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Carmen de Burgos

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Carmen de Burgos Piecing a profession, rewriting women's roles
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Scott, Lynn Thomson
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viii, 243 leaves : ; 29 cm.

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Authors ( jstor )
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Manuals ( jstor )
Narratives ( jstor )
Narrators ( jstor )
Novella ( jstor )
Prologues ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Womens studies ( jstor )
Writing ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- Romance Languages and Literatures -- UF ( lcsh )
Romance Languages and Literatures thesis, Ph. D ( lcsh )
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 1999.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 233-242).
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Printout.
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Vita.
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by Lynn Thomson Scott.

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CARMEN DE BURGOS:
PIECING A PROFESSION, REWRITING WOMEN'S ROLES










By

LYNN THOMSON SCOTT





















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1999




CARMEN DE BURGOS:
PIECING A PROFESSION, REWRITING WOMEN'S ROLES
By
LYNN THOMSON SCOTT
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1999


Copyright 1999
by
Lynn Thomson Scott


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This dissertation could not have been prepared without
the assistance of grants from the Program for Cultural
Cooperation Between Spain's Ministry of Culture and United
States' Universities, the Tinker Foundation and the Center
for Latin American Studies of the University of Florida, and
the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences of the University
of Florida.
I would like to thank my committee Chair, Dr. Geraldine
Cleary Nichols for her perspicacious and motivating editing
and her faith in me. The members of the supervisory
committee, Drs. Edward Baker, Shifra Armn, and Stephanie
Smith, each made very special contributions with their
knowledge and support. I appreciate, as well, the
encouraging remarks made by Dr. Henry Sullivan during his
tenure at the University of Florida.
My husband, John F. Scott, and my children, Erik and
Elizabeth, have shared the adventures and trials which have
made us all, to varying degrees, familiar with the Spanish
language and the cultures which share it. I appreciate
their respect for this effort. This dissertation is
dedicated to the memory of Alfonsina Lorenzi who came to
study linguistics, but left us as a teacher of courage.
iii


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
ABSTRACT vi
CHAPTERS
1 INTRODUCTION 1
2 LITERARY BEGINNINGS 12
Introduction: "Mrtir del silencio" or "promiscuidad
feminista?" 12
"A buscar lectores" 22
"[LJlevo dentro muchos yoes..." 22
Books for women: Sempere and Sopea 38
"[HJuyendo de lo molesto..." 41
" [M] e persegua por liberal" 45
The Sempere Series 51
The Sopea Series 57
Conclusions 61
3 WRITING DOMESTICITY AND PROBLEMS OF AUTHORSHIP 65
Introduction 65
Prologue: "¡Diablo de Sempere!" 69
"[AJcepto el encargo..." 7 9
"¡H]ace de la pluma aguja" 80
"Necesidad de guia" 85
"Libros originales," "Arreglos," "Traducciones" 88
"Traducciones" 91
"Un libro ms de arreglos. Es la vida." 95
4 THE ART OF ARRANGING: THE "ARREGLO" OF
EL ARTE DE SER AMADA 101
Introduction 101
"Qu es la belleza?" 104
The narrative thread in Ser amada 107
"[L] abores propias de nuestro sexo" 115)
"[E]1 arte difcil y encantador del
bien hablar" 119
IV


"La distinta misin moral y social de
ambos sexos"
"La condicin social de la mujer" 25L
Conclusions 136)
5 "LA PASIN DE LAS NOVELAS." 140
Introduction: The novella 140
"[U]na carretera, sin obstculos" 149
El tesoro del castillo 149
El honor de la familia 173
La Flor de la Playa 192
6 CONCLUSIONS 213
WORKS CITED 233
OTHER WORKS CONSULTED 240
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 243
v


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
CARMEN DE BURGOS:
PIECING A PROFESSION, REWRITING WOMEN'S ROLES
By
Lynn Thomson Scott
December 1999
Chair: Geraldine Cleary Nichols
Major Department: Romance Languages and Literatures
Carmen de Burgos's prolific writings traversed genres
and genders: the author of numerous novellas with a
potential male and female readership, Burgos also wrote
manuals to instruct women in domestic matters. That very
heterogeneity has caused her corpus to be considered a site
of contradiction. Burgos was an early feminist who
constructed a modern paradigm for her life, yet her
practical manuals apparently support women's restriction to
a domestic role. Her fictional protagonists, in contrast,
rarely enjoy the idealized family and domestic environment
that subtend the practical manuals. Neither do they occupy
the public space which Burgos maintained for herself. As a
result, modern critics have described her feminism as
ambiguous.
vi


This dissertation discredits that characterization,
explaining Burgos's pragmatic choice, particularly evident
in the nonfiction, to structure a niche from which to
address women readers. Chapter 2 discusses Burgos's efforts
to define her authorship, arguing that her writing must be
appraised in the context of her doubly marginal position as
a female author in a culture which defined women by
domesticity and in a profession governed by masculine norms.
My analysis of Burgos's practical manuals shows that
they occupy a less important role in her corpus than has
been affirmed. Chapter 3 explores paratextual writings
which reveal Burgos's awareness of criticism of her
authorship of domestic texts. She defends that work as a
reasonable response to the writing options available to her.
In Chapter 4, explicating the construction of a
practical manual, I posit a correlation between Burgos's
narrative strategy, the pressure on her to produce, and her
possible wish to avoid direct refutation of domestic
ideology. The centn thus created is analogous to the quilt
Showalter sees as descriptive of American women authors with
journalistic backgrounds.
Three novellas (El tesoro del castillo, El honor de la
familia, and La Flor de la Playa) are scrutinized in Chapter
5. When considered as a group, the protagonists, like
Burgos herself, enact a trajectory in search of a propitious
environment. I conclude that the domestic situations
vii


represented, unlike those suggested by the practical
manuals, manifest conflict between circumscription and
fulfillment, between the traditional and the modern.
viii


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The writing career of Carmen de Burgos, who also used
the name "Colombine," was unique in early twentieth-century
Spain. She produced a vast and diverse body of work,
writing and speaking on a variety of topics from child care
to divorce and from sewing to the rights of modern women.
Her corpus comprises translations, columns written for
several newspapers, books on her travel experiences,
speeches about women's rights, approximately twenty-seven
instructional manuals for women in practical domestic
matters, about seventy-five novellas, nine novels, and a
feminist treatise titled La mujer moderna y sus derechos.1
Burgos had few models to imitate in constructing a
writing career which would sustain her economically,
especially when such writing would include fiction. Unlike
Emilia Pardo Bazn, she did not enjoy the family prestige
1 The repetition of titles which occurs in Burgos's
work makes it difficult to quantify. Occasionally, the same
novella appears in two different series with different
titles. Such is the case with Frasca la tonta, published in
1914 by El Libro Popular, which then appeared as Venganza in
La Novela Corta in 19157 In some cases, bibliographies
have listed a work as a novel when it is really an anthology
of novellas.
Unlike the novellas, the practical manuals are undated.
In addition, there is a repetitiveness of titles which makes
it difficult to sort them out. This disseration will
address that issue at length in Chapter 2.
1


2
and wealth inhering to the title of Condesa. Neither did
Burgos choose, as had Maria del Pilar Sinus de Marco, to
sustain the dominant domestic ideology by advocating women's
role as "angel of the hearth."2 While the majority of women
writing at the time were limited to the women's press,
Burgos became the first woman who did '"el mismo trabajo, de
redaccin y de calle, que los hombres'" (qtd. in Starcevic,
Defensora 34). Furthermore, she became known as a prolific
author of the novela breve for the popular series which
flourished in the first third of the twentieth century.
Burgos's accomplishments are particularly remarkable
insofar as her convictions about women went against the
grain in the Spain of her era. Women were considered suited
only for a domestic role; indeed, many voices suggested that
they were incapable of work requiring rational thought.3
The family (consisting of a husband, a wife, and children)
was considered the foundation of the state. Thus, any
change in women's domestic function was regarded as a threat
to political and social stability. Burgos had advocated the
legalization of divorce in the press early in her career;
moreover, it was known in some circles that her support for
2 Sinus de Marcos concealed the unsatisfactory nature
of her own marriage and championed women's obligation to
endure marital misfortune. Her 1859 book, El ncjel del
hogar, was followed by a journal with the same title which
was published from 1864 to 1869. (Jagoe 474).
3 Mary Nash's articles, included in the Works Cited,
have established the importance of the domestic ideology in
early twentieth-century Spain.


3
that issue was associated with her decision to leave her
husband. As a result, her writing as well as her personal
life could be considered threatening to the status quo. In
spite of her doubly marginal position as a female who
challenged conventional values in a male-dominated
profession, Burgos achieved a writing career which brought
her prominence and contributed significantly to her economic
sustenance.
Cultural tenets would have held that Burgos's single
parent status and career aspirations were inappropriate, yet
she was under constant pressure to support herself and her
child. Chapter 2 will show that Burgos worked diligently to
establish a reliable income by manipulating two career
threads: while she labored to find better teaching
positions, often in the face of opposition from within the
system, she also endeavored to assure herself a favorable
writing environment. Chapter 5 explains that Burgos's
fiction frequently depicts a similar conflict among
ideology, economic necessity, and women's aspirations to
create for themselves a propitious environment.
Burgos was known by such contemporaries as Clara
Campoamor and other members of the Unin Republicana
Femenina for her spoken and written support of women's
rights and republican government (Starcevic, Defensora 65).4
The religious community deemed her a threat and the
4 Campoamor was president of the organization.


4
newspaper El Siglo Futuro undertook a journalistic campaign
against her in which she was labeled "la divorciadora." Yet
Burgos authored instructional manuals for women which
presupposed their limitation to a domestic role. She was,
apparently, criticized by other contemporaries for the
nonserious nature of such texts. In Carmen de Burgos:
defensora de la mujer (1976), Elizabeth Starcevic cites an
article which appeared in La esfera in 1922. Burgos tells
the author, Gonzlez Fiol, "'Cuando algn imbcil pretende
hacerme de menos, me llama la ilustre autora de Quiere
usted comer bien?'" (47). Burgos indirectly addresses her
critics, as well, in the 1924 Obras completas version of El
arte de seducir, titled Tesoro de la belleza (arte de
seducir). In the prologue to that text she defends her
authorship of instructional manuals, while noting that such
work was called "frivola y ligera."
Moreover, while Burgos occupied a public role, the
conduct manual genrein the tradition of Fray Luis de
Len's sixteenth-century text La perfecta casadaassumes
that women's greatest satisfaction is to be found in the
domestic sphere.5 Some modern feminist literary critics
5 Fray Luis de Len wrote the treatise in 1583 to
explain to Doa Maria Varela Osorio, a recent bride, what he
considered to be ideal behavior for a Christian wife. The
text is generally considered the prototype of conduct
literature addressed directly to a female recipient. Its
exclusive attention to women's deportment within the
domestic sphere insinuated that they would only operate
within that domain. Fray Luis's recommendations,
establishing a Spanish Early Modern model of the "angel of


5
underline the contradiction between Burgos's averred social
and political goals and the prescriptive content of such
manuals. In the published papers from a 1996 conference in
Crdoba, Spain, Danile Bussy Genevois speculates on the
problem of relating Burgos's "coherente y prestigiosa imagen
con el polifacetismo de la obra y el personaje" (123) .
Maria Pilar Rodriguez points out in a 1998 article "lo que
aparentan ser fuertes contradicciones en la ideologa de una
mujer que tan pronto se declaraba entusiasta republicana y
apasionada defensora de los derechos de la mujer como
rebata ardientemente los principios fundamentales de la
independencia femenina" (382) .
Such criticism of Burgos's apparently equivocal
position vis vis domestic issues prompted the initial
inquiry of this dissertation: why would a woman committed to
an early twentieth-century Spanish version of feminist goals
subvert them by prescribing the domestic sphere to other
women? And if this was the case, how would she position her
authorship in order to recommend to others the domestic
model she had apparently disavowed? How could she convince
readers of her suitability as a domestic savant? How would
an author of such "frivolous" texts assemble an audience for
her fictional writing? If Burgos felt compelled to support
the domestic ideology, as the existence of a corpus of
the hearth," are not simply historical artifact, for the
text has been published repeatedly to the present day, and
has been a common wedding gift to brides.


6
instructional manuals indicates, would she similarly situate
fictional protagonists within the domestic sphere?6
My initial forays into Burgos's fiction and nonfiction
did not discredit the criticism of the paradoxical nature of
its content. The titles of the practical manuals sustain
the image of woman as ngel del hogar and Burgos seemed to
have produced such works throughout her career, invalidating
my initital hypothesis that they might have been the work of
an artistically immature author. A cursory look at the
manuals supported their normative domestic nature. In
contrast, Burgos's life represented the antithetical
paradigm of the mujer moderna, suggesting that she
prescribed a doctrine which she did not support.
Burgos's fictional protagonists did not hew to either
paradigm; while frequently located in domestic surroundings,
they do not enjoy the exemplary environment upon which
domestic manuals are predicated. I conjectured that
examining Burgos's espousal of apparently inconsistent
6 The depiction of domesticity has occupied an
important space in the criticism of nineteenth century
British and American literature. Nancy Armstrong's work on
Desire and Domestic Fiction raises questions which are
pertinent to Burgos's writing, as does Stephanie Smith's
Conceived by Liberty.
7 In "El Angel del Hogar: The Cult of Domesticity in
Nineteenth-Century Spain," Bridget Aldaraca points out that
"an ideal of womanhood which can be synthesized in the
phrase el ngel del hogar lived and breathed in the pages of
the women's and family magazines which abounded in Spain
from the 1850s on" (63).


7
paradigms would, at the least, illuminate some of the
difficulties inherent in writing from a doubly marginalized
position. I hoped, furthermore, that a scrutiny of the
practical manuals would elucidate the apparent duality in
Burgos's authorial position. That process began only when I
was able to peruse, in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid,
Burgos's nonfiction writings and speeches.
As the investigation continued, I discovered that some
of my early assumptions about the practical manuals were the
result of inadequate or inaccurate information on Burgos's
corpus. Burgos had been largely ignored since the end of
the Second Republic and the inception of the Franco regime
shortly after her death. Although often mentioned as the
companion of Ramn Gmez de la Serna, her writing was not
discussed in most literary histories.8 Elizabeth
Starcevic's 1977 dissertation and contemporaneous feminist
revisions of the canon began to bring Burgos to the
attention of American scholars, yet even such recent works
on the period as Roberta Johnson's Crossfire: Philosphy and
the Novel in Spain 1900-1934 and Robert Spires's Transparent
Simulacra: Spanish Fiction 1902-1926 give her only cursory
treatment.
Doubts about the ideological coherence of Burgos's obra
may partiallly be the result of a dearth of information on
8 Burgos's omission from the canon is discussed by
Carmen Urioste Azcorra in Narrativa Andaluza.


her, which has sustained the impression that Burgos authored
myriad practical manuals on the same or similar topics and
that she produced them throughout her career. That belief
is fed, in part, by the similarity of the titles as well as
the lack of publication dates in the books. In some cases,
estimated dates of publication from the Biblioteca Nacional,
which I will show to be incorrect, have been reproduced in
Maria del Carmen Simn Palmer's extensive bibliography,
Escritoras espaolas del siglo XIX: manual bio-bibliogrfico
(1991). Concepcin Nez Rey's unpublished 1992
dissertation on Burgos, the most inclusive treatment to date
of her life and corpus, perpetuates some of the same
misinformation. Chapter 2 of this dissertation corrects
errors in publication dates and explains that Burgos
authored fewer practical manuals over a shorter period of
time than has been thought. Based on these corrections, I
posit that the practical manuals were far less important a
part of Burgos's corpus.
Burgos's comments on her authorship of the
instructional manuals, made in paratextual material such as
prologues and introductions, further illuminates this
discussion of her work. By examining Burgos's "Carta
Prlogo" to her editor, Francisco Sempere, in La cocina
moderna, and the prologues to two editions of El arte de
seducir, this dissertation situates her statements of
authorial consciousness in the context of her difficult


9
economic circumstances. Her authorship of such "frivolous"
materials is made more understandable by a consideration of
the relationship between her needs, both financial and
creative, and her circumscribed position as a woman author.
Sandra Lee Bartky's study, Femininity and Domination:
Studies in the Phenomenology of Oppression, contributes to
an understanding of Burgos's marginal position in her
culture and her profession.
The discussion of the "Carta Prlogo" in Chapter 3
establishes the importance Burgos placed on affirming her
aptitude for the writing opportunity being offered to her by
an important publisher. Moreover, it illustrates Burgos's
conception, early in her career, that writing was of a piece
withor similar tosewing. Her corpus includes frequent
references to sewing, both as a creative activity and as a
reliable source of income for women. In her
"Autobiografa," she attributes her own authorial origins to
the cutting and piecing together of articles for the family
newspaper in Almeria.
Journalism, where short pieces are the norm, frequently
provided the introductory writing experiences of women who
would later author novels. In "Piecing and Writing," Elaine
Showalter points out the tendency for early women novelists
to conceive of the creation of longer works as the joining
together of such short pieces. While Showalter's evocation
of metaphors of quilting are especially pertinent to


10
American authors, a similar correspondence between stitching
and writing exists in the Spanish tradition. This
dissertation explains the relevance of that metaphor, the
centn, to Burgos's literary construction.3 Chapter 4
develops my theory of El arte de ser amada as a centn,
relating Burgos's use of that technique to her constant
pressure to produce. It also considers the structure of
that text in the context of Burgos's reluctance to challenge
directly the dominant domestic ideology, explaining that she
disguises in the centn a discourse which is masked by the
appearance of the text.
Chapter 5 scrutinizes three novellas, El tesoro del
castillo (1907), El honor de la familia (1911), and La Flor
de la Playa (1920). They form a group in which Burgos
comments on the relationship of each protagonist to specific
domestic issues. Marriage or maternity is at the center of
the plot in all three works. This links them to one of
Burgos's prototypical manuals, El arte de ser amada, as
fictional expressions of her perspectives on women, love,
and their domestic role. Two of the three novellas
exemplify Burgos's use of the centn construction in
fictional texts. The existence of the technique in the
3 According to the Diccionario de la Lengua, the
centn, like the quilt, can be both a [m] anta hecha de gran
nmero de piececitas de pao o tela de diversos colores" or
an "[o]bra literaria, en verso o prosa, compuesta
enteramente, o en la mayor parte, de sentencias y
expresiones ajenas."


11
novellas as well as in the nonfictional texts, particularly
when considered in the context of Burgos's statements on
authorship, links the style she adopted to the pressures she
felt as a self-supporting woman author in early twentieth-
century Spain.
This dissertation explains how Burgos stitched together
a patchwork of remunerative writing activities, not only
supporting herself and her daughter, but also achieving
recognition by appealing to a burgeoning readership among
middle-class women. Burgos was able to transfer the
prominence she achieved among the female readers of
practical manuals and newspaper articles to the new novella
genre, thereby expanding her potential audience. Her
ability to produce at such a prolific rate was the result of
her apparently voracious reading and the procedure of
literary piecing and recycling she had first devised as a
journalist in Almeria.


CHAPTER 2
LITERARY BEGINNINGS
Introduction:
" [M] rtir del silencio"'1 or "promiscuidad feminista... "?2
Carmen de Burgos began her literary career in 1900,
shortly preceding her separation from her husband Arturo
Alvarez Bustos, with the publication in Almeria of her
Ensayos literarios. This first work reveals the intention,
to which Burgos would remain committed throughout her
career, not to restrict her writing to one genre, but rather
to convey her ideas in diverse formats ranging from
informational pamphlets to lengthy treatises on political
topics and from novellas to full-length novels.
Ensayos literarios contains a few verses, some stories,
and an essay called "La educacin de la mujer." The latter
was prepared after Burgos had accomplished her first step on
the road to financial independence by earning the degrees of
Maestra de Primera Enseanza Elemental in 1895 and Maestra
de Primera Enseanza Superior in 1898 in Guadalajara. It is
probable that she wrote it as a requirement for the
oposiciones to secure what would be her first salaried
1 Gmez de la Serna, "Prlogo" 15.
2 Ledesma Hernndez, "Prlogo" iii.
12


13
position in the Escuelas Normales de Maestras about a year
after earning the second degree (Nez Rey, diss 10) .
It is particularly ironic that, as Burgos was planning
for her economic independence by preparing the oposiciones,
she wrote in the transcript accompanying them that '"[l]a
mujer debe comprender y ayudar al marido con sus consejos,
para poder vivir unidos con esos lazos morales, que son los
que no pueden romperse nunca, los que forman la unin e
idnticas almas'" (qtd. in Castaeda 21). Even if Burgos
had not actually planned to separate from her husband at
that time, her disillusion with their marriage was known in
Almeria. Her acquiescence to ideas about the model marriage
reflects societal interpretations of the institution.
Although she would continue to support the ideal of the
male-female bond as a permanent union of compatible souls,
she chose to break her own ties when her marital situation
became intolerable. In this comment, however, she
reinscribes the dominant ideology in almost the same words
later used by other women to try to convince her of the role
required of her in Spanish culture. Ramn Gmez de la Serna
described this time of Burgos's life in the Prologue hew
wrote for her Confidencias de artistas: "Carmen se divorci
en medio del escndalo provinciano y del odio de las
mujeres, que la [sic] decian al oido: 'una mujer debe ser
mrtir del silencio y de la sumisin'" (15).


14
In 1901, a year after passing her examinations, Burgos
added the essay on "La educacin de la mujer" to selections
of her fictional work and published them all as the book
Ensayos literarios. Her use of the word ensayos in the
title not only signals her entry in the essay genre, but
also suggests the experimental nature of her first foray
into publishing.
Burgos's financial circumstances dictated that, while
developing her literary voice, she must also avoid
alienating such a large sector of the public that she would
be left without readers. Her writing reveals that both her
personal aspirations and those she espoused for modern
Spanish women were often circumscribed by the dominant
negative attitude toward feminism, with its ostensible
dangers to the family and the state. As a woman attempting
to forge a career after leaving her husband, in an
atmosphere in which women were defined as uniquely suited
for domesticity, she was marginalized from the mainstream of
her culture on many levels.
The Prologue to Ensayos literarios, written by Antonio
Ledesma Hernndez apparently at the request of Burgos and
her husband (Nez Rey, diss 105), sets forth the socio
cultural circumstances which would affect Burgos as a female
author for the duration of her career. Ledesma Hernndez
praises the value of Burgos's intellectual activity by
applauding her distance from the recent development of what


15
he considers to be exaggerated feminism, thus affirming her
value in terms of the moderation she represented. He
cautions her to avoid:
esa promiscuidad feminista que, no haciendo
diferencia entre la distinta misin moral y social
de ambos sexos, pretende igualarlos en actividades
y derechos, y crear una sociedad histrica donde
no haya preeminencias para ninguno, ni autoridad,
ni por consiguiente familia ni Estado posibles,
(iii)
From a contemporary perspective, this is an alarming
warning under the guise of support to the aspiring author.
Ledesma Hernandez's words leave no doubt that feminism was
an important and controversial issue at the time. Even the
person chosen by Burgos as apparently supportive of her work
saw feminism as dangerous to morality, to the family, and
even to the Spanish state. To a woman who was, apparently,
at the point of leaving her husband in a society where
divorce was nonexistent, his coupling of feminism with
suggestions of promiscuity, albeit ideological, must have
implied the possibility of the dire consequences of
blemishing her personal reputation as well.
Ledesma Hernndez's affirmation of Burgos's literary
efforts places him in an enlightened position regarding
women's options in Spanish culture; nonetheless, he
expresses the predominant contemporary outlook toward the
"polmica feminista.''3 The persistence of the nineteenth-
3 For a discussion of the issues at stake in the
"feminist polemic" see Geraldine Scanlon, La Polmica
Feminista en La Espaa contempornea (1868-1974) andMary


16
century "ngel del hogar" stereotype of women into the
twentieth century would be a defining issue for Burgos
throughout her career.
In a probable reference to Burgos's article on "La
educacin de la mujer" contained in the volume, Ledesma
Hernndez warns that "el Arte, subordinado a esas corrientes
sociales," as it presumably is in her essay, "no es un arte
puro y libre, como necesita serlo para aspirar a la
realizacin de la eterna belleza" (v).4 In his opinion, the
writer cannot achieve the kind of independent subjectivity
necessary to strive toward eternal beauty if "he" considers
social issues; furthermore, a concern with acquiring an
audience determines that the writer's work will not be pure.
Ledesma Hernndez's language suggests, in addition, that the
dominant contemporary Spanish ideology, with its belief in
the family as a location of peace and stability, was
troubled by underlying turmoil. Thus, it was especially
dangerous to risk currying public favor:
[E]1 escritor que se decide a buscar lectores,
tiene que vivir del favor del pblico, supeditarse
a sus gustos, dejarse llevar por esas turbulentas
corrientes, y si con ello sus obras ganan en
oportunidad, pierden en subjetivismo y en
independencia. (v)
Since Ledesma Hernndez had previously expressed his
concern that feminism, by not maintaining distinct moral and
Nash, "Experiencia y aprendizaje: la formacin histrica de
los feminismos en Espaa."
4 I was unable to consult Burgos's essay.


17
social missions for men and women, represented a significant
threat to authority, family, and the Spanish state, it would
certainly figure among the turbulent currents of public
opinion he mentions. It is also possible that, since Burgos
separated from her husband shortly after the publication of
this text, Ledesma Hernndez was aware of those future
plans. Thus, although he addressed his Prologue to "'Seora
Doa Carmen de Burgos,'" emphasizing her married status, his
warning may also refer to the disorder inherent in the
impending termination of that union.
In any case, after leaving Alvarez Bustos and
relocating in Madrid with their daughter, Burgos's need to
support herself and her child would give added urgency to
her particular requirement to "buscar lectores." Through
her experience with the educational system, she certainly
would have been conscious of the paucity of literate women
and of the difficulties facing a female attempting to
generate a livelihood as a writer.5 Thus, she was
presumably aware that she would have to fashion a unique
audience within the reading public in order to support
herself and her daughter.
5 Rosa Maria Capel Martinez states in El trabajo y la
educacin de la mujer en Espaa that in 1900 "[e]l
analfabetismo alcanza la sima [sic] del 71,4 por ciento
entre las mujeres, mientras para los hombres supone algo ms
de la mitad de ellos" (362). The overall 28.6% of women who
were literate were unequally distributed, with the highest
representation in northern Spain where female literacy
hovered closer to 50 per cent. On the other hand, female
illiteracy reached 83.6 per cent in Murcia.


18
Ledesma Hernndez's prologue defines the dilemma which
would face her as a writer: would she choose or be forced to
sacrifice authorial independence in order to appeal to the
tastes of majority public opinion? This plight would be
most obvious in the inherent conflict between Burgos's
nontraditional personal life and the professional position
she would achieve as a much-published expert on domestic
matters. While forging a path contrary to the dominant
domestic ideology for herself, she became well-known for a
series of practical manuals, specifically directed to the
female reader, which appeared to support it. These works,
in which Burgos advises women how to better perform
traditionally female duties while devoting their constant
attention to the maintenance of youth and beauty, assume her
authorial expertise and interest in those areas.
Within the physical boundaries of Burgos's first
published text, Ledesma Hernandez's statement on the
dangerous consequences of feminism delivers a threat which
would resonate through often contradictory statements in
Burgos's corpus. His prologue, although apparently
welcomed, was a metaphor for the penetration into her work
by ideological voices warning of the dangers of feminism.
The possibility of the dissolution of the family and, as a
consequence, the Spanish state, represented a significant
peril to Ledesma Hernndez and to other supporters of the


19
dominant ideology. It could be expected to exercise a
powerful monitory force on Burgos's potential readership.
In Femininity and Domination, Sandra Bartky compares
such often imperceptible interference to "oppression that is
economic and political in character" (22). While those
modes are certainly applicable to Burgos, Bartky carries her
analysis of oppression a step farther: she characterizes
"psychic alienation" in women which is comparable to the
"psychgological effects of colonialism on the colonized."
(22). Under these conditions,
[t]he psychologically oppressed become their own
oppressors; they come to exercise harsh dominion
over their own self-esteem. Differently put,
psychological oppression can be regarded as the
'internalization of intimations of inferiority'
(22) .
The phenomenon described by Bartky is particularly apparent
in Burgos's career. In order to establish the conditions of
Burgos's oppression, my analysis of her authorship will take
into account the economic and cultural difficulties arising
from her decision to forsake the traditional female role for
women of her class, defined by Burgos's culture as domestic.
Accordingly, in this chapter I will explore Burgos's efforts
to establish herself in Madrid as an author and sole support
of her family. I will consider her efforts to maintain a
steady income through her teaching career while remaining in
an environment which was both financially and creatively
beneficial to her. Furthermore, I will consider the
heterogeneity of the genres in which she worked as an


20
indication of her strategy to maintain her literary
production.
Burgos's efforts to establish a writing career would
certainly suffer from oppression within the male-dominated
literary world because of the extremely limited
participation of women in that realm. She expressed an
awareness of the importance of her unusual participation in
the daily press, as I mention in Chapter 1. That her corpus
contains a large number of practical guides addressing such
home-management skills as letter-writing, cooking,
budgeting, the creation of decorative objects to beautify
the home, personal beauty routines, and the "arts" of being
elegant and being loved implies that Burgos was experienced
in household vocations; they are, as their topics clearly
indicate, all "Guia[s] de la buena duea de casa".6
Burgos's insistence in these works on women's domestic
function appears to support the limitation of women's sphere
of influence to the home, yet she did not live out this
paradigm herself. This leads us to question the degree of
authorial autonomy Burgos was able to exercise, given her
economic and cultural circumstances.
The significant quantity of such manuals in Burgos's
corpus, and their attribution by the Biblioteca Nacional and
Nez Rey to her mature as well as her early years of
La mujer en el hogar: Guia de la buena duea de casa.


21
writing,7 creates the impression that they characterize her
obra. I will explain, however, circumstances relating to
Burgos's production of these manuals which diminish their
relative magnitude in her corpus. Furthermore, by
presenting information about Burgos's efforts to establish
an economically viable career, I will confirm Bartky's
hypothesis comparing gender-based oppression to political
oppression: Burgos's conditions of authorship within the
literary empire were akin to those of an "internal colony"
within a geo-political one (22). I will address Burgos's
cultivation of a reading public through the press, leading
to the expansion of writing and publishing possibilities for
her. I will explain that, presumably as a result of her
newspaper articles, most of which appeared under the banner
of "Lecturas para la mujer," two of the most important
publishing companies of early twentieth-century Spain,
Sempere in Valencia and Sopea in Barcelona, sought to add
Burgos to their list of writers.
My research into the practical manuals Burgos prepared
for them has revealed details illuminating the apparently
repetitive nature of their titles; furthermore, my study of
the texts has led me to a new interpretation of their
chronological order, enabling me to locate them more
7 All of these works were published undated, but Nez
Rey's dissertation does not challenge the dates suggested in
the Biblioteca Nacional listings.


22
accurately in her corpus. That information will also be
introduced in this chapter.
"[A] buscar lectores"8
"[i]levo dentro muchos yoes,,."9
Ensayos literarios demonstrates that Burgos attempted
to establish a relationship between her writing and her
position as an educator of women; in that domain, her
degrees and professional titles would have commanded
authority for her written words. In the same volume, she
also established her interest in writing in genres not
directly related to her official capacity. She confirms
that intention with her second work, a collection of
cantares called Notas del alma, published in Madrid in 1901,
contemporaneous with changes in her marital status,
employment, and location. In Notas del alma, however, she
does not show an interest in sacrificing subjectivity to
popularity as Ledesma Hernndez feared she might; rather,
she seems to heed his advice on the nature of art by
restricting the work to personal expression through a
collection of verses. These poems bear a clear relationship
to the personal disillusionment which resulted in the break
up of her marriage (Nez Rey, diss 114).
The publication of Ensayos literarios and Notas del
alma is, as I have indicated, chronologically associated
8 Ledesma Hernndez, "Prlogo" iii.
9 Burgos, "Autobiografa," in Al balcn viii.


23
with several other momentous changes in Burgos's life which
signal her intention to redefine herself. It is clear from
the first that writing was an integral part of her plan to
construct a new life independent of her husband. In turn-
of-the-century Spain, however, writing was not likely to
have provided a living wage even for a male.10 After her
move to Madrid, Burgos was a self-supporting single parent
who, as Cansinos-Assens pointed out in La novela de un
literato, was "¡La primer [sic] mujer periodista que hace
reportajes y no es condesa ni beata como la Pardo Bazn!"
(189) As Cansinos-Assens's comment indicates, Burgos was
not supported by aristocratic connections and familial
wealth as was her literary contemporary, Emilia Pardo
Bazn.11 Thus, her strategy would have to include
establishing both her own alliances and a base of regular
income-producing activities.
10 Carlos Serrano informed me that even Unamuno, with
his post as Catedrtico in Salamanca, complained of not
earning a living wage (25 March 1998) .
11 Although Pardo Bazn claimed that her writing income
was important to her, Maryellen Bieder remarked in a
personal interview (29 March 1997) that a woman of her
social class would very likely have had an inheritance. It
is possible that, because of Burgos's father's position as
Portuguese Consul, even Burgos may have had some small
family support. But people who knew her, such as Ramn
Gmez de la Serna, consistently mention her poverty: "Carmen
vino a Madrid a rehacer su vida, sin recursos, con su hija
en brazos, como esas pobres de mantn con su hijo palpitante
bajo el mantn.... Apenada, nerviosa, fatigada, escribia
para vivir...." ("Prlogo" 15)


24
Burgos was trained for the teaching profession in the
Normal of Guadalajara, the only type of higher education
available to a woman at that time. Although she had secured
the necessary degrees by 1898, it was not until over a year
later that she participated in the examinations for a post
in the Normal, presumably preparing the essay on "La
educacin de la mujer" for that process, as previously
noted. It was consistent with her training for Burgos to
place teaching at the center of her design to stabilize her
financial position after leaving her husband.
From the first days of her employment in Guadalajara,
however, it is clear that she was also striving to advance
her writing career by assuring herself a propitious
environment in which to work. The existence of articles
written by Burgos for Madrid newspapers contemporaneous with
her post in Guadalajara indicate that she must have
endeavored to maintain close contact with the journalistic
community in Madrid. In 1901, she applied to the Colegio
Nacional de Sordomudos y Ciegos in Madrid to participate in
a course on the methodology of teaching people with visual,
hearing, and speech impairments. She was accepted, and
continued this course of study until 1905, thus utilizing
the possibilities existing within the Ministerio de
Educacin to relocate to Madrid where she could maintain


25
contact with the newspapers for which she was writing (Nez
Rey, diss 13; Castaeda 27).12
During these early years in Madrid, Burgos often
demonstrated her proclivity, begun with the essay on "La
educacin de la mujer," to link her writing to her
occupation as a teacher. By utilizing one profession to
assert her expertise in the other, she benefitted both.
Both a pamphlet on La proteccin y la higiene de los nios
and a small book on decorative hand-stitches, Moderno
tratado de labores, date from 1904; in order to improve her
standing in the educational system, Burgos took the
appropriate steps to have both works officially recognized
as meritorious for her career and of practical value for the
schools (Nez Rey, diss 13; Castaeda 27).
These efforts indicate that maintaining her teaching
occupation as a reliable source of income was an important
objective for her. At the same time, Burgos's bibliography
reveals other approaches to generating financial benefits
through paraliterary activities. Translating was a common
income-producing activity for many authors at that time, who
often regarded the work as humiliating, but financially
necessary. Cansinos-Assens, recounting his first meeting
with Burgos, describes translating as the "duro pan del
12 Burgos's 1905 Spanish translation of Helen Keller's
autobiography, Sorda, muda y ciega, had a prologue by Eloy
Bejarano Snchez, comisario regio of the Colegio Nacional de
Sordomudos y Ciegos.


26
exilio. Pero al novel literario en el desierto del annimo
es el nico que se le brinda y ha de roerlo y encontrarlo
blando" (188). Burgos's clear financial need, and her sole
responsibility for her daughter as she struggled to redefine
herself as a writer in the male-dominated Madrid literary
world, must have made her particularly well acquainted with
Cansinos-Assens's "duro pan del exilio."
Burgos's name, as translator, is affixed to the Spanish
versions of many late nineteenth- and early twentieth-
century philosophical, scientific, and esthetic works of the
time. There is evidence that she was not multi-lingual,
casting doubt on her ability to have translated from many
different languages.13 Nevertheless, her exposure to these
13 Given the kind of education available to Burgos in
Andaluca, it does not seem feasible that she translated
from English, German, Italian, and other languages. Rafael
Cansinos-Assens, who writes of his acquaintance with Burgos
in La novela de un literato, insists that she did not do all
of the translating for which she took credit, but frequently
contracted this work to him and to others. Indeed, he tells
that he first went to her home because she had heard that he
knew German and was interested in hiring him to translate
Nordau's Morganatic for a fee of "30 duros." He quotes her
as saying'^ "Yo tambin traduzco..., del francs,
naturalmente..., no s otra cosa..." (191).
In 1906 Burgos delivered a speech on La Mujer en Espaa
to the Italian Press Association in Rome; it was published
along with congratulatory telegrams and newspaper reviews by
the Valencian publisher Sempere. That text reveals that II
Giornale d'ltalia commented that Burgos's talk had been
"pronunciada en el dulce idioma de Cervantes" (57) and the
French paper, Le Petit Pote, reported that "[l]a ha
pronunciado en la lengua espaola, pero los que saben el
italiano entienden el espaol" (59) It seems likely that
Burgos would have delivered that speech in Italian had she
been capable. She is, nevertheless, given credit for the
"versin espaola," probably published not long after 1910,
of the Italian Mantegazza's La fisiologia del placer


27
texts, whether or not in the original language, must have
broadened her knowledge of foreign opinions informing the
Spanish polemic on women's roles.
In addition to the questionable reputation Burgos
incurred among several of her male contemporaries by
claiming credit for translations she might not have done,14
the content of those works troubles both contemporary and
subsequent interpretations of her obra. From the
perspective of modern feminism, for example, Burgos's most
infamous "contribution" to the turn-of-the-century Spanish
discussion on women's rights was her 1904 "translation" of
P.J. Moebius's La inferioridad mental de la mujer. This
treatise, made available in Spain at least partially through
Burgos's labor and under her name, lent the weight of German
[original from about 1898].
In addition, I have observed that some of Burgos's
statements in the text of La mujer moderna y sus derechos
(1927) seem to be based upon an apparent misunderstanding of
English, indicating that she did not have a command of that
language. Nonetheless, Nez Rey suggests that it is very
possible that Burgos knew French and translated works from
pre-existing French versions into Spanish (personal
interview 20 June 1996).
14 Cansinos-Assens repeatedly hints at sexual
indiscretion on Burgos's part when he writes of her literary
connections and of the work she secures, echoing Ledesma
Hernandez's suggestions of "promiscuidad feminista." He
devotes a chapter to "Nuevos amigos de Colombine" in La
novela de un literato in which he writes "Coquetea con
todos, ... con Barriobero, ... y ... con Ramn.... Segn
Dieguito, l es que se lleva la palma... Es un bohemio, no
anda siempre bien de dinero; pero ayuda a Colombine,
traduciendo cosas para Sempere, que ella firma y cobra...
¡Colombine no da de balde sus favores!..." (364)


28
scientific credence to theories asserting the physical
unsuitability of women for rational thought and for
contributions outside the domestic sphere. Burgos added her
own Prologue and commented on the content in a few textual
notes, but did not condemn the work (at least not at this
point in her career) ,15 Moreover, she affirmed that she
played a positive role in translating it and other works in
the "Autobiografia" she wrote in 1909 for Prometeo, the
literary magazine she developed with Ramn Gmez de la
Serna.16
Muchas traducciones y muchos prlogos: Naquet,
Moebius, Tolstoi, Renn, Darwin, Bovio y todos los
hombres cuya inteligencia puede influir sobre
nuestro pueblo de un modo benfico, destruyendo
las doctrinas de Loyola, han sido traducidos por
mi para la importante casa editorial de Sempere,
que dirige en Valencia el gran novelista Blasco
Ibez. (xii)
Apparently while associated with the Colegio Nacional
de Sordomudos y Ciegos in Madrid, and perhaps even before,
Burgos also strove to cultivate her reputation as a
journalist. The manner in which she began to integrate
herself into the contemporary press is not clear from
written records, but it seems to be based on a combination
of socio-cultural circumstances which created a few,
15 In El arte de ser amada (1910-1913?), discussed in
Chapter 4 of this dissertation, Burgos minimizes the value
of Moebius's conclusions.
16 "Autobiografia" was subsequently re-published in A1
balcn. I cite from that version.


29
although narrowly defined, writing opportunities for a woman
author.
Burgos may have had familial support establishing
contacts with the literary community in Madrid: Ensayos
literarios was dedicated to an uncle, Don Agustn de Burgos,
a senator living in the capital (Castaeda 25; Nez Rey,
diss 10). She arrived there with some journalistic
experience, albeit limited, from as early as 1886 in
Almeria. There she had filled the vacuum created by her
husband's failure to attend to Almeria bufa, the paper owned
by his father. In the Autobiography in Al balcn, she
recounts her journalistic beginnings:
Empec por cajista de imprenta, en la que poseia
mi padre politico. Despus escrib con las
tijeras para completar un peridico satrico. Mi
primer articulo mereci los honores de la critica
y la reproduccin fuera de la provincia.... (xi)
That experience of producing apparently well received
articles by "writing" with scissors, that is, earning praise
for work that was only partly hers, was no doubt useful when
Burgos was called upon to demonstrate her expertise on the
range of topics not necessarily of interest to her, but
allotted to women authors.
Recalling in his autobiography, Automoribundia (1948),
the difficult years in which Burgos pieced together her
sustenance, Ramn Gmez de la Serna wrote that Burgos lived
"independientemente aunque pobre, gracias a artculos mal
pagados, a un puesto de maestra y a traducciones" (210).


30
Even the three sources of income combined, however, left her
in desperate financial straits: Gmez de la Serna narrates,
"No hay estera ni lumbre en su casa. El fri es atroz"
(211) .
Fortunately for Burgos, her arrival in Madrid
corresponded to a period of journalistic expansion which had
begun during the Restoration of the Bourbon Monarchy. As
Jos-Carlos Mainer explains in La Edad de Plata, the press
and the "nueva literatura" joined each other in an effort to
attract readers through a wider and more inexpensive
diffusion of literature than could be achieved by books
alone (60). This effort would have been mutually beneficial
to both the press and many writers of the younger
generation, leaving the book publishers to compete with
newspapers for the audience which had previously been
exclusively theirs.
Mainer fails to mention an additional demographic
factor which is particularly relevant to the career of
Carmen de Burgos: in 1900, women represented a little over
fifty per cent of the population, and that portion continued
to rise gradually throughout the first third of the century.
Moreover, female literacy began to increase during those
years and in the 1920s, literate women began to outweigh the
illiterate for the first time in Spanish history (Capel
Martinez, Trabajo 27, 362). If the press and the publishing
companies were going to compete to attract readers, they


31
would certainly need to take into account the growing number
of women who were becoming consumers of the written word.
By 1902 Burgos was already a player in the press's
pursuit of the woman reader. She contributed frequently to
several newspapers on topics obviously intended for a female
audience but widely disparate in subject matter, ranging
from fashion, recipes, and beauty, to feminism and suffrage.
In 1903, Augusto Surez Figueroa, the Director of the Diario
universal, assigned Burgos to write a column called
"Lecturas para la mujer," and anointed her with the
pseudonym "Colombine." Later, Burgos related in her
"Autobiografa" that she did not know why the name was
chosen. Her interpretation of the nature of her namesake in
the Italian commedia, however, causes her to suggest that
"por la agilidad y por la frivolidad que necesita el
peridico mezclar a la sesudez de sus artculos de fondo y
sus polticas era necesario...."17 Burgos's comment
suggests her understanding that she was hired to provide a
"feminine touch" which would not include the treatment of
serious political issues. In any case, she writes that she
accepted the name because it was given to her by "un
11 In the article, "'Colombine' y Pierrot" published in
Al balcn, Burgos relates that during her first day at
Piano Universal, Figueroa said that she would be called
Raquel in the paper, but that there was considerable
discussion and changing of the name. She did appear as
Raquel in the first issue of the paper, but it never was
sold to the public. The next day, he decided to call her
Colombine. For additional discussion of her interpretation
of the name, see Al balcn (95-99).


32
periodista insigne, un maestro." Apparently as a result of
the success of her column, Surez Figueroa named Burgos the
first female editor of the paper.
Ramn Gmez de la Serna relates that during those
years, Burgos wrote for several other papers and fashion
magazines and "para dar variedad a su nombre empleaba los
seudnimos ingenuos y romnticos de 'Raquel', 'Honorine'
'Marianella'" (Prlogo 15). In addition, she prepared
articles of literary criticism for the Heraldo de Madrid as
Perico el de los Palotes, political articles for El Pueblo
in Valencia as Gabriel Luna, and four articles per month for
the ABC. It is probably not coincidental that she used male
pseudonyms for the articles not specifically directed to
women.
In the few years between 1900 and 1904, Burgos ended
her marriage; went to Madrid; competed for and won a
teaching position in Guadalajara; studied pedagogy for
people with sensory impairments in Madrid; wrote articles,
sometimes on a daily basis, for several newspapers; and
published five books. To describe as prodigious the labor
she undertookstitching together a writing career from the
bits and pieces available to heris to fail to do it
justice. Gmez de la Serna points out in Autormoribundia
that in spite of her remarkable effort, her economic needs
were scarcely met: "Los libros de ella sallan en editoriales


33
que los vendan bien, pero por ello slo reciba unos miles
de reales que se iban en pagar lo imprescindible" (211).
Burgos's circle of readers must have widened
significantly through her daily articles in the Diario
universal; it is likely that it would have expanded
dramatically on December 27, 1903, when she authored a
controversial article, based on personal experience, calling
for the formation of a "club de matrimonios mal avenidos" to
study the possible basis for a divorce law in Spain. Burgos
evidently decided to capitalize on the ensuing publicity by
inviting such well known writers and intellectuals of the
day as Po Baroja, Vicente Blasco Ibez, Concepcin Gimeno
de Flaquer, Franciso Giner de los Rios, Emilia Pardo Bazn,
and Miguel de Unamuno to contribute their opinions, through
letters to her column, on the advisability of such a law.
By initiating a conversation with established literary
figures, Burgos would have inscribed herself, to a certain
extent, into the literary circle in which those authors
moved. After publishing just twelve of the letters
received, however, Burgos terminated the discussion and
announced in the paper that she would continue it in the
form of a book; it was published in 1904 as El divorcio en
Espaa.18 Castaeda's biography of Burgos suggests that she
18 Burgos concluded in the book that Spanish opinion
was favorable to divorce and predicted optimistically that
it would be established, although she did not specify how
soon.


34
was probably responding to editorial pressure not to
continue the discussion in the paper, but, instead, chose
the less immediate and less widely-circulated option of a
book in order to avoid total abandonment of the divorce
issue (36). It is also likely that Burgos would have
profited more from a book contract than from a piecemeal
disclosure of the responses in the press. I would like to
suggest, in addition, that although books certainly reached
a far more limited public than the daily press, their
readers were of a higher socio-economic position. Thus,
Burgos could have advanced her authorial status by securing
the publication of her initiative along with the responses
she solicited, although some were merely a refusal to
comment on such a controversial issue.
Burgos's now published opinion in favor of divorce, and
her comparison of divorce to a recent papal reform giving
novice nuns the right to "separate" from the convent,
provoked the ire of the Catholic Church.19 Certainly,
divorce represented the ultimate threat to the family
structure and, as such, to the continuance of Catholic dogma
which was staunchly supported by conservative political
19 In El divorcio en Espaa, Burgos refers to a
telegram from Rome published in Diario universal in which
Pius X proposes to eliminate the perpetual nature of the
vows of novice nuns.


35
forces.20 Castaeda explains that "[c]uando [los del sector
conservador] se enteran de su campaa lanzan criticas
feroces contra ella, llamndola 'la divorciadora'" (118).
El Siglo Futuro, which Castaeda describes as "el peridico
que defiende los intereses del Vaticano," was particularly
vigorous in the attack (118). Burgos, reacting to the
severity of the criticism, went to the editorial office to
see the director. But, she later wrote, "'[s]ali el
redactor-jefe, y como se negase a darme explicaciones y a
rectificar, le di bofetadas'" (in Starcevic 46). Needless
to say, this incident was widely recorded in the papers
(Starcevic 45). Eventually, El Siglo Futuro rectified its
verbal attack on Burgos, but her association with anti-
Church and anti-family forces, as well as her reputation for
nontraditional female behavior, were not easily shed.
A review of Burgos's 1904 production reveals that she
published original works on divorce, the care and protection
of children, and decorative sewing, as well as the prologue
and translation of Moebius's La inferioridad mental de la
mujer. The concurrence of these dates demonstrates that in
1903 and 1904 Burgos was in the paradoxical position of
using the print media to campaign both for and against
women's rights in general and the conventional family
20 Burgos did not support divorce as we now know it,
but rather a legalized separation giving a woman the right
to leave her husband's domicile without sacrificing all of
her possessions and parental rights over the children of the
marriage.


36
structure in particular, thus simultaneously supporting and
undermining the traditional Spanish ideology of domesticity.
Today it is not necessarily regarded as inconsistent to
favor the existence of divorce and yet support the welfare
of children. In the dominant ideology of Catholic Spain,
however, marriage, procreation, and the succoring of
children were linked as the most highly esteemed social
goals for women.
Thus, Burgos occupied a unique position in Spanish
culture: in the same years, she accrued fame through
negatively perceived personal circumstances which
marginalized her from societal norms, yet she spoke
authoritatively as a paradigmatic "ama de casa" advising
women on sewing and child care. Burgos would continue to
represent this ambivalent position in the practical manuals
she wrote for two of the most important publishers in early
twentieth-century Spanish literature.
It was within this context of multiple careers and
conflict with social institutions that Burgos wrote of her
"muchos yoes" in the "Autobiografia" for Prometeo:
Mi vida es sencilla o compleja, segn se la quiera
considerar. No hay en ella escenas emocionantes
ni hechos melodramticos dignos de ocupar la
curiosidad del pblico. Mi vida se desliz dentro
de mi, y todas sus complicaciones nacieron en mi
espritu... Ha variado de fases muchas veces
tantas, que me parece haber vivido en muchas
generaciones diferentes. Y yo tambin he
cambiado de ideas... de sentimientos... ¡Qu s
yo!... Me rio de la unidad del yo, porque llevo
dentro muchos yoes: hombres, mujeres, chiquillos,
viejos... Me pelearla si discutiese con alguno...


37
pero les dejo que venza el que ms d la gana...
¡Todas son buenas personas!... A veces,
imprudentes, demasiado confiados... suelen obrar
con ligereza y tener de qu arrepentirse...
Entonces intervengo. (viii-ix)
In this discourse, she expresses some embarrassment at the
public interest in her confrontations with social
institutions, revealing her perception of the conflict
between her behavior and that expected of the turn-of-the-
century Spanish woman. Addressing, as well, her "vidas" of
"profesora" and "periodista" (x-xi), she writes that the
first would be "tan insufrible como el matrimonio y el
cocido si yo no la supiera adornar de azul" (x). Thus, she
reveals her consciousness of the need to view her multi
faceted responses to her economic situation through a
positive lens. Differing from Maria Pilar Rodriguez's
interpretation in her article "Modernidad y feminismo: Tres
relatos de Carmen de Burgos," I construe Burgos's
willingness to allow a particular "yo" to overcome the
others as a recognition of her pragmatic resolution of her
circumstances of marginality (382). In my opinion, Burgos's
statements reveal, not her incapacity to constitute a fixed
identity, as Rodriguez posits, but rather her capacity to
adopt the pragmatic positions that would enable her to live
independently. In writing of the "muchos yoes" that she
carries within, she celebrates her ability to weave such
often tangled threads into a distinct role in Spanish
culture. Ledesma Hernndez's Prologue to Burgos's first


38
work seemed to be a warning of the danger of allowing one
"yo" to triumph, for it could cause her to lose readers and
income if she moved too solidly into the camp of that
exaggerated and promiscuous feminism which he, and others,
regarded as a threat to Spanish society.
Books for women: Sempere and Sopea
At around the same time as she was conducting the
survey on divorce, Burgos became acquainted with Vicente
Blasco Ibez, perhaps because of his agreement with her on
that issue or, more generally, his radical republican
stance, one with which Burgos would eventually associate
herself.21 Blasco was well connected with Valencia, an
"importante centro difusor de formas culturales populares"
in the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth
(Mainer 62). More important still, his direction of
Editorial Sempere would turn out to be crucial to Burgos's
career. According to Jos-Carlos Mainer, who does not
include Burgos in his discussion, Sempere was responsible
for translating the turn-of-the-century Parnassian favorites
which inspired "periodistas bohemios" to give birth to "la
expresin artistica moderna" (29). Blasco's introduction of
Burgos to Franciso Sempere led to the establishment of a
publishing relationship between them which would eventually
generate hard-cover collections of her cuentos, several
21 Cansinos-Assens refers to Burgos as "la... bueno, la
amiga de Blasco Ibez," implying with his suspension dots
that the two were more than casual friends (188) .


39
full-length novels, published versions of some speeches, and
the collection of instructional manuals discussed in
subsequent chapters. Cansinos Assens, in mentioning
Burgos's association with Blasco, states that, through it,
she "dispone, como de cosa propia, de la Editorial Sempere"
(188) .
Emphasizing the role of certain publishers such as
Sempere in the literary "revolucin parnaso finisecular, "
Mainer also mentions the importance of Editorial Sopea in
Barcelona in making the great nineteenth-century European
novels available in Spain (29-30) ,22 These two editoriales
were responsible, as well, for the publication of the
majority of Burgos's practical manuals for women. The role
of Sempere, which I will develop more fully in the next
chapter, was more definitive in Burgos's career than that of
Sopea; nevertheless, I will explain that Sopea played a
surprising, if less formative, part in the circulation of
Burgos's work.
Burgos's connection with such pivotal figures in the
diffusion of nineteenth-century European classics and
twentieth-century modernist literature broadens the view of
22 Mainer explains that "el arte espaol de la crisis
de fin de siglo hubiera sido impensable sin el fuerte
impacto del conocimiento y convivencia con los extranjeros"
(58). That impact was provided by authors such as Hugo,
Dumas, Scott, Dickens, Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky, made
available in Spain by Sopea. Sempere was publishing
Kropotkin, Nietzsche, Engels, and Nordau, whose work Burgos
mentions frequently.


40
early twentieth-century Spanish literature presented by
Mainer. His emphasis on the importance of foreign works in
the Spanish "ruptura modernista," and his concomitant focus
on the burgeoning intellectual audience, leads him to ignore
another minority readership that, as we have seen, was
increasing: women. Sempere and Sopea did not slight this
share of the market, however; both took women readers into
account by developing women's collections which relied
heavily on Burgos's work. In the following chapter, I will
discuss the relationship between their understanding of that
female audience and Burgos's corpus of instructional manuals
for women.
Franciso Sempere was evidently aware that he could not
afford to disregard the growing public of women readers.
Concurrent with his cultivation of an elite audience
interested in foreign authors, he was actively involved with
Carmen de Burgos in the creation of a Biblioteca para la
mujer. It is apparent that he did not consider his list of
recent fiction by male authors sufficient to attract the
gradually increasing literate female population; rather, his
extensive "Library for Women" consists of domestic
instructional manuals, designed to educate women of the
reading class in matters considered appropriate to them at
the time. His selection of Burgos, a controversial Spanish
female author with a journalistic reputation for writing on


41
topics of interest to women, would be likely to secure an
immediate following for the works.
Sempere's notion of appropriate reading matter for
women differs markedly from that of Adolfo Posada and Emilia
Pardo Bazn. Their earlier attempts to create a wide female
audience based on international feminist readings had been
unsuccessful. In Carmen de Burgos: defensora de la mujer,
Starcevic points out that "frustrado fue el intento de
Emilia Pardo Bazn de introducir en la peninsula las ideas
forneas." She cites Pardo Bazn addressing that issue:
'Cuando yo fund la 'Biblioteca de la Mujer', era
mi objeto difundir en Espaa las obras del alto
feminismo extranjero, y por eso di cabida en ella
a 'La esclavitud femenina' de Stuart Mill, ya 'La
mujer ante el socialismo' de Augusto Bebel. Eran
aquellos los tiempos apostlicos de mi inters por
la causa. He visto, sin gnero de duda, que aqui
a nadie le preocupan gran cosa tales
cuestiones...' (24)
"[H]uyendo de lo molesto..."23
By the time Burgos began to write for Sempere, probably
around 1905, she had achieved a new level of literary
standing, but had experienced serious difficulties
sustaining her teaching career. After the publication of El
divorcio en Espaa, and perhaps as a result of unfavorable
reaction to it in the Escuela Normal de Guadalajara, Burgos
requested and was awarded a grant from the Ministerio de
23
Burgos, "Autobiografa," Al balcn ix.


42
Instruccin Pblica to study educational systems in other
European countries.2*
She traveled in France, Italy, and Switzerland from
early October, 1905 to the end of September, 1906. In
Switzerland, it is probable that Burgos attended, although
not as an official delegate, an international conference on
women's education which she later mentions in La mujer en el
hogar and Vademcum femenino. During her travels, she met
feminist writers and visited with the Paris delegation of
the Lyceum Club of London. She also talked with the
philosopher Max Nordau, whose work she mentioned favorably
in several texts, and with Alfred Naquet, who sponsored
France's divorce law. Her welcome by the intellectual
community and continued correspondence with Nordau and
Naquet attests to her standing outside of Spanish
educational circles.25 If the Ministerio de Educacin or the
Catholic Church hoped that this trip would bring Burgos more
into line with traditional Catholic family doctrine, her
activities did not fulfill that expectation. On the
contrary, she seems to have pursued a strategy of self-
2< Nez Rey states that the Directora de la Escuela
Normal Central, in awarding Burgos the grant, made it clear
that she had been the only applicant (Burgos 24).
25 At her request, Nordau contributed a letter to
Vademcum femenino in which he states his negative opinion
on women's use of the corset. His biography mentions his
meetings with Burgos during his exile in Madrid in 1914.
The Hungarian expatriate Nordau advised her on the Jewish
situation, which was one of her interests.


43
education on the most controversial issues of the day, with
foreign liberal reformers as her teachers.
In Rome in April of 1906, she was invited to speak to
the Asociacin de la Prensa on the topic of "La mujer en
Espaa."26 Burgos's talk seems to have been a major event,
attended by "representacin de las dos embajadas, de
pensionados de la Academia de Espaa, de gran parte de la
colonia y de un pblico numeroso y selecto donde estaba en
mayora el bello sexo" (II Ppolo Romano quoted in La mujer
en Espaa 55). Also in attendance was Concepcin Gimeno de
Flaquer, author of La mujer (1877) and a conservative
feminist who had responded in the negative to Burgos's
survey on divorce.27 The speech was published by Sempere
with an appendix including selections from the
congratulatory telegrams Burgos received from Nordau and
Naquet on the occasion of the speech. The Appendix also
featured a compilation of press reviews, including some from
a French paper, several from Italy, and some from Burgos's
Madrid paper, the Heraldo. They refer to Burgos as "[l]a
26 The speech was later published with the same title
by Sempere. At forty-eight pages of text, it seems lengthy
for a talk, but it ends with the words "Grandes aplausos"
giving the impression that it is a faithful reproduction of
her talk. See the list of Works Cited for the complete
reference.
27 The Rome paper La Tribuna commented on the presence
of Gimeno de Flaquer at the speech, referring to her as "la
notable literata espaola ..., novelista y autora de
escritos filosficos sobre el feminismo, audaz propagandista
de estas ideas" (La mujer en Espaa 56).


44
notable escritora" (quoted in La mujer en Espaa 52), and
"[l]a redactora del Heraldo de Madrid y distinguida
escritora" (Arturo Matei, quoted in La mujer en Espaa 53),
and "[l]a bella y culta seora Carmen de Burgos, escritora,
conferenciante y periodista espaola" (La Vita, quoted in La
mujer en Espaa 57). These comments certainly indicate that
Burgos's work was highly respected in certain circles, and
also that she was considered primarily a journalist on
women's issues at that time.
Sempere's edition of La mujer en Espaa includes a list
of Burgos's works, with publication dates. Under the
heading "Originales," it includes such works as Ensayos
literarios (1900), featuring the Ledesma Hernndez prologue,
and Notas del alma (1901). Appearing under "Traducciones,
but parenthetically called an "arreglo" is Modelos de cartas
(19 0 5).28 I will fully discuss the significance of the
arreglos and analyze an example of Burgos's technique of
textual arrangements in the following two chapters. Modelos
de cartas must be the first practical manual in the Burgos-
Sempere Biblioteca para la mujer and is grouped with those
works in subsequent lists.
28 Perhaps this work, which would be excluded from the
category "Traducidas" in a subsequent list in Al balcn, is
called a translation here because the women's series on
which Burgos and Sempere would collaborate had not yet been
created. Furthermore, it is likely that Burgos borrowed
heavily from published sources in other languages in
assembling the practical manuals; this would account for the
use of the term "arreglo."


45
"'[M]e persegua por liberal... "29
The nature of Burgos's experiences outside of Spain,
while seen as successful by some, appeared to damage rather
than promote her teaching career. Her position in the
educational system, with the only guaranteed (albeit small)
income she had, continued to deteriorate. Her associations
abroad with people well known for their espousal of liberal
causes immediately preceded a time of political conservatism
in Spain. Prior to 1907, Burgos was probably protected
politically within the educational system by Segismundo
Moret, a friend of the Burgos family and President of the
Partido Liberal (Nez Rey, diss 34). In 1907, however, the
conservative Antonio Maura formed what would be called the
"gobierno largo" and appointed Faustino Rodriguez San Pedro
as the new Ministro de Educacin.
From her first essay on "La educacin de la mujer,"
Burgos had spoken in favor of reforms in the educational
system, and she continued to do so in her Heraldo articles
(Castaeda 29). Her teaching career began to be impeded by
a series of actions by the Ministerio. Nez Rey suggests
that this apparent harassment of Burgos was concurrent with
and a result of the formation of the conservative government
(34). There is evidence to support Burgos perceiving it as
such: in a footnote in La mujer en el hogar, addressing the
issue of educational reform, she writes that she "no logr
29 Burgos qtd. in Gmez de la Serna, "Prlogo" 22.


46
sacar de su ensueo rutinario al entonces ministro, don
Faustino Rodriguez San Pedro" (6). Furthermore, Gmez de la
Serna recounts a conversation he had with Burgos in which
she recalls some of the more frequently repeated critical
anecdotes about her, and I cite,
'He hecho que vociferase contra mi, en el Senado,
el obispo de Jaca, y, desde el puesto en que
cumpla mi deber, desafi al ministro que me
persegua por liberal, a aquel infausto Rodriguez
San Pedro....' (Prlogo 22)
Unless Burgos was appropriately recertified as a
Profesora de Enseanza Superior, she would not be able to
continue to teach at the Escuela Normal in Guadalajara
(Nez Rey, diss 31). It was as part of that process that
she had her book, Moderno tratado de labores, officially
recognized by the educational system. Yet remaining in
Guadalajara was not Burgos's aim; since the termination of
the course at the Colegio Nacional de Sordomudos y Ciegos in
1905, she had sought to be permanently reassigned to Madrid.
In March, 1907, she left Guadalajara for a post in the
Seccin de Enseanza de la Mujer in the Escuela Superior de
Industrias in Madrid, but her re-certification was delayed
and, as a result, she was instead re-assigned to Toledo.30
Since Burgos was resistant to leaving Madrid, it is
likely that she resumed her pattern of commuting to her
teaching post because, not long after her commission in
30 The novella El honor de la familia, written in 1911,
suggests Burgos's reaction to the repressive atmosphere she
found in Toledo. It will be discussed in Chapter 5.


47
Toledo, she was anonymously denounced to the Ministerio de
Instruccin Pblica. The statement avers that Burgos was
apparently not dedicated to her teaching, citing her for
"falta de asistencia a clase sin autorizacin, por no
completar su horario de clases, por no haber dado tres
conferencias que le restan de su viaje al extranjero como
manda el reglamento, por no residir en Toledo" (Castaeda
30). There is not sufficient evidence available to show
whether these charges were justified, or invented as part of
the political harassment suggested by Nez Rey. Burgos,
however, responded that they were "'falsas calumnias
annimas de personas que pretenden, por fines que
desconozco, daarme en mi buen concepto profesional que
tanto estimo'" (Burgos, Expediente de Maestra, in Castaeda
31). Her expediente was successful and she was exonerated
of the charges as unproven and because of her "fama de
persona de gran cultura y deseos de perfeccionar sus
conocimientos en el extranjero" (Castaada 31).
Burgos's career in the educational system may have
suffered from her statements on divorce and her liberal
activities both in and outside of Spain, but her literary
reputation did not. In 1905, the year Burgos left Spain,
she and Emilia Pardo Bazn had been the first women admitted
to the Ateneo of Madrid. After her return in 1907, she met
Eduardo Zamacois, who contracted with her to write for his
new series, El cuento semanal, the prototype for the new


48
genre of the novela breve.31 As a contributor to its
premier year, Burgos's name would be associated with such
well known authors as Jacinto Octavio Picn, Jacinto
Benavente, Felipe Trigo, and Emilia Pardo Bazn. Her
burgeoning literary career, however, would hardly have
remunerated her sufficiently to support her Madrid lifestyle
with its famous tertulias, the "mircoles de Colombine."
As this dissertation has shown, the years in which
Burgos established a publishing relationship with Sempere
were characterized by paradox. She was increasingly
desirable as an author, yet apparently anathema to the two
principal Spanish cultural institutions: the Catholic
Church and the educational system. Yet Burgos's first book
for Sempere, Modelos de cartas, had established her as an
author who would help him, one of the most active and
influential publishers of the era, to attract a specifically
female audience. As such, it established Burgos as one of
the very few females among many important male novelists who
were regular Sempere contributors. Furthermore, it promised
to supply Burgos with additional regular income.
Sempere was the first major book publisher to claim
Burgos's assumed domestic expertise for his inventory, but
31 El cuento semanal, while new in ways which will be
discussed in Chapter 5, was also related to such traditional
genres as the folletn and novela por entregas.
The first novella Burgos authored for El cuento semanal
was El tesoro del castillo, the twenty-fifth issue in 1907,
the inaugural year of the series.


49
he was certainly not the last.32 Nevertheless, his
collaboration with Burgos in generating a woman's library
resonated throughout her career. It both located her in a
unique position from which to address women's issues and it
enabled her to reach an audience different from the
newspaper-reading public. Burgos had been a mother, a
teacher, and, as a working journalist not living with her
husband, a spokeswoman for unmarried and working-class women
facing harsh economic realities. Purchasers of her Sempere
books, however, would be unlikely to come from the working
classes, as unlike working women, her buyers were
sufficiently wealthy to purchase books, and they had the
luxury of considering household management their primary
concern. As she writes in El arte de ser amada (discussed
32 Over the course of Burgos's career, Sempere did not
restrict his publication of her work to advice books for
women, publishing as well novellas, novels, and collections
of her interviews. The following works by Burgos, excluding
the practical manuals which will be discussed separately,
were published by Sempere: Cuentos de "Colombine", 1908; Los
inadaptados, 1909 (a collection of stories containing, in
addition to the eponymous one, "Amor de esposa," "¡Veinte
aos!", and "En la paz del campo"); La voz de los muertos,
1911; Leopardi, n.d. [1911]; Cartas sin destinatario, n.d.
[1912]; En la guerra, n.d. [1912] (a collection of stories
containing, in addition to the eponymous one, "La indecisa,"
"Siempre en tierra," "La justicia del mar," "El veneno del
arte" and "El honor de la familia"); Al balcn, n.d. [1913,
according to Palau; 1914, according to Cejador]; La
malcasada, 1923; La mujer fantstica, 1924; Amadis-3e Gaula,
n.d.


50
in Chapter 4), Burgos would communicate specifically with
the "clase media acomodada" (168).
In addition to the financial advantage for Burgos, she
garnered the prestige of being a Sempere author; through her
published literary conversations with him, one of which I
will discuss in the following chapter, she declared herself
a player in the writing community. Burgos would go on to
author, or "arrange," as she sometimes styled it, similar
practical manuals for several publishers, some of which may
have been connected to Sempere.33 As I will discuss in the
next chapter, Burgos occasionally disclaimed this work, but
proudly reasserted its value in Sempere's publication of her
Obras completas. Moreover, the existence of the Sempere
series led to the Quiere sted...? women's collection
33 The possible relationships among publishers is
unclear. Sempere published Tesoro de la belleza as Volume I
of Burgos's Obras completas (serie prctica). Its inclusion
in that series indicates that it was part of the series
Burgos prepared for Sempere. Yet, the original edition of
that text was titled El arte de seducir and published by the
Sociedad General Espaola de Librera.
The latter also published El arte de ser mujer (belleza y
perfeccin) in the "Introduccin" to which Burgos writes, "A
veces hasta yo misma, a pesar de tener mi antifaz de
Colombine, me he ocultado bajo otro disfraz, ms tupido, y
burlonamente aristocrtico, de Condesa X, de Princesa X, o
de Madame X, bajo los cuales, sin embargo, me ha sabido
conocer el lector" (10).
The list of Burgos's works which appears in Al balcn,
published by Sempere, includes La mujer en el hogar, but
there is another edition published by Prometeo in the
Biblioteca Nacional. Both appear to be the same except for
the title page. There are, as well, Prometeo editions of La
cocina moderna and Vademcum femenino, indicating a possible:
connection between Sempere and Prometeo, both of which were
located in Valencia.


51
published by Sopea in Barcelona, which expanded Burgos's
circulation in northern Spain.
Through her association with instructional domestic
literature for women, Burgos has been considered a reluctant
feminist who advocated personal and, eventually, political
rights for women while continuing to support their role as
housewives. Burgos's positions vis vis the restriction of
women to domestic functions will be discussed in the next
two chapters. The remainder of this chapter will resolve
bibliographical and chronological questions relating to the
repetitive nature of the titles of her practical manuals,
clarifying the roles played by Sempere and Sopea in the
development of that domestic corpus.
The Sempere Series
The majority of the practical manuals Burgos wrote for
Sempere were published without dates; in addition, the often
repetitive nature of the titles of Burgos's books of advice
has resulted in considerable confusion about her nonfiction
corpus. Through careful examination of the texts, I have
arrived at a plausible chronology of these works.
Contrary to certain estimated dates in the catalogue of
the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, and to Nez Rey's
attributions indicating that some of Burgos's "Manuales de
uso prctico" were written as late as 1920, I have concluded
that she probably composed most of her practical manuals for
Sempere between 1905 and 1913. The back of the title page


52
in many of the texts bears the information, "Esta Casa
Editorial obtuvo Diploma de Honor y Medalla de Oro en la
Exposicin Regional de Valencia de 1909," thus indicating
that the texts so labelled post-date that Exposition. In
several texts, that page carries the additional message, "y
Gran Premio de Honor en la Internacional de Buenos Aires de
1910," leading me to conclude that the texts which convey
that notice post-date those which mention 1909. I have
determined the end-date of 1913 from a list of Burgos's
published works appearing in Al balcn, a collection of her
previously published newspaper articles issued as a book by
Sempere. This text is dated to 1913 by Palau y Dulcet (470)
and by the library of Pennsylvania State University; Cejador
assigns it to 1914 (290). If Al balcn is, indeed, from
1913 or 1914, all of the works listed in it must pre-date
its publication, thus placing them between 1909 or 1910 and
1913 or 1914, with Modelos de cartas, at least, dating as
early as 1905.34
Burgos, in addition, occasionally cited some of her own
texts in others she prepared on related topics; her
citations, where they appear, corroborate the order of
published works appearing in Al balcn. Her footnotes, for
example, make it possible to conclude definitively that
34 Nez Rey concurs in attributing Al balcn to 1913,
but doesn't seem to have used the information available in
it to re-date the manuals. Castaeda, as well, attributes
Al balcn to 1913 in her Bibliografy of Burqos's works
(173) .


53
Salud y belleza precedes El tocador prctico. In the
edition of Vademcum femenino which I have studied,
published by Prometeo (in 1918, according to Nez Rey), she
footnotes Arte de saber vivir and Las artes de la mujer,
thus establishing that she wrote both of those prior to
Vademcum femenino.35 According to Sempere's list of
"obras de la misma autora publicadas por esta casa" in Al
balcn, however, an edition of Vademcum femenino was also
published by Sempere and prior to Al balcn, hence prior to
1913 or 1914. Burgos establishes that El arte de ser amada
post-dates 1911 by mentioning therein an event that occurred
in 1911; the back of the title page lists Modelos de cartas,
La cocina moderna, Arte de saber vivir, Salud y belleza, Las
artes de la mujer, La mujer en el hogar and Vademcum
femenino as previously prepared "arreglos" by the same
author. In Arte de la elegancia, she cites La mujer en el
hogar, Las artes de la mujer, and Arte de saber vivir as
references, again confirming the order given in Al balcn.
I have, therefore, concluded that the works prepared by
Burgos for Sempere between the dates mentioned above
include, in suggested chronological order, Modelos de
cartas, La cocina moderna, Arte de saber vivir, Salud y
belleza, Las artes de la mujer, La mujer en el hogar,
35 In addition, Burgos includes in the text a letter
written to her by Max Nordau and dated November, 1907 (123).


54
Vademcum femenino, El arte de ser amada, Arte de la
elegancia, El tocador prctico, and La mujer jardinero.
Of those titles, the only ones I can assign to a
specific year are Modelos de cartas, previously discussed,
and La mujer en el hogar (economa domstica): Guia de la
buena duea de casa, which is signed "Arreglada por Carmen
de Burgos (Colombine)," and names Burgos as "Profesora de
esta asignatura en la escuela superior de artes industriales
de Madrid." Nez Rey indicates that Burgos held that
position from July 23, 1910 to January 1, 1911;
conseguently, the text must have been published during that
period.
This does not mean, however, that Burgos's
instructional guides were restricted to only the early years
of her career. Sempere's post-1924 publication of her Obras
completas is really a re-edition of the previously published
practical series for women.36 The first volume, Tesoro de
la belleza (arte de seducir), states: "Desde 1924 que
comienza la publicacin de las obras completas de Carmen de
Burgos, no podrn reimprimirse fuera de esta coleccin sus
obras prcticas para la mujer." While in the past, Burgos
had, in some instructional texts, denied her authorial
responsibility by referring to them as "arreglos," in this
36 The Obras completas editions did not include any of
the fiction that had been published by Sempere. It seems
that, in spite of its name, it was intended merely as a re
publication of Burgos's practical texts.


55
first volume of her "Obras completas," she reclaims the work
as hers. By providing a new Prologue to this edition,
Burgos at once reaffirms her authorship and reasserts the
value of her practical manuals in what was, by that time, an
extensive body of work:
Al comenzar ahora la publicacin de mis obras
completas, entre el gran nmero de novelas, de
criticas, artculos y libros de viaje, no quiero
dejar en el olvido esta serie de libros, de un
inters especial para la mujer (5).
Volume I of the Obras completas, for which Burgos proudly
claims authorship, is a re-edition of El arte de seducir,
originally published under the pseudonym "Condesa de C***,"
possibly in 1916.37 Burgos's authorial position vis vis
this and other practical texts will be discussed in the next
chapter.
The second volume of this series was Ultimos modelos de
cartas, a re-edition of Modelos de cartas, Burgos's first
practical book prepared for Sempere's women readers. The
third volume. Hablando con los desciendentes, was published
in 1929, ostensibly in the same series, using the same
format and cover design, but by Compafia Ibero-Americana de
Publicaciones, S.A., Editorial Renacimiento in Madrid. The
apparent change in publisher for the third volume of the
series seems to signal the end of Burgos's long relationship
with Sempere. The new publisher of Volume III of the "Obras
completas" was also the publisher of the series La Novela de
31
Madrid: Sociedad Espaola de Librera.


56
Hoy, for which Burgos wrote nine novellas between 1929 and
1932; it is likely, therefore, that there was a relationship
between that change in publisher and Burgos's authorship of
other works for Ibero-Americana in the same years.36
Sempere's 1924 re-publication, under the title "Obras
completas," of the practical manuals Burgos had written for
him much earlier in her career is, I believe, an attempt to
(re)claim exlusive publishing rights to her corpus for his
editorial and to capture another generation of women readers
with an apparent retrospective of the work of a woman author
who had, by those years, achieved widespread popularity for
her novellas. If his intention was to issue new editions of
all of Burgos's work, the undertaking would indeed have been
prodigious, for by the time of her death in 1932, Burgos had
authored eighty-nine novellas, twenty-four practical
manuals, eleven novels, and twenty-one nonnarrative works.39
38 The novels Burgos authored for La Novela de Hoy in
those years were: Se qued sin ella, Febrary 8, 1929; El
dorado trpico, February 7, 1930; ¡La piscina, la piscina!,
May 9, 1930; Vida y milagros del picaro Andresillo Prez,
December 26, 1930; La irona de la vida, June 10, 1931;
Perdnanos nuestras deudas, September 11, 1931; Pual de
claveles, November 13, 1931; Guiones del destino, March 4,
1932; Cuando la ley lo manda, April 29, 1932.
39 This count is based on Nez Rey's classifications
and totals which do not account for the Sempere-Sopena
repetition of texts, which I will explain in the next
section, nor for works listed as novels which are really
anthologies bearing the title of one of the novellas
contained within.


57
The Sopea Series
My investigation of Burgos's practical manuals has made
it apparent that Editorial Sopea in Barcelona, which, as
Mainer established, was also involved in the promotion of
contemporary foreign fiction, was equally interested in
developing a bibliography of Burgos's books for women.
Furthermore, even at first glance, the titles of the Sopea
books written by Burgos bear a remarkable similarity to
those published by Sempere: whereas Sempere published
Modelos de cartas in 1905, and Ultimos modelos de cartas in
the Obras completas series between 1924 and 1929, Sopea
marketed Nuevos modelos de cartas. Sempere published La
cocina moderna prior to 1913 and then its re-edition, La
cocina prctica in the Obras completas in about 1925. In
the interim, apparently, Sopea had published Quiere usted
comer bien?. Burgos reasserts the validity and promotes the
sale of the Sempere Obras completas version, however, by
declaring in that text: "Esta edicin, nica recomendada por
su autora, contiene, seleccionadas y corregidas, todas las
frmulas de sus libros 'La Cocina Moderna' y 'Quiere V.
Comer Bien?' adems de un gran nmero de nuevas recetas."
Sopea seems to have won the competition for Burgos's last
words on food, however, by producing a posthumous re-edition
of Quiere usted comer bien? in 1949. Sempere's Salud y
belleza, from the 1910-1913 group, is repeated in Sopea's
Quiere usted ser bella y tener salud?; similarly, Sempere's


58
El arte de ser amada is echoed in Sopea's title Quiere
usted ser amada?. Sempere's El tocador prctico, again
published between 1909 and 1913, probably precedes Sopea's
similar Quiere usted conocer los secretos del tocador?.
Books in Sopea's Quiere V..? series, as in the case
of the Sempere series of practical manuals, were published
without dates. Unfortunately, in the Sopea works, there is
little textual evidence by which to propose dates for the
works. In Quiere V. ser amada?, Burgos mentions others of
that series as having been published "recientemente," so it
is logical to assume that they were published within a few
years of each other. The Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid and
the Nez Rey dissertation concur in assigning the works to
1916 and 1917.
My further examination of these works reveals that the
parallels between the Sempere and Sopea series extend
beyond the similarity of the titles and into the works
themselves. Indeed, I have verified that Quiere V. ser
bella y tener salud? is exactly the same text as Salud y
belleza, and this is also true of the two books on "ser
amada" and the "tocador." While I have not examined Modelos
de cartas and Nuevos modelos de cartas because their content
does not fall within the scope of this dissertation, I
assume that the correspondence of titles indicates that they
are also identical texts. The dates I have proposed for the
Sempere works indicate that their publication precedes the


59
Sopea editions. I have not discovered any evidence that
Sopea had the cooperation of either Sempere or Burgos in
"borrowing" the texts.40 Sopea's lists of Burgos's
previously published works, however, mentions Al balcn,
indicating that the Sopea books post-date its probable date
of publication in 1913 or 1914. As might be expected,
however, they do not include the parallel Sempere titles
published prior to Al balcn. They do incorporate El arte
de ser mujer, published by the Sociedad Espaola de
Librera, for which Nez Rey suggests the year 1920. Since
El arte de ser mujer, accordingly, pre-dates the Sopea
series, either its date must be earlier than 1920, or that
series must be later than the estimated 1917.
There are only a few minor differences between the
texts in the two series. Sopea consistently uses a larger
font; as a result, their editions have more pages and the
Indices have been appropriately re-numbered. In the
Prologue to Sempere's El tocador prctico, which Burgos
calls "Dos palabras," she cites her own Salud y belleza,
"publicada por esta Casa Editorial" (vii). The same "Dos
palabras" appears in the Sopea Quiere V...? version, but
without the citation referring to another Sempere text. In
Salud y belleza, the word "Sprit" is used to discuss
"coqueteria" (Chapter XXI); the spelling has been changed to
40 Carlos Serrano suggested that the practice existed
by which Sopea might have bought the rights to this series
from Sempere (conversation, 25 March 1998).


60
"Esprit" in Quiere V. ser bella y tener salud? Sempere's
edition of El tocador prctico was published with an error
in the "Indice," numbering from Chapter VII to IX and
omitting VIII; it ends with XXIII and an "Apndice." Sopea
has corrected that mistake, ending with XXII and the
"Apndice," and has reversed the order of a few of the
chapters. As a consequence, Chapter XIV on "Los ojos" in
the Sempere edition becomes XII in the Sopea version, thus
maintaining "Los cuidados de la boca" as XIII in both texts.
Similarly, by moving "La belleza de la mano" from XVII in
the Sempere text to XV, "Cultura especial del cuerpo" is
kept as XVI in both texts. In this case, Sopea has used
the same font as Sempere for chapter headings, sub-headings,
and text; the two texts appear almost identical. Sopea
begins the text a little higher on the page, however, with
the effect that the page-breaks fall in slightly different
places in each. I also observed that in the chapter on "Los
ojos" in Sempere's El tocador prctico, Burgos says "Los
velos son muy perjudiciales para la vista" (131 emphasis
mine); this has been misspelled as "vellos" in the Sopea
edition (148).
It is tempting to speculate that this work, because of
the similar physical appearance of both texts, was the first
to be re-used by Sopea. It can be suggested that, perhaps
in subsequent editions, and as a result of complaints from
either Burgos or Sempere, Sopea decided to adopt a


61
different appearance for their texts. The only evidence I
have seen of Burgos's cognizance of, and perhaps
participation in, the Sopea series is the statement
mentioned above in the Sempere "Obras completas" edition of
La cocina prctica in which, speaking of herself in the
third person, she cites both La Cocina Moderna and Quiere
V. comer Bien?" as "sus libros" (title page). In any case,
it is clear that, by re-issuing Burgos's works for women
readers, Sopea had recognized their popularity and,
consequently, taken advantage of the possibility of securing
their portion of the female audience for his editorial.
Conclusions
Without knowing the degree of collaboration that
occurred among Burgos, Sempere, and Sopea, we cannot
determine whether the publication of Burgos's texts under
different titles by different publishers involved deceit.
It may well have resulted in additional payments from Sopea
to Burgos. By modern standards it appears lacking in
creative integrity, but it is incumbent on the reader not to
condemn Burgos's possible role in the process of double
marketing her work. Rather, this discovery is new evidence
of the measures Burgos might have been compelled to
undertake in order to forge a financially beneficial
literary career. The distribution of her work by two well
known companies provided Burgos with the opportunity to be
associated with great Spanish and foreign writers, it


62
disseminated her work through Barcelona as well as Valencia,
created a potential following of women readers who might
also read her novellas, and, almost certainly provided her
with needed income.
Since Burgos apparently made her initial contact with
Sempere shortly after her newspaper article on divorce, at a
time when both her personal reputation and her teaching
career were under attack, the impetus to claim expertise in
the education of women and to identify herself with them by
writing on domestic matters is clear. Her statements on
divorce in the press had moved her into the ranks of that
'feminismo exagerado ... esa promiscuidad feminista" of
which Ledesma Hernndez had warned in the Prologue to her
first work, Ensayos literarios, only a few years earlier.
All authors are, to a certain extent, in search of a
readership and, as a result, susceptible to the pressures of
the tastes of the public. The high illiteracy rate among
women meant that Burgos, writing for women, had a smaller
potential pool of readers than her male colleagues. In
addition, she was financially constrained to, as Ledesma
Hernndez had said, "vivir del favor del pblico." Writing
a domestic series for Sempere was the kind of "oportunidad"
referred to by Ledesma Hernndez, whereby Burgos would
probably gain readers, but lose "en subjetivismo y en
independencia." As I will discuss in the next chapter, her
textual comments to Sempere in the Prologue to La cocina


63
moderna aver that "El Arte ... no es un arte puro y
libre....' (Ledesma Hernndez v).
The significance of two major publishers, considered by
Mainer to be an integral part of "la ruptura modernista,"
"sharing" Burgos's work is, I believe, apparent. Mainer's
portrait of "La Edad de Plata" overlooks the increasing
female readership of which those publishers were obviously
well aware, presenting instead a unidimensional view of a
male, presumably intellectual, audience. Sempere and Sopea
made a deliberate effort to assemble a female constituency,
to the extent that they both publicized Burgos as one of
their authors. Although Sempere published Burgos's fiction
as well as her nonfiction, it was her "how-to" books that he
specifically directed to the female audience by including
them under the rubric, "Biblioteca para la mujer." His
vision of female readers, then, was one of women who needed
or desired to improve their domestic skills.
In the following chapter, I shall consider Sempere's
proposal to Burgos that she write a cookbook, an offer
someone in her economic position was not likely to refuse.
As a woman who was responsible for the financial support of
herself and her child, she would certainly have been
susceptible to economic oppression which might have led her
to accept such an assignment. Burgos lived in a strongly
patriarchal society in which women were culturally
dominated, denied legal rights, and stereotyped as uniquely


64
designed for and capable of only familial and domestic
duties. The scarcity of women in the literary world
deprived Burgos, as well as Sempere, of models for a female
author's literary production. These "messages of
inferiority" are what Bartky calls "special modes of psychic
alienation" (23) The following chapter will consider
whether Burgos's domestic manuals express such psychic
alienation or, instead, testify to the author's conscious
appraisal of her literary circumstances.


CHAPTER 3
WRITING DOMESTICITY AND PROBLEMS OF AUTHORSHIP
Introduction
Burgos's nontraditional life made her susceptible to
attack on many levels. It is possible that she contributed
to the misconceptions and controversy which characterized
her as an individual by furnishing misleading details about
her life.1 Her character was probably publicly blemished,
as well, by such contemporaries as Cansinos-Assens who later
perpeuated the innuendoes in his diaries.2 The tendency for
1 The misunderstanding regarding Burgos's age is an
example of confusion she created: her colleagues at El
liberal maintained that she was born in 1879, which seems to
have been the information she gave. Nez Rey determined,
however, that Burgos was baptized in 1867, so 1867 is now
accepted as that of her birth. Starcevic points out the
disparities perpetuated by texts which mention Burgos:
Granjel assigned Burgos's birth to 1879, Cejador to 1876,
and the Diccionario de Literatura espaola edited by the
Revista de Occidente to 1878 (Defensora 39).
Starcevic's text suggests that Burgos might have hoped to
make her relationship with Gmez de la Serna (1888-1963)
less scandalous, at least to their literary colleagues, by
narrowing their age difference.
2 Nez Rey frequently demonstrates the inaccuracy of
Cansinos's remarks. For example, she explains his assertion
that Burgos traveled to America during World War I to escape
a scandal provoked by the publication of El abogado in which
Eduardo Barriobero apparently recognized himself as the
title character. Nez Rey points out that the novel in
question was not published until 1915 and that Burgos's trip
took place in 1913 thanks to a grant from the Junta de
Ampliacin de Estudios. She asserts that Cansinos's
information is based on "los juicios insidiosos que
difundan los maledicentes" and laments that "las memorias
65


66
members of the literary establishment to portray Burgos in a
negative manner has continued even into the last decade of
the twentieth century. In Juan Manuel de Prada's 1997 novel
Las mscaras del hroe, the protagonist impugns Burgos's
honesty and morality, as had Cansinos-Assens.3 Federico
de Cansinos ofrecieram [sic] una imagen tan deformada de la
autora" (58).
Cansinos was a contemporary of Burgos, but La novela de
un literato was written in 1957 at the behest of Aguilar.
The three-volume work covering the years from 1882 to 1936
was purportedly based on his diaries.
3 In de Prada's novel, the fictional
protagonist/narrator Pedro Luis de Glvez (who was a real
author in that period) calls Burgos an "escritora sin
gracia, partidaria acrrima de una repblica federal,
sufragista y algo machorra." In a single sentence, de
Prada's character reiterates the canonical defamations of
Burgos, maligning her writing, her politics and her
femininity. He continues, impugning her honesty as well as
her appearance: "Firmaba Carmen de Burgos sus obras con el
seudnimo de Colombine, que parecia haber elegido su enemigo
ms burln, pues nada recordaba en la escritora esa aura de
inquietante misterio que atribuimos a la amada de Pierrot.
Ella se excusaba con etimologas latinas:
Firmo Colombine porque en mi corazn late una paloma.
Podria latirle una paloma o un guacamayo de la selva
amaznica, pero a la envoltura de carne le sobraban arrobas
por los cuatro costados. Carmen de Burgos, Colombine,
recorra los Circuios Culturales pronunciando conferencias
para un pblico femenino en las que se empezaba vindicando
el divorcio y se terminaba, en medio de un frenes! de
aplausos, instaurando un rgimen de matriarcado donde no se
excluyesen el amor sfico y la castracin. Antes de
aceptarla como inquilina, mi padre le hizo prometer que no
llevarla al casern compaas poco recomendables ni
organizara saraos tumultuosos. Colombine no vacil:
Se lo prometo, pierda usted cuidado.
Pero, por supuesto, incumpli su promesa desde el primer
dia." (51)
Contrary to the accusations de Prada attributes to his
narrator, my investigation has not revealed any evidence of
support by Burgos for homosexual love nor castration,
although she did sanction heterosexual unmarried unions. De
Prada's attribution of the these words to someone who was a
well-known author at the time is particularly damaging to


67
Utrera's Memorias de Colombine: la primera periodista (1998)
is a more sympathetic treatment of her place in the early
twentieth-century Spanish literary world, but the author's
incorporation of the words of others, for example Cansinos-
Assens's, into what is purportedly Burgos's narrative merely
continues the misinformation that surrounds her.'
Because of Burgos's controversial progressive views,
she was particularly vulnerable to conservative attempts to
discredit her political opinions as well as her behavior.
Such criticism accelerated after the Spanish Civil War with
revelations of her participation in the Masonic movement,
anathema to Franco's project for a Spain rooted in
traditional Roman Catholic doctrine (Billoch).5 It was
inevitable that attacks on Burgos's ideology would have
Burgos.
4 Utrera writes the Memorias as if he were Burgos, thus
adding autobiographical authenticity to a text which often
relies upon other sources. He attributes the following,
clearly based upon Cansino-Assens's text, to her: "El joven
poliglota tiene la imagen de mi que corre por Madrid:
Colombine, la dama roja, la... bueno, la antigua de Blasco
Ibftez que dispone, como de cosa propia, de la editorial
Sempere" (72).
5 Billoch's article states that Burgos founded "La
Logia 'Amor'" 2 December 1931 (84). In the article, female
Masonic lodges are accused of intensifying "el fervor laico
entre sus afiliadas. Los discursos, las frases, todo tiende
a cultivar la rebelda espiritual de la mujer, a emanciparla
de la llamada tirana religiosa" (74). In addition, they
were purported to stimulate the passions. The women sang
songs which "haran enrojecer a un mono" (75).
The article was published 31 August 1939 which, it
states, was the "Ao de la victoria." Thus, the political
perspective from which the article was written is clear.


68
carried over to denigrate her writing. Burgos's place as an
author, however, should ultimately be determined by the
literary choices she could and did make.
Ideological paradoxes in Burgos's obra have been
pointed out by a modern critic of Spanish turn-of-the
century literature, Maria Pilar Rodriguez. In a 1998
article, she writes that Burgos's refutation of "los
principios fundamentales de la independencia femenina," is
incongruous with her recommendation of "el matrimonio y la
maternidad como la frmula ms deseable de desarrollo
femenino" in the domestic manuals (382). This dissertation
examines similar issues, but it locates Burgos within the
context of her marginal position as one of the rare women
trying to fashion an economically viable writing career. It
considers Burgos's authorship of instructional literature
for women in the context of her economic state, her desire
to write, and the dominance of the domestic ideology.
This chapter will focus on the principal problems of
authorship which have surrounded Burgos's production of
domestically-oriented literature for women. The
insinuations of others have frequently stimulated questions
about Burgos's credibility; those issues will be examined.
The chapter will scrutinize, as well, some of Burgos's
statements on her creative role in the production of
prescriptive literature for women.


69
In the practical texts, Burgos often utilizes extra-
textual material such as Prologues and Introductions to
comment on her role as author of literature designed for the
female reader. Such glossing explicates her position vis
vis the content of the text to follow. This chapter will
examine several of the extra-textual statements in which
Burgos expresses differing attitudes toward the value of the
work she is producing, thus indicating a tension between her
actual output and her desired literary goals. Through an
interrogation of the "Carta Prlogo" to La cocina moderna,
it will develop an interpretation of Burgos's authorial
position as she perceived it early in her career. An
examination of the "Preliminar" to El arte de seducir,
written after Burgos had produced some fictional texts,
reveals her consciousness that instructional manuals for
women were called "frivola y ligera."
Prologue: Diablo de Sempere!"
Conversations in which an author and an editor
delineate the text they are producing are often kept between
them. In the case of the editorial dialogue between Carmen
de Burgos and Francisco Sempere, however, readers are let in
more than once on her side of the discussion.6 In a "Carta
Prlogo" to La cocina moderna [1906-1909], Burgos putatively
6 Another occasion in which Burgos directly addressed
Sempere is the "Dedicatoria" to him in Al balcn [1913?], a
collection of articles which had previously appeared in
various newspapers. Since it does not relate to the
practical manuals, it will not be discussed here.


70
responds to a letter from Sempere requesting that she
prepare a cookbook. As Burgos's second work in the Sempere
series of practical works for women, La cocina moderna is
evidence of his continuing interest in employing her as a
regular contributor.1 It is obvious from the publication of
the work that Burgos agreed to undertake it, but the "Carta
Prlogo" insinuates that she did not wish to associate her
name with a cookbook without commenting on her decision to
do so.
Burgos's public response provides a unique perspective
on her attitude toward the authorship of this and, by
extension, other practical manuals she prepared. Written
early in her career, this Prologue reveals Burgos's
consciousness of her position in the literary hierarchy.
This section will analyze the Prologue as a statement of the
self-conscious position Burgos takes as an author in
Sempere's Serie prctica para la mujer.
In the "Carta Prlogo," Burgos apprises the (presumably
female) reader that Sempere's "demanda de escribir un libro
de cocina" evoked in her a "[sjorpresa grandisima" (v). A
modern reader who has been exposed to feminist literary
interpretations might anticipate such a reaction from a
well-known journalist with a history of supporting expanded
rights for women. Burgos intimates, however, that her
surprise does not spring from indignation at being asked to
Modelos de cartas was the first.


71
prepare such a traditionally "female" work. She
differentiates herself from her arrogant (presumably male)
colleagues, "genios al uso," writing: "[fJuera genio al uso,
y mi sorpresa llegara al enojo, capaz de romper la antigua
y leal amistad, asombro de autores que no conocen editor tan
rumboso y campechano..." (v),8 Unlike the temperamental
geniuses, in style at that time, who might have been
offended by Sempere's request, Burgos's response is
purportedly caused by his divination of her cooking ability:
"¡Diablo de Sempere! ... ha adivinado que guiso mejor que
escribo."
Burgos structures a comparison between two of her
talents in which her culinary abilities transcend her
writing skills. What explanations can be offered for the
fact that a journalist like Burgos, who had published three
books and was writing daily articles for Madrid newspapers
on a variety of topics, would praise her domestic
proficiency at the expense of her writing expertise? A
possible interpretation is found in Sandra Bartky's
definition of women's psychic alienation as it appears in
Femininity and Domination. She explains that
psychologically oppressed groups, among which she includes
colonized peoples and women, "come to exercise harsh
8 My interpretation of this sentence is based on an
understanding of "fuera" as the imperfect subjunctive of the
verb ser, that is, "[si yo] fuera...." It should be
remembered that genio suggests both talent and bad temper.


72
dominion over their own self-esteem" (22) Burgos was
operating in a domainwritingdominated by the group of
genios to which she alludes in the Prologue. Her condition
as a "colonized" subject in that realm might explain her
apparently enthusiastic affirmation of Sempere's presumption
of domestic competence.
Furthermore, to her literary contemporaries as well as
the public, Burgos's name affixed to the translation of
Moebius's La inferioridad mental de la mujer must have
associated her with the prevailing ideology: Moebius
contended that women had smaller brains than men and that,
as a result, they were incapable of rational thought. His
text was considered by many to be the scientific proof
justifying the continued restriction of women to the
domestic sphere. Although Burgos did not accept that his
research confirmed women's inferiority, neither did she
contest the underlying premise of biological determinism and
women's domestic destiny.9 How then could she and other
9 In the "Prlogo de la traductora" to La inferioridad
mental, Burgos makes clear her negative view of Moebius's
work, stating that she tried to "despojar[se] de todos los
prejuicios" because "era tanto el escndalo de que venia
precedido" (5). She asserts, contrary to the author's
conclusions, that translating a controversial work of
science does not intimidate her: "pude penetrar seriamente
en las deducciones atrevidas del neurpata" (5).
Burgos avoids directly confronting the issue of "a qu
sexo corresponde la superioridad mental," yet casts doubt on
Moebius's conclusions, asserting that "el autor no logra
llevar al espritu un completo convencimiento, sin duda
porque la antropologa y la biologa no se hallan an asaz
adelantadas para sentar principios absolutos" (10).
Nonetheless, she does not challenge the notion of gender-


73
women claim that their writing skills, which required
rational thought and worldly experiences, merited the
awarding of literary contracts?
Cooking, unlike journalism, was situated within the
supposedly intuitive realm for which women were purported to
be biologically suited. A long cultural tradition had
equipped them to move comfortably in that zone, in which
they were expected to both achieve and profess mastery. It
is certainly possible that, early in her career, Burgos
found writing to be a more arduous exercise than cooking.
Under such circumstances, she may well have been voicing
genuine doubts about her authorial ability to meet the
writing expectations of an editor as significant as Sempere.
It is obvious that Burgos eventually became aware of
the implications of authorial weakness inherent in this
statement. Sempere's Obras completas [1925?] re-edition of
La cocina prctica, was promoted on the title page as "Esta
edicin, UNICA recomendada por su autora, contiene
seleccionadas y corregidas, todas las frmulas de sus libros
La cocina moderna y Quiere V. comer bien?" It advertised
determined roles, writing that "[l]a diversa aptitud de los
dos sexos no indica inferioridad en ninguno de ellos, sino
modalidades diferentes, armnicas y necesarias para la
marcha de la humanidad" (10) Furthermore, she affirms the
essentialist concept that "la mujer tiene un papel activo de
excepcional importancia, admirablemente determinado dentro
de su sexo" (11).


74
the inclusion of the "Carta Prlogo a la primera edicin."10
While the impression created is that the Prologue is
reprinted from that edition, it now states, "¡Diablo de
Sempere! Cmo ha adivinado que guiso lo mismo que
escribo?" (emphasis added). As a more established author,
Burgos apparently no longer deemed it necessary to profess
the superiority of her cooking skills.
It is likely, however, that Burgos's averred humility
early in her career was the result of a pragmatic appraisal
of her position in the literary hierarchy. The rare woman
author in Spain was at constant risk of societal
condemnation, open to being called anything from
"marisabidilla" to "marimacho." And Burgos had taken on
the traditionally male role of sustaining home and family,
making her femininity especially susceptible to censure.
She could hope to minimize such criticism by emphasizing her
commonality with other housewives and by downplaying her
worldly experience. As a result, she locates her
proficiency in the kitchen instead of at the desk, assuring
Sempere in the letter that the paragraphs she is sending are
"muestra elocuente de mi culinaria erudicin" (vi). Her
previous expression of authorial modesty, then, appears to
be a deliberate prise de position aimed more at her readers
than at Sempere, the stated destinatario of the letter.
10 It is interesting to note that this text evidences
the participation of Ramn Gmez de la Serna: a drawing
showing Spain's regional specialties bears his signature.


75
Thus, it is possible that Burgos genuinely lacked the
confidence to proclaim her expertise in the field for which
she was publicly known, but it is more likely that she
cannily structured a niche from which she could assert her
domestic authority to other women.11
Such a strategy would explain why she chooses to insist
on her cooking prowess, praising her culinary abilities in
both national and foreign dishes, "capaces de hacer que se
chupen los dedos los que los saboreen." Rather than
emphasize her reputation as a hostess of sophisticated
literary tertulias, she focuses instead on her domestic
life, writing that her pleasure comes "viendo el gusto y
apetito con que los [platos] rebaa mi familia."
In an early twentieth-century Spanish context, Burgos's
reference to her family, sitting around the table licking
their fingers to fully savor her meals, would have evoked
the image of a happy domestic scene of a mother, a father,
and several children. In Burgos's case, however, the
husband and father was absent; thus, the family consisted of
herself, her daughter, and sometimes her sister Catalina.
It is not known whether, in Burgos's early years in Madrid,
her audience would have been aware that she had initiated
the separation which resulted in her single-parent status.
11 It is interesting to note that after Emilia Pardo
Bazn's less than successful attempt to structure a
Biblioteca de la mujer on feminist readings, she produced
two cookbooks. Modern editions are still available in
Madrid.


76
Nevertheless, at the very least, the woman who would be
advising other women from the pages of this book was known,
by the time of its publication, for her newspaper articles,
her teaching, her travel, and her stand in favor of divorce.
While her nontraditional paradigm presumably would not
be a problem for the editor contracting with her for her
writing expertise, her audience might well have noticed the
discontinuity between her life and her recommendations.12
It is perhaps to counter potential criticism that Burgos
reassures Sempere that she finds domestic tasks very
important: "Le confieso a usted en secreto que a veces dejo
la pluma porque siento la nostalgia de la cocina." Of
course, this ostensibly secret confession to Sempere was not
secret at all, for the inclusion of the letter in the text
opens it to her readers as well. Lacking the resources to
employ others, necessity may have occasionally drawn Burgos
12 The similarity to Martha Stewart, a contemporary
"diva of domesticity" who has also separated from her
husband, comes to mind. Stewart, whose career situates her
in the public eye, must have difficulty sustaining for
herself the domestic values she espouses. Indeed, if she
finds domesticity as rewarding as she claims, why has she
persevered in committing herself to a sphere which
necessitates the abandonment of her own hearth?
Aside from whatever personal motivation she might have,
it is reported that her empire is worth about $150 million.
In a television interview, Bryant Gumble suggested that
Stewart spends most of her time on the set of her television
studio in Westport, Connecticut, a replica of her home
kitchen (Stewart).


77
back to the kitchen.13 It is unlikely, however, given the
effort with which she constructed her writing career, that
she longed to abandon it to return to her former domestic
situation. But this confession, true or not, would have
inspired empathy for Burgos from her female public; her
professed yearning to substitute their work for hers would
have reaffirmed their housewifely value.
Burgos utilizes the Prologue to La cocina moderna in
order to position her authorship of the text within the
context of her relationship to Sempere. In praising their
friendship, she flatters him as generous and genial.
Sempere had helped her by publishing a volume which included
her Rome lecture on "La mujer en Espaa" [1906] together
with the laudatory comments Burgos received in the Spanish,
French, and Italian press. In the speech, Burgos attacked
the traditional Catholic doctrine on the role of women and
reiterated her support for divorce.14 The apparent
13 Burgos's sister Catalina lived with her in Madrid,
facilitating Carmen's career by assuming some of the
domestic responsibilities of the household.
14 The lecture was given in the Asociacin de la Prensa
Italiana on 28 April 1906. In it, Burgos claimed that women
were not the "escorpiones venenosos y perniciosas hidras de
que huian los padres de la Iglesia" nor the "encarnacin de
una castidad contraria a la Naturaleza" (31) She asserted
that the lack of divorce is a greater disadvantage to women
than to men and publicized her book, Divorcio en Espaa.
Burgos raised several other controversial issues in the
speech, emphasizing the difference between "la leyenda del
pais de opereta que se suele presentar" and "la realidad
tristsima" of Spanish women (10) She addressed the
poverty and servidumbre of rural women, particularly in
Andaluca; the inequality of the distribution of wealth


78
acceptance of such controversial notions in the homeland of
Catholicism would likely have facilitated Burgos's
opportunity to voice similar ideas in Spain. Moreover,
since Burgos had experienced difficulties with the
educational system and the Catholic Church before leaving
Spain, Sempere's support would presumably have made it more
difficult for those institutions to censure her publicly.
It is clear from the "Carta prlogo" that Sempere is
offering Burgos the opportunity to write a second book in
what would be a developing series of practical guides for
women. Her economic circumstances were a constant concern
for Burgos, and this must have been a very attractive
proposal. The chances for success of this book, and the
possibility of writing more, would be enhanced by
cultivating her credibility as an advisor to other women.
Potential benefits inhered in her ability to represent the
dominant masculinist ideology she apparently repudiated.
among the Spanish regions and classes; and feudal aspects of
Spanish culture. She lamented the lack of physical
education for women and the absence of coeducation which
perpetuated a male vision of women as "mitad odalisca mitad
virgen cristiana" (41).
Yet, while denouncing that stereotype, Burgos echoes
another in denying women the right to vote: "ahora darle el
derecho de voto es poner un arma peligrosa en manos de un
nio." She moderates that infantilization, "Claro que no
por ser mujer, sino por ser ignorante" (46). Nevertheless,
the connection between women and juvenile behavior has been
made.
While proclaiming that "el porvenir depende de la unin y
la competencia es perjudicial siempre," (20-21) she attacks
"el ejrcito de feministas exaltadas" (30) who, in her
opinion, suffer the "funestos delirios de igualdad entre los
dos sexos" (30).


79
That realization no doubt encouraged Burgos to downplay the
difference between the wage-earning public path she was
pursuing and the unpaid private one she would write for
others. The possible reward for convincing both Sempere and
readers of her appreciation for and abilities as a "buena
duea de casa" was great (La mujer en el hogar). She
appeared to be taking to heart Ledesma Hernndez's warning
that "el escritor que se decide a buscar lectores, tiene que
vivir del favor del pblico..." (v).
"[A]cepto el encargo.,."
Since Burgos had already challenged the ideology of
domesticity in her writing as well as in her personal life,
her authorship of a book on cooking could not but present
ideological problems. Cooking, especially in homes without
servants, implied women's work within the domestic space;
authoring a cookbook could be seen as supporting their
restriction to that realm. Accordingly, while praising
herself in the "Carta Prlogo" as an appropiate choice to
author the book, Burgos also distances herself from the
project, underscoring Sempere's role as its initiator.
Figuratively placing her discourse within brackets, she
opens and closes by remarking that he has asked her to
undertake the preparation of this cookbook. Her Prologue is
virtually a contractual agreement to the terms he has
proposed, which she makes clear in her closing words:


80
"acepto el encargo de arreglar el libro de cocina que me
indica."
"[H]ace de la pluma aguja"
Drawing immediate attention to her inferior position in
the editor-author power relationship, Burgos's first
sentence states that preparing a cookbook is "nada de
extraordinario" for one who "trabajando como obrera, hace de
la pluma aguja para ganar el sustento." This metaphor is
best explained in light of the historical circumstances of
working women in early twentieth-century Spain.
The need to work was considered humiliating for women
of all but the lowest classes, but some work for literate
women was gaining a limited degree of respectability. The
job of costurera, or seamstress, remained low in the
employment hierarchy: it indicated a complete lack of
academic education and the need to perform domestic tasks
for other women rather than for oneself.15 Burgos
considered the tedious work of clothing repair as
particularly monotonous, having referred to it in a a 1904
work which will be discussed below as the "pesado trabajo de
costura" (Moderno tratado de labores 2). Yet, she claimed
to regard more artistic sewing, las labores, as "obras de
arte" which "satisfacen la aspiracin de realizar la
belleza, y sirven de entretenimiento agradable en la vida
15 Burgos illustrates the position of costurera within
the hierarchy of female employment in La rampa.


81
montona que la mujer est generalmente obligada a soportar"
(2) .
In referring to herself as a costurera, Burgos leaves
behind her roles as journalist and intellectual. Her pen
becomes a wage-earning tool; like the needle, it may be a
creative one, but it is limited in its authority and
potential for gaining artistic and financial recognition.
By implying that she is undertaking this project as if it
were an allotment of piecework, she also implies that she
regards her authorial possibilities as restricted, thus
indicating her lack of autonomy within the male-dominated
literary power structure. Moreover, by portraying herself
as an obrera, she equates herself to other women of
restricted possibilities, thereby endeavoring to ingratiate
herself to them.
The processes of both writing and reading this text
involve the repetition of language that, as Leo Bersani
writes, '"doesn't merely describe identity but actually
produces moral and perhaps even physical identity'" (qtd. in
Gilbert and Gubar 11). By preparing a cookbook, Burgos
reproduces the ideology which assumes that domestic chores
are uniquely women's responsibility. Furthermore, modeling
women's innate suitability for the domestic role, she
appears to advocate the tenets of biological essentialism
prevalent in her day. At the same time, she supports the
notion that many women need assistance to better perform the


82
domestic role allotted them by society in spite of their
being, according to the same sources, uniquely suited for
it.
This text, like other practical manuals she wrote, is
generated by but also produces a domesticating process.
Burgos's contract to prepare this book is a tacit agreement
that she will participate in that process, but she partially
resists proclaiming the text hers. By insisting on
Sempere's paternity of the text, she attributes to him at
least part of the responsibility for recreating the model of
the "angel of the hearth."
From the perspective of modern feminist criticism,
Burgos's consciousness of the similarity between the pen and
the needle evokes Gilbert and Gubar's comparison of the pen
to the sword. Addressing the creative process among
nineteenth-century women authors, they say that the pen "is
not only mightier than the sword, it is also like the sword
in its powerits need, evento kill." They link this
destructive attribute of the pen to "metaphorical maleness"
(14) .
The needle, while traditionally considered a female
tool, possesses physical attributes similar to those of the
sword. Unlike the sword's connection to maleness and
destruction, however, the needle's association with women's
hands links it to creativity and production. Yet,
particularly in Burgos's era, it often signified women's


83
labor performed in the domestic territory and in the service
of others. As such, it implied a restricted dominion. For
Burgos, as the following pages will show, it is an
appropriate signifier of her conditions of authorship in
early twentieth-century Spain: literary creation is not
impossible, but it is circumscribed by the omnipresence of
domesticity and by male domination of literary production.
An examination of one of Burgos's first books, Moderno
tratado de labores (1904), contributes to a clarification of
her understanding of the role of the needle in the
production and economy of the turn-of-the-century Spanish
woman. This small volume is an illustrated instruction
manual for decorative hand-stitching.16 In it, Burgos
advocates the continued teaching of this traditional subject
in the schools and urges women to persist in learning and
practicing it. These recommendations appear to support
domestically-oriented educational goals for women, but
Burgos's emphasis is another. She wishes to promote the
aesthetic advantages of hand-made over machine-made objects.
In this context, the manual becomes a defense of hand
sewing, traditionally creative and often income-producing
for women, from competition by the sewing machine.
16 In the text, Burgos differentiates "labores de
adorno" such as "bordados" from "la costura, calceta,
remiendos, zurcidos, etc." (3). She considers labores an
art form for which it is necessary to study "la pintura y la
perspectiva" (4).


84
Sewing machines had recently been modernized to use
electric rather than pedal power, leading to a process of
relocation from home to factory, where electricity could be
better utilized. As public places, factories were not
considered appropriate locations for women's work; if this
trend continued unchecked, men would gain economic and
creative control in a historically female domain. Their
objects would be assembled at greater speed than hand-sewn
ones, but would be of lower quality and less artistic merit.
Hand-stitching enabled women to produce both decorative
and utilitarian objects in the private sphere. They could
acquire the skill in school or from each other; as such, it
was work available to various socio-economic levels.
Middle-class women, for whom "real" (income-producing)
employment was not an option, could demonstrate their
economic value and satisfy, to a certain extent, their
artistic bent by fabricating items for their homes. Upper-
class women could allow lower-class women into their homes
to stitch for them; there they would, presumably, be able to
work under safe conditions. It was, therefore, considered
an appropriate form of productivity and one in which some
women helped others to improve their economic circumstances.
The sewing machine represented a possible threat to one of
the few income-producing domains reserved for females; in
celebrating the benefits of hand-sewing, Burgos is also


85
attempting to protect the limited empowerment available to
them.
For Burgos, a needle in a woman's hand represents a
realm of artistic creativity that is restricted in its
possibilites, less rewarded, and endangered by male
dominance, but for all that, it is women's domain. In this
light, the needle is a metaphor applicable to Burgos's
literary production of practical manuals: she would write on
domestic topics assigned to women authors by publishers like
Sempere, yet she would attempt to protect and expand women's
options through them; she would rely upon them for her
sustenance; and she would recognize that she was, in this
genre, a "worker" and not an "author."
"Necesidad de guia"
Burgos's Prologue to La cocina moderna confirms
Sempere's active involvement in the selection of the theme
for at least one of the conduct manuals written early in the
series. Nonetheless, in a later text, La mujer jardinero,
Burgos suggests in the Introduction that "una biblioteca
para la mujer tan completa como la que ofrece esta Casa" was
incomplete without a book on gardening. Although she hints
at having played some part in the choice of this or other
topics, it is important to assign responsibility for
thematic decisions in the Sempere and Sopea series with
caution: the titles of Burgos's texts cannot be assumed to


86
accurately represent her individual literary choices vis
vis the "necesidad de guia" of Spanish women (de Len 9) -17
The topics, whether chosen by Burgos or Sempere, would
have been predicated on the assumption that the growing
female readership would respond to a perceived informational
vacuum in corresponding areas. Since Sopea (and Burgos's
other publishers) also solicited and reproduced these
instructional texts, we can assume that women, indeed,
bought them and read them. Their titles delineate an area
in which Burgos's publishers and, probably to a lesser
extent, Burgos herself assumed women's interest to reside.
At the least, they reflect the author's complicity in the
literary system which determined that turn-of-the-century
Spanish women "needed" guidance toward the "better"
womanhood to which Bartky refers.
The titles of Burgos's conduct texts are less coercive
than that of La perfecta casada in insinuating that a woman
concentrate solely on becoming a "perfect wife." They do,
nevertheless, proclaim that the domestic sphere is at the
11 This citation from Fray Luis de Len's La perfecta
casada appears in the following context: "Este nuevo estado
en que Dios ha puesto a vuestra merced, sujetndola a las
leyes del sancto matrimonio, aunque es como camino real, ms
abierto y menos trabajoso que otros, pero no carece de sus
dificultades y malos pasos, y es camino adonde se tropieza
tambin, y se peligra y yerra, y que tiene necesidad de guia
como los dems...." (9).
Since the Sopea series was a republication of texts
prepared for the Sempere series, Burgos's degree of thematic
choice is an equal concern in both.


87
nucleus of the Biblioteca para la mujer.18 Titles such as
El arte de ser amada and La mujer en el hogar presuppose, as
clearly as does La perfecta casada, that women's fulfillment
lies in acquiring a man and a home of her own.19 In light
of women's limited property rights and earning potential,
the only culturally acceptable option was to marry. In
order to be assured a domestic domain in which she could
play a role, albeit fixed, she needed to appear attractive
as a spouse. Burgos's preparation of an extensive corpus
dedicated to this end, the inventory of the texts in her
other works {including novels), and the choice to write many
of them under her real name, certainly identify her with the
advancement of the dominant domestic ideology.
The multiple editions of these texts (produced by
Sopea and others) cause them to represent a substantial
proportion of Burgos's literary corpus.20 Their
significance, however, must be framed within the context of
18 Sempere also published Burgos's fiction, so it
cannot be assumed that he considered this Serie Prctica to
be the only reading suitable for women. These texts,
however, are grouped together and titled so as to create the
impression of their unique appropriateness for the woman
reader.
19 Burgos's earliest text to challenge traditional
domesticity, El divorcio en Espaa (1904), was not published
by Sempere.
Neither was La mujer moderna
y sus derechos
(1927). As
a result, the Biblioteca para
la muier maintains
its domestic
homogeneity.
20 It appears that Burgos authored 27 practical manuals
when the multiple editions, re-prints, and updated versions
are counted. When they are subtracted, however, the
quantity is reduced to 16.


88
Burgos's place as a colonized subject in the Spanish culture
of the early twentieth century and, particularly, in that of
the literary establishment. By leaving her husband and
undertaking a writing career, Burgos did, indeed, initiate
what Bartky calls feminist changes in behavior. It may well
be, however, that the economic oppression she suffered and
her marginal position in the literary world prevented her
from developing a "radically altered consciousness" of
herself (12).
"Libros originales," "Arreglos," "Traducciones"
Burgos's statements in the Prologue to La cocina
moderna insinuate that she was cognizant of occupying an
ambiguous position: that of writing as an authority to other
women on traditionally female topics while fashioning for
herself a traditionally male career. This Prologue is but
one example of the extra-textual information which
contributes to the impression of a problematic association
between Burgos and the practical manuals.
In some cases, it is not Burgos's extra-textual
discourse, but rather the paucity or contradictory character
of such paratextual data as bibliographic information which
complicates the study of her connection to the instructional
texts. Chapter 2 of this dissertation addresses such
problems as the difficulty of establishing a chronology of
Burgos's works resulting from the absence of publication
dates and the republication of texts. In addition, some of


89
the paratextual information in Burgos's texts is
characterized by discrepancies obscuring the particulars of
her degree of creative responsibility.
In Burgos's works, the text is frequently preceded by
lists of her previous writings and appearances; it is likely
that this information was prepared by the publisher. Such
enumerations of the practical manuals often create an
additional impediment to discerning Burgos's creative role,
for they sometimes differ from one book to another. These
lists arrange Burgos's texts into several genres;
occasionally the works mentioned are only those published by
the same editorial, but often the inventory appears to be
more complete. The names of the divisions vary from text to
text with the categories becoming more numerous as her
career advances. The classifications were expanded from
four in La mujer en Espaa (Originales, Conferencias,
Traducciones, En preparacin) to nine in Quiero vivir mi
vida (Novelas, Viajes, Crticas, Novelas cortas, Varios,
Conferencias, Traducciones, Biblioteca para la mujer, En
prensa).
This dissertation has previously addressed the
appearance of Modelos de cartas under the heading
Traducciones in La mujer en Espaa (1906), Burgos's first
work to be published by Sempere. In 1931, Biblioteca Nueva
published Burgos's last work, the novel Quiero vivir mi


90
vida.21 That edition contains an apparently complete three-
page bibliography of "Obras de la autora" in which
Traducciones are itemized, but do not include Modelos de
cartas nor any conduct manual.22 Instead, a separate
category has been created for them. Called Biblioteca para
la mujer, it is described as "Numerosos libros originales y
arreglos de obras prcticas para la mujer, como El tesoro
de la belleza, Vademcum femenino, Las artes de la
mujer, El arte de la elegancia, etc. etc."23 If Burgos
had once considered Modelos a translation, she (or her
publisher) reconsidered that interpretation in a work of
fiction published late in her career. What circumstances
of Burgos's authorial position might explain the relocation
of Modelos de cartas from the category of translated works
to a new one? And, more importantly, what are the modern
implications of the apparently indiscriminate use of the
terms "libros originales," "arreglos," and "traducciones"?
The significance of these terms will be discussed in the
next section.
21 Burgos dedicated this novel to Dr. D. Gregorio
Maran, who wrote its Prologue.
22 The habitual use of the Traducciones classification
indicates that Burgos or her publishers considered them an
important facet of her work.
23 As this citation indicates, the "etc." appears in
the text. The grouping does not specify which works were
considered to be "arreglos" and which to be "libros
originales."


91
"Traducciones"
Chapter two of this dissertation addresses the issue of
Burgos's participation in what some authors considered the
undesirable "business" of translating. Burgos, unlike
contemporaries such as Rafael Cansinos-Assens, neither
denigrated nor concealed that aspect of her work. Instead,
she proclaimed her role as translator on the title page of
many works by well-known contemporaneous authors,
philosophers, and scientists. If Burgos did translate some
or all of the Sempere/Sopena practical manuals, only the
initial placement of Modelos de cartas hints at that. The
label "Traductora" does not appear on the title page of any
of the practical manuals, as it frequently does on her
better known translations.
It is likely that Burgos considered more distinguished
the translation of modern literature and social and
scientific theory than that of practical manuals for women.
And perhaps it suited her professional aims to be considered
the author and not the translator of domestic manuals, thus
currying the favor of her female audience. Her admission to
relying on others for the kind of knowledge considered
natural to women in early twentieth-century Spain would not
have ingratiated her to those supporting the dominant
ideology. Her translation of such works would, perhaps,
even be considered a confession of dereliction of domestic
responsibility. In a culture replete with images of women


Full Text

PAGE 1

CARMEN DE BURGOS : PIECING A PROFESSION REWRITING WOMEN S ROLES By LYNN THOMSON SCOTT A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1999

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Copyright 1999 by Lynn Thomson Scott

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation could not have been prepared without the assistance of grants from the Program for Cultural Cooperation Between Spain s Ministry o f Culture and United States Universities the Tinker Foundation and the Center for Latin American Studies of the University of Florida and the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences of the University of Florida I would like to thank my committee Chair Dr Geraldine Cleary Nichols for her perspicacious and motivating editing and her faith in me The members of the supervisory committee Drs. Edward Baker Shifra Armon and Stephanie Smith each made very special contributions with their knowledge and support I appreciate as well the encouraging remarks made by Dr Henry Sullivan during his tenure at the University of Florida My husband John F Scott and my chi l dren Erik and Elizabeth have shared the adver1tures and trials which have made us all to varying degrees familiar with the Spanish language and the cultures which share it I appreciate their respect for this effort This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of Alfonsina Lorenzi who came to study linguistics but left us as a teacher o f courage lll

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TABLE OF CONTENT S pa g e ACKNOWL E DGMENTS ........................................... 111 AB s TRACT . . . . . . . . . .. . . . V l CHAPTERS 1 INTRO DUCT ION ............................................ 1 2 LITERARY BEGINNINGS .................................... 12 Introduction : '' Martir del silencio '' or '' promiscuidad f ? ,, 12 emin1sta ................................... '' A bus car lectores '' .................................. 22 '' [ L ] le v o dent r o much o s yo e s '' . . . . 2 2 Books for women : Sempere and Sopena ............. 38 '' [H]uyendo de lo molesto ... '' .................... 41 '' [M] e perseguia por liberal '' ................... 4 5 The Sempere Series ................................... 51 The Sopena Series .................................... 57 Conclusions ......................................... 61 3 WRITING DOMESTICITY AND PROBLEMS OF AUTHORSHIP ......... 65 Introduction ........................................ 65 Prologue : '' i Diablo de Sempere '' 69 '' [ A] c e pt o e 1 enc a r go '' . . . . . . 7 9 '' [H]ace de la pluma aguja '' ...................... 80 '' Ne c es id ad de g u i a '' . . . . . . . . 8 5 '' Li bros original es ,'' '' Arreglos '' '' Traducciones '' ...... 8 8 '' T d '' 91 ra ucc1ones ................................. '' Un libro mas de arreglos Es la vida. '' ........ 95 4 THE ART OF ARRANGING : THE '' ARREGLO '' OF EL ARTE DE SER AMADA ................................ 101 Introduction ...... ................................. 101 '' iQue es la belleza? '' ............................... 104 The narrative thread in Ser amada ................... 107 '' [L] abores propias de nuestro sexo '' ............ 115 '' [E] l arte dificil y encantador del bi en ha bl a r '' . . . . . . . 11 9 lV

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'' La di s tinta misi6n moral y s oci a l de a mb o s sex o s '' . . . . . . . 12 2 '' L d 1 d 1 '' 12 S a con i cion s ocia e a muJ er ............. Conclusions ........................................ 136 S '' LA PAS ION DE LAS NOVE L AS '' 14 0 In tr oduction : The novell a ........................... 140 '' [U]na ca rr et er a sin ob s taculos '' ................... 149 El tesoro del castillo ......................... 149 El hono r de la fam i lia ........................ 173 La Flor de la Playa ............................ 192 6 CONCLUSIONS 213 WORKS CITED .............................................. 233 OTHER WORKS CONSULTED 24 0 BIOGRAP H ICAL SKETCH 243 V

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy CARMEN DE BURGOS : PIECING A PROFESSION REWRITING WOMEN S ROLES By Lynn Thomson Scott December 1999 Chair : Geraldine Cleary Nichols Major Department : Romance Languages and Literatures Carmen de Burgos s prolific writings traversed genres and genders : the author of numerous novellas with a potential male and female readership Burgos also wrote manuals to instruct women in domestic matters. That very heterogeneity has caused her corpus to be considered a site of contradiction Burgos was an early feminist who constructed a modern paradigm for her life yet her practical manuals apparently support women s restriction to a domestic role Her fictional protagonists in contrast rarely enjoy the idealized family and domestic environment that subtend the practical manuals Neither do they occupy the public space which Burgos maintained for herself As a result modern critics have described her feminism as ambiguous. vi

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This dissertati on discredits that characterization explaining Burgos s pragmatic choice particularly evident in the nonfiction to structure a niche from which to address women readers. Chapter 2 discusses Burgos s efforts to define her authorship arguing that her ~riting must be appraised in the context of her doubly ma r ginal position as a female author in a culture which defined women by domesticity and in a profession governed by masculine norms My analysis of Burgos s practical manuals shows that they occupy a less important role in her corpus than has been affirmed Chapter 3 explores paratextual writings which reveal Burgos s awareness of criticism of her authorship of domestic texts She defends that work as a reasonable response to the writing options available to her In Chapter 4 explicating the construction of a practical manual I posit a correlation between Burgos's narrative strategy the pressure on her to produce and her possible wish to avoid direct refutation of domestic ideology The cent6n thus created is analogous to the quilt Showalter sees as descriptive of American women authors with journalistic backgrounds Three novellas ( El tesoro del castillo El honor de la familia and La Flor de la Playa) are scrutinized in Chapter 5 When considered as a group the protagonists like Burgos herself enact a trajectory in search of a propitious environment I conclude that the domestic situations Vll

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represented unlike those suggested by the practical manuals manifest conflict between circumscription and fulfillment between the traditional and the modern Vlll

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The writing career of Carmen de Bu r gos who also used the name '' Colombine '' was unique in early twentieth century Spain She produced a vast and diverse body of work writing and speaking on a variety of topics from ch i ld care to divorce and from sewing to the rights of modern women Her corpus comprises translations columns written for several newspapers books on her travel experiences speeches about women s rights approximately twenty seven instructional manuals for women in practical domestic matters about seventy five novellas nine novels and a feminist treatise titled La mujer moderna y sus derechos 1 Burgos had few models to imitate in constructing a writing career which would sustain her economically especially when such writing would include fiction Unlike Emilia Pardo Bazan she did not enjoy the family prestige 1 The repetition of titles which occurs in Bu r gos s work makes it difficult to quantify Occasionally the same novella appears in two different series with different titles Such is the case with Frasca la t onta published in 1914 by El Libro Po 1 ular which then appeared as Venfianza in La Novela Corta i n 918 In some case s, bibliograp ies have listed a work as a novel when it is really an anthology of novellas Unlike the novellas the practical manuals a r e undated In addition there is a repetitiveness of titles which makes it difficult to sort them out This disseration will address that issue at length in Chapter 2 1

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2 and wealth inhering to the title of Condesa Neither did Burgos choose, as had Maria del Pilar Sinues de Marco to sustain the dominant domestic ideology by advocating women s role as '' angel of the hearth '' 2 While the majority of women writing at the time were limited to the women s press Burgos became the first woman who did "' el mismo trabajo de redacci6n y de calle que los hombres '" ( qtd. in Starcevic Defensora 34 ) Furthermore she became known as a prolific author of the novela breve for the popular series which flourished in the first third of the twentieth century Burgos s accomplishments are particularly remarkable insofar as her convictions about women went against the grain in the Spain of her era Women were considered suited only for a domestic role ; indeed many voices suggested that they were incapable of work requiring rational thought 3 The family (co nsisting of a husband a wife and children ) was considered the foundation of the state Thus any change in women's domestic function was regarded as a threat to political and social stability. Burgos had advocated the legalization of divorce in the press early in her career; moreover it was known in some circles that her support for 2 Sinues de Marcos concealed the unsatisfactory nature of her own marriage and championed women s obligation to endure marital misfortune. Her 1859 book El an~el del hogar was followed by a journal with the same title which was published from 1864 to 1869 (Jagoe 474). 3 Mary Nash s articles included in the Works Cited have established the importance of the domestic ideology in early twentieth century Spain

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3 that issue was associated with her decision to leave her husband As a result her writing as well as her personal life could be considered threatening to the status quo In spite of her doubly marginal position as a female who challenged conventional values in a male dominated profession Burgos achieved a writing career which brought her prominence and contributed significantly to her economic sustenance. Cultural tenets would have held that Burgos s single parent status and career aspirations were inappropriate yet she was under constant pressure to support herself and her child Chapter 2 will show that Burgos worked diligently to establish a reliable income by manipulating two career threads : while she labored to find better teaching positions often in the face of opposition from within the system she also endeavored to assure herself a favorable writing environment Chapter 5 explains that Burgos's fiction frequently depicts a similar conflict among ideology economic necessity and women s aspirations to create for themselves a propitious environment Burgos was known by such contemporaries as Clara Campoamor and other members of the Union Republicana Femenina for her spoken and written support of women s rights and republican government (Starcevic Defensora 65) 4 The religious community deemed her a threat and the 4 Carnpoamor was president of the organization.

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4 newspaper El Siglo Futuro undertook a journalistic campaign against her in which she was labeled '' la di vorciadora '' Yet Burgos authored instructional manuals for women which presupposed their limitation to a domestic role She was apparently criticized by other contemporaries for the nonserious nature of such texts In Carmen de Burgos : defensora de la mujer (1976) Elizabeth Starcevic cites an article which appeared in La esfera in 1922 Burgos tells the author Gonzalez Fiol "' Cuando algun imbecil pretende hacerme de menos me llama la ilustre autora de GQuiere usted comer bien? "' (47) Burgos indirectly addresses her critics as well in the 1924 Obras completas version of El arte de seducir titled Tesoro de la belleza (arte de seducir ) In the prologue to that text she defends her authorship of instructional manuals while noting that such work was called '' fri vola y ligera '' Moreover while Burgos occupied a public role the conduct manual genre--in the tradition of Fray Luis de Leon s sixteenth century text La perfecta casadaassumes that women's greatest satisfaction is to be found in the domestic sphere 5 Some modern feminist literary critics 5 Fray Luis de Le6n wrote the treatise in 1583 to explain to Dona Maria Va rela Osorio a recent bride what he considered to be ideal behavior for a Christian wife. The text is generally considered the prototype of conduct literature addressed directly to a female recipient. Its exclusive attention to women s deportment within the domestic sphere insinuated that they would only operate within that domain Fray Luis s recommendations establishing a Spanish Early Modern model of the angel of

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5 underline the contradiction between Bu r gos s averred social and political goals and the prescriptive content of such manuals In the published papers from a 1996 conference in Cordoba Spain Daniele Bussy Genevois speculates on the problem of relating Burgos s coherente y prestigiosa imagen con el polifacetismo de la obra y el personaje ( 123 ) Maria Pilar Rodriguez points out in a 1998 article lo que aparentan ser fuertes contradicciones en la ideologia de una mujer que tan pronto se declaraba entusiasta republicana y apasionada defensora de los derechos de la mujer como rebatia ardientemente los principios fundamentales de la independencia f emenina '' ( 3 8 2 ) Such criticism of Burgos s apparently equivocal position vis a vis domestic issues prompted the initial inquiry of this dissertation : why would a woman committed to an early twentieth century Spanish version of feminist goals subvert them by prescribing the domestic sphere to other women? And if this was the case how would she position her a u thorship in order to recommend to others the domestic model she had apparently disavowed? How could she convince readers of her suitability as a domestic savant? How would an author of such '' frivolous '' texts assemble an audience for her fictional writing? If Burgos felt compelled to support the domestic ideology as the existence of a corpus of the hearth ,'' are not simply historical artifact for the text has been published repeatedly to the present day, and has been a common wedding gift to brides

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6 instructional manuals indicates would she simila r ly situate fictional protagonists within the domestic sphere? 6 My initial forays into Burgos s fiction and nonfiction did not discredit the criticism of the paradoxical nature of its content The tit l es of the practical manuals sustain the image of woman as angel del h o gar 7 and Burgos seemed to have produced such works throughout her career invalidating my initital hypothesis that they might have been the work of an artistically immature author. A cursory look at the manuals supported their normative domestic nature In contrast Burgos s life represented the antithetical paradigm of the m uj er m o d e rna suggesting that she prescribed a doctrine which she did not support Burgos s fictional protagonists did not hew to either paradigm ; while frequently located in domestic surroundings they do not enjoy the exemplary environment upon which domestic manuals are predicated. I conjectured that examining Burgos s espousal of apparently inconsistent 6 The depicti o n o f d o mesticity has occupied an important space in the criticism of nineteenth century British and American literature Nancy Armstrong s work on Desire and D o mestic Ficti o n raises questions which are pertinent to Burgos s writing as does Stephanie Smith s Conceived by Liberty. 7 In '' El Angel del Hogar : The Cult of Domesticity in Nineteenth Century Spain ," Bridget Aldaraca points out that '' an ideal of womanhood which can be synthesized in the phrase el angel d e l h o gar lived and breathed in the pages of the women s and family magazines which abounded in Spain fr om the 18 5 0 s on '' ( 6 3 )

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7 paradigms would, at the least, illuminate some of the difficulties inherent in writing from a doubly marginalized position. I hoped, furthermore, that a scrutiny of the practical manuals would elucidate the apparent duality in Burgos's authorial position. That process began only when I was able to peruse, in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, Burgos's nonfiction writings and speeches. As the investigation continued I discovered that some of my early assumptions about the practical manuals were the result of inadequate or inaccurate information on Burgos's corpus Burgos had been largely ignored since the end of the Second Republic and the inception of the Franco regime shortly after her death. Although often mentioned as the companion of Ramon Gomez de la Serna, her writing was not discussed in most literary histories. 8 Elizabeth Starcevic's 1977 dissertation and contemporaneous feminist revisions of the canon began to bring Burgos to the attention of American scholars, yet even such recent works on the period as Roberta Johnson's Crossfire: Philosphy and the Novel in Spain 19 00 -19 34 and Robert Spires's Transparent Simulacra: Spanish Fiction 1902-1926 give her only cursory treatment Doubts about the ideological coherence of Burgos's ob ra may partiallly be the result of a dearth of information on 8 Burgos's omission from the canon is discussed by Carmen Urioste Azcorra in Narrativa Andaluza.

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8 her which has sustained the impression that Burgos authored my r iad practical manuals on the same or similar topics and that she produced them throughout her career That belief is fed in part by the similarity of the titles as well as the lack of publication dates in the books In some cases estimated dates of publication from the Biblioteca Nacional which I will show to be incorrect have been reproduced in Maria del Carmen Simon Palmer s extensive bibliography Escritoras espafiolas del siglo XIX : manual bio bibliografico ( 1991) Concepcion Nunez Rey s unpublished 1992 dissertation on Burgos the most inclusive treatment to date of her life and corpus perpetuates some of the same misinformation Chapter 2 of this dissertation corrects errors in publication dates and explains that Burgos authored fewer practical manuals over a shorter period of time than has been thought Based on these corrections I posit that the practical manuals were far less important a part of Burgos s corpus Burgos s comments on her authorship of the instructional manuals made in paratextual material such as prologues and introductions further illuminates this discussion of her work By examining Burgos s Carta Pr6logo '' to her editor Francisco Sempere in La cocina moderna and the prologues to two editions of El arte de seducir this dissertation situates her statements of authorial consciousness in the context of her difficult

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economic circumstances Her authorship of such '' frivolous '' materials is made more understandable by a consideration of the relationship between her needs both financial and creative and her circumscribed position as a woman author Sandra Lee Bartky s study Femininity and Domination : Studies in the Phenomenology of Oppression contributes to an understanding of Burgos s marginal position in her culture and her profession 9 The discussion of the '' Carta Pr6logo '' in Chapter 3 establishes the importance Burgos placed on affirming her aptitude for the writing opportunity being offered to her by an important publisher. Moreover it illustrates Burgos s conception early in her career that writing was of a piece with -or similar to -sewing Her corpus includes frequent references to sewing both as a creative activity and as a reliable source of income for women In her '' Autobiografia she attributes her own authorial origins to the cutting and piecing together of articles for the family newspaper in Almeria. Journalism where short pieces are the norm frequently provided the introductory writing experiences of women who would later author novels In '' Piecing and Writing ,'' Elaine Showalter points out the tendency for early women novelists to conceive of the creation of longer works as the joining together of such short pieces While Showalter s evocation of metaphors of quilting are especially pertinent to

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10 American authors a similar correspondence between stitching and writing exists in the Spanish tradition. This dissertation explains the relevance of that metaphor the cent6n to Burgos 's literary construction 9 Chapter 4 develops my theory of El arte de ser amada as a cent6n relating Burgos s use of that technique to her constant pressure to produce It also considers th e structure of that text in the context of Burgos s reluctance to challenge directly the dominant domestic ideology explaining that she disguises in the cent6n a discourse which is masked by the appearance of the text Chapter 5 scrutinizes three novellas El tesoro del castillo ( 1907) El honor de la familia (1911) and La Flor de la Playa (1920) They form a group in which Burgos comments on the relationship of each protagonist to specific domestic issues. Marriage or maternity is at the center of the plot in all three works This links them to one of Burgos's prototypical manuals El arte de ser amada as fictional expressions of her perspectives on women, love and their domestic role Two of the three novellas exemplify Burgos s use of the cent6n construction in fictional texts The existence of the technique in the 9 According to the Diccionario de la Lengua the cent6n like the quilt, can be both a [m]anta hecha de gran numero de piececi tas de pafio o tel a de di versos col ores '' or an [o]bra literaria en verso o prosa compuesta enteramente o en la mayor parte de sentencias y expresiones aj enas ''

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11 novellas as well as in the nonfictional texts, particularly when considered in the context of Burgos's statements on authorship, links the style she adopted to the pressures she felt as a self-supporting woman author in early twentieth century Spain. This dissertation explains how Burgos stitched together a patchwork of remunerative writing activities, not only supporting herself and her daughter, but also achieving recognition by appealing to a burgeoning readership among middle-class women. Burgos was able to transfer the prominence she achieved among the female readers of practical manuals and newspaper articles to the new novella genre, thereby expanding her potential audience. Her ability to produce at such a prolific rate was the result of her apparently voracious reading and the procedure of literary piecing and recycling she had first devised as a journalist in Almeria

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CHAPTER 2 LITERARY BEGINNINGS Introduction : '' [M] artir del silencio' ~ or '' promiscuidad feminista .. '' ? 2 Carmen de Burgos began her literary career in 1900, shortly preceding her separation from her husband Arturo Alvarez Bustos with the publication in Almeria of her Ensayos literarios This first work reveals the intention to which Burgos would remain committed throughout her career not to restrict her writing to one genre but rather to convey her ideas in diverse formats ranging from informational pamphlets to lengthy treatises on political topics and from novellas to full length novels Ensayos literarios contains a few verses some stories and an essay called '' La educaci6n de la muj er .'' The latter was prepared after Burgos had accomplished her first step on the road to financial independence by earning the degrees of Maestra de Primera Ensenanza Elemental in 1895 and Maestra de Primera Ensenanza Superior in 1898 in Guadalajara. It is probable that she wrote it as a requirement for the oposiciones to secure what would be her first salaried 1 Gomez de la Serna '' Pr6logo '' 15 2 Ledesma Hernandez '' Pr6logo '' iii 12

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position in the Escuelas Normales de Maestras about a year after earning the second degree (Nunez Rey diss 10). 13 It is particularly ironic that as Burgos was planning for her economic independence by preparing the oposiciones she wrote in the transcript accompanying them that "' [l]a mujer debe comprender y ayudar al marido con sus consejos para poder vivir unidos con esos lazos morales que son los que no pueden romperse nunca los que forman la union e identicas almas '" (qtd in Castaneda 21) Even if Burgos had not actually planned to separate from her husband at that time her disillusion with their marriage was known in Almeria Her acquiescence to ideas about the model marriage reflects societal interpretations of the institution Although she would continue to support the ideal of the male female bond as a permanent union of compatible souls, she chose to break her own ties when her marital situation became intolerable In this comment howeve r, she reinscribes the dominant ideology in almost the same words later used by other women to try to convince her of the role required of her in Spanish culture Ramon Gomez de la Serna described this time of Burgos s life in the Prologue hew wrote for her Confidencias de artistas : Carmen se divorcio en medio del escandalo provinciano y del odio de las mujeres que la [sic] decian al oido : una mujer debe ser martir del silencio y de la sumisi6n '" (15)

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14 In 1901 a year after passing her examinations Burgos added the essay on '' La educaci6n de la muj er '' to selections of her fictional work and published them all as the book Ensayos literarios Her use of the word ensayos in the title not only signals her entry in the essay genre but also suggests the experimental nature of her first foray into publishing Burgos s financial circumstances dictated that while developing her literary voice she must also avoid alienating such a large sector of the public that she would be left without readers Her writing reveals that both her personal aspirations and those she espoused for modern Spanish women were often circumsc ribed by the dominant negative attitude t oward feminism with its ostensible dangers to the family and the state. As a woman attempting to forge a career after leaving her husband in an atmosphere in which women were defined as uniquely suited for domesticity she was marginalized from the mainstream of her culture on many levels The Prologue to Ensayos literarios written by Antonio Ledesma Hernandez apparently at the request of Burgos and her husband (Nu nez Rey diss 1 0 5 ) sets forth the socio cultural circumstances which would affect Burgos as a female author for the duration of her career Ledesma Hernandez praises the value of Burgos s intellectual activity by applauding her distance from the recent development of what

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15 he considers to be exaggerated feminism thus affirming her value in terms of the moderation she represented He cautions her to avoid : esa promiscuidad feminista que no haciendo diferencia entre la distinta misi6n moral y social de ambos sexos pretende igualarlos en actividades y derechos y crear una sociedad hist6rica donde no haya preeminencias para ninguno ni autoridad ni por consiguiente familia ni Estado posibles ( iii ) From a contemporary perspective this is an alarming warning under the guise of support to the aspiring author Ledesma Hernandez s words leave no doubt that feminism was an important and controversial issue at the time Even the pers o n chosen by Burgos as apparently supportive of her work saw feminism as dangerous to morality to the family and even to the Spanish state. To a woman who was apparently at the point of leaving her husband in a society where divorce was nonexistent his coupling of feminism with suggestions o f promiscuity albeit ideological must have implied the possibility of the dire consequences of blemishing her personal reputation as well. Ledesma Hernandez s affirmation of Burgos s literary efforts places him in an enlightened position regarding women s options in Spanish culture ; nonetheless he expresses the predominant contemporary outlook toward the '' polemica feminista '' 3 The persistence of the nineteenth 3 For a discussion of the issues at stake in the '' feminist polemic '' see Geraldine Scanlon La Polemica Feminista en La Espana contemporanea (1868 1974) and Mary

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century '' angel del hogar stereotype of women into the twentieth century would be a defining issue for Burgos throughout her career 16 In a probable reference to Burgos s article on 'La educaci6n de la mujer contained in the volume Ledesma Hernandez warns that '' el Arte subordinado a esas corrientes sociales '' as it presumably is in her essay '' no es un a rte puro y libre, coma necesita serlo para aspirar a la realizaci6n de la eterna belleza ( v) 4 In his opinion the writer cannot achieve the kind of independent subjectivity necessary to strive toward eternal beauty if '' he '' considers social issues; furthermore a concern with acquiring an audience determines that the writer s work will not be pure Ledesma Hernandez s language suggests in addition that the dominant contemporary Spanish ideology with its belief in the family as a location of peace and stability was troubled by underlying turmoil Thus it was especially dangerous to risk currying public favor: [E]l escritor que se decide a buscar lectores tiene que vivir del favor del publico supeditarse a sus gustos dejarse llevar por esas turbulentas corrientes y si con ello sus obras ganan en oportunidad pierden en subjetivismo yen independencia ( v ) Since Ledesma Hernandez had previously expressed his concern that feminism by not maintaining distinct moral and Nash '' Experiencia y aprendizaje : la formaci6n hist6rica de los feminismos en Espana .'' 4 I was unable to consult Burgos s essay

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17 social missions for men and women represented a significant th r eat to authority family and the Spanish state it would certainly figure among the turbulent currents of public opinion he mentions It is also possible that since Burgos separated from her husband shortly after the publication of this text Ledesma Hernandez was aware of those future plans Thus although he addressed his Prologue to 'Senora Dona Carmen de Burgos ''' emphasizing her married status his warning may also refer to the disorder inherent in the impending termination of that union In any case after leaving Alvarez Bustos and relocating in Madrid with their daughter Burgos s need to support herself and her child would give added urgency to her particular requirement to '' bus car lecto r es '' Through her experience with the educational system she certainly would have been conscious of the paucity of literate women and of the difficulties facing a female attempting to generate a livelihood as a writer 5 Thus she was presumably aware that she would have to fashion a unique audience within the reading public in order to support herself and her daughter 5 Rosa Maria Capel Martinez states in El trabajo y la educaci6n de la muer en Es afia that in 1900 [e]l ana a etismo a canza a sirna sic] del 71 4 por ciento entre las mujeres mientras para los hombres supone algo mas de la mitad de ellos (362) The overall 28 6% of women who were literate were unequally distributed with the highest representation in northern Spain where female literacy hovered closer to 50 per cent On the other hand female illiteracy reached 83 6 per cent in Murcia

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18 Ledesma Hernandez s prologue defines the dilemma which would face her as a writer : would she choose or be forced to sacrifice authorial independence in order to appeal to the tastes of majority public opinion? This plight would be most obvious in the inherent conflict between Burgos s nontraditional personal life and the professional position she would achieve as a much published expert on domestic matters While forging a path contrary to the dominant domestic ideology for herself she became well known for a series of practical manuals specifically directed to the female reader which appeared to support it These works in which Burgos advises women how to better perform traditionally female duties while devoting their constant attention to the maintenance of youth and beauty assume her authorial expertise and interest in those areas Within the physical boundaries of Burgos s first published text Ledesma Hernandez s statement on the dangerous consequences of feminism delivers a threat which would resonate through often contradictory statements in Burgos s corpus His prologue although apparently welcomed was a metaphor for the penetration into her work by ideological voices warning of the dangers of feminism The possibility of the dissolution of the family and as a consequence the Spanish state represented a significant peril to Ledesma Hernandez and to other supporters of the

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dominant ideology It could be expected to exercise a powerful monitory force on Burgos s potential readership 19 In Femininity and Domination Sandra Bartky compares such often imperceptible interference to oppression that is economic and political in character (22) While those modes are certainly applicable to Burgos Bartky carries her analysis of oppression a step farther : she characterizes '' psychic alienation '' in women which is comparable to the '' psychgological effects of colonialism on the colonized .'' (22). Under these conditions [t]he psychologically oppressed become their own oppressors ; they come to exercise harsh dominion over their own self esteem Differently put psychological oppression can be regarded as the internalization of intimations of inferiority ( 2 2) The phenomenon described by Bartky is particularly apparent in Burgos s career In order to establish the conditions of Burgos s oppression my analysis of her authorship will take into account the economic and cultural difficulties arising from her decision to forsake the traditional female role for women of her class defined by Burgos s culture as domestic Accordingly in this chapter I will explore Burgos s efforts to establish herself in Madrid as an author and sole support of her family I will consider her efforts to maintain a steady income through her teaching career while remaining in an environment which was both financially and creatively beneficial to her Furthermore I will consider the heterogeneity of the genres in which she worked as an

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20 indication of her strategy to maintain her literary production Burgos s efforts to establish a writing career would certainly suffer from oppression within the male-dominated literary world because of the extremely limited participation of women in that realm She expressed an awareness of the importance of her unusual participation in the daily press as I mention in Chapter 1 That her corpus contains a large number of practical guides addressing such home management skills as letter writing cooking budgeting the creation of decorative objeGts to beautify the home personal beauty routines and the '' arts '' of being elegant and being loved implies that Burgos was experienced in household vocations ; they are as their topics clearly indicate all '' Guia[s] de la buena duena de casa ''. 6 Burgos s insistence in these works on women s domestic function appears to support the limitation of women s sphere o f inf l uence t o the h o me, yet she did not live out this paradigm herself This leads us to question the degree of authorial autonomy Burgos was able to exercise given her economic and cultural circumstances The significant quantity of such manuals in Burgos s corpus and their attribution by the Biblioteca Nacional and Nunez Rey to her mature as well as her early years of 6 La mujer en el hogar : Guia de la buena duena de casa

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21 wri t ing 7 c r eates the impression that th e y characterize her obra I will explain however circumstances relating to Burgos s production of these manuals which diminish their relative magnitude in her corpus Furthermore by presenting information about Burgos s efforts to establish an economically viable career I will confirm Bartky's hypothesis comparing gender based oppression to political oppression : Burgos s conditions of authorship within the literary empire were akin to those of an '' internal colony' within a gee political one (22) I wil l address Burgos's cultivation of a reading public through the press leading to the expansion of writing and publishing possibilities for her I will explain that, presumably as a result of her newspaper articles most of which appeared unde r the banne r of '' Lecturas para la muj er ,'' two of the most important publishing companies of early twentieth century Spain Sempere in Valencia and Sopena in Barcelona sought to add Burgos to their list of writers. My research into the practical manuals Burgos prepared for them has revealed details illuminating the apparently repetitive nature of their titles ; furthermore my study of l the texts has led me to a new interpretation of their chronological order enabling me to locate them more 7 All of these works were published undated but Nufiez Rey s dissertation does not challenge the dates suggested in the Biblioteca Nacional listings

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accurately in her corpus That information will also be introduced in this chapter '' [A] bus car lectores '' 8 '' [L]levo dentro muchos yoes ... '' 9 22 Ensayos literarios demonstrates that Burgos attempted to establish a relationship between her writing and her position as an educator of women ; in that domain her degrees and professional titles would have commanded authority for her written words In the same volume she also established her interest in writing in genres not directly related to her official capacity She confirms that intention with her second work a collection of cantares called Notas del alma published in Madrid in 1901 contemporaneous with changes in her marital status employment and location. In Notas del alma however she does not show an interest in sacrificing subjectivity to popularity as Ledesma Hernandez feared she might ; rather she seems to heed his advice on the nature of art by restricting the work to personal expression through a collection of verses These poems bear a clear relationship to the personal disillusionment which resulted in the break up of her marriage (N unez Rey diss 114) The publication of Ensayos literarios and Notas del alma is as I have indicated chronologically associated 8 Ledesma Hernandez '' Pr6logo '' iii 9 Burgos '' Autobiografia '' in Al balc6n viii

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23 with several other momentous changes in Burgos s life which signal her intention to redefine herself It is clear from the first that writing was an integral part of her plan to construct a new life independent of her husband In turn of the century Spain however writing was not likely to have provided a living wage even for a male 10 After her move to Madrid, Burgos was a self supporting single parent who as Cansinos-Assens pointed out in La novela de un literate was jLa primer [sic] mujer periodista que hace reportaj es y no es condesa ni beata como la Pardo Bazan! '' ( 189) As Cansinos Assens s comment indicates Burgos was not supported by aristocratic connections and familial wealth as was her literary contemporary Emilia Pardo Bazan 11 Thus her strategy would have to include establishing both her own alliances and a base of regular income producing activities 1 Carlos Serrano informed me that even Unamuno with his post as Catedratico in Salamanca complained of not earning a living wage (25 March 1998). 11 Although Pardo Bazan claimed that her writing income was important to her Maryellen Bieder remarked in a personal interview (29 March 1997) that a woman of her social class would very likely have had an inheritance It is possible that, because of Burgos's father s position as Portuguese Consul even Burgos may have had some small family support But people who knew her such as Ramon Gomez de la Serna consistently mention her poverty : Carmen vino a Madrid a rehacer su vida sin recurses con su hija en brazos como esas pobres de mant6n con su hijo palpitante bajo el mant6n .. .. Apenada nerviosa fatigada escribia para vivir .... ( '' Pr6logo '' 15)

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24 Burgos was t r ained for the teaching profession in the Normal of Guadalajara the only type of higher education available to a woman at that time Although she had secured the necessary degrees by 1898 it was not until over a year late r that she participated in the examinations for a post in the Normal presumably preparing the essay on La educaci6n de la mujer for that process as previously noted It was consistent with her training for Burgos to place teaching at the center of her design to stabilize her financial position after leaving her husband From the first days of her employment in Guadalajara however it is clear that she was also striving to advance her writing career by assuring herself a propitious environment in which to work The existence of articles written by Burgos for Madrid newspapers contempo r aneous with her post in Guadalajara indicate that she must have endeavored to maintain close contact with the journalistic community in Madrid In 1901 she applied to the Colegio Nacional de Sordomudos y Ciegos in Madrid to participate in a course on the methodology of teaching people with visual hearing and speech impairments She was accepted and continued this course of study until 1905 thus uti l izing the possibilities existing within the Ministerio de Educaci6n to relocate to Madrid where she could maintain

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25 co nta ct with the ne w spapers for wh i ch she was writing (Nunez Rey dis s 13 ; Castaneda 27) 12 Du r ing the s e ea r ly ye ar s i n Madrid Burgos often demon s t r ated her proclivity begun with the essay on La educaci6n de la muje r," to link her writing to her occupation as a teache r. By utilizing one profession to assert her expertise in the other she benefitted both Both a pamphlet on La protecci6n y la higiene de los nifios and a small book on decorative hand stitches Moderno tratado de labores date from 1904 ; in order to improve her standing in the educational system Burgos took the appropriate steps to have both works officially recognized as meritorious for her career and of practical value for the schools (Nunez Rey diss 13 ; Cas t aneda 27) These efforts indicate that maintaining her teaching occupation as a reliable source of income was an important objective for her At the same time Burgos s bibliography reveals other approaches to generating financial benefits t hrough paraliterary activities Translating was a common income producing activity for many authors at that time who often regarded the work as humiliating but financially necessary Cansinos Assens recounting his first meeting with Burgos describes translating as the duro pan del 12 Burgos s 1905 Spanish translation of Helen Keller s autobiography Sorda muda y ciega had a prologue by Eloy Bejarano Sanchez comisario regio of the Colegio Nacional de Sordomudos y Ciegos

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26 exilio Pero al novel literario en el desierto del an6nimo es el unico que se le brinda y ha de roerlo y encontrarlo blando" (188 ) Burgos's clear financial need, and her sole responsibility for her daughter as she struggled to redefine herself as a writer in the male dominated Madrid literary world, must have made her particularly well acquainted with Cansinos Assens 's '' duro pan del exilio '' Burgos s name as translator is affixed to the Spanish versions of many late nineteenth and early twentieth centu ry philosophical, scientific and esthetic works of the time There is evidence that she was not multi lingual, casting doubt on her ability to have translated from many different languages 13 Nevertheless her exposure to these 1 3 Given the kind of education available to Burgos in Andalucia, it does not seem feasible that she translated from English German Italian and other languages Rafael Cansinos Assens who writes of his acquaintance with Burgos in La novela de un literate insists that she did not do all of the translating for which she took c redit, but frequently contracted this work to him and to others. Indeed he tells that he first went to her home because she had heard that he knew German and was interested in hiring him to translate Nordau s Morgana tic for a fee of '' 30 duros '' He quotes her as saying, ''' Yo tambien traduzco ... del frances naturalmente ... nose otra cosa ... ''' (191) In 1906 Burgos delivered a speech on La Mujer en Espana to the Italian Press Association in Rome ; it was published along with congratulatory telegrams and newspaper reviews by the Valencian publisher Sempere That text reveals that Il Giornale d Italia commented that Burgos s talk had been '' pronunciada en el dulce idioma de Cervantes '' ( 5 7) and the French paper Le Petit Poete reported that [l]a ha pronunciado en la lengua espafiola pero los que saben el italiano entienden el espafiol (59) It seems likely that Burgos would have delivered that speech in Italian had she been capable. She is nevertheless given credit for the '' version espafiola '' probably published not long after 1910 of the Italian Mantegazza's La fisiologia del placer

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, texts whether or not in the original language must have broadened her knowledge of foreign opinions informing the Spanish polemic on women s roles 27 In addition to the questionable reputation Burgos incurred among several of her male contemporaries by claiming credit for translations she might not have done H the content of those works troubles both contemporary and subsequent interpretations of her obra From the perspective of modern feminism for example Burgos s most infamous '' contribution '' to the turn of the-century Spanish discussion on women s rights was her 1904 '' translation '' of P.J Moebius's La inferioridad mental de la mujer This treatise made available in Spain at least partially through Burgos s labor and under her name lent the weight of German [original from about 1898] In addition I have observed that some of Burgos s statements in the text of La muer moderna sus derechos (1 927) seem to be based upon an apparent misun erstan ing of English indicating that she did not have a command of that language Nonetheless Nunez Rey suggests that it is very possible that Burgos knew French and translated works from pre existing French versions into Spanish (personal interview 20 June 1996) 14 Cansinos Assens repeatedly hints at sexual indiscretion on Burgos s part when he writes of her literary connections and of the work she secures echoing Ledesma Hernandez s suggestions of '' promiscuidad feminista '' He devotes a chapter to '' Nuevos amigos de Colombine '' in La novela de un literato in which he writes '' Coquetea con todos ... con Barriobero ... y ... con Ramon ... Segun Dieguito el es que se lleva la palma ... Es un bohemio no anda siempre bien de dinero ; pero ayuda a Colombine traduciendo cosas para Sempere que ella firma y cobra iColombine no da de balde sus favores! ... '' (364)

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28 scientific credence to theories asserting the physical unsuitability of women for rational thought and for contributions outside the domestic sphere Burgos added her own Prologue and commented on the content in a few textual notes but did not condemn the work ( at least not at this point in her career ) 15 Moreover she affirmed that she played a positive role in translating it and other works in the '' Autobiografia '' she wrote in 1909 for Prometeo the literary magazine she developed with Ramon Gomez de la Serna 16 Muchas traducciones y muchos prologos : Naquet Moebius Tolstoi Renan Darwin Bovio y todos los hombres cuya inteligencia puede influir sobre nuestro pueblo de un modo benefico destruyendo las doctrinas de Loyola han sido traducidos por mi para la importante casa editorial de Sempere que dirige en Valencia el gran novelista Blasco Ibanez ( xii ) Apparently while associated with the Colegio Nacional de Sordomudos y Ciegos in Madrid and perhaps even before, Burgos also strove to cultivate her reputation as a journalist The manner in which she began to integrate herself into the contemporary press is not clear from written records but it seems to be based on a combination of socio cultural circumstances which created a few 15 In El arte de ser amada (1910 1913?) discussed in Chapter 4 of this dissertation Burgos minimizes the value of Moebius s conclusions 16 '' Autobiografia '' was subsequently re published in Al balcon I cite from that version

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29 although narrowly defined writing opportunities for a woman author Burgos may have had familial support establishing contacts with the literary community in Mad r id : Ensayos lite r arios was dedicated to an uncle Don Agustin de Burgos a senator living in the capital (Castaneda 25 ; Nunez Rey diss 10). She arrived there with some journalistic experience albeit limited from as early as 1886 in Almeria There she had filled the vacuum created by her husband s failure to attend to Almeria bufa the paper owned by his father In the Autobiography in Al balcon she recounts her journalistic beginnings : Empece por cajista de imprenta en la que poseia mi padre politico Despues escr i bi con las tijeras para completar un peri6dico satirico. Mi primer articulo merecio los honores de la critica y la reproduccion fuera de la provincia ... (xi) That experience of producing apparently well received articles by 'writing '' with scissors that is earning praise for work that was only partly hers was no doubt useful when Burgos was called upon to demonstrate her expertise on the range of topics not necessarily of interest to her but allotted to women authors Recalling in his autobiography Automoribundia (1948) the difficult years in which Burgos pieced together her sustenance Ramon Gomez de la Serna wrote that Burgos lived independientemente aunque pobre gracias a articulos mal pagados a un puesto de maestra ya traducciones (210)

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30 Even the three sources of income combined however left her in desperate financial straits : Gomez de la Serna narrates '' No hay estera ni lumbre en su casa El frio es atroz '' (211) Fo r tunately for Burgos her arrival in Madrid corresponded to a period of journalistic expansion which had begun during the Restoration of the Bourbon Monarchy As Jose-Carlos Mainer explains in La Edad de Plata the press and the '' nueva li teratura '' joined each other in an effort to attract readers through a wider and more inexpensive diffusion of literature than could be achieved by books alone (60) This effort would have been mutually beneficial to both the press and many writers of the younger generation leaving the book publishers to compete with newspapers for th e audience which had previously been exclusively theirs Mainer fails to mention an additional demographic factor which is particularly relevant to the ca r eer of Carmen de Burgos : in 1900 women represented a little over fifty per cent of the population and that portion continued to rise gradually throughout the first third of the century Moreover female literacy began to increase during those years and in the 1920s literate women began to outweigh the illiterate for the first time in Spanish history (Capel Martinez Trabajo 27 362) If the press and the publishing companies were going to compete to attract readers they

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31 would ce r tainly need to take into account the g r owing number of women who were becoming consume r s of the written word By 1902 Burgos was already a player in the press s pursuit of the woman reader She contributed frequently to several newspapers on topics obviously intended for a female audience but widely disparate in subject matter ranging from fashion, recipes and beauty to feminism and suffrage In 1903 Augusto Suarez Figueroa the Director of the Diario universal assigned Burgos to write a column called '' Lecturas para la muj er ,'' and anointed her with the pseudonym '' Colombine '' Later Burgos related in her '' Autobiografia '' that she did not know why the name was chosen Her interpretation of the nature of her namesake in the Italian commedia however causes her to suggest that '' por la agilidad y por la fri volidad que necesi ta el peri6dico mezclar a la sesudez de sus articulos de fondo y sus politicas era necesario .... '' 1 7 Burgos s comment suggests her understanding that she was hired to provide a '' feminine touch '' which would not include the treatment of serious political issues In any case she writes that she accepted the name because it was given to her by '' un 1 7 In the article ''' Colombine y Pierrot '' published in Al balc6n Burgos relates that during her first day at Diario Universal, Figueroa said that she would be called Raquel in the paper but that there was considerable discussion and changing of the name She did appear as Raquel in the first issue of the paper but it never was sold to the public The next day he decided to call her Colombine For additional discussion of her interpretation of the name see Al balc6n (95-99)

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32 periodista insigne un maestro ." Apparently as a result of the success of her column Suarez Figueroa named Burgos the fi r st female editor of the paper Ramon Gomez de la Serna relates that during those years Burgos wrote for several other papers and fashion magazines and para dar variedad a su nombre empleaba los seud6nimos ingenuos y romanticos de Raquel ', Honorine Marianella (Pr6logo 15) In addition she prepared articles of literary criticism for the Heraldo de Madrid as Perico el de los Palates political articles for El Pueblo in Valencia as Gabriel Luna and four articles per month for the ABC It is probably not coincidental that she used male pseudonyms for the articles not specifically directed to women In the few years between 1900 and 1904 Bu r gos ended her marriage; went to Madrid ; competed for and won a teaching position in Guadalajara; studied pedagogy for people with sensory impairments in Madrid ; wrote article s, sometimes on a daily basis for several newspapers ; and published five books To describe as prodigious the labor she undertook -stitching together a writing car e er from the bits and pieces available to her -is to fail to do it justice. Gomez de la Serna points out in Autormoribundia that in spite of her remarkable effort her economic needs were scarcely met : Los libros de ella salian en editoriales

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33 que los vendian bien pero por ello s6lo recibia unos miles de reales que se iban en pagar lo imprescindible (211) Burgos s circle of readers must have widened significantly through her daily articles in the Diario universal; it is likely that it would have expanded dramatically on December 27 1903 when she authored a controversial article based on personal experience calling for the formation of a club de matrimonies mal avenidos'' to study the possible basis for a divorce law in Spain. Burgos evidently decided to capitalize on the ensuing publicity by inviting such well known writers and intellectuals of the day as Pio Baroja Vicente Blasco Ibanez Concepci6n Gimeno de Flaquer Franciso Giner de los Rios Emilia Pardo Bazan, and Miguel de Unamuno to contribute their opinions through letters to her column on the advisability of such a law. By initiating a conversation with established literary figures, Burgos would have inscribed herself, to a certain extent into the literary circle in which those authors moved. After publishing just twelve of the letters received however Burgos terminated the discussion and announced in the paper that she would continue it in the form of a book; it was published in 1904 as El divorcio en Espafia 1 8 Castaneda s biography of Burgos suggests that she 18 Burgos concluded in the book that Spanish opinion was favorable to divorce and predicted optimistically that it would be established, although she did not specify how soon.

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34 was probably responding to editorial pressure not to continue the discussion in the paper but instead chose the less immediate and less widely circulated option of a book in order to avoid total abandonment of the divorce issue (36) It is also likely that Bu r gos would have profited more from a book contract than from a piecemeal disclosure of the responses in the press I would like to suggest in addition that although books certainly reached a far more limited public than the daily press their readers were of a higher socio economic position Thus Burgos could have advanced her authorial status by securing the publication of her initiative along with the responses she solicited although some were merely a refusal to comment on such a controversial issue. Burgos s now published opinion in favor of divorce and her comparison of divorce to a recent papal reform giving novice nuns the right to '' separate '' from the convent provoked the ire of the Catholic Church 19 Certainly divorce represented the ultimate threat to the family structure and as such to the continuance of Catholic dogma which was staunchly supported by conservative political 19 In El divorcio en Espana Burgos refers to a telegram from Rome published in Diario universal in which Pius X proposes to eliminate the perpetual nature of the vows of novice nuns

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35 forces 2 Castafieda explains that '' [c]uando [las del sector conservador] se enteran de su campafia lanzan criticas feroces contra ella llamandola la divorciadora '" (118} El Siglo Future which Castafieda describes as el peri6dico que defiende las intereses del Vaticano ," was particularly vigorous in the attack (118) Burgos reacting to the severity of the criticism went to the editorial office to see the director But she later wrote "' [s]ali6 el redactor-jefe y como se negase a darme explicaciones ya rectificar le di bofetadas ''' (in Starcevic 46). Needless to say this incident was widely recorded in the papers (Starcevic 45) Eventually El Siglo Future rectified its verbal attack on Burgos, but her association with anti Church and anti family forces as well as her reputation for nontraditional female behavior were not easily shed A review of Burgos s 1904 production reveals that she published original works on divorce the care and protection of children and decorative sewing as well as the prologue and translation of Moebius s La inferioridad mental de la mujer The concurrence of these dates demonstrates that in 1903 and 1904 Burgos was in the paradoxical position of using the print media to campaign both for and against women s rights in general and the conventional family 20 Burgos did not support divorce as we now know it but rather a legalized separation giving a woman the right to leave her husband s domicile without sacrificing all of her possessions and parental rights over the children of the marriage

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36 structure in particular thus simultaneously supporting and undermining the traditional Spanish ideology of domesticity Today it is not necessarily regarded as inconsistent to favor the existence of divorce and yet support the welfare of children In the dominant ideology of Catholic Spain however marriage procreation and the succoring of children were linked as the most highly esteemed social goals for women. Thus Burgos occupied a unique position in Spanish culture: in the same years, she accrued fame through negatively perceived personal circumstances which marginalized her fr om societal norms yet she spoke authoritatively as a paradigmatic '' ama de casa '' advising women on sewing and child care Burgos would continue to represent this ambivalent p ositio n in the practical manuals she wrote for two of the most important publishers in early twentieth-century Spanish literature It was within this context of multiple careers and conflict with social institutions that Burgos wrote of her '' muchos yoes '' in the '' Autobiograf ia '' for Prom. teo: Mi vida es sencilla o compleja segun se la quiera considerar No hay en ella escenas emocionantes ni hechos melodramaticos dignos de ocupar la curiosidad del publico Mi vida se desliz6 dentro de mi y todas sus complicaciones nacieron en mi espiritu ... Ha variado de fases muchas veces tantas que me parece haber vivido en muchas generaciones diferentes --. Y yo tambien he cambiado de ideas ... de sentimientos ... jQue se yo! ... Me rio de la unidad del yo porque llevo dentro muchos yoes : hombres mujeres chiquillos viejos ... Me pelearia si discutiese con alguno ...

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pero les dejo que venza el que ma s de la gana jTodas s on buenas personas! ... A veces imp r ud e n t e s, demasiado con f iados .. suelen obrar con lige r eza y tener de que a r repentirse .. Entonce s i n tervengo (viii ix) 37 In this discourse she expresses some e mba r rassm e nt at the public interest in her confrontations with social institutions revealing her perception of the conflict between her behavior and that expected of the turn of-the century Spanish woman. Addressing as well her '' vidas '' of '' profesora '' and '' periodista '' ( x xi) she writes that the first would be '' tan insufrible como el matrimonio y el cocido si yo no la supiera adornar de azul (x). Thus she reveals her consciousness of the need to view her multi faceted responses to her economic situation through a positive lens. Differing from Maria Pilar Rodriguez s interpretation in her article Modernidad y feminismo : Tres relates de Carmen de Burgos ," I construe Burgos s willingness to allow a particular '' yo '' to overcome the others as a recognition of her pragmatic resolution of her circumstances of marginality (382 ) In my opinion Burgos s statements reveal not her incapacity to constitute a fixed identity as Rodriguez posits but rather her capacity to adopt the pragmatic positions that would enable her to live independently In writing of the '' muchos yoes '' that she carries within she celebrates her ability to weave such often tangled threads into a distinct role in Spanish culture Ledesma Hernandez s Prologue to Burgos s first

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38 work seemed to be a warning of the danger of allowing one '' yo '' to triumph for it could cause he r to lose readers and income if she moved too solidly into the camp of that exaggerated and promiscuous feminism which he and others regarded as a threat to Spanish society Books for women : Sempere and Sopena At around the same time as she was conducting the survey on divorce Burgos became acquainted with Vicente Blasco Ibanez perhaps because of his agreement with her on that issue or more generally his radical republican stance one with which Burgos would eventually associate herself 2 1 Blasco was well connected with Valencia an '' irnportante centro difusor de formas culturales populares '' in the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth (Mainer 62) More important still his direction of Editorial Sempere would turn out to be crucial to Burgos s career According to Jose-Carlos Mainer who does not include Burgos in his discussion Sempere was responsible for translating the turn of the-century Parnassian favorites which inspired '' periodistas bohemios '' to give birth to '' la expresi6n artistica moderna (29 ) Blasco s introduction of Burgos to Franciso Sempere led to the establishment of a publishing relationship between them which would eventually generate hard-cover collections of her cuentos several 21 Cansinos Assens refers to Burgos as '' la ... bueno la amiga de Blasco Ibanez ,'' implying with his suspension dots that the two were more than casual friends (188)

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39 full length novels published versions of some speeches and the collection of instructional manuals discussed in subsequent chapters Cansinos Assen s, in mentioning Burgos s association with Blasco states that through it she '' dispone como de cosa propia de la Editorial Sempere '' ( 18 8 ) Emphasizing the role of certain publishers such as Sempere in the literary '' revoluci6n parnaso finisecular Mainer also mentions the importance of Editorial Sopena in Barcelona in making the great nineteenth-century European n o vels available in Spain (2 9-30 ) 22 These two editoriales were resp o nsible as wel l for the publication of the majority of Burgos s practical manuals for women The role o f Sempere which I will develop more fully in the next chapter was more definitive in Burgos s career than that of S o pena ; nevertheless I will explain that Sopena played a surpr i sing if less formative part in the circulation of Burgos s work Burgos s connecti o n with such pivotal figures in the diffusion of ~ineteenth century European classics and twentieth century modernist literature broadens the view o f 22 Mainer explains that '' el arte espafiol de la crisis de fin de siglo hubiera sido impensable sin el fuerte impact o del c o nocimient o y convi vencia con los extranj eros '' ( 58 ) That impact was provided by authors such as Hugo D umas Scott Dickens Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky made available in Spain by Sopena Sempere was publishing Kropotkin Nietzsche Engels and Nordau whose work Burgos mentions frequently

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40 early twentieth century Spanish literature presented by Mainer His emphasis on the importance of foreign works in the Spanish ''ruptura modernista '' and his concomitant focus on the burgeoning intellectual audience leads him to ignore another minority readership that as we have seen was increasing : women Sempere and Sopena did not slight this share of the market however ; both took women readers into account by developing women s collections which relied heavily on Burgos s work. In the following chapter I will discuss the relationship between their understanding of that female audience and Burgos's corpus of instructional manuals for women Franciso Sempere was evidently aware that he could not afford to disregard the growing public of women readers Concurrent with his cultivation of an elite audience interested in foreign authors he was actively involved with Carmen de Burgos in the creation of a Biblioteca para la mujer It is apparent that he did not consider his list of recent fiction by male authors sufficient to attract the gradually increasing literate female population ; rather his extensive '' Library for Women '' consists of domestic instructional manuals designed to educate women of the reading class in matters considered appropriate to them at the time His selection of Burgos a controversial Spanish female author with a journalistic reputation for writing on

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41 topics of interest to women would b e likely to secure an immediate following for the works Sempere s notion of appropriate r eading matter for women differs markedly from that of Adolfo Posada and Emilia Pa r do Bazan Their earlie r attempts to create a wide female audience based on international feminist readings had been unsuccessful. In Carmen de Burgos : defensora de la mujer Starcevic points out that frustrado fue el intento de Emilia Pardo Bazan de introducir en la peninsula las ideas foraneas 11 She cites Pardo Bazan addre s s i ng that issue : 1 Cuando yo funde la Biblioteca de la Mujer ', era mi objeto difundir en Espana las obras del alto feminismo extranjero y par eso di cabida en ella a La esclavitud femenina de Stuart Mill ya La mujer ante el socialismo de Augusto B e bel E r an aquellos las tiempos apost6licos d e mi intere s po r la causa He vista sin gene r o de dud a, q ue a qui a nadie le preocupan gran cosa tales cuestiones ... (2 4) 11 [ H] uyendo de lo molesto ... '' 23 By the time Burgos began to write for S e mpe r e prob a bly around 1905 she had achieved a new level of literary standing but had experienced serious difficulties sustaining her teaching career After the pub l ication of El divorcio en Espana and perhaps as a result of unfavorable reaction to it in the Escuela Normal de Guadalajara Burgos requested and was awarded a g r ant from the Ministe r io de 23 Burgos 1 Autobiografia 11 Al balc6n ix

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42 Instrucci6n Publica to study educational systems in other European count r ies 24 She traveled in France Italy and S w itze r land from early October 1905 to the end of September 1906 In Switzerland it is probable that Burgos attended although not as an official delegate an international conference on women s education which she later mentions in La mujer en el hogar and Vademecum femenino During her travels she met feminist writers and visited with the Paris delegation of the Lyceum Club of London She also talked with the philosopher Max Nordau whose work she mentioned favorably in several texts and with Alfred Naquet who sponsored France s divorce law Her welcome by the intellectual community and continued correspondence with Nordau and Naquet attests to her standing outside of Spanish educational circles 25 If the Ministerio de Educaci6n or the Catholic Church hoped that this trip would bring Bu r gos more into line with traditional Catholic family doctrine her activities did not fulfill that expectation On the contrary she seems to have pursued a strategy of self 24 Nunez Rey states that the Directora de la Escuela Normal Central in awarding Burgos the grant made it clear that she had been the only applicant (Burgos 24) 25 At her request Nordau contributed a letter to Vademecum femenino in which he states his negative opinion on women s use of the corset His biography mentions his meetings with Burgos during his exile in Madrid in 1914 The Hungarian expatriate Nordau advised her on the Jewish situation which was one of her interests

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43 education on the most controversial issues of the day with fo r eign liberal r eformers as her teache r s In Rome in April of 1906 she was inv i ted to speak to the Asociaci6n de la Prensa on the topic of '' La mujer en Espafia .'' 26 Burgos s talk seems to have been a major event attended by representaci6n de las dos embajadas de pensionados de la Academia de Espafia de gran parte de la colonia y de un publico numeroso y selecto donde estaba en mayoria el bello sexo ( Il P6polo Romano quoted in La mujer en Espafia 55 ) Also in attendance was Concepci6n Gimeno de Flaquer author of La mujer (1877 } and a conservative feminist who had responded in the negative to Burgos s survey on divorce 27 The speech was published by Sempere with an appendix including selections from the congratulatory telegrams Burgos r eceived from Nordau and Naquet on the occasion of the speech The Appendix also featured a compilation of press reviews including some from a French paper several from Italy and some from Burgos s Madrid paper the Heraldo They refer to Burgos as [l]a 26 The speech was later published with the same title by Sempe r e At forty eight pages of text it seems lengthy for a talk but it ends with the words '' Grandes aplausos '' giving the impression that it is a faithful reproduction of her talk See the list of Works Cited for the complete reference. 27 The Rome paper La Tribuna commented on the presence of Gimeno de Flaquer at the speech referring to her as la notable literata espafiola ... novelista y autora de escritos filos6ficos sobre el feminismo audaz propagandista de estas ideas ( La mujer en Espafia 56 )

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44 notable escritora (quot ed in La mujer en Espana 52) and [l]a redact ora del Heraldo de Madrid y distinguida escrito r a (Arturo Matei quoted in La mujer en Espana 53) and [l]a bella y culta senora Carmen de Burgos, escritora conferenciante y periodista espanola (La Vita quoted in La mujer en Espana 57) These comments cert ainly indicate that Burgos s work was highly respected in certain circles and also that she was considered primarily a journalist on women s issues at that time Sempere's edition of La mujer en Espana includes a list of Burgos's works with publication dates Under the heading '' Original es ,'' it includes such works as Ensayos literarios (1900) featuring the Ledesma Hernandez prologue and Notas del alma ( 1901} Appearing under '' Traducciones '' but parenthetically called an '' arreglo '' is Modelos de cartas (1 9 05} 28 I will fully discuss the significance of the arreglos and analyze an example of Burgos s technique of textual arrangements in the following two chapters Modelos de cartas must be the first practical manual in the Burgos Sempere Biblioteca para la mujer and is grouped with those works in subsequent lists. 28 Perhaps this work which would be excluded from the category '' Traducidas '' in a subsequent list in Al balc6n is called a translation here because the women s series on which Burgos and Sempere would collaborate had not yet been created Furthermore it is likely that Burgos borrowed heavily from published sources in other languages in assembling the practical manuals ; this would account for the use of the term '' arregl o ''

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45 ''' [M] e perseguia por liberal ... '' 29 The nature of Burgos's experiences outside of Spain while seen as successful by some appeared to damage rather than promote her teaching career Her position in the educational system, with the only guaranteed (albeit small) income she had continued to deteriorate. Her associations abroad with people well known for their espousal of liberal causes immediately preceded a time of political conservatism in Spain Prior to 1907 Burgos was probably protected politically within the educational system by Segismundo Moret a friend of the Burgos family and President of the Partido Liberal (Nunez Rey diss 34). In 1907 however, the conservative Antonio Maura formed what would be called the '' gobierno largo '' and appointed Faustino Rodriguez San Pedro as the new Ministro de Educaci6n From her first essay on '' La educaci6n de la muj er ,'' Burgos had spoken in favor of reforms in the educational system and she continued to do so in her Heraldo articles (C astaneda 29) Her teaching career began to be impeded by a series of actions by the Ministeri o Nufiez Rey suggests that this apparent harassment of Burgos was concurrent with and a result of the formation of the conse rvative government ( 34) There is evidence to support Burgos perceiving it as such : in a footnote in La mujer en el hogar addressing the issue of educational reform, she writes that she ''no logr6 29 Burgos qtd in Gomez de la Serna '' Pr6logo '' 22

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46 sacar de su ensuefio rutinario al entonces ministro don Faustino Rodriguez San Pedro (6) Furthermore Gomez de la Serna recounts a conversation he had with Burgos in which she recalls some of the more frequently repeated critical anecdotes about her and I cite He hecho que vociferase contra mi en el Senado el obispo de Jaca y desde el puesto en que cumplia mi deber desafie al ministro que me perseguia por liberal a aquel infausto Rodriguez San Pedro .. ( Pr6logo 22 ) Unless Burgos was appropriately recertified as a Pr o fes o ra de Ensenan z a Superi o r she would not be able to continue to teach at the Escuela Normal in Guadalajara (Nunez Rey diss 31 ) It was as part of that process that she had her book Moderno tratado de labores officially recognized by the educational system Yet remaining in Guadalajara was not Burgos s aim ; since the termination of the course at the Colegi o Naci o nal de Sordornudos y Ciegos in 1905 she had sought to be permanently reassigned to Madrid. In March 19 0 7 she left Guadalajara for a post in the Secci6n de Ensefianza de la Mujer in the Escuela Superior de Industrias in Madrid but her re certificatio11 was delayed and as a result she was instead re-assigned to Toledo 3 0 Since Burgos was resistant to leaving Madrid it is likely that she resumed her pattern of commuting to her teaching post because, not long after her commission in 3 0 The novella El honor de la familia written in 1911 suggests Burgos s reaction to the repressive atmosphere she found in Toledo It will be discussed in Chapter 5.

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47 Toledo, she was anonymously denounced to the Ministerio de Instrucci6n Publica. The statement avers that Burgos was apparently not dedicated to her teaching, citing her for ''falta de asistencia a clase sin autorizaci6n, por no completar su horario de clases, porno haber dado tres conferencias que le restan de su viaje al extranjero como manda el reglamento, porno residir en Toledo" (Castaneda 30). There is not sufficient evidence available to show whether these charges were justified, or invented as part of the political harassment suggested by Nunez Rey. Burgos, however, responded that they were "'falsas calumnias an6nimas de personas que pretenden, por fines que desconozco, danarme en mi buen concepto profesional que tanto estimo'" (Burgos Expediente de Maestra, in Castaneda 31) Her expediente was successful and she was exonerated of the charges as unproven and because of her "fama de persona de gran cultura y deseos de perfeccionar sus conocimientos en el extranjero" (Castan ada 31). Burgos's career in the educational system may have suffered from her statements on divorce and her liberal activities both in and outside of Spain, but her literary reputation did not. In 1905, the year Burgos left Spain, she and Emilia Pardo Bazan had been the first women admitted to the Ateneo of Madrid. After her return in 1907, she met Eduardo Zamacois, who contracted with her to write for his new series, El cuento semanal, the prototype for the new

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48 genre of the novela breve 31 As a contributor to its premier yea r Burgos s name would be associated with such well known authors as Jacinto Octavio Picon Jacinto Benavente, Felipe Trigo and Emilia Pardo Bazan Her burgeoning literary career however would hardly have remunerated her sufficiently to support her Madrid lifestyle with its famous tertu l ias the '' miercoles de Colombine. '' As this dissertation has shown the years in which Burgos established a publishing relationship with Sempere were characterized by paradox. She was increasingly desirable as an author, yet apparently anathema to the two principal Spanish cultural institutions: the Catholic Church and the educational system Yet Burgos s first book for Sempere Modelos de cartas had established her as an author who would help him one of the most active and influential publishers of the era, to attract a specifically female audience. As such it established Burgos as one of the very few females among many important male novelists who were regular Sempere contributors Furthermore it promised to supply Burgos with additional regular income Sempere was the first major book publisher to claim Burgos s assumed domestic expertise for his inventory but 31 El cuento semanal while new in ways which will be discussed in Chapter 5 was also related to such traditional genres as the f ol let i n and n o vela por entregas The first novella Burgos authored for El cuento semanal was El tesoro del castillo the twenty fifth issue in 1907, the inaugural year of the series

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49 he was certainly not the last 32 Nevertheless his collabo ra tion with Burgos in generating a woman s library resonated throughout her career It both located her in a unique position from which to add r ess wom e n s issues and it enabled her to reach an audience different from the newspaper reading public Burgos had been a mother a teacher and as a working journalist not living with her husband a spokeswoman for unmarried and working class women facing harsh economic realities Purchasers of her Sempere books however would be unlikely to come from the working classes as unlike working women her buyers were sufficiently wealthy to purchase books and they had the luxury of considering household management their primary concern As she writes in El arte de ser amada (discussed 32 Over the course of Burgos s career Sempere did not restrict his publication of her work to advice books for women publishing as well novellas novels and collections of her interviews The following works by Burgos excluding the practical manuals which will be discussed separately were published by Sempere : Cuentos de '' Colombine '', 1908 ; Los inadaetados 1909 (a collection of stories containing in addition to the eponymous one '' Amor de esposa '' '' i Veinte afios '', and '' En la paz del campo '' ) ; La voz de los muertos 1911 ; Leopardi n d. [1911] ; Cartas sin destinatario n d [19 1 2] ; En la guerra n d [1912] (a collection of stories containing in addition to the eponymous one '' La indecisa '' '' Siempre en tierra '' '' La justicia del mar ,'' '' El veneno del arte '' and '' El honor de la familia '' ) ; Al balc6n n d [19 13 according to Palau ; 1914 according to Cejador] ; La malcasada 1923 ; La mujer fantastica 1924 ; Arnadisae Gaula n d

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50 i n Ch apter 4) B urgos w ould communicate specifically with the '' cla s e media acomodada '' (168) In addition to the financial advan t age fo r Bu r gos she ga r nered the prestige of being a Sempe r e author ; through her published litera r y conversations with him one of which I will discuss in the following chapter she decla r ed herself a player in the writing community Bu r gos would go on to author or '' arrange ,'' as she sometimes styled it s i milar practical manuals for several publishers some of which may have been connected to Sempere 33 As I will discuss in the next chapter Burgos occasionally disclaimed this wo r k but proudly reasserted its value in Sempere s publication of her Obras completas Moreover the existence of the Sempere series led to the iQuiere U s ted ... ? women s collection 33 The possible relationships among publishers is unclear. S e mpere published Tesoro de la belleza as Volume I of Burgos s Obras completas (serie practica) Its inclusion in that series indicates that it was part of the se r ies Burgos prepared fo r Sempere Yet the original edition of that text was titled El arte de seducir and published by the Sociedad General Espanola de L i breria The latter also published El arte de ser mujer (belleza y perfecci6n) in the '' Introducci6n '' to which Bu r gos wr i tes '' A veces hasta yo misma a pesar de tener mi antifaz de Colombine me he ocultado bajo otro disfraz mas tupido y burlonamente aristoc r atico de Condesa X de Princesa X o de Madame X bajo los cuales sin embargo me ha sabido conocer el lecto r '' ( 10) The li s t of Burgos s works which appears in Al balc6n published by Sempere includes La mujer en el hoga r, but there is another edition published by Prometeo i n the Biblioteca Nacional Both appear to be the same except for the title page There are as well Prometeo editions of La cocina moderna and Vademecum femenino indicating a possible connection between Sempere and Prometeo both of which were located in Valencia

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51 publish e d by Sopena in Barcelona which expanded Burgos s circulation in northern Spain Th r ough her association with instructional domestic literature for women Burgos has been considered a reluctant feminist who advocated personal and eventually political rights for women while continuing to support their role as housewives Burgos s positions vis a vis the restriction of women to domestic functions will be discussed in the next two chapters. The remainder of this chapter will resolve bibliographical and chronological questions relating to the repetitive nature of the titles of her practical manuals clarifying the roles played by Sempere and Sopena in the development of that domestic corpus The Sempere Series The majority of the practical manuals Burgos wrote for Sempere were published without dates ; in addition the often repetitive nature of the titles of Burgos s books of advice has resulted in considerable confusion about her nonfiction corpus Through careful examination of the texts I have arrived at a plausible chronology of these works Contrary to certain estimated dates in the catalogue of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid and to Nunez Rey s attributions indicating that some of Burgos s Manuales de uso practice were written as late as 1920 I have concluded that she probably composed most of her practical manuals for Sempere between 1905 and 1913 The back of the title page

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52 in many of the texts bears the information, ''Esta Casa Editorial obtuvo Diploma de Honor y Medalla de Oro en la Exposici6n Regional de Valencia de 1909, '' thus indicating that the texts so labelled post-date that Exposition. In several texts, that page carries the additional message, "y Gran Premio de Honor en la Internacional de Buenos Aires de 1910, '' leading me to conclude that the texts which convey that notice post-date those which mention 1909. I have determined the end-date of 1913 from a list of Burgos's published works appearing in Al balc6n, a collection of her previously published newspaper articles issued as a book by Sempere. This text is dated to 1913 by Palau y Dulcet (470 ) and by the library of Pennsylvania State University; Cejador assigns it to 1914 ( 290 ) If Al balc6n is, indeed, from 1913 or 1914, all of the works listed in it must pre-date its publicati o n, thus placing them between 1909 or 1910 and 1913 or 1914, with Modelos de cartas, at least, dating as early as 19 0 5. 34 Burgos, in addition, occasionally cited some of her own texts in others she prepared on related topics; her citations, where they appear, corroborate the order of published works appearing in Al balc6n. Her footnotes, for example, make it possible to conclude definitively that 34 Nunez Rey concurs in attributing Al balc6n to 1913, but doesn't seem to have used the information available in it t o re-date the manuals. Castaneda, as well, attributes Al balc6n to 1913 in her Bibliografy of Burgos's works ( 173).

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53 Salud y belleza precedes El tocador practice In the edition of Vademecum femenino which I have studied, published by Prometeo (in 1918 according to Nunez Rey) she footnotes Arte de saber vivir and Las artes de la mujer thus establishing that she wrote both of those prior to Vademecum femenino 35 According to Sempere s list of '' obras de la misma au tor a publicadas por esta casa '' in Al balc6n however an edition of Vademecum femenino was also published by Sempere and prior to Al balc6n hence prior to 1913 or 1914 Burgos establishes that El arte de ser amada post dates 1911 by mentioning therein an event that occurred in 1911 ; the back of the title page lists Modelos de cartas La cocin a moderna Arte de saber vivir Salud y belleza Las artes de la mujer La mujer en el hogar and Vademecum femenino as previously prepared '' arreglos '' by the same author. In Arte de la elegancia she cites La mujer en el hogar Las artes de la mujer and Arte de saber vivir as references again confirming the order given in Al balc6n I have therefore concluded that the works prepared by Burgos for Sempere between the dates mentioned above include, in suggested chronological order Modelos de cartas La cocina moderna Arte de saber vivir Salud y belleza Las artes de la mujer La mujer en el hogar 35 In addition Burgos includes in the text a letter written to her by Max Nordau and dated November 1907 (123)

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' Vad e mecum femenino El arte de ser amada Arte de la elegancia El tocador practico and La mujer jardinero 54 Of those titles the only ones I can assign to a specific year are Modelos de cartas previously discussed and La mujer en el hogar ( economia domestica) : Guia de la buena duefia de casa which is signed '' Arreglada por Carmen de Burgos (Colombine) '' and names Burgos as '' P r ofesora de esta asignatura en la escuela superior de artes industriales de Madrid .'' Nufiez Rey indicates that Burgos held that position from July 23 1910 to January 1 1911 ; consequently the text must have been published during that period This does not mean however that Burgos s instructional guides were restricted to only the early years of her career Sempere s post 1924 publication of her Obras completas is rea l ly a re-edition o f the previously published practical series for women 36 The first volume Tesoro de la belleza ( arte de seducir ) states : '' Desde 1924 que comienza la publicaci6n de las obras completas de Carmen de Burgos no podran reimprimirse fuera de esta colecci6n sus obras practicas para la muj er .'' While in the past Burgos had in some instructional texts denied her authorial responsibility by referring to them as '' arreglos '' in this 36 The Obras completas editions did not include any of the fiction that had been published by Sempere It seems that in spite of its name it was intended merely as a re publication of Burgos s practical texts

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55 f ir s t volume of h e r '' Obras com p letas '' she reclaims the work as he r s By providing a new Prologue to this edition Bu r gos at once reaffirms her authorship and reasserts the value of her practical manuals in what was by that time an extensive body of work : Al comenzar ahora la publicaci6n de mis obras completas entre el gran numero de novelas de criticas articulos y libros de viaje no quiero dejar en el olvido esta serie de libros de un interes especial para la mujer (5) Volume I of the Obras completas for which Burgos proudly claims authorship is a re-edition of El arte de seducir originally published under the pseudonym '' Condesa de C*** '' possibly in 1916 37 Burgos s authorial position vis a vis this and other practical texts will be discussed in the next chapter The second volume of this series was Ultimos modelos de cartas a re edition of Modelos de cartas Burgos s first practical book prepared for Sempere s women readers The third volume Hablando con los desciendentes was published in 1929 ostensibly in the same series using the same format and cover design but by Compania Ibero Americana de Publicaciones S.A ., Editorial Renacimiento in Madrid The apparent change in publisher for the third volume of the series seems to signal the end of Burgos s long relationship with Sempere The new publisher of Volume III of the Obras completas '' was also the publisher of the series La Novel a de r Madrid : Sociedad Espanola de Libreria

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56 Hoy for which Burgos wrote nine novellas between 1929 and 1932 ; it is likely therefore that there was a relationship between that change in publisher and Burgos s authorship of other wo r ks for Ibero-Americana in the same years. 38 Sempere s 1924 re publication under the title Obras completas ," of the practical manuals Burgos had written for him much earlier in her career is I believe an attempt to (re)claim exlusive publishing rights to her corpus for his editorial and to capture another generation of women readers with an apparent retrospective of the work of a woman author who had by those years achieved widespread popularity for her novellas If his intention was to issue new editions of all of Burgos's work the undertaking would indeed have been prodigious for by the time of her death in 1932 Burgos had authored eighty nine novellas twenty four practical manuals eleven novels and twenty one nonnarrative works 39 38 The novels Burgos authored for La Novela de Hoy in those years were : Se qued6 sin ella Febrary 8 1929 ; El dorado trogico, February 7 1930; jLa piscina la piscina!, May 9 193 ; Vida mila ros del icaro Andresillo Perez December 26 ; La ironia de a vi a June ; Perd6nanos nuestras deudas September 11 1931 ; Punal de claveles November 13 1931 ; Guiones del destine March 4 1932 ; Cuando la ley lo manda April 29 1932. 39 This count is based on Nunez Rey s classifications and totals which do not account for the Sempere Sopena repetition of texts which I will explain in the next section nor for works listed as novels which are really anthologies bearing the title of one of the novellas contained within

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57 The Sopena Series My investigation of Burgos s practical manuals has made it apparent that Editorial Sopena in Barcelona which, as Mainer established was also involved in the promotion of contemporary foreign fiction was equally interested in developing a bibliography of Burgos s books for women. Furthermore even at first glance the titles of the Sopena books written by Burgos bear a remarkable similarity to those published by Sempere : whereas Sempere published Modelos de cartas in 1905 and Ultimas modelos de cartas in the Obras completas series between 1924 and 1929 Sopena marketed Nuevos modelos de cartas Sempere published La cocina rnoderna prior to 1913 and then its re edition La cocina practica in the Obras cornpletas in about 1925. In the interim apparently Sopena had published iQuiere usted comer bien? Burgos reasserts the validity and promotes the sale of the Sempere Obras completas version however, by declaring in that text: Esta edici6n unica recomendada por su autora contiene, seleccionadas y corregidas todas las formulas de sus libros La Cocina Moderna' y iQuiere V Comer Bien? ademas de un gran numero de nuevas recetas. Sopena seems to have won the competition for Burgos's last words on food, however by producing a posthumous re-edition of lQuiere usted comer bien? in 1949 Sernpere s Salud y belleza from the 1910-1913 group, is repeated in Sopena's lQuiere usted ser bella y tener salud?; similarly, Sempere's

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58 El arte de ser amada is echoed in Sopena s title iQuiere usted ser amada? Sempere s El tocador practico, again published between 1909 and 1913 probably precedes Sopena's similar iQuiere usted conocer los secretes del tocador?. Books in Sopena s iQuiere V ? series as in the case of the Sempere series of practical manuals were published without dates. Unfortunately in the Sopena works, there is little textual evidence by which to propose dates for the works In iQuiere V ser amada? Burgos mentions others of that series as having been published '' recientemente, '' so it is logical to assume that they were published within a few years o f each other. The Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid and the Nunez Rey dissertation concur in assigning the works to 1916 and 1917. My further examination of these works reveals that the parallels between the Sempere and Sopena series extend bey o nd the similarity o f the titles and into the works themselves Indeed I have verified that iQuiere V. ser bella y tener salud? is exactly the same text as Salud y belleza and this is also true of the two books on ser amada '' and the '' tocador '' While I have not examined Modelos de cartas and Nuevos modelos de cartas because their content does not fall within the scope of this dissertation I assume that the correspondence of titles indicates that they are als o identica l texts The dates I have proposed for the Sempere w o rks indicate that their publication precedes the

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59 Sope n a editions I have not discovered any evidence that Sopena had the cooperation of either Sempere or Burgos in '' bor r owing '' the t e xt s. 4 0 Sopena s lists of Burgos s previously published works however mentions Al balc6n indicat i ng that the Sopena books post date its probable date of publication in 1913 or 1914 As might be expected however they do not include the parallel Sempere titles published prior to Al balc6n They do incorporate El arte de ser mujer published by the Sociedad Espanola de Libreria for which Nunez Rey suggests the year 1920 Since El arte de ser mujer accordingly pre dates the Sopena series either its date must be earlier than 1920 or that series must be later t han the estimated 1917 There are only a few minor differences betw e en the texts in the two series Sopena consistently uses a larger font ; as a result their editions have more pages and the Indices have been appropriately re numbered In the Prologue to Sempere s El tocador practico which Burgos calls '' Dos palabras '' she cites her own Salud y belleza '' publicada por esta Casa Editorial '' (vii) The same '' Dos palabras '' appears in the Sopena GQuiere V ? ve r sion but without the citation referring to another Sempere text In Salud y belleza the word '' Sprit '' is used to discuss '' coqueteria '' (Chapter XXI) ; the spelling has been changed to 4 Carlos Serrano suggested that the practice existed by which Sopena might have bought the rights to this series from Sempere ( conversation 25 March 1998)

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60 '' Esprit '' in 2,Quiere V ser bella y tener salud? Sempere s edition of El tocador practico was published with an error in the '' Indice '' numbering from Chapter VII to IX and omitting VIII ; it ends with XXIII and an '' Apendice .'' Sopena has corrected that mistake ending with XXII and the '' Apendice '' and has reversed the order of a few of the chapters As a consequence Chapter XIV on '' Los oj os '' in the Sempere edition becomes XII in the Sopena version thus maintaining '' Los cuidados de la boca '' as XIII in both texts. Similarly by moving '' La belleza de la mano '' from XVII in the Sempere text to XV '' Cul tura especial del cuerpo '' is kept as XVI in both texts In this case Sopena has used the same font as Sempere for chapter headings sub-headings and text ; the two texts appear almost identical Sopena begins the text a little higher on the page however with the effect that the page breaks fall in slightly different places in each I also observed that in the chapter on '' Los oj os in Sempere s El tocador practico Burgos says '' Los vel o s son muy perjudiciales para la vista (131 emphasis mine ) ; this has been misspelled as '' vellos '' in the Sopena edition ( 148). It is tempting to speculate that this work because of the similar physical appearance of both texts was the first to be re used by Sopena It can be suggested that perhaps in subsequent editions and as a result of complaints from either Burgos or Sempere Sopena decided to adopt a

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61 different appearance for their texts The only evidence I have seen of Burgos s cognizance of and perhaps participation in the Sopena series is the statement mentioned above in the Sernpere '' Obras cornpletas '' edition of La cocina practica in which speaking of herself in the third person, she cites both La Cocina Moderna and iQuiere V. corner Bien? '' as '' sus libros '' ( title page ) In any case it is clear that by re-issuing Burgos s works for women readers Sopena had recognized their popularity and consequently, taken advantage of the possibility of securing their portion of the female audience for his editorial. Conclusions Without knowing the degree of collaboration that occurred among Burgos Sernpere and Sopena we cannot determine whether the publication of Burgos s texts under different titles by different publishers involved deceit It may well have resulted in additional payments from Sopena t o Burg o s By modern standards it appears lacking in creative integrity but it is incumbent on the reader not to condemn Burgos's possible role in the process of double marketing her work Rather this discovery is new evidence of the measures Burg o s might have been compelled t o undertake in o rder t o forge a financially beneficial literary career The distribution of her work by two well known companies provided Burgos with the opportunity to be ass o ciated with great Spanish and foreign writers it

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62 disseminated her work through Barcelona as well as Valencia c re ated a potential following of women readers who might also read her novellas and almost certainly p r ovided her with needed income. Since Burgos apparently made her initial contact with Sempere shortly after her newspaper article on divorce at a time when both her personal reputation and her teaching career were under attack the impetus to claim expertise in the education of women and to identify herself with them by writing on domestic matters is clear. Her statements on divorce in the press had moved her into the ranks of that feminismo exagerado ... esa promiscuidad feminista of which Ledesma Hernandez had warned in the Prologue to her first work Ensayos literarios only a few years earlier. All authors are to a certain extent in search of a readership and as a result susceptible to the pressures of the tastes of the public The high illiteracy rate among women meant that Burgos writing for women had a smaller potential pool of readers than her male colleagues In addition she was financially constrained to as Ledesma Hernandez had said '' vi vir del favor del publico '' Writing a domestic series for Sempere was the kind of '' oportunidad '' referred to by Ledesma Hernandez whereby Burgos would probably gain readers but lose '' en subjetivismo y en independencia .'' As I will discuss in the next chapter her textual comments t o Sempere in the Pro l ogue to La cocina

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63 mod er na aver that '' El A r te no es un arte pu r o y libre .... (Ledesma Hernandez v) The significance of two major publishe r s considered by Mainer to be an integral part of '' la ruptura mode r nista '' '' sharing '' Burgos s work is I believe appa r ent Mainer s portrait of '' La Edad de Plata '' overlooks the increasing female readership of which those publishers were obviously well aware presenting instead a unidimensional view of a male presumably intellectual audience Sempere and Sopena made a deliberate effort to assemble a female constituency to the extent that they both publicized Burgos as one of their authors Although Sempere published Burgos s fiction as well as her nonfiction it was her '' how to '' books that he specifically directed to the female audience by including them under the rubric '' Biblioteca para la muj er .'' His vision of female readers then was one of women who needed or desired to improve their domestic skills In the following chapter I shall conside r Sempere s proposal to Burgos that she write a cookbook an offer someone in her economic position was not likely to refuse As a woman who was responsible for the financial support of herself and her child she would certa i nly have been susceptible to economic oppression which m i ght have led her to accept such an assignment Burgos lived in a strongly patriarchal society in which women were cultu r ally dominated denied legal rights and stereotyped as uniquely

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64 designed for and capable of only familial and domestic duties The scarcity of women in the literary world deprived Burgos as well as Sempere of models for a female author s literary production These '' messages of inferiority '' are what Bartky calls '' special modes of psychic alienation ( 23 ) The following chapter will consider whether Burgos s domestic manuals express such psychic alienation or instead testify to the author s conscious appraisal of her literary circumstances

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CHAPTER 3 WRITING DOMESTICITY AND PROBLEMS OF AUTHORSHIP Introduction Burgos s nontraditional life made her susceptible to attack on many levels It is possible that she contributed to the misconceptions and controversy which characterized her as an individual by furnishing misleading details about her life. 1 Her character was probably publicly blemished as well by such contemporaries as Cansinos-Assens who later perpeuated the innuendoes in his diaries 2 The tendency for 1 The misunderstanding regarding Burgos s age is an example of confusion she created : her colleagues at El liberal maintained that she was born in 1879 which seems to have been the information she gave Nunez Rey determined however that Burgos was baptized in 1867 so 1867 is now accepted as that of her birth Starcevic points out the disparities perpetuated by texts which mention Burgos : Granjel assigned Burgos s birth to 1879 Cejador to 1876 and the Diccionario de Literatura espanola edited by the Revista de Occidente to 1878 (Defensora 39 ) Starcevic s text suggests that Burgos might have hoped to make her relationship with G6mez de la Serna (1888-1963) less scandalous at least to their literary colleagues by narrowing their age difference 2 Nunez Rey frequently demonstrates the inaccuracy of Cansinos s remarks For example she explains his assertion that Burgos traveled to America during World War I to escape a scandal provoked by the publication of El abogado in which Eduardo Barriobero apparently recognized himself as the title character Nunez Rey points out that the novel in question was not published until 1915 and that Burgos s trip took place in 1913 thanks to a grant from the Junta de Ampliaci6n de Estudios She asserts that Cansinos s information is based on los juicios insidiosos que difundian los maledicentes '' and laments that '' las memorias 65

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66 members of the literary establishment to po r t r ay Burgos in a negative manner has continued even into the last decade of the twentieth centu r y In Juan Manuel de Prada s 1997 novel Las mascaras del heroe the protagonist impugns Burgos s honesty and morality as had Cansinos Assens 3 Federico de Cansinos ofrecieram [sic] una imagen tan deformada de la auto r a '' ( 5 8 ) Cansinos was a contemporary of Burgos but La novela de un literate was written in 1957 at the behest of Aguilar The three-volume work covering the years from 1882 to 1936 was purportedly based on his diaries 3 In de Prada s novel the fictional protagonist/narrator Pedro Luis de Galvez (who was a real author in that period) calls Burgos an '' escri tor a sin gracia partidaria acerrima de una republica federal sufragista y algo machorra ." In a single sentence de Prada s character reiterates the canonical defamations of Burgos maligning her writing her politics and her femininity He continues impugning her honesty as well as her appearance : '' Firmaba Carmen de Burgos sus obras con el seud6nimo de Colombine que p a recia haber elegido su enemigo mas burl6n pues nada recordaba en la esc r itora esa aura de inquietante misterio que atribuimos a la amada de Pier r ot Ella se excusaba con etimologias latinas : -Firmo Colombine porque en mi coraz6n late una paloma. Podria latirle una paloma o un guacamayo de la selva amaz6nica pero a la envoltura de carne le sobraban arrobas por los cuatro costados Carmen de Burgos Colombine recorria los Circulos Culturales pronunciando confe r encias para un publico femenino en las que se empezaba vindicando el divorcio y se terminaba en medio de un frenesi de aplausos instaurando un regimen de matriarcado donde nose excluyesen el amor safico y la castraci6n Antes de aceptarla como inquilina mi pad r e le hizo prometer que no llevaria al caser6n compafiias poco recomendables ni organizaria saraos tumultuosos Colombine no vacil6 : --Se lo prometo pierda usted cuidado Pero por supuesto incumpli6 su promesa desde el primer dia '' ( 51) Contrary to the accusations de Prada attributes to his narrator my investigation has not revealed any evidence of support by Burgos for homosexual love nor castration although she did sanction heterosexual unmarried unions De Prada s attribution of the these words to someone who was a well known author at the time is particularly damaging to

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67 Utrera s Memorias de Colombine : la primera periodista (1998) is a more sympathetic treatment of her place in the early twentieth-century Spanish literary world but the author s incorporation of the words of others for example Cansinos Assens s into what is purportedly Burgos s narrative merely continues the misinformation that surrounds her 4 Because of Burgos's controversial progressive views she was particularly vulnerable to conservative attempts to discredit her political opinions as well as her behavior Such criticism accelerated after the Spanish Civil War with revelations of her participation in the Masonic movement anathema to Franco s project for a Spain rooted in traditional Roman Catholic doctrine (Billoch) 5 It was inevitable that attacks on Burgos s ideology would have Burgos 4 Utrera writes the Memorias as if he were Burgos thus adding autobiographical authenticity to a text which often relies upon other sources He attributes the following clearly based upon Cansino Assens's text to her : '' El joven poliglota tiene la imagen de mi que corre por Madrid : Colombine la dama roja la .. bueno la antigua de Blasco Ibanez que dispone como de cosa propia de la editorial Sempere '' ( 72 ) 5 Billoch' s article states that Burgos founded '' La Logia Amor ''' 2 December 1931 (84 ) In the article female Masonic lodges are accused of intensifying '' el fervor laico entre sus afiliadas Los discursos las frases todo tiende a cultivar la rebeldia espiritual de la mujer a emanciparla de la llamada tirania religiosa ( 74) In addition they were purported to stimulate the passions. The women sang songs which 'harian enroj ecer a un mono '' ( 7 5) The article was published 31 August 1939 which it states, was the '' Afio de la victoria '' Thus the political perspective from which the article was written is clear

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68 carried over to denigrate her writing Burgos s place as an author however should ultimately be determined by the literary choices she could and did make Ideological paradoxes in Burgos s ob ra have been pointed out by a modern critic of Spanish turn of the century literature Maria Pilar Rodriguez In a 1998 article she writes that Burgos s refutation of los principios fundamentales de la independencia femenina, is incongruous with her recommendation of el matrimonio y la maternidad como la formula mas deseable de desarrollo femenino in the domestic manuals (382) This dissertation examines similar issues but it locates Burgos within the context of her marginal position as one of the rare women trying to fashi on an economically viable writing career. It conside rs Burgos s authorship of instructional literature for women in the context of her economic state her desire to write and the dominance of the domestic ideology. This chapter will focus on the principal problems o f authorship which have surrounded Burgos s production of domestically oriented lite ra ture for women The insinuations of others have frequently stimulated questions about Burgos's credibility ; those issues will be examined The chapter will scrutinize as well some of Burgos s statements on her creative role in the production of prescriptive literature for women

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69 In the practical texts Burgos often utilizes extra textual material such as Prologues and Introductions to comment on her role as author of literatu r e designed for the female reader Such glossing explicates her position vis a vis the content of the text to follow This chapter will examine several of the extra-textual statements in which Burgos expresses differing attitudes toward the value of the work she is producing thus indicating a tension between her actual output and her desired literary goals Through an interrogation of the '' Carta Pr6logo '' to La cocina moderna, it will develop an interpretation of Burgos s authorial position as she perceived it early in her career An examination of the '' Preliminar '' to El arte de seducir written after Burgos had produced some fictional texts reveals her consciousness that instructional manuals for women were called '' fri vol a y ligera '' Prologue : '' i Diablo de Sempere '' Conversations in which an author and an editor delineate the text they are producing are often kept between them. In the case of the editorial dialogue between Carmen de Burgos and Francisco Sempere, however readers are let in more than once on her side of the discussion 6 In a '' Carta Pr6logo to La cocina moderna [1906 1909] Burgos putatively 6 Another occasion in which Burgos directly addressed Sempere is the '' Dedicatoria '' to him in Al balc6n [ 1913?] a collection of articles which had previously appeared in various newspapers. Since it does not relate to the practical manuals it will not be discussed here

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70 responds to a letter from Sempere requesting that she prepare a cookbook As Burgos s second work in the Sempere series of practical works for women La cocina moderna is evidence of his continuing interest in employing her as a regular contributor. 7 It is obvious from the publication of the work that Burgos agreed to undertake it but the Carta Pr6logo insinuates that she did not wish to associate her name with a cookbook without commenting on her decision to do so Burgos s public response provides a unique perspective on her attitude toward the authorship of this and by extension, other practical manuals she prepared Written early in her career this Prologue reveals Burgos s consciousness of her position in the literary hierarchy This section will analyze the Prologue as a statement of the self conscious position Burgos takes as an author in Sempere s Serie practica para la mujer In the ''Carta Pr6logo '' Burgos apprises the (presumably female ) reader that Sempere s demanda de escribir un libro de cocina evoked in her a '' [ s J orpre sa grandisima '' ( v } A modern reader who has been exposed to feminist literary interpretations might anticipate such a reaction from a well known journalist with a history of supporting expanded rights for women. Burgos intimates however that her surprise does not spring from indignation at being asked to 7 Modelos de cartas was the first

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71 prepare such a traditionally '' female '' work She diffe r entiates herself from her arrogant {presumably male ) colleagues '' genios al uso '' writing : '' [f] uera genio al uso y mi sorpresa llegaria al enojo capaz de romper la antigua y leal amistad asombro de autores que no conocen editor tan rumboso y campechano ... '' ( v ) 8 Unlike the temperamental geniuses in style at that time who might have been offended by Sempere s request Burgos s response is purportedly caused by his divination of her cooking ability : "i Diablo de Sempere! ... ha adivinado que guiso mejor que escr ibo '' Burgos structures a comparison between two of her talents in which her culinary abilities transcend her writing skills What explanations can be offered for the fact that a journalist like Burgos who had published three books and was writing daily articles for Madrid newspapers on a variety of topics would praise her domestic proficiency at the expense of her writing expertise? A possible interpretation is found in Sand r a Bartky s definition of women s psychic alienation as it appears in Femininity and Domination. She explains that psychologically oppressed groups among which she includes colonized peoples and women '' come to exercise harsh 8 My interpretation of this sentence is based on an understanding of '' fuera '' as the imperfect subjunctive of the verb ser that is '' [ si yo ] fuera .... '' It should be remembered that gen io suggests both talent and bad temper

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72 dominion over their own self esteem (22) Burgos was ope r ating in a domain -writing -dominated by the group of genios to which she alludes in the Prologue Her condition as a '' colonized '' subject in that realm might explain her apparently enthusiastic affirmation of Sempere s presumption of domestic competence Furthermore to her literary contemporaries as well as the public Burgos s name affixed to the translation of Moebius s La inferioridad mental de la mujer must have associated her with the prevailing ideology : Moebius contended that women had smaller brains than men and that, as a result, they were incapable of rational thought His text was considered by many to be the scientific proof justifying the continued restriction of women to the domestic sphere Although Burgos did not accept that his research confirmed women's inferiority neither did she contest the underlying premise of biological determinism and women s domestic destiny 9 How then could she and other 9 In the '' Pr6logo de la traductora '' to La inferioridad mental Burgos makes clear her negative view of Moebius s work stating that she tried to despojar[se] de todos los prej uicios '' because '' era tan to el escandalo de que venia precedido ( 5 ) She asserts contrary to the author s conclusions that translating a controversial work of science does not intimidate her : '' pude penetrar seriamente en las deducciones atrevidas del neur6pata (5) Burgos avoids directly confronting the issue of '' a qu~ sexo corresponde la superioridad mental '' yet casts doubt on Moebius s conclusions asserting that el autor no logra llevar al espiritu un completo convencimiento sin duda porque la antropologia y la biologia nose hallan aun asaz adelantadas para sentar principios absolutos (10) Nonetheless she does not challenge the notion of gender

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73 women claim th a t their writing skills which required r ational thought and worldly experiences merited the awarding of literary contracts? Cooking unlike journalism was situated within the supposedly intuitive realm for which women were purported to be biologically suited. A long cultural tradition had equipped them to move comfortably in that zone in which they were expected to both achieve and profess mastery It is certainly possible that early in her career Burgos found writing to be a more arduous exercise than cooking Under such circumstances she may well have been voicing genuine doubts about her authorial ability to meet the writing expectations of an editor as significant as Sempere It is obvious that Burgos eventually became aware of the implications of authorial weakness inherent in this statement. Sempere s Obras cornpletas (1925?] re edition of La cocina practica was promoted on the title page as Esta edici6n UNICA recomendada p a r su autora contiene seleccionadas y corregidas todas las formulas de sus libros La cocina modern& y 2.Quiere V corner bien? '' It advertised determined roles writing that [l]a diversa aptitud de los dos sexos no indica inferioridad en ninguno de ellos sino modalidades diferentes arrn6nicas y necesarias para la rnarcha de la hurnanidad ( 10) Furthermore she affirms the essentialist concept that la mujer tiene un papel activo de excepcional irnportancia admirablemente determinado dentro de s u sex o '' ( 11 )

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74 t h e inclusion of the '' Carta Pr6logo a la primer a edicion '' 10 While the impression created is that the Prologue is reprinted from that edition it now states iDiablo de Sempere! GComo ha adivinado que guiso lo mismo que escribo? (emphasis added) As a more established author, Burgos apparently no longer deemed it necessary to profess the superiority of her cooking skills It is likely however that Burgos s averred humility early in her career was the result of a pragmatic appraisal of her position in the literary hierarchy The rare woman author in Spain was at constant risk of societal condemnation, open to being called anything from '' rna r isabidilla '' to '' marimacho '' And Burgos had taken on the traditionally male role of sustaining home and family, making her femininity especially susceptible to censure She could hope to minimize such criticism by emphasizing her commonality with other housewives and by downplaying her worldly experience As a result she locates her proficiency in the kitchen instead of at the desk assuring Sempere in the letter that the ~aragraphs she is sending are '' muestra elocuente de mi culinaria erudici6n '' (vi ) Her previous expression of authorial modesty then appears to be a deliberate prise de p o siti o n aimed more at her readers than at Sempere the stated destinatari o of the letter. 1 0 It is interesting to note that this text evidences the participation of Ramon Gomez de la Serna : a drawing showing Spain s regional specialties bears his signature

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75 Thus it is poss i ble that Burgos genuinely lacked the confidence to proclaim he r expe r tise in the field for which she was publicly kno w n but it is more likely that she cannily structured a niche from which she could assert her domestic authority to other women 11 Such a stra t egy would explain why she chooses to insist on her cooking prowess praising her culinary abilities in both national and foreign dishes capaces de hacer que se chupen los dedos los que los saboreen ." Rather than emphasize her reputation as a hostess of sophisticated literary tertulias she focuses instead on her domestic life writing that her pleasure comes viendo el gusto y apetito con que los [platos] rebafia mi familia ." In an early twentieth century Spanish context Burgos s reference to her family sitting around the table licking their fingers to fully savor her meals would have evoked the image of a happy domestic scene of a mother a father and several children In Burgos s case however the husband and father was absent ; thus the family consisted of herself her daughter and sometimes her sister Catalina It is not known whether in Burgos s early yea r s in Madrid her audience would have been aware that she h a d initiated the separation which resulted in her single parent status 11 It is interesting to note that after Emilia Pardo Bazan s less than successful attempt to structu r e a Biblioteca de la mujer on feminist readings she produced two cookbooks Modern editions are still available in Madrid

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76 Nevertheless at the very least the woman who would be advising other women from the pages of this book was known by the time of its publication for her newspaper articles her teaching her travel and her stand in favor of divorce. While her nontraditional paradigm presumably would not be a problem for the editor contracting with her for her writing expertise her audience might well have noticed the discontinuity between her life and her recornrnendations 12 It is perhaps to counter potential criticism that Burgos reassures Sempere that she finds domestic tasks very important: '' Le confieso a usted en secreto que a veces dej o la pluma porque siento la nostalgia de la cocina .'' Of course this ostensibly secret confession to Sempere was not secret at all for the inclusion of the letter in the text opens it to her readers as well Lacking the resources to employ others, necessity may have occasionally drawn Burgos 12 The similarity to Martha Stewart a contemporary '' diva of domesticity '' who has also separated from her husband comes to mind Stewart whose career situates her in the public eye must have difficulty sustaining for herself the domestic values she espouses Indeed if she finds domesticity as rewarding as she claims why has she persevered in committing herself to a sphere which necessitates the abandonment of her own hearth? Aside from whatever personal motivation she might have it is reported that her empire is worth about $150 million In a television interview, Bryant Gumble suggested that Stewart spends most of her time on the set of her television studio in Westport Connecticut a replica of her home kitchen (Stewart)

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back to the kitchen 13 It is unlikely however given the effort with which she constructed her writing career that she longed to abandon it to return to her former domestic situation. But this confession true or not would have inspired empathy for Burgos from her female public ; her professed yearning to substitute their work for hers would have reaffirmed their housewifely value Burgos utilizes the Prologue to La cocina moderna in order to position her authorship of the text within the context of her relationship to Sempere In praising their friendship she flatters him as generous and genial 77 Sempere had helped her by publis hing a volume which included her Rome lecture on '' La mujer en Espana '' [1906] together with the laudatory comments Burgos received in the Spanish, French and Italian press In the speech Burgos attacked the traditional Catholic doctrine on the role of women and reiterated her support for divorce 14 The apparent 13 Burgos's sister Catalina lived with her in Madrid facilitating Carmen's career by assuming some of the domestic responsibilities of the household 14 The lecture was given in the Asociaci6n de la Prensa Italiana on 28 April 1906. In it Burgos claimed that women were not the '' escorpiones venenosos y perniciosas hidras de que huian los padres de la Iglesia '' nor the '' encarnaci6n de una castidad contraria a la Naturaleza (31) She asserted that the lack of divorce is a greater disadvantage to women than to men and publicized her book Divorcio en Espana Burgos raised several other controversial issues in the speech emphasizing the difference between la leyenda del pais de ope re ta que se sue le presentar '' and '' la realidad tristisima '' of Spanish women (10) She addressed the poverty and servidumbre of rural women particularly in Andalucia ; the inequality of the distribution of wealth

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78 acceptance of such controversial no t ions in the homeland of Catholicism would likely have facilitated Burgos s opportunity to voice similar ideas in Spain Moreover since Burgos had experienced difficulties with the educational system and the Ca t holic Church before leaving Spain Sempere s support would presumably have made it more difficult for those institutions to censure her publicly It is clear from the '' Carta pr6logo '' that Sempere is offering Burgos the opportunity to write a second book in what would be a developing series of practical guides for women Her economic circumstances were a constant concern for Burgos and this must have been a very attractive proposal The chances for success of this book and the possibility of writing more would be enhanced by cultivating her credibility as an advisor to other women Potential benefits inhered in her ability to rep r esent the dominant masculinist ideology she apparently repudiated among the Spanish regions and classes ; and feudal aspects of Spanish culture She lamented the lack of physical education for women and the absence of coeducation which perpetuated a male vision of women as '' mi tad odalisca mi tad virgen cristiana '' ( 41 ) Yet while denouncing that stereotype Burgos echoes another in denying women the right to vote : '' aho r a darle el derecho de voto es poner un arma peligrosa en manos de un nifio '' She moderates that infantilization '' Claro que no por ser mujer sino por ser ignorante (46) Nevertheless the connection between women and juvenile behavior has been made While proclaiming that '' el porvenir depende de la uni6n y la competencia es perjudicial siempre ," (20 21) she attacks '' el ejercito de feministas exaltadas '' (30) who in her opinion suffer the funestos delirios de igualdad entre los dos sexos '' ( 30 )

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79 That realization no doubt encouraged Burgos to downplay the difference between the wage earning public path she was pursuing and the unpaid private one she would write for others The possible reward for convincing both Sempere and readers of her appreciation for and abilities as a buena duena de casa '' was great ( La muj er en el hogar) She appeared to be taking to heart Ledesma Hernandez s warning that el escritor que se decide a buscar lectores tiene que vivir del favor del publico ... '' (v) '' [A] cepto el encargo ... '' Since Burgos had already challenged the ideology of domesticity in her writing as well as in her personal life her authorship of a book on cooking could not but present ideological problems Cooking especially in homes without servants implied women s work within the domestic space ; authoring a cookbook could be seen as supporting their restriction to that realm Accordingly while praising herself in the '' Carta Pr6logo '' as an appropiate choice to author the book Burgos also distances herself from the project underscoring Sempere s role as its initiator Figuratively placing her discourse within brackets she opens and closes by remarking that he has asked her to undertake the preparation of this cookbook Her Prologue is virtually a contractual agreement to the terms he has proposed which she makes clear in her closing words :

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'' acepto el encargo de arreglar el libro de cocina que me indica '' '' [H]ace de la pluma aguja '' 80 Drawing immediate attention to her inferior position in the editor-author power relationship Burgos s first sentence states that preparing a cookbook is '' nada de extraordinario '' for one who '' trabajando como obrera hace de la pluma aguja para ganar el sustento ." This metaphor is best explained in light of the historical circumstances of working women in early twentieth century Spain The need to work was considered humiliating for women of all but the lowest classes but some work for literate women was gaining a limited degree of respectability The job of costurera or seamstress remained low in the employment hierarchy : it indicated a complete lack of academic education and the need to perform domestic tasks for other women rather than for oneself 15 Burgos considered the tedious work of clothing repair as particularly monotonous having referred to it in a a 1904 work which will be discussed below as the pesado trabajo de costura (Moderno tratado de labores 2) Yet she claimed to regard more artistic sewing las labores as '' obras de arte '' which '' satisfacen la aspiraci6n de realizar la belleza y sirven de entretenimiento agradable en la vida 15 Burgos illustrates the position of costurera within the hierarchy of female employment in La rampa

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81 mon6tona que la muj er est a generalmente obligada a soportar '' ( 2 ) In referring to herself as a costurera Burgos leaves behind her roles as journalist and intellectual Her pen becomes a wage earning tool ; like the needle it may be a creative one but it is limited in its authority and potential for gaining artistic and financial recognition By implying that she is undertaking this project as if it were an allotment of piecework she also implies that she regards her authorial possibilities as restricted thus indicating her lack of autonomy within the male-dominated literary power structure Moreover by portraying herself as an obrera she equates herself to other women of restricted possibilities thereby endeavoring to ingratiate herself to them The processes of both writing and reading this text involve the repetition of language that as Leo Bersani writes "' doesn t merely describe identity but actually produces moral and perhaps even physical identity "' (qtd in Gilbert and Gubar 11) By preparing a cookbook Burgos reproduces the ideology which assumes that domestic chores are uniquely women s responsibility Furthermore modeling women s innate suitability for the domestic role she appears to advocate the tenets of biological essentialism prevalent in her day At the same time she supports the notion that many women need assistance to better perform the

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82 domestic role allotted them by society in spite of their being according to the same sources uniquely suited for it This text like other practical manuals she wrote is generated by but also produces a domesticating process Burgos s contract to prepare this book is a tacit agreement that she will participate in that process but she partially resists proclaiming the text hers By insisting on Sempere s paternity of the text she attributes to him at least part of the responsibility for recreating the model of the '' angel of the hearth .'' From the perspective of modern feminist criticism Burgos s consciousness of the similarity between the pen and the needle evokes Gilbert and Gubar s comparison of the pen to the sword Addressing the creative process among nineteenth-century women authors they say that the pen is not only mightier than the sword it is also like the sword in its power -i ts need even -to kill .'' They link this destructive attribute of the pen to '' metaphorical maleness '' ( 14} The needle while traditionally considered a female tool possesses physical attributes similar to those of the sword Unlike the sword s connection to maleness and destruction however the needle s association with women s hands links it to creativity and production Yet particularly in Burgos s era it often signified women s

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83 labor performed in the domestic territory and in the service of others As such it implied a restricted dominion For Burgos as the following pages will show it is an appropriate signifier of her conditions of authorship in early twentieth-century Spain : literary creation is not impossible but it is circumscribed by the omnipresence of domesticity and by male domination of literary production An examination of one of Burgos s first books Moderno tratado de labores (1904 ) contributes to a clarification of her understanding of the role of the needle in the production and economy of the turn of the century Spanish woman This small volume is an illustrated instruction manual for decorative hand stitching 16 In it Burgos advocates the continued teaching of this traditional subject in the schools and urges women to persist in learning and practicing it These recommendations appear to support domestically oriented educational goals for women but Burgos s emphasis is another She wishes to promote the aesthetic advantages of hand made over machine made objects In this context the manual becomes a defense of hand sewing traditionally creative and often income producing for women from competition by the sewing machine 16 In the text Burgos differentiates '' labores de adorno '' such as '' bordados '' from '' la costura calceta remiendos zurcidos etc ." (3) She considers labores an art form for which it is necessary to study '' la pintura y la perspecti va '' ( 4)

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84 Sewing machines had recently been modernized to use electric rather than pedal power leading to a process of relocation from home to factory where electricity could be better utilized As public places factories were not considered appropriate locations for women s work ; if this trend continued unchecked men would gain economic and creative control in a historically female domain Their objects would be assembled at greater speed than hand sewn ones but would be of lower quality and less artistic merit Hand-stitching enabled women to produce both decorative and utilitarian objects in the private sphere They could acquire the skill in school or from each other ; as such it was work available to various socio-economic levels Middle class women for whom '' real '' ( income-producing) employment was not an option could demonstrate their economic value and satisfy to a certain extent their artistic bent by fabricating items for their homes Upper class women could allow lower-class women into their homes to stitch for them ; there they would presumably be able to work under safe conditions It was therefore considered an appropriate form of productivity and one in which some women helped others to improve their economic circumstances The sewing machine represented a possible threat to one of the few income producing domains reserved for females ; in celebrating the benefits of hand sewing Burgos is also

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85 attempting to protect the limited empowerment available to them For Burgos a needle in a woman s hand represents a realm of artistic creativity that is restricted in its possibilites less rewarded and endangered by male dominance but for all that it is women s domain In this light the needle is a metaphor applicable to Burgos s literary production of practical manuals : she would write on domestic topics assigned to women authors by publishers like Sempere yet she would attempt to protect and expand women s options through them ; she would rely upon them for her sustenance ; and she would recognize that she was in this genre a '' worker '' and not an '' author .'' '' Necesidad de guia '' Burgos s Prologue to La cocina moderna confirms Sempere s active involvement in the selection of the theme for at least one of the conduct manuals written early in the series Nonetheless in a later text La mujer jardinero Burgos suggests in the Introduction that una biblioteca para la mujer tan completa como la que ofrece esta Casa was incomplete without a book on gardening Although she hints at having played some part in the choice of this or other topics it is important to assign responsibility for thematic decisions in the Sempere and Sopena series with caution : the titles of Burgos s texts cannot be assumed to

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accurately represent her individual literary choices vis a vis the '' necesidad de guia '' of Spanish women (de Le6n 9) 17 86 The topics whether chosen by Burgos or Sempere would have been predicated on the assumption that the growing female readership would respond to a perceived informational vacuum in corresponding areas Since Sopena (and Burgos s other publishers) also solicited and reproduced these instructional texts we can assume that women indeed bought them and read them Their titles delineate an area in which Burgos s publishers and probably to a lesser extent Burgos herself assumed women s interest to reside At the least they reflect the author s complicity in the literary system which determined that turn of the-century Spanish women '' needed '' guidance toward the '' better '' womanhood to which Bartky refers. The titles of Burgos s conduct texts are less coercive than that of La perfecta casada in insinuating that a woman concentrate solely on becoming a '' perfect wife .'' They do nevertheless proclaim that the domestic sphere is at the 17 This citation from Fray Luis de Leon s La perfecta casada appears in the following context : '' Este nuevo estado en que Dios ha puesto a vuestra merced sujetandola a las leyes del sancto matrirnonio aunque es como camino real mas abierto y menos trabajoso que otros pero no carece de sus dificultades y malos pasos yes camino adonde se tropieza tambien y se peligra y yerra y que tiene necesidad de guia como las demas .... '' ( 9) Since the Sopena series was a republication of texts prepared for the Sempere series Burgos s degree of thematic choice is an equal concern in both

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87 nucleus of the Biblioteca para la mujer 18 Titles such as El arte de ser amada and La mujer en el hogar presuppose as clearly as does La perfecta casada that women s fulfillment lies in acquiring a man and a home of her own 19 In light of women s limited property rights and earning potential the only culturally acceptable option was to marry In order to be assured a domestic domain in which she could play a role albeit fixed she needed to appear attractive as a spouse Burgos s preparation of an extensive corpus dedicated to this end the inventory of the texts in her other works (including novels) and the choice to write many of them under her real name certainly identify her with the advancement of the dominant domestic ideology The multiple editions of these texts (produced by Sopena and others) cause them to represent a substantial proportion of Burgos s literary corpus 20 Their significance however must be framed within the context of 18 Sempere also published Burgos s fiction so it cannot be assumed that he considered this Serie Practica to be the only reading suitable for women These texts however are grouped together and titled so as to create the impression of their unique appropriateness for the woman reader 19 Burgos s earliest text to challenge traditional domesticity El divorcio en Eseana (1904) was not published by Sempere Neither was La muJer moderna y sus derechos (1927) As a result the Biblioteca para la mujer maintains its domestic homogeneity 20 It appears that Burgos authored 27 practical manuals when the multiple editions re prints and updated versions are counted When they are subtracted however the quantity is reduced to 16

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88 Burgos s place as a colonized subject in the Spanish culture of the early twentieth century and particularly in that of the literary establishment By leaving her husband and undertaking a writing career Burgos did indeed initiate what Bartky calls feminist changes in behavior It may well be however that the economic oppression she suffered and her marginal position in the literary world prevented her from developing a '' radically altered consciousness '' of herself (12) '' Libros originales '' '' Arreglos '' '' Traducciones '' Burgos s statements in the Prologue to La cocina moderna insinuate that she was cognizant of occupying an ambiguous position : that of writing as an authority to other women on traditionally female topics while fashioning for herself a traditionally male career This Prologue is but one example of the extra-textual information which contributes to the impression of a problematic association between Burgos and the practical manuals In some cases it is not Burgos s extra textual discourse but rather the paucity or contradictory character of such paratextual data as bibliographic information which complicates the study of her connection to the instructional texts Chapter 2 of this dissertation addresses such problems as the difficulty of establishing a chronology of Burgos s works resulting from the absence of publication dates and the republication of texts. In addition some of

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89 the paratextual in f ormation in Burgos s texts is cha r acterized by discrepancies obscuring the particulars of her degree of creative responsibility In Burgos s works the text is frequently preceded by lists of her previous writings and appearances ; it is likely that this information was prepared by the publisher Such enumerations of the practical manuals often create an additional impediment to discerning Burgos s creative role for they sometimes differ from one book to another These lists arrange Burgos s texts into several genres ; occasionally the works mentioned are only those published by the same editorial but often the inventory appears to be more complete The names of the divisions vary from text to text with the categories becoming more numerous as her career advances The classifications were expanded from four in La mujer en Espafia (Originales Conferencias Traducciones En preparaci6n) to nine in Quiero vivir mi vida (Novelas Viajes Criticas Novelas cortas Varios Conferencias Traducciones Biblioteca para la mujer En prensa) This dissertation has previously addressed the appearance of Modelos de cartas under the heading Traducciones in La mujer en Espafia (1906) Burgos s first work to be published by Sempere In 1931 Biblioteca Nueva published Burgos s last work the novel Quiero vivir mi

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90 vida 21 That edition contains an apparently complete three page bibliography of '' Obras de la autora '' in which Traducciones are itemized but do not include Modelos de cartas nor any conduct manual 22 Instead a separate category has been created for them Called Biblioteca para la muj er it is described as '' Numerosos libros originales y arreglos de obras practicas para la mujer como El tesoro de la belleza Vademecum femenino Las artes de la muj er>> <> etc etc '' 23 If Burgos had once considered Modelos a translation she (or her publisher) reconsidered that interpretation in a work of fiction published late in her career What circumstances of Burgos s authorial position might explain the relocation of Modelos de cartas from the category of translated works to a new one? And more importantly what are the modern implications of the apparently indiscriminate use of the terms '' libros originales '' '' arreglos '' and '' traducciones '' ? The significance of these terms will be discussed in the next section 21 Burgos dedicated this novel to Dr D Gregorio Marafi6n who wrote its Prologue 22 The habitual use of the Traducciones classification indicates that Burgos or her publishers considered them an important facet of her work 23 As this citation indicates the '' etc .'' appears in the text The grouping does not specify which works were considered to be '' arreglos '' and which to be '' libros originales ''

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91 '' Traducciones '' Chapter two of this dissertation addresses the issue of Burgos s participation in what some authors considered the undesirable '' business '' of translating Burgos unlike contemporaries such as Rafael Cansinos Assens neither denigrated nor concealed that aspect of her work Instead she proclaimed her role as translator on the title page of many works by well-known contemporaneous authors philosophers and scientists If Burgos did translate some or all of the Sempere/Sopena practical manuals only the initial placement of Modelos de cartas hints at that The label '' Traductora '' does not appear on the title page of any of the practical manuals as it frequently does on her better known translations It is likely that Burgos considered more distinguished the translation of modern literature and social and scientific theory than that of practical manuals for women And perhaps it suited her professional aims to be considered the author and not the translator of domestic manuals thus currying the favor of her female audience Her admission to relying on others for the kind of knowledge considered natural to women in early twentieth century Spain would not have ingratiated her to those supporting the dominant ideology Her translation of such works would perhaps even be considered a confession of dereliction of domestic responsibility In a culture replete with images of women

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92 as angels of the hearth failure to embody those virtuous qualities was likely to result in societal condemnation It is possible then that Burgos preferred to affirm her authority in domestic matters by denying her role as mere translator of these works During the course of writing this dissertation Maria del Carmen Simon Palmer disclosed to me that she suspected that Burgos s practical manuals might be translations That notion would partially explain my observation about the initial placement of Modelos de cartas Simon Palmer had not been aware of that detail but rather had derived her opinion from the conventional nature of titles such as El arte de ... '' which she noted were reminiscent of French titles of the period (personal interview) As a result of that conversation I examined volumes of the Catalogue General de la Librairie Fran9aise covering the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries While they include many titles beginning with the words L art de .. on a variety of subjects and by a variety of authors none are exact duplicates of Burgos s. This does not prove conclusively that Burgos s texts are not translations but it does reveal that '' L art de .... '' was common titular language This apparently fashionable wording could well have inspired Burgos to model her works after similar French ones

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93 Simon Palmer has obviously rethought this issue since publishing her comprehensive bibliography Escritoras espafiolas del siglo XIX in 1991 In that text she itemizes Burgos s translations of Roberto Bracco Helen Keller Max Nordau Paolo Mantegaza John Ruskin and others as well as the Moebius text She excludes the domestic conduct manuals from that category including them instead with Burgos s original works under the heading of '' Libros .'' The bibliography compiled most immediately following the actual publication of the majority of Burgos s books is the Catalogo General de la libreria espafiola e hispanoamericana published in 1932 and covering the years from 1901 to 1930 In it, works are arranged alphabetically by title under the author s name The bibliography includes such details as the names of the printer and publisher place of publication year of publication if available number of pages trim size price and sometimes an indication of the contents Each entry is numbered with the exception of the translations which are in the appropriate place in the alphabetical listing but are not assigned a catalogue number They are cross referenced to the actual author ; for example : -V Keller (Helen) Historia de mi vida muda, sorda, ciega .-Traducci6n ." (445) None of the conduct manuals is identified as a translation Another bibliographer from the first half of the twentieth-century Palau y Dulcet includes only the works

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94 Burgos supposedly authored The category of translations later included by Simon Palmer is absent from his list ; nevertheless the conduct manuals are included as Burgos s work 24 There is then a long bibliographic record attributing the practical manuals to Burgos : it begins with her declarations of authorship on the title pages of her texts and is reaffirmed in Tesoro de la belleza Volume 1 of her Obras completas published by Sempere It states that [l]a autora recomienda especialmente esta edicion de sus obras completas porque todos los tomos que la forman han sido revisados aumentados y modernizados cuidadosamente por ell a .'' The assumption of Burgos s responsibility for the works has been reiterated by the major bibliographers of the literature of that period including Simon Palmer There is no evidence to suggest that Burgos denied responsibility for the instructional manuals As I will discuss however she did utilize some of the Prologues and Introductions to comment on her relationship to the genre 24 It is important to note that absolute accuracy of information in these bibliographies cannot be assured The Catalogo 1 eneral for example identifies Ellas ellos o ellos e las published by Alrededor del Mundo in 1917 as a nove having 302 pages My examination revealed that the book is instead a collection of five novellas one of which is the title story which had been originally published the previous year as number 388 of Los Contemporaneos The text was not listed in Palau and was again called a novela by Simon Palmer

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95 '' Un libro mas de arreglos Es la vida '' In spite of the evidence I have cited that the practical manuals are not mere translations neither Burgos nor her publishers insist upon their complete originality Instead the texts are in a category identified as a mixture of original works and '' arreglos '' or arrangements Burgos s economic circumstances compelled her to produce at a prodigious rate ; thus it would not have been feasible for her to travel through Spain the rest of Europe and even America searching out original formulas for meals cosmetics and household management techniques It lS obvious that in many cases Burgos relied on other sources for such information I will discuss one such case El arte de/iQuiere V /ser amada in the next chapter It is often difficult to identify the origin of such commonly held domestic lore or wisdom as recipes or standards of ideal beauty 25 Burgos might well have considered that information to belong in the public domain 25 Kathy Peiss points out that in America '' resistance to commercially manufactured cosmetics was very high in the nineteenth century .... [S]uch fears were heightened by the centuries old tradition of using arsenic white lead and other toxic substances in powders and enamels Advice books often cautioned women ... to become their own manufacturer not only as a matter of economy but of safety ''' (145) As a result '' family keepsakes and formularies offered recipes to soften and whiten skin cure freckles and remove unwanted hair and were distributed to a wide range of Americans .... As was the case with medicinal remedies an oral tradition concerning hair and skin care probably comprised an aspect of women s culture (144-45) The situation in Spain would certainly have been similar

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96 It is highly unl i kely for example that Burgos s more canonically accepted contemporary Emilia Pardo Bazan had a test kitchen in which she created the recipes which appear in her cookbook yet her creativity has not been impugned 26 There is considerable evidence that the lines between original writing borrowing paraphrasing and translating slipped from blurry to nonexistent in that period 27 Therefore the significance of Burgos s practical manuals in revealing her position relative to the ideology of domesticity should not be underestimated Burgos rationalized her preparation of '' arreglos '' as a source of reliable income in the '' Preliminar '' to the first edition of El arte de seducir where as I mentioned in the previous chapter she utilized the pseudonym Condesa de C*** 28 Moreover she indicates their dubious fidelity to the pursuit of '' un arte puro y libre '' which Ledesma 26 In a conversation with Carlos Serrano he told me that it is known that Pardo Bazan s La novela rusa is a close adaptation of a French work by the Marquis de Vogue (1864 1927) Similarly the Spanish theater of the period relied heavily on '' adaptaciones '' that were really '' traducciones '' 27 Inman Fox told me that Pio Baroja and Azorin exchanged correspondence in which they addressed the need to write quickly for the novelas por entregas Moreover they traded information about characters they had created so that one could reuse a character originated by the other 28 The latter work although written by Burgos under the pseudonym '' Condesa de C*** '' and originally published in Madrid by the Sociedad Espanola de Libreria was incorporated in the Sempere Obras completas as Tesoro de belleza (arte de seducir) under Burgos s real name Thus I include it here

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97 Hernandez had suggested should be her goal 2 9 It may be that for some unknown reason Burgos utilized a false identity in order to conceal her authorship of this particular text The pen name is also a device which allows her to represent the plight of all women authors but the remarks are so germane to her that the ruse becomes transparent : 30 Un libro mas de arreglos Es la vida Entre la pasi6n de las novelas estos libros seguros y practicos parecen un deber de la escritora Sobre todo una sonrisa yen medio de esa sonrisa cierta aplicaci6n y cierta honradez para que el libro sea eficaz .... Nuestro lenguaje y nuestra fantasia en estos libros tienen que sacrificarse tienen que abandonar su brillantez y su misterio Nuestro lenguaje tiene que ser claro trivial y vulgarizador .... Es esta como una obra social a que se debe dedicar la escritora tratando a los personajes de la vida ... de otra manera mas llana que aquella con que trata a los personajes de las novelas (11). The inclusion of El arte de seducir now titled Tesoro de la belleza (arte de seducir) in the of 1924 Obras completas clearly marks it as Burgos s work It includes a new Prologue in which she echoes her previous words of apology re emphasizing her perception of the dichotomy between these useful texts and the passion and art of her novels : 29 In his Prologue to Ensayos literarios (v) 30 Burgos had been authoring novellas since 1907 so if this text dates from 1916 as the Biblioteca Nacional suggests she would have been well-known for both her fiction and her nonfiction work by that year

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Entre la pasi6n de las novelas y del arte estos libros seguros y practices parecen como un deber de la escritora .... La serie de estos libros de variados temas con su apariencia frivola y ligera encierra conocimientos utiles para la cultura de la muJer 98 While acknowledging that these texts are neither pure art nor entirely honest Burgos asserts their social value Furthermore she validates the role of women authors in the education of their presumably female readers Las mujeres nos debemos un poco a esta propaganda a divulgar la cultura entre las mujeres a fin de que sepan cuidar su casa sus hijos pequefios ... su marido enamorado .... [Es] una obra social a la que se debe dedicar ... la escritora .... No estoy arrepentida de haber escrito estos libros tan sencillos tan femeninos Si para ser escritora hubiera tenido que renunciar a ser mujer hubiera roto la pluma The defensive stance evident in this passage suggests that Burgos has discerned criticism of her authorial position in the literary establishment : she denies repentance for having written '' simple '' and '' feminine '' books in an era in which literature was praised in terms of its virile qualities Although writing was traditionally a male domain she continually asserted the feminine character of her work thus asserting the validity of nonmasculine alternatives By so doing she focused attention on the existence of female authors and readers Yet any woman who was knowledgeable and spoke or wrote with the didactic authority affirmed by Burgos was stepping beyond carefully drawn binary gender distinctions and risked societal

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condemnation as masculine By insisting on the femininity of her work Burgos attempts to preclude any definition of herself as masculine. 99 Moreover Burgos defends herself against accusations, such as those previously articulated by Ledesma Hernandez that feminist goals necessarily signify a distinta misi6n moral y social de ambos sexos [la que) pretende igualarlos en actividades y derechos y crear una sociedad hist6rica donde no haya preeminencias para ninguno ni autoridad ni por consiguiente familia ni Estado posibles (iii) She states that it is her obligation to : deshacer el prejuicio de que la mujer que se instruye lucha y trabaja es un ser aparte y para probar que no existe incompatibilidad entre el sentimiento y el cultivo del Arte y la sencillez en la vida In other words women should be able to educate themselves work and cultivate the arts without being marginalized by Spanish culture Burgos urges that the possibility of alternative behavior be included in the definition of female without forsaking the essentialist definition of woman s inherent sentimien to considered the foundation of maternal instincts She seeks to augment the potential attributes of women without shedding traditional connections with maternity and domesticity Emphasizing the distinct nature of texts destined for the female reader Burgos steadfastly re-claims her authorship of them in order to assert her femininity as an

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100 author It must be assumed then that she ultimately considered the arreglos her own They make up as I will establish a fabric of information gleaned from oral and written sources which Burgos weaves together with threads of her philosophy for women s lives The resulting texts in spite of their apparently borrowed information maintain significance as statements of Burgos s position vis a vis the dominant ideology They can be interrogated for evidence of how Burgos in spite of her frequently unconventional recommendations for women devised a discourse which appears on the surface to satisfy traditional concepts of female roles

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CHAPTER 4 THE ART OF ARRANGING : THE '' ARREGLO '' OF EL ARTE DE SER AMADA Introduction This chapter will examine Burgos s El arte de ser amada published by Sempere and the Sopena edition of the same text known as GQuiere V ser amada? 1 El arte de ser amada is identified as an arreglo in the bibliography of Burgos s works found in Al balc6n A complementary aspect of the analysis therefore will be an exploration of Burgos s arreglos The unusual structure of Ser amada will be considered and the question will be posed as to whether this '' arranged '' text reflects the psychic alienation posited by Bartky : did Burgos as a result of economic oppression sacrifice her authorial independence in writing prescriptive literature for women? As a female writer reiterating the dominant domestic ideology did she become an oppressor for herself and other women? My investigation of Burgos s practical manuals reveals that they fall into two categories each of which presupposes the primacy of women s domestic value One group the domestic economies focuses primarily on a 1 Because the text of both editions is the same they will be considered as one and referred to as the Ser amada text for the purpose of this discussion All citations will be to GQuiere V ser amada? the Sopena edition of the text 101

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102 woman s role in enhancing the home environment 2 The other concentrates on the care and improvement of her body 3 Since a woman in Burgos s culture could not achieve a position of cultural respect without a husband and children contending for male approbation was a necessity ; an obvious route by which to seek it was the cultivation of the characteristics most appealing in a spouse Presumably Burgos s texts were directed to that end For reasons of space in this dissertation it is not feasible to scrutinize Burgos s entire prolific corpus of practical manuals Furthermore the repetitive nature of the texts even those not having parallel titles makes that effort superfluous Because the '' body '' group of texts features greater emphasis on the individual and less on her surroundings I chose it as more pertinent to this study The Ser amada text emerged from the group as a particularly arresting and worthwhile example for several reasons While the text shares certain characteristics which will be indicated in this chapter with other texts of the '' body '' category it is also distinguished from that group by 2 The group includes the Sempere editions and re editions as well as the Sopena editions of the following texts : Modelos de cartas La cocina moderna La cocina practica Las artes de la muJer La muJer en el hogar Vademecum femenino and La mujer jardinero 3 This group is comprised by the Sempere editions and re editions and the Sopena editions of El arte de ser amada Arte de seducir Salud y belleza El arte de ser mujer and El tocador practico

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103 its inclusion of the topics of '' modernidad '' '' feminismo '' and '' igualdad '' Thus it provides the opportunity to make certain generalizations about the category yet explore what appears to be particularly significant about this work As an arreglo Ser amada is an example of work prepared by Burgos and for which she in the '' Preliminar '' to the Obras completas edition of Tesoro de la belleza claimed an important social purpose : to divulgar la cultura entre las mujeres a fin de que sepan cuidar su casa sus hijos pequef'ios ... su marido enamor ado .... '' ( 6) The inclusion of Ser amada in the bibliography of Burgos s works in Al balc6n (1913 or 1914) makes it reasonable to assign the first edition of the text El arte de ser amada to the three year period between 1911 and 1913 4 As a result of the establishment of an approximate period of publication it becomes possible to relate the text to novellas with which it is contemporaneous Burgos s comments in the Prologue to Tesoro de la belleza that the practical texts were of an '' apariencia fri vol a y ligera '' implied that she retrospectively placed a higher artistic value on the novellas not limited to a female audience An important issue to consider then is whether Burgos conveys a different cultural perspective in the novellas from that 4 Burgos writes in e,Quiere V ser amada? '' 2,El chic? Tal como lo comprende la mitad de las parisienses de 1911 .... Since El arte de ser amada is the first version of the same text this indicates that the text post dates 1911 and pre dates the 1913 or 1914 publication of A l balc6n

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104 which she presents in such texts as Ser amada Did Burgos subordinate her authorial integrity to a greater degree in one genre than in another? These concerns will be addressed in the following chapters My research into the Ser amada text also enabled me to relate Burgos s text to that of a possible source In the nonfiction texts Burgos frequently paraphrases or cites borrowed material without providing sufficient identification to pinpoint her sources In Ser amada however she quotes at length the work of two contemporaries whose work she dutifully cites Burgos identifies one of the cited works as her primary source of beauty expertise Although I was not able to locate the exact text to which Burgos refers I did unearth a very similar one by the same author As a result I was able to compare the two tracing Burgos s narrative and in addition identifying elements which appear to be particularly hers This led me to the conclusion that Ser amada while utilizing some foreign sources is clearly Burgos s work '' iQue es la belleza? '' 5 The texts which I have incorpora t ed into the '' body '' classification share a common structural element ; the first chapter is devoted to the importance of considering the topic of beauty Even the suggestive titles of El arte de ... or iQuiere V ser amada and El arte de seducir which 5 GQuiere V ser bella y tener salud? 9

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105 seem to imply a subject matter dealing with amorous relationships instead focus heavily although not exclusively on woman s appearance The cultural pressure to regard marriage as the only possible circumstance under which love and seduction would occur requires that these two titles be considered in that context although Burgos s personal reputation might have hinted at more titillating content The reader expecting such instruction though would have been disappointed because they contain no reference to sexual matters. On the surface Burgos seems to suggest that simply one s appearance is sufficient to lead to the socially approved reward of marriage Burgos s discussion of beauty varies somewhat from text to text The title of the work functions to a certain extent as an organizing principle. In Salud y belleza/lQuiere V ser bella y tener salud? for example beauty is presented more clearly than in the other texts as the outward manifestation of health. Ser amada features loveability as a leitmotif which Burgos uses to connect diverse information relating to the attractive appearance of a woman and her surroundings 6 In spite of minor differences of attitude from text to text Burgos consistently maintains that beauty is an abstract While resisting a narrow definition the texts 6 Although Burgos clearly emphasizes male/female love she also pays cursory attention to that of family members and friends

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106 contemplate various physical conditions which might detract from beauty Many of these issues continue to be associated with women s appearance : '' delgade z '' and '' obesidad '' for example are discussed in Arte de la elegancia El arte de seducir the Ser amada texts the Salud y belleza texts and the Tocador texts Similarly there is information on re modeling the '' deformidades '' of such undesirable features as the nose or '' busto '' in all of the texts just mentioned with the exception of Arte de la elegancia The quest for '' perpetua juventud '' the '' lucha contra la vejez '' and '' eterna belleza '' are also addressed In addition to such thematic recurrences Burgos reiterates some specific details in several texts For example in Ser amada as well as the Salud y belleza texts and El arte de ser mujer she cites the same criterio arabe que sigue imperando '' Although Burgos asserts that women lacking the qualities mentioned should not be considered ugly her restatement of such a rigid standard as Cuatro cosas negras : los cabellos las cejas las pestanas y las pupilas ; tres cosas blancas : la piel el cristal de l ojo y los dientes ; cinco cosas rosadas : la lengua los labios las encias las mejillas y las unas ; ... cuatro cosas grandes : la frente los ojos los rinones y las caderas ( 15) serves to reinscribe a bourgeois and nationalistic criterion It sustains the myth of the Spanish woman who is healthy fertile and with white skin and rosy lips and nails certainly not a peasant

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107 The narrative thread in '' Ser amada '' The body texts are then characterized by certain uniformity yet each is distinct Although Burgos obviously borrowed such material as '' Cuatro cosas negras '' from other sources the differing combination of material from text to text makes it clear that they are not mere translations In the majority of the texts however it is often difficult to definitely delineate Burgos s authorial voice In Ser amada unlike many of the other instructional manuals Burgos s narrative emerges in contrast to her often clearly defined citations She initially establishes her presence as both the author/subject of the text and an object of international discussion with a reference to La parisiense y sus nervios written by Enrique Gomez Carrillo and dedicated to Burgos 7 Burgos writes '' Gomez Carrillo nos ha hecho un bello retrato de la mujer moderna que no resisto a la tentacion de incluir en este libro ya que mi ilustre amigo tuvo la galanteria de dedicarmelo ." Her introduction of the Gomez Carrillo passage makes clear her 7 Mainer calls Gomez Carrillo a '' guatemal teco parisino '' He lived from 1873-1927 spending the late nineteenth and early twentieth century as the Guatemalan Consul in Paris During that period he was responsible for introducing many young Spanish writers to the Parisian literary scene thus familiarizing them with modern literary events He was known for his Cr6nicas which according to Mainer were more popular than the early writings of '' Azorin '' Baroja and Maeztu '' [l] a futura y controvertida generaci6n del 98 ''' (26-27) Some of his work was published in Spain by Sopena

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108 authorial presence in the Ser amada text Moreover Burgos establishes her friendship with the popular author as she had with Sempere in the Prologue to La cocina moderna Burgos fills eleven pages of text with the Gomez Carrillo passage The use of this citation on the plight of modern women is a transparent technique by which she could augment her production in order to create a text more rapidly As Burgos wrote in El arte de seducir the instructional manuals were a response to her economic necessity thus her ability to skillfully incorporate other threads into the babric of these texts was an important contribution to her prolific production It was a technique she readily admitted recalling in the '' Autobiografia '' the praise she had earned for an article she had '' written '' with '' tij eras '' for her father in law in Almeria Furthermore it must be assumed that Burgos apparently well read made these choices mindfully What then does the Gomez Carrillo selection contribute to the Ser amada text? In the citation Gomez Carrillo recounts a conversation he supposedly had with a physician friend The doctor speaking as an expert asserts that the nervous state of modern women does not derive from their apparently rumored tendency to engage in extramarital affairs ; indeed the modern inventions which invade their lives and separate them from the home leave them no time for such dalliances : "' Su vida es vertiginosa Entre el telefono el automovil y el

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109 ferrocarril no tiene una hora de descanso .... El universe es muy pequeno en nuestro siglo '' ( 32) 8 Burgos employs the words of another to reveal to Spanish women economically and culturally less liberated than their Parisian counterparts circumstances other than their own G6mez Carrillo s physician character while denying women s '' declining '' morality suggests that it is a common topic of discussion Furthermore he makes it clear that French women experience a greater degree of personal freedom than their Spanish counterparts Thus without further endangering her position vis a vis the marital state Burgos becomes a purveyor of modern international notions on the topic at hand The clear reference in the citation to the shrinking world probably also had political significance given the long Spanish polemic on the protection of Spanish national identity versus the desire for international contact Later twentieth century communication would eventually make that issue moot although the premature end of the Second Republic shortly after Burgos s death certainly prolonged the isolation of Spain longer than she could have expected Furthermore the passage exposes Burgos s women readers who might not otherwise read G6mez Carrillo s work 8 The doctor attributes his knowledge to women s tendency to reveal personal information which would formerly have been reserved for the confessional to their physicians As a result the medical profession asserted its expertise in women s lives

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110 to a fragment of the writing of an author who was definitely modern 9 By so doing she not only associates herself with the modern woman who is Gomez Carrillo s subject but she also signals her importance in the literary world beyond the Spanish borders That G6mez Carrillo would dedicate a book to her is a sign of her connection to important literary figures in Paris the center of modernity Burgos s citation of G6mez Carrillo is not the only lengthy borrowed extract in the text : she relies heavily for beauty advice upon [l)a conocida tiple italiana Lina Cavalieri ... celebre en todo el mundo porque a los encantos de su voz une la belleza mas atrayente que haya pisado la escena '' 10 Burgos diligently credits her source writing that '' Interrogada por un redactor del American ,'' Cavalieri shares her '' utiles consej os ... para popularizar el secreto de prolongar la belleza a pesar de los afios y de las luchas de la vida '' (40) Although Burgos s information is inadequate to locate the exact text to which she refers I obtained a copy of Cavalieri s My Secrets of Beaty published in New York in 1914 11 Cavalieri probably became well known in the United 9 Although G6mez Carrillo s work was popular in Spain women were often '' protected '' from reading modern authors whose work might be considered too stimulating for them 1 Cavalieri was an Italian lyric soprano She lived from 1874 to 1944 and debuted in Lisbon in 1900 11 The title American has proven to be too general to locate

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111 States when she sang with the Metropolitan Opera from 1906 to 1908 and with the Manhattan Opera Company the following year 12 Her textual references to expressions and problems which she considers typically American make it clear that the book was directed to the American audience as must have been the article to which Burgos refers Since there is no indication that the text is translated from Italian it is likely that another party perhaps the very editor mentioned by Burgos participated in its preparation 13 This and considerable similarities between it and the text cited by Burgos lead me to believe that Cavalieri s book coincides closely with Burgos s source Burgos advises the reader that she will provide a faithful transcription of Cavalieri s recommendations writing Como la artista ha seguido en sus escritos un metodo riguroso dando en pequefias dosis los procedimientos mas adecuados para conservar la belleza no alteraremos su plan (41} Any comparison between the two texts must take into account that Burgos is apparently referring to a 12 The Manhattan Opera Company was directed by Oscar Hammerstein 13 It is not likely given Cavalieri s primarily European career that she mastered English well enough to write a book in it without the assistance of an unnamed translator or ghost writer In My Secrets of Beauty Cavalieri writes It is a harder problem than that which I tried to solve last week (emphasis added} making it quite possible that the book is a compilation of articles such as the one or ones mentioned by Burgos (217}

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different version of Cavalieri s recommendations Nevertheless the numerous parallels between the texts I examined signal the location of Burgos s divergence from Cavalieri s subject matter as significant 112 Cavalieri s text is largely divided into chapters according to certain parts of the body and the beauty issues associated with them ; for example the third chapter is titled '' Things to Do for the Eyes Ears and Nose ,'' the seventh '' The Proper Care of the Mouth and Teeth ,'' and the eighth '' Duties Every Woman Owes to Her Hair .'' Some chapters interspersed among the total of twenty three consider more general topics such as '' Safe Easy Ways of Reducing Weight .'' While Burgos deals with many of the same questions frequently citing long passages from Cavalieri her material is condensed and organized differently relative to the Cavalieri book. Information on the hair eyes mouth lips and teeth for example rather than occupying several chapters is combined in Chapter 3 14 In spite of minor organizational variations from the Cavalieri text I examined Ser amada follows a similar thematic orientation whereby the sections within each chapter coincide closely with Cavalieri s treatment of the same material. In addressing the care of the complexion in Chapter 1 for example Cavalieri writes : 14 Burgos' s other '' body '' texts are similarly structured as well devoting each chapter to a group of parts of the body

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113 P r imarily the cause of most facial blemishes in indigestion .... Here are ten things I beg women never to eat : Sausages dried fish pies bonbons puddings ice cream beef except when well roasted pork especially ham oysters unless one is absolutely certain of their freshness hot bread as usually made in America (35) Burgos includes almost the identical list accounting for some differences in Spanish cuisine in Chapter four which is primarily dedicated to '' La pureza de las lineas '' but addresses '' Medios de conservar la pureza del cut is '' as well : Causan mucho dafio al cutis de las senoras manchandolo y afeandolo las siguientes : pescados secos salchichas salchichones pasteles empanadas bombones pudings helados roast beef si no esta bien asado jam6n y carne de cerdo en general ostras -cuando no son frescas -y el pan caliente ( 8 6) Moreover Burgos accurately quotes Cavalieri s advice on grooming and recipes for cosmetics even including ingredients apparently more familiar to American than to Spanish readers 15 Her willingness to rely on Cavalieri extends to relating without criticism the latter s opinion that reading can be detrimental to the eyes : '' Yo misma -dice Lina Cavalieri -voy varias veces al afio desde Nueva York a San Franciso y aunque en el viaje se invierte cinco dias nunca leo peri6dicos ni libros ni revistas Y eso que la lectura me agrada muchisimo Pero masque esta me agradan mis ojos y no quiero que esten deslustrados por el terrible cansancio ." (68) Although Burgos often carefully indicates Cavalieri s advice by prefacing it as such and enclosing it in quotation 15 '' hamamelis de Virginia (planta del genero de las saxi f ragaceas) '' ( 7 0)

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114 marks she sometimes slips into paraphrasing thereby making the origin of the i nformation less clear Such is the case with the list of foods previously mentioned As a result the line between the two writers becomes blurred and some of Cavalieri s opinions accrue to Burgos Burgos occasionally presents Cavalieri s text as reported speech : El celebre escritor italiano D Anunzio ... dijo un dia a madame Lina Cavalieri contestando a una pregunta suya : Los ojos que deseen ser hermosos tienen que tener el color claro obscuro del tabaco .' Lina Cavalieri no obstante prefiere los ojos color violeta .... (66) Burgos seems to ingratiate herself into this discussion between the two well known Italians making it appear that she was privy to their conversation Again her international references serve to make her seem to be a player on the world stage Burgos sprinkles the Ser amada text with short citations in approximately two thirds of the first chapter then utilizes the Gomez Carrillo excerpt to fill the remaining third of it Next she closely parallels and frequently cites Cavalieri s text from the second through the fourth chapters Burgos does not indicate her intention to diverge from the Cavalieri material at the end of the fourth chapter Since each new chapter has apparently begun with Burgos s narration the absence of citations to

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115 Cavalieri is not immediately obvious ; her disappearance from the text becomes apparent gradually In the fifth chapter Burgos takes up additional topics related to physical appearance such as '' El arte de la t o i l ette ,'' in which she gives advice on tasteful choices in attire She does not attribute that data to a specific source nor did I find correlation in the Cavalieri text I examined It seems instead to be a compendium of commonplace information covering color and esthetic theory with references to such diverse authorities as Plato and Marie de Medici 16 '' [L] abores propias de nuestro sexo '' 17 The reader familiar with Burgos s previous writing on lab o res notices the possible continuation of that discourse embedded in what at first appears to be merely a recital of conventional wisdom garnered from other sources As she had in Moderno tratado de labores Burgos again points out the economic possibilities of hand stitching But in this case women are not merely passive beneficiaries ; rather she explains that women s labor and a matriarchal transfer 16 Unlike the canon of '' Cuatro cosas negras '' which appears in the first chapter these recommendations entail suggestions for '' la muj er rubia '' and '' los cabellos roj os '' At a time when hair coloring was not common such details would apply to a very small number of Spanish women readers ; thus it is doubtful that Burgos originated the material 17 Ser amada 1 7

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116 of knowledge was responsible for the economic revival of an entire region : Para algunas regiones la industria de los encajes es fuente de riqueza tanto que las naciones se preocupan de fomentarla Para citar un ejemplo bien conocido nos fijaremos en Burano La pequena islita del Adriatico sufria los rigores del hambre y la miseria mas espantosa .... Entonces para protegerlos surgi6 en un coraz6n de mujer la idea de desenvolver la industria de los encajes ; pero en el transcurso del tiempo se habia perdido hasta la tradici6n de los viejos encajes S6lo una anciana ... recordaba el perdido punto que dio en otros tiempos celebridad a sus labores Ella ensen6 a la esposa del alcalde que a su vez transmiti6 los conocimientos a seis j6venes destinadas a ser maestras de las demas .... hoy la isla de Burano es rica y floreciente (115 16) The parallels to Spain where it was feared that women in the labor force would diminish the earning power of males must have been clear By advising readers to purchase bordados y encajes directly from the maker avoiding wherever possible intermediaries and large fashion houses (owned by men) Burgos encourages female solidarity as a way to bolster economic opportunities for women with few resources This maintains the position taken in the Prologue to La cocina moderna discussed previously on the creative dimension of such work Purchasers who follow her advice [n]o s6lo tendrian la satisfacci6n de ayudarlas y protegerlas sino que podrian lograr modelos unicos haciendo ellas mismas los dibujos y por menos precio obras maravillosas de gusto y originalidad (Ser amada 117).

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117 The intended reader of this text is of the clase media acomodada ," theoretically not so needful of income that it would be acceptable to work (168) The dominant ideology constituted females as devoted to domestic tasks Would Burgos consistently sustain the traditional image of such women bent over their needles? She seems instead to be responding to criticism of her apparent support of a domestic agenda : 18 Confeccionar por si mismas los adornos no es de aconsejar masque en el caso de que la necesidad de la economia obligue a ello Nuestro tiempo necesita emplearse en cosas de mayor interes Se puede dedicar a las labores un rato pero no hacer de ellas el primordial objeto de nuestra vida S6lo en la epoca en que la mujer estaba relegada en un hogar carcel y nose la miraba como compafiera se la condenaba a los mon6tonos trabajos que se dieron en llamar labores propias de nuestro sexo (117) Such a strong stance implying that the home was once a prison and that women should throw down their sewing and take up other pursuits places Burgos dangerously close to disavowing a gender based division of labor As Ledesma Hernandez had warned a society that fails to recognize la distinta misi6n moral y social de ambos sexos [y que] pretende igualarlos en actividades y derechos jeopardizes authority and as a consequence the existence of the state 18 It should be remembered that Burgos had advocated the continued teaching of hand-stitching in the schools in Moderno tratado de labores In other locations as well she supported a practical education for women It must be assumed that she considered that the economic realities for many Spanish women were different from those of the clase media acomodada the intended audience of this text

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118 (iii) Furthermore with such counsel Burgos risked decimating the audience for her domestic manuals As if to recoil from that position and reconcile her advice with a nurturing role for the modern and more educated woman, she writes Saber hacer la labor es importante grato el dedicarle algunas horas sobre todo para ofrecer de nuestra mano un presente a las personas que nos son queridas ; pero no podemos sacrificarnos a esa labor fatigosa que acabaria por embrutecernos cuando es preciso atender para ser amadas al cultivo del espiritu (117) In the context of the prevalent domestically oriented education for women relating sewing to animal-like stupidity was contrary to institutional goals Burgos introduces the idea that in order to be loved it is obligatory that women look to the cultivation of their spirits It is assumed then that such values will be attractive to those who would love them This discourse emphasizing a changing definition of the female role is inconsistent with the superficial emphases of the surrounding text yet consistent with Burgos s statements in other locations Its position in Ser amada tucked between such apparently trivial material as the appropriate use of color and a list of propiedades y virtudes magicas que se atribuyen a las piedras ," may be seen as an attempt to camouflage its serious message by

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119 cloaking it with a stereotypically frivolous text for females ( 121) 19 Burgos s narration first slipping away unannounced from the Cavalieri text then moving into another superficial realm before considering more controversial ideas cannily guides readers toward a new consideration of their value By refusing to limit her text to the mere reiteration of hackneyed information Burgos asserts the authority to convey an unorthodox message She may have ventured to subvert the domestic ideology yet she concurrently mimics the kind of colonization posited by Bartky by cloaking the text in a conventional appearance '' [E] 1 arte dificil y encantador del bien hablar '' 20 Burgos begins the sixth chapter as she has others with data probably borrowed from other readings In a discussion of establishing a tasteful domestic environment she reviews the history of French furniture styles from Louis XI I I through Louis XVI and up to the '' modern .'' Such details may seen little related to the stated theme of the text the reader s ability to inspire love Yet at the end of the treatise on furniture Burgos maneuvers the reader 19 The cover design for the Sopena text features a woman in an above the ankle length dress semi reclining on a Rococo Revival love seat and embracing a toddler-age nude Cupid who is viewed from the rear The woman somewhat resembles Burgos whose portrait is in a rondelle above the scene 20 Ser amada 136

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120 back to the titular topic writing : '' Este marco de que la mujer necesita rodearse no es indiferente para inspirar amor '' (136) If Burgos s only concern were the rapid production of texts that single phrase might have been sufficient to connect the stated theme of the text love to the apparently borrowed material Burgos could have continued her pattern of incorporating long citations and encyclopedia-like material thereby producing the text more easily and rapidly Yet she goes on to explain : No basta ... esta parte de halago de la vista y de los sentidos ni aun toda la buena voluntad queen ello ponga la mujer para cautivar y hacerse amada Es precisa la espiritualidad que hace valer los dones todos de un coraz6n bondadoso un sentimiento estetico educado en las delicadezas del arte ; sensible a la musica a la pintura capaz de apreciar el valor literario de una obra y de alternar en una conversaci6n de cultura por profunda que sea El hombre que halla en la mujer amada las dotes para hacer de ella su companera nose encuentra tan agradablemente como a su lado en ninguna parte La mujer que desee ser verdaderamente amada ha de dominar el arte dificil y encantador del bien hablar (136) In sections of this chapter dedicated to '' El encanto de la voz--El arte de conversar '' Burgos proposes that the modern Spanish marriage be rooted in companerismo nourished by conversation She also refers to such companerismo in speeches delivered during that period such as '' La misi6n social de la muj er '' and '' Influencias reciprocas entre la mujer y la literatura ." Burgos reiterates in Ser amada as well as in La mujer moderna y sus derechos and several other

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121 texts that [l]a importancia de la conversaci6n es tanta queen America al mismo tiempo que se han creado escuelas de belleza se han creado tambien cursos de conversaci6n (Ser amada 144) The value Burgos attributes to this topic in other locations particularly in the course of personal appearances makes it probable that she is the originator of the statement Burgos s perspective on the voice and conversation is particularly noteworthy in the context of Cavalieri s treatment of the same topic Both writers acknowledge that the quality of the voice is important ; Burgos writes : La voz es de importancia grandisima ; el encanto de una voz bien modulada nos da una sensaci6n de reposo (137) Similarly My Secrets of Beauty states : Every woman would have a beautiful voice for it is indeed one of the most excellent things in woman (175) Yet while Cavalieri limits her discussion to vocal quality and to providing medicina l recipes which might improve it Burgos focuses on the cerebral development of the individual and the message which the voice communicates She does not claim to be reiterating Cavalieri s information here and it is quite possible that while Cavalieri addresses this topic in My Secrets of Beauty the article(s) in American did not Nevertheless the comparison of the two viewpoints emphasizes Burgos s deviation from a contemporaneous beauty

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122 handbook It is in those digressions where the reader can discover the bits and pieces of Burgos s narrative '' La distinta roisi6n moral y social de ambos sexos '' 21 Burgos appears to be continuously aware of the need to appease domestic interests While encouraging women in educational pursuits which might result in their separation from the home she steadfastly sustains their importance to the family Reiterating the Gomez Carrillo passage she had included in the first chapter of the text she writes '' No hay que hacer la vida demasiado vertiginosa si se quieren fundamentar s6lidos afectos El autom6vil la bicicleta ... ese placer fisico que experimentamos en devorar el espacio no debe apartarnos de la vida de familia (138) Burgos s recasting of the citation suggests an almost sexual power and pleasure inherent in conquering the public sphere Traditionally the conquest of the public space has been considered a male privilege predicated on the female s maintenance of the domestic domain The risk that women would not be willing or able to preserve their established role while assuming a new one consistently underlies Burgos s statements Her warning of the danger to the family reinscribes Ledesma Hernandez s admonition as a real peril In Ser amada Burgos defines woman s responsibility in the home as divided into three areas : '' como madres como 2 1 Ledesma Hernandez iii

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123 esposa y como duena '' Burgos bestows upon the mother the work of '' la educadora de los hij os y en cierto modo la responsable de su destino futuro '' As the duefia a woman assumes the characteristics recommended in La perfecta casada : '' La esposa cuidara de hacer la casa grata al marido presentandolo todo limpio elegante yen orden .. En el trato sera cortes sin tomar confianzas molestas sencilla con dignidad para conservar el respeto .... (174) Burgos s conception of the wifely role departs from Fray Luis s recommendations in that she concedes limited advisory powers to women : Para el esposo la mujer necesita ser companera y amante El primer concepto envuelve el de consejera discipula o guia segun el caso y el segundo el de hermana o madrecita para dar reposo en sus caricias (173 74) Suggesting that this vision of marriage may differ from the customary one Burgos counsels that its foundation be behavior based in mutual respect : '' Las garantias de felicidad que puede tener un matrimonio ... se basan masque nada en la educaci6n de ambos y jamas han de olvidar entre ellos la cortesia '' 22 Burgos communicates her realization that placing a value on the female s opinions thus making her a limited partner entails a reconsideration of marital power 22 Burgos did not originate the idea of the companionate marriage She was probably influenced by the Krausist Gumersindo de Azcarate who had written on it in Minuta de un testamento (1876)

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124 Redefining the sexual relationship she suggests that the woman s role as lover in companerismo based marriage be that of sister or dear little mother ; any suggestion of passion has been replaced by maternal nurturing Yet such a union predicated on the capacity for the sharing of educated conversation scarcely seems appropriate for the numerically greater illiterate population While Burgos directs this paradigm to the readership of the women of the clase media acomodada she does not suggest that there be an alternative model for other socio economic classes Instead Burgos s nonfiction presents a middle-class and modernizing ideology which aspires to universal application An examination of Burgos s fiction however adds a dimension to her possible perception of the dynamics of sexuality in marriage : many of her novels and novellas explore the options of women among socio economic groups from the peasantry to the urban proletariat in relation to the marital framework In such works as La rampa and El honor de la familia female protagonists are made pregnant and deserted ; the protagonist of La malcasada is sexually abused while that of El articulo 438 finds passion with another and is murdered by her spouse The preponderance of fictional characters who are victimized by male sexuality suggests that Burgos imagined that substituting such behavior with conversation might provide women with a more

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125 level and less dangerous field in which to operate This issue will be addressed in the following chapter From an historical perspective it must also be considered that early twentieth century Spanish culture would not have viewed female passion as an appropriate topic for women s reading Moreover Burgos s life experience may be a consideration : she was purportedly abused by her husband and was many years senior to Ramon Gomez de la Serna with whom she maintained a relationship during the years I have proposed for the authorship of this book While Nunez Rey suggests that their liaison was a passionate one it is equally plausible that maternal/filial feelings were at its core '' La condici6n social de la muj er '' 23 Burgos s narrative seems to gain strength as she leaves behind physical standards and delves into cultural ones As she does so the quantity of references to other authorities and the recitation of insignificant borrowed data decreases Conversely statements on female s roles apparently originated by Burgos increase Ultimately in Chapters IX and X she takes up such controversial topics as '' La muj er en las artes '' '' las carreras y los oficios '' Estudio de la muj er moderna y sus fa cul tades '' and '' Importancia de la libertad la igualdad y la j usticia '' In these two chapters Burgos writes in a continuous line no longer 23 Ser amada 209

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126 restricting her narrative to the function of stitching together patches of fabric borrowed from others It is rather as if she were inserting one of her own speeches into the text 24 Her statements are more analogous to the femenist social agenda she would later champion in La mujer moderna y sus derechos (1927?) than to either the first half of the text or the two following chapters Indeed in the opening paragraph of Chapter X she calls this examination of social issues '' un estudio serio y fundamental ,'' taking a distinctly different authorial position from that she occupied as purveyor of trifling beauty advice (209) This is not to say however that in these chapters Burgos resolves her often conflicted statements about the female role As I will explain this discourse serves as a primer for the upper middle class reader on the social scientific economic and political justifications voiced by those who defended the dominant ideology In these chapters bracketed by far less controversial topics Burgos condenses and contests the arguments designed to maintain the status quo Yet her insistence on preserving women s maternal and domestic position while urging a reconsideration of her economic and social possibilities reveals infiltration into her text of the prevailing 24 I have not been able to pinpoint a specific Burgos speech as the source of this discourse however A speech she delivered in 1911 '' La misi6n social de la muj er ,'' is evidence of her interest in the topics addressed in this text ; nevertheless the wording is different

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127 domestic ideology. A possible explanation for Burgos s reluctance to challenge la distinta misi6n moral y social de ambos sexos '' in this text is a pragmatic cognizance of her declared audience : the clase media acomodada (Ledesma Hernandez iii) It is credible as well that Burgos was disinclined to posit women s abandonment of the domestic sphere because she like Ledesma Hernandez believed that a stable State must rely on familial stability (iii) The assumption that women will marry and bear children underlies Burgos s conception of the female domain as she explains it in Ser amada. She views the domestic realm as replete with possibilities as well as with dangers Burgos had articulated her concern for educating women about modern health care for their children in La protecci6n y la higiene de los ninos (1904) Her suggestions in Ser amada though, are not limited to such expected topics as nutrition and disease prevention She goes beyond that to hold mothers responsible for conditions which might cause permanent impairments in their children like blindness and deafness 25 Furthermore the mother is accountable for correcting the defects which might lead to an unattractive appearance even to the point of '' calzado con zapato justo'' to prevent rapid growth of the feet Since Burgos writes 25 '' Los ninos ciegos de nacimiento suelen serlo desde las primeras epocas de su vida por exponerlos a una luz demasiado fuerte o mal refractada ... '' and '' Un ruido violento puede ocasionar la ruptura del nervio auditive y ser causa de la terrible sordomudez '' ( 18 4)

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128 [e]l excesivo desarrollo de las manos y los pies afea mucho a las muj eres '' it must be assumed that attractiveness is an especially important issue for female children whose marriageability might eventually be at stake The relationship between female appearance marriage and future generations in a novella El tesoro del castillo will be discussed in the next chapter The mother is charged as well with the moral education of the child who should learn to distinguir la verdadera belleza de los delirios calenturientos del decadentismo (188) Burgos avows that in order to perform the task successfully [h]ay que dar a la mujer una instrucci6n enciclopedica consisting of art music scientific principles geography history and la marcha evolutiva de la humanidad (188-89) It seems that an education corresponding to Burgos s proposal would be complete and modern even including Darwinian principles Yet she also specifies instruction in domestic economy which she calls '' la mas alta misi6n de la mujer '' (189) Perhaps anticipating criticism from feminist circles she again addresses the matter of her support of woman s domestic value : Parece a primera vista que cuando se dice que la mujer debe cuidar de los hogares se le niega la educaci6n y la instrucci6n ; pero nada mas lejos de eso No hay empleo carrera ni oficio que requiera mayor suma de conocimientos de cultura y de exquisite tacto que el de duena de casa En ella la mujer como madre es maestra ; como esposa consejera como duena responsable de la

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129 suerte y la felicidad de todos los que de ella dependen .... (190) Instead of deemphasizing maternity Burgos elevates it to a lofty status and utilizes it as the justification for expanding women s access to fields of knowledge not previously available to them Even a reader imbued with the dominant ideology would be hard put to contest placing such importance in the maternal role To forestall problems that could arise from making the domestic role the only one esteemed for women Burgos attempts to persuade readers of the value of other options insisting that [d]entro de todas las profesiones se puede ser amada y amante madre y esposa (190) Although she strives to convince readers that one path should not negate another her emphasis on the maintenance of traditional concepts of the feminine role serves to reinscribe them Burgos s expectations suggesting that women be sufficiently educated to function as guides and counselors to their husbands without stepping beyond conventional definitions of their roles place them in a very difficult position vis a vis the Spanish culture of the day Burgos attempts to convince readers that men who '' abominan de las mujeres ilustradas ... suelen dividirse en tres categorias : bribones ignorantes o inconscientes (193) yet she reiterates that female displays of knowledge must be concealed from men for [n)ada molesta la vanidad masculina ... tanto como el verse pequenos delante de una

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130 mujer (204) She points out that there is an even greater risk to women than being labeled frivolous or superficial ; women who allow their knowledge to shine too brightly caen en otro extrema peor que les vale el dictado de marisabidillas (144 45) Moreover it is incumbent upon women to counter the belief that las mujeres cultas son incapaces de amar '' (201) The consequences of erudition extend as well to a woman s behavior within female circles : Una mujer que pone en ridicule a las de su sexo es repulsiva siempre y la victima se hace amable Hasta en los casos en que una superioridad real e indiscutible hace a la mujer sobresalir sin pretenderlo y eclipsar a las otras ha de tener la superior .. un tacto exquisite y una gran delicadeza de espiritu y procurar obscurecerse un poco a fin de que brillen las otras (203) Women s physical capability for elevated mental operations was central to the polemic on the role they would play in modern Spain Burgos s allusion to female superiority in this text recalls its antithesis in the Moebius treatise she had translated earlier La inferioridad mental de la mujer In Ser amada she comments on her association with Moebius s text in a tone which both demystifies and devalues such scientific attempts to justify women s subordinate role : Se nos ha querido discutir las condiciones cerebrales y sabios respetables con seriedad que causa risa se han ocupado de dilucidar la supuesta inferioridad o superioridad de una parte de la humanidad sobre la otra La controversia se torn6 apasionada en algunos mementos (195)

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131 Updating readers on that discussion Burgos explains that such respected Spanish scientists as Ramon y Cajal had concluded that women were proportionately endowed with an even greater quantity of brain mass than men She insists however that it is pointless to waste effort on determining the relative inferiority and superiority of males and females since en la vida desempefiamos misi6n tan importante los unos como las otras (195) Thus Burgos while entreating women to educate themselves on a variety of topics and to pursue gainful employment if they desire treads carefully along the line drawn by Ledesma Hernandez : she steadfastly avoids disrupting traditional definitions of gender Although she avers that the social tasks of men and women are equally important domesticity remains the defining responsibility for women The implication seems to be that if women were permitted to manifest their intelligence the entire social structure might be at risk The possibility that increasing employment opportunities for women might lead them to abandon domestic chores in favor of paid employment was central to the national discussion on their future societal role While expressing sympathy for that prospect Burgos points out that economic distress also threatens familial well being : Lamentable es que la mujer haya de tomar parte en la vida publica con detrimento de los cuidados del hogar .... pero

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132 mas lamentable seria verlos condenados al hambre o al asilo por falta de quien les ganase el pan (191) The need for women to take part in '' la llamada lucha por la existencia '' is the fault of '' la mala organizaci6n de la sociedad moderna que no esta en nuestra mano cambiar (190 91) Addressing the contemporary political situation Burgos blames the lack of women s progress on the conservative position that men would be deprived of jobs if women entered the labor force Burgos argues that on the contrary men would have fewer financial responsibilities if women were no longer entirely dependent upon them The text that began with a discussion of female beauty has become an explanation to women of the impact politics and economics might have in their lives Burgos dedicates three pages to promoting the idea that [l]o que contribuira a acelerar el movimiento de la libertad femenil es sin duda alguna el socialismo cuya aparici6n consituye uno de los mas grandes acontecimientos de la historia del mundo (214) The remaining seven pages of the chapter are a treatise on the potential significance of women in politics After explaining that the socialist program proclaims equality of the sexes and establishes universal suffrage Burgos points out that middle class women remain neutral and indifferent to the '' males de una sociedad mal organi zada '' ( 216) She asserts that many seem desirous of associating with las grandes damas del partido conservador '' while others '' por

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133 sentimiento quisieran figurar en las filas de las luchadoras del pueblo (216) But in Burgos s opinion the worst possibility is that una gran mayoria cree caer en el ridiculo al mezclarse en los asuntos politicos o tomar parte en actos de protesta de los partidos avanzados (216 17) Burgos s plea for readers to participate in politics preferably looking to the socialists for their advancement reveals an important objective of this discourse Women as more than half of the Spanish population were an as yet undetermined mass of potential voters Female suffrage remained controversial among feminists because it was feared that if women s vote followed that of their husbands it would not promote women s interests If the middle classes chose to vote with the aristocrats conservative interests would benefit along with the restriction of women s social and legal rights The socialists however encouraged las altas clases tan egoistas y ciegas como ligeras y culpables a mirar hacia abajo prestando mayor consideraci6n a los que trabajan que con su numero y su fuerza pueden llegar facilmente a ser los senores de los que hoy les mandan (215 ) They could then stablize Spanish society by helping to improve the lot of the working poor. The greatest threat to societal stability did not lie in women s potential contribution to paid labor Rather the social structure was more likely to be subverted by poverty driven revolution in the puebl o s where options to augment

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134 income were far fewer Among that population nonetheless female readers would have been almost nonexistent and they would certainly not have formed Burgos s audience The clase media acomodada on the contrary contained increasing numbers of literate women who would be more likely to read the Biblioteca para la mujer It is likely that Burgos would have structured her argument in order to convince the class that would read the text In order to persuade middle class women of the benefits of societal change Burgos addressed them in terms of the domestic realm which structured their existence : Cuando un nifio se forma en un hogar donde el padre y la madre viven colocados en el pie de la igualdad mas absoluta ve reinar en torno de el la justicia y se habitua a considerar y respetar los derechos del individuo como la base del orden social ( 21 7) Por el contrario cuando un nifio se educa en una familia que considera a su madre como un animal domestico subordinada a los caprichos de la tirania de su padre ; cuando lave abatida y sin dignidad tratar de preservar su persona con la hipocresia la duplicidad y el disimulo no adquiere jamas clara noci6n del derecho Entra en la vida creyendo que la fuerza brutal es la base de la sociedad yen el pais que esto sucede la anarquia politica y las duplicidades individuales dan por resultado la miseria universal (217-18) In this passage the relationship between domesticity and Spanish politics of the era becomes clear The less politically charged paradigm of compafierismo suggested earlier in the text is a euphemism for female equality at least within the nuclear family A woman as wife and

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135 mother can model social justice and pacifism for her children instruc t ing them in a new dynamic of male/female relationships as she would teach them hygiene and nutrition The child is the next generation of Spanish citizen in whom can be inculcated new values The mother in the role of maestra is in the position to form a Spanish society founded on the dignity of all classes and more importantly to stave off the anarchy that might result from ignoring Spain s underlying poverty and rigid class distinctions The process will begin with the education of the middle class woman who should in addition and perhaps to fortify her message project an image ordinarily associated with more '' heal thy '' and economically developed societies : good eyes and teeth and clean hair She can play an important part in taking Spain into the modern era and the transformation will begin at the domestic level In this discourse summarizing the polemic on women s roles Burgos reassures middle class women that feminism and socialism do not represent threats to the Spanish social structure To the contrary their commitment to greater equality would enable women to increase their domestic empowerment eventually contributing to the creation of a more modern Spain By constantly returning to the level of the domestic the text resists a redefinition of women s role away from the stereotypical The limits of domestic circumscription may be stretched but they are not rent

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136 Conclusions In the final chapters of the text XI and XII Burgos discontinues the discourse on the evolving role of women in twentieth-century Spain and undertakes a critical review of the supernatural means women have historically employed to attract mates She ends the text with a return to the kind of traditional topics she had treated earlier Reading about cartomancia and La magia en las flares it is almost possible to forget that Burgos had raised substantive modern issues in the two preceding chapters Her return to the inconsequential subjects appropriate for a text of this type lends the book such an air of uniformity that the interlude almost disappears Indeed the potential reader glancing casually at the text might remain unaware of the political discourse buried within it It is the very discontinuity of Burgos s narrative however which causes the timely and controversial statement on feminist issues to emerge from its surrounding context As Michel Foucault writes in The Archaeology of Knowledge : However banal it may be however unimportant its consequences may appear to be however quickly it may be forgotten after its appearance however little heard or however badly deciphered we may suppose it to be a statement is always an event that neither the language (langue) nor the meaning can quite exhaust .... It is certainly a strange event ... because it is linked not only to the situations that provoke it and to the consequences that it gives rise to but at the same time and in accordance with a quite different modality to the statements that precede and follow it (28)

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137 Chapters IX and X represent as I have shown a '' strange event '' in the context of what might be expected in such a text as Ser amada Burgos s feminist statement supporting more cerebral and public roles for women erupts unexpectedly from a discourse which otherwise maintains the tradition of evaluating primarily their appearance It lS tempting to read it as a more forthright expression of Burgos s beliefs than the material which precedes and follows it Yet although it appears i nconsistent in the text it cannot be separated from its surrounding statements Following Foucault s comments on the importance of determining the conditions of the existence of statements then we may see Ser amada as an analogy of the conditions traditionally ordained for women As such the structure of Ser amada parallels the dominant life-text of the turn of the century Spanish woman Her options would be circumscribed by concern for her physical appearance categorized by the body and oriented towards securing a mate in order to establish a sphere in which to gain social respect Only then could she look to shaping the future Any discussion of a woman s role in early twentieth-century Spain had to be framed by the domestic context In spite of her nontraditional lifestyle and her recognition of women s subjugation it is unlikely that Burgos fully perceived the effects of psychic alientation in her writing Undoubtedly acutely aware of her economic

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138 oppression she would not necessarily have discerned the far more subtle effects of psychological oppression posited by Bartky : the internalization of stereotyping cultural domination and sexual objectification She participated in the perpetuation of such manifestations of oppression while protesting the more obvious social and political consequences of sexism As Bartky writes '' While I would not hesitate to call someone a feminist who supported a program for the liberation of women and who held beliefs about the nature of contemporary society appropriate to such a political program something crucial to an understanding of feminism is overlooked if its definition is so restricted '' ( 11) In writing a behavior guide specifically designed for a woman s practical collection Burgos was constrained by the tradition of that genre as well as by the psychological effects of colonialism on the colonized '' to fulfill the expectations of the dominant ideology (Bartky 22) Her financial situation no doubt contributed toward a conscious attemp t not to risk alienating her audience : the women of the clase media acomodada Yet Bartky writes '' To be a feminist one has first to become one '' ( 11) Through her experiences of '' profound personal transformation ," Burgos had initiated that process (11) While she provided information by which women could cultivate their appearance thereby enhancing their

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139 traditionally conceived worth as spousal candidates she incorporates modern values as well By expanding traditional notions of possible means to inspire love Burgos is able to incorporate a discussion of nondomestic matters into the text Continuing the metaphor of decorative stitching which Burgos alluded to in the Prologue to La cocina moderna the polemical topics are tucked into the stuffing hidden between two embroidered layers of fabric The external surface of traditionally conceived advice to women may catch the eye but there is more to be discovered by one willing to examine the interior Burgos s didactic discourse in speeches and such instructional texts as Ser amada frequently expresses concern at the danger that educated women might be labeled '' marisabidilla '' As if to avoid that risk she proclaims her own intellectual humility in the Prologue to La cocina moderna In spite of such declarations however Burgos s biographers do not characterize her personal behavior as in any way submissive or disparaging of her literary accomplishments The gap between Burgos s conduct and the tractable domestic behavior she prescribed for middle class readers has certainly contributed to what Rodriguez sees as the complex relationship between feminism and modernity in her work (382) The following chapter of this dissertation will query whether as an author of fiction Burgos expressed a more fully developed '' feminist consciousness '' than as an author of books written only for women (Bartky 11)

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CHAPTER 5 '' LA PASION DE LAS NOVELAS '' 1 Introduction : The Novella In the first few years in Madrid Burgos s fictional output was limited to a diminutive book of stories about unrequited love Alucinaci6n published in 1905 2 Eduardo Zamacois s foundation of El Cuento Semanal in 1907 would give Burgos the opportunity to write not only for the typically '' female '' market but to identify herself as well with the traditionally male dominated genre of fiction As Sainz de Robles points out in La promoci6n de '' El cuento semanal ", Zamacois s journal was the first of many revistas which would be published between 1907 and 1925 and through which '' se dieron a conocer y se afamaron el cincuenta por ciento de los promocionistas de El Cuen to Semanal '' (53) Although Burgos was already publicly known for her didactic and journalistic activities she would become an 1 '' Preliminar '' El a rte de seducir 11 2 Alucinaci6n measures approximately two and three quarters by five and one quarter inches and has 95 pages It was published in the series '' Biblioteca Mignon .'' The dimensions and correspondingly minute print suggest that it was designed to be tucked into a purse or pocket The following titles comprise the content : '' GAlucinaci6n o telepatia? '', '' El fiscal '', '' iSacrificio! '', '' Una tiple '', '' El ultimo encargo '', '' Pufialadas morales '', '' iimposible! '', and '' La flor de brezo '' 140

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141 indefatigable contributor to all of the novella series considered by Luis Granjel in one of the few books to survey that genre Eduardo Zamacois y La Novela Corta 3 Zamacois wrote in his m e m o r i as Un hombre que se va that his intent was to convince authors of '' primera figura '' to contribute writings for a publication of '' alta jerarquia literaria ( 233) El Cuento Semanal appeared 4 January 1907 and survived until 12 January 1912 following Zamacois s original design albeit with various directors : Cada numero de veinticuatro paginas de papel '' couche '' .. una novela corta inedita ilustrada en colores y con la caricatura del autor en la portada Nada mas Colaborarian en ella los escritores y dibujantes mas reputados y apareceria los viernes -precisamente los viernesal precio de treinta centimos ejemplar (230-31 ) The 24-page revistas measuring approximately eight by eleven inches were printed in double columns and featured two color illustrations. 4 Zamacois resigned as director of El Cuento Semanal in December 1908 ; in 1910 he established Los Contemporaneos a 3 Granjel discusses El Cuento Semanal Los Contem 1 oraneos El Libro Popular La Novela Corta La Novela Semana La Novela de Hoy La Novela Mundial and Los Novelistas He mentions other revistas which appeard during the period but points out that with the exception of El Libro Popular and La Novela Corta they were of '' efimera existencia '' 4 The text of the novellas did not always fill the 24 sheets leaving some space for advertising

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142 magazine with the same format as its predecessor 5 He writes in Un hombre que se va that he was determined to be responsible for a journal of literary merit : No guise que esta mi nueva hija superase en nada a la otra Las dos iban impresas en el mismo papel salian a la venta el mismo dia -los viernes -y costaban igual .... Durante varios meses ambas publicaciones lucharon sin que ninguna prevaleciese Despues la mia empez6 a decaer Era 16gico : Los Contemporaneos no tenia historia ; El Cuento Semanal si lo que bastaba para que la masa lectora lo prefiriese S6lo cuando la jerarquia literaria del autor que yo publicaba superaba la del que esa semana firmaba la revista enemiga Los Contemporaneos se vendia mas No bien empezamos a perder dinero (253-54) The founder s insight into the nature of the competition between the two series attests to a significant role for the authors of the novellas As entries in the genre proliferated and competition among them intensified the featured author s ability to attract a following would have increased his or her value to the publisher Jose Luis Mainer explains that the contest for writers in the genre was of considerable economic significance to the authors as well : Si ... el periodismo se constituye en la modalidad profesional mas remuneradora ademas de ser la plataforma politica que determina una actitud y un tipo de relaciones con el publico los primeros afios del siglo XX ofrecieron tambien al escritor nuevas formas de difundir sus obras de imaginaci6n al margen del libro Me refiero a la continua aparici6n de colecciones de novelas brevesde 5 After the suicide in 1908 of Zamacois s partner Antonio Galiardo ownership of the magazine was awarded to his widow Rita Segret Zamacois chose to resign rather than relinquish full control

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143 periodicidad semanal de bajo costo y de distribuci6n muy amplia y rapida .... El estudio de estas colecciones de relatos breves plantea un doble problema : uno literario ... ; otro crematistico ya que cabria plantearse en que medida la demanda industrial de novelas breves condicion6 la oferta de los escritores (La Edad de Plata 71) Nunez Rey adds that [p]ara ningun ecscritor resultaba desdefiable colaborar y para muchos suponia la fama (diss 2 7 0) In 1916 the publisher Prensa Popular inspired by the success of Zamacois s journals developed a new series called La Novela Carta Its format was considerably smaller than its predecessors approximately five by eight inches with 34 pages of '' papel de infima calidad '' and lacking illustrations but for the drawing or photograph of the author on the cover 6 It sold at the low price of five centimos which was doubled to ten in two years (Granjel 80) A repercussion of that competition was that Los Contemporaneos changed its format Beginning in 1918 poorer quality paper was used the quantity of illustrations was reduced and the price was lowered In order to compete more effectively La Novela Carta in turn made improvements in its appearance enriching the texts with illustrations and featuring a caricature of the author on its cover instead of the '' ma las fotografias '' of previous years 6 Fernandez Cifuentes explains in Teoria y mercado de novela that there was a scarcity of paper after the outbreak of World War I and the two principal newspaper groups monopolized its production (125)

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144 (Granjel 81) In spite of the obstacles it faced however Los Contemporaneos achieved sales of 40 000 copies of some editions toward the end of its existence in 1923 7 Zamacois s design for a widely distributed weekly novel at an economical price had its roots in the popular nineteenth century folletin and novela por entregas Nevertheless he clearly intended that the literary as well as the physical quality of El Cuento Semanal would distinguish it from the popular fiction of the past Pledging to publish in each work '' una obra de arte inedi ta y completa ''' he attested that he would accept '' no solo las firmas ya consagradas de los maestros sino tambien las de esos j6venes que hoy luchan en la sombra todavia pero que estan llamados a ser los conquistadores del manana (qtd in Granjel 53) Following the model of El cuento semanal the first or second issue of each new series often featured a similar statement of literary intent La Novela Corta focused on its potential readers rather than the originality of its contents particularly emphasizing class-conscious social goals : [L]a obra emprendida se orienta a elevar el nivel cultural de un pais a dignificar al obrero y se anade Gracias a nosotros esas vergonzosas polemicas taurinas del bajo pueblo entre quien es mejor si Belmonte y Joselito desapareceran El artesano en vez de toros hablara de letras y el 7 It was at that time under the editorial directorship of Martinez Olmedilla

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145 obrero al salir de los talleres discutira sobre quien escribe mejor si Benavente o Gald6s si Blasco Ibanez o Baroja si Dicenta o Valle Inclan .' (qtd in Granjel 83) It seems clear from the statement in La Novela Corta that Prensa Popular expected to claim the audience which had not typically read '' high '' fiction but had probably read newspapers and the '' low '' fiction that often accompanied them Although the readership of the myriad series of novellas cannot be verified it is unlikely that the the genre reformed the '' bajo pueblo '' as the editors of La Novela Corta may have hoped It is more probable that the authors of Ideologia y texto en '' El Cuento Semanal '' are accurate in identifying the audience as gente susceptible de cierto interes por lo que llarnan el Arte en general y la vida literaria en particular pero a quien el esfuerzo continue que exige la lectura de una novela asi como el precio de esta pueden aparecer como obstaculos Se trata pues esencialmente de hombres y mujeres dispuestos a gastarse unos 0 30 centimes en fin de semana para dedicar algun rato de ocio a una actividad de cultura o evasion y para poseer a final de ano mediante un gasto tanto mas m6dico cuanto que va repartido sernanalmente este objeto de orgullo y significativo de cierto status social que suele representar para algunas categorias sociales un libro encuadernado y mas bien lujoso en su presentaci6n (29-30) That study explains furthermore that El Cuento Semanal would not have been destined for the marginally literate for '' la impresi6n a dos columnas y con caracteres mas bien diminutos requiere cierto habito de la lectura (30) ; it estimates that '' un lector mediano '' would have spent about two hours reading the text (29 fn)

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14 6 Nevertheless the literary sophistication of the reader should not be overestimated ; Zamacois clearly addressed the less experienced reader in the first edition of El Cuento Semanal : [l]as ventajas de nuestra Revista son notorias : ... los libros suelen ser caros y una gran parte del publico los halla de lenta y fatigosa lectura (qtd in Ideologia y texto 35) In a later edition his successor Franciso Agramonte mentions consideration for '" la gentil lectora '' in his statement of editorial intent thus indicating the importance of female readers (34) When the comments made in La Novela Corta are also considered however it is clear that the genre was intended to reach a far wider audience than simply women As Nunez Rey points out almost all of the prose writers living during the first third of the century wrote for the novella collections including the '' maximas figuras '' and representing various literary movements from '' Realismo '' to '' Vanguardismo ; '' she states that [a]quel vasto despliegue editorial atrajo a amplias masas de lectores (diss 270) Indeed these '' amplias masses '' may well have been a direct result of the heterogeneity of the novella series ; while European modernism was characterized by a high/low dichotomy publishers of the novellas were attempting to stake out a middle ground The diverse audience and long lasting repercussions of the weekly novella can be confirmed by Luis Bufiuel s

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147 confessed readership of the genre In Conversaciones con Bufiuel he tells Max Aub that before going to Madrid as a young man he read Los de todos los que hemos leido todos Toda la serie de detectives de entonces : Nat Pinker Sherlock Holmes Nick Carter Dick Turpin los folletines de Ponson du Terrail Raffles Salgari .... Luego claro esta todo lo relacionado con el sexo--que era muy poco -que podia haber en la biblioteca de mi padre Pero alli antes de irme a Madrid lei a Rousseau a Voltaire .... Y nose si por aquel entonces creo que el dieciocho a Schopenhauer ya Nietzsche en las ediciones de Sempere y claro esta antes de irme a Madrid La Novela Semanal y La Novela Corta (111 12) Burgos wrote not only for the two series mentioned by Bufiuel but for all of the series to which Granjel refers as well Granjel relates that she was the most prolific author for La Novela Corta penning 27 novellas for that series between 1916 and 1925 8 In addition to her work for La Novela Corta and Zamacois s two series she wrote for El Libro Popular from 1912 to 1914 La Novela de Bolsillo in 1914 La Novela con Regalo in 1916 and 1917 La Novela para Todos in 1916 La Novela Contemporanea probably in 1917 La Novela Semanal from 1921 to 1925 La Novela Grafica in 1923 La Novela Mundial in 1926 and 1927 La Novela de Hoy from 1929 to 1932 and La Novela Femenina (n d ) 9 8 Nufiez Rey s dissertation which provides the most complete bibliography of Burgos s works identifies 26 contributions to La Novela Corta 9 Such titles as La Novela con Regalo insinuate the length to which some editors would go to attract readers

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148 This chapter will examine three novellas authored by Burgos The first is her initial novela breve El tesoro del castillo published in 1907 by El Cuento Semanal The second is El honor de la familia published in the same series in 1911 The third is La Flor de la Playa published by La Novela Carta in 1920 By choosing works published over a thirteen year span one is able to consider samples of Burgos s earlier and later writing Another factor in the selection is that the female protagonist of each novella is positioned within while manifesting a degree of resistance to domestic ideology Furthermore the novella s settings reflect Burgos s trajectory as she continuously searched for a location which would favor her career : Rodalquilar Toledo Madrid and the area near Estoril in Portugal In each the protagonist refuses to be restricted by the space allocated to her moving along a path over which she has varying degrees of control There is moreover a subtext demonstrating that the protagonists relation to their environments corresponds to their efforts to originate their own texts They may be seen as a reflection of Burgos s literary aspirations and her ultimate candor in communicating especially in regard to the domestic ideal

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'' [U] na carretera sin obstaculos '' 10 '' El tesoro del castillo '' 149 Burgos s first novela breve El tesoro del castillo appeared in the twenty fifth week of El Cuento Semanal 21 June 1907 Nunez Rey describes Burgos s previous forays into fiction writing (in Ensayos literarios and Alucinaci6n) as '' esbozos narrati vos ''; their brevity prevents more than a cursory sketch of the characters and the relationships between them (diss 233) In '' Piecing and Writing ,'' Elaine Showalter discusses similar trajectories among American women writers who progressed from the sketch or piece written for ladies magazines or albums to the construction of extended narrative fiction (229) Although Burgos wrote in the Spanish tradition Showalter s perspective is pertinent As with the American authors Showalter discusses Burgos s marginal status as a female in the traditionally male field of journalism resulted in her being assigned short pieces on '' women s topics .'' Moreover her economic needs caused her to experience demands on her time similar to those Showalter describes for American women novelists Showalter points out that [w]hile the sustained effort of a novel might be impossible for a woman whose day was shattered by constant interruption the short narrative piece quickly imagined and written and usually based on a 10 La Flor de la Playa 34 9

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150 single idea could be more easily completed (229-30) Her observations are germane to Burgos whose single-parent status and multi faceted career would certainly have fragmented her time In La novela de un literato Cansinos Assens recounts a visit to Burgos which sustains this assumption : '' Esta pelando patatas y dictandole al mismo tiempo a un joven flaco ... una interview que acaba de celebrar con Mr Naquet .... De cuando en cuando la periodista deja de dictar y corre a la cocina donde chirria el aceite Perdonen ustedes ... tengo que terminar esta interview que ha de salir esta misma noche en El Heraldo ... Maruja no molestes a estos sefiores ... vuelvete al sofa con tu mufieca ... GD6nde ibamos Lorenzo? ... Ah si .... espera que se me quema el acei te Bueno ya es toy aqui ''' ( 18 9) Burgos reflected her awareness of the profound difference between writing short and long pieces in the '' Autobiografia '' originally written for Prometeo in 1909 : 11 iLibros? Muchas traducciones y muchos pr6logos .... Ahora empiezo mi labor seria Permitame usted que guarde silencio acerca de todo lo que preparo Baste decir solo que hasta que he recibido todas las lecciones de la vida y llevo tantos afios de escritora no me he atrevido a escribir mi primera novela Miro la novela con miedo Es la diosa de la literatura (Al balc6n xii) The format of El Cuento Semanal with its double-columned text of small print although certainly not as long as a novel would require Burgos to construct a more protracted narrative piece than she had in the past 11 The version from which I cite was re-written for Al balc6n (1913?)

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151 Showalter s article relates narrative writing to the art of quilt making She defines piecing as '' the technique of assembling fragments into an intricate and ingenious design '' (227) ; next the '' assembled patches are ... attached to a heavy backing with either simple or elaborate stitches in the process called quilting (223) The production of a quilt is an artistic process with analogies to writing on the level of the sentence then in terms of the structure of a story or novel and finally the images motifs or symbols ... that unify a fictional work '' (223) Although Showalter proposes '' a downhome downright Yankee historical approach ,'' correlations between the pen and the needle even images of quilting need not be restricted to American literature (222) 12 Indeed a similar correlation exists in the Spanish tradition where a cent6n is both a covering constructed from small pieces of differently colored fabrics and a literary work composed by the joining together of imported elements As we have seen Burgos confessed that her first articles for her father-in-law s newspaper were written with scissors 13 Moreover her self conscious 12 Although thought of as quintessentially American garments and covers made of scraps of previously used cloth have a much longer history The use of fabric remnants as well as the quilting or overstitching of various layers was known as a way to add strength and warmth to fabric in the Middle Ages 13 '' Despues escribi con las tij eras para completar un peri6dico satirico Mi primer articulo mereci6 los honores de la cri tica y la reproducci6n fuera de la provincia ... '' (Al balc6n xi)

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152 expression of the affinity between the pen and the needle in the Prologue to La cocina moderna reveals that she herself applied the writing and sewing analogy to her work Showalter explains that [a]s the novel became the dominant genre of nineteeth century American writing women adapted the techniques of literary piecing to the structural and temporal demands of the new literary mode (229) She writes that Harriet Beecher Stowe for example as she was writing '' Uncle Tom s Cabin serialized in short weekly installments ... continued to think of her writing as the stitching together of scenes (233) Showalter concludes that the novel was not a break with Stowe s narrative technique but rather developed out of her earlier writing and was of a piece with it '" (citing Kirkland 233 34). This section will consider similar affinities between Burgos s earlier nonfiction writings and her novellas It will in addition note connections between her female protagonist and her presecriptions for being loved in El arte de ser amada El tesoro del castillo tells a story of rural workers on an estate or cortijo in the vicinity of Rodalquilar Burgos s childhood home in the province of Almeria It is a multi layered tale of fruitless searches by various residents of the region for buried treasure searches which eventually result in their discovery of other ostensibly more meaningful values Tio Manuel overseer of the cortijo

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153 and local story teller frequently recounts legends of riches left behind by the Moors ; they inspire Juanillo a young '' criado pobret6n '' who works for tio Manuel to undertake a quest for the treasure Juanillo s motivation is not avarice : he is willing to work hard and does not covet wealth but he believes he needs to be prosperous to win the favor of tio Manuel s daughter Dolores Dolores has announced that she prefers to marry '' aquel vegestorio [sic] de Gaspar el molinero '' (2) not '' por amor '' but for money His economic well-being guarantees that she will not suffer the poverty which saps most local women of their strength and beauty Gaspar is hardly an ideal spousal candidate for his '' palabras de pasi6n '' to Dolores '' zumbaban coma latigazos en sus oidos '' (10) 14 Furthermore in the eyes of Dolores s father Gaspar s past which included an association with Carlist forces makes him less than desirable in spite of his affluence Juanillo convinced that Dolores will marry him if he is wealthy reveals to her that he has dreamed of riches buried nearby Assuring Dolores that he has verified the existence of the site he persuades her to accompany him on his quest They do not find the cache but as they fall into each other s arms '' el primer rayo de sol rasg6 las nubes coma si viniera a saludar el triunfo de la naturaleza 14 The pages of El Cuento Semanal are not numbered I have numbered them with page one being the first page of Burgos s text

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154 y de la carne .... j Habian encontrado su tesoro! (18) In spite of Juanillo s lowly status tio Manuel sanctions their future union El tesoro del castillo predates the period between 1911 and 1913 which I have proposed for the publication of El arte de ser amada There are nonetheless interesting similarities in construction in the two texts As seen in Chapter 4 Burgos s practical manuals such as El arte de ser amada could be characterized as quilts formed by the author s stitching together scraps of fabric or information taken from other sources joined to a backing of original material By assembling such a text Burgos was able to increase her production and to expand the literary experiences of her female audience This section will show how Burgos in her first extended narrative uses a similar technique a '' stitching together of scenes .'' It is unlikely that early twentieth century readers of Spanish fiction would countenance such a blatant use of materials snipped from the works of contemporaneous authors as in Ser amada Instead in El tesoro del castillo Burgos utilizes multiple narrators as a means of piecing traditional legends into the novel l a. The primary narrator whose gender and identity are not defined stitches the novella together against the backing of the cortijo The narrator introduces tio Manuel a secondary narrator commenting that the latter s weakness is the recounting

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155 '' con cierto a ire de fil6sofo aventuras leidas en sus libros de las cuales se presentaba como heroe y aprovechaba todas las ocasiones para encajarlas con la indispensable muletilla : Era all a por los tiempos de la Reina ''' ( 2) The primary narrator adds that tio Manuel is an '' excelente cuentista ; sabia buscar los efectos en su oratoria improvisada redondeaba los puntos con cierto enfasis y buscaba los latiguillos con el mismo arte que un atildado conferenciante de Ateneo (2) Readers are told that the repetitiveness of tio Manuel s legends sometimes bores the audience ; nevertheless they inspire Juanillo s dreams of treasure which he in turn recounts to Dolores Burgos does not however create a separate voice for tio Manuel with the exception of the infrequent occasions when he converses with other characters Instead the primary narrator acts as a witness to his story-telling events describing him relating the tales In this way Burgos is able to recount '' his '' stories without changing the linguistic register to the more rural and less educated one that such a person would have used This technique enables her to lengthen the text by incorporating probably with very little modification the regional tales and legends which may well have constituted her youthful reading or listening Her lack of experience in writing sustained fictional narratives together with her need to generate

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income might well have prompted a verbatim inclusion of such familiar material 156 Showalter points out that piecing is an art of scarcity ingenuity conservation and order : You re given just so much to work with in a life and you have to do the best you can with what you got '" (qting Cooper and Buferd 228) The educational and literary scarcity experienced by women in nineteenth-century southern Spain could certainly have induced Burgos to conserve the limited materials available to her ; re-deploying them through the pretext of an embedded narrator is the kind of ingenious re use of that material to which Showalter refers It is unlikely that Burgos would have been able to write so prodigiously without recycling the experiences she had both lived and read. This technique would have enabled her to both respond more effectively to her own economic dilemma and perhaps to better compete with more experienced male writers The primary narrator s introduction of tio Manuel sets his traditional tales apart from the foregrounded contemporary story about the residents of the cortijo Moreover in comparing tio Manuel to speakers in the Ateneo the first narrator situates him/herself as familiar with the oratory heard there The primary narrator s parallel between the oratorial elegance of a village elder who sabia un poco de letra and ostensibly more sophisticated speakers casts a shadow of derision over both (2). As Nunez Rey

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157 points out Burgos and Emilia Pardo Bazan were in 1905 the first women in the Ateneo Thus it is likely that Burgos was inspired by that experience to comment on discursive technique As one surveys the totality of novellas she would eventually author however a style similar to that of tio Manuel s emerges : her fictional texts often begin with an imprecise identification of time similar to the '' Aquella noche '' of this text and the '' Era all a '' of his Moreover while Burgos does not specifically identify herself as the protagonist of her novellas as does tio Manuel most of them feature a female attempting to resolve social problems which confront the dominant domestic ideology As we have seen Burgos undertook what must have been the difficult decisions of leaving her husband and establishing her writing career almost simultaneously Thus it is reasonable to assume that the issues of female creative fulfillment and male/female relationships were intertwined for her As formative elements in her literary consciousness it is very likely that they would have occupied an important place in her obra Moreoever Burgos s prodigious output of novellas indicates that she found her technique to be effective in procuring additional assignments In the end her novellas reproduce some of the traits she attributes to the character she has created

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158 Nonetheless Burgos exhibits a sensibility toward differentiating her '' modern '' authorship from the old fashioned interpolated tales The text begins with the primary narrator s picturesque description of a moonlit celebration of corn husking The narrator seems to revel in his/her lexical facility constructing long phrases replete with regional language alliteration and sexual metaphors : En el centro de la empedrada erase apilaban las panochas envueltas en su sayal de estamefia por el cual aparecian las hebras de una cabellera seca y marchita Sobre la pila una gran espuerta de dar el pienso a las vacas iba recibiendo a las que eran despojadas de su ropaje por la turba de chiquillos hombres y mujeres que sentados sobre las falfollas [sic] mullidas y crujientes rompian con pinchos de madera la tosca envoltura la seda interior guardada bajo ella y despues de separarlas del tallo con rumor suspirante las arrojaban al aire rasgado con sus destellos de luz para ir a caer en la espuerta donde al chocar las facetas de los granos de oro producian chasquido de besos y risas de colegialas Aquel rasgar ropajes y desnudar mazorcas se verificaba entre la alegre charla y algazara de los mozuelos de ambos sexos ... (1) Furthermore by demonstrating an intimate understanding of regional customs and language the primary narrator becomes an expert guide for urban readers known to be the greatest audience for El Cuento Semanal In one instance it is necessary for the narrator to translate '' tio Manuel s speech : his use of the word '' cabafiuelas '' apparently a local term is explained in a footnote as '' Asi llaman alli a ciertas sefiales del cielo anunciadoras del tiempo en el afio futuro (1) The narrator further reveals an intimacy with the topic by replicating what is probably local

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pronunciation of the word '' falfollas '' which is given as '' farfolla '' in the Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola 15 It 159 is likely that Zamacois knew that Burgos was from the area featured in the novella ; he may even have requested that she write about the region assuming as did Sempere that her writing should be linked to her presumed areas of expertise 16 As the first section of this chapter explained Zamacois s plan for the success of El cuento semanal was predicated on bridging a literary gap ; it would utilize popular distribution similar to that associated with '' low '' literature for a journal of '' high '' literary category ( 233) Burgos s text might well have attracted readers whose literary tastes leaned toward the folletines which were still being published and may have competed with El Cuento Semanal The title El tesoro del castillo evokes those of historical novels popular in the previous century such as 15 The substitution of /1/ for /r/ called lambdacism reflects rural pronunciation The same variation is heard in modern Puerto Rican Spanish 16 In Almeria Burgos eventually achieved great fame Nuflez Rey relates that in 1913 upon return from a trip to Argentina Burgos s entrance por el puerto de Almeria fue apote6sico Bandos del alcalde anunciando su llegada primeras paginas de los peri6dicos recibimiento con banderas de las representaciones obreras banda de musica cohetes posterior conferencia en el prestigioso Circulo Mercantile Industrial sobre sus impresiones de Argentina (Flor 30-31)

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160 Los tesoros de la Alhambra of 1832 (Romero Tobar 44 n 34) 17 Yet the story of the cortijo confronts issues such as rural poverty the unequal distribution of wealth and women s domestic servitude which formed part of the contemporary poltical discussion The textual fabric which results is an assemblage of costumbrista legendary historical and modern elements which maintain their individual colorations Tio Manuel s narrative wherein his protagonist in turn narrates his story to another is occasionally so intricate as to complicate the overall design of the text Yet it is likely that the construction of El tesoro del castillo in which the individual elements could be separately enjoyed would appeal to the less sophisticated audience not accustomed t o lengthy narratives posited by Zamacois Tio Manuel s stories provide natural points at which the reader could take up and put down the novella in a '' rato de ocio '' as also suggested by the authors of Ideologia y texto Showalter points out that American women writing novels before the Civil War "' saw themselves not as artists but as professional writers with work to do : The literary women conceptualized authorship as a profession rather than a calling as work and not art '" (citing Baym 229) Burgos 17 Romero Tobar cites the '' reciente aparici6n '' [1960s] of Los misterios del castillo as evidence of the continuing popularity into the twentieth century of popular stories evoking a mysterious Spanish past (226 n 51)

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161 who in 1907 was beginning to write narrative fiction indicated in the Prologue to La cocina moderna [1906-1909] that she considered herself in those terms Although Showalter is addressing a period about 50 years earlier the lack of a tradition of female writers in Spain could account for Burgos s correspondence to an earlier period in a country with a greater female literacy In 1907, Burgos was still primarily a translator and a journalist ; the economic straits which compelled her to concentrate on production as well as the nature of the pieces allotted to her likely strengthened for her the association of writing with work. The motif of the inserted tales reinforces the overarching theme of the novella that residents of the area are sharply aware of their poverty and anxious to alleviate it Tio Manuel s solution involves the fantastic intervention of '' un hombre nonagenario de barba blanquisima '' with '' una varita magica '' (4). Dolores on the contrary adopts the more pragmatic solution of marrying Gaspar Yet, her search for financial comfort is not without inner conflict and generates the dilemma which structures the novella : will she be content with the loveless union or choose to sacrifice her desired economic well-being in order to '' ser amada? '' The ending seems on the surface to leave little doubt as to the correctness of her decision: Dolores and Juanillo appear to have a love match which is supported by her father ; even nature

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162 sanctifies their discovery of mutual passion Yet the name '' Dolores ,'' as well as the silhouette of her sister Frasqui ta hovering behind her hint at the possibility of an alternative future less rosy than it might at first appear In the context of Showalter s quilt metaphor Dolores and Frasquita are the recurring images which generate the overall coloration of the novella s fabric In order to interpret the tone of the novella the appearance of each of them as well as the distinctions between them must be considered Dolores '' una muchacha frescota y lozana de formas redondas y caderas amplias ,'' is first depicted in contrast to Fr as qui ta '' la hij a casada una muj erci ta anciana a los veinte afios seca y marchita con el talle sin curvas y el cabello escaso agotada por la debilidad de un organismo sometido a la esclavitud moruna de la hembra andaluza (2) How might the reader envision the cloth which represents her? I would like to suggest a faded and gauzy scrap dull brown in hue perhaps a remnant from an Arabic face veil It would scarcely be sturdy enough for re use The recurrence of Frasquita s patch would both muddy the appearance of the final product and contribute to its fragility Dolores on the contrary is often represented outdoors where la luna daba una palidez azulina a la tez blanca del rostro ya las manos ... ; las largas pestafias espesas marcaban a los ojos grandes un circulo de sombra ; los

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163 cabellos de un negro intense parecian despedir reflejos metalicos y el panuelo de Manila se plegaba al talle de escultura (3) The visually evocative language which Burgos uses to describe Dolores leads the reader to imagine a very different cloth : perhaps the deep black silk of the traditional pafiuelo de Manila embroidered with shiny black white pale blue and metallic threads The pieces representing Dolores would certainly outshine those signifying Frasquita Nevertheless the presence of Frasquita s lackluster and flimsy scraps would trouble the resulting fabric detracting from its beauty and suggesting the deterioration that results from overuse Burgos leaves no doubt as to the particulars of Frasquita s esclavitud for she is always portrayed in the family cottage working hard at domestic chores : '' Frasquita en cuclillas en un angulo de la cocina fregaba el perol y las cucharas de la cena en un gran barreno de barro (13) Not even depicted in the human s upright position Frasquita is described in the scientific lexicon of animal husbandry and equated to an organism weakened by exploitation A comparable affinity in which appearance is the outward indication of health also emerges from Burgos s writing on beauty in such practical manuals as Salud y belleza 1 8 1 8 This is true not only of Salud y belleza but constant concomitant of Burgos s treatment of beauty other manuals as well lS a in the

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' 164 Unlike Frasquita Dolores is portrayed as the epitome of the southern Spanish beauty ; her black hair and eyes white skin and ample hips exemplify the '' criterio arabe '' of beauty which Burgos would later cite repeatedly in such practical manuals as the Salud y belleza texts El arte de ser mujer and in Ser amada 19 While scarcely a realistic model for the urban middle-class reader of those texts the paradigm is even less credible for a rural peasant living in a sun-baked climate Dolores s white skin could be logically explained by her reluctance to work whether indoors or out When she is contrasted to Frasquita however the association between appearance and the female role becomes even more clear Dolores s beauty manifests her healthy vigor ; Frasquita s domestic servitude has robbed her of those attributes If any doubt remains as to the differing commitment of the sisters to domestic labor the primary narrator adds that Dolores '' era ambiciosilla no queria trabaj ar tenia hurnos de sefiorio .... Las mujeres son el demonio cuando reflexionan y tienen cabecita (2} Dolores thinks rather than work ; she considers other options and rejects at least temporarily the traditional role accepted by her sister 1 9 '' Cuatro cosas negras : los cabellos las cej as las pestafias y las pupilas ; tres cosas blancas : la piel el cristal del ojo y los dientes ; cinco cosas rosadas : la lengua los labios las encias las mejillas y las ufias ; cuatro cosas grandes : la frente los ojos los rifiones y caderas '' (15) las

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165 In contrast to Frasquita Dolores s good looks signal the reproductive potential of a woman not debilitated and animalized by domestic servitude Her shapely form and wide hips insinuate her potential for passion and maternity while Frasquita already aged by the traditional female role holds little promise as a good prospect for the reproduction usually associated with it In The Gender of Modernity Rita Felski addresses the predominance of symbols '' explicitly gendered '' as masculine which served to identify the modern with the public and to locate woman '' outside processes of history and social change (16) Woman on the contrary was featured in Romantic texts as '' a redemptive refuge from the constraints of civilization '' (16) She was '' [s] een to be less specialized and differentiated than man located within the household and an intimate web of familial relations more closely linked to nature through her reproductive capacity .... (16) As such she would have been excluded from the modern sphere in which critical and self critical human reason was privileged Felski points out in addition that '' the idea of the modern was deeply implicated from its beginnings with a project of domination over those seen to lack this capacity for reflective re a son in g '' ( 14 ) In the context of Felski s observations Burgos s characterization of Dolores sharply differentiates her from

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166 Romantic predecessors Instead she is marked as a modern woman whose thinking removes her from household work Moreover in a clearly patriarchal culture Dolores attempts to design her own future. Dolores s existence as the protagonist of the novella locates women within the processes of social change envisioned by Burgos and contemporary feminists Yet while such autonomy would as Felski indicates be valued in a male it is seen as a problem in Dolores If Dolores were permitted to carry out her decision to marry Gaspar she would risk disturbing the social order on several levels : her autonomy would locate her closer to the masculine rational sphere distancing her from her reproductive capacity Instead Dolores has an epiphanic experience which eventually leads her to neglect her rational goals When Dolores views Juanillo as a sexual object revealed by the moonlight he awakens in her the passion she had not felt for Gaspar : la figura esbelta del muchacho alto delgado de cabellos castafios y ardientes ojos se destacaba envuelta en luz sobre el fondo del campo ; ... y le pareci6 bello como ella con su camisa blanca el chaleco obscure la faja color de sangre and la revuelta cabellera espesa (11) Her reaction suggests that she would be far less troubled sharing the marriage bed with him than with the older suitor Juanillo like Dolores is distinguished by his good looks ; her attraction to him seems to be stimulated by his resemblance to her own appearance suggesting that she

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167 also views herself as a desirable sexual object With their thick hair and sparkling eyes the couple is pictured as a matching pair embodying youth and health On the contrary Dolores s union with the older Gaspar would be '' una juventud mal empleada '' according to her father (2) Tio Manuel s suggestion that Dolores s youth would be wasted on Gaspar contributes to the notion that with him Dolores would not fulfill her reproductive potential The pairing of Dolores and Juanillo both specimens embodying canonical beauty augurs a more biologically sound future generation than that of Dolores and Gaspar As Penny Boumelha writes in Thomas Hardy and Women '' The Darwinistic evolutionary perspective is the impulse behind the widespread and growing concern towards the end of the century with eugenics. The choice of a sexual partner when biological inheritance is all and environment nothing becomes a matter not of personal emotion but of public concern for upon it depends the continuation and evolutionary progress of the race ''' ( 19) Addressing the use of evolutionary narratives in feminist discourse Felski writes that '' enacting a negotiation with the prevailing intellectual vocabulary of the time they [feminists] sought to demonstrate not only the desirability but also the inevitability of women s emancipation (155). She explains furthermore, that

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168 [f]eminists frequently resorted to eugenic theories to insist that women s presence in education the workplace and the public realm would lead not to the depletion of the race as conservatives feared but rather to a population of healthier and more vigourous bodies (155) The union of Dolores and Juanillo would be far more likely to assure such a result than that of Dolores and Gaspar Furthermore the reproductive potential inherent in Dolores s marriage to Juanillo channels her desire into a culturally approved course Boumelha points out that the preoccupation with biological inheritance and transmission tended ... towards the containment of sexuality and especially though not exlusively of female sexuality within the area of procreation (20) As a female who admits to desire and whose beauty is recognized Dolores could be the kind of destabilizing female described by Stephanie Smith in Conceived by Liberty Smith points out the danger inherent in the female "' whose freedom from the restricting bounds of domesticity endowed her with demonic magical powers including the power to mesmerize and paralyze men '" (citing Halttunen 98) While it is certainly plausible that Dolores will enjoy happiness with Juanillo in the short term her rejection of Gaspar means that she accepts the reproductive responsibility assigned to her by the patriarchal system which her father represents Moreover she surrenders to

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169 the conditions of poverty depicted in Tio Manuel s stories and embodied in Frasquita The reader cannot help but wonder if Dolores like her sister will eventually be debilitated in that process On the other hand she might continue to refuse domestic tasks with the potential in that culture of destabilizing the social order The ending which seems on the surface to offer a final resolution of Dolores s marriage dilemma leaves pending such issues as rural poverty and women s domestic burden As Nunez Rey has observed Burgos s novellas are frequently '' sin verdadero desenlace '' (Flor 50) If as I will show Burgos s novellas represent the friction inherent in woman s search for self realization in a male dominated society the lack of a clear outcome is consistent with her consciousness of the unfolding cultural process in which she was involved Dolores attempts within the limited possibilities available to her to map out her own course Nevertheless Burgos shows that within the context of rural southern Spain her degree of control is circumscribed by the marriage options available to her Thus she decides to follow Juanillo along the path he recommends hoping that by traveling with him she will satisfy both of her desires That possibility relies on the implausible narration of the discovery of buried treasure ; such fictions are presented as foolish and irrelevant to the lives of the villagers as well as to Dolores

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170 Burgos s apparently conventional solution predicated on the romantic love of two stereotypically young and handsome characters does not coincide with the position on companion marriage she later articulates in Ser amada Dolores and Juanillo s union is based more on the kind of titillating sexual encounters suggested by the title and cover of that work but not mentioned in the text Furthermore it appears to lead to the probable domestication of Dolores. As I have mentioned novella authors were under constant pressure to demonstrate the ability to attract an audience A strictly female readership would not be sufficient to assure success and secure further contracts for the author Thus Burgos may have been consciously avoiding the appearance of an overly '' female '' text Tania Modleski writes in Loving with a Vengeance that female protagonists and female popular fiction cannot claim for themselves the kind of status male heroes and male texts so often claim .... We need not list here the dreary catalogue of devices used in the male text to disable the female and thus assert masculine superiority (the grapfruit mashed in the woman s face by one tragic hero ) At the end of a majority of popular narratives the woman is disfigured dead or at the very least domesticated And her downfall is seen as anything but tragic (12) Nevertheless the Dolores/ Juanillo/ Gaspar triangle focuses the text on the larger question of women s role in contemporary Spanish culture. It raises issues of women s happiness, their need for economic protection and the

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171 societal imperative to reproduce Burgos chooses not to create a solution whereby all of Dolores s needs and desires are fulfilled Indeed in light of her experience it is difficult to imagine that Burgos would conceive any sort of utopian resolution to this vital cultural issue Rather Dolores s role is to compromise her economic well being in order to satisfy at least temporarily her emotional requirements and the patriarchal imperative to reproduce Burgos nonetheless simultaneously troubles Dolores s acquiescence by adding the paradigm of Frasquita Nunez Rey identifies El tesoro del castillo as Burgos s first fictional work in what would become a ciclo de Rodalquilar '' resulting in the creation of a '' mundo mi tico '' (Flor 47) In her opinion the cycle represents one of Burgos s major themes : '' la nostalgia del paraiso perdido '' ( Flor 50) It is true that in the '' Autobiografia '' written for Prometeo in 1909 Burgos reiterates the positive value of her childhood experience in the Almeria region : '' En esa tierra mora en mi inolvidable Rodalquilar se form6 libremente mi espiritu y se desarroll6 mi cuerpo Nadie me habl6 de Dios ni de leyes (ix) At least at that writing the area represented an edenic state where she had remained oblivious to the social and religious codes which would later complicate her life Nevertheless in El tesoro del castillo and to a far greater degree in Frasca la tonta (also published as Venganza) she expresses a clear

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172 awareness of the problems intrinsic to the area 20 Burgos's characterization of Frasquita as a victim of the '' esclavitud moruna de la hembra andaluza indicates her consciousness of the particularly negative impact on women of the cultural traditions of southern Spain It is important to consider that although Burgos voiced her love for the childhood freedom she enjoyed in the nature of the area her later experiences were far less positive It was there that she married young apparently by her own insistence This dissertation has addressed the oppressive circumstances surrounding the termination of that marriage Of necessity Burgos s chosen route of self determination led her away from Almeria It is not surprising then that she would have depicted a woman in that area as having circumscribed choices In my opinion Rodalquilar illustrates in this text and in the others situated there Burgos s ambivalent relationship to the Spanish cultural and literary heritage which situated her on the threshold of modernity She celebrates the music rural fiestas and customs of her youth reiterating costumbrista like writing rooted in the nineteenth century Nonetheless her cognizance of the continuity of culturally inscribed patterns which impede social and economic progress leads her to create such 2 Frasca 30 June 1914 Novela Corta la tonta was published by El Libre Popular on The same story appeared as Venganza in La 17 August 1918

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173 heavily coded characters as Frasquita who can only be seen as an impediment to Spanish modernization Dolores who is a better candidate to regenerate the the Almerian people may represent merely an intermediate stage in the propagation of the New Woman but Frasquita is a clear symbol of the negative consequences of women s historical role The novellas under consideration in this chapter reveal a connection between the options available to the protagonists and the locations in which they are situated I n the next section I will discuss the setting of El honor de la familia Toledo as the locus of those repressive cultural forces which to Burgos continue the worst of Spanish tradition El honor de la familia El honor de la familia was Burgos s fourth work for El Cuento Semanal published in the fifth year of the journal 1911 It is then approximately contemporaneous with the years I have suggested for the publication of El arte de ser amada By 1911 in addition to her extensive nonfiction writings Burgos had authored three novellas for El Cuento Semanal one for Los Contemporaneos ; the collection Cuentos de Colombine had been published and she had written her first long novel Los inadaptados 21 Thus Burgos was 21 Burgos wrote two novellas for El Cuento Semanal between El tesoro del castillo and El honor de la familia : Senderos de vida (1908) and En la guerra (1909) Zamacois had left El Cuento Semanal in 1908 His new journal Los Contemporaneos published Burgos s El veneno del arte in

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174 considerably more experienced in the creation of longer narrative fiction than when she had authored El tesoro del castillo Unlike the first novella discussed El honor de la familia does not have a plot which is complicated by inserted tales that can serve to muddle the focus Instead the text adheres closely to the limited cast of characters the chronology and the location pertinent to the development of the central enigma The novella narrates the plight of the descendents all female of the '' ilus t res Girones de Toledo la mas rancia nobleza de Castilla ,'' providing a complicated series of events to explain the premature extinction of the '' linea masculina '' of the family (1) The lack of males leaves the family elder Dona Solita without funds yet responsible for the maintenance of the family s palacio its honor and her nieces and grand nieces. 22 The economic salvation of the women rests upon Soledad who is at 30 the youngest grand niece Because she likes to read her aunts conquer their customary avers i on to h i gher education and accede to the counsel of Padre Mariano and the Cardinal : Soledad should attend school in order to obtain the title of '' profesora de primer a ensenanza 1910 22 The family tree constructed by Burgos would not have been chronologically feasible

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175 superior ." The clergymen will ensure that she finds employment and earns a much-needed income thereby alleviating the family s dire financial situation Soledad s foray into the public space seen by her aunts as charged with danger generates the enigma which drives the plot Eventually their worst fears are realized : the unmarried Soledad becomes pregnant The outcome of that predicament will determine not only her future but theirs Unlike El tesoro del castillo this narrative maintains a unity which betrays neither the presence of imported elements nor interruptions in Burgos s writing process The text is divided into five chapters which follow a chronology of a few months beginning with Soledad s unexpectedly late return from classes and ending with her resolution regarding the pregnancy Chapter 3 unlike the others which move the action foward is an interior monologue in which Soledad reflects on the circumstances which have led to her plight The lens through which the reader perceives the story is provided by an omniscient narrator who as the plot develops seems to assume a female identity through apparent sympathy for Soledad s position There is little dialogue among the characters ; instead the reader s understanding of the plot is structured by the narrator s perspective The novella is not constructed around physical description of the women who people the text ; rather the narrator s view focuses on the locations in which the story takes place

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176 The reader s knowledge of the aunts appearance for example is merely that they have '' caballera cenizosa '' crowning their faces of '' una grasienta y sedosa tersura '' Even the narrator s external depiction of the protagonist Soledad is limited to a perfunctory sketch Perhaps with the exception of her lips she is represented as typical of women in that part of Spain : Era una mujer de estatura regular algo gruesa de redondo rostro naricilla un poco chata labios frescos rojos como una herida sangrienta y ojos y cabellos del negro intense prop i os en las muj eres toledanas ( 7) On the contrary the narrator s characterizations of the spaces the women occupy are meticulously detailed Burgos develops the settings to the extent that they assume the value of a character which has an impact on the human ones As the portrayal of Toledo emerges from the text the narrator s disapproving perspective on the city becomes as clear as '' her '' empathy for Soledad While Burgos did not have the close association with Toledo that she did with Rodalquilar it is likely that her attitude toward it became known at least to her newspaper audience Castaneda reports that Burgos considered her 1907 assignment to a teaching post there to be '' un abuso y un atropello (29) The Heraldo for which Burgos was writing at the time denounced the move as not beneficial to her career Moreover Burgos criticized the omnipresence in Toledo of '' la Iglesia Primada de Espana '' in the article '' La

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177 ciudad de los Cristos '': '' Pues ni aun en Napoles marcado tan tristemente por las huellas del fanatismo espafiol existen tantos crucifijos tantas santas tantas hornacinas al tares y santuarios como en Toledo '' (Al balc6n 22 6) 23 Readers of El honor de la familia who were familiar with Burgos s attitude toward Toledo observing her empathy with the female protagonist might well have conflated the voice of the story s narrator with that the author Although the settings of both El tesoro and this novella are clearly identifiable locations the sites play significantly different roles in each text In El tesoro del castillo Rodalquilar forms a picturesque backdrop against which both the inserted legends and Dolores s story unfold In the terms of Showalter s quilt metaphor it might be posited as the colorful backing fabric to which the patches are stitched lending another decorative element to the finished product In contrast the dimly lit and decrepit palacio and corresponding greyness of the fortress like city of Toledo tower over the characters of El honor de la familia The spaces in which the plot unfolds could be 23 Burgos s descriptions of the palacio in the text should be compared to similar images in '' La ciudad de los Cristos '': '' mientras todas esas sombras negras agrupadas en torno de tu cadaver habitan en palacios deslumbran a un pueblo ignorante y hambriento con sus brocades y guardan joyas preciosas entre los tesoros de soberbias catedrales que alzaron en tu nombre '' (227-28) Similarly Burgos writes in both the article and the novella about the Virgen d e l o s Alfileritos and the custom of leaving offerings to Santo C rist o de las Coberteras

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178 visualized as a series of darkly colored concentric circles with the largest a distant view of the city the next the public zone of Toledo then the religious zone of the city individual rooms in the palacio and finally Soledad s womb Soledad s aunts who observe codes of behavior for women similar to those mandated by Fray Luis de Leon in the sixteenth century attempt to close off the interior of the palacio from intrusion by modern life thus creating one of the circles Its boundary is clearly marked by a '' portal6n de madera '' bearing a '' pesado aldab6n de hierro que pendia del escudo nobiliario in its center (6) Their exterior zone of movement does include such religious destinations as the Cathedral but they consider secular ones like the market to be beyond the territory in which it is appropriate for them to function As a child Soledad too was permitted access only to the religious sphere of the city where in the cathedral '' [ d] e rodillas inm6vil y muda horas y ho r as '' she studied a book of devotions (9) Occasionally she left the church for a nearby cloister with its internal jardin escaso mal cuidado '' which nourished her daydreams ( 9) Sometimes with her tias she visited '' La Huerta del Cardenal '' supposedly a safe zone for girls innocent play Nevertheless the narrator recounting Soledad s memories in Chapter 3

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179 troubles the religious sphere with a suggestion of ulterior motives among the clergy : 24 Su eminencia de caracter muy divertido llevaba consigo una corte de can6nigos y pajes y un acompafiamiento de lindas devotas y de mamas complacientes .... Algun dia como por un atavismo de satrapa o emperador mandaba soltar un novillo en la plazuela o un pufiado de lagartos cuando mayor era la diversion iEra de ver c6mo corrian entonces! ... Algunos tardaban horas en parecer (10) When it was decided that Soledad would attend school it became necessary for her to enter a domain which included the secular areas of the city That activity was theoretically monitored by Soledad s school friends whose mothers assured her guardian -mistakenly -that they did not have novi o s ; thus they would not have enjoyed the freedom of movement available to women with male companions but rather would be restricted to a prescribed route to and from the school Nevertheless when Soledad meets the young artist who eventually makes her pregnant they leave the school every afternoon to meander through the city Their circular route takes them beyond the narrow streets to a place where they can overlook Toledo but even from a distance the city maintains its oppressive military and religious appearance : Siempre terminaba el del crepusculo bajo paseo aquel de la cielo vega a la hora ; grisaceo .... La 24 Burgos s revelations about the behavior of the clergy in this text become less shocking when considered in the anticlerical context of such contemporaneous works as Ram6n Perez de Ayala s A M D G (1910)

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ciudad parecia que resonaban los toques de sus iglesias 180 a lo lejos una gran fortaleza en la de modo anacr6nico la melancolia de campana en la multitud de torres de ( 12) Later when Soledad s pregnancy is discovered her sphere again shrinks as she voluntarily retreats to her room in the family palacio and there turns her thoughts inward to her unborn child The novella begins with the narrator s description of the salon of the '' vetusto palacio toledano '' where Soledad lives with her aunts (1 2) The details of the room including the atmosphere created by the lighting are rendered in such a manner that the text could serve as the basis for the construction of a realistic stage set The room is characterized by a cold and oppressive atmosphere of decayed elegance and religiosity : La luz que se escapaba bajo la gran pantalla verde del quinque de petr6leo esclarecia apenas un angulo de la estancia El artesonado techo encaladas y altas paredes macizas mal encubierto el desquebrajado piso de ladrillos con la estera de pleita blanca tenia un aspecto de fria soledad .... Dos candelabras con las bujias sin encender ocupaban los angulos salientes de la mesa ; y delante del Nino ... ardia la mariposa lanzando reflejos inciertos y mortecinos que iban a quebrarse en las ricas y bordadas vestiduras del pequefio Jesus ( 1) The human protagonists are briefly introduced only after the room is described but even then they are presented as attributes of the scenery Their individual identity is eclipsed by the sense of place : '' El grupo de muj eres sentadas junto a la mesa parecia perdido entre la sombra de

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181 los grandes pliegues de cortinones pesados y pol vorientos '' ( 1) The living protagonists are overshadowed as well by the images of religious figures and highly respected family ancestors which adorn the walls of the salon The latter represent men who embody the presumably esteemed legacy of Armas y Letras and women who were apparently paragons of decorum : 25 Caballeros con uniforme habitos santiagueses o antiguos vestidos de gran senor .... y severas damas con los cabellos cefiidos honesto el descote negro el traje y caida la mano que saliendo de entre encajes blancos sostenia el pafiuelo o el abanico ( 1) The narrator s reference to the women s panuelo recalls that of the protagonist of El tesoro del castillo In that novella however the larger pafiuelo de Manila clings to Dolores s shapely form and black is associated with her shiny hair Dolores and Rodalquilar evoke the picturesque and folkloric elements of traditional Spanish tales while the Giron women are modern manifestations of the women pictured on the walls : Imagenes escapadas de aquellos lienzos parecian las damas silenciosas cerca de la mesa camilla con tapete verde sobre la que lucia el quinque alumbrando cestillos de labor y algunos devocionarios encuadernados en tafilete negro Eran cuatro mujeres todas vestidas lo mismo con 25 Two of the female ancestors are descibed as virtuous in spite of their '' illegitmate '' pregnancies which were unlike Soledad s favored because the men involved were members of the royal family

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182 cuerpos cefiidos y vueludas faldas de merino negro ( 1) It is not merely the palacio of the Gir6nes which represents Spanish antiquity ; all of Toledo is permeated by the power of institutionalized tradition Just as the silhouette of the Cathedral looms over the city the influence of the Church permeates the lives of the protagonists Tia Solita had been educated by an aunt in the convent who had prohibited her '' todo estudio y toda lectura que no fuese la de devocionarios y libros piadosos '' (2) She replicated these customs in the next generation raising her nieces under the same paradigm The women have colluded in maintaining a seamless connection between the past and the present As a result of reproducing the patriarchal system which oppressed them they are ill prepared for the duties which have fallen to them Even as a child Soledad did not adapt comfortably either to the palacio or to the sanctioned exterior religious spaces as did her aunts She remembers that she cried frequently '' de un modo incomprensible para todos los demas (9) The hours spent in the Cathedral instead of yielding the expected results caused her to develop un misticisimo que la hacia adorar la Natura y la Belleza confundiendolas con el Dios que invocaban los otros ... (9) When reading the sanctioned '' libro de devociones '' Soledad s reaction was more poetic than religious :

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183 [L]as palabras armoniosas de la oraci6n se rimaban materializandose como si se convirtieran las lineas del devocionarios en guirnaldas de lirios morados pensamientos negros claveles de purpura y rosas de sangre ... y entre ellos muchos nardos jazmines y azucenas Muchos nardos (9) Her pregnancy only intensifies her friction with the model Toledo imposes upon her driving her to forsake not only the city streets but the common rooms of the palacio as well The domestic space historically deemed the most nurturing location for a pregnant woman does not offer comfort to Soledad In The Gender of Modernity Rita Felski discusses attitudes toward the maternal which coincide with Burgos s era Between 1890 and 1911 the year of the publication of El honor de la familia the sociologist Georg Simmel wrote a series of essays on female culture and psychology and the relationship between the sexes (36) Burgos eventually had some knowledge of his writing because she refers to him in several texts for example La mujer moderna y sus derechos but it is impossible to say at what point and to what extent she became familiar with his ideas Felski explains that the only cultural sphere which Simmel considers to exemplify the female mode of being is that of the household '' (48) He wrote "' In its state of serene self-contained completeness it assumess that real and symbolic relationship to the nature of the woman by which it could become her great cultural achievement '" (qtd in Felski 48 49) The home he suggests is marked by the special

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184 interests and abilities and distinctive rhythms of female being ; it is unified concrete and complete within itself '' (48 49) In El honor de la familia however the palacio represents those negative aspects of Spanish culture which conspire against Soledad It manifests both the trappings of a lineage whose economic needs have superseded compassion and the effects of the intromission of the Church hierarchy into the private sphere In a self-imposed confinement Soledad retreats to her room refusing to emerge even to share meals with the family The solitude and her pregnancy inspire an examination of her emotions in which [s]u imaginaci6n le presentaba como un cinemat6grafo todas las escenas de su vida pasada '' ( 9) 26 Isolated from the locations which reiterate institutionalized Spanish secular and religious traditions Soledad finds an environment favorable to the exploration of her emotions In '' a room of her own ,'' her imagination is freed to interpret her situation in a way that imitates a modern artistic form ; visualizing her life as a film she initiates a self-analysis along the lines of modern psychiatry (Woolf 4) 26 The first practical motion picture camera was made in France in 1887 by E J Marey In 1889 Thomas Edison invented the first commercially successful camera Cinematography was not accessible to amateurs until 1923 as a result of film and cameras developed by Eastman Kodak and Bell and Howell respectively

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185 Soledad s maternity forces the question of whether she will be able to free herself from archaic cultural constructs in order to determine the boundaries of her body and the survival of her progeny Although Burgos does not expressly link the development of Soledad s creative imagination with the pregnancy it is clear that the presence of the unborn child precipitates an examination of conscience through which she convinces herself to assume the authority for her future The father of the child will not contribute to its support Neither will Soledad be able to earn the wages which would alleviate her family s economic distress As a result Padre Mariano and the Cardinal propose a solution to which her aunts acquiesce : Soledad will take an abortive powder provided by the priest and enter the convent The clergy will be willing to overlook her lack of the required dowry provided that she be sexually available to them Padre Mariano tells her that es preciso que no s6lo seas buena con el [the Cardinal] ya me entiendes (aqui un carifioso apret6n en las manos) Yo hare que la felicidad vuelva a sonreirte jEres tan digna de amor! (16) The proposed solution to Soledad s plight is fraught with irony The aunts seemingly unaware of the sexual implications for Soledad believe that the termination of her pregnancy and admission to the convent will protect el honor de la familia ." Nevertheless Soledad s child

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186 represents their only potential biological heir Thus in addition to consenting to a mortal sin they are actually promoting the demise of the family whose honor they seek to protect They are instead defending their more immediate economic interests by dodging the need to support Soledad and the child Their intent seems more compatible with patriarchial goals than with maternal ones 27 The Church forces which should provide Soledad s moral compass instead advocate sin and sexual p r omiscuity By accepting a solution she finds intolerable Soledad would surrender control to them not only of the child she would (not) produce but of her body and her ability to make decisions as well In order to resist such cultural pressure and to imagine a different future wherein she can determine the course of her body and her production she turns inward In '' Creativity and the Childbirth Metaphor ,'' Susan Friedman addresses the charged nature of the maternal body in literature She points out that [t]he childbirth metaphor has always been pregnant with resonance because 27 Bartky writes '' [I]f we add to the Marxist notion of modes of production the idea of modes of (biological reproduction ,' then it is evident that the development of cheap and efficient types of contraception has been instrumental in changing both the concrete choices women are able to make and the prevailing conceptions about woman s function and destiny (13) In Soledad s case such a choice would have facilitated her exploitation by her aunts as a wage earner at the expense of the continuation of their supposedly illustrious family

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childbirth itself is not neutral in literary discourse '' (372) Although '' artistic creativity and human procreativity '' have long been associated language and religion have historically inscribed a dualism in which maternity and women s creative work are assumed to be mutually exclusive 187 Thus, the image of the unmarried pregnant woman when located at the center of an early twentieth century text, as is Soledad in El honor de la familia is particularly loaded. It carries with it not only the traditional contexts which have accrued to maternity and creativity but the contemporaneous debate in which women s nondomestic work was represented not only as undermining their maternity but also as beyond their '' natural '' abilities At stake in the polemic is the determination of the nature of women s '' labor '' and (re) production: would women be permitted to envisage new ways to contribute to society or would they be subsumed by the dominant ideology? Soledad s pregnant body becomes a site where conflicts of mind/body and creativity/procreativity converge (372) Friedman's thesis is that although a reader s sex and historically acquired perspectives on childbirth doubtless influence his or her interpretation of a text more significant is the alteration of meaning that results from the reader s awareness of the sex of the metaphor s author '' (375). She points out that [w]e seldom read any text

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188 without knowledge of the author s sex The title page itself initiates a series of expectations that influence our reading throughout expectations intensified by the overdetermined childbirth metaphor (375) These observations are germane to Burgos s writing for the novella genre The novellas featured caricatures or photographs of the author on the cover which inspired a particular public consciousness of the identity including of course the gender of the author Furthermore Zamacois wrote in Un hombre que se va that the competition for sales between El cuento semanal and Los Contemporaneos hinged on the '' jerarquia literaria del autor '' thus indicating that authorial reputation was an important consideration in attracting an audience (253) Burgos s contemporary readers must have been conscious of the conflicted position between women writing and their culturally ordained domestic and maternal function (373) Friedman explains that the reader s awareness that the metaphor features a woman [author] changes how the bio l ogical and historical resonances work (377) When in addition to her gender details of the author s personal life were well known and controversial it is very likely that readers preconceptions affected their interpretation of the metaphor Such components of Burgos s life as the termination of her marriage and subsequent cohabitation with Ramon Gomez de la Serna could well have been considered

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189 illustrative of the lack of compatibility between the maternal and intellectual position Moreover the application of such epithets to Burgos as La divorciadora insinuates that she was seen as a threat to the domestic status quo Yet she was both a mother and an author demonstrating her ability to defy the traditional separation between creation and procreation Some of Burgos s readers both male and female would likely have approached her texts armed with these constructs The reader familiar with Burgos s experiences can see parallels between her creative struggle and that of Soledad Though not a writer Soledad is a reader a person whose fondness for the written word is noticed and criticized When she tries to use that ability to earn a living her venture into public spaces exposes her to situations for which her culture had not prepared her The women who surround her offer no solace ; rather the pregnancy forces her to turn inward -to her room and to her womb -to generate the strength which enables her to interpret her past and design her future Yet Soledad is the only audience for her own words ; she does not even share her film like vision of her past life with her sister Herminia Later with Herminia s assistance the two women will set a course whereby Soledad will maintain control of her maternal body Without confiding in the aunts but as tia Soli ta had often done Herminia '' borrows '' from the funds

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190 they allotted for charity as tia Solita had often done in order to temporarily sustain Soledad saying : '' Nuestro nifio debe vi vir '' Por un milagro de su sentimiento la pobre mujer tomaba una parte en la maternidad de su herrnana jEl hijo era de las dos! (19) The women formulate their plan in isolation silence and with subterfuge The following morning Soledad sneaks away from the house to board a train for Madrid Her sister whispers quietly to her and as Soledad leaves [l]a puerta se cerr6 sin ruido a sus espaldas (19) Their collaborative effort will remain a secret between them at least for the time being Soledad will successfully resist the cultural coercion to surrender her body and her progeny Neither Toledo nor the family heritage nor the Church nor the child s father will figure in their future ; instead Soledad will travel to an environment which will sustain her independence As she looks back at Toledo the narrator expresses her consciousness of standing on the threshold between the antiquated and the modern : A su izquierda las ruinas del castillo de San Servando aparecian coronadas por una gigantesca cruz de hierro ... puesta en medio del campo para conmernorar la entrada del nuevo siglo y que parecia cerrar como la losa de una turnba la vida de la hist6rica ciudad Le pareci6 que aquella cruz sellaba su coraz6n como un epitafio Una existencia que desaparece es algo que muere en nuestras almas es la rnuerte de nosotros m1. srnos .... Rozandola casi pas6 rapido a toda marcha un autorn6vil que dej6 grabada en la retina de sus ojos una irnagen ternblorosa de amor de dicha sin

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191 saber por que la vida se imponia tiranica como una necesidad imperiosa Se oy6 a su lado el cascabeleo del coche de la estaci6n .... '' Seflori ta Soledad suba usted al coche "Va usted a Madrid tambien? (19) She will apparently board the train for a location which should be more favorable to the realizations of her plan Yet will Soledad s progeny signal her creative participation in modernity or simply her reproduction of existing patriarchal structures? Felski s theory of the significance of the maternal body in turn of-the century literature is that : nurturing and motherhood constitute neither an autonomous enclave of intimacy untouched by changing discourses and ideologies of the self nor the essence or endpoint of female identity Indeed a number of writers from Nancy Armstrong to Jacques Donzelot to Friedrich Kittler have shown how ideas of feminine affectivity and motherliness have themselves been powerfully implicated and mobilized in the development of modern regimes of power In conceiving the feminine as a self contained plenitude outside social and symbolic mediation the nostalgia paradigm cannot begin to address the complex and multifaceted nature of women s involvement in and negotiations with different aspects of modern culture (56) While Soledad s maternity facilitates a process of autonomous self realization which leads her to affirm the high value she places on the unborn child it represents neither the essence of her identity nor a state untouched by changing discourse as male turn of the century theoreticians proposed Rather the pregnancy is the focal point of conflict between discourses of the old and new : it

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192 manifests as Felski writes '' the complex and multi faceted nature of women s involvement in and negotiations with different aspects of modern culture (56) Soledad s movement away from Toledo the site of institutionalized power and toward the major city is a distinctly modernist move Surrender of the child rather than its birth would have indicated the reproduction of historical values Since Soledad s participation in modernity hinges on the maternal body however it is possible that her function is simply to serve as a conduit between the past and the future La flor de la playa La flor de la playa was Burgos s thirty fourth novella published in the fifth year of La Novela Corta 29 May 1920 As the eponymous work in the collection La Flor de la Playa y otras novelas cortas edited and introduced by Concepcion Nunez Rey it is one of Burgos s few novellas readily available to the contemporary Spanish public 28 Thus I will provide only that precis of the plot which is crucial to the discussion In the text the narrator relates that the principal characters Elisa and Enrique had met and become novios three years earlier as they were leaving their places of employment in Madrid She was working for a modista and he in the office of the Ministerio de Gracia y Justicia 28 The text is in the series '' Biblioteca de escri toras '' published by Castalia and the Instituto de la Mujer in 1989 I cite from that edition

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193 E l isa an orphan lived with another modista her friend Remedios Since it would have been inappropriate for Enrique to visit their residence it was difficult for the couple to be alone together Yet a marriage complete with the bridal linens Elisa thought necessary '' para que luego el marido no tenga que echarle nada en cara '' was not a financial possibility for them (312) Enrique s salary was only equivalent to Elisa s modest one but por una de esas combinaciones semejantes a los juegos de azar le habian triplicado el sueldo (312) The raise was not paid immediately so as the anticipated quantity mounted the couple decided it would be sufficient for them to take a summer trip to a place where they could be '' juntos solos olvidados del mundo '' (313) They chose Portugal because although not too far it signified salir al extranjero ... ir a una naci6n mas libre donde se verian a cubierto de la fisgoneria de las patronas espafiolas '' (313) During the vacation Elisa would pose as Enrique s wife '' y a la vuelta ... 2,quien sabe? '' (313) The text begins in medias res with the couple in a train in the tunnel shortly before arriving in Lisbon The omniscient narrator recapitulates the circumstances which have brought them to that point recounting the preparations for the voyage until arriving again at their entry into Lisbon The narration continues in the past tense(s) creating the impression that the narrator is reminiscing

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194 about the experience from some undetermined point after the events Burgos s consistent use of the imperfect tense throughout the text contributes to the impression of the narrator s distant recollection It serves as well to entice the reader from one chapter on to the next expecting a climactic incident which will shift the chronicle into the preterite. Such an episode never occurs Rather the narrator continues to relate the most trivial details of Elisa s and Enrique s surroundings in Portugal S/he describes the scenery of Lisbon the village of L o s Manzan o s where they eventually find lodging the inconveniences of the room and the particulars of the pas eo routes they follow 29 When Burgos devotes a short chapter to Elisa and Enrique s apparently inconsequential encounter with a ragamuffin child while taking a walk one is led to wonder what significance it might eventually have for the story In terms of the plot however the chapter proves to be extraneous : as the text proceeds it becomes more apparent that the enigma suggested in the first chapter ya la vuelta ... iquien sabe? ," is primary ( 313) Yet never does it pose a dilemma sufficient to drive either of the protagonists to a dramatic moment of decision Instead 29 Nunez Rey explains that in Portuguese the beach is called Praia das Ma9as which translates into Playa d e las Man z anas in Spanish Burgos however sometimes used the masculine form in the original text and Nunez Rey s edition respects that variety

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195 tedium gradually leads the novios to the apparently mutual but entirely unspoken thought that the end of the vacation will also conclude their relationship The narrative prolonged by the detail and inclusion of apparently superfluous description replicates in the reader the '' anemia '' of Elisa and Enrique s domestic experiment ( 353) Burgos was a far more practiced writer of fiction when she authored La Flor de la Playa than when she had undertaken her first novella for El Cuento Semanal Thus it is less defensible to attribute the episodic character of the text to an inability to conceptualize a sustained narrative unit as theorized by Showalter Furthermore intervening novellas such as El honor de la familia demonstrate Burgos s ability to develop a plot appropriate to the prescribed length of the genre in which all of the elements unite to form a coherent narrative structure There are nevertheless several possible explanations for the construction of the text Nunez Rey points out that Burgos s descriptions of Portugal in La flor de la playa were no doubt based on her first trip to that country in 1915 with Ramon Gomez de la Serna The text affirms that hypothesis with references to the economic effects of '' la gran guerra '' ( 331) and '' la bronconeumonia epidemica which had afflicted the owners of the restaurant the previous winter (326) If as the publication date indicates Burgos wrote the novella several

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196 years later the text may parallel the disjointed nature of her memories It is likely furthermore that the construction was a response to the pressures upon Burgos to maintain her prolific rate of production As Mainer indicated the novella genre was a reliable source of income for authors and La novela corta had an established record of success Thus Burgos whose bibliography of travel literature reveals her interest in that genre may have linked together some previously written travel sketches with new plot elements in order to flesh out a story 30 As this dissertation has shown it was not unusual for Burgos to incorporate the texts of others into her work It is very likely then that she would have stitched in her own materials as well Whereas the use of a narrator/protagonist in El tesoro del castillo sets apart the interpolated tales drawing attention to their old fashioned and unrealistic quality the insertion of possibly imported material is seamless in La Flor de la Playa By attenuating the tempo of the text in a way that mimes that of the relationship Burgos s use of seemingly extraneous material diverts the reader from the plot and toward the process of writing 30 Burgos had written Por Europa (1906) ; Cartas sin destinatario (1913?) ; and Perigrinaciones which included an ep i logue by Ramon Gomez de la Serna (1916) The latter was republished as Mis viajes por Europa the following year

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197 In the Introduction to La Flor de la Playa Nufiez Rey writes that it is one of Burgos s most autobiographical novellas The romance plot nevertheless does not parallel that of Burgos and G6mez de la Serna who unlike Elisa and Enrique built a house in that part of Portugal and continued their relationship for fourteen years thereafter (Flor 34 35) Nunez Rey insists upon the happiness of that relationship writing that Burgos and Gomez de la Serna experienced '' largos afios de convivencia feliz '' (Flor 25) Perhaps as a result she reads their romance into the text pointing out that Elisa and Enrique comparten como compafieros la visi6n del mundo la independencia de criterio ; tambien los ilimitados deseos de conocimiento de aventura que se resumen en la excursi6n por las aldeas siempre adelante con un ansia de exploradores ,' yen esa vision onirica en que La Flor de la Playa navega hasta un lugar desconocido Esa pareja inventa un nuevo mode lo de relaci6n ( Flor 68) Elisa may be a modern protagonist to the extent that she is a working woman whose earning power is equal to Enrique s until '' un aumento que por una de esas combinaciones semejantes a los juegos de azar la habian triplicado el sueldo (312) Nevertheless her shared adventure with Enrique is driven more by her desire to imitate conventionality and convert their relationship into a traditional one than by her wish to invent a new model It is more likely Elisa s frustrated attempt to fuse personal fulfillment into their relationship that marks her as modern Her undertaking is to resolve a conventional

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198 albeit simulated male/female relationship with her freedom to desire and be desirable As I will discuss Elisa s yearning to explore may well stem from malaise rather than from the compafierismo to which Nufiez Rey refers and which Burgos delineated in Ser amada There is no doubt however of Burgos s familiarity with the location ; she uses that knowledge to develop a strong sense of place in the text as she does with Rodalquilar and Toledo in the first two works discussed It seems likely that establishing an atmosphere of authenticity by situating her novellas in areas she had come to know fostered her sense of writing authority In the three Burgos novellas under discussion however the setting is more than merely a scenic backdrop In these novellas the relationship between the protagonist and the space she occupies is linked to the conflict at the core of the plot Dolores in El tesoro del castillo resists domestic confinement and follows a path determined by Juanillo through the rugged landscape to a ruined castle hoping to find the solution to her dilemma Soledad in El honor de la familia in order to find her most propitious environment first isolates herself more deeply within her home then leaves it and her city on a train for Madrid Elisa takes a train away from Madrid searching for a place in which she and Enrique can find a level of comfort and freedom from Spanish cultural pressures The three

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199 protagonists play out a tension between women s culturally mandated domestic role and the search for freedom to create their futures The tension generated in that exploration for a '' carretera sin obstaculos '' is realized in a friction with their environments To the extent that Burgos was aware of her conflicted role in the culture and as a result endeavored to fashion a propitious space in which to construct her life text then all of the female protagonists discussed in this dissertation are autobiographical. It is more the shared characteristic of motion of exploring new possibilities that marks the three protagonists as modern than the nature of the relationship they eventually do or do not establish Al though other Burgos novellas such as '' Villa Maria '' 31 and La pensi6n ideal 32 focus on the debilitating effects of domestic chores on the protagonists the three protagonists of the novellas examined in this chapter are within the limits of the texts exempted from those tasks by unusual circumstances Elisa is a working class woman who because she is on vacation in a hotel is detached from the typical household environment where she would be responsible for its management Her removal to a hotel creates an environment which echoes the domestic sphere yet eliminates her responsibility for it thus focusing attention on the 31 La Novela Corta 4 March 1916 32 La Novela Corta 13 January 1923

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200 confines of the marital bond In Spain she and Enrique must hide from critical eyes in order to be together ; neither can enter the space of the other without cultural censure As a result they choose to travel to a new environment where they will need to accomodate to each other in order to construct for the first time a shared space Elisa expects that the political freedom associated with Portugal will be associated with a cultural freedom which will nourish her unmarried relationship so that it grows into a married one Yet ironically her assumption of the wifely role and the mundane objects associated with it quickly lead to her consciousness of a loss of freedom As an unmarried modista in Madrid Elisa indulged herself in los zapatos descotados y de tac6n muy alto con las medias finas y la cabellera bien peinada para salir a pel o o con un velillo puesto de careta flotando sobre la espalda de un modo tentador (312) In Portugal however both her high heeled shoes and veil become problematic When she and Enrique were preparing to leave their hotel in Lisbon for the first time [e]l hizo un gesto al velo Nada de velo aqui Era preciso comprar un sombrero ... Ya no estaban en Madrid donde se hubiera criticado su cambio de indumentaria ... Ademas siendo su esposa habria de llevarlo (316) Elisa finds however that the process of fitting into a hat is more difficult than one might expect : Acostumbrada a no verse con sombrero con ninguno se encontraba bien La cabeza no adaptada a esa

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201 moda parecia repelerlos ; estaba como si se lo hubiesen arrojado desde lejos y le quedara mal colocado Al fin encontraron uno que merced a sus alas encubridoras le sentaba mejor y lo compraron ... Hacian falta los alfileres ... y un velito ... Su rostro fino delicado picaresco estaba delicioso jPero que trabajo le costaba estar asi! ... El velo la mareaba el sombrero le impedia los movimientos Tomaba un peso extraordinario sobre su cabeza ... Y luego todos aquellos detalles que Enrique habia querido comprar ...... Estaba echa [sic] una senora y cuando pasaba por delante de un escaparate con espeJo nose reconocia Se sentia satisfecha encantada y al mismo tiempo molesta cansada de llevar todo aquello ella que tenia costumbre de caminar tan libre y tan desembarazada (317) The veil Elisa wore in Madrid signified her forays as a desiring and desirable single woman into the public areas of the city Enrique insisted that in her role as wife she replace it with a hat which would mark her as less '' tempting .'' The hat then signifies the friction she experiences with taking on a restrictive spousal role Felski s discussion of the function of fashion during the period in which Burgos wrote elucidates the symbolically charged nature of clothing and particularly of hats : Various writers have commented on the distinctively elegant styles of self presentation adopted by militant suffragettes even as en masse they smashed shop windows with hammers in Bond Street or resisted police arrest Their feminine dress large hats and fashionable appearance deliberately avoided all suggestion of the masculine seeking rather to conform to the middle class stereotype of the womanly woman Here the modern woman as feminist encountered the modern woman as consumer as many photographs of the period showed a suffragette could be both revolutionary and feminine ( 168 69)

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202 Elisa s employment in fashion as well as her interest in purchasing high heeled shoes and fine stockings confirms that she was averse neither to femininity nor to consumerism As a single working woman she had been able to choose and buy albeit on a limited scale her own clothing Felski explains that the category of consumption situated femininity at the heart of the modern in a way that the discourses of production and rationalization .. did not Thus consumption cut across the private/public distinction that was frequently evoked to assign women to a premodern sphere '' ( 61) Enrique s purchase then not only spuriously labeled Elisa as his '' wife ,'' but it also robbed her of her power as a consumer It signaled as well a premodern restriction to the private sphere Felski cites Martin Pumphrey on the topic : [a]ny adequate reading of the modern period ... must take account of the fact that the debates over women s public freedom over fashion and femininity cosmetics and home cleaning were as essential to the fabrication of modernity as cubism Dada or futurism as symbolism fragmented form or the stream of consciousness narrative (qtd in Felski 28) Neither are the shoes Elisa enjoyed in Madrid appropriate for exploring the Portuguese coast : '' Elisa resbalaba a veces con su tac6n Luis XV y tenia que sujetarse en el bast6n con miedo de apoyarse en aquellas piedras asperas puntiagudas y pinchosas que le herian al tocarlas (345) The narrator explains that casi se arrepentian de estar alli en lugar de estar en Madrid que en su calidad de

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203 poblaci6n asentada s6lidamente en el centro de la Peninsula era inconmovible y nada tenia que temer (344) It is as if the couple were conscious of the uncertainty inherent in shedding old paradigms and longed to return to the stability of their former roles Nor does Elisa find it easy to adapt to the beach hotel which was the destination of the idilio tan laboriosamente preparado (320) Because the couple had not chosen a lodging before the trip they were forced to accept the only space available in a restaurant cerca de la playa encima mismo de las rocas con el cimiento en el mar .... un verdadero camarote de barco viejo (320) The view of the '' mar y cielo un bello mar de oleaje y de espumas lucientes y saltadoras '' in one direction and the '' sierra de Cintra '' in the other may have been picturesque but the narrator certainly does not represent the room as ideal Instead it is characterized as a confining location : La habitaci6n era irregular ; un trapezoide muy alargado que tendria unos cinco metros de anchura en la fachada principal y apenas un metro en el otro extremo '' (320) ; '' apenas se podian revolver '' (321) Elisa s comments about the inconveniences of their '' cuartito '' the difficulties of the toilette and the '' plaga de ratones y hormigas hint that her anxiousness to explore the surrounding area may not be motivated by her bond with Enrique but rather by her dissatisfaction (322 23)

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204 The description of the 'marriage '' bed supports that notion Since the trip was driven by Elisa and Enrique s desire to be alone together it is reasonable to expect that their bed would be depicted in a positive way yet it is one of the least enticing elements in their shared space Although the narrator s tone is tolerant of the inconveniences of the room, Elisa s difficulties with the bed provide a hint of the problems to come : Elisa era la primera en saltar de la cama quejandose de su dureza Era una dureza superior a la dureza proverbial de las camas portuguesas Habian aprovechado la cabecera y los pies de caoba de una cama vieja y le habian clavado unos palos y unas tablas sobre las que colocaban el colch6n escasamente lleno de crin vegetal Era peor que dormir en el suelo. Todas las noches habia que hacer el arreglo de meter ropa bajo la almohada colocar para descansar el busto los almohadones de miraguano que trajeron en el tren y remeter bajo los pies la recia colcha de crochet con volantes de tela blanca para no resbalarse (321 22) As Elisa tries to '' organizar su vida dentro de aquel cuartito algo abuhardillado con techo y suelo de tablas '' it may surprise the reader to learn that she has requested additional furniture : '' una mesa de pino puesta a instancias suyas para colocar sus libros y su tintero (321) The narrator explains that la correspondencia ... era una cosa casi sagrada El dia que tenian correspondencia era un dia que estaba lleno, optimista ; no quedaba en el ese hueco de un deseo que no sabian como llenar (333-34) The reference to the sacred quality of writing causes the writing table to assume an altar-like significance, replacing the bed as the

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205 most portentous component of the room One cannot help but wonder given her anticipation of happiness with Enrique why Elisa would suffer such emptiness that she would attempt fill it by communicating with others The expression of her yearning for self fulfillment seems a more likely driving force for her urge to conquer new spaces than her satisfaction with the relationship Although both Elisa and Enrique write post cards to their acquaintances every day Remedios is Elisa s most habitual and important destinataria She had been the recipient of Elisa s literary endeavors albeit reading rather than writing in Madrid prior to the trip ; it was the image of that shared experience which attracted Elisa to La Flor de la Playa : 33 [E]staba aquel lugar tan impregnado del sabor clasico de la vida primitiva que acab6 por encontrarse a gusto recordando todas las novelas romanticas de pescadores que habia leido en las largas noches de invierno madrilefio para entretener a Remedios mientras cosia (320) The narrator explains that Elisa initially communicates to Remedios the apparently genuine enthusiasm generated by the new experience : Las cartas de Elisa a Remedios estaban llenas de alegria de felicidad le daba detalles de todo ; de su camarotito de sus comidas .... Estaba segura de que Remedios no habia de envidiar su felicidad sino alegrarse de ella cuando supiera lo bueno y delicado que era 33 Italics serve to differentiate the name of the inn from the title of the work

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206 Enrique que nose apartaba un memento de su lado El ensayo para no separarse jamas no podia resul tar le mej or ( 333) Yet as the narrator gradually insinuates that Elisa's anticipated idyll is less satisfying than she had hoped we also learn that her correspondence to Remedios does not reflect the reality of the situation : Seguian escribiendo a sus amigos contando su felicidad y Elisa escribia siempre a Remedios detallandole cuadros de una envidiable vida idilica Tal vez se engafiaban a si mismos todavia Se agarraban con ansiedad a cualquier detalle insignificante que viniera a poner nota nueva en el cuadro de su vida mon6tona (349) Elisa s aversion to communicate her disillusion with the domestic experiment is an increasing cause of concern to her ; it creeps into the last third of the text as a secondary enigma which imperceptibly displaces the primary one As it grows more probable that the couple will not stay together the question of how Elisa will tell Remedios becomes at least as important as that of how she and Enrique will resolve their situation : Ninguno de los dos queria dejar ver su impresi6n Ya nose podian engafiar a si mismos como al principio ; se confesaban sus sentimientos en su interior pero no querian dejarlos traslucir ni siquiera adelantar en un dia su vuelta .... Tal vez tambien los obligaba a no abreviarla el compromise que contrajeron de modo inconsciente con los amigos a quienes les notificaban su felicidad sintiendo la de despertar su envidia Ya mentian a sabiendas Elisa no queria de modo alguno variar el tono de sus cartas a Remedios GC6mo le iba a decir despues que todo aquello era mentira? (351)

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2 07 Eventually the primary enigma is partially resolved in the text The narrator s knowledge of Elisa s frame of mind makes it apparent that a marriage will not occur although the couple never addresses the dissolution of the relationship The last four chapters recount the re tracing of their route according to the original plan from which they have not deviated 34 They are again in the train in the tunnel they again cross the border and Elisa is again excited as she reaches her destination As they repeat the cycle everything is the same yet different : the tunnel outside of Lisbon no longer frightens them as it did on their approach and the border which once represented a territory between the known and the unknown now signifies a return to the familiar Ya se habia desatado en la frontera aquel lazo que las habia unido en Portugal Era coma si se hubiesen casado en el al llegar y se divorciaran al salir. Habian sido esposos y volvian a ser amantes ; pero s6lo en la apariencia en el fondo ya no eran nada ; se sentian ahora mas claramente distanciados ; despues de la vida en comun que se rompia sin pena no quedaba entre ellos nada ya (360) This unspoken resolution of the marriage enigma is presented as a victory for Elisa. She comfortably re enters the territory where she had previously felt restrained and 34 The last chapter of the novella is XX but my investigation revealed that Chapters XIII and XV are missing. Since there is no obvious lacuna in the text it is possible that the original version in La novela corta was incorrectly numbered as well Nunez Rey does not mention the numbering problem

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208 happily puts aside the hat which signifies the marriage she had once thought was her goal : Por un movimiento instintivo se quit6 tambien el sombrero y lo coloc6 en la red Sus cabellos revolotearon con el aire de la marcha del tren Le pareci6 sentir la cabeza libre de un yugo pesado Era como si se libertase de nuevo (360) The tension generated by the secondary enigma however is not m i tigated but rather exacerbated by the return to Madrid While Elisa is untroubled even liberated by the end of the relationship with Enrique she is tormented by the need to confess to Remedios that '' sus cartas habian estado llenas de engafios (361) How will she tell her most faithful destinataria that her domestic experiment miscarried and that what she had written about it was a fiction? That dilemma remains an unresolved threat to Elisa s return to Madrid and an unanswered question at the end of the text Nufiez Rey points out that the ending '' sin verdadero desenlace '' is frequent in Burgos s narratives (Flor 50) Tania Modleski provides a theory of similar '' endless '' texts albeit not written ones in Loving With a Vengeance 35 Discussing the '' feminine '' nature of soap operas she asserts 35 Susan Winnett suggests another possibility for the structure or lack thereof of texts authored by women She posits the differences in rhythms between male and female sexual experiences which in turn relate to reading pleasure Winnett points out that narrative is frequently structured by a male-driven concept of beginnings middles and ends whereas female-authored narrative is often accused of having a plot which ''' lapses on a trifle too liquidly ''' (516)

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209 that they '' provide a unique narrative pleasure which while it has become thoroughly adapted to the rhythms of women s lives in the home provides an alternative to the dominant pleasures of the text analyzed by Roland Barthes and others (87) It is interesting to note that Modleski cor r elates the allotment of women s time to their reception of a text while Showalter parallels it to textual creation Modleski explains that soap operas are important to their viewers in part because they never end (88) Comparing them to Harlequin Romances Modleski writes : [W]hereas Harlequins are structured around two basic enigmas in soap operas the enigmas proliferate .... Tune in tomorrow not in order to find out the answers but to see what further complications will defer the resolutions and introduce new questions Thus the narrative by placing ever more complex obstacles between desire and fulfillment makes anticipation of an end an end in itself Soap operas invest exquisite pleasure in the central condition of a woman s life : waiting -whether for her phone to ring for the baby to take its nap o r for the family to be reunited shortly after the day s final soap opera has left its family still struggling against d i ssolution (88) Although as I have written the novella genre was not restricted to a female readership it is likely that the women who had read Burgos s newspaper articles on '' female '' topics would have been curious about her fiction Furthermore the profusion of female protagonists in her novellas might well have lured a large female audience to them

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210 As we have seen La Flor de la Playa is characterized by the presence of multiple enigmas as Modleski suggests are common to soap operas As in that genre their presence prolongs and complicates the text The long descriptions of the areas the couple visit details about the walks they took and the chapter devoted to their encounter with the ragamuffin child serve to retard the progress of the plot Furthermore a final resolution of Elisa s possible confession to Remedios is deferred even beyond the limits of the text Modleski explains that [a]ccording to Roland Barthes the hermeneutic code which propounds the enigmas functions by making expectation ... the basic condition for truth : truth these narratives tell us is what is at the end of expectation This design implies a return to order for expectation is a disorder .' But of course soap operas do not end Consequently truth for women is seen to lie not at the end of expectation ,' but in expectation not in the return to order ,' but in (familial) disorder ( 8 8) Burgos was embroiled in the questioning of century old concepts of women s roles in early twentieth century Spain It is very likely that the truth for Burgos as well as for her readers lay in the sense of expectation and familial disorder that no doubt resulted from that interrogation The search toward creative and personal fulfillment symbolized by the '' carretera sin obstaculos '' was ongoing Elisa moves through literary spaces analogous to tangible ones which Burgos had occupied Her insistence on establishing a place dedicated to writing albeit post

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211 cards seems somewhat implausible for a modista but much more credible for Burgos In the context of Burgos s writing history Elisa s distress at having written fiction to mislead another woman about the domestic ideal takes on a deeper significance Moreover Burgos hints that Elisa s concern may extend to women other than Remedios thus extending the parallel As the train approaches Madrid the only other woman in the car despierta y avispada la miraba ... atentamente como si se diera cuenta de algo anormal cuyo secreto deseaba penetrar Elisa hizo un esfuerzo para no romper a llorar y tomando el Heraldo empez6 a leer a la debil luz del vag6n (361) The reference to the Heraldo for which Burgos wrote on women s topics in the context of the concern that another woman would discern Elisa s secrets cannot be overlooked As the train pulls into the station Elisa hesitates then decisively terminates the marriage charade but reaffirms the ongoing nature of her hypocritical position vis a vis her trusting female correspondent : Hubo un momento en que fue a ponerse el sombrero con el alfiler entre los dientes delante del espejito apaisado del vag6n Despues vio que Enrique no la miraba clav6 el alfiler en el sombrero y lo volvi6 a dejar en la red GPara que lo queria ya? Debia quedar alli como olvidado sin que Remedios la viese con el puesto Llevar aquella prenda habia sido como una traici6n a su vida y a su profesi6n ( 3 63) As this dissertation discussed in Chapter 3 early in her career Burgos compared her writing to earning her living with a needle In the Prologue to La cocina moderna she

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212 wrote that she '' trabajando como obrera hace de la pluma aguja para ganar el sustento ." In this later text the narrator s description of Elisa s serious concern about her hat endows her modest work as a modista with greater gravity than might be expected Her position working in the taller of a maestra is elevated from what is usually considered an oficio to a profesi6n and playing the role of senora becomes a '' treason '' to her profession and her life (313) It seems very likely that Burgos is voicing her own trepidation at her fictional representation of domesticity to the female audience

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CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS This dissertation examines how Carmen de Burgos structured a writing career creating her own paradigm as a prolific and self-supporting female author in a predominately male profession known for its inadequate remuneration It scrutinizes some of the techniques Burgos utilized in order to avoid the appearance of '' promiscuidad feminista '' against which Ledesma Hernandez had cautioned her in her first published work Furthermore it confirms that Burgos succeeded in forging a readership of such dimensions that as she wrote in the '' Autobiografia '' '' se me discute (xii) Scrutinizing some of Burgos s paratextual comments on her authorship as well as a representative instructional manual for women and three novellas addressed to a more general audience the dissertation explores the extent to which Burgos both succumbed to and resisted the '' turbulent currents '' of public opinion Although Burgos s personal domestic situation defied the Spanish insistence on the intact patriarchal family unit as the basis of the social structure her prescriptive manuals for women appear on the surface to support the established domestic ideology In contemporaneous speeches and articles nonetheless she steadfastly espoused many 213

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214 feminist goals focusing on alternatives to the conventional '' angel del hogar '' stereotype for women Furthermore the utopian nuclear family she portrayed in the practical manuals is noticeably absent from most of the novellas she authored As a result of these apparent contradictions contemporary critics such as Maria Pilar Rodriguez have written that tan pronto se declaraba entusiasta republicana y apasionada defensora de los derechos de la mujer como rebatia ardientemente los principios fundamentales de la independencia femenina recomendando el matrimonio y la maternidad como la formula mas deseable de desarrollo femenino '' ( 3 82) Rodriguez suggests that Burgos s authorship of the series of iQuiere V ..... ? texts which she and Nunez Rey date in 1917 is incompatible with such socio political treatises as El divorcio en Espana (1904) La mujer en Espana (1906) and La mujer moderna y sus derechos (1927) She attributes the ambivalent character of Burgos s works to her '' rechazo a cons ti tuirse como identidad constante e inmovible (382) This dissertation disputes the 1917 date which both Nunez Rey and Rodriguez accepted uncritically from the Biblioteca Nacional Moreover it brings to light new information on the practical manuals which helps to resolve the quandary voiced by Rodriguez and others as to Burgos s alleged inconsistencies

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215 I have shown that the ~Quiere V .... ? books to which Rodriguez refers were not written in 1917 as bibliographical information led her to understand Instead they are re editions by Sopena of books Burgos had written prior to 1913 for the Valencia publisher Sempere Thus these texts are an earlier part of Burgos s corpus than has generally been assumed and if counted only once they shrink to a smaller proportion in her written production We have seen that Burgos s instructional books for the female audience should be read in the context of paratextual statements she made on her authorship In the Carta Pr6logo to La cocina moderna [1906 1909] for example Burgos accepts Sempere s assignment to write for his practical series telling him of her surprise that he has guessed that her cooking ability exceeds that of her writing Burgos s public support of divorce in 1904 could have been seen as endangering the domestic status quo Yet her desire to establish a writing career as well as her economic need would likely have motivated her to convince Sempere of the appropriateness of his decision to choose her as an author The Prologue to Sempere s 1924 re edition of Burgos s cookbook apparently amended by Burgos to read that she cooks as well as she writes supports the interpretation that Burgos defended her domestic prowess in the earlier version in order to downplay her nonconventional life choices while affirming her ability to sustain domesticity

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216 to middle class readers It is likely that later in her career when she was more established as an author she no longer found it necessary to assume such a humble posture vis a vis her writing ability Burgos emphasizes the remunerative aspect of her authorship of practical manuals in several textual locations In the '' Carta Pr6logo 11 she metaphorically converts her pen to a needle identifying it as the tool by which she earns a living She expresses her awareness of economic necessity in the '' Preliminar '' to El arte de seducir (1916?) where she voices a frustrated sigh : '' Un libro mas de arreglos Es la vida '' In the '' Preliminar '' she writes as well of the difference between the duty of writing books which are '' seguros y practicos '' and '' la pasi6n de las novelas y del arte '' expressing a consciousness of the greater artistic rewards but lesser monetary compensation of the latter She may well have responded to the pressure to produce marketable texts for the female audience by relying on a strategy which had proven beneficial to her in the past This dissertation has shown that in order to sustain a prolific and multi faceted production Burgos often fell back on a technique she had developed while filling in for her errant husband at the family newspaper in Almeria : she had learned that by cutting and pasting she could produce articles which would earn critical acclaim Her first work

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217 Ensayos literarios is a compendium of fictional genres and an essay that Burgos had previously written El arte de ser amada incorporates long citations from the work of other authors joined together by Burgos s narrative thread The resulting composite discourse appears at first to be a conventional beauty manual Embedded within it however is a feminist polemic aimed at upper middle class readers It is likely that as a response to her constant economic urgency for rapid production of manuscripts Burgos relied upon the skill of recycling and reusing which Elaine Showalter describes in '' Piecing and Writing .'' Burgos s decision to '' hide away '' the feminist discourse of Ser amada in a compilation of more conventionally '' female '' advice should also be considered however in the context of Sempere s probable preconceptions about female interests His decision to establish a Bibli o t e ca para la mujer based on domestically-oriented instructional manuals may have been prompted by evidence that Spanish women had not demonstrated an interest in theoretical feminist readings Two of the three samples of Burgos s fictional writing examined in this dissertation reveal suggestions of a technique of narrative construction similar to that of Ser amada indicating that Burgos relied consistently on the skill of piecing The plot of El tesoro del castillo incorporates traditional legends with fantastic elements based on the Moorish past of southern Spain They are

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218 pieced into the narrative with the assistance of a character who also functions as a secondary narrator The primary narrator closely identified with the author offers '' her '' critical opinion of his story telling skill Al though '' she '' is somewhat disparaging of his technique there is a resemblance between the character s style and that which Burgos later develops in her novellas The construction of La Flor de la Playa also suggests albeit less conspicuously that Burgos wove remnants of other previously produced fabrics into the narrative The development of the plot is slowed by the inclusion of detailed descriptions of the settings This documentary like material is irrelevant to the primary enigma of whether Elisa and Enrique s time alone together will result in marriage Instead it shifts the reader s attention toward the secondary one : a discrepancy gradually emerges between the trivial nature of the protagonist s experiences as described in the text and her apparent idealization of them in her correspondence Burgos had spent time with her long time companion Ramon Gomez de la Serna in the location where the text is situated She often wrote reminiscences of her travels Thus it appears likely that Burgos used her previously written travel observances to augment the vignette of a plot The incessant pressure to produce for La Novela Corta a reliable source of income may well have led her to

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219 utilize the method she had learned in Almeria and had continued in the practical manuals Burgos s inclusion of personal recollections of the area serves as well to imbue the text with an autobiographical significance although this may not have been obvious to the general reader The details of her relationship with Gomez de la Serna differ from that of the characters ; nonetheless the protagonist s ruminations about the veracity of what she has written to her female roommate in Madrid insinuate a quandary more credible for an author than for the '' modistilla '' protagonist Elisa s insistence on her happiness at sharing a modest domestic space with Enrique is revealed as a fiction ; its propagation to another woman distresses Elisa more than the failure of the marital experiment The autobiographical connotations of the text suggest that through it Burgos is voicing her own authorial misgivings at misleading her female audience with fictional accounts of domestic idylls Such trepidation in the context of Burgos s paratextual comments cited in this dissertation may be seen as an expression of her consciousness of her own circumscription by domestic ideology The fact that Elisa s predicament is the result of deceptive letters she has written appends a subsequent irony to Burgos s '' Carta Pr6logo '' to Sempere Showalter s article provides a possible explanation for Burgos s creative misgivings She points out that

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220 nineteenth century women authors whose experience had been in journalism saw themselves as workers rather than artists This hypothesis seems particularly applicable to Burgos who published as many as eight novellas per year in addition to writing newspaper articles and other types of work It is very likely that given the constant economic and creative pressure under which she operated she did not conceive of herself as an artist writing for sophisticated readers but rather a craftsperson whose audience belonged to a different sphere In '' The Madwoman and her Languages ,'' Nina Baym points out that the advent of the realizable ambition to become professional writers '' had positive consequences for women (156) Burgos who situated herself as a professional through her teaching and didactic nonfiction writing was able to carve out a reading public that was probably largely female but must have included some males as well It included not only the women of the clase media acomodada which read the practical manuals but also the expanding pequena burguesia posited as readers of novellas by Ideologia y texto The content of Burgos s instructional manuals for women as well should be considered in the context of the pragmatic expressions voiced in the paratextual material of both her economic situation and her desire to forge a writing career It is possible that under such

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221 circumstances Burgos could have chosen to avoid jeopardizing future assignments from Sempere by steadfastly supporting an entirely domestic function for women The titles and covers of the practical manuals support that assumption suggesting a content directed toward woman s search for a mate or the improvement of her useful household skills Nonethelesss this dissertation shows in Chapter 4 that the titles are not necessarily an accurate reflection of the material within Indeed the cover of the Sopena edition of Ser amada is perhaps deliberately misleading implying a romantic content My analysis of the text demonstrates that the prescriptions Burgos offers for female loveability do include but are certainly not restricted to such stereotypical advice for attracting a male as beauty techniques Burgos expands the interpretation of what women need to learn in order to make themselves desirable addressing as well issues of far less obvious usefulness She maintains that in order to establish a marriage based on conversation and respect women s education should be improved so that they can model equality and pacifism within the domestic sphere ; children will then imitate the paradigm in the larger world Female equality in the home is not merely important for women s private happiness but is a necessary precondition of '' verdadero amor '' Unlike the private romantic love which the cover and title imply

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222 however Burgos explains that love is '' el anhelo de nuestro espiritu irradiando sobre cuanto nos rodea Amor que basado en el espiritu crece siempre con la bondad y la ternura y no desaparece como el amor de amante (199) Specifically differentiating love from the male/female romantic love which Nunez Rey and Rodriguez suggest is her highest aspiration Burgos describes it as the force which connects women to the world around them Thus the private sphere is represented as a microcosm in which women can and should effect changes which will generate societal development Indeed progress is predicated on women s increased opportunity to participate in a more equal and intellectual conversation based marriage In Ser amada Burgos writes : No es solo nuestra felicidad particular y privativa la que ha de impulsarnos a conquistar el puesto queen la sociedad nos corresponde sino el bien y el desarrollo de esa misma sociedad la cual no podria marchar bien con la mitad de sus individuos amarrados en la dura cadena de la esclavitud (209) If the chains of slavery to which Burgos refers represent women s domestic status she can certainly not be charged with seeing marriage and maternity as their foremost route to fulfillment as suggested by Rodriguez and Nunez Rey While it is true that Burgos does not disavow women s maternal and domestic function as Rodriguez seems to consider a necessary component of a defense of the rights of women neither does she limit them to the traditional

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interpretation ; instead she urges a redefinition of that role 223 The function of the child in carrying out the new cultural model however makes it apparent that Burgos s vision for a public role for women is not revolutionary but rather evolutionary 1 Rita Felski writes '' As part of the prevailing intellectual currency of the time evolutionary theories were regularly invoked to justify the necessity of women s place within the domestic sphere (155) Supporters of such notions maintained that women must remain restricted to the domestic sphere in order to conserve their energy for their vital role as mothers of the race (155) They believed that [f]or society as a whole to develop women had to stay as they were (155) Thus feminists who called into question '' the natural destiny of women ,'' were seen as a threat (155) Pointing out that it is important to locate the use of evolutionary narratives by feminists in the context of that history Felski explains that enacting a negotiation with the prevailing intellectual vocabulary of the time they sought to demonstrate not only the desirability but also the inevitability of women s emancipation (155) Thus [f]eminists frequently resorted to eugenic theories to This is born out by Burgos s reluctance to participate in the kind of boisterous political demonstrations often seen in England It was not until 1921 that she and the Cruzada de Mujeres Espanolas took to the streets near the Cortes to solicit the vote for women

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224 insist that women s presence in education the workplace and the public realm would lead not to the depletion of the race as conservatives feared but rather to a population of healthier and more vigorous bodies '' ( 155) It lS I believe within the context of Burgos s perhaps incomplete understanding of evolution and eugenics that Ser amada El tesoro del castillo and El honor de la familia should be interpreted 2 In the context of Burgos s correlation of beauty with health in Ser amada and other practical manuals (Salud y Belleza to cite one example) her appropriation of Cavalieri s beauty advice can be seen as part of a prescription for the production of bodies which would appear at least on the exterior to be healthier Such women would in turn (re)produce similar qualities in the next generation Along the same lines women should be educated in La protecci6n y la higiene de los nifios so that the physical bodies of their progeny would continue to thrive contributing to a more dynamic Spain The importance of Dolores s healthy body and reproductive potential in El tesoro and the need for Soledad to control her (re)production in El honor are predicated as well on an evolutionary model of social change 2 In La muj er en Espana Burgos says '' No podemos negar la teoria de Lamark [ sic] : La funci6n crea el 6rgano '' (36). Lamarque (1744-1829) who wrote on the origin of the species in 1801 was considered outdated by Darwin (18091882)

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225 Many modern readers with a more complete understanding of evolution and an increased sensitivity to cultural as opposed to genetic characteristics are l i kely to notice the deficiencies inherent in a eugenics based model of cultural change Felski points out that [e]ven as feminists sought to refashion notions of history and progress for their own ends they were influenced by the heritage that such terms brought in their wake Thus the prima r ily middle class members of the women s movement frequently presented themselves as an intellectual and political vanguard at the forefront of history Within this scenario women of other races and classes were often depicted as primitive and backward yet to be awakened to the light of femin i st consciousness .... Some women it seemed were clearly more modern than others (149) In 1906 a year prior to the publication of El tesoro Burgos described the women of Andalucia in the La mujer en Espana speech in Rome In it she displays precisely the biases noted by Felski I cite two examples : Las andaluzas son alegres ligeras y algo indolentes ; conservan mucho de la negligencia arabe ... viven resignadas con su suerte con una especie de fatalismo morisco y una inconsciencia de sus derechos que no las invita a la rebeldia (10) Los caserios diseminados aca y alla dificultan la escuela ; existe un alejamiento del mundo que hace pasar anos sin ver una cara nueva ; se vive de un modo primitivo rutinario con un corto numero de ideas aferradas a la tradici6n hasta el punto de rechazar los adelantos modernos y labrar la tierra con el antiguo arado fenicio (12) These statements which Burgos made early in her career describe a pre modern population with the poor women of Andalucia existing in an untamed and natural state

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226 apparently not suited to the '' light of feminist consciousness '' to which Felski refers In her description Burgos represents them as outside of the intellectual and political vanguard '' to which she belongs Thus her characterization of an Andalusian woman as pre modern in a work published the year following the speech is in keeping with her exclusion of such women from the paradigm for modernity Felski s hypothesis of feminism s inheritance of a '' sedimented tradition of ideological usage '' which tended to produce a problematic politics of exclusion illuminates one of the most troublesome aspects of Burgos s work It makes more comprehensible the lacuna between the author s behavior and the prescriptions she often advances in the practical manuals : if the societal inheritance of religious or cultural fatalism hunger lack of education or early marriage makes women unready or ineligible to enter modernity much of the Spanish female population would be excluded from Burgos s goals Burgos s perception particularly early in her career of Spanish social circumstances causes her to marginalize her compatriots from the current of modernity stereotyping them into an '' Other '' from which she excludes herself Since she considers women s faulty preparation for marriage to be at the core of the problem that institution is a logical location to begin much needed reform Thus Burgos

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227 prescribes a transitional model based on improving marriage and utilizing woman s maternal role as the preparatory environment for the future Her atypical position as a member of the intellectual vanguard justifies unique rules ; there is a problematic strain of '' do as I say and not as I do '' Sandra Bartky s comments on the divided consciousness of feminist victimization further illuminate Burgos s inconsistent application of feminist precepts She writes : The consciousness of victimization is a divided consciousness To see myself as victim is to know that I have already sustained injury .... But at the same time feminist consciousness is a joyous consciousness of one s own power of the possibility of unprecedented personal growth and the release of energy long suppressed Thus feminist consciousness is both consciousness of weakness and consciousness of strength The consciousness of victimization may be a consciousness divided in a second way The awareness I have of myself as victim may rest uneasily alongside the awareness that I am also and at the same time enormously privileged more privileged than the overwhelming majority of the world s population Burgos s fictional protagonists nonetheless often seem to play out a tension between a pre modern position and the modern goals which Burgos exhorted more resolutely as her career continued Even Dolores in El tesoro expresses a desire to participate in the consumer economy apparently willing to trade the physical pleasure of passion for that of material possessions In the end however she is subsumed by the '' natural '' and will remain fixed in the pre

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modern where her role may be merely to provide healthy children for the future 228 In El honor Soledad s body becomes the locus of a conflict between the '' natural '' and the persistence of institutionalized culture In her case the triumph of the female biological over the male-dominated '' scientific '' alternative signals a break with as opposed to a return to tradition If maternity is the most desirable formula for woman s development as Rodriguez suggests is Burgos s view it is because it motivates Soledad to experience that physical pleasure of devouring space to which Burgos refers in Ser amada (138) It is important to consider as well that Soledad s maternity does not occur within the traditional family structure It is produced by an unmarried relationship and will apparently continue without paternal representation Indeed Soledad s sister Herminia announces that the child belongs to the two of them (19) In Madrid Soledad will go to a female operated and specifically non Christian refuge ; her progeny will enter a more modern space parented only by women and free of the male dominated cultural institutions to which she was subject The women unlike Soledad s aunts are situated in the capital and will ostensibly not be tied to the maintenance of the antiquated concept of Spanish honor symbolized by Toledo

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229 Elisa the protagonist of La Flor de la Playa seems to have taken a more definitive step over the threshold of modernity than the two just discussed Her apparent wish for a conventional resolution of her relationship with Enrique nonetheless indicates a certain inclination toward tradition If Elisa embodies some of Burgos s psychological conflicts as this dissertation has suggested her ambiguity is not surprising Indeed Burgos s work often manifests the controversy that must have characterized her personal defiance of domestic norms In her fiction the domestic space differs from the utopian prototype she projects in the practical manuals ; it is the site of unstable and unresolved confrontation between the traditional and the modern Her female protagonists often incarnate the uncertainty which accompanies changing social values Nufiez Rey writes that the primary goal of Burgos s fiction is to educate women readers in el ansia de una vida independiente y libre siempre l ejos del agujero domestico donde no situa a ninguna de sus heroinas Suelen ser profesionales o artistas sensibles lucidas y refinadas apasionadas y sinceras al margen de toda moral convencional dinam i cas y valientes para defender su posici6n en el mundo y la plenitud de su existencia Carmen inventa con ellas a la mujer de hoy (o tal vez a la de mafiana) '' ( Flor 4 7) Contrary to Nufiez Rey s assertion however domestic issues are the locus of the dilemma of the protagonists discussed in this dissertation Of the three only Elisa could be considered a working woman (although not a professional)

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230 yet Burgos does not situate her in her Madrid work environment Instead she constructs an alternative domestic space even more physically restrictive than a conventional one albeit free of most domestic drudgery Indeed it is the very size and shape of the room in La Flor de la Playa '' which magnifies Elisa s discomfort with her pseudo-marriage and directs the readers attention toward her decision to misrepresent her experience Burgos s focus on women in the domestic sphere does not separate them from the modern as Nunez Rey implies to be the case Instead it locates the domestic at the very center of the redefinition of women s societal role and propels the private into the public Nina Baym writes Another way of viewing modernism is not as something new in our century but as the culmination of entrepreneurial self-oriented individualism that in the nineteenth century was identified by many popular women writers as especially masculine .... Against such values nineteenth century women (at least in America) fashioned a '' female '' ethic -not of private alternative musings but of domestic responsibility and communal action apart from self (159 160) The dominant ideology in turn of the century Spanish culture like the nineteenth century American one to which Baym refers maintained an acute awareness of characteristics considered appropriately masculine or feminine As Ledesma Hernandez had warned at the beginning of Burgos s career feminism which would equate the activities and rights of the two sexes was seen as

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231 representing a real danger to the Spanish way of life This dissertation has shown that Burgos frequently expresses an awareness of the precarious position she occupied vis a vis the domestic ideology Consistently employing the discourse of a female ethic never overtly renouncing women s domestic responsibility Burgos avoids the appearance of the kind of '' promiscuous feminism '' of which Ledesma Hernandez had written Yet the three novellas scrutinized in this dissertation show that the domestic sphere is not the privileged location which the culturally dominant angel del hogar '' stereotype would indicate It is the center of women s struggle for a modern identity ; moreover it is the location where cultural change must begin and from which it will eventually radiate into Spanish culture Examining Burgos s writing in an economic and cultural context this dissertation elucidates how her authorship often responded to her circumstances It casts new light on her prescriptive manuals for women locating them earlier in her career and reducing their magnitude relative to her corpus Moreover my analysis of one such manual El arte de/ e,Quiere V ser amada reveals the technique of '' writing with scissors '' which Burgos seems to have employed regularly in fictional as well as nonfictional works as a solution to the pressure for constant and rapid production Furthermore considering some of Burgos s fictional as well as nonfictional statements on domestic issues it shows

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232 that Burgos does not uphold love marriage and maternity as women s paramount fulfillment Instead such institutions are presented as troubled sites in which women experience conflict between the conventional and the modern

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WORKS CITED Aldaraca Bridget '' El Angel del Hogar : The Cult of Domesticity in Nineteenth-Century Spain .'' Theory and Practice of Feminist Literar Criticism Eds Gabriela Van Hooft an Karen S Van Hoot Ypsilanti MI : Bilingual Press 1982 62-86. Armstrong Nancy Desire and Domestic Fiction : A Political History of the Novel New York : Oxford UP 1987 Aub Max Conversaciones con Bunuel. Madrid : Aguilar 1985 Bartky Sandra Lee Femininity and Domination : Studies in the Phenomenology of Oppression New York : Routledge 1990 Billoch F Ferrari Entre Masones y Marxistas : Revelacion de la Masoneria Femenina (Confesiones de un Rosa-Cruz) II Parte de La Masoneria al desnudo Madrid : Ediciones Espanolas 1939 Biblioteca Nacional [Spain] Catalogo general de libros impresos [Paris] : Chadwyck Healy France 1989 Boumelha Penny. Sexual Ideology and the Nature of Women 1880 1900. '' Thomas Hardy and Women : Sexual Ideology and Narrative Form Sussex Eng .: Harvester 1982 Burgos Carmen de Al balc6n Valencia Sp .: Sernpere n.d [1913] ----------Alucinaci6n Madrid : Viuda de Rodriguez Serra 1905 Arte de la elegancia [before 1913] Arte de saber [before 1913] vivir El arte de ser [before 1913] Las artes de la [before 1913] amada muJer Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d Valencia Sp .: Sernpere n d Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d Valencia Sp. : Sempere n d 233

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-------------------------Ca r ta Pr6logo La cocina moderna Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d [before 1913] La cocina practica [1925] Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d El divorcio en Espana History of Women 5087 Mad r id : Viuda de M Romero 1904 234 La Flor de la Playa La Novela Corta 231 Madrid : La Novela Corta 2 9 May 1920 La Flor de la Playa y otras novelas cortas Ed and Introd Concepcion Nunez Rey Madrid : Castalia 1989 Frasca la tonta Libro Popular 30 El Libro Popular 26 June 1914 Madrid : El Hablando con los desciendentes Obras completas Valencia Sp .: Sempere 1929 El honor de la familia El Cuento Semanal 238 Madrid : El Cuento Semanal 21 July 1911 Los inadaptados del sur 1990 1901 Granada : Biblioteca General trans La inferioridad mental de Moebius Valencia : Sempere n d la mujer (1904] By p J Modelos de cartas [1905] Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d Moderno tratado de labores 1904 Barcelona : Bastinos La mujer en el hogar [1910 1911} Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d La mujer en Espana La mujer jardinero [before 1913) Valencia Sp .: Sempere 1906 Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d La muier moderna y sus derechos n d [ 927] Valencia : Sempere Notas del alma 1901 Madrid : Irnprenta de Fernando Fe Nuevos modelos de cartas Barcelona : Sopena n d

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-----------------------235 Pr6logo Tesoro de la belleza (arte de seducir) Obras completas 1 Valencia : Sempere n d [1925] La protecci6n la higiene de los nifios Valencia : El Campe6n del Magisterio 1904 GQuiere V comer bien? Barcelona : Sopena n d iQuiere V conocer los secretos del tocador? Barcelona : Sopena n d iQuiere V ser amada? Barcelona : Sopena n d iQuiere V ser bella y tener salud? Barcelona : Sopena La rampa Madrid : Renacimiento 1917 Salud y belleza 1913] Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d [before El tesoro del castillo El Cuento Semanal 25 Madrid : El Cuento Semanal 21 June 1907 El tocador practice [before 1913] Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d Ultimas modelos de cartas Obras completas Valencia Sp .: n d (1924] Vademecum femenino [before 1913] Valencia Sp .: Sempere n d Venganza La novela corta 137 Madrid : Prensa Popular 1918 Villa Maria Madrid : La novela corta 1916 C*** Condesa seducir [1916] de [Carmen de Burgos] Prologue El arte de Madrid : Sociedad Espanola de Libreria n d Cansinos-Assens Rafael La novela de un literato 3 vols Madrid : Alianza 1982 Capel Martinez Rosa Maria Mujer espafiola y sociedad : bibliografia (1900 1984) Madrid : Ministerio de Cultura : 1984 --El trabajo y la educaci6n de 1 ) Madrid : Ministerio de -la mujer Cultura (1900

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236 Castaneda Paloma Carmen de Burgos Colombine ". Madrid : Direcci6n General de la Mujer 1994 Catalogo de la libreria espanola : 1931-1950 Vol Instituto Naciona e ibro espanol 1957 eneral de la libreria es anola e his anoamericana : Vol .. Madrid : Camaras o icia es del ~l~i~b_r_o_ ---1~932 5 vols General de la Librairie Fran9aise 1891-1899 Vol Catalogue General de la Librairie Fran9aise 1900 1905 Vol 20 Paris : Jardell 1910 Catalogue General de la Librairie Fran9aise de uis 1840 E Otto Lorenz Vol 7 Paris : 0 Lorenz Cavalieri Lina Circulation My Secrets of Beauty Syndicate 1914 New York : The Cejador y Frauca Julio Historia de la lengua y literatura castellana Madrid : Tipografia de la Revisi6n de Archivos Bibliotecas y Museos 1915-22 Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola 2 vols Madrid : Real Academia Espanola 1992 Felski Rita The Gender of Modernity Cambridge MA : Harvard UP 1995 Fernandez Cifuentes Luis Teoria y mercado de la novela en Espana : del 98 a la Republica Madrid : Gredos 1982 Foucault Michel The Archaeology of Knowledge Trans A M Sheridan Smith New York : Pantheon 1972 Fox E Inman Personal interview 12 February 1998 Friedman Susan Stanford Creativity and the Childbirth Metaphor : gender difference in literary discourse ." Feminisms Eds Robyn R Warhol and Diane Price Herndl. New Brunswick NJ : Rutgers UP 1991 371 96 Genevois Daniele Bussy Carmen de Burgos o c6mo sacar fuerzas de flaqueza ." Referencias vivenciales femeninas en la literatura espanola (1830-1936) C6rdoba Sp .: Universidad de C6rdoba 1996 123 39

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Gilbert Sandra M ., and Susan Gubar The Madwoman in the Attic : The Woman Writer and the Nineteenth Century Literary Imagination New Haven CT : Yale UP 1984 Gomez de la Serna Ram6n Automoribundia Madrid : --Guadarrama 1974 2 vols Pr6logo Confidencias de artistas Burgos Madrid : Sociedad espafiola de [1927) 7-23 By Carmen de libreria n d Granj el Luis S '' La novel a corta en Espana .'' Cuadernos hispanoamericanos 223 (1968) : 14 50 237 -Eduardo Zamacois y la novela corta Salamanca Sp .: U Salamanca P 1980 Grupo de Investigaci6n de la Universidad de Paris VIII Vincennes Ideologia texto en '' El Cuen to Semanal '': 1907-1912 Madrid : Ediciones de la Torre 1986 Historia y Genero : Las mujeres en la Europa Moderna Contemporanea Ed James S Ame ang an Mary Nash Valencia Sp .: Alfons 1990 Jagoe Catherine '' Maria del Pilar Sinues de Marco .'' Spanish Women Writers : A Bio Bibliogra hical Source Book Ed Linda Goul Levine El en Enge son Marson Gloria Feiman Waldman Westport CT : Greenwood 1993 Johnson Roberta Crossfire : Philosophy and the Novel in Spain 1900-1934 Lexington : U Ky P 1993 Ledesma Hernandez Antonio Pr6logo Ensayos literarios By Carmen de Burgos Almeria Sp .: n p ., 1900 i-vi Le6n Fray Luis de 1583 La perfecta casada Madrid : Espasa-Calpe 1968 Mainer Jose Carlos La Edad de Plata (1902 1939) Madrid : Catedra 1987 Modleski Tania Loving with a Vengeance : Mass Produced Fantasies for Women New York : Routledge 1990 Mujer familia y trabajo en Espana (1875 1936) Ed Mary Nash Barcelona : Anthropos 1983 '' Mujeres Libres '': Espana 1936-1939 Ed and Prol Mary Nash Barcelona : Tusquets 1976

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Nash Mary. ''Experiencia y aprendi zaj e : la formaci6n hist6rica de los feminismos en Espana. '' Historia social 20 ( 1994) : 151-72 238 --''E l neomal tusianismo anarquista y los conocimientos populares sobre el control de natalidad en Espana .'' Presencia y prota onismo : Aspectos de la historia de la --muJer Ed Mary Nas Barcelona : Serba 4 '' Nuevas dimensiones en la historia de la muj er .'' Presencia y prota onismo : Aspectos de la historia de la muJer E Mary Nash Barcelona : Ser al 4 Nora Eugenio de La novela espafiola contemporanea (1927 1939). 2nd ed Madrid : Gredos 1968 2 : 49 53 Nunez Rey Concepci6n 19 3 2 ) '' Diss U '' Carmen de Burgos Complutense 1992 Colombine (1867 --Introducci6n. La Flor de la Playa y otras novelas cortas Madrid : Castalia 1989 9 75 Palau y Dulcet Antonio Manual del librero hispanoamericano 2n_d e_d~ --v-o-1~ -2. --L-ondon : l 9 4 9 2 VO 1 S 4 6 9 7 0 Oxford Peiss Kathy. '' Making Faces : The Cosmetics Industry and the Cultural Construction of Gender 1890 1930 ." Genders 7 (1990) : 143-69 Prada Juan Manuel de Las mascaras del heroe. Madrid : Valdemar 1997 Rodriguez Maria Pilar '' Modernidad y f eminismo : tres relatos de Carmen de Burgos .'' Anal es de la li teratura espafiola contemporanea 23 (1998) : 379 403. Romero Tobar Leonardo. La novela popular espafiola del siglo XIX Madrid : Ariel 1976 Sainz de Robles Federico La promoci6n de El Cuento Semanal ''. Madrid : Espasa Calpe 197 5 Scanlon Geraldine La Polemica Feminista en la Espana Contemporanea (1~8~6~8--~1~9~7~4~). ---=M~a-d~r-1~'d-:: ~A~k-a~l~ ---=1~9~8~6~ -Serrano Carlos Personal interview 25 March 1998 Showalter Elaine '' Piecing and Writing .'' The Poetics of Gender Ed. Nancy K Miller. New York : Columbia UP 1986 222-47

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239 Sieburth Stephanie Inventing High and Low : Literature Mass Culture and Uneven Modernity in Spain Durham NC : Duke UP 1994 Simon Palmer Maria del Carmen Escritoras espanolas del si~lo XIX : manual bio-bibliografico Madrid : Castalia 19 1 --Personal interview 3 November 1997 Smith Stephanie A Conceived bi Liberty : and 19th-Century American Literature Cornell UP 1994 Maternal Figures Ithaca NY : Spires Robert C Transparent Simulacra 1902 1926 Columbia : U Missouri P 1988 Starcevic Elizabeth '' Carmen de Burgos ( Colombine ) '' Spanish Women Writers : A Bio-Biblio ra hical Source Book Es Lin a Gould Levine E en Enge son Marson and Gloria Feiman Waldman Westport : CT : Greenwood 1993 148 157 --Carmen.de Bur 1 os : defensora de la mujer Sp .: CaJal 19 6 Almeria Stewart Martha Interview Public Eye with Bryant Gumble CBS WJXT Jacksonville FL Urioste Azcorra Carmen Canonicidad y novela en Espana (1900 1936) '' DAI 54 11 (1993) : 4116A Arizona State u --Narrativa andaluza (1900-1936) : eroticismo feminismo y regionalismo Seville Spain : Ude Sevilla 1997 Utrera Federico periodista Memorias de Colombine la primera Madrid : Hijos de Muley Rubio 1998 Winnett Susan '' Coming Unstrung : Women Men Narrative and Principles of Pleasure .'' PMLA 105 (1990) : 505-18 Women Writers of Sain : An Annotated Bio Biblio raphical Gui e Ed Carolyn L Ga erstein New York : Greenwood 1986 Woolf Virginia A Room of One s Own New York : Harcourt Brace Jovanovich 1981 Zamacois Eduardo Un hombre que se va ... (Memorias) Barcelona : AHR 1964

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OTHER WORKS CONSULTED Armstrong Nancy '' The Rise of the Domestic Woman .'' Feminisms Eds Robyn R Warhol and Diane Price Herndl New Brunswick : Rutgers UP 1991 894 926 Bieder Maryellen '' The Discourse of Gender .'' MLA Convention San Diego CA 26 December 1994 --'' Self Reflexive Fiction and the Discourses of Gender in Carmen de Burgos .'' Self-Conscious Art : A Tribute to John W Kronik Ed Susan L Fischer Bucknell Review 39 Lewisburg PA : Bucknell UP 1996 73 89 Botrel Jean Fran9ois Libros Prensa y Lectura en la Espana del si~lo XIX Madrid : Fundaci6n German Sanchez Ruiperez 199 Burgos Carmen de la 1 i teratura '' March 1912 '' Influencias reciprocas entre Centro artistico Logrono la mujer y Sp ., 24 '' Misi6n social de la muj er .'' Bilbao Sp ., 18 December 1911 Sociedad '' El Si tio '' Butt John and Carmen Benjamin A New Reference Grammar of Modern Spanish London : Arnold 1988 Cansinos Assens Rafael La nueva literatura Vol 2 Madrid : Sanz Calleja 1925 Chouard Geraldine '' Sew to Speak : Text and Textile in South Atlantic Review 63 2 (1998) : 7 Eudora Welty .'' 2 6 Concha Victor G de la ed Epoca contemporanea : 1914 1939 Historia y critica de la literatura espanola 7 Barcelona : Critica 1984 Davies Catherine '' Feminist Writers in Spain Since 1900 : From Poli ti cal Strategy to Personal Inquiry .'' Textual Liberation : Euro ean Feminist Writin in the Twentieth Century Ed He ena Forss-Scott Lon on : Routle ge 1991 240

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241 --'' The Sexual Representation of Poli tics in Contemporary Hispanic Feminist Narrative ." Feminist Readings on Spanish and Latin-American Literature Ed L P Conde and S M Hart Lewiston N Y .: Edwin Mellen 1991 107 19 Fagoaga de Bartolome Concha La voz y el voto de las mujeres 1877-1931 Barcelona : Icaria 1985 Forsas Scott Helena Introduction Textual Liberation : Euro ean Feminist Writin in the Twentieth Century London : Route ge 1 A History of Women in the West Eds Genevieve Fraisse -M ~ i c~h e~l~l_e_P_e_r_r_o_t. --C-am-b..-r ~ i-dge Eng .: Belknap 1993 Vols 4 and 5 and Kirkpatrick Judith A Redefining Male Tradition : Novels by Early Twentieth Century Spanish Women Writers .'' Diss Indiana U 1992 Ann Arbor MI : UMI 1992 Langland Elizabeth Introduction Nobody s Angels : Middle Class women and Domestic Ideolo in Victorian Culture Ithaca : Cornel UP L6pez Aurora and Maria Angeles Pastor eds Critica y ficci6n literaria : mu'eres es afiolas contemporanes Grana a Spain : U of Grana a P 1 Perez Janet Contemporary Women Writers of Spain Boston : Twayne 1988 --'' Spanish Women Writers and the Essay .'' Century 4(1986-87) : 43-54 Siglo XX/20th Roig Mercedes A traves de la Prensa : La Mujer en Historia (Francia Italia Espana S XVIII XX Ministerio de asuntos sociales 1989 Sainz de xx Robles Federico La novela espafiola en el Madrid : Pegaso 1957 la Madrid : siglo --Raros y olvidados Madrid : Prensa Espanola 1971 Scott Joan W Analysis. '' Politics 1989 '' Gender : A Useful Category of Historical Comin~ to Terms : Feminism Theory Ed Elizabeth Weed New York : Routledge

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242 Sim6n Palmer Maria del Carmen '' Mil escritoras espafiola del siglo XIX ." Critica y ficci6n literaria : mujeres espafiolas contemporaneas Eds Aurora Lopez and Maria Angeles Pastor Granada Sp .: U of Granada P 1989 Ugarte Michael The Generational Fallacy and Spanish Women Writing in Madrid at the Turn of the Century ." Siglo XX/ 20th Century 12 (1994) : 261 76 Valis Noel The Female Figure and Writing in Fin del siglo Spain .'' Romance Quarterly 36 (1989) : 369 81

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Lynn Thomson Scott was born on Long Island NY and graduated from Vassar College with a B A in art history Before beginning graduate studies at the University of Florida she worked in college textbook publishing in New York and taught Spanish at the elementary and high school levels in Houston TX and Gainesville FL She has spent extensive periods in Madrid Spain as well as Mexico City and Jalapa Veracruz Mexico and Santafe de Bogota Colombia After earning the M A in Spanish and Latin American literature Ms Scott continued in the doctoral program in Peninsular literature at the University of Florida where she was awarded the Tybel Spivack Scholarship for Women s Studies While pursuing the graduate degrees she taught beginning and intermediate Spanish language a foreign language across curriculum course in Precolumbian art and the culture and civilization of Spain In addition to Hispanic studies she specializes in women s studies 243

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Cleary Nichols, Chairperson Professor of Romance Languages and Li teratures I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms t o acceptable standards of sch arly presentation and is fully adequate in cope and ality as a dissertation for the degree o /~ oct cn of phy Edward E Baker Professor of Romance Languages and Literatures I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Shifra arr-m on Assistant Professor of Romance Languages and Literatures I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholar ly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree o Doctor of Philosophy Stephanie A Smith Associate Professor of English This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of Romance Languages in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 1999 Dean Graduate School

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