 307) = 0 26, p = .86 nor the additive interaction terms, R =. 128, F(6 307) = 1.41 p =. 24 ac counted for a more significant proportion of the variance in behavioral intention From the results of these hypotheses tests a path model showing the application of the Values Enhanced Model concerning recycling was developed (Figure 4-2) As the paths from the deterrninants to behavioral intention indicated, the predictive power of the variables did not increase significantly over their original values (Figure 4-1 ) Altruistic Values Rational Values Traditional Values Egoistic Values r=. 227 r=. 175 r= 207 Behavioral Beliefs Outcome Evaluations Nor1native Beliefs Motivation to Comply Co11trol Beliefs Perceived Facilitation Attitude Subjective Norm Perceived Behavioral Control Figure 4-2 Path Model for the Values-Enhanced Model * indicates non-significant path r= 082 * Beha~oral ____ Intention I I I 1 I I / I r= 088** I These findings did not support the original assumption that the inclusions of val ues within the attitude norm and control elements of the Theory of Planned Behavior

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95 would explain a significant portion of the predictive power of these However since indi vidual values orientations seemed to have a significant relationship with individual parameters in the original model (Table 4-4) it raises the question how values affect the model Summary of the Hypotheses Tests Hypothesis one theorized that the explanatory variables of behavioral beliefs, out come evaluations normative beliefs motivations to comply control beliefs and per ceived facilitation would predict attitudes toward subjective norms about and perceived control about intentions to engage in recycling This hypothesis was supported Linear regression tests exhibited a positive significant correlation between the explanatory vari ables and the respective predictor variable in the model of the Theory of Planned BehavIOr Hypothesis two posited that attitudes subjective not ins and perceived behavioral control would predict behavioral intention to engage in recycling This hypothesis was not supported Linear regression revealed a significant positive relationship between atti tude and behavioral intention supporting the prediction However the relationship of subjective norm and perceived behavioral control with behavioral intention although positive was not significant Hypothesis three stated that attitudes and perceived control would be major pre dictors of intention to engage in recycling This hypothesis was partially supported As mentioned in the discussion above it was observed that attitude was the most significant predictor in the model However perceived behavioral control was not a sigruficant predictor for behavioral intention

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96 Hypothesis four (a) speculated that egoistic value orientations would be positively related to the control component and negatively related to the normative and attitudinal components This hypothesis was partially supported While egoistic value orientations were positively correlated to perceived behavioral control this value was not signifi cantly correlated with either subjective nonn or attitude Hypothesis four (b) posited that altruistic/biospheric value orientations would be positively related to the attitudinal component and negatively related to the control and normative components This hypothesis was not supported The altruistic / bio s pheric value orientations correlated significantly but negative with both attitude and subjective norm The correlation with perceived behavioral control was not significant Hypothesis four ( c) asserted that traditional value orientations would be positively related to the nortnative component and not significantly related to the attitudinal and control components This hypothesis was not supported The traditional values dimension did correlate significantly with subjective norm, but the correlation was negative Fur thermore, it did not significantly correlate with either attitude or perceived behavioral control Hypothesis four ( d) stated that rational value orientations would be positively re lated to the attitudinal component and negatively related to the nor1native and control components This hypothesis was partially supported The rational values orientations were positive correlated to attitude, but also positive correlated to perceived behavioral control The latter correlation was less significant Moreover there was no significant correlation to subjective norm

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97 Hypothesis five (a) posited that the inclusion of rational value orientations to atti tudes would make a significant contribution in the prediction capability of attitude for recycling intention This hypothesis found marginally support Linear regression tests probing for interaction, showed that when the additive interaction term between attitude and rational values orientations was entered into the equation it accounted for a very weak increase in the proportion of explained variance of behavioral intention to recycle Hypothesis five (b) asserted that the inclusion of traditional value orientations to subjective norms would make a significant contribution in the prediction capability of subjective norms for recycling intention This hypothesis was not supported. Linear re gression tests probing for interaction showed that when the multiplicative or additive interaction term between subjective norms and traditional values orientations was entered into the equation it did not account for a significant increase in the proportion of ex plained variance of behavioral intention to recycle Hypothesis five ( c) posited that the inclusion of egoistic value orientations to per ceived behavioral control would make a significant contribution in the prediction capabil ity of perceived behavioral control for recycling intention This hypothesis was not sup ported. Linear regression tests probing for interaction, showed that when the multiplica tive or additive interaction term between perceived behavioral control and egoistic values orientations was entered into the equation it did not account for a significant increase in the proportion of explained variance of behavioral intention to recycle Hypothesis six speculated that the inclusion of values would increase the predict ability of the attitudinal normative and control determinants to explain recycling inten tions in the Theory of Planned Behavior model This hypothesis was not supported Lin

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98 ear regression revealed that neither the multiplicative interaction terms nor the additive interaction ter1ns did reveal an increase in the proportion of explained variance of behav ioral intention to recycle A summary chart of the various hypotheses and their key results is provided in Table 4-6 below Table 4 6 Summary of the hypotheses .. !!Y.P. 9.!.~~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ . A .. ~~ 1!.P. P ~~ ~ ........ .......................... .. .. .. !:}~~ ~~g ~ ....................................................... .. I 2 3 4a 4b 4c 4d 5a 5b 5c 6 L ab ; e ; predict A, L nb 1 mc 1 predict SN L cb k pf k predict PBC A, SN and PBC predict BI A and PBC are significant pre di c tor of BI V ego relates positive to PBC V ego relates negative to A, SN Y a11 relates positive to A Y a1 1 relates negative to SN PBC V ,,a relates positive to SN V, ,a does not relate to A, PBC V ,at relates positive to A V ,a r relates negative to SN PBC V, a, and A together improve predictability of A on BI V ,,a and SN together improve predictability of SN on BI Y ego and PBC together improve predictability of PBC on BI Including values to A, SN and PBC improves predictability of Supported Only A had significant influence Only A was significant PBC was not V ego was positively related to A Y ego was unrelated to SN PBC Y a1, was negatively related to A, PBC V al t was not related to SN V, ,a was negatively related to SN V, ,a was not related to A, PBC V ,at was positively related to A, PBC V ,at was not related to SN A s predictability was marginally im proved Not supported Not supported Not supported -.. ,__ ..... ........ .. ?..~ .. !!! ............................ .................................................. ................................ .. ... . .. .... ___ Expl o ratory Po s t-Hoc Analyses To speculate on the effect of values on recycling behavior two alternati v e s cenar ios are briefly described One concerns the effect of attitude subjective norm and per

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99 ceived behavioral control on actual behavior the other concerns the belief and outcome variable pairs in their function as dependent variables If one looks at the effect of attitude subjective norm and perceived behavioral control on actual behavior, one can hypothesize again that interactive terms that match up these parameters with the above mentioned values orientations might deliver a significant increase in explaining recycling behavior To illustrate the hypothesized improvements behavior was regressed on the model parameters in their original state and in a multiplicative and additive interaction relationship with the values orientations discussed in the hypothesis The additive interac tion appeared to show some improvements of the explanatory power of the model Re sults showed that when entered alone the main effects did explain a significant propor tion of the variance in behavior, R =. 228, R 2 =. 052 F(3, 310) = 4 19 p <. 007. When the additive interaction terms were entered into the equation, it lead to a significant increase in the proportion of explained variance, R =. 243, R 2 change = 059 F(6, 307) = 4 82 p < .003. These findings were supported by Table 4-7 which shows the effect change for the individual parameters However this was not the case for subjective norm Table 4-7 Regression of behavior on original and interactive model components ._.,_,,,nev ---.,,vnnen,,,.,,,,,,..,...,, ,,..,_.(wll., ......., ........ .,11',ouo"-""---""--' _.,,,,_o:.,ye_,,..,.,_...,..,_,,,.._.~,e~--.,.,,_~,,..,,n e ,,.,tl:llllh......,, ,,., ,, Measure St Beta t SiPnificance ...... .. .. . .. .. --.... ... .. ..... _... . .. .... ..... ...... --. ......... .. .. .... .. .. .... .. .. .. ... .... ......... ...... .. --...... .... ... .. . ...... .. . .. .. . . ..... . .. ..,. . .. --...... ._. .. . . .. .. ... ..... Q ..... .. ...... . .... ,. .... ---...... .. ...... .. A 109 1 69 092 SN .161 2 49 r 013 PBC 093 -1 44 150 . ....... ... .............. .. ........ .. .... .. .. ...... .. .... ... .. .......... .. ............ .. ...... .._.. __ .............. .................. .. ................. ........ .. .......... .. .......... .. ............ .. ...... .. ..... .... . .... .. .... ......................... ........ ..... .. .. .... .. ..................................... .... ____ ... ........... .. ................. .................................. .. A+ Vrat 115 1 76 080 SN+V1ra 129 1 99 048 -.. ::: ,Y.eso 177 , "" ,,.. .:.~:~~ '", .. ,, __ O~~. ,._ ""

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100 Simultaneously, it was speculated that the strongest effects of values would occur on the three belief and evaluation variables Therefore, it was probed whether a specific values dimension would have a significant relationship to any of the dete11ninants of the attitudinal normative and control components The Pearson correlations (Table 4-8) showed that all values dimension correlated significantly with one or more determinants The table also shows that the values are not necessarily solely correlated with the belief component of the pair Table 4-8 Pearson correlation coefficients between values and model determinants Egoistic Altruistic Traditional Rational .... ........... ..... .. ... ............. --.................................. Y~! ~ ~ ~ -...................... Y~} ~ ~ .................. Y. ~ 1 ~ ................... Y. .. CY.~ -:.Y ~ ) .... Attitudinal Beliefs Outcome Evaluations Normative Beliefs Motivation to Comply Control Beliefs Perceived Facilitation 094 191** 147* 241 ** 010 251** 389** 489** 240** 162** 193 ** 053 218** 162** 263** 142* 108 .0 24 216** 105 036 129* 081 247** .. ,, ...... .,.,.,.,.,.. ... ,.,. __ _,,,.,...,,.,,,._,,, ---Note : = p <. 01 ** = p <. 001 These findings reemphasize the findings and conclusions from Bagozzi and Dab holkar {1994) who asserted that '' recycling-related beliefs are concrete ji,dgments about the consequences (positive or negative) of recycling and tend to focus more on means or outcomes, while recycling goals in contrast, are abstract motives for recycling (by defini tion positive) and refer to ends." Summary of the Research Questions The first research question asked what role values orientations plays in explaining recycling intention This question was derived from the idea that personal social or tradi tional values can directly and indirectly influence behavioral intentions In so doing val

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101 ues related to a specific behavior could become the origin of beliefs regarding the inten tion The close correlation that specific values dimensions display with specific predictors of behavioral intention (e g ., rational values and attitude) pointed toward a justification of this idea, helping to explain the origin of beliefs in the model Moreover it appears that certain values explaining a portion of the overall personality of an individual are as fo cused as the beliefs that derive from them Therefore, it seems necessary to apply as care ful an operationalization of the salient values dimensions as is necessary for the belief parameters The second research question asked if attitudes social norms, and perceived con trol dominance in reference to recycling intentions could be traced back to their specific underlying values orientations There is evidence to answer this question in the affirma tive Recalling the study by Bagozzi and Dabholkar (1994) intentions to recycle or recy cling goals were considered to be abstract motives for recycling (by definition positive) referring to ends (e g ., provide for future generations) Recycling goals then, are more conative and may even be deontological moral values that motivate or compel one to act Many recycling goals particularly higher-order ones do not arise from deci s ion making but are a priori virtues This would also mean that the deter1ninants of recycling inten tions (goals) do likewise evolve from said '' a priori virtues ." Following this thought an '' a priori virtue ," or specific values dimension, may affect a specific predictor of recycling intention, being connected to it in a close manner However this study did not find any support for the a c tual involvement of values in the strength of the predictor variables at titude subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control to explain recycling intentions The previous excursion might point to some fruitful direction for a values influence on

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102 actual behavior However, the results of this study appear to deny a direct effect of values on determining which of the three predictors dominates in reference to recycling inten tions. The third research question asked if the likelihood of recycling intentions would be explained better if we include values to the belief-behavior model This question can not be answered positively or negatively by reflecting only on the hypotheses raised above. The current findings suggest that there is no improvement of explanation by in cluding values to the belief-behavior model On the other hand numerous studies have demonstrated an effect of proenvironmental values. While it does not seem conclusive at this point that values function in a strict hierarchical relationship with the parameters of the Theory of Planned Behavior it is plausible that they have an intervening character or deter1nine intuitive acting outside the realm of rational deliberation

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CHAPTERS DISCUSSION This chapter will reflect on the research questions, hypotheses and findings of the current study The original idea of this study was to test and confirm the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen 1985) in its application toward household recycling The study attempted to examine whether the inclusion of environmentor recycling-oriented values dimensions in the Theory of Planned Behavior model would strengthen the predictability of recycling intention of individuals The chapter is organized in the following five sec tions : a discussion of the applicability of the Theory of Planned Behavior to predict recy cling interest; a discussion of the effects of the inclusion of specific values dimensions within the determinants of behavioral intention ; a discussion of the relevance of the find ings for public entities in charge of community recycling in designing PSA or advocacy campaigns that aim to affect behavioral change ; a discussion of the study s limitations ; and finally suggestions for future research Applicability of the Theory of Planned Behavior to Predict Recycling Interest Overview of the Hypotheses The first three hypotheses predicted that recycling intention could be explained with the variables proposed in the Theory of Planned Behavior Several empirical studies have tested the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen 1985) and found support for the pre dictive ability of this model for non-volitional behaviors To review the theory hypothe103

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104 sizes that three variables attitude subjective norm and perceived behavioral control will directly predict behavioral intention which in turn would predict behavior Each of these predictors was assumed to play a somewhat equal role in a person s decision to recycle with attitude and perceived behavioral control being the dominant predictors However the results of the current study suggest a different level of influence as far as the intention to recycle was concerned While attitude was found to be a signifi cant predictor of recycling intention the data do not support a strong influence of subjec tive norm and perceived behavioral control Perceived behavioral control appears to be the least significant predictor of both recycling intentions and actual recycling behavior In addition behavioral intention and actual behavior which was theoretically assumed to have a strong relationship had a weaker correlation than expected (r= 186) Comparison of the Effects of the Dete1 rrunants of Intention Initially it was assumed that each of the three main predictor variables would have an equally significant ability to predict recycling intentions However the results show that this is not so Residents felt they were in complete control over whether they recycle or not They also reported they were largely uninfluenced by any referent group as far as their recycling intentions were concerned In other words there was no indica tion that any specific person or group of people controlled their decision to participate in recycling or not The addition of the perceived behavioral control variable to the original two variables of the Theory of Reasoned Action did not increase the predictive ability of the model The path of the perceived behavioral control variable to behavioral intention was as non significant as its path to behavior It appears that residents of this particular

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105 community perceived recycling to be a behavior that is entirely, or virtually entirely within their control On the other hand their assurance to be in control over whether they recycle or not, did not make this behavior more likely to occur For example the fact that recycling is not perceived as being difficult to comprehend and execute did not necessarily make it an activity that a person will engage in Reflecting on the results of the regression analy sis attitudes were by far the most significant predictor of whether a person plans to recy cle or not. The weak predictive ability of subjective norms seems surprising at first Many previous studies (Goldenhar 1991 ; Park et al 1988) found a significant relationship be tween subjective norms and behavioral intention to recycle This study s findings indi cated only a minor influence of people close to the decision maker on whether he or she will recycle or not A major difference between this study and the cited examples might be found in the sampling area and population that was chosen for this research. For instance the study by Park et al (1998) was conducted at the University of Hawaii with 200 students of whom about 65% were of Asian decent Given the proclivity of this composition for typical Asian collectivist behavior patterns it should not be surprising that subjective norms, being social in nature, had a significant influence on intention to recycle. Collec tivist cultures tend to see themselves and their actions in relation to others Goldenhar (1991) also found a significant influence of subjective norms that can potentially be traced back to either the age of the respondents (undergraduate students) or

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106 the lack of maturity of the recycling program in her study area The latter argument will be discussed later in more detail Other researchers have found similar results as this study Taylor and Todd (1995) found a significant but negative influence of subjective nor1ns They attributed this find ing to a possible '' rebel'' behavior against the influence attempts of others Since this study took place in a midsize city with a well-established recycling program, they also speculated that the maturity of the program could have been the reason for the results Gamba (2000), whose study was conducted in an area in San Francisco did not find any evidence that either attitude or subjective norms explained the variance in inten tion to recycle He concluded that the high rate of recycling participation indicates that recycling is a widespread practice in this urban area As a result the behavior is internal ized and does not need any outside encouragement from certain referent sources Most of these studies analyzed perceived behavioral control as well and came to similar con clusions about this factor In light of these studies and others that predicted similar results the following ex planations can be offered First in contrast to the Goldenhar (1991) and Park et al (1988) studies that inquired on the recycling behavior of primarily students studies that analyze the recycling behavior of the citizens of a community are faced with different lifestyles and behavior patterns While students are usually more distant from the community in which they study local residents consider it their home Consequently citizens are more interested and concerned with local issues and politics To contribute to a communal ac tivity is largely seen as benefiting the individual in the end. Given these facts residents are on average better informed about a local recycling program and more inclined to par

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107 ticipate, assuming an equally positive predisposition by both the students and residents As a result subjective norms and perceived behavioral control elements may play a lesser role in one's intention to engage in recycling Second a direct connection between perceived control and behavior can only be expected if actual control and perceived control are approximately the same It is plausi ble to assume that citizens have a misinterpretation of how easy and convenient it is to recycle on a continuous basis. As the introductory example suggested the effort to recy cle a product such as aluminum cans may be linked directly to the instant accessibility of a recycling receptacle One might perceive the activity as second nature or an internalized habit. The reality is often that neither the behavior nor the intention for it happens Finally both subjective norms and perceived behavioral control are variables that require reflective and honest answers about potential personal shortcomings In the for mer case, one has to admit to be potentially driven only by compliance with the wishes of others In the latter case, one admits to potential lack of volition over one s own behavior Neither of the two are traits that a person may easily admit to While these two issues are often an important concern in relation to a new pro gram or product that people are largely unaware of, the recycling program in the study community is well established. This fact limits the occurrence of the two above phenom ena even further For example if a recycling program such as the '' Recycle Gainesville '' program is in place long enough and is widely accepted, one knows about it and has no control issues at this point Any decision to participate probably has been made and inter nalized This may have effectively inoculated the person from any further influences This fact is corroborated in the current study by a high educational level Highly educated

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108 people tend generally to be less motivated to comply with others without being given enough reason to do so (Ajzen 1988; Oskamp et al 1991) The establishment of the pro gram might also contribute to a quasi-institutionalization of it People might perceive par ticipation in the program as a codified directive leaving little room for normative and control feelings All of these possible scenarios support the very strong and dominant relationship between attitudes and behavioral intention Residents pointed out that their own beliefs and attitudes about recycling were primary factors predicting their intentions to do so The more positive a resident evaluated recycling the more they saw the benefits of recy cling for themselves and their immediate environment And the chances are better that they may contemplate engaging in a recycling behavior Finally a more radical thought seems appropriate to entertain The current study is not the first one that has found only limited influences of the determinants of intention on behavior or behavioral intention to recycle For example Gamba (2000) Guagnano et al (1995) or Sparks and Shepherd (1992) also obtained results in which only attitude had a significant influence on recycling intentions It might be possible that the Theory of Planned Behavior is not the most appropriate theory to explain recycling behavior One is reminded of an argument by scholars such as Thogersen (1996) who argued that recy cling should be treated as an instance of prosocial behavior because of its benefits to so ciety and the environment They asserted that '' attitudes regarding this type of behavior are not based on thorough calculation ... but they are a function of the person s ... beliefs in what is the right or wrong thing to do ' (Thogersen 1996) Given the results of the cur rent study, this seems to be the case in particular in communities where recycling pro

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109 grams have been solidly established Consequently research might need to look for alter native explanatory theories Connection between Intention and Behavior Both the Theory of Reasoned Action and the Theory of Planned Behavior con cluded that behavioral intention predicts behavior directly This assumption was sup ported in the results of this study However, the relationship between the two variables was much weaker than anticipated An obvious argument for this result is that behavior was measured with another question in the instrument It had to rely on people s own account of their actual recy cling behavior While it is not suggested that the results are entirely invalid there are cer tainly some issues of reliability with this way of measuring actual behavior Based on the relationships between the variables in the Theory of Planned Behav ior public entities in charge of recycling, as well as environmental protection interest groups can see how residents feel and think about recycling The variables may also show how these opinions determine citizens' actual participation in citywide recycling programs The weak relationships found in the current study between some of the vari ables in the model leave room for further exploration of these parameters Following in the fashion of the laddering technique it is of interest to find out which underlying val ues create the beliefs that flow into attitudes nor1ns and perceived control An analysis of the survey questions exploring the proposed relationships between values and model pa rameters was performed to deter1nine which values orientations were related to recycling and the environmental influence on the model parameters The analysis also sought to deter1nine how the inclusion of those values would reinforce the significance of the

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110 model parameters in predicting recycling intentions. These relationships will be discussed more specifically in the next section Impact of Personal Values on Recycling Intentions Review of Different Recycling Belief Components The majority of Gainesville residents who took part in this study reported rela tively positive attitudes toward recycling and the benefits it has for the environment They also reported to be largely capable of engaging in recycling The mean responses indicate a strong positive feeling toward recycling and a somewhat less positive percep tion of capability to engage in it Since it was hypothesized that different values orienta tions connect with specific predictor variables (e.g ., rational values with attitude) it ap pears that the detected correlations offer explanations about the attitudinal and control elements The attitudinal component appears to be subject to predominantly persuasive message needs. The control component appears to be subject to predominantly informa tive message needs The perception of control over one's behavior or the lack thereof, appears to be driven by the knowledge of how recycling influences the environmental equilibrium and how a single individual can make a difference in that respect. This knowledge base is an acquired faculty For example it is the result of an individual actively valuing one 's role in the community as far as this activity is concerned and the evaluation of one s self concept in light of it Therefore, egoistic values appear to drive the perceived control be liefs and hence the perceived behavioral control variable On the other hand attitude toward recycling is the result of a person's individual assessment of the usefulness of the behavior Self-centered thoughts are contrasted and

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111 compared with other-centered thoughts in arriving at a satisfying conclusion One recalls Ajzen and Fishbein's (1980) assumption that ''humans are rational animals that system atically use or process the information available to them'' and that ''the information is used in a reasonable way to arrive at a behavioral decision ." It seems that the contrast of egoistic and altruistic values is simply a mental process composed of two broad sets of ideas, what people believe and value (their ideology) and how they seek to achieve their valued goals (their preferred mode of reasoning or conduct) (Miller 1999) Those values sets were subsequently termed rational values Rational choice deliberation is the weigh ing of options of what s best for the individual Rational values seem to drive the behav ioral beliefs and hence the attitude variable Finally the tradition in which an individual is raised determines largely one s predisposition toward issues (normative belief patterns) as well as one's action in regards to it (motivation to comply) Being '' social animals ," humans strive for the most part to fit in with their immediate environment, or an environment they chose to be part of The ' birds of a feather flock together '' analogy applies well to where people choose to live who they like to commingle with and whose actions they follow and support Close ref erents are not only important to one s self-concept, but they also mirror a behavior pat tern that the individual has personally internalized Traditional values pattern seem to drive normative beliefs as well as motivations to comply with others desires and as a consequence drive the subjective norm variable.

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112 Overview of Hypotheses Hypotheses four through six made predictions about how specific values orienta tion would influence specific predictor variable of behavioral intention and in doing so would strengthen the predictive ability of the model Although correlations were found according to the predictions the inclusion of values did not improve the model's predictive power The different regression analyses did not show any significant increase in explaining the variance of recycling intention for any of the attitude, subjective norms or perceived behavioral control elements Given the already weak influence of subjective no11ns and perceived behavioral control on intention it can be perceived ambitious in retrospect to expect a significant change with the inclusion of another construct such as values, which in theory is even further removed from intention than the attitudinal nor1native and control predictors It is interesting to note however that the addition of rational values did have some influence on the attitude variable In general it leads to the conclusion that personal values do not play a direct significant role in explaining a person s intention to recycle Improvement of Predictability Power of the Model The results of this study are similar to macro-environmental studies that found the relationship between values and behavior would increase the likelihood to determine what messages or scenarios will motivate people to engage voluntarily in proenvironmen tal behaviors (Guagnano, Stem and Dietz 1995 ; Guttierez Karp 1996) While both of these studies found that the analysis of deep-seated values would help to understand how people engage in programs that promote noncoercive solutions to social problems they admitted that the findings were not entirely conclusive As Stem, Dietz and Kalof (1993)

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113 demonstrated in finding egoistic motives in addition to altruistic motives as antecedents of environment-protecting behavior environmentally friendly behavior appears to be de termined both by selfish and philanthropic motives Most of the studies that applied val ues-based research models did so with the response variable being '' environmental pre disposition ," a rather broad definition of proenvironmental behavior However in both studies values demonstrated an improvement in the interpretive ability of the attitude model This conclusion seems to be supported as well by the current study despite the fact that some of the hypothesized relationships were not supported by the data The cur rent findings also suggest that values appear to be more intricately tied to a person s cog nitive makeup to be detected as easily as predicted with a survey based on an attitudinal model While the findings seem disappointing, the significant correlations that individual values orientations display with attitude, subjective norm and perceived behavioral con trol and the even stronger correlations they display with belief and evaluation deterrni nants of these predictor variables, raise the question of how values come into play in one's decision to recycle Rather than assuming an interaction of values dimensions with the predictors it might be of value to assume an interaction effect between values and the belief compo nents the evaluation components or both Since the correlation results seem to be more stable and more significant, it appears to be a logical next step It might also be useful to use a larger number of values items per dimension and a different technique to obtain them. While the alpha values largely support a reliable di

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114 mensional construct ( e g ., egoistic values) the use of techniques such as qualitative inter views might be beneficial to arrive at more refined dimensions in reference to recycling For example the traditional values dimension seems to play less of a role for a commu nity as mobile and as committed to recycling as the one used for this study This activity would also address the criticism that values dimensions used for recycling research are too broad and unspecific to be of significant impact Since the goal of the study was to lay a foundation for communication efforts values may well have proven to be a significant contributor Assuming a typical con sumer behavior model the decision to act is based on an attitude toward the object which in tum is based on beliefs about cognitive or emotive benefits as a result of the action Those beliefs are driven by the perception of how well the object fulfills one s needs and wants which are mind states reflecting one s self-perception and sets of values Applying a typical AIDA (Attention-Interest-Desire-Action) model, it seems furthermore that val ues supply the foundation for the emotional (desire) and co native ( action) aspects of the process In other words knowledge of a situation passes through this value-driven filter that subsequently determines the way the person will act With the difficulty that social marketers have reaching their publics with a social message it is important to understand that environmentally oriented values do have an influence on beliefs about an environmental issue (recycling), as well as attitudes and norms toward recycling If it can be concluded that values have predictive power to explain the variation of beliefs attitudes and norins about a social issue then it would advance research into the practical application of this relationship If further research were to determine a credible

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115 and focused message about the recycling issue a message that would have applied the learning from values research it would increase the persuasive impact of the message Such a message could then be incorporated into further campaigns Also one would have to consider that fact that intentions as measured in this study occurred in a vacuum No imminent problem situation was connected with inten tions to recycle or not This might have generated responses that could have been differ ent from a tangible message or event, connected to it. For example, a scenario in which recycling would have been linked to reduction in asthma of children in the neighborhood or other reductions of threats emanating from local landfill waste could have lead to dif ferent intentions or attitudes than those found in the current study There appears to be a difference in the influence of values between generic and episodic research approaches Relevance for Public Entities Creating Recycling PSA Campaigns The primary goal of the current study was to strengthen the Theory of Planned Behavior as a model that can be applied to recycling behavior research. Understanding the origins of recycling beliefs was thought to bode well for any potential communication effort Convincing a community's population to actively partake in local recycling pro grams requires developing enough sensitivity toward the creation of household waste among citizens In tum, a heightened awareness and desire to make a difference may lead to other prevention activities such as trash reduction and reuse This study started with two assertions. First, recycling, being a topic in the realm of the marketing of social issues is faced with two key problems The '' product '' of social marketing is oftentimes amorphous a mere idea of what ought to be which, in turn has effects on promotion Related to this is the understanding of consumer response For ex

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116 ample, this includes the answer to the question of what constitutes the forces motivating adoption or rejection behavior (Fine 1981) Second recycling and with it the protection and preservation of natural resources has not been of great concern to the U S govern ment or the U S population (Hershkowitz 1998) Only recently did waste management issues emerge as a chief concern for state and local governments in the U S ., particularly in states with rapid population growths This has triggered the call for stronger policy measures Since the U S unlike many European countries did not choose to codify recycling behavior such as create laws that force people to engage in recycling or be pun ished in one way or another managers of local recycling programs must understand how to change the perception of nature in order to position and ' manage ' public opinion con cerning the environment The need to create intrinsic motivations is in particular important in situations where financial and resource problems within the community lead to a reduction or sus pension of a well-organized recycling program (as the recent example of New York City demonstrated) The case of New York City will not only have effects on the citizens of New York, but due to media coverage of this high profile case can have influences on other citizens willingness to continue to participate in their local programs as well To reconsider recycling related studies (Van Liere and Dunlap 1981) posited that progress toward solving environmental problems is likely to be more dependent upon pro-environmental behaviors than ecological consciousness The general assumption of recycling research was that action is either triggered by selfish motives (gains cost avoidance) or adherence to accepted social norms in the society Applying these princi ples to community recycling it follows that successful communication efforts must either

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117 promise a benefit (''You recycle and we ll reduce your waste collection bill ''), or threaten with a social outcast standing ( '' Don't remain the only one in your neighborhood who doesn t recycle ," 'We all recycle, why don t you? '' ) Taking into consideration that recy cling wasn't even a ubiquitous accepted social norm, these approaches did not work uni versally Pure information campaigns that simply explain how to recycle have shown to be less successful in the long run First, these public service announcements are more educationally oriented They disseminate an idea to an often untargeted audience with the emphasis on primarily achieving a cognitive change (here : increase in knowledge) with out focusing on a behavioral change Second as the data regarding perceived behavioral control of this study suggest, most people do not feel incapable of recycling It appears that in affluent industrial societies, environmental behaviors like recy cling are typically classified within the domain of morality in people s minds Since dif ferent individuals tend to hold different moral beliefs recycling managers need to deter mine the underlying motives for those different beliefs A laddering model (Homer and Kahle 1988) that bases action beliefs on more general beliefs and attitudes which in tum are based on personal values and self-concepts seems to apply for this topic Recycling household waste is only one area that falls under the '' prosocial proen vironmental, egoistic value set '' umbrella People who are undecided about recycling should be communicated to in a way that appeals to their sets of values and standards Effective communication could contribute in motivating them toward the activity of re cycling Feeling accomplishment from this simple activity people might be compelled to engage in other activities knowing they will contribute to society and feel the support of their communjty government

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118 It is of significance for public service communicators of social issues such as re cycling, to know what to say and how to say it Undoubtedly, the long-term benefit of households that recycle is without question the welfare of the entire community with wel fare to self a distant second Following the tenets set forth in the values-enhanced model of the Theory of Planned Behavior can help public communicators and their agents de. sign more persuasive and ultimately successful message elements What marketing communication tools should be used to effectively reach the community with a pro-recycling message? Criticized as ineffective and of little value mass-mediated advertising has taken a backseat in many municipalities to more direct and personal approaches. The City of Gainesville for example is heavily involved in co operative activities with local middle and high schools as well as community events (Earth Day art fairs etc.) The reason behind the for1ner lies in the idea of an early inter vention in the cognitive development of a position toward the issue in order to create in trinsically motivated future recyclers The latter activity has more of an informative qual ity to explain the how-to issues (perceived behavioral control element) as well as an af fective quality to create a '' We're-in-this-together '' feel (normative element) Whjle it is certainly commendable that community recycling managers have be gun to use the entire toolkit of an Integrated Marketing Communication strategy the weakness of approaches similar to the ones cited lies in their restricted reach (e.g., not everybody attends a fair) and the encounter of potentially dissonant or inoculated opin ions A middle school child will most likely only become a lifelong recycler if other ref erents (e g ., parents friends) promote this idea or behavior as well He or she also right not believe in any of the promoted activities in school if such referents have inoculated \

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119 him or her already with reasons to defend the opposite position Group dynamics in the classroom render on-campus activities a rather no11native character For example chil dren follow the presenter or the group for motives other than the conviction of the ac tion's usefulness As a result recycling demonstrations and games have the potential to generate extrinsically motivated recycling behavior while the goal wa s to create an in trinsic motivation While this hypothesized scenario has an equal chance to occur as the originally hoped one an understanding of underlying values of recycling attitudes and behaviors also would have the potential to help answer the question if direct marketing activities (such as the school training teams) have merit and if they can succeed moving extrinsic motivations into the intrinsic realm Mass media advertising s alleged ineffectiveness might be the victim of similar problems For example the non-occurrence of a presupposed change in attitude or behav ior is often attributed to the communication channel while the real reason might have been a misinterpretation of the original attitude Proper measurement of values formation will not only suggest the most effective message elements but also might reflect upon the most beneficial tool or medium to use It might also contribute to the question if public communication alone can succeed to resolve the public concern Ultimately, this study reinforces the initiative that a close cooperation between public service managers and universities has great merit for the guidance and administra tion of a variety of environmental and social issues The application of academic skills to the solution of a social issue that benefits the local ( or larger) population appears to be a rewarding service function for the academic community

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120 Limitations of the Study This study like any other research, has limitations The following issues are con sidered to be limitations of this study. First the chosen survey technique (telephone interview) could have introduced bias into the randomness of the sample Because telephone interviewing in social surveys has increased in recent years telemarketing has become prevalent A fundamental meth odological problem associated with telephone surveys is how to maximize the response rate and avoid bias due to nonresponse A variety of efforts were undertaken to reduce this bias, including weekend calls as a supplement to weekday evening calls performing multiple callbacks, and accommodating requests for interview appointments The remain ing refusal rate of38% seems to fit within the existing range of refusal rates Attention was paid to arrive at the acceptable sample size of 400 respondents, a number that theo retically (Kalton 1983) guarantees sufficient representation of the study population As a result, the original population universe had to be extended to achieve the acceptable number of 400. Another limitation regarding the sample relates to the accurate representativeness of the makeup of the population at large foremost the proportion of recyclers in the community In the sample 91 % of respondents declared to recycle and 9% stated that they do not currently recycle. However, the official recycling rate for the Gainesville area is 58% While this is technically a sample of households rather than individuals it is somewhat difficult to deter1nine how most demographic criteria accurately reflect the population at large However recycling activity should still surface as an accurate meas ure regardless of the unit of analysis Consequently it is assumed that there should not

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121 have been significant differences in attitudes norms and values between recycling and non-recycling segments of the respondents However it needs to be mentioned that the sample used in this study was not entirely representative of the population to which the study attempts to generalize To account for potential interview bias (i e ., re s pondents affirmed intentions to recycle while in fact they would not) behavioral intentions were checked against actual current recycling behavior (from Questions 4 and 5 in the instru ment) As was speculated, it reduced the overly inflated recycling number to a level somewhat closer to the Gainesville average (73%) A second limitation might have been the location of where the study was con ducted It was originally assumed that a community with a strong recycling rate among its population might yield insights into what stimulates a population actively engaged in recycling Perhaps a community with a lower recycling rate might actually provide a bet ter sample environment If the goal of the study was to make predictions on what mes sage might stimulate a person to recycle then insights into why residents of a particular community have negative attitudes and behavior patterns toward recycling might be more appropriate If it would be feasible to find a community whose recycling office is equally active to provide and promote recycling opportunities as is the case for Gainesville it would eliminate lack of service as a variable for non-recycling and elucidate the discon nect of opportunity and motivation more clearly It is not thought that people s attitudes and beliefs would be so tremendously different between active and passive communities to render the findings inaccurate Given that this limitation exists public promoters of recycling should be encour aged to approach any lingering reasons for non-recycling before highlighting the (future )

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122 benefits of recycling. Once a convenient recycling infrastructure ( e.g ., curbside collec tion) has been established an information campaign to explain recycling would be ap propriate to eliminate any perceived control behavior issues This would effectively re duce the determining factors of actual behavior or behavioral intent to attitudinal and normative issues that need to be addressed in subsequent social marketing promotions Third, reflecting briefly on the above-mentioned low correlation between inten tion and behavior the current study cannot effectively conclude that a strong relationship of any parameter to behavioral intention will automatically lead to actual recycling be havior It was previously mentioned that there is theoretical evidence that positive inten tion leads to positive behavior There is disagreement about what respondent variable one ought to choose in discussing implications for communication efforts (based on the ar gument that any communication effort can at most influence an intention to do some thing but not the actual act of doing) The ultimate proof of having measured the com plete model would be to actually measure recycling behavior This could entail activities such as counting the amount of recycled garbage in the city While this has been done in previous research (Gamba 2000), these studies have also found that intention and behav ior do correlate sufficiently well One can assume then that certain mitigating factors, such as ill-serviced neighborhoods or predominant use of non-recyclable products in the household might have influenced the answers or the actual recycling behavior. Another possible limitation concerns the measures used to determine perceived behavioral control As was explained previously (Chapter 2) there is a variety of litera ture on this variable interpreting it slightly differently While there is little dispute what it aims to measure there is discussion of what predictor variables should be applied to

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123 measure perceived behavioral control Ajzen (1985) has not given a specific set of predic tors for this variable similar to the attitudinal beliefs and outcome evaluation pair meas uring attitude. Some subsequent literature (Taylor and Todd 1995) has supported the in clusion of the predictors 'efficacy' ( control beliefs) and outcome measures (perceived facilitation) Since recycling is a behavior that depends to a large extent on one's percep tion of how easy or difficult it is to perform the behavior it might be valuable to incorpo rate several efficacy questions in future research to explore the relationship with intention and behavior An issue closely connected to the above, pertains to the actual character of ques tions asked for each variable in the model. The low sometimes surprisingly low signifi cance levels of certain variables can potentially be explained with the choices made to construct the instrument. The recurring issue in survey methodology of validity (do re spondents give accurate answers that reflect true measurements of the construct) versus reliability (are there sufficient probes to arrive at a conclusive answer repetitively) is at the heart of this issue Another concern regarding this issue is the above-mentioned ge neric nature of the questions An implied episodic version (a threat scenario connected to recycling) might have led to a different outcome Given the difficulties presented in measuring constructs defined as latent vari ables and given the skepticism that even if accepted as measurable these constructs might not apply to all members of a population equally it is important to focus attention on arriving at measurements with as much reliability as possible It is possible that respondents, who have no opinion or attitude on recycling ei ther because they have little knowledge of the issue or have not thought about it may be

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124 have randomly when responding to a survey question In that case they might feel pres sure during the interview to offer an opinion in response to a values or belief question, when in fact they have none Because respondents usually wish to project a positive im age and self-image, their random choices from the offered alternatives will increase the amount of random variation in the variable As a measure to prevent this problem the interviewer offered the respondents continuously the option to choose a ' refuse' or '' don't know' answer Another common reliability problem concerns an ambiguity of respondents with regard to variable cues and response scale alternatives As was asserted in the opening remarks it was hoped that proper pre-testing and variable specification largely eliminated confusion and misunderstanding among respondents However the potential for defining and measuring rather amorphous and seemingly intuitive constructs such as a value a belief, and an attitude does exist These constructs might be associated with cues that are relatively inaccessible and come to mind only as the result of some cognitive effort Since people might not apply much cognitive effort to summon a personal value or attitude, forcing them to choose a single point on a continuum may cause them to make such choices randomly increasing the amount of random measurement error It is therefore the researcher's responsibility to minimize this problem This was achieved by accepting re gions of variable dimensions that the respondent finds acceptable (e g ., no overemphasiz ing a distinct difference between a 'strongly agree '' and '' somewhat agree ' answer) and simplifying the answer categories where applicable For example the original nine-point scale of Schwartz' values measurement was reduced to the more reliable seven-point scale that was used for all other constructs

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125 While there is no assurance that any measure achieves complete reliability of these constructs the study attempted to achieve statistically acceptable reliability of the group of items hypothesized to measure separate aspects of the same concept by check ing for their internal consistency via the Cronbach' s alpha test Suggestions for Future Research The results provide the basis for future research endeavors that will examine more closely an impact of communication campaigns on recycling. Suggestions for additional avenues of research will be discussed First, an experimental study could apply the findings of this study by introducing stimuli in promotional messages incorporating cues that underscore a specific value re lated to recycling It has been asserted that values can explain intention through a psycho logical mechanism called laddering (Homer and Kahle 1988) It would be a worthwhile approach to test if messages aimed at personal values, have the hypothesized effects on recycling behavior or behavioral intent Second beyond investigating the message content an exploration of the message medium would be insightful. For example utilizing different fortns of media (print newspaper radio, internet, etc ) could address the issue of what media environment con stitutes the most effective medium for information on recycling It has been mentioned by various researchers (Andreasen 1995 ; Martinez & Scicchitano 1998) that a multi-media campaign would most likely have the greatest effect for public service messages In addi tion it could be found that different media for1ns necessitate different message execu tions This idea could advance beyond mass media outlets to include other communica tion venues at the disposal of Integrated Marketing Communication practitioners

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126 Third to find support for the generalizability of the values-attitude-behavior chain future studies should be conducted that apply values differences and influences on behav ior to other social issue spheres Other issues that could be examined in the future could include anti-smoking breast cancer awareness racial profiling, forest fire prevention, and so on While it should be evident that the values dimension that will be used by those re search projects will have to be specific to the topic the relationship between the values and its subsequent attitudinal and behavior patterns should continue to exist A similar study could be conducted which uses different survey methodologies such as mail-in or face-to-face methods, or different methodologies altogether such as qualitative methods While the frrst idea serves primarily to uncover the most appropriate and most reliable technique for asking recycling questions, the second suggestion aims at discovering new insights into the topic Since survey techniques deliver prefabricated op tions to a question, they give very little room for a respondent to elaborate on an issue The use of in-depth interviews or focus groups may discover underlying values or moti vations as to why people do or do not recycle and what cities could do to better commu nicate with their residents Furthermore recycling beliefs and behavior could be analyzed looking at the in teraction between organizational and individual recycling. Since it has become practice in some organizations to encourage and engage their employees in recycling of office mate rials, it would be of interest to ascertain if (a) organizational recycling behavior has an influence on the personal recycling behavior of those employees, and (b) if there is a dif ference in personal recycling behaviors between employees of organizations engaged in recycling and organizations that are not active

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127 Somewhat related to this issue is the idea of personal effort The current study as sumes in general positive recycling behavior based on positive attitudes, beliefs and val ues However it wa s mentioned that communities in Florida (including the community chosen for this study) offer curbside recycling Some studies (Thogersen 1996) suggested that there is a difference in recycling behavior between curbside service and the estab lishment of drop-off centers In the latter situations a recycling citizen has to load the re cyclable garbage into his or her car and drive to the location to dispose of it It was con cluded that this activity demands a much greater personal effort on the part of the citizen than setting out a bin at the curbside It might be useful to compare a curbside recycling community with a drop-off recycling community testing for the values dimensions and adding the variable of personal effort Finally there has been some debate about the linear and continuous nature of data that are measured on a Likert scale or a semantic differential Critics of the continuous nature of scaled data argue that the answer categories of a scale are fixed-width catego ries and scaled data should be analyzed using logistical statistics To account for this schism in measurement a dataset could be analyzed using both linear regression and mul tinomial logistical regression to see if there are any differences in findings Conclusion Considering the social and political implications for a successful recycling pro gram, it is important that communities convince their residents to engage in a more pro environmental behavior pattern Given the fact that this is one among many social and environmental activities that a person engages in voluntarily without any repercussion if

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128 one chooses not to participate it is essential that recycling programs reach people at a level that they understand and that motivates them to comply Social marketing theory suggests that positioning the idea of an ideal in a way that potential consumers of the issue accept this description will result in a favorable action toward the ideal solution for the issue Recycling managers need to promote recycling as an activity that fulfils both personal needs and wants and serves the greater good The promoted activity needs to occur without inconveniencing the very person it aims to reach And managers need to weigh their options between costs and perks of the pro gram Ultimately recycling promoters need to achieve a situation in which individuals are internally motivated to engage in pro-recycling behavior and attitude patterns Few studies to date have looked at the influence that values can play in the ac cepted belief-behavior models usually used for deter11uning the influence factors of pro recycling behavior The researcher hopes that the current study begins to fill that void While the study did not find overall conclusive evidence for a universal influence of val ues it can be considered a starting point for further research As such, its results have both theoretic and practical implications On a theoretic level the study provides more evidence for the Theory of Reasoned Action being an effective model to predict behav ioral intention The inconclusive findings regarding perceived behavioral control suggest that (a) intentions to recycle and actual recycling of household waste can be seen as voli tional behavior, and (b) the Theory of Reasoned Action appears concurrently to be the more conclusive model for recycling compared to the Theory of Planned Behavior This in effect expands the applicability of the theory

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129 On a practical level this study suggests a revised approach to target local resi dents with recycling message elements With the personal values dimension playing a significant role in personal belief and attitude formation, it seems conclusive that mes sages should include specific '' values centric '' content elements instead of mere informa tional and emotional components Messages should also not be unidimensional, but should be crafted to address specific target populations' salient beliefs and values regard ing recycling This would include the creation and manipulation of multiple messages at a time Overall this study offers a direction to approach recycling communication to reach citizens by suggesting the inclusion of values as the one factor that is most likely at the heart of an individual's self-concept It contributes to the overall field of mass com munication and the discipline of advertising in particular in that it provides new and supporting evidence that the relatively new area of social marketing can make use of in depth consumer behavior studies It furthermore reinforces the value of researching citi zens thoughts beliefs and behavior frames before engaging in any communications campaign that aims to change or strengthen a habit such as recycling

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APPENDIX SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE Hello my name is ___ and I am calling you from the Florida Survey Research Center at the University of Florida In cooperation with researchers at the University we are conducting a survey about citizen opinions of the environment and recycling This is not a sales call and your answers are confidential You may stop this interview at any time The survey should take about 15 rrunutes to complete May I please speak to the person in your household who is 18 or older and has the next birthday? We d like to begin by asking you about environmental issues in Florida 1 What do you think is the most important environmental issue facing Florida to day? [INT : Do not read mark one] [Drilling for oil off the coastline preserving the Everglades, Pollution Clean Air Clean Water Urban sprawl Landfills, Hazardous Waste Protecting the aquifer other ----2 I'll read you a list of environmental issues facing the state of Florida Using a scale from I to 7 where one is not concerned at all and seven is extremely con cerned, please tell me how concerned you are about each of the following : a Drilling for oil off the Florida coastline b Preserving the Florida Everglades c. Industrial or agricultural pollution d Urban sprawl and development e Recycling of hazardous waste materials f Recycling of household wastes Now, we'd like to ask you some questions about recycling 3 Do you ever recycle household materials ? [Probe if needed : like newspaper glass aluminum, plastic] [YNDR] IF YES 4 I ll read you a list of commonly recycled items For each item, please tell me whether you usually recycle these items occasionally recycle these items or never recycle these items : a Newspapers [U 0 N DK R] 130

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IFNO 131 b Other paper / cardboard [U 0 N DK R] c Glass jars & bottles [U 0 N DK R] d Aluminum cans [U 0 N DK, R] e Plastic bottles [U, 0 N, DK, R] f Steel cans [U O,N DK, R] 5 Why don t you recycle ? [INT : Do not read mark all that apply] (ALL) [Don t know how Don t want to Not available where I live, Takes too much time Too difficult, DK R] 6 Do you recall seeing or hearing any public service announcements or advertise ments about recycling recently ? [YNDR] IF YES Were those announcements ---a On television [YNDR] b On the radio [YNDR] c In a newspaper or magazine [YNDR] d Other (describe) ____ Next I will read you a list of statements For each please tell me how likely you think each statement is Please use a scale from 1 to 7 where one is extremely unlikely and seven is extremely likely 7 During the next 30 days how likely is it that you will take part in a city-sponsored recycling program? [1-7, DK R] 8 During the next 30 days how likely is it that you will recycle for cash? [1-7 DK, R] Now we d like to know more about your opinions of recycling 9 What are your main thoughts about participating in recycling ? On a sc ale from 1 to 7 how would you rate this activity? [Read each statements 1 is the one extreme 7 is the other extreme] a Participation in recycling is (foolish/wise) [1-7 DK R] b Participation in recycling is (unimportant/important) [17 DK, R] c Participation in recycling is (harmful/beneficial) [1-7 DK, R] d Whether or not I recycle is completely up to me (disagree / agree) [1-7 DK, R]

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132 10 On a scale from I to 7 where one is strongly disagree and seven is strongly agree please tell me how much you agree with the following statement [1-7 DK, R] a Participation in recycling will help protect the environment b Recycling reduces landfill use and waste c Recycling is just simply the right thing to do d. Participating in recycling sets a good examp]e for others to do it too e Participating in recyc1ing lowers my garbage bill and provides me with ex tra money f By conserving natural resources recycling helps solve a national problem g Recycling is a kind of community program in which everybody works to gether h It is difficult to determine how the program works i e what can be re cy cled i Recycling is too time-consuming j I have no convenjent access to bins or space to place any bins k. Recycling takes too much effort l Parti c ipating in recycling does not fit with my lifestyle and daily r o utine 11 Now I ll read you a general list of statements about the importance of community and recycling programs Using a scale from 1 to 7 where one is extremely urum portant and seven is extremely important how important would you say the fol lowing statement is to your decision whether or not to recycle? a I want to protect the environment [ 17 DK R] b I like to decrease landfill u s e and messy trash [1-7 DK, R] c I feel better about myself because it is the right thing to do [1-7 DK R] d I get pleasure from setting a good example for others [1-7 DK, R] e Lowering my garbage bill and earning extra money are worthwhile goal s [1-7 DK, R] f It is important for me to participate in programs that help solve national problems [1-7 DK R] g I enjoy participating in community programs [17 DK R] h I need to understand the program and its goals to consider engaging in it [1-7 DK, R] i A community activity must not be too time-consuming [1-7 DK, R] J A community program that I enga g e in should be convenient for m e and take little effort [1-7 DK, R] k I don t like to participate in activities if they make my life more difficult [1-7 DK R] I The program I engage in needs to fit with my lifestyle and my daily rou tine [1-7 DK R]

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133 Next we d like to know about people or groups that may influence your decisions about whether or not to recycle 12 Using a scale from 1 to 7, where one is strongly disagree and seven is strongly agree ; please tell me how much you agree with the statement that most people who are important to you think that you should recycle [ 17 DK R] 13. Using the same scale from 1 to 7 where one is strongly disagree and seven is strongly agree; please tell me how much you agree with the statement that __ think that you should recycle [1-7 DK, R] a Your Family members b Your Friends c Your Neighbors d Government Officials e People in your household 14 With respect to recycling using a scale from 1 to 7 where one is extremely unlikely and seven is extremely likely ; please tell me how likely it is that you would want to do what ___ thinks you should do ? [1-7 DK R] a Your Family members b. Your Friends c Your Neighbors d Government Officials e People in your household Next I just have a few general questions about the values and principles that are impor tant in your life 15 Again using a scale from 1 to 7 where one is extremely unimportant and seven is extremely important, please tell me how important each of the following princi ples is to your value system : a Authority to lead others b Having control over others c Having material possessions and money d Having an impact on other people and events e Living in a world that is free of war and conflict f Equal opportunity for all people g. Correcting social injustice h Working for the welfare of others i Feeling unity with nature j Protecting the environment k Respecting the Earth

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134 1 Showing respect to your elders m Meeting your obligations and duties n Being clean and neat o Using courtesy and good manners p Living in a stable and orderly society Finally I just have a few demographic questions for statistical purposes 1 6. Gender [don t ask ju s t record] [male female] 17 In what year were you born ? [year] 18 How many years have you lived in Alachua County ? [INT : if less than one year fill in O][number DK R] 19 What is your current employment status ? [Full-time part-time not emplo y ed, re tired student DK R] IF Fullor Part-time : 19a Which of the following categories best describes the field in which you work ? [ education/academics health/medical manufacturing agriculture re tail DK R] 20 What is the highest level of education that you have completed? [8 th grade or less some high school high school graduate technical / vocational school some col lege, college graduate graduate / professional school R] 21 Just for statistical purposes can you tell me if your family's total yearly income before taxes is less than $35 000 or more than $35 000? [less more DK R] IF under $35 000 : 21a And is that : [under $20 000 $20 000-$34 999 DK, R] IF over $35 000 : 21 a And is that : [$35 000-$49 999 $50 000-$69 999 $70 000 or more DK, R] 22 Which of the following best represents your political orientation ? [Conservative Moderate Liberal DK, R] 23 And are you registered to vote ? [YNDR] IF YES : 23 a Are you registered as _? [Democrat Republican, Independent Libertarian, Other DK, R] IF Democrat or Republican :

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135 23b Would you consider yourself to be a strong or not very strong [Democrat or Republican] ? [S NS DK R] IF Independent : 23c Would you consider yourself to be closer to the Republican or Democratic Party? [R, D DK, R] 24 Just to make sure that we have a representative sample wouJd you tell me your race ? [White Black/ African American, Asian American Indian/ Alaska Native Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander Other Two or more races (bi, multiracial) DK R] 24a And would you say that you are of Hispanic ancestry or not? [YNDR] 25 Do you have a religious affiliation? [YNDR] IF YES : 25a What is your religious affiliation ? [Catholic Protestant, Christian Jewish, Muslim/Islamic Buddhist Hindu Athe ist Agnostic Other DK R] IF Protestant or Christian : 25b What denomination is that ? [INT : Do not read mark one response] [Baptist Southern Baptist Lutheran, Methodist Episcopalian Presbyterian Evangelical Pentecostal Fundamentalist Unitarian, 7 th Day Adventist LDS/Morrnon Christian Scientist, Other DK R] 26 Could you please tell me your 5-digit zip code ? [number DK R] That concludes our survey Thank you for your time and participation Have a nice evening (day)

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LIST OF REFERENCES Agresti, A & Finlay, B. (1997). Statistical Methods for the Social Sciences Upper Saddle River NJ: Prentice Hall Ajzen, I. (1985) From intentions to actions : a theory of planned behavior In J Kuhl & J Beckmann (Eds ), Action-co11trol: From cognition to behavior (p 11-39) New York: Springer-Verlag Ajzen, I (1988) Attitudes, Personality and Behavior Milton Keynes UK : Open University Press Ajzen, I & Fishbein, M. (1980) Understanding attitudes and predicting social behavior Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall Ajzen, I & Madden, T J. (1986) Prediction of goal-directed behavior : attitudes intentions, and perceived behavioral control Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 22 453-474 Allen, J & Ferrand, J (1999) Environmental locus of control, sympathy, and proenvironmental behavior : A test of Geller' s actively caring hypothesis EnvironmentandBehavior 31, 3 338-353 Allport, G (1935) Attitudes In C Murchison (Ed ) A Handbook of Social Psychology (p 798-844) Worcester, MA: Clark University Press Allport G (1961) Pattern and growth in personality New York : Holt Rinehart & Winston American Heritage Dictionary (1985) Boston MA : Houghton Mifflin Publishing Company Anderson, A (1997) Media culture, and the en\ 1 ironment Bristol PA : UCL Press. Anderson W & Cunningham, W (1973) The socially conscious consumer Journal of Marketing 36, 23-31 Andreasen A (1995) Marketing Social Change C hanging behavior to promote health, social development, and the environment San Francisco : Jossey-Bass Publishers 136

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138 Cronbach, L & Meehl, P (1955) Construct validity in psychological tests Psychological Bulletin, 52 281-302 Davidson A (1973) The prediction of family planning intentions Unpublished doctoral dissertation presented to the University of Illinois Davis, M (1983) Measuring individual differences in empathy : Evidence for a multi dimensional approach Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 44 l 113126 De Young, R (1986) Some psychological aspects of recycling : The structure of conservation satisfaction Environment and Behavior, 18, 4 435-449 Department ofEnvironmental Protection (1996) Solid Waste Management in Florida 1995 Tallahassee, FL : Bureau of Solid and Hazardous Waste & Division of Waste Management Department of Environmental Protection (2001) Solid Waste Management in Florida 2000 Tallahassee FL : Bureau of Solid and Hazardous Waste & Division of Waste Management Derksen, L & Gartrell J (1993) The social context of recycling American Sociological Review, 58 434-442 Douglas M & Wildavsky A (1982) Risk and culture: an essay on the selection of technical and environmental dangers Berkeley CA : University of California Press Dunlap, R & Van Liere K (1978) The new environmental paradigm Journal of Environmental Education, 9 10-19 Dunlap R & Van Liere K (1984) Commitment to the dominant social paradigm and concern for environmental quality Social Science Quarterly, 65 1013-1028 Eagly, A H & Chaiken, S (1993) The Psychology of Attitudes Fort Worth TX : Harcourt Brace Jakonovich College Publishers Environmental Protection Agency (7 / 1999) Municipal Solid Waste Data List of the 50 U S States and the District of Columbia Fine S (1981) The Marketing of Ideas and Social Issues New York : Praeger Publishers Fishbein, M (1967) A behavior theory approach to the relations between beliefs about an object and the attitude toward the object In M Fishbein (Ed ), R e adings in Attitude Theory and Measurement (p. 389-400) New York : Wiley Fishbein, M & Ajzen, I (1975) Belief, attitude, intention and behavior: An introdu c tion to theory and resear c h Reading MA : Addison-Wesley

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139 Fishbein M ., Jaccard J., Davidson, A ., Ajzen I & Cohen B (1980) Predicting and understanding family planning behaviors : Beliefs, attitudes and intentions. In I. Ajzen & M Fishbein (Eds ), Understanding attitudes and predicting social behavior Englewood Cliffs NJ : Prentice-Hall Fishbein, M & Stasson, M. (1990) The role of desires, self-predictions and perceived control in the prediction of training session attendance. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 20 3, 173-198 Fisher A (1990) ''What consumers want in the 1990s ." Fortune, 121 (January 16) 108112 Fuller D & Allen J. (1995) A typology of reverse channel systems for post-consumer recyclables In M. Polonsky & A. Mintu-Wimsatt (Eds ), Environmental Marketing Strategies, practice, theory, and research (p 241-268) Binghampton, NY : The Haworth Press. Gamba R (2000) A cross-cultural study of attitudes and behaviors regarding curbside recycling Unpublished doctoral dissertation presented to Claremont Graduate University Claremont CA Geller E (1995) Actively caring for the environment: An integration of behaviorism and humanism Environment and Behavior 27 2 184-195 Giddens, A (1991 ) Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and society in the late modern age Cambridge UK : Polity Publishing Goldenhar L (1991) Understanding, predicting, and influencing recycling behavior: The future generation Unpublished doctoral dissertation presented to The University of Michigan Ann Arbor MI Greene, K ., Hale J & Rubin, D (1997) A test of the theory of reasoned action in the context of condom use and AIDS. Communication Reports, 10 21-33 Guagnano, G ., Stern P & Dietz T. (1995) Influences on attitude-behavior relationships : A natural experiment with curbside recycling Environment and Behavior, 27 5 699-718 Guttierez Karp, D (1996) Values and their effect on pro-environmental behavior Environment a11d Behavior, 28 1 111-133 Hair, J ., Anderson, R. & Tatham, R (1987) Multivariate Data Analysis New York : MacrnilJan Publishing Co Helmreich R ., Stapp J & Ervin, C (1974). The Texan social behavior inventory (ISBI) : An objective measure of self-esteem or social competence JSAS Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology, 4 79-80

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141 Kotler P & Andreasen, A (1991) Strategic Marketing for Nonprofit Organizations (4 th ed ) Englewood Cliffs NJ : Prentice Hall Kotler P & Zaltman, G (1971) Social Marketing : An approach to planned social change. Journal of Marketing, 35 3 3-12 Kuhl J (1981) Motivational and functional helplessness : The moderating effect of state versus action orientation Journal of P e rsonality and Social Psychology 40 155170 LaPiere R (1934) Attitudes vs actions So c ial Forc e s, 13 230 237 Lee C & Green R (1991 ) Cross-cultural examination of the Fishbein behavioral intention model Journal of International Business Studies, 20 289-305 Lee, R & Robbins S (1995). Measuring belonging : The social connectedness and the social assurance scales Journal of C ounseling Psychology, 42, 2 232-241 Locke J (1690 / 1960) Two Treatises of Gov e rnm e nt Edited by P Laslett Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Lowrey T ., Englis B ., Shavitt S & Salomon M (2001) Response Latency Verification of Consumption Constellations : Implications for Advertising Strategy The Jo i ,mal of Adv e rti s ing 30 l, 29-39 Mackay R ., Calantone R & Drage, C (1995) Environmental marketing : Bridging the divide between the consumption culture and environmentalism In M Polansky & A Mintu-Wimsatt (Eds ) E nvironmental Marketing Strategies, practi ce, th e ory and res e ar c h (p 37-54) Binghampton NY : The Haworth Press Manstead A Proffitt C & Smart J (1983) Predicting and understanding mothers infant-feeding intentions and behavior : testing the theory of reasoned action J o urnal of Per s onality and Social P syc hology, 44 65 771 Martinez M & Gill J (2001) Th e eff e cts of turnout on vote choice : A simulation bas e d on two multinomial models. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Political Science Association Atlanta Georgia, November 7-10 Martinez, M & Scicchitano M (1998) Who Listens to Trash Talk ?: Education and Public Media Effects on Recycling Behavior Social Scien c e Quart e rly 7 9 2 289300 Maslow, A (1971) Th e farther r e ach e s of human natur e. New York : Viking Pres s. McCarty J & Shrum L (1994) The recycling of solid wastes : Personal values value orientations and attitudes about recycling as antecedents of recycling behavior Journal of Busin e ss Res e arch, 30 53-62

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142 Merchant C (1992) Radical ecology: The search for a livable world New York : Routledge Miller A. (1999) Environmental Problem Solving Psychosocial barriers to adaptive change New York : Springer-Verlag Miller D (1991) Handbook of research design and social measurement 5 th Ed Newbury Park CA : Sage Publications Naess A (1989) Ecology, community and lifestyle (D Rothenberg Trans ) Cambridge England : Cambridge University Press Neter J Wasserman W. & Kutner M (1990) Applied linear statistical models: regression, analysis of variance, and experimental designs Homewood IL : Irwin Norusis M (1994) The SPSS guide to data analysis Chicago : SPSS Inc Nunally J. ( 1978) Psychometric Theory New York : McGraw-Hill Book Company Oskamp S Harrington M Edwards T ., Sheiwood, D Okuda S & Swanson, D (1991) Factors influencing household recycling behavior Enviro11ment and B e havior, 23 4 494-519 Ottman J (1992) Green Marketing : Challenges and opportunities for the new marketing age Lincolnwood IL : NTC Business Books. Park H ., Levine T & Sharkey W (1998) The theory of reasoned action and self construals : Understanding recycling in Hawaii Communication Studies 49 196208 Petty R. & Cacioppo J (1981) Attitudes and persuasion: Classic and contemporary approaches Boulder, CO : Westview Press Pierce, J (1979) Water Resource Preservation : Personal Values and Political Support Environment and Behavior 11 2, 14 7-161 Polit-O'Hara, D & Hungler B (1999) Nursing research: principles a,1d methods 6 th Ed Philadelphia : Lippincott Polansky M & Mintu-Wimsatt A (1995) The future of environmental marketing : Food for thought In M Polansky & A Mintu-Wimsatt (Eds ), Environmental Marketing Strategies, practice, theory, and res e arch (p 389-391). Binghampton NY : The Haworth Press Ringer Lepre C (2000) Effects of a persuasive communication on undecided undergradi,ate students attitudes, beliefs, and intentions to seek career couns e ling. Unpublished doctoral dissertation presented to the Univ of Florida Gainesville FL

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143 Roe Littlejohn, C (1997) Measuring the effects of message framing on the behavior of recycling in a residential recycling program Unpublished doctoral dissertation presented to the Florida State University Tallahassee, FL Rogers, E. (1983) Diffusion of innovations 3 rd ed New York : Free Press Rokeach M (1968) Beliefs, attitudes, and values. San Francisco : Jossey-Bass Rokeach, M (1973) The nature of human values New York : The Free Press Rokeach, M (1979) Understanding human values New York : The Free Press Rotter, J (1966) Generalized expectancies for internal versus external control of reinforcement Psychological Monographs, 80 Salmon C (1989) Campaigns for Social 'Improvement ' : An Overview of Values Rationales and Impacts In C. Salmon (Ed ) Information Campaigns: Balancing Social Values and Social Change (p 19-53) Newbury Park, CA : Sage Publications Schifter D & Ajzen, I (1985) Intention, perceived control and weight loss : An application of the theory of planned behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 49 3, 843-851 Schudson, M (1991) Delectable Materialism : Were the critics of the consumer culture wrong all along? The American Prospect, 5 26-35 Schwartz, S (1970) Moral decision making and behavior In J Macauley & L Berkowitz (Eds.) Altruism and helping behavior (p. 127-141) New York : Academic Press Schwartz, S (1977) Normative influence on altruism In L Berkowitz (Ed ) Advances in Experimental Social Psychology (p. 221-279), Vol 10 New York : Academic Press Schwartz S (1992) Universals in the content and structure of values : Theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries. In L Berkowitz (Ed ) Advances in Experimental Social Psychology (p 1-65) Vol 25 New York : Academic Press Schwartz, S (1994) Beyond individualism / collectivism: New cultural dimensions of values. In U Kim H Triandis C. Katgitcibasi S Choi & G Yoon (Eds ) Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method, and applications (p 85-119) Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage Schwartz S & Howard J. (1980). Explanations of the moderating effect of responsibility denial on the personal norm-behavior relationship. Social Psychology Quarterly 43 4 441-446 Shapiro M. (1969) Rational political man : A synthesis of economic and socio psychological perspectives American Political Science Review, 63 1106-1119

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144 Shrum L Lowrey T & McCarty J (1994) Recycling as a marketing problem : A framework for strategy development Psychology &Marketing, 11, 4 393-416 Shtile11nan, M (1982). The influence of decision making process on the relationship between attitudes, intentions and behaviors Unpublished master s thesis presented to Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv Israel Smetana, J & Adler N (1980) Fishbein's value expectancy model : An examination of some assumptions Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 6 89-96 Smith, S & Haugtvedt C (1995). Implications of understanding basic attitude change processes and attitude structure for enhancing pro-environmental behaviors In M Polansky & A Mintu-Wimsatt (Eds ) Environmental Marketing Strategies practice, theory and resear c h (p 155-178) Binghampton NY : The Haworth Press Smith, S. Haugtvedt C & Petty R (1994) Attitudes and recycling : Does the measurement of affect enhance behavioral prediction? Psychology & Marketing, 11 4 359-374 Smith-Sebastano N (1992) The revised perceived environmental control measure : A review and analysis Journal of Environmental Education, 23 2 24-33 Sparks P & Shepherd R (1992) Self-Identity and the theory of planned behavior : Assessing the role of identification with < < Green Consumerism .'' Social Psychology Quarterly 55 4 388-399 Starke L (Ed ) (1991) State of the world 1991 New York : Norton Stern P (1992) Psychological dimensions of global environmental change Annual Review of Psychology, 43 269-302 Stern, P & Dietz T (1994) The value basis of environmental concern The Journal of Social Issu e s 50 3, 65-84 Stern P ., Dietz T & Guagnano, G (1995) The new ecological paradigm in social psychological context Environment and Behavior, 27, 6 723743 Stem P ., Dietz, T & Kalaf, L (1993) Value orientations gender and environmental concern Environment and Behavior, 25 322-348 Stern, P. & Oskamp S (1987) Managing scarce environmental resources. In I Altman & D Stokols (Eds ) Handbook of environme11tal psychology (p 1043-1088) New York : Wiley Publishing Taylor S & Todd P (1995) An integrated model of waste management behavior A test of household recycling and composting intentions Environment and Behavior 27 5, 603-630

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145 Thogersen, J ( 1996). Recycling and Morality: A critical review of the literature. Environment and Behavior, 28, 4, 536-558. Triandis, H (1979) Values, attitudes, and interpersonal behavior. In M Page (Ed.), Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, 1979: Beliefs, Attitudes, and Values (p 195259). Lincoln, NE : University of Nebraska Press Tversky A & Kahneman, D. (2000) Rational choice and the framing of decisions In Kahneman, D & Tversky, A. (Eds.) Choices, Values, and Frames. Cambridge UK : Cambridge University Press. Van Liere, K. & Dunlap, R. (1980) The social bases of environmental concern: A review of hypotheses explanations and empirical evidence. Public Opinion Quarterly, 44 181-197 Van Liere K. & Dunlap, R. (1981). Environmental concern: Does it make a difference how it s measured? Environment and Behavior, 12, 6, 651-676 Van Vugt, M Meertens, R & Lange, P van (1995). Car versus public transportation? The role of social value orientations in a real-life social dilemma Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 25, 258-278 Vining J. & Ebreo, A (1990) What makes a recycler? A comparison of recyclers and nonrecyclers Environment and Behavior, 22, 1, 55-73. Vining, J. & Ebreo A (1992) Predicting recycling behavior from global and specific environmental attitudes and changes in recycling opportunities. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 22, 1580-1607 Vinson, D ., Scott J & Lamont, L (1977) The role of personal values in marketing and consumer behavior Journal of Marketing, 41 2, 44-50 Wasik, J (1996) Green Marketing & Management: A Global Perspective Cambridge MA: Blackwell Publishers Wilson A. (1992) The culture of nature: North American landscape from Disney to the Exxon Valdez Oxford : Blackwell Young, H Lierman, L ., Powell-Cope, G., Kasprzyk, D. & Benoliel J (1991) Operationalizing the Theory of Planned Behavior Research in Nursing & Health, 14, 137-144 Young, M (1997) A cross-cult11ral analysis of the value bases of environmental concern Unpublished doctoral dissertation presented to New Mexico State University Las Cruces, NM

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OlafWerder was born in Dortmund Gennany to Helmut and Erika Werder In 1992 he received his ' Diplom Kaufinann '' (Bachelor of Science in Business) degree from the Universitat Dortmund in Dortmund Germany In 1994 he received his Master of Science in Advertising degree from the University of Illinois Champaign Illinois His professional experience includes working as a media planner for the Fallon McElligott Advertising Agency in Minneapolis Minnesota ; and as a junior marketing executive for WWR Media Services a regional radio sales network in Germany. During his time as a doctoral student at the University of Florida (Gainesville Florida) he taught sections of the media planning cross-cultural advertising and advertising strategy courses and worked as a faculty advisor for the student teams of the International Advertising Association s InterAD competitions Upon graduation he will join the Department of Communication and Journalism faculty at the University of New Mexico Albuquerque as an assistant professor 146

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it confor1ns to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philo s ophy 7/ :;A / ~;~ 2--;--,) Marilyn S. Roberts Chair Associate Professor of Advertising I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it confortns to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy -~C Sutherland rofessor of Advertising I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it confonns to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philo sop Debora M Treise Associate Professor of Advertising I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and lly adequate __..pe and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of P oso 1y "':11thia R o on Assistant Professor of Advertising J certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. .. Samuel Bar Assistant Professor of Political Science

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This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the College of Journalism and Commurucation and to the Graduate School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2002 ;:--.. Dean Coll Communication Dean Graduate School

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j LO 17 8 0 20 .0 ?: .. \ W '-l