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The pace of West German educational reform as affected by State politics

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The pace of West German educational reform as affected by State politics
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Nixdorff, Peter W., 1939-
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x, 229 leaves. : illus. ; 28 cm.

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Education ( jstor )
Education politics ( jstor )
Educational administration ( jstor )
Educational reform ( jstor )
Parents ( jstor )
Political education ( jstor )
Political parties ( jstor )
Political reform ( jstor )
Schools ( jstor )
Teachers ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- Political Science -- UF ( lcsh )
Education and state -- Germany (West) ( lcsh )
Political Science thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis -- University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 217-228.
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Manuscript copy.
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Vita.

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THE PACE OF WEST C' '. I EDUCA.,. 4 it -.

AS; i:E-.:''- BY STATE iUT!CS
















PETER W. NIXDORFI













A DnSSBRTATJON PIRTS7NT' CTIO : !! lM lArTIY CoU.JC'L OF
TILh UNi8.i'Y O' it.l:Ci:
IN PAMT r uFILL 7,t T o' *i,' Rr..Q i.'i F in'S IF'r TIL
DBEGRCH 01- jDOC101 OD PHiLriVPiCY


IUVVERSIfY CF :..O;'A
19;0














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


For guidance during my graduate education, I am indebted to my

teachers at the University of Florida, Professors Manning J. Dauer,

the late Gladys M. Kammerer, Ruth McQuown, Joseph S. Vandiver, and the

late Charles D. Farris.

I am especially grateful to Professor Arnold J. Heidenheimer, who

has provided insights and intellectual stimulation and whose comments

and critical suggestions have improved this dissertation.















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................... T ................. 11

LIST OF TABLES........................................................ vi

LIST OF MAPS... ................................................ viii

ABSTRACTS........................................................ ix

INTRODUCTION..................................................... 1

CHAPTER I: SOCIAL AND HISTORICAL RESTRAINTS ON REFORM EFFORTS... 12

Characteristics of the Traditional School System..... 12

Status Defense of Upper Level School Teachers........ 13

Class Structure and Working-Class Deference......... 14

Authoritarian Traits in Politics..................... 16

System Supportive Education......................... 18

Hierarchical Structure and Social Aloofness of the
Schools.............................................. 19

New Thoughts on the School in a Democratic System.... 26

CHAPTER II: THE VARIANCE IN EDUCATIONAL DIMENSIONS AMONG THE
WEST GERMAN STATES ....... ........................ 31

Federalism and Jurisdiction over Educational Issues. 32

Two Public Primary School Systems................... 33

The Traditional Tripartite System.................. 35

Curriculum Reform................................. 43

State Expenditures on Education............................ 48

CHAPTER III THE INCREASE IN THE COGNITION OF EDUCATIONAL ISSUES 54

International Comparisons.......... ........ 56










Page

Inter-State Ccaparisons......................... 59

Impetus of Rational Models........................ 60

Socio-Economic and Political Determinants of Policy
Outputs .. ............. ........................... 61

The Political-Cultural Climate..................... 69

CHAPTER IVe THE FORMULATION OF PRIORITIES IN HESSENS POSTPONE-
MENT OF IMMEDIATE COMPREHENSIVE REFORMS FOR CONSOL-
IDATION OF PARTY SUPPORT........................... 78

The Constitutional-Administrative Context of the
Non-Reform Alternative............................. 85

The Partisan-Political Context of the Non-Reform
Alternative....... ....................................... 90

Conclusions ...... # ........................... ., 97

CHAPTER Vt THE ISSUES OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM.................... 104

Rural School Consolidation........................... 111

The Extension of Compulsory Education................ 116

Attacks on the Tripartite System Itself.............. 117

Conclusion........................................... 126

CHAPTER VII THE POLITICS OF REFORM: PARTICIPANTS, INITIATIVES,
AND REFORM COALITIONS.............................. 133

The Teachers' Union................................. 134

The Social Democratic Party......................... 137

The State Administration............................ 140

Social Democratic Special Constituency Efforts...... 141

Local Governments................................... 142

The Political Opposition............................ 144

Uncommitted Groups With Overlapping Commitments and
Loyalties........................................... 147

The CDU...................................... 147













The FDP...... ......... ...................... 150

The State Parents' Council.................... 152

CHAPTER VIII CHANGES IN PARTY POLARIZATION IN EDUCATIONAL
ISSUES............................................. 160

The Concept of Responsible Political Parties....... 160

Expertise Reduces Polarization..................... 161

Polarization on the Floor.......................... 164

New Differentiations Within the Parties............ 166

Cycles of Polarization and Consensus............... 170

CHAPTER VIIIs MOBILIZATION AND PARTICIPATION OF NON-ELITES...... 182

Conclusion...................................... 206

CHAPTER IX: CONCLUSION.......................................... 209

APPENDIX: LIST OF INTERVIEWS....... .......................... 215

BIBLIOGRAPHY..................................................... 217

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................... 229















LIST OF TABLES


Page

TABLE It THE EXTENT OF RELIGIOUSLY SEGREGATED PUBLIC SCHOOL
SYSTEMS ................................. **** ******** 36

TABLE 2t PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS GRADUATING FROM GYMNASIUM AND
REALSCHULE ...............................* ..*******. 38

TABLE 3: DISTRIBUTION OF 13-YEAR-OLD STUDENTS BY SCHOOL TYPE.... 39

TABLE 4: PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS TRANSFERRING TO REALSCHULE AND
GYMNASIUM AFTER COMPLETION OF GRUNDSCHULE.............. 41

TABLE 5, PERCENTAGE OF 16-YEAR-OLD STUDENTS IN LAVENDER,
INTERMEDIATE AND GYMNASIUM......................... ... 42

TABLE 6: VOLKSSCHULE NINTH GRADERS IN 1964 AS A PERCENTAGE OF
EIGHTH GRADERS IN 1963 ................................. 45

TABLE Ts PERCENTAGE OF GYMNASIUM GRADUATES WITH GROSSES, KLEINES,
OR NO LATINUM.......................................... 46

TABLE 8s PERCENTAGE OF HAUPTSCHUL STUDENTS WITH FOREIGN
LANGUAGE INSTRUCTION................................... 47

TABLE 9: STATE EXPENDITURES ON EDUCATION..................... 149

TABLE 10: ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND POLITICAL INDICATORS............ 65

TABLE 11 RANK-ORDER CORRELATIONS BETWEEN SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND
POLITICAL INDICATORS AND INDICATORS OF EDUCATIONAL
REFORM.................................................... 66

TABLE 12: CORRELATION BETWEEN THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLES......... 67

TABLE 13: POPULAR VOTE IN STATE LEGISLATIVE ELECTION AND
COMPOSITION OF THE STATE LEGISLATURE.................... 92

TABLE 14: TEACHERS AND GEW MEMBERS IN THREE STATES............... 135

TABLE 15: EDUCATION COMMITTEE MEMBERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS REFORM
ISSUES................ .............................. 168

TABLE 16: CYCLICAL CHANGES IN POLARIZATION AND CONSENSUS....... 172













TABLE 171 RESPONSE RATES ON MAIL QUESTIONNAIRE FROM HESSEN,
BADEN-WUERTTEMBERG, AND LOWER SAXONY.................. 179

TABLE 18: INTEREST IN SCHOOL ISSUES ........................... 186

TABLE 19: FAMILIARITY WITH THE CONCEPT "CONSOLIDATED SCHOOL".... 187

TABLE 20: KNOWLEDGE OF CONSOLIDATED SCHOOLS ELSEWHERE........... 188

TABLE 21: ATTITUDE TOWARDS A 9TH COMPULSORY YEAR OF EDUCATION... 191

TABLE 22: ATTITUDE TOWARDS A 10TH YEAR OF GENERAL EDUCATION..... 192

TABLE 23: REASONS FOR OPPOSING A 10TH YEAR....................... 194

TABLE 24: ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE CONSTRUCTION OF CONSOLIDATED
SCHOOLS............................................... 197

TABLE 25: PERCEPTION OF GOOD AND BAD EXPERIENCES WITH CONSOLI-
DATED SCHOOLS......................................... 198

TABLE 26: IDENTIFICATION WITH PRO-CONSOLIDATION VIEW (FRAU
SCHMIDT) AND ANTI-CONSOLIDATION VIEW (FRAU MEIER)..... 199

TABLE 27: ATTITUDE TOWARDS EXPENDITURES FOR SCHOOL BUILDINGS.... 204

TABLE 28: IDENTIFICATION OF THE BEST SCHOOL SYSTEM.............. 205














LIST OF MAPS


Page

MAP Is RHOIONALISM IN HESSEN: THE RURAL NORTH VERSUS THE
URBAN SOUTH.............................................. 72

MAP II: THE RESULTS OF THE SDP STRATEGY: ELECTORAL GAINS IN
THE RURAL NORTH AND IN CATHOLIC DISTRICTS.............. 84


viii











Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the
Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy






TBHE PACE OF WEST GERMAN EDUCATIONAL REFORM
AS AFFECTED BY STATE POLITICS


By

Peter W. Nixdorff

December, 1970






Chairman Professor Ruth McQuown
Major Department: Political Science


The collapse of the Nazi regime in 1945 provided a new opportunity

to restructure and democratize the educational institutions in Germany.

The outlook for the realization of reform programs was best in the state

of Hessen, where the constitutional compromise of 1946 had settled the

religious issue and where the progressive Social Democratic party had

been in control of the state administration without a serious challenge

from the conservative opposition.

Nonetheless, the reform accomplishments in the field of education

in the state of Hessen had been modest and eclectic until the late 1960's,

and the reformers did not face the core problem of democratizing the

public school system.

With the focus on the state of Hessen, this dissertation explored

the causes for the failure of early reform programs and analyzed the











impact of this failure on the state's political culture.

In order to identify the political coalitions which made the

completed reform steps possible and the conditions which prevent more

extensive changes, the records of the state legislature and the state

legislative education committee were examined. In addition, mail

questionnaires and oral interviews with educational decision-makers

were utilized to assess elite attitudes towards reform. Unpublished

survey data were available to this researcher to measure the degree of

non-elite acceptance of and support for reform issues in Hessen.

The, results of this analysis showed that the failure of an early

educational reform in Hessen was a result of a policy strategy adopted

by the Social Democratic leadership which was conditioned by the socio-

political structure of the state. Instead of pressing for a politically

controversial reform early, the party leadership elected to grant prior-

ity to the consolidation of the party's electoral strength, especially

in the rural North and in Catholic districts.

Meanwhile, the limited nature of the early reform attempts helped

to broaden the reform coalition and made more far-reaching reforms feas-

ible.

By 1967-68, the political opposition was crumbling with regard to

educational issues, and non-elite support for reforms grew strong.

Our results suggested that the more costly strategy of non-planned,

non-comprehensive reform was indeed more functional politically. It

decreased the level of political alienation, especially towards the poli-

tical parties, weakened the ideological cleavages between parties and

interest groups and resulted in a more pragmatic style of political bar-

gaining.














INTRODUCTION


The development of democratic political institutions and norms

in the presence of non-democratic educational patterns has been a major

problem in Germany during the greater part of the 20th century.

When Germany's Imperial regime withered away slowly in the after-

math of World War I, leading pedagogues and progressive educational

administrators were convinced of the urgent need for substantial re-

form of the educational system. But the forces of educational reform

were not strong enough to significantly reorganize public education

during the Weimar years.

The defeat of Nazism in 1945 brought another opportunity to pro-

vide for educational structures in support of the new democratic

political institutions.

The situation in 1945 appeared substantially different. The

defeat of the old political regime was much more complete. The com-

bined strength of the military administrations and the reemerging in-

digenous political elites and the absence of groups which would defend

social structure which were in any way identified with the Nazi regime

made the opportunitica for a successful reform of the educational sti-uc-

tures seem much brighter.

Despite these nuch mcre favorable conditions for reform in 1.9115,

investigations reveal that the absence of status quo political groups

did not result in t)ie ilarmdiate acceptance and materializr.tion of

refcrn-i concepts. In fact, aside from tha presrnttiuon of refer.a ideas









by pedrqgogues and administrators, there war almost no activity towards

reform et the political aCd ad5-nistrative level.

In the aftermath of World 4akr II, the extensive destruction of

school fecilitjes, especially in urban areas, warranted immediate

attention and top priority was given to the reconstruction of the phys-

ical facilities. De facto, this implied the acceptance of those

structures of th.e past which had proved their incongruity with the con-

cepts of deaocerntic ed ucation. And, in the absence of an indigenous

central political authority prior to 1949 and with a Basic Law and a

federal structure which allocated the jurisdiction over education to

the individual jLy era strong, centrally-directed decisive effort

on the part of Uhe reform coalition was discouraged.,

In this study, however, the process of educational decision-

making at the levcl of one individual Land has been examined. In

fact, a Land h beueii selected in which the political conditions

favoring educational reform were more pronounced than anywhere else,

with the exception of the three city states. But even in the Land

Hessen, where the reform-minded Social Democratic Party has been in

control of the state administration uninterruptedly since the end of

the var, the take-off stage in the process of educational reform was

reached very late and the changes in the state educational system were

the results of eclectic steps rather than a centrally and uniformly

forged reform conceAt.

The traditional German school system, as it had emerged in the

course of the 19th century, did not suffice for the new Republican

regimes after 1918 end 1945. It did not facilitate the much-needed

process of social integration, It did not socializL t)h1 students into










a national political culture, but instead, socialized them into corn-

partmentalized sub-cultures. It divided students into three types of

schools, primarily on the basis of their social class background, and

divided elementary school students along religious-denominational lines

into two denominational public school 6iystems,

If one accepts the premises of students of political development,

such as suggested by Cutright's prediction equation, one would have

to either anticipate the fallure of democratic political institutions

or a rather rapid adjustment of other social systems, including and

particularly the educational system.

This relationship between social institutions and the process

of political development, conceptualized in terms of stable, p3ural-

istic, and competitive democratic instituticns, as stressed by stu-

dents of political development in tie early 1960's, suggests the

urgency of the prob.l.i of education 1 reform for West Germany after

World War II, particularly in view of the failure of the Weimar experi-

ment ii: the early 1930's.

Furthermore, the traditional school syatrm, because of its in-

ternal hierarchical structure, was not supportive of democratic belief

and behisvior patterns. Students of political socialization have pointed

to the striking discrepancy between democratic political institutions

and tht pre-democratic authoritarian order of the public school sys-

tem.2

Within the czvntcxt of the Ger-;-:.n political culture and the con-

text of state political in Hesse, bc-e 'roiacns of educational reform

since 1945 was explored., /An ttemrpt ha, ieacn smnde to explain tha

absence of a serious rf'lor cc.:i;te>',' r.forv.. c policy by the










progressive political leadership in the stute during the 1950's and

early 1960's. And, simultPneoesly, an attempt was made to ascertain

the impact of the decision, not to carry out a politically controversial

comprehensive reform on the development of the political culture in

Eeasen and West Germany.

This analysis involves an examination of the socio-cconomic

environment of the state political culture as well as an analysis and

evaluation of the political strategies open to the state political

leadership during two and a half decades of post-war politics,

Results of this study suggest that the socio-economic structure

of the Land made the position of the Social Deemocratic party much more

precarious and uncertain than the length of its tenure would suggest.

This political insecurity of the SDP may have further diminished a

predisposition twrrards an ezrely and comprehensive reform effort,

On another level, this study then analyzed the style of interest

group politics. The educational issues after 19415 provided an interest-

ing focus on tbci interaction between voluntary and institutional in-

terest groups and political parties. In this section of the study, a

breakdown of rigid interest croup politics which had characterized

Imperial as vell as Weimar Gc-ri-.ry was Lcsted. This analysis permitted

a reexamination of the motion of thLe style of politics In post-war

West Gesrany within the context of iche er:neral, theoretical interest

group literature as wvol as thi copnraiiivo literature on Interest

group theory.

Changes in the style oum i;mtcrest group politics nd iritraction

arust be expected to affect other }olJt:.ie Inoi.tuton and cctivities.

A more flexible, bargaining-oc.t.r "tye oC r.'o n -Woi-,r: could










substantially lover the level of partisan polarization. The impact of

the relinquished educational reform after 1945 on recent changes in

the pattern of party polarization was of particular interest. The

failure of the Social Democratic leadership to challenge the political

opposition with a comprehensive educational reform program may have

prevented a consolidation of the political opposition and, in turn,

contributed to a level of partisan flexibility which made it likely that

the FDP will continue to stress a position independent of the CDU, or

even enter a coalition with the SDP after the 1970 election.

And thirdly, at yet another level, the Pnalysis of non-elite

data permitted a study of a state political culture. The analysis of

cognitive and attitudinal patterns of non-elites allowed a critique

of the model of rigid ideological polarization. And the data are

unequivocal in that they clearly indicate greater flexibility and

fluidity than past characterizations of the German political culture

and political style would suggest.

As part of this reexamination of the West German political

culture on the basis of both elite and non-elite attitudes towards

the educational issues, an examination of the relationship between

elite and non-elite perceptions and attitudes within the context of

theories of representation and democracy was possible,3

This multi-level approach, utilizing a variety of data, re-

sulted in a composite picture of a state political culture. Utiliz-

ing primarily approaches and concepts developed in the party, interest

group and political culture literature, an attempt was made to present

such a composite vice of the political culture anr.d the style of political









culture and the style of political-decision-making in the late 1960's

with an emphasis on the changes and developments since the 1950's.

This involved the amendment and reformulation or even rejection of

several accepted propositions about post-war German politics. The

results suggested a number of striking changes in the process of

political development since the politics of the Weimar Republic and

the politics of the early Bonn Republic.

Political development and political change moved West Germany

away from a rigid, ideological imnobilism towards a much more pragmatic,

competitive bargaining style of politics. Along with the changes in

electoral behavior and the national party system which resulted in

the first partisan turnover in the 20-year history of the Federal Re-

public, these developments pointed towards increased compatibility of

political structure and political culture, which in turn would ulti-

mately strengthen the roots of democratic pluralism in West Germany.

Such an encouraging view of political development was confirmed by a

number of studies which have recently analyzed the significance of

the 1969 federal elections for the party system and the political

culture of the country.4

In coping with the multi-level approach to the problem of poli-

tical change in a Western system, a variety of date and a variety of

data analyses were utilized.

The official records of the Hessen state legislature cince 1946

were examined to ascertain changes in the party positions on major

educational issues. Primarily untli.e- were party statements during

the debates of major educatior.al legislation or Jd.ring the debates of

educational u.pp.-opriatlons.






-7-


This examination waE supplemented by a study of the non-publirhed

records of the state legislative educational committee, kindly made

available by the director of the Laindtr administration.

For an evaluation of the reform positions of the various teachers'

associations, a content anal,)sis of the associations' official publi-

cations was made. The publications of both the teachers' union and

the professionally-oriented teachers' associations were surveyed.

To record more subtle attitudinal patterns among state legis-

lators and to measure contact and interchange with other institutions

in the area of public education, a mail questionaire was prepared and

mailed to all members of the legislative education comaittees in both

Hessen and neighboring Baden-Wuerttemberg. The instrument had been

preteated when administered to a random sample of the totcl Lantg

membership of the northern neighbor Lover Saxony. The expectation

of a high return rate for Hessen, bec.ise of its model reputation,

was met when 80 percent of the total sanrip returned their question-

aires promptly without a folloio-up letter. The return rate for the

deputies of th- three major parties shoved an even higher 86 percent

rat e.

The analysiE of mail questionnaires was followed up by personal

interviews, which varied in length from 30 minutes to more than three

hour,-, not only with state legislators, but also with officials of

the Department of Education in Hesaen, with local school administrators,

and iambers of the teachers' unions and state parents' association.5

The interviews were semi-structurcad. Occasionally, particularly

among members of the state barc-cveracy at the decj.icir'.naling level,

a somewhat ;x-b ri .no6 vi3Jincn:csat to cubi1t to percoxn1.l interviews by










a graduate student was encountered, which was a new experience to

most of these administrators.6 In general, however, cooperation was

satisfactory, and sometimes cordial. The interviews permitted a probe

of greater depth into the structuring of attitudinal patterns, par-

ticularly the strength of ideological belief patterns and the possible

weakening of these deeply rooted patterns.

In order to compare attitudinal changes among members of the

political elite with possible changes in the general population and

evaluate the extent to which such changes might have affected the

political culture, access to the survey data of the Institute of

Applied Research in Bad Godesberg which completed such a survey for

the state of Hessen in the late fall of 1967 was fortunately provided.

The use of these non-elite interview data provided the oppor-

tunity to ascertain whether the ideological rigidity, which had been

characteristic of elite attitudes until the early 1960's but which

has been slowly breaking down, showed a corresponding decline among

the general population. Initially, it was expected that marked dif-

ferences would be registered in the patterns of perceptions and policy

preference* between the supporters of the two major parties which

oppose each other in Hessen, especially since supporters of the two

major parties differed substantially in their social composition,

such as class and religion. This expectation, however, was rejected

by the data. A growing similarity in the social composition was

accompanied by a growing consensus on all educational issues tested.

Such results forced very serious reexamination of the notions of

rigidly compartmentalized sub-cultures which tend to shape rigid

ideological perceptions.









In Chapter I, ua attempt was made to suggest the extent of the

problem of educational reform, as it hPd been shaped by the social

institutions and established social behavior patterns which have rein-

forced the traditional German school system and make successful reform

initiatives very difficult.

In Chapter II, Hessen's educational achievements and problems

were placed in the context of the West German Federal Republic. As

expected, Hessen ranked well on all indicators of a progressive edu-

cational system. But contrary to expectations, Hessen does sot rank

appreciably above comparably structured Laender.

Chapter III explained the upsurge in issue awareness in the

field of education and educational reform in the 1960's and the grow-

ing popular mobilization for educational issues. Against this back-

ground, the socio-political variables were examined, as well as the

socio-political climate and the factors which shaped and influenced

.this climate.

The results of the analysis of the political culture of the

state permitted examination and explanation in Chapter IV of the formu-

lation of political priorities within the Social Democratic party and

state administration. It can be plausibly demonstrated that the specific

conditions vbhich dominated the state political culture forced the mod-

erate SDP approach to the problem of educational reform.

In Chapter V, the specific issues involved in the reform of the

educational system were identified. They are presented within the con-

text of a development as a continuum towards democratic educational

structures which vould provide support for democratic political in-

atitutions. The turning point in this discussion has been the experi-





-10-


mental introduction of the cmiprehensitve school, particularly in Hessen

and Berlin.

In the next two chapters, the changes in the German political cul-

ture were examined to the extent that they have been affected by changes

in the style of performance of political groups.

In Chapter VI, the changes in the style of interest articulation,

coalition-building, and political bargaining between major political

interest groups were examined which resulted in a breakdown of ideo-

logically-.conditioned group politics.

In Chapter VII, similar trends in the interaction between the

major political parties were traced. The decrease in polarization

between the two major parties confirmed similar findings resulting from

recent realignrents of the parties at the national level since the

early 1960's.

In the final chapter, an attempt was made to close the circle of

,the comprehensive evaluation of the German political culture. In

Chapter VIII, the extent to which ideological attitude patterns have

diminieshc and whether the trends outlined for the bargaining between

the parties and interest groups had also beer. accompanied by an in-

creased flrdibility of attitudes among the general population was

tested.














FOOTNOTES TO THE INTIODUCTIONl


1. Phillips Cutright, "National Political Development: leasurcment
and Analysis," Amerlcna '.* *'- *Ir Reiview, XXVIII (April,
1963), 253-264.- -'-.. .-

2. Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, 1. Livi Cu)th'- (Princeton:
Princcton University Preen, ii ,', ; r7.k.',7

3. Richard Rosa, "The Political Ideas of English Party Activists,"
American Political Science Review, LVI, 2 (June, 1962) 360-
3(1.

4. CosmD:rativc f. 't:;.. IT, 4 (July, 1970), Special Issue on the
.-t, I... C.- L '-c l cf 1969.

5. Cf. Listi of Intervieiw, Appendix.

6. Karl Deutsch, et al., F' r:, C. *;. tr. t .1 :
A Stud: c.i' Lli At t .. n r. : l.*..,r tlic ].
York: Cr'-tr'.i ^" i .'.;', ;* .. ,













CHAPThR I

SOCIAL AND HISTORICAL RESTRAInTS OS REFORM EFFORTS


-',. o* r : of tbe Traditional. School Syt;-a

The traditional Gei.wau school system, as it was reconstituted in

1945, ws bnised on an enduring tripartite divir.ion This division pre-

sumably priovidcd scpUrate school types for the three major ocupatior.al.

groupings in cceicty. The Udiviion was very rigid and did not allow

for transfers from one type to another. As a result, it did not

induce social or occupatiaoal Lobility across class lines,

Both seconidary school types, the rhort form end the long form,

had a very E.all. enrollnicnt. Lees than 10 percent of rny age cohort

ever completed the long form of the secondary school. More than 85

percent c.apletei their Ccneretl education in the eight-grade el"-

mentary school.

Within the school, curriculum and social climate emphasized

discipline, order, nend authority.

The Reasin't the long fonr of the secondary school, enjoyed

the reputatioun of p>civdug a, quality education for the select few

who uere &Lle to attend, But tAhe curriculum foci.nCed on couise offer-

ings which seen,.! to have little relevance to the contemporary vorld.

In the following, ve Ehalll explore the restraints generated bt

the traditional EchSic2l itself as veil v,3 other eocial frto.tutioo,

which proved to be rijor liabilities for educational iefoyr tfte;-

19l45.












Prc-var sclioolc in GCn acny had eetvcated rigidly scGerc3.tcd groups,

primarily those vho had carned a g nsj-iy education end those v.ho hrad

not. The hielrarchical t.utorlty structure within the e.ucaticnc.l pro-

ceas chaped the n0on-involved, rwubj{ct citimr.fn eand croitced the bat.s

for the cocial U'id political clcr.vcse betiroco reformers t.nd 6cfcniesrr

of "qiiality cduer.tiUon" for C, calhoen few.

Interview responses froe r Abern of the ccteuCtion cc'.ittce

of the states legislature strongly egCGasted a rclntionr.hi.ip bet\escn

easy accr.s to a university education tand v reluctance teo navosAte

reform of the csttlbljeihcd tr.ipnrtitc division of the school. ccttablieh-

zent.1 Thece resulted suggested (;n intcrent- and statuos-bo.ed bi-

polarity of parueptions cid Httitdeda, rniilar to h:at HNicichold found

in his unalysia of health ils'urance refonr:s in Uest Geaniry,2 Educa-

tionnl reforiu concepts have been genoratcd and supported by the "outs,"

* those rho have been excluded fro. cntering institutions of cocondery

and hi;lber Icarning and hzve been opposed by theo sttutvdcfending

politics of the "inn," those vho are defcn3ini a privilcged social

position. Most of the reformi icch:.es of the Irate 1950's Mid cerly

1960'i., which h C.re hnrdly, coiprbliensive reform plans and uhiclh uvcre

poorly coordinrvtcd vith other partners of n support coalition, vc-re

presented by representatives of the elementary chcool teanchrs, vub

received less pa.y, less recognition, aid less education then their

intermediate level 1nd G.iy i leave) colleagues.3 Elcieenta'ry school

teachers andl thlir trade unions csoclc.ted and dcntifi.cd iore easily

vrith the concUiicri of tcAI.int.Y sclo3 cdca'ioi, nO:ily those sEtu

Att ilho in the pc.t for: thre:.rclve n a ci-cild r-cti;r' of fuornl










educational advancement. The link for a perceived common interest vaZ

the mutual benefit for both groups from a democratization of both the

internal hierarchical structure and the access routes.

The reform opposition was spearheaded by the T1hpM'e1.; raclV- :*i,

the professional organization of the ,r i teachers, vho continued

to defend the functionality of the given tripartite system in view of

social and occupational requirements. The arguments of this defense

made it necessary to reexamine the traditional school system, particu-

larly its impact on socialization patterns,


Class Structure and Vorkiin -claj .

In the following, we shall attempt to trace authoritarianism in

educational structures today, by examining authoritarian structures

in other social systeran and evaluating their impact on the educational

structure. Rigid class differences and full acceptance of each respec-

tive social position, even if it was a lorer position, established

the foundation for authoritarianism. Early regulations of the cities

of Kiel, from 1417, and Luebeck, from 1582, required overt manifesta-

tions of class differences and overt identifications with each social

class. These 15th and l6th century regulations prescribed and re-

quired the appropriate formal dress and the appropriate -redding cere-

mony for each social group depending on wealth and taxes paid to the

city.5 These early manifestations of class distinction are significant

for the student of educational cyctems, because the social position of

the urban elite wus aoon to be defined in terms of both health and

brewing. With the creation of elite schools, social distinctions

basC- on brecdirnc ecre foi calized iand cLemnted, But, in addition to










the existence of rigid class divisions and the educational monopoly of

one class, it was equally iginificant that the class structure wHa

rarely threatened. Despite appeals to clans consciousness, solidarity

and pride, empirical sociological research suggested that the working

class still accepted its place within a hierarchical structure. A

majority of the working class seemed to perceive the social situation

as a two-layer system, a situation of social polarity, and seemed to

have accepted the lower social position as a natural lay and as a

collective fate, either with some reconciliation or with resignation.6

White-collar employees received the same hierarchical structures, but

to them, they appeared less rigid and more fluid, since they tended

to experience a somewhat higher rate of social mobility.

As in other countries, subjective and objective criteria of

social class identification showed a high correlation in Germiny.

In a three-layer hierarchy of upper, middle, and lower class,

skilled workers tended to classify themselves as members of the lower

class, with the noteworthy qualification that "skilled workers Vp-

parently tend to classify themselves as middle class, if they have

received more than an elenanLury school education," i.e., nYre than

eight ynars. While, objectively, the educational monopoly cemented

class polarization, simultaneously, even a minor educational advance-

ment was subjectively perceived an a social advancement towards or

into the middle class. Lipset's work suggested that, even within the

working class and the labor movement in Weftern Europe, there is a

considerable willingness to accept a social elite on the basis of its

better edic-iticn and upbrirging. Data was presented which showed a

considerable working class deference towards elitist leadlerahip by










the upper middle class, as evidenced by the working class vote for

non-vorking elrss parties.8

In Germany, working clhbs authoritarianism manifested itself in

the reverence for traditional social and political elites, such as

the crown,,the military, the bureaucracy, and the judiciary-all those

structures which after 1919 continued to identify with Imperial pre-

war nermany. The degree of identification with these st-uatures was

substantial among the working class despite its more militant leader-

ship.




In West Germany, we found a continuation of this trend when

the illustrated weekly press gave extended coverage to former and

foreign royalties as a welcome substitute for the lack of such in-

stitutions in present-day Germany. The respect and trust placed on

the military uniform has been deaonstratud and caricaturaid by the

legendary iLtnmn won Ineinick, the et-convict who, with the aid

of a captain's uniform, found himself in a position to commandeer an

army detachment and seize city hall.

Judicial status and estein continued to be protected by ritual

and rules and was never seriously questioned until the 1967 trials

which involved members of the Berlin commune, which, in turn, resulted

in an outpour of popular anger and defensive support for such insti-

tutions, Still today, the older generation of German citizens, and

again, particularly working-class people, are likely to approach ad-

minictrative officials with respect and deference, The authority of

the state vested in them and the title structure ns outward signs of

this authority ensures this popular attit.sde.










Konrad Adenauer, the firct post-war chancellor of West Germany,

enjoyed a high level of public acceptance aed respect by symbolizing

the forces of experience, cool distance, and the authority of a

father.9 If we accept Bluecher's characterization of Adenauer, his

dominance of fifteen years of post-war politics is evidence of con-

tinued acceptance of authoritarian leadership.

Adenauer was nearly 74 years old when he was first elected

chancellor in 1949 and was 88 when he resigned from this position

in 1963, and, for the reason of his age alone, had the natural

authority of a father of the country. His style of running the c-bi-

net, which contributed to the early Heinemann resignation in 1950,

and his style of dealing with opposition and coalition parties alike,

which was not always in full accord with the constitutional ground

rules, only strengthened his position of authority. It certainly

did not diminish his image of a strong, capable and trustworthy

leader. As late as during the leadership crisis of 1959, when

Adenauer's prestige suffered the first serious cracks, CDU-affil-

lated university students would argue that it would be disrespect-

ful and ungrateful end show a lack of appreciation, if his own

parliamentary party would sufgest to the aging leader to give up his

position. The concept of elite responsibility towards the constitu-

ency is nk yet strongly developed, until recently, not even among

university students, the majority of whom will be future

teachers.

Neither Willy Brnndt, VBo was generally characterized as a

young political clsder vhern .t the age of 48, i ,e a nominated as

his party's cidlidate for the ch ucellorship it 1961, nor Adenauer's










immediate succeesor, Ludui, Erihard, Vhose tore collective decision-

making style vas in striking contract to that of his predecessor and

contributed to his image of indecisiveness, ever approached the Ger-

man electorate's image of the ideal chancellor, with the natural

authority of a father of the country. At the state level, the most
10
revered political leaders shared the image of fatherly authority.

Such paternalistic leaders were accepted as statesmen, representing

the legitimate authority of the state and its institutions, and were

returned by a consistent majority of the voters, who "think of them.

selves as passive objects of a political system controlled by forces

beyond their influence."ll

Almond and Verba's concept of a subject political culture ;vich

has been .applied to Germany, was a reconceptualization, a more p:nar.-

tional conceptualization of the older concept of i r..f r r-' r .

The subject's orientation towards the output structures implied on

uncritical acceptance of political authority by formalistic, legal

standards, rather than a critical examination of its legitimacy in

terms of the political elite's responsibility to the electorate and

the individual political participant.


SydteA ...., t t' .0 Euc on

Until World War I, the school system maintained the popular

attitudes believed desirable by the political elite for the preserve

tion of r. authoritarian monarchy, In 189, Emperor Wilhelm II declared

an Imperial Order:


For soma til.e I have been occupied with the thought
of utilizing the public schools at all Isvels in
order to contain the exp:en.ion of Social.ist end










Cotwnnist ideas. First of ell, the schools ruzt
lay the groundvmork for a healthy attitude toc;v'rds
political anad social condition by cultivating the
fear of God and lo,"c for the fathealard,12


Fo'ofanni citeO a standard reference book on public education in

Imperial CGermany %Aicl d;scr:ibcd tL. ediluc.;tioeal purpose of the ele-

mentary school as follo:s;


The youth is to be enabled. to sc:;-- their couiintr
as brave soldici; or industrious workers!13


Another citation froe a. textbook fo.' hjstora" teiacbrs gave an

exiaple for the vay in ahlrh the authorities ensured co.fntinuity of

the system by ieapl nting pride in the great national tradition, the

continuance of which could only be ensured by the rMnarVhy:


Tall, strong and handsome vcre the Caria; is3 old
times. White and clean war the color of their r skin;
in exuberant richness the goladyel c, nTair, siil.ar
to the iane of a lion, flew doin.l


.. .', ; 1_ ',,'. ; -.* -, 'i of the- We ools

Teachers as prima.ys agents of political. soelihAio n traras-

mitted the nrtosphere of an authoritarian order into the elas oca,

Some of the channels used for this transmission sre discussed in the

follovinv.

Thu hierarchies! structure within the teaching profession and

within the faculty of each individual school van quite apparent, even

to the student. The extensive usege of titles in ray coaujrciitioi

between teacher and student and the submirsive behavior tcaurds

superiors and rerEssivet bhehfvwor tovardo infrrioru provided the stu-

dent with a first indicrtioa of the rnces in the social _tracture which

surrounded him.










History nii'ir::c.i: t, rmtil the crly 19601' in n".y in:tncesv ,

never advanced beyond 1890 .iid frequently caph,.izcd the hio;toricil

contributions of :gilitiry rose;, trandi.lionlly Glorified esr "the

-great." Hi-.tory tcnach'rs vcry frequently did not follow curriculum

instructions c.ndc 3s a rc\Eltl recent history received considerably

less attention thnn intended by political decli:ion-."AroersL and cduca.n

tional adminicErt or.:. Hel clth Leichtfsc' r Vepoited thnt, in 1958-59,

57 percent of all lIst-ycear ^:-- .- ctrudnts had not yet reached

1933 in their history cl.sSes dlur.ing the tir.a of the written final

' examinations soO four recks before the end of their secondeay school

education, even though thio pyi'iod vas to receive extcnnive atteition

during the last year in school.5

Ma!y corcer teachers felt uneasy nend uricomfontable about deuceu.s-

ing topics dealin; vith the "unconquere recent pas-t." An open a.nd

honest discussion r v, evaluation of the Nrzi iregiu' was often cup-

pressed by .n ovasive just~ icuati'n ca; the p:'.:t cf the involved

teacher who frequently tiLransmi'tt hi& re)i :rvtions and rcsentr.'cnts

Against the poet.-.o:ld War' II political institutions.

AEericpn teac.hcxrs vho ha.d been tseechinC viithin the erion Ey s

tem cs exychne teachers pi'scentcd a quitc: perceptive evaluation of

the Griinn school. They expressed serious concern about the school's

role in preparing the student for future political participation,

While they felt tha the A':eican systeln erllibasiecd chereter trdininA ,

creativity, and indep~t'i dcei in ter.s of Irv'ik and study '!obits, they

found a stri:inrt) Lsnce of there : r:;ie objectives in West Gsr.I)y.

Innteood, they di.tectc: t)!he r-2sist'C o of l t'i..t'itions v:hich

stressed written i:or.k c uvoh,:i:n.ation, cspcially in tXbject. s vch






-21-


the student did not perceive as very relevant to this life outside

the school, such as Latin and mathematics. As a result, the ex-

change teachers detected very little enthusiasm and motivation among
16
the C.rman students.

A school system which placed primary emphasis on order and dis-

cipline, on abstract subjects, on the glorification of the cultural

past, and on busy memorization, attempted to produce students vho

accepted the social order of the past. More systematic analyses and

treatments concurred that the German post-war school system found it

difficult to "restructure existing patterns of authority into new

patterns more appropriate to the social situation."17 Despite good

intentions on the part of many teachers, "the German school is still

predominantly authoritarian, i.e., repressive and demanding funda-

mental subordination of the student under the teacher, the teacher

under the principal, and the principal under the superintendent."18

The school today is still a model or a reflection of the authori-

tarian state and its administration which created it--a calculated

mechanism of forced learning without enthusiasm or cousitment and

with no escape.19 The psychologist, Helmut Kentler, argued that even

sex education, which is now part of the public school curriculum in

several states, with its emphasis on renunciation, obedience, and

discipline, contributed to the individual's incorporation into the

given hierarchical social structure.20

How did the educational system acquire its present character-

istics?

Students of the genealogy of secondary education in Ccrany' are

in disagreement on Wilhein von liunboldt's impact on the forulatlon









of general guidelines and the SGoYasiu l itself as it emerged during

the first half of the nineteenth century.21 This is not the place

to examine, criticize, or defend his contribution, but it secims that

others, active at the operational level, have had the responsibility

for far-reaching decisions,

The system of secondary education, as it was formulated and put

into practice under the leadership of Johannes Schulze (1786-1869), a

Prussian school administrator, must be characterized as follows.

Since the edict of 1837,. the normal currlcului vas a rigid,

inflexible offering of courses without regard to individual aptitudes

or preferences. All students, as an age group, were placed into one

grade end exposed to the standardd curriculumn2

Secondly, new subjects were continually added to the curriculum,

but no serious attempt was made to integrate the neo fields into a

comprehensive course. The educational principle remained encyclopedic.23

Thirdly, if there was a leitaotif in the C ,- curriculum,

it was that of a humnanistic education provided through the study of

classical lannguges and cultures. However, this degenerated into an

emphasis on Latin and Greek as the core subjects to which a symbolic

nymbus had become attached, '

During the period of industrialization, in the later part of

the 19th century, new fonrs of the w_ :., were introduced, which

allowed for iore emphasis on modern lannguges, mathematics, and sciences.

Still today, there are three major variants of the Gymnasium, the humran-

istic-classical type with L,~tin and Greek, the modern language type,

and the natheletical--nctural science type,25

In no vay did the rigd internal structure within the school










permit the student to assnue the role of a counterpart to the teacher,

who would acquire knowledge in a proccss of exchange and discussion.

On the contrary, the teacher was expected to lecture, the student ex-

pected to listen, and the learning process was conceived as a one-way

flow of information. The emphasis of sch a learning process was on

the transmission of tradition, and the msintennnco of the social and

political status quo. Accordingly, a statutory decree of 1819 ex-

plicitly required:


to prevent all unnecessary argunients and discussion
with the youth so that they learn early to abide by
the written laws without opposition, to subject
themselves to the existing authority, and accept
the existing social order through their actions.6


Subjection to the existing authorities was p))acticed and enforced

through a system of rigid discipline in the classrousn rbich wu facili-

tated by the fact that retired army personnel frequently suppleiented

the teaching, profession of public eleL entry schools. Furck reported

on an all-encompassing system of conduct reports, which made it possible

to trace down students for continuous evaluation, even after they hed

graduated from school. While the teachers checked on the students,

the principals checked on the teachers, and the Luperintendent checked

on the principals,27

One of the fundamental motivations for the introduction of instruc-

tion by age group, under which all students of the swae age group are

taught a rigidly structured course of all-compulsory subjects, was an

easier enforcement of classroom discipline.28 It also institutionally

forestalled any intellectual exchange between older and more advanced

students and beginners, an exchange ,hich *rould have lessened the










absolute character of the teacher's word,

At the GyM asium level, the eclecticism of some fifteen subjects,

many of them classical-historical, must be interpreted as an escape

on the part of the aduinistr'tion and the teachers into the abstract

world of a classical training vhich was cultivated without regard to

the social problems of the day. This lack of social relevance, how-

ever, did not imply an abdication fraoi the teachers' political social-

ization function and responsibility, By esc;zping into history, the

teachers merely helped to strengthen the leg.tim.Acy of the monarchy

and nationalism. Formally and inforimlly, the students were held to

a primarily passive role in their relationship to the teachers and

their attitude towards the solution of social problems facing the

classroom group as vell as the outside world. Social responsibility

and participant engagement was not encouraged Lnd was generally mis-

taken as ideologically hostile agitation which was to be suppressed.

For a long time, teachers, who as civil servants identified

with the regime, held the view that the pedagogy adequate to the Ger-

man national character rested on discipline and authority, Hans-

Herbert Stoldt discussed this point as late as 1959 and argued that

the present trend towards a more democratic school was the consequence

of the Americanization of the German school system and in contradic-

tion to the German character.29

The German data for the Five Nation Study were collected in 1959.

Even then, a majority of the respondents did not recall ever having

discussed or debated issues in school or ever having contradicted

their teachers. This patriarchical system, which survived World War

II with only minor chnages after World War I und during the 1930's,










did not prepare the student for an active role as a citizen, The stu-

dent was neither encouraged to critically observe nor comprehend

social and political phenomena, nor was he stimulated to take an act-

ive part in politics through the articulation of specific group intur-

ests. Despite a pseudo-democratic constitution which introduced general

and equal suffrage for all male citizens, the political process was

still very much based on the monarch's grace of God, representing the

general will of his subjects.

Through the teacher's withdrawal from political issues, the stu-

dents were taught to strive towards the values of a classical and

abstract world, which was quite detached from the social realities of

the day.

Two considerations have in the past characterized the educated

elite's attitudes towards politics.

As traditionally independent scholars, the educated elite hed

severed the ties which had involved them in politics since 1848, when

the educated upper middle class elite failed to establish a liberal

democracy in Germany. Ever since then, they had withdrawn in frustra-

tion, feeling only distaste for a challenge in which they had failed.

As teachers ad. civil servants, however, elite members owed their

loyalty to the state and the nonarch and the traditions he represented.

Partisanship and partisan politics, within this context, became equated

with divisiveness and destructiveness. As a result, partisan political

involvement was perceived as incompatible with the responsible discharge

of teaching responsibilities, and teachers tended to remain aloof with

regard to polities. They tr-nsaittcd an atttitude of dcttch.ment froia

politics to ithe students, especially at the. l-evel, which










accounted for the high level of factual information, but complete lack

of emotional involvement among the well-educated.30


New Thoughts on the I 1 in a Democratic yst.;

Today, the emphasis on the socialization function of public

education has shifted from maintenance fo the status quo to support

of the materialization of the democratic rules of the game professed

in the state and federal constitutions. Not without an external and

internal restructuring of the system of public education can the

attitudinal and behavioral requirements necessary to achieve congru-

ence between political culture and the existing constitutional norms

be achieved. Not without democratization of the educational structures

can democratic constitutional norms come to life. Not without a fund-

amental school reform can the subject be transformed into a participant.

Today, the state administrations have in principle accepted this

new emphasis. Their policy stattezents reflect this acceptance, when

they acklouledge that it is the purpose of education at all levels to

provide an understanding of, firstly, the values of the cultural tra-

ditions, secondly, the political and social requirements of a democre-

tic order, and thirdly, the requirements of a technological world.3

All other s:;ates acknowledged the necessity of reform in terms

of the socio-political as uell as economic-technological justification.

Baden-Wuerttemberg's Minister of Education considered "education as a
,,32
civil right,"32 a term coined by Ralf Dahrendorf. During the debate

over a school bill, the Social Democratic spokesman for education in

the Hesson state legislature, Ruth Horn, pointed out that


A democratic state whichh alvo>, 3culect. i~.s leader-
ship from within the mass of the p ropl, requires as






-27-



many responsible, knowledgob]o critics, who are
in a position to take a stand, as possible.33


Beyond the differences in emphasis, all official commentators

agreed on education as a general hnumn right which is or ought to be

independent of social background. Most also agreed on the great

potential of public education as an instrument for modernizing social

and political institutions, Only some, however, were determined to

press for utilization of this potential.














FOOT'KOTES TO CHiAP'ER I


1. All those members of the legislative' education committee who pre-
fer the system to place greater emphasis on quality have
taken the direct route to hither education and have couneted
aC .,I...-I- 'l..n.:-1.ion, and. all but one have completed a. uni-
vrI .r1 ejc-.t .;'. Of those who prefer the :ystem to plee
greater emphasis on equality, 50 percent did not attend a
Gmnnasium.

2. Frieder Naschold, i:1. -. -r **. .-- .r -. r --.-: t.
eine' Ti.*:r; b- --I'' '
pp. .-: l/.

3, In 1960, the National Teachiers' Uniun submitted the Eromer Plan;
in 3965, the Hessen state organization of the : i.'
Union adopted the Darrstadt resolution.

4. For the position of the i "i''.] ..,- cf. Deutscher Phi.olo-
genverband, ed., .r -, -- (Du.sr .ldndrf: Schvar.n,
1965), pp. 16-17. r.: ,. ,..-i..i. of the Pnti-reform
force:;, cf. Saul B, Hobinsohn and J. CaRnrr Kuhlrnann, "Tweo
Decades of ion-Reform in West German Education,' Comnatative
Education Review, XI, 3 (October, 1967), 323-327.

5. Both regulations are reprinted in Karl M. Bolte, :..._ -. esell-
schaft im Vandel (Opladen: Leske, 1966), pp. ..,-

6. A study by Popitz et al., based on interviews with 600 metal workers,
reports that'13 percent accept the social dichotomy as a col-
lective fate, another 1li percent accept it on the basis of a
somewhat more sophisticated analysis, another 1ll percent ac-
cept the division as the given order with the satisfaction
it has to offer, and only h percent share the views of the
militants. The other 31, percent view the system of social
stratification as channing slowly through bargaining and
partnership. Cf. H. Popit: rt 0_., Das oC -L.'-.- ft-i
des ,bertot- (Tuebingen, :.., pp. 'T5 n, Cf. ral.u karl
M. :i.!t.t, c cit., pp. 303-305.

7. Bolte, o,. cit., p. 308,

8. Seymour M. Lipset, 7- 1 M Man (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963),
pp. 273-278. '"r.:- ..... NceKenzie and Allan Silver, "Conserva-
tism, Industrialirmn, and the Workint Cls) Tory in England,"
in Richard Rose, ed., Studinc in Britisirh I (New York:
St. Martin's, 1968), pp. 21-33. Ai- 3ri ed.. Wt ien
*;,-, h hler in Westdeutsehl and (Villen. iinp, 1960) pp.
"'.l'.- J .










9. Viggo Graf Bluecher, Der Prozess der Meinungsildung dargeatellt
am Biiel der Bundestagsahl 1961 (Bielefeld: Emnid, 1962),
p. 43.

10. Popular leaders included Wilhelm Kaiser in Bremen, Hinrich Wilhelm
Kopf in Lower Saxony, and Georg-August Zinn in Hessen.

11. Lewis J. Edinger, Polities in Germany (Boston: Little, Brown, 1968),
p. 97.
12. Carl-Ludwig Furck, Das unzeitgemaesse Gymnasium (Weinheim: Belts,
1965), p. 55.

13. Hans Georg Hofmann, "Zwei Wege in der deutschen Schulpolitik und
ihre Ergebnisse," Vergleichende Paedagogik, Folge I (1962),
p. 12.

14. Vollstaendige Preparation auf den Geschichtsunterricht in Volks-
Buerer-, Mittelschuen (Langenslza: 1896), p. 44. Cited by
Hofmann, 2o. cit., p. 13.

15. Helmuth Leichtfuss, "A Study of the Present Situation Regarding
Contemporary History Instruction in the High School of Land
Hesse," Walter Stahl, ed., Education fob Democracy in West
Germany (New York: Praeger, 1961), p. 11.

16. N.n,, "Kritik am deutschen Schulvesen," Bildung und Erziehung
(1953), pp. 349-350.

17. Karlheinz Rebel, "Autoritaetsstrukturen und Autoriteatskrisen in
Vergangenheit und Gegenvart: ihr Einfluss auf Erziehung und
Schule," Robert Ulshoefer and Karlheinz Rebel, eds., Gymna-
ium und Sozialvissenschaften (Heidelberg: Quelle and Meyer,
19 7 p. 123.
18. d., p. 124.

19. Helmut Becker, Kulturpolitik und Schule (Stuttgart, 1956), p. 48.

20. Helmut Kentler, "Von Lust ist nicht die Rede," Die Zeit XXIV, 6
(February 11, 1969). Kentler, for several months immediately
following the student demonstrations in West Berlin in 1967,
served as a psychological advisor to the Berlin police depart-
ment.

21, Heinrich Hulme, "Gegenwart in Dasein: Wilhelm von Humboldt, geboren
am 22. Juni 1967," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, June 16-17,
1967. For the history of the Gymnasium, cf. Carl-Ludwig Furck,
Das unzeitgemaesse Gymnasium (Weinheim: Beltz, 1965); Fritz
Blaettner, Das Gymnasium: Aufgaben der Hoeheren Schule in
Geschichte und Gegenvart (Heidelberg: Quelle and Meyer, 1960).

22. Carl-Ludwig Furck, op. cit., p. 18.










23. biA., p. 31.
24. Karl Zeidler, Plaedyer uer die eShule (Braunschweigs Westerann,
1962), p. 84.

25. For the differences in curriculum, cf. Walter Schultse and Chris-
toph Fuehr, Schools in the Federal Republic of many. (Weinheim:
Belts, 1967) pp. 155-15.:-'

26. Furck, op. git., p. 43.

27. Ibid., p. 47.

28. Ibid., p. 46.

29. Hans-Herbert Stoldt, Die paedagonischen Kurse der Gegernart (Stutt-
gart, 1959).

30. Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture, p. 151.

31. Paul Mikat, Grundlaen, fga und chwermnkte einer kuentigen
Kultur- und Shulpolitik i Lande Nordrhein- talen Ratin-
gen: Henn, 19F5), p. 7.

32. Sehuleatvicklungaplan Baden-Wuerttemberg (Villingent Neckar Verlag),
P. 5.

33. Hessiacher Landtag, III. Wahlperiode, DS III No. 39, 1561.














CHAPTER II

THE VARIANCE IN EDUCATIONAL DIMENSIONS
AMONG THE WEST GERMAN STATES


Those familiar with the problems of public education in post-

war Germany are aware of the fundamental structural, sociological and

political differences between the educational systems of the two German

states. These differences have, in the past, discouraged efforts for

comparative studies,I while the ideological nature of the division has

discredited and prevented any beneficial impact of one system on the

other.2

Within the Federal Republic of Germany, we find rather striking

variations in individual characteristics of the eleven Ld or state

school systems. For the social scientist who is interested in emperical

analysis and theory building at the middle-range level, such a con-

trolled, intra-national-culture comparison seems more rewarding. This

seems a reasonable confinement, since it permits a focus on the varia-

tion in a few specific variables, while others can be held constant.

The eleven states of the Federal Republic share many common character-

istics, such as similar state constitutions, similar social and economic

systems and conditions, etc. Within the framework of a common post-war

West German political culture, we would expect to find that some sig-

nificant differences in educational dimensions among the different

states existed.

In this chapter, we will discuss the dimensions of public edu-

cation with special emphasis on thL variLncP between the Latnider.

-31-









This overview in me.nt to suggest the relative positions of the Lrcnder,

and particularly Hessoen, on these dixiensloun This will justify the

selection of Hlease cs on cxoiple for the st)idy of the politics of edu-

cational reform vithin the framewvrork of sti.te politics.


Fe .1, T'' T.- T 1. Over Education)jl Issues

Within the frwunweork of fcdere.l-state relations, public education

is a primary responsibility of the West GOerma- iRe id.r.. In Article 7,

the West GermEn Basic Law ofE 1919 prescribes only a few general prin-

ciples of public education',5 mnid Article 70, Section 1 provides that

the Laender have the power to legislate insofar as the Federal Consti-

tution does not confer leGislative powers to the federall Government.

Within the federal administration, there is no cabinet-level department

or agency that has any jurisdiction in the area of public education.

In 1961, the cabinet-level department of Water and Atomic EnerEy was

expanded into the Department for Scientific Research in the fields of

both research mid higher education. Public educr.tion at the primary

and secondary level, however, remained decentralized. A rather modest

attempt of coordination between the states wans institutionalized in

the "Permanent Conference of Ministers of Education of the La.onder in

the Federal Republic of GeConany," established in 1948. The coordina-

tion is modest, because only unanimous decisions can serve as recoa-

mendations to the state cabinets to issue executive orders or pass

statutory Irws to enforce the decisions on which the eleven ministers

of education have acreed,6

While the lack of euit)~rl cduec.tion'.l planning and political

declsion-nwJig has p.ccounlt:d for- :r.ch cf the diffic; 'e'to.tion, the










divisions between the states which have become cemented during the

past two decades, have now generated a feed-back effect and discourage

more centralized decision-making beyond the present level. Especially,

the supporters of reform projects and experiments in the more progres-

sive states are concerned about the price their states would have to

pay for more uniformity.7


Two Public Prima School System

At the primary school level, the cooperation between state and

church has resulted in a peculiar structure for these schools. Vir-

tually all primary schools in all the Laender are state schools, i.e.,

they are state-financed and state-supervised, and offer a schedule of

courses prepared by the state departments of education. Some of the

Laender constitutions prescribe religiously-integrated schools in

which Protestant and Catholic children receive their education jointly,

with the exception of religious instruction. Other states, however,

an a rule, maintain two separate public school systems, one Protestant,

the other Catholic.

In addition to the three city states, the Laender Schleswig-

Hostein and Iessen maintain religiously-integrated primary schools only.

Saarland, on tih other hand, maintains no integrated schools. In the

remaining Laender, there is considerable variance, even within the Land.

After 1945, the proponents of separate schools won in the states

of Bavaria, North-Bhine-Westphalia, Rhineland-Palatinate, Saarland, and

Wuerttemberg-Hohenzollern, and separate schools for the two major re-

ligions were established as the dominant pattern. Only when parents

took up the initiative and applied for integrated schools and were









able to receive the support of a sufficiently large portion of the

parent body, were such schools actually established, mostly in Pro-

testant areas and urban centers. The constitutions of the five states

of 1946-47 established separate schools as the norm in these states.9

Two arguments have been advanced by Catholic parents and educa-

tors in support of separate schools.

Catholic leaders refer to the Elternrecht, the parental right to

bring up children, which is generally interpreted to include the choice

of the type of school the child is to attend. This parental right in

various formulations has become part of the General Declaration of

Human Rights by the United Nations,0 the West German Basic Law of
11 12
1949,1 and most of the Laender constitutions.1 Those who have cited

the parental right in support of two separate school systems have as-

sumed that Catholic parents would follow church leadership and prefer

separate schools for their children.

A second principle cited in support of separate schools is the

principle of Ganzheitserziehungj i.e., a total education which would

socialize the young child within a religiously and philosophically

consistent environment, rather than expose him at this early age to

the conflicting attitudes, behaviors, and interests of a pluralist

society. It has been suggested that "the recognition and acceptance

of pluralism as a structural principle of the political community does

not and cannot mean that pluralism must also be the structural principle

of each individual school.13 In view of the research results in the

field of political sociralzation, the strong and total socialization

within a social and political sub-culture, with virtually no overlap

or contact, rust be judged dysfunctional for a pluralist political










system, In post-war West Germany, two groups with the strongest sub-

culture ties, Catholicism and trade-unionism, have translated the

social identification of their members into a strong political identi-

fication with a political party, and have contributed to the rigidity

and inflexibility of party politics, which has minimized the chances

for majority alternatives.


The Traditional Tr tte S

The most characteristic and problematic feature of the German

school system has been its vertical division. The division into Volks-

and Realschule and gmnasium, the lack of permeability between the

three types, the early and necessarily socially-conditioned screening

of students at the age of ten had been latent issues for decades, but

became focal points of controversy in the mid-1960's.

The Volksschule, also referred to as iiu hule since 1964, is

the basic elementary school which provides for the learning of such

basic skills as reading, writing, and arithmetic, for those who enter

vocational life at the age of 14 via an apprenticeship. Compulsory

elementary school attendance was introduced quite early in Germany.

The tiny principality of Sachsen-Weimar pioneered with its introduction

in 1619, the kingdom of Prussia followed in 1763. The Vol.jschule

remained the 'work horse' of the German educational system. Even

after World War II, it provided the only full-time education for more

than 80 percent of each age cohort.

The Realschule has been the )ong-estlblished, short form of the

secondary school, It offered a considerably wider variety of courses

than the old .. i :,.,il' most notably in the field of foreign language

instruction. This school type vas to prpcAri a relatively Emall group









TABLE 1

THE EXTENT OF RELIGIOUSLY SEGREGATED PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEMS


Laender

Baden-Wuerttemberg

Bavaria

Berlin (West)

Bremen

Hamburg

lessen

Lower Saxcny

North-Rhine-Westphalia

Rhineland-Palatinate

Saarland

Schleswig-Holstein

West Germany


Percentage of Children
in Schools
Intrate Seegated

83.6 16.h


8.8

100

100

100

100

78.7

16.

32.9



100

bI7.8


91.2









21.3

83.6

67.1

100


Number of
Administrative
Districts



T


Segregation
Variance
Between
Districts

0 83.6

64.7-100









0 -100

53.8- 99.6

? 99.8


~_ __ _~__
_P~










of students for training and careers at the middle level of technical,

clerical white-collar positions.

The Gmnasium has remained the elite school of some 5 to 10 per-,

cent of each age cohort. It offers them a course which is centered

around the humanities, with special emphasis on classical languages,

history, end culture. The Gymnsium has successfully maintained its

monopoly as an access route to higher education. Any student is eli-

gible to apply for university admission only after passing the Gm-

nasium examination of maturity, a comprehensive examination administered

after the completion of the Gmnasium education at the age of 19. The

few lower middle class and working class children who gained entry

and successfully graduated from the ga i_:_ were socialized within

a middle class environment, and severed their ties with their old

social environment, their parents, and childhood peers.

The rate of gr-.-ir graduates as a percentage of all 18- to

21-year-olds varies very little between the Laender, while the percen-

tage of those who complete the intermediate level varies quite sub-

stantially from 7.3 percent in Rhineland-Palatinate to 28.7 percent

in Bremen. This significant variance is partially due to the longer

tradition of this type of school in the three city states Berlin,

Brenen and Hamburg, and Schleswig-Holstein,

Tables 2, 3, end 4 indicate the low level of secondary education

in West Germany, bt also demonstrate the consistently similar vari-

ation between the Laender, The city states, and Schlecwig-Holstein,

Hlessen, and Lover Saxony group around one end of the continuum, while

the Southern and Western Laender show lcver rate in secondary school

enrollment.










TABLE 2

PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS GRADUATING
FROM GYMNASIUM AND REALSCHULE




Realschule and
Gymnasium Equivalent

Laender 1966 1963 Total

Baden-Wuerttemberg 7.1 7.0 11.9 18.9

Bavaria 6.3 7.1 13.6 20.6

Berlin 10.6 10.0 23.0 33.0

Bremen 9.7 9.5 28.7 38.2

Hamburg 7.1 5.9 20.0 25.9

Hessen 9.6 9.8 16.8 26.6

Lower Saxony 7.5 8.0 17.5 25.5

North-Rhine-Westphalia 7.0 6.5 13.4 19.9

Rhineland-Palatinate 7.7 7.3 7.3 14.6

Saarland 7.2 6.6 8.3 14.9

Schleswig-Holstein 6.9 7.0 24.7 31.7

West Germany 7.4 7.4 14.8 22.2


(Hamm-Bruecher, p. 91; Statisches Material fuer die Hasu-
haltsberatungen, 1968 Hessicher Kultuminister 167)
mimeo, p. 7)









TABLE 3

DISTRIBUTION OF 13-YEAR-OLD STUDENTS
BY SCHOOL TYPE (1963)


Laender

Baden-Wuerttemb erg

Bavari a

Berlin

Bremen

Hafburg

Hessen

Lover Saxony

North-Rhine-Westphalia

Rhilneland-Palatinate

Saarland

Schleswig-Holstein

West Germany


Volksschule

70.3

72.4

50.0

59.3

62.3

66.0

70.5

69.9

78.0

78.7

59.9

69.7


Sonderschule

2.7

1.8

8.3

5.9

7.7

2.9

3.3

4.9

2.2

2.6

4.7

3.6


Realschule

9.4

11.7

22.6

18.2

14.7

15.7

14.3

10.8

4.3

5.2

22.5

12.0


Gyas aaia

17.6

14.1

19.1

16.6

15.3

17.4

12.0

14.4

15.4

13.5

13.0

14.7


Realschule and
Gynmasiun

27.0

25.8

41.7

34.8

30.0

33.1

26.3

25.2

19.7

18.7

35.5

26.7


(Computed from: Staendige Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laender der BRD, Algemeinbildende
Schulen 1950 bis 1964: Statistische Material, 1965; cf. also Poignant, p. 73)


-- -- i --- -=- -_ -------~ --;--- -= -









The high rate of intermediate level graduates17 as compared to
10
the lower rate of students entering the intermediate type8 was ac-

counted for by a substantial number of elementary school graduates

who earned an equivalent to the intermediate certificate while attend-
19
ing a vocational school.1

The low rate of Gmnaium graduates20 compared to the higher

rate of students entering the Gymnasium21 was caused by a high drop-

out rate throughout the nine years in all the Laender. In Hessen,

in 1959, only 38.5 percent of those who had entered the first Gy-

nasiun grade nine years earlier actually graduated; 61.5 percent
22
dropped out during the nine years.22 In 1966, the comparable drop-out

figure had been reduced to 43.6 percent. The comparison of Tables 2,

3, and 4 suggests similarly high rates for the other Laender. In

those states where the intermediate level was less developed, the

drop-out rate was even higher. In Bavaria, for example, only 28.3

percent of those who had entered the Ganasium in 1951 graduated in

1960, which amounted to a drop-out rate of 71.7 percent. By 1965, it

had been reduced to 61 percent.23

Table 5 presents an overview of the access to the two secondary

school types. While, in 1960, more than 80 percent of all 16-year-
24
olds in the United States attended high school, only 20 percent of

the same age group in West Germany attended secondary schools full-

time. Secondary school attendance varied from a low of 12 percent in

the Saarland to more than 30 percent in Schleswig-Holstein.

In order to increase the portion of students attending a secon-

dary school, the Permanent Conference of State Education Ministers

voted, in 196's, to recommend an cxpa."eion of the V:~i; :1... to nine









TABLE 4

PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS TRANSFERRING TO
REALSCHULi AND GYNNASIUM AFTER
COMPLETION OF GRUNDSCITU E(1964)




In-,* Realschule I asiu Total

Baden-Wuerttemberg 8.9 21.6 30.5

Bavaria 15.5 18.8 34.3

Berlin 24.9 21.7 46.6

Bremen 24.1 19.2 43.3

Hamburg 18.8 21.7 40.5

Hessen 19.4 19.4 38.8

Lower Saxony 17.1 13.9 31.0

North-Rhine-Westphalia 15.1 18.9 34.0

Rhineland-Palatinate 6.5 21.2 27.7

Saarland 7.5 22.6 30.1

Schlesvig-Holstein 21.2 16.3 37.5

West Germany 14.8 19.0 33.8

*Grundschule = 4 years; in Berlin and Bremen, 6 years
(Staendige Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laender der BRD,
Algemeinbildande Schulen 1950 bis 1964: Statistische
Material, 1965; of. also Poingnant)










TABLE 5

PERCENTAGE OF 16-YEAR-OLD STUDENTS (1960) IN
LAENDER, INTERMEDIATE, AND GYMNASIUM


Lau; ir _.'l_ in r,:Jiton L ,.

Baden-Wuerttemberg 3.3

Bavaria 4.5

Berlin 9.0

Bremen 14.8

Hamburg 13.2

Hessen 9.5

Lower Saxony 10.0

North-Rhine-Westphalia 6.4

Rhineland-Palatinate 3.2

Saarland 1.2

Schleswig-Holstein 17.8


West Germany 7.0


Gymnasium

15.1

12.3

16.9

14.9

13.5

15.4

12.5

12.5

14.0

11.2

12.9


(Carnap, F'ldi PDrr rlnti, cb,'rb'eueb in den Laendern der
B3 ii.i'z-. i (1-r." l urt': Difl 19c2.).


Total

18.4

16.8

25.9

29.7

26.7

24.9

22.5

18.9

17.2

12.4

30.7


-(-~-~-B~rir;3~-B~~"l~s~rr~--r~--au
-r --. -------I~~~---- L*a-~i-^~ill-ronr~orl~r









years. By 1964, the Laender varied greatly in the extent to which the
25
compulsory ninth year had already been introduced.25 Virtually no

students attended a ninth year in Sarrland, Bavaria, and Rhineland-

Pfalz, while some 80 percent were already in attendance in Hamburg,

Bremen, Lower Saxony, and Schlesvig-Holstein. Table 6, however, pre-

sents only a point in time in a rather rapid development of expansion.

Since 1964, other Laender have also completed the expansion with the

introduction of a compulsory ninth year, for example, Hessen in April,

1966.26


Curriculaum Reform

Characteristic for the recent upsurge in interest and concern

for curriculum reform has been the acceleration of curriculum research

sponsored by the Max-Planck-Institute for Educational Research in Berlin.

Discussion and research on the reorganization of public school

curricula focused primarily on two objectives. It was widely felt

that.the curriculum at all levels could be more relevant. Reformers

demanded more emphasis on the physical sciences, on modern languages,

and on the social sciences. For the Gnagsim level, this was an open

clash with the concept of the traditional masium education which

emphasized the more abstract humanities and classical studies.

Within the context of an industrial-technological society, the

value of a sound mathematics and physical science instruction does

not need emphasis. The urgency of such a reorientation was documented

by the results of the UNESCO-sponsored International Stua of Achieve-

ment in Mathematics: A Covgrison o3f "ive Countries, which showed

unexpectedly poor results for West Gernany. More foreign language









instruction is absolutely cu,-;ential for the success of growing inter-

national exchange and ecoopc-rtion efforts, especially withinn the Corn-

mon Market area. And political education can be expected to contri-

bute its ihare to.the strengthening of democratic norms.

In contrast, the traditional i is oriented tovards the

values of the past. As illustrated in Table 7,28 an overwIhelmin

number of Gymnasiu students in all L ender in West Germany earn a

special certificate in Latin. The Gro se Inatinu. requires 41 credit

hours of Latin,29 the Kileines o.atinoli ordinarily between 18 end 33
30
credit hours.

A still substantial, although declining, number of students

attend the classical Gy'isi, type vhich is even more strongly focused

on the classical world of Roloe and Greece, its languages culture, tnd

history. In addition to the classical slant in all subjects, students

are required to successfully cjoplete 70 credit hours in Latin and
31
Greek.1 While the percentage of *gygasiun students which attend this

type has dropped to some 10 percent in most states,32 the modern lan-

guage, the mathcmatical-nat.ural science types, andnost recently,

types which place particular emphasis on music, the arts, and even

physical education, have (roun rapidly.

In addition to sore relevancy, the second motivating force for

curriculum reform has been deumocratization. For the curriculum planners,

this required the slo.r destruction of the educational differential

between Vokhs-, he3lrschu'l.c, and Gyrnsivo.

For the -. '1 '.. o vlich has zl-ready been extended into a nine-

year, nnd, exparlontrly;, a ten-.yer institution, this required pru'-

ticularly the Jntroduiction and. cxp:.n!.on of foreign InjI'ngcuce instruction.











TABLE 6

VOLKSSCHULE NINTT GRADERS IN 1964 AS A PERCENTAGE
OF EIGHTi GRADERS IN 1963


Laender V

Baden-Wuerttemberg

Bavaria

Berlin

Bremen

Hamburg

Hessen

Lower Saxony

North-Rhine-Westph .lia

Rhineland-Pal.tinate

Saarland

Schleswig-Holstein


West Germany

(Allgemeinebildende Schulen, p.


olksschule

3.7

0,2

70.4

80.1

82.3

36.7

79.0

2.5

0.9



76.9


23.6

16-17)


__II____~~_II__PI(___s---
------~- -- I I_








TABLE 7
PERCENTAGE OF GYMNASIUM GRADUATES WITH GROSSES,
KLEINES, OR NO LATINUM EASTERR, 1963)




Laender Grosses Latinum Kleines Latinum 7- Latir.,- Total Number

North-Rhine-Westphalia 100 13,089

Hamburg 86.3 12.3 1.4 1,769

Hessen 86.2 10.0 3.8 6,629

Schleswig-Holstein 82.2 8.6 9.2 2,540

S-arland 73.2 1.2 25.6 840

Rhineland-Palatinate 66.5 5.3 28.2 3,166

Bavaria 63.2 13.3 23.5 9,460

EDaen-Wuerttemberg 51.4 9.2 39.4 7,903

Lover Saxony 49.5 11.2 41.3 7,774

Berlin 38.6 39.5 23.9 3,492

Bremen 33.2 28.9 39.9 1,016

(HLZ, XVII, (1964), p. 17; see also Kultusminister-Konferenz zum Umfang des Lateinunterichts,
Dokumentation Nr. 8, Bonn, 1963).










TABLE 8

PERCENTAGE OF IAU'fPSCHUL STCUDETS WITH
FOREIGN LANGUAGE INSTRUCTION





Laender Percenta Rank Order

Hamburg 39.6 4

Bremen 44.1 3

Berlin 73.6 1

North-Rhine-Westphalia 3.4 10

Baden-Wuerttemberg 9.1 8

Hessen 28.1 5

Bavaria 6.0 9


Lower Saxony

Saarland

Schleswig-Holstein

Rhineland-Palatinate

(Edding, p. 324; see also Picht, P.


---~p~"l~"--"~-----


--










Until the mid-1960's, few elementary school students outside the three

city-state school systems had any foreign language instruction.33

Since then, very rapid progress has been made, and the new Hauiptsehule

is on its way of becoming an educational institution which is truly

parallel to the Realschule.34


State r,%r litur,' on Education

An indicator widely used to measure the weight given to specific

programs is the allocation of funds. Within the framework of state

politics, the general conditions facing the state legislatures with

regard to the issue of education were quite comparable. The general

expectations on the part of the constituents and consumers were quite

similar, and institutionalized coordination prevented wide scatterings35

The figures presented include state expenditures on education per

student and total school expenditures as a percentage of the state GNP.

The figures reveal that the financially weak states Lovei: Saxony,

Schleswig-Holstein, and Rhineland-Palatinate, spent a substantially

higher percentage of their state GNP in order to provide an average

per student funding.

The data presented in Tables 1 through 9 make it clear that

there are substantial differences in the emphasis each Land has given

to particular aspects of public education and educational reform. On

almost all of the variables presented, Hessen ranks in an upper middle

group which includes the states of Schleswig-Holstein and Lower Saxony.

It is not surprising that Heseen cannot compete successfully

with the city-states of Berlin, Bremen, and ~ iaoburg, since Hessen

faces nany additicial problems not fcced by the city-states. It is,

however, unexpected to find that on mLost of th. qu1.ntitative indicators,










TABLE 9

STATE EXPENDITURES ON EDUCATION


Laender

Hamburg

Bremen

Berlin

North-Rhine-Westphalia

Baden-Vuerttemberg

Hessen

Bavaria

Lower Saxony

Saarland

Schleswig-Holstein

Rhineland-Palatinate


Total School
Expenditures for Expenditures as
Volksschule Students Percentage of GP

74h.- 1.87

638.- 2.13

751.-

471.- 2.26

481.- 2.52

510.- 2.56

48o.- 2.70

517.- 3.07



557.- 3.53

449.- 3.13


(Edding, p. 3211)


_IP~ II___ II_~
~I_ Ir~ I~~s~~ll~ ~I~










Hessen does not rank appreciably higher than the other two North-

western states. As a result, the focal question to be answered in

subsequent chapters in not how to explain the achievements of educa-

tional reform in Hessen, but to explain why Hessen has not done better.

A higher ranking could have been expected because of the politi-

cal characteristics of the LanB. Except for the tiny city-state of

Bremen, Hessen has been the only state which has been administered

continuously, ever since the first state election in 1916, by ea SDP-

led cabinet. Hence, Hessen has been the only Land, where both of the

two conservative, non-Socialist parties--CDU and FDP--formed the opposi-

tion, uninterruptedly, for 20 years. SDP dominance of Hessen state

politics, the proclamation of Hessen as a model state, and the com-

mitment of the national SDP to a progressive policy of educational

and research mobilization, particularly since the 1956 party congress

in Munich, would have warranted such an expectation.














FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER II


1. Such as Zbigniew Brzezinski and Samuel P. Huntington, Political
Power: USA/USSR (New York: Viking Press, 1964).

2. Hildegard HamB-Bruecher, Auf Kosten unserer KinderT (Hamburgs
Nannane, 1965), pp. 127-128. Hildegard Ham-Bruecher,
Affbruch ins Jahr 2000 oder Erzie hung im technischen Zeit-
ter Hamburg: Rooht, 967 5. Helmut Klein, Poy-
technische Bildung und Erziehung in der DDR (Hamburg: Rowohlt,
1962).

3. Cf. Harry Eckstein, "A Perspective on Comparative Politics, Past
and Present," Harry Eckstein and David E. Apter, eds., Com-
parative Politics (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), p. 25; Gunnar
Heckscher "eneal Methodological Problems," ibid., p. 41.

4, For studies of inter-state differences in the U.S., cf. Richard E.
Dawson and James A. Robinson, "Inter-Party Competition,
Economic Variables, and Welfare Policies in the American
States," Journal of Politics, XXV, 2 (May, 1963), 265-289;
Thomas R. Dye, "Malapportionment and Public Policy in the
States," Journal of Politics, XXVII, 3 (August, 1965), 586-
601; Herbert Jacob and Kenneth N. Vines, eds., Politics in
the American States (Boston: Little, Brown, 1965).

5, Article 7 establishes the supervisory authority of the state over
education, the right to establish and operate private schools.

6. The opposition of Bavaria, e.g., defeated the proposal to uniformly
change the beginning of the school year from September to
April in the early 1950's.

7, This general sentiment was widely expressed by SDP state legisla-
tors on both mail questionnaire and in interviews.

8. Wuerttemberg-Hohenzollern became an administrative district of the
newly established Land Baden-Wuerttemberg in 1952.

9. Cf. Paul Seipp, ed., Schulrecht: Ergaenzbare Sammung der Vorschrif-
ten fuer Schule und Schulverwaltun (euwied: Luchterhand,
195T- 77.

10. Article 26, Section 3.

11. Article 6, Section 2.










12. The constitution of North-Rhine-Westphalia of 1950 provides in
Article 8, Section 1: "Each child has a right of education
and training. The natural right of the parents to determine
the education and training of their children constitutes the
basis of the educational and school system. The state must
insure that the school system meets the cultural and social
requirements of the Land."

13. Deutsches Institut fuer Bildung und Wissen, ed., Gutachten zur
Bekenntnisschule (Frankfurt: Hirschgraben, 1966), p. 32.

14. Walter Schultze and Christoph Fuehr, Schools in the Federal Republic
of Germay (Weinheim: Beltz, 19 67, p. 6

15. Cf. Table 2.

16. For international comparisons, cf. Raymond Poignant, Das Bildu
swesen in den Laendern der EWG (Frankfurt: Diesterweg, 1966).

17. Table 2.

18. Table 4.

19. Hesaischer Kultusminister, ed., Schule in unserer Zeit: Bildungswege
in Hessen (Offenbach: Brint-Dohany, 1965), p. 52.

20. Table 2.

21. Table 4.

22. Hessischer Kultusminister, Statistisches Material fuer die Hasuhalts-
beratungen 1968, p. 6.

23. Hans Lohbauer, "Der vorzeitige Abgang begabter Schueler von Gymnas-
ien und Realschulen," Bayern in Zahlen, No. 10, 1966, pp. 331-
334.

24. Poignant, p. cit., p. 105

25. Table 6.

26. Hessischer Kultusminister, ed., Informationen und Mitteilungen, No.
64/65, 5 October, 1965.

27. Not all of the Laender report the breakdown of student figures by
Gymnasium branch. Cf. Hans Scheuerl, Die Gliederung des
deutschen Schulwesens (Stuttgart: Klett, 1968) p. 68.

28. Cf. Table 7.

29. Walter Schultze and Christoph Fuehr, Schools in the Federal Republic
of ermany (Weinheim: Beltz, 1967), p. 155.






-53-



30. Ibid., p. 156.

31. Ibid., p. 155.

32. Hessen: 7.7 percent; Baden-Wuerttemberg: 10.2 percent; North-Rhine-
Westphalia: 13.1 percent. Cf. Hans Scheuerl, Die Gliederung
des deutschen Schulwesens (Stuttgart: Klett, 198), pp. 68-


33, Cf. Table 8.

34. The percentage of 5th graders with English instruction increased
in North-Rhine-Westphalia from 6.5 percent in 1964 to 70.7
percent in 1965. Ursula Springer, "Recent Curriculum De-
velopments at the Middle Level of French, West German, and
Italian Schools" (U.S. Office of Education Report, 1967),
p. 98.

35. Cf, Table 9.














CHAPTER III

THE INCREASE IN THE COGNITION OF EDUCATIONAL ISSUES


Throughout the 1950's, the reform of public education was a

rather minor public issue in West Germany. The political decision-

makers at the state and local level were primarily occupied with the

reconstruction of the physical facilities destroyed during the war.

Even though the Laender jurisdiction in cultural affairs was treated

as sacrosanct, educational issues were not manifest in many of the poli-

tical campaigns for elections to the state legislatures. Two leading

studies on West German state politics do not even mention education

in their examination of the issue content of political c~ampIOgn.

In many of the state campaigns in the late 1950's, the national )er.d-

ership of all parties fought campaigns over foreign policy issues, and

the press perennially declared each state election as a test for an

upcoming national. Bundestg election,

During the early and lid-1960's, quite suddenly education became

an issue. Newspapers, periodicals, and magazines began to devote reg-

ular space to the discussion of school issues, and the trend rapidly

gained momentum.

Georg Picht published a series of articles in the independent

Protestant weekly, nrist und welt, in 196h ond vwarned of the imminent

educational catastrophe. Hildegard Hcx-l-Bruccher wrote a series. for

the highly respected, liberal DI Zeit, co ;irilng her ihc pressions of

soee school proble.,s in the eleven ct.t Cer':; ),.n ;er, and Ralf










Dahrendorf, now a member of the Common Merket executive in Brussels,

also, in a series of articles in Die Zcit, postulated education as a

'civil right,' which necessitates educational encouragement of those

who have not fully participated in the educational process, namely

working class children, children frio rural areas, and female students.

Beginning during the same year, a wave of book publications on the

topic, mostly in paperback, appeared on the market, most of them point-

ing out the deficiencies of the present system and demanding reform.2

Earlier, the Federal skeleton plan of 1959 had been published

by the German Commission for Education, the main innovation of vhbich

was the Foerderstufe, a two-year preparatory level which would prepare

and tutor socially disadvantaged students for admission to a G~mnasium.

In 1959-1960, the Social Democratic party held numerous meetings and

published a substantial amount of data and suggestions in its own

plan, "Plan Z: Conquer the Future," an early attempt to mobilize pub.

lic interest in educational issues and capitalize on an intensification

and activation of the issue.

Two issues were instrumental In crystallizing widespread ecti-

vation of the general public.

An increasing majority of the population refused to accept the

complete, costly duplication of public school facilities for Protestant

and Catholic children, which has been practiced in Bavaria, Rhineland-

Palatinate, North-Rhine-Weetphalia, Saarland, and the districts of

Osnabrueck and Oldenburg in Lower Saxcny and Suedwuerttermberg-Hohetn-

zollern in Baden-Wuerttemberg, all of which have substantial Catholic

majorities. As early as 1953, 63 percent of th~ We.t Ger.ans, and

53 percent of all Catholics, opted Ccr ar integrated. school system for










both religious denominations. 4 By 1964, this majority had increased

to 74 percent of all West Germans and 61 percent of all Catholics.5

As early as 1954, even in Bavaria, where more than 90 percent of the

public school population attended segregated schools, almost two-

thirds of the respondents approved of an integrated school system.7

The second issue centered around a controversial decision of the

Hessen state supreme court of October 27, 1965, which reversed an

earlier administrative decision of the state school administration and

permitted parents to ask for cancellation of school prayers. The court

based its decision on the basic right of freedom of faith, conscience,

and creed in accordance with the constitution of the state of Hessen.8

The decision permitted a minority of parents to demand the can-

cellation of the morning prayer for a class group, and subsequently

resulted in a controversial issue and an activation and polarization

of the public on this and other educational issues. A survey taken

after the court decision revealed overwhelming support for early morn-

ing school prayers, and strong disagreement with the court ruling.

A majority supported majority decisions of those affected rather than

decision-making by minority veto.10


International Comparisons

Beginning in the late 1950's, an increase in comparative inter-

national studies of educational dimensions made data available which

permitted the relative evaluation of educational accomplishments in

the light of their economic and social development. Many of the earl-

ier studies were sponsored by OECD, or were direct results of OECD

conferences in Paris and Washington. The necessity of educational










expansion and targets was justified in terms of demands for education

by the expected economic growth of the coming decades, characterized

by Dahrendorf as economic sociologism or statistical determinism.11

A first comparative study of the content and results of school

instruction resulted in the publication of the results of mathematics

instruction in twelve countries.12 Husen and his co-workers measured

the results in terms of mathematical tests which would do justice to

each country's curriculum. Other comparisons of educational coverage

have prompted Dahrendorf to point out that West Germany frequently

finds herself in the company of countries such as Portugal and Yugo-
13
slavia rather than Britain and France.1 This may give cause for

some concern and reflection, even though the figures as such do not

provide the argument for change that is so often implied.l1

Hami-Bruecher's Aufbruch ins Jahr 2000, a journalistic compari-

son of educational achievements of a number of European countries,

the United States, end the Soviet Union, is a similar attempt on a

more popular level, meant to produce the same stimulus for change and

reform.15

The countries of Western Europe, especially the six Common Mar-

ket countries and Britain, have reached a stage of economic development

which makes them comparable on a number of social indicators as well.

Measured in terms of employment in the primary, secondary, and ter-

tiary economic occupations, all seven countries have reached approxi-

mately a level of 42 to l8 percent industrial employment, and 39 to

4T percent in the tertiary sector with only France and Italy lagging

slightly behind.16

Comparing the relative school enrollcnit of both the 14-year-olds










and the 17-year-olds, all Common Market partner countries ranked con-

siderably higher than West Germany. Even more important was the fact

that the rate of increase in school enrollment was also higher in all

of the other Western European countries, including Britain. The in-

crease for the decade of the 1950's in school enrollment of 17-year-

olds ranged from 160 percent in Italy to 51 percent in Belgium, con-
17
pared to a 30 percent increase in West Germany. The small increase

for West Germany is not a result of a high absolute figure for West

Germany in 1950. On the contrary, even in the early 1950's, Germany's

school enrollment figure for 17-year-olds was below average with 12.6

percent, compared to 21.4 percent in the Netherlands, 25.9 percent in

Belgium, and 14 percent in France. As a result, in 1960-61, West

Germany ranked lowest among the six.18

In view of the growing economic and political cooperation be-

tween the Western European countries, which also involves the creation

of a free Western European labor market, West Germany, which ranks

last in the increase of educational coverage, must be concerned about

the prospect of not making full use of its labor resources by recruit-

ing fewer and fever people into the top occupational categories. Econ-

omists were the first to look upon education, and particularly higher

education, as an investment and insufficient recruitment by a national

educational system as a malinvestient, especially in view of the grow-

ing economic markets.19 August Eucker, a former Bnvarian minister of

education, mentions particularly the need for a reorientation of the

separate educational systems towards greater European unit. Educa-

tional platform planks of the political parties dwell on the educa-

tional lag of West Germany in comparison with other Western European










nations and its disadvantages in light of the growing economic and

political cooperation and integration.2


,ter. tate Ccn.partror.

West German data which would permit a duplication of some of the

research in American state politics, emphasizing either politico-cul-

tural differences or substantive policy output, are still rather sparse.

Most recently, Edding and Carnap have quantitatively compared educational

efforts and results of the Laender and compared them to their social

and economic potential.21 Regular publications of the Permanent Con-

ference of Ministers of Education provide few data for limited compari-

sons. Even its biennial reports make comparisons on all dimensions
22
of educational systems difficult. Each of the Laender submits an

individual Land report, and even though some general standards are

applied, each state tends to present figures on those dimensions where

it ranks highest. The high degree of differentiation within the tra-

ditional school system makes it likely for each state to rank high

on at least one variable of the dimension of interest. Dahrendorf

has illustrated this point in a discussion of what he termed the

'Hamburg paradox' and the 'Bavarian paradox' in those two state systems.

Hamburg, which is considered one of the more progressive systems, has

a rather high enrollment in special education classes, it has a progres-

sive elementary education system with the highest per capital expendi-

tures on education, and has no one-room, one-teacher schools. At the

same time, Hamburg has a comparatively underdeveloped secondary school

system, which has prompted Dahrendorf to characterize it as 'social-

conservative.' Bavaria's elitist-conservative educational policies,

on the other hand, have produced a system which offers auch to a










a privileged few in the yi.nasi um population, but little to the many

in the elementary school population.23


Impetus of Rational Models

The technological and social complexities of 20th century systems

have made the feeding of independent research findings into processes

of political decision-making indispensible. The traditionally pres-

tigeous position of the academic community has frequently resulted in

the consideration of independent, scholarly expertise. Proponents

of educational reform have cited the objective conditions and objec-

tive requirements as cause for change and reform.25 In pointing to

such objective criteria, researchers are talking of an expansion of

the educational capacity by creating more schools for more students

at the secondary level, both short and long form, and thereby extend-

ing educational coverage, and by introducing a compulsory tenth, end
26
as a long-range goal, a compulsory eleventh end twelfth years.

Since there is very little of a supra-departmental consensus

on the appropriate curriculum for each age level, the curriculum has

been merely the product of a bargaining between departments, none of
27
which is willing to give up one or two weekly class periods,

A number of plans and target projections, prepared by or with

the aid of scholarly commissions, have been published by educational

administrations. At the federal level, the Permanent Conference of

Education Ministers published first target figures for student enroll-

ment, need for teachers, classroom facilities, and funds for the

decade of the 1960's.28

In 1966, the department of education In BPden-Wuerttemberg pub-

lished a model study for educational planning on education and onomic










growth.29 Based on an analysis of the economic and social develop-

ment with particular attention to the relationship between economic

development and the needs for skilled workers, the Baden-Wuerttemberg

study has formulated target figures for 1980, which would require an

increase in the quota of Cynnasium graduates from 8 to 15 percent,

and the quota of intermediate level graduates from 16.4 to 40 percent

of each age level.30 The figures are justified in terms of an educa-

tional-economic supply and demand model.

Hessen's Grosser Hessenplan of 1965 provided target figures,

which, however, have to be understood primarily as political rather

than economic targets. They were not based on similarly complete

studies of economic and population growth patterns within the state.3

Not all such target projections which are expert statements of

objective requirements are valuable for the educational decision-maker.

Some of the published figures are neither based on the socio-economic

realities, nor are they based on a consistent conception of educational

reform as part of a socially responsible policy. The projections of
32
the Permanent Conference of Education Ministers do neither.3


Socio-economic and P'olr r. ninsr,'s o Policy Output

The early and mid-1960's have seen a rapid expansion and accept-

ance of the economics of education. Research institutions have been

opened and chairs for the nov field have been established. Friedrich

Edding's pioneering work has been particularly stimulating with regard

to both content "nd methodology.

Subject to UF.SCO- and OECD-sponsored research, Edding and his

school loch upon education as an econon.mic investment. As such, their

approach is both quantitative and comparative, The cross-national










comparison has been reapplied by Edding to a comparative analysis of

the GCrnan Lacnder. Edd-ng goes beyond a strictly economic analysis,

when he recognized that, 5n addition to economic potential and re-

sources, the attitudes of the populace of legislatures and bureaucra-

cies help to account for the differences in school attendance figures

between the Laender.34

The explanation of educational policy output at the state level

cannot limit itself to an analysis of the state's economic resources.

A comparative analysis of Laender policies suggests that economic

variables such as GNP, taxes collected per capital account only for a

rather small portion of the total variance in educational output.

The contribution of the economists of education has been very

suggestive, also for the political scientist, when modified as follows.

Economic resources is too narrow a concept to explore substan-

tive differences in educational reform policies between the Laender.

We propose to extend the concept to socio-economic resources, which

would permit the inclusion of religious-denominational, and urban-

rural compositions. Such a dimension would then characterize the

entire spectrum of the socio-economic environment of educational de-

cision-matking in each state.

In addition to such a broad environmental dimension, we would

have to tike into account the priorities of allocating resources to

individual progeacms within each state. The allocation of resources

is the very core of authoritative political decision-making, and

political variables, therefore, are very important intervening vari-

ables which can be expected to contribute towards the explanation of

eductitonal policy ouutplts.











In addition to substantive reform achievements, two allocative

decisions are of importance and will be included in an aggregate data

analysis.

The first would be the allocation of funds for educational ex-

penditures as a percentage of all state expenditures, i.e., educational

expenditures in relation to all other non-educational state expenditures,

such as welfare expenditures.

The second decision would be the allocation of funds for individ-

uol educational programs and priorities within the educational appro-

priations. Resolved must be the priority of elementary education,

intermediate level and ~isiu level secondary education over one

another. And as our data presented in Chapter II have shown, the

priorities set by individual state administrations vary very consider-

ably.

Educational policies in the state must primarily be interpreted

in terms of the basic social divisions within each Land. The rank-

order correlation on Table 11 based on the data presented in Table 10

demonstrates that two indicators of the socio-political dimension are

more closely related to our educational reform indicators than all

others, These two indicators are the religious- enominational composi-

tion of the state population3 and the relative strength of the more

progressive political party.3

These two variables are highly inter-correlated3 and seem to

measure an underlying social dimension which creates a favorable climate

for a positive attitude towards social change in the field of education.

The religious-denominational variable measures two aspects of the at-

titude towards change. First, Catholic group norms in the past have










tended to be in conflict with ideologies of social reform end the

church,only with some time &e, has began to face these issues.

Secondly, the percentage of Catholics is Ulso an indicator of the

degree of interdenominational mixture. Areas which are still over-

vhelmingly Protestant or overwhelmingly Catholic have been less ex-

posed to the problems of industrialism, urbanism, and their popula-

tion has not yet been challenged to face these problems cognitatively,

attitudinally, and ideologically.

The second variable which measures the relative advantage of the

more progressive party is a behavioral expression of the underlying

attitudes towards change and reform. The size of the SDP vote in re-

lation to the CDU vote is an aggregate measure of the extent to which

a community or a region has been faced vith challenges of a social

nature and the extent to which adaptation or change has been accepted.

If a Land ranks high on this aggregate index of willingness to

accept political reforms, the Land also ranks high on each of the
38
following variables:

a. the degree of religious school integration,39

b. the openness of access to intermediate level secondary

schools,

c. the extension of the compulsory elementary school with

the addition of a ninth year,

d. the adjustment of traditional elementary school curricula
42
to criteria of relevance, and
13
e. expenditures per elementary school student.

Only three of our educational reform variables have a consistently

lower correlation coefficient vith thl dimension of attitude towards

social reform:








TABLE 10

ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL INDICATORS


Laender

Baden-Wuerttemberg

BavarI a

Berlin

Bremen

Hambiug

Hsssear

Lower Saxony

North-Rhine-Westphalia

Rhineland-Pfalz

Saarland

Schleswig-Holstein


Per Capita
GP. 1961

7,315

6,405

7,273

8,868

12,009

7,431

6,185

7,448

5,529

6,088

5,860


State and
Federal Tax
Receipts, 196.

1,611

1,158.36

1,578

2,478.94

4,373 ('63)

1,655

1,298

1,803

1,291

1,030

1,258


Percent
Catholic
Population

47.5

71.3

11.2

10.5

7.4

32.1

18.8

52.4

56.2

73.4

6.0


SDP Vote/
CDU Vote
1945-1967

.79

.68

1.87

2.32

1.81

1.53

1.32

.90

.78

.81

.99


SDP Cabinet
Leadership/ Participation/
CUD Cabinet CDU Cabinet
Leadership Participation
1945-1967 1945-1967

.10 .64

.22 .46

17.03 1.23

1.90

h.67 1.28

4.28

7.68 1.69

.21 .41

0 .21

0 .41

.19 .21


__
__ I __ I~


~ _~ __ __








TABLE 11


RANK-ORDER CORRELATIONS BETWEEN SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INDICATORS
AND INDICATORS OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM


State and
Per Capita Federal Tax
GNPI 1964 Receipts. 1964


Gemeinschaftsschule
Realschule Graduates
Gymnasium Graduates
13-Year-Olds in Gym
13-Year-Olds in Real
Gymnasium Transfers
Realschule Transfers
16-Year-Olds in Gym
16-Year-Olds in Real
9th Graders
Grosses Latinum
Foreign Language
Expense per Volks-
schule*
School Expenses as
% of GNP**


.528-
.373
-.11
.427
.232
.119
.382
.316
.364
.495
-.136
.218

.418

-.965


.346
.273
-.207
.227
.091
-.129
.155
.184
.391
.473
-.244
.354

.115

-.983


Percent
Catholic
Population

.9
.873
.0914
.082
.809
-.187
.791
.444
.918
.927
.082
.755

.879


SDP Vote/
CDU Vote
1945-1967

.791
.80
.37
.291
.782
.107
.828
.502
.719
.809
.205
.791

.842

-.516


SDP Cabinet
Leadership/ Participation/
CDU Cabinet CDU Cabinet
Leadership Participation
1945-1967 1945-1967


..645
.701
.606
.309
.75
-.023
.810
.466
.641
.632
.282
.532

.588

-.587


.564
.464
.268
.346
.437
.162
.569
.414
.437
.641
.151
.473

.687

-.687


*Saarland not included.
"Saarland and Berlin not included.








TABLE 12

CORRELATION BETWEEN THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLES


State and
Per Capita Federal Tax
GNP. 1964 Receipts. 1964

Per Capita GNP, 1964 .855

State and Federal Tax
Receipts, 1964 .855 -

Percent Catholic Population .337 .291

SDP/CDU Vote
1945-1967 .564 .309

SDP Cabinet Leadership/
CDU Cabinet Leadership
1945-1967 .604 .454

SDP Cabinet Participation/
CDU Cabinet Participation
1945-1967 .755 .609


Percent
Catholic
Population

.337


.291




.755



.519



.429


SDP Vote/
CDU Vote
1945-1967

.5614


.309

.755


SDP Cabinet
Leadership/ Participation
CDU Cabinet CDU Cabinet
Leadership Participation
1945-1967 1945-1967

.6o0 .755


.782


_ _











a. access to a s i education

b. exposure to a traditional clasicil education, and
46
c. school expenditures as a percentage of GNP.

The educational variables which are most strongly related to the social

and political climate in the Lend are the most essential for a compre-

hensive reform. In addition to the integration of separate Catholic

and Protestant public school systems, they include the extension of

compulsory as well as non-compulsory educational opportunities.

Elementary schools have introduced a compulsory ninth year and

are experimenting with a tenth. The demand for 'secondary education

for all' has been reflected most dramatically in the increase in Real-

schule enrollment, the short form of the secondary school. The expected

increase in attendance of the Realschule during the next decade is sub-
147
stantially higher than the increase expected for the Gymnasium. The

expansion of the short form of the secondary school enjoys a higher

priority among reform-minded Land administrations, because there is an

immediate need for expanding school enrollment. This need could not

be served by the nam because of the traditional distance between

the majority of the population and the -2 as an elite school.

As a result, the expansion of the short form is more strongly corre-

lated with the socio-political variables than the expansion of the

Gyna~nlur.

The fact that the two variables of the socio-political dimension

explain a consistently higher portion of educational policy decisions

and program achievements than the variables which measure partisan con-

trol aiod participation in the Land admj.l istl'tion emlphbsi:es the ex-

planiatory value of the socio-political climate f6~. substantive decision-










making. Apparently, the cu:tural-politlcl3. climate which underlies

the state political system has a greater effect on educational policy

achievements than who or which party or party coalition happens to run

the state administration. This point is illustrated by the rather

limited scceuss of state cabinets which have been formed against the

strongest party in the state legislature. The anti-CSU four-party'

Bavarian coalition of SDP, BP, GB/BHE, and FDP failed in 1957 after

only three years in office, and the anti-SDP administration of CDU[

FDP, and DP was defeated overwhelmingly by the Hamburg voters in 1957.

Within a hostile political environment in the state legislature

and the Land constituency, it has been extremely difficult for such

administrations to initiate or carry out major reform programs. The

Bavarian SDP-led Hoegner cabinet, in office from 1954 until 1957, was

unable to redirect educational policies. An examination of the rural

school situation shows that the percentage of elementary school child-

ren who attended rural one- or two-room schools actually increased

until 1960, independent of whether the CSU or the SDP led the state
L8
administration,

ihe victory of the anti-SDP coalition in Hamburg in 1953, after

a campaInri in which progressive school policies played a major role,

dampened the Social Democratic party's commitment to school reform

policies in this Land and has instead led the party to "progress in

details," such as beautiful school buildings.4


lb.: :' 1;t c. i-r. ,it.... Climate

The stetibtical analysis of the dita in Chapters II and III sug-

gests th
tional refcrm achievements. While hlthe economists of education suggest










that the variation in ecovrcric resources explains most of the differ-

ence in educational police es between the states, the results of our

own computations suggest two things.

Neither economic resources alone, nor the political commitment

of a narrowly based state administration, suffice to explain the inter-

Laender differences in educational achievements. Instead, it is the

relative strength of the two political parties which have dominated

post-war politics in West Germany, which accounts for the way in which

available economic and financial resources have been allocated. The

relative electoral strength of the more progressive party seems of

greater weight than the relative length of time during which thc- SDP,

as the more progressive party, has exclusively or partially controlled

the state administration. We suggest that, in measuring the average

relative strength of the two major parties over a period of more than

twenty years, we are, in fact, measuring the political-cultural climate

which is either conducive or obstructive to progressive reforms.

The results of this quantitative analysis lead to a more detailed

qualitative analysis of educational reform politics within the context

of the socio-economic environment of state politics, and the structures,

strategies, and tactics of individual political actors and groups. In

focusing a qualitative analysis on the aspects of the state political

culture, we anticipate meaningful conclusions about the functionality

or dys"functionality of reform activities and initiatives by groups or

agents measured against their own aspirations as well as the maintenance

of the systems.

He&sen has generally been considered one of the more progressive

La n'r in the fii1ld of educatior. rnd quite possibly the most progressive










of the larger states. And the indicator which we have presented in

Chapter II tend to partially support this view.

Hessen's administration has been activee in experimenting with

new programs and has made headlines nationally on initiatives and ex-

periments despite the diversity in the social and economic structure.

Hessen's economic structure is mixed, with most of Northern and

Central Hessen primarily rural and agricultural, while the Rhine-Main

district in the Southern part of the state is more densely populated,

highly urbanized,50 and highly industrialized.51 Most of the cities

and counties in the state are predominantly Protestant, with a few en-

claves, notably the diocese cities of Fulda and Limburg, where the

Catholic population is in a strong majority.

Hessen's position of leadership does not stand for all indicators,

even though it does rank above average on almost all, and usually di-

rectly behind the three city states of Berlin, Bremen, and Hauburg.

For the following reasons, Hessen has proved particularly attractive

as a focus for a study in Gernan state politics.

Firstly, Hessen is faced with most of the problems other states

are faced with, because of its heterogeneous social and economic struc-

ture. The administrators and other participants, however, have faced

the challenges and have developed a greater variety of early initiatives

and ection~s that can be dealt with.

Secondly, Hessen's reputation for leadership, also in the field

of education, has increased the willingness of all respondents, includ-

ing members of thi political opposition, to provide information and



'nirdly, the div-rme social -.d ccounoic rtrli ;tiv~ provides










REGIONALISM, IN HESSEN
THE RURAL NORTH VF'RSUS THE URBAN SOUTH


A
( -- __



..,_ / i \
l.. S- '^ .>.- ,<., .



; /^--^ -\s,- --
C,


r
C,,,
,-' "- l /
..>' / );- I..--*
^E., j 0// 'V yL*

--- .
S---- --- --- \ Y .- \. .


< 'C _=-r-'^:' r'-v- '^- I
-;3


--,-
r (------ .. "; ...+'7'_ _

"t .-ie ""---- 2 "- -- 7- -'''
-- -- -T-- ...


Sr -








.. .......iT cd aras : I
1. /I2-^ -.~ ""t ~ """^:. '





1----17--C- '-;-


.... .- -...-..


^--- population density 500 per sbu ai m:ie
and oroe










examples of reform issues in a variety of Acttings, namely rural areas

with previously underdeveloped school systems and an extremely low

rate of secondary school attendance, urban areas with less rigid divi-

sions among the three school types, and new suburban residential areas

which are most open to reform projects because of the lack of estab-

lished st-uctures end the absence of teachers in fear of status decline.

Fourthly, the early solution of the religious issue, even though

the stlte is religiously rixed, has greatly simplified the identifica-

tion of the other issues.

And fifthly, for an analysis that focuses on the socio-political

variables, it seemed meaningful to limit the investigation to one Land,

in which political stability and the continuity of partisan and per-

sonal leadership permit the characterization of any long-term strate-

gies of initiating groups and actors.













FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER III


1. Heinz Joseph Varain, Parteien und Verbaende: Eine Studie ueber
ihren Aufbau, ihre Verflechtung und ihr Wirken in Shleswig-
Holstein 5- (ologne: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1964).
Wlfgang Leirich, Politik in einem Bundesland: Die Landta-
wahl vm 8. Juli 1 ordrhein-Westfalen (Cologne:
Westdeutscher Verlag, 1988).

2. Cf. Balf Dahrendorf, Bildung ist Buergerrecht (Hamburg: Nannen,
1965); Hans Dichgans, Erst Mit Dreissig'in Beruf? (Stuttgart:
Klett, 1965); Friedrich Edding, Bildung und Politik (Pfull-
ingen: Neske, 1965); Karl Erlinghausen, Katholisches Bildungs-
defizit (Freiburg: Herder, 1965); Hildegard Hamm-Bruecher, Auf
Kosten unserer Kinder? (Hamburg: Nannen, 1965); Georg Picht,
Die deutsche Bildungskatastrophe (Munich: DTV, 1965); August
Rucker, B unsplanung: Versagen such inder Zukunft? (Diessen:
Tucher, 1965); Hildegard Hamm-Bruecher, Aufbruch ins Jahr 2000
(Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1967).

3. Deutscher Ausschuss fuer das Eaziehungs- und Bildungswesen, ed.,
Empfehlungen und Gutachten des Deutschen Ausschusses: Gesamtaus-
gabe (Stuttgart: Klett, 19657.

4. Elisabeth Noelle and Erich Peter Neumann, eds., Jahrbuch der oeff-
entlichen Meinun 1947-1955 (Allensbach: Verlag fuer Demo-
sk6pie, 1956), p. 224.

5. Jahrbuch IV, 1965-1967, p. 345.

6. Cf. Table 1, Chapter II, p. 36.

7. Jahrbuch I, 1947-1955, p. 225. Sixty-three percent for and 29 per-
cent against an integrated system.

8. "Faith, conscience and creed are free." (Article 9). "No one must
be forced or prevented from participating in a denominational
activity or festivity or religious exercise or the administra-
tion of a religious oath." (Article 48, Section 2).

9. Sixty-seven percent for, 9 percent against school prayer.

10. Seventy-seven percent to 10 percent; Jahrbuch IV, pp. 347-348.

11. Ralf Dahrendorf, Bildung ist Buergerrecht, p. 17.

12. The study reports that West Germany ranks seventh in average










student achievement, and eleventh in average student
achievement for the top I percent of each country's
student population. Torsten Husen, ed., International
Study of Achievement in Mathematics: A Comparison of
Twelve Countries (New York: Wiley, 197). For a report
of the German research team, cf. Walter Schultze and Lothar
Riemenschneider, "Eine Vergleichende Studie ueber die Ergeb-
nisse des Mathematikunterrichts in zwoelf Laendern," Mitteil-
ungen und Nachrichten (Deutsches Institut fuer Internation-
ale Paedagogische Forsehung), 46/47 (April, 1967), pp. 1-34.

13. Dahrendorf, op. cit., p. 17.

14. Ibid., p. 18.

15. Hildegard Hamm-Bruecher, Aufbruch ins Jahr 2000 (Hamburg: Rowohlt,
1967). For a summary of some of the work sponsored by inter-
national organizations, cf. Hans Peter Widmaier, ed., Bildun
und Wirtschaftswachstum (Stuttgart: Neckar-Verlag, 1966, p.
21 ff.

16. Raymond Poignant, o2. cit., p. 18.

17. Ibid., p. 12.

18. bid.

19. August Rucker, Bildungsplanung Versaen such iider. ZukunftT
(Diessen: Tucher, 1965), p. 112 ff. Staendige Konferenz
der Kultusminister der Laender, ed., Bedarfs ststellung
61 bis 1970: Dokumentation (Stuttgart: Kle t, n.y.), p.
3. For a good overview on the economics of education, cf.
Friedrich Edding, Oekonomie des Bildungswesens (Freiburg:
Rombach, 1963).

20. Bildungapolitische Leitsaetze der SDP (Bonn, 1964), p. 13.

21. Roderich von Carnap and Friedrich Edding, Der relative Schulbesuch
in den Laendern der Bundesrepublik (Frankfurt: Institut fuer
International Paedagogische Forschung, 1962).

22. Staendige Konferenz der Kultusminister, ed., Kulturpolitik der
Laender 1965-1966 (Bonn, 1967).

23, Ralf Dahrendorf, .p. cit., p. 31-32.

24. In West Germany, the problems of reapportionment and redistricting
are being solved rather smoothly through the aid of scholarly
and technical expertise.

25. Helmut Becker, "Bildungspolitiker schlagen Alarm," Die Zeit (Novem-
ber 3, 1967).










26. Our interviews of state legislators suggest that such targets are
perceived, if not accepted, by decision-makers.

27. Illustrations for such difficulties are the lengthy attempts to
integrate contemporary history and history into a new social
science course and the strong opposition against an integrated
sex education course, which would rely on biology, religion,
and other individual disciplines.

28. Staendige Konferenz der Kultusminister, ed., Bedarfsfeststellung
1961 bis 19T7 (Stuttgart: Klett, 1963).

29. Hans Peter Widmaier, ed., Bildun und Wirtschaftswachstum (Stutt-
gart: Neckar-Verlag, 1966).

30. Ibid., p. 29.

31. Hessischer Ministerpraesident, ed., Der Grosse Hessenplan (Wies-
baden, 1965), p. 36-43.

32. Dahrendorf, op. cit., p. 16. Most of the research relevant for
educational decision-makers in West Germany has been prepared
or sponsored by the following institutions:

a. the German Institute for International Pedagogical Re-
search in Frankfurt is the oldest and most conventional
in orientation and research output, with strong admini-
strative-legal and historical research interests.

b. the Max-Planck-Institute for Educational Research in
Berlin is a newly established institution, which is
strongly oriented towards the social sciences.

c. the Pedagogical Center in Berlin, also a recent creation,
is primarily a service institution to the city's educa-
tional administration, in sparking and preparing the
ground for reforms within the system. Cf. Carl-Ludwig
Furck, Aufbau und Funktionen des Paedogischen Zentrums
(Berlin, -1966) .

d. a number of research institutions sponsored educational
research in the 1960's: the Institute for Social Research
in Frankfurt sponsored a project evaluating the role of
political education in public schools in a number of
states (Becker/Herkommer/Bergmann, 1967; Teschner, 1968);
the Department of Geography at the University of Frank-
furt (Geipel, 1965; Geipel, 1968), and the Department of
Sociology at the University of Tuebingen (Grimm, 1966;
Peisert, 1967).

33. Friedrich Edding, Oekonomie des Bildungswesens (Freiburg: Rombach,
1963). Roderich von Carnap and Friedrich Edding, Der rela-
tive Schulbesuch in den Laendern der BundesrepublikTFrank-
furt: Institut fuer Internationale Paedagogische Forschung,
1962).









34. EdAMng, o. cit.. p. 343.

35. Column 3, Table 2: Catholics as a percentage of total population.

36. Column 4, Table 2: ratio of average SDP vote over average CDU vote
in state legislative elections 1945-1969.

37. Rank order correlation coefficient .755 (Column 3 and 4, Table
3).
38. Cf. Table 2.

39. Cf. Table 2, row 1.

40. Cf. Table 2, row 2 and 5.

41. Cf. Table 2, row 10.

42. Cf. Table 2, row 12.

43. Cf. Table 2, row 13.

44. Cf. Table 2, row 3 and 4.

45. Cf. Table 2, row 11.

46. Cf. Table 2, row 14.

47. Baden-Wuerttemberg, for example is preparing an increase in Real-
schule graduates from 16.4 percent in 1964 to 40 percent in
1980, compared with an increase from 8 percent in 1964 to
15 percent in 1980 in Gymnasium graduates (Schulentvicklungs-
plan Baden-Wuerttemberg, p. 8-9).

48. Bayrisches Staatsministerium Fuer Unterricht und Kultus, ed.,
Kultur, Staat, Geselsschaft: Haushaltsrede des bayrischen
Staatsministers fuer Unterricht und Kultu Dr. Ludvig Huber
vor dea Bayrischen Lndtag, am. 1 Maerz 195', p. 76.

49. Hamr-Bruecher, Auf Kosten unserer Kinder?, p. 21.

50. Four of the five largest cities are located in the southernmost
corner of the state: Frankfurt (667,000), Wiesbaden (260,000),
Darmstadt (140,000), Offenbach (117,000).

51. Chemical, metal, machine, and automobile industry. Cf. Herbert
Lilge, Hessen in Geschichte und Geenvart, 8th ed., (Frank-
furt: Diesterveg, 1965), p. 50. Cf. map.














CHAPTER IV

THE FORMULATION OF PRIORITIES IN HESSEN: POSTPONEMENT OF IMMEDIATE
COMPREHENSIVE REFORMI3 FOR CONSOLIDATION OF PARTY SUPPORT


In this chapter, we will attempt to determine the political priori-

ties that were established in the 1940's and 1950's and have since af-

fected the course of educational reforms for the entire post-war period.

Compared wish other larger states, the reconstitution of the edu-

cation.l syste L after the collapse in 1945 won an s.arly headstart in

Hessen. It becoiie the only Land with a substantial Catholic minority1

which ebolicihd. the dual public school system. The constitutional

cc.prcise of 3.946 vbich provided for an integrated public school sys-

tem for both Prote -tnt and Catholic students was accepted by the

deputies of thu three largest parties against the opposition of only

the tmall Free DX)M:Arcratic party.2

The state constltutio;n itsef, and legislation subsequently

passed by the state legislature, provided for extensive parent partici-

pation in educational decision-making, going far beyond that guaran-

teed in oth'wr stpte coantitutions.

Nonetheless the first 15 years after 19l5 did not see a mater-

ialiaation of any pioneering reform visions. Ideas were presented,3

and some experiments were initiated, but their irmediats impact upon

the formulation of educational policies were negligible. For 15 years,

the educational structures of the past were merely rebuilt and consoli-

dated.

Politically, it seemed to many, the setting in Hiesscn wau favorable










for and conducive to reform experiments. 1hc Social Democratic party

won the first state election of 1946, and maintained and solidified

its position as the state's dominant political force, without ever

being seriously threatened by the conservative forces, which were al-

most evenly split between CDU and FDP. Since the Social Democratic

party remained in the role of parliamentary opposition for same 20

years in Bonn, it would have been logical to expect that the SDP

would attempt to provide a striking contrast in the only non-city state,

where it maintained itself in power uninterruptedly for so long.

Instead, the school bills of the 1950's provided for an organi-

zational consolidation of the traditional school system, with no dra-

matic changes in the 1950's or the early 1960's, and only small and

modest changes beginning in the mid-1960's. Changes introduced in

other states since, however, have been more spectacular and more dra-

matic.

The enduring SDP hegemony of Hessen state politics have created

some distorted stereotypes about the state's social and economic struc-

ture. Even though Hessen has five large cities with a population of

more than 100,000 each, Hessen is basically dominated by small and

medium-sized towns. With a population of only 5.2 million, it has

more incorporated municipalities than North-Rhine-Westphalia, which

has a population of more than 17 million. Some 43 percent of the

state population live in towns with a population of less than 5,000

compared to only 33.7 percent for West Germany as a whole.8

Even though the agricultural population in Hessen is not above

the national average, there is a distinct regional pattern apparent

from the figures. In Northern hessen, the percentage of the agri-










cultural population Is almost three time s high as the state and
9
national average.

As one of the four states which shares a common border with
10
Communist East Germany, Hessen was one of the Laender with a high

percentage of refugees and expellees in the early post-war years.

The total percentage of refugees in the state has not substantially

declined since then, but there have been shifts within the state.

Many of the refugees who had found a temporary home in rural districts

in Northern and Central Hessen, relocated themselves in the more in-

dustrialized South where they were more likely to find work.

This small-town dominance in Hessen makes the Social Democratic

hold on the state less strong than it would seem from a superficial

acknowledgement of continuous SDP control since 1946. The ecology of

the Land does not necessarily reinforce or strengthen the Social Demo-

cratic position in the state. On the contrary, the party has faced a

serious dilemma in its strategy of maintaining its powerful hold on

the state administration. The party leadership and policy could have

responded primarily to the perceived demands of the party membership

in the more popular, more urbanized, and more industrialized South.

This would presumably be an uncompromising policy of active social

and economic reform as aspired to by the activist working class seg-

ment of the party. Alternatively, the party could give priority to

strengthening the party position by not waging any controversial

experiments, but instead, providing a popular, moderate, statesman-

like leadership, acceptable to all regional and social segments, in-

cluding those not traditionally sympathetic te the SDP,

Several conditions present seemed to mrke the second alternative










the more attractive of the two and seemed to predispose the party to-

wards it.

Firstly, early organizational meetings in 1945 and the first

local and state elections in 1946 made it apparent that the SDP could

build on the continued traditional loyalty of the majority of the in-

dustrial working class, especially in the urban centers of Frankfurt

and Kassel.ll Early voting results suggested that the party had much

more nearly reached its potential vote in those industrial areas.

Secondly, the all-party anti-Fascist coalition cabinets of the

immediate post-war era tended to emphasize areas of agreement rather

than disagreement, and may have helped the more moderate wings with-

in each party, including the SDP.

Thirdly, it became increasingly clear that the SDP would have

to compete for votes primarily with the parties of the right. The

Communists emerged as a weak fourth party and disappeared totally

after the state elections of 1950.

Fourthly, during a period of increasing party polarization of

national politics after Konrad Adenauer had assumed the federal

chancellorship and leadership of the CDU, it was only logical to com-

pete for the Protestant votes of the national-liberal Free Democratic

party, which had not yet been attracted to the rapidly growing party

of the Chancellor. The FDP had an extraordinarily strong base of

support in Hessen, particularly in rural Northern and Central Hessen.12

Support for the two policy alternatives within the SDP had, in

fact, been, to soae extent, polarized along regional lines. The

Social Democratic party in Hessen is organized in two district organi-

zations, IHessen-North and Hesssen-South. Even though the Southern











district has a population three times that of the Northern district,

and even though the Southern district organization has two and one-

half times as many members ae the North, the more moderate and com-

promising Northern faction has determined Land administration poli-

cies for the past 20 years.

Minister-president Georg-August Zinn, in office for some 20

years, has simultaneously held the office of chairman of the Hessen-

North party organization since 197.13 Despite his state-wide popu-

larity, and his proven vote-getting ability, Zinn was under increas-

ing criticism from within the party organization, Hessen-South, which

ultimately resulted in his resignation after a serious illness in late

1969, and the selection of a "Southerner," Albert Osswald, as his

successor.

The early decision to consolidate the electoral position of the

party with a special appeal to those voters who did not share a tra-

ditional allegiance to a socialist party, necessitated the abandonment,

or at least the postponement, of reforms with which the courted seg-

ment of the electorate would not identify.

The thrust of Social Democratic administration policies was

subsequently directed towards visible advances in molding a new rural

life. Early administration planning within the context of the Hessen-

n focused on the cultural reconstitution of the state's rural com-

munities. Two primary instruments of this policy became the cultural

community centers in the villages and a program of rural school con-

solidation which was to provide more equal educational opportunities

for rural children. Both projects had to overcome soie early political

opposition, but soon became objects of pride for the rural population.










The decision in favor of this substantive and personnel alterna-

tive proved indeed successful in the state legislature elections of

the 1950's and 1960's. The SDP achieved its primary goal of maintain-

ing itself in power at the state level while simultaneously expanding

its electoral base. In the 1966 state legislative elections, the SDP,

for the first time, received twice as many popular votes as the strong-

est opposition party, the CDU,15

The results of the state elections in the 1960's also proved

correct those who had argued that the largest potential gain of votes

was in the rural Northern and Central section of the state, where

the party had been weakest in the elections of 1949 and 1950. In

many of the rural constituencies in northern and central Hessen, the

SDP increased its share of the vote much more dramatically than in

the urban centers of the South.1

These figures suggest that the decision to emphasize highly

visible state programs which would primarily serve the floating vote

between FDP and SDP in Protestant northern Hessen did pay off for the

SDP. The opening ceremonies for each new consolidated school and

each new cultural community center were indeed highly visible, since

they received much coverage in the local and state press, and were

regularly publicized by press announcements of the state administration

in Wiesbaden.17

These conclusions, however, raise a second question. After the

Social Democratic state administration under Zinn's leadership had

proved its ability to maintain itself in power with increasing popular

majorities, the party still did not move tovardr a more rapid, consis-

tent and comprehensive reform of educational. structures. hy the late









THE RESULTS OF THE SPD STRATEGY:
ELECTORAL GAINS IN THE RURAL NORTH AND IN CATHOLIC DISTRICTS














^ ___ J_____ -T


















Catholic maioritiesn
--- ---- '- :- '"- '-
'I "











z-- above state average k

jjjll Catholic majorities







-85-


intri.ction of a ninth compulsory year? Why the late experimenta-

tion with the FoerderstufeT Why the even later discussion of a more

comprehensive move towards the Gesamtschule?

In Chapters VI and VII, we will deal with the administrative,

interest-group, and partisan constellations which checked speedy re-

form policies.

And in Chapter VIII, we will examine the psychological and cul-

tural obstacles in the general population, particularly the rather

hostile attitude towards expanded secondary education among the work-

ing class.


The Constitutional-Administrative Context

Of the o r.,-^fr,. Alternative

Apart from relatively minor differences, constitutional provisions

and state legislation dealing with the area of public education shared

much the same aims and provided for similar organizational and finan-
18
cial structures in all states. One of the early issues in the recon-

struction of public education after World War II was the religious-

denaminational issue, which affected two areas of school organization.

First of all, it raised the issue of integrated or joint educa-

tion. Should Catholic and Protestant children be educated jointly in

co-denominational public schools and exposed early to a heterogeneous

cultural and normative environment? Or should elementary school child-

ren be raised in a more protective, homogeneous environment, within

the context of a denominational school, either Protestant or Catholic?

In the South and West of the Federal Republic, the dominant Cath-

olic church advocated and succeeded in its demands for separate public

school systems. ~ The demands were justified in the interest of a more









homogeneous environment which could provide the strength of absolute

moral and cultural norms for the young student and prevent his early

perception of conflict between home and school.

In the diaspora of Northern and Central Germany, denominational

school integration had never been a major issue, since the Catholic

population, especially in rural areas, was simply not large enough

to maintain a separate school system. Most of the Western and South-

ern Laender, however, did provide for separate public school systems
19
in their respective state constitution.9

Since the Catholic population comprises a minority of less than

one-third of the total population,20 the integrated co-denominational

school system has never seriously been challenged. In fact, in the

early 1960's, the integrated, co-denominational public school system

celebrated its 50th anniversary in what was formerly the Duchy of

Nassau,21 and now almost identical to the administrative district of

Wiesbaden.22

The constitution of Hessen of 1946 provides in Article 56, Sec-

tion 2:

In all schools in Hessen, children of all faiths
and creeds are, as a rule, educated together (in
co-denominational schools).

The constitution and this article were supported by both major

parties in Hessen, the SDP and the CDU, as a result of the 'constitu-

tional compromise' between these two parties,

And secondly, the denominational issue was intertwined with and

has affected the issue of religious instruction in public schools.

Article 57, Section 1 of the Land constitution rules that:










Religious instruction is part of the regular curricu-
lum, independent of the ni.'l'- supervisory authority,
in religious instruction, the teacher is bound by the
teachings and the order of his church or religious
association.

Only in the city-state of Bremen was religious instruction not

part of the regular curriculum for public schools. And the federal

Basic Law of 1949, which also made religious instruction mandatory for

public schools,23 had to incorporate the so-called Bremen clause in

Article 141, which permitted those states without mandatory religious

instruction to continue their practice even after 1949.

-In the summer and fall of 1945, when public schools all over

Germany prepared for the resumption of class work, as well as during

the following years, when the Laender began with the reconstruction

of the organizational and financial framework for operating schools,

primary emphasis was given to the reopening of the system as such,

rather than questions of reorganization. The immediate opportunity

to move into the vacuum with bold and imaginative reform approaches

was not seized, and the traditional school system began to reestablish

itself. And from then on, any serious reform movement had to face a

considerable segment of the teaching profession, which had reestablished

itself as a traditional elite, ready to maintain and defend its posi-

tion of social status.

Consequently, the number of school bills passed by many Land

legislatures in the early 1950's, regulated primarily the technical-

administrative aspect of the public school system without attempting

major reforms of the reestablished structures. Bills passed by the

state legislature in Hessen regulated the following issues in educa-

tional administratlon.










Municipalities or associations of municipalities were granted

the power to maintain public schools. More specifically, they had

the right to establish, maintain, change, and close schools, and to

provide for the administration of the physical plants and the financ-

ing of all non-personnel expenditures.24

Almost without exception, teachers were granted the legal status

of Land civil servant, and thereby subject to civil service legisla-

tion, as regards both salary and promotions.25

The financing of schools is shared by both local and state gov-

ernments. The state funds personnel costs, the local government funds

all other expenditures. Frequently, however, local governments con-

tribute to personnel costs, while the state government aids local

governments in the funding of non-personnel expenditures, such as the

construction of buildings.2

The state has a general supervisory power over public education,

which is carried out by the Department of Education and through state

officials at the district and county levels.27

Several Laonder provide for parents' participation in educational

decision-making through the State Parents' Council, with veto powers

in sore and advisory powers in other more or less specifically defined

areas.28

Some provisions in the school legislation of several Laender,

including Hessen, were perceived by larrmakers as contributing to or

spearheading a reform by democratising the decision-making of school

and educational affairs modestly. Such provisions allowed for parent

and student participation in limited areas of decision-making, largely

a response to the highly centralized decision.-mak-nge of the 1930's










and the authoritarian school. and administrative structure before 1918.

None of the bills passed in the late 1950's and early 1960's

which provided for the administrative framework for the state school

system attempted to fundamentally alter or modify the traditional

school structure. The tripartite division, the social selectivity of

secondary schools, and their function of maintaining the social and

political pre-democratic status quo, were not challenged.

But there were some educators in 19h5 who suggested that signi-

ficant changes and reforms could and should be implemented immediately

after the final collapse of the Nazi regime. In the state of Hessen,

as well as elsewhere, the consideration of alternative models was not

limited to members of one political party. Leading Social Democratic

school administrators point frankly to the contribution of Erwin Stein,

the CDU Minister of Culture and Instruction in the first cabinet after

the 1946 elections.29

The series Hessische Beitraege zur Schulreform, which began pub-

lication in the late 1940's, presented a great many reform proposals

for discussion. But it seems that most of them were passed over by

a reestablished traditional system, and disappeared from sight for

some 15 years. Some of the issues discussed then included the very

high rate of Gymnasium drop-outs, the social bias in the student

selection, the continuation of the educational monopoly of the pro-

pertied groups, etc.30

In Hessen, in particular, the U.S. military administration was

active in promoting reform ideas, as part of the more general attempt

of education for democracy. Promoting democracy as the basis for the

school and classroom situation, methods for group and teem work and










class discussion instead of straight lecturing were encouraged, while

at the same time, the systematic formal study of democracy was not to

be neglected. With a somewhat naive optimism, grading sheets which

were to measure democracy in environment and society were employed.31

With U.S. financial and moral support, the Schuldorf Bergstrasse

opened in 1954 with new ideas especially in the field of an integrated,

comprehensive education involving all age levels and students of all

three traditional types of schools.32


The Partisan-Political Context of the Non-Reform Alternative

In terms of partisan control, Hessen has experienced a high de-

gree of executive stability since 1945.33 Despite the federal CDU

dominance during the Adenauer era, the Social Democrats have continually

won state and local elections in Hessen. Since the first election to

the state legislature in 1946, the SDP has been by far the strongest

party, and in four of six elections, has won 50 percent or more of the

seats in the state legislature. Since the opposition vote was split

between CDU and FDP and minor parties, there has never been a serious

challenge to the SDP leadership in Wiesbaden, even when the SDP failed

to win a clear majority of the seats.

In addition to this strong continuity in party composition,

there has been an equally strong continuity in the personal leadership

of the Social Democratic cabinet, a continuity that has been charac-

teristic for a majority of the West German Laender cabinets since 1945.

The head of the Land administration, Minister-president Georg August

Zinn, has served in this capacity continuously from January, 1951,

until his resignation in late 1969. One of his cabinet colleagues

has served four four-year terms, two others have served three four-year




Full Text
CHAPTER XV
THE FORMULATION OF PRIORITIES IN HESSEN: POSTPONEMENT OF IMMEDIATE
COMPREHENSIVE REFORMS FOR CONSOLIDATION OF PARTY SUPPORT
In this chapter, we will attempt to determine the political priori
ties that were established in the 19Lo's and 1950's and have since af
fected the course of educational reforms for the entire post-war period.
Compared with other larger states, the reconstitution of the edu
cational system after the collapse in I9H5 won an early headstart in
Hessen, It became the only Land with a substantial Catholic minority^
which abolished the dual public school system. The constitutional
compromise of 19U6 which provided for an integrated public school sys
tem for both Protestant and Catholic students was accepted by the
deputies of the three largest parties against the opposition of only
2
the small Freo Democratic party.
The state constitution itself, and legislation subsequently
passed by the state legislature, provided for extensive parent partici
pation in educational decision-maEing, going far beyond that guaran
teed in other state constitutions.
Nonetheless, the first 15 years after 19^5 did not see a nater-
3
i ally, at ion of any pioneering reform visions. Ideas were presented,-'
and some experiments were initiated,*' but their immediate impact upon
the formulation of educational policies were negligible. For 15 years,
the educational structures of the past were merely rebuilt and consoli
dated.
Politically, it seemed to many, the setting in Hessen was favorabl
-78-


20-
History instruction, until tlie early I960'a in any instances,
never advanced beyond 1090 and frequently emphasised the historical
contributions of military heroes, traditionally Glorified ua "the
great." History teachers very frequently did not follow curriculum
instructions cud, as a result, recent history received considerably
loss attention than intended by political decision-ackers and educa
tional administrators. Helmuth Leichtfuss reported that, in 1950-59,
5Y percent of all last-year Gymnasium students had not yet reached
1933 in their history classes during the time of the written final
' examinations some four weeks before the end of their secondary school
education, even though this period was to receive extensive attention
during the last year in school,3
Many career teachers felt uneasy cad uncomfortable about discuss
ing topics dealing with the "unconquered recent post," An open and
honest discussion and evaluation of the iir-zi regime was often sup
pressed by an evasive justification on the part cf the Involved
teacher, who frequently transmitted his reservations and resentments
against the post-World War XI political institutions.
American teachers who had been teaching within the Gorman sys
tem as exchange teachers presented a quite perceptive evaluation of
the German school. They expressed serious concern about the schools
role in preparing the student for future political participation.
While they felt that the American system emphasised character training,
creativity, and independence in terms of work and study habits, they
found a striking absence of these same objectives in West Germany.
Instead, they detected the persistence of old traditions which
stressed written work and memorisation, especially in subjects which


-158-
13. Cf. Statistjaches Material fue die Hasuhaltsberatungen 1968, (Hessis-
cher Kultusminister, 17 October 1967), mimeo.
14. Bezirksparteitag der SDP Hessen-Sued, 4/5.Mai 1963, Michelstadt/
Odenwald, typewritten minutes, p. 90.
15. Bezirksparteitag der SDP Hessen-Sued, 22/23. April 1966, Frankfurt/
Main, typewritten minutes, p. 121.
16. Ibid., p. 124.
17. Hessischer Kultusminister, ed., Amtsblatt des Hessischen Kultusmini-
sters, XX, Sondernummer: Hessische Schulgesetze (January, 1967).
18. 1,629 in Hessen-South in 1967* according to membership data provided
by ASL Hessen-South.
19. The lone SDP member is the chairman of the parents' council of the
city of Kassel, Hessen-North,
20. Lester W, Milbrath, Political Participation (Chicago: Rand McNally,
1965), p. 116.
21. Interview: chief educational official, Frankfurt.
22. Article 13, Section 2, Schulverwaltungsgesetz.
23. Interview: chief educational official, Frankfurt, Cf. Hessischer
Kultusminister, ed., Schule in unserer Zeit: Blldungswege in
Hessen, pp. 1*9-52, T1*7.
2k. Undersecretary of Education, Mueller, had envisioned a close collabor
ation between elementary and vocational schools in structuring
the curriculum of the newly introduced ninth year. Cf. Walter
Mueller, Brauchen wir elne Schulreform?. pp. 15-20.
25. Stadtschulamt Frankfurt am Main, ed., Schulen der Zukunft in Frank
furt am Main: eine Schriftenrelhe zum Schulwesen der Stadt
Frankfurt am Main. Ho. 1-4. Schulentwicklungplan der Stadt
Kassel.
26. Interview: chief educational official: Kassel.
27. Bunde Hessischer Lehrer und Erzieher. ed.. Der Hessische Erzieher.
XV (1966), p. 10.
28. Bezirksgruppe Dortmund im Philologenverband Nordrhein-Westfalen, ed.,
Dortmunds Gymnasien (1966).
29. Der Hessische Erzieher. XV (1966), p. 1*3.
30. Deutscher Philologenverband, ed., Bildung und Schule: Eln Beltrag
des Phllologenverbandes. pp, 15-17.


-188-
TABLE 20
KNOWLEDGE OF CONSOLIDATED SCHOOLS ELSEWHERE
No. of
Resp.
In Hessen
Only
Also in
Other
States
D.K.
Total Population
1169
205b
35?
1)5?
SDP supporters
571
22
34
1)1)
CDU supporters
379
18
37
1)5
Third-party supporters
*9
22
**5
33
Party preference unknown v
170
15
33
52
Professions, sei.f-employed
lk'
18
36
1)6
White-collar
32U
18
1)6
36
Blue-collar
1)32
2U
33
1)3
Retired
2l)3
19
21
60
Place of Residence:
Less than 2*000
3>)5
28
31
1)1
2,000 to 10,000
353
23
35
1)2
10,000 to 100,000
139
13
31
56
100,000 to 500,000
173
9
39
52
500,000 and more
159
ll)
U5
1)1
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
398
21
29
50
Elementary school + apprenticeship
U91
21
3*)
1)5
Intermediate level
208
15
*43
1)2
Gymnasium and beyond
65
21
5*4
25
With school-aged children
3U6
25
39
36
Without school-aged children
790
19
3*i
1)7
Children in elementary school
238
28
38
3U
Children in intermediate school
52
lit
1)0
1)6
Children in Gymnasium
58
2h
1)1
35
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
352
22
1)1)
3!)
Some
501
23
36
1)1
None
287
13
25
62
D.K.
29
21
3
76
Source: Infas Representativbefrsgung, Hessen, Augustjsepternber
1967.
Random Sample Question: "Do such consolidated schools exist only in
Hessen, or are they also known in other states?"


-227-
Popitz, II,, Das Gesellschaftsbild des Arbeiters (Tuebingen, 1957)
Hang, Adalbert and Wolfgang Schulz, eds., Die differenzierte Gesamtschule
(Munich: Piper, 1969)
Ried, Georg, Dokumente zur Schulpolitik: Stellungnahmen des Dentschen
Philologenverbandes und anderer Verbaende und Einrichtungen 1949-
wVL&sr.
Robinsohn, Saul B, and J, Caspar Kuhlmann, "Two Decades of Non-Reform in
West German Education," Comparative Education Review, XI, 3
(October, 1967), pp. 311-330,
Rolff, Hans G., Sozialisierung und A^vlese durch die Schul (Heidelberg:
Quelle and" Meyer7"15^7)
Rose, Richard, "The Political Ideas of English Party Activists," American
Political Science Review, LVI, 2 (June, 3962), pp. 360-371
Rucker, August, Bildungsplanung: Versagen auch inder Zukunft? (Diessen:
Tucher, 1965T.
Schardt, Alois and Manfred Branneiser,.Zwischenbilanz der Bildungspolitik
(Munich: Ehrenwirth, 1967).
Schell, Hans, Schulpolitik: eine Forderung der Gegenwart (Stuttgart:
Bolten, 952).
Schelsky, Helmut, Anpassung Oder Widerstand? (Heidelberg: Quelle and
Meyer, 1963).
Scheuerl, Hans, Die Gliederung des deutschen Schulwesens (Stuttgart: Klett.
1968). '
Schul.tze, Walter and Lothar Riemenschneider, "Eine vergleichende Studie
ueber die Ergebnisse des Mathematikunterrichts in zwoelf Laendern,"
Mitteilungen und Nachrichten (Deutsches Institut fuer Internation
ale Paedagogische Forschung), U6/U7, (April, 1967), pp, 1-3U,
Schultze, Walter and Christoph Fuehr, Schools in_ the Federal Republic- of
Germany (Weinheim: Beltz, 1967),
Seipp, Paul, ed,, Schulrecht: ergaenzbare Sammlung der Vorschriftcn fuer
Schule und Schuiverwaltung (Neuvied: Luchterhand, ^T^TTf. 5.
Sieber, Rudolf, Das £, Schuljahr: die Erfahrungen und Ergebnisse des
Kasseler Versuchs (Frankfurt: Hirschgraben, 19577".
Spiro, Herbert, Government by Constitution (New York: Random House, 1959).
Springer, Ursula K., "West Germany's Turn to Bildungspolitik in Educa
tional Planning," Comparative Education Review, IX, 1 (February,
1965), pp. 11-17.


-3T-
of students for training and careers at the middle level of technical,
clerical white-collar positions.
The Gymnasium has remained the elite school of some 5 to 10 per
cent of each age cohort. It offers them a course which is centered
around the humanities, with special emphasis on classical languages,
history, end culture. The Gymnasium has successfully maintained its
monopoly as an access route to higher education. Any student is eli~
gihle to apply for university admission only after passing the Gym
nasium examination of maturity, a comprehensive examination administered
after the completion of the Gymnasium education at the age of 19 Hie
few lower middle class and working class children who gained entry
and successfully graduated from the Gymnasium, were socialized within
e. middle class environment, and severed their ties with their old
social environment, their parents, and childhood peers.
The rate of Gymnasium graduates as a percentage of all 18- to
21-year-olds varies very little between the Laender, while the percen
tage of those who complete the intermediate level varies quite sub
stantially from T.3 percent in Rhineland-Palatinate to 28,7 percent
in Bremen,1" This significant variance is partially due to the longer
tradition of this type of school in the three city states Berlin,
Bremen and Hamburg, and Schleswig-Holstein,
Tables 2, 3, and 1 indicate the low level of secondary education
in West Germany,1* hut also demonstrate the consistently similar vari
ation between the Laender. The city states, end Schleswig-Holstein,
Hessen, and Lower Saxony group around one end of the continuum, while
the Southern and Western Laender show lower rates in secondary school
enrollment.


-Ill-
largest parties in 19'id meant that the religious integration of the
public school system would never again he a. political issue between the
political parties in this Land, while it continued to be the resource-
and time-consuming educational issue in the neighboring states of Horth-
Rhine-Westphalia, Ehineland-Palatinate, Baden-Wuerttemberg, and Bavaria,
In Hessen, many of the subsequent school issues could now be dealt
with and judged on their substantive merits, rather than by their impli-
13
cations for the religious issue. By substantive merits, we mean the
achievement of greater equality of educational opportunities and a more
democratic structure.
Rural School Consolidation
Hessen earned much of its reputation as a progressive state in the
field of public education by its early decision to move in the area of
rural school consolidation. The goal was to provide educational oppor
tunities approximately equal to those offered in the bigger cities.
The issue of school consolidation was the first issue that helped edu
cation to reemerge as an overtly partisan-political issue.
Speaking for his new, one-party cabinet in his programmatic mes
sage to the state legislature in 1950, Minister-president Zinn limited
his legislative proposals essentially to non-controversial questions
relating to the reconstruction of classrooms, smaller classes, and the
administrative jurisdiction of state and local governments in education,'
During his first term, Zinn initiated a policy of inducing and
encouraging the construction of consolidated schools. Since the juris
diction over the construction of schools and the maintenance of physical
facilities rests with local governments, the state administrations
approach had to be cautious. Ho legal sanctions against local school


support at the local level. In the past, these attempts had not been
very successful. In a state with permanent Social Democratic majorities
in general elections, active Social Democratic parents had not been re
presented in similar strength in the bodies which represented parents at
the school, local, arid state level. In fact, of the 15 members of the
19
State Parents' Council, only one was an active Social Democrat.
Interviews with Social Democratic parents attending an ASE meeting
in Frankfurt suggested a feeling of insecurity and deference, which
appeared as prime causes for the inability of Social Democratic parents
to function more effectively within the organizational structure of the
parents' councils, A feeling of insecurity and social inferiority
accounted tor the low level of working class parents' participation, and
a traditional attitude of social deference let them accept professional
people as spokesmen of their interests. Only in Kassel had Social Demo
cratic parents control of school and city parents' councils. As a re
sult, the working class subculture dominated council meetings to the
extent that middle class parents felt uneasy and excluded.
The substantially lower level of working class parents' participa
tion in school issues, even though their children were the primary losers
under the system, is quite consistent with findings on social class par-
20
ticipation in the American environment.
Local Governments
Many city governments received local coalition support for educa
tional experiments and educational changes long before the state adminis
tration, The cities of Frankfurt and Wiesbaden, for example, published
a series of information booklets in an attempt to interest and mobilize
local parents in support of new approaches and programs.


-6o-
a privileged fev in the Gymnasium population, but little to the many
23
in the elementary' school population.
Impetus of Rational Models
The technological and social complexities of 20th century systems
have made the feeding of independent research findings into processes
of political decision-making indispensable. The traditionally pres-
tigeous position of the academic community has frequently resulted in
the consideration of independent, scholarly expertise.
Proponents
of educational reform have cited the objective conditions and objec-
25
tive requirements as cause for change and reform. In pointing to
such objective criteria, researchers are talking of an expansion of
the educational capacity by creating more schools for more students
at the secondary level, hoth short and long form, and thereby extend
ing educational coverage, and by introducing a compulsory tenth, end
2 6
as a long-range goal, a compulsory eleventh and twelfth years.
Since there is very little of a supr-departmental consensus
on the appropriate curriculum for each age level, the curriculum has
been merely the product of a bargaining between departments, none of
27
vhich is villing to give up one or two weekly class periods,
A number of plans and target projections, prepared by or with
the aid of scholarly commissions, have been published by educational
administrations. At the federal level, the Permanent Conference of
Education Ministers published first target figures for student enroll
ment, need for teachers, classroom, facilities, and funds for the
decade of the 1960*3.^
In lp66, the department of education in Baden-Wuert-temberg pub
lished a model study for educational planning on education and c.onomic


TABLE 1
THE EXTENT OF RELIGIOUSLY SEGREGATED PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEMS
Segregation
Percentage
of Children
Number of
Variance
in Schools
Administrative
Betveen
Laender
Integrated
Segregated
Districts
Districts
Baden-Wuerttesb erg
83.6
16.4
i*
0 83.8
3avaria
8.8
91.2
7
64.7-100
Berlin (West)
100
-
-
-
Bremen
100
-
-
-
Hamburg
100
-
-
-
Hessen
100
-
3
-
Lover Saxony
78.7
21.3
8
0 -100
Korth-Rhine-Westphaiia
16.U
83.6
6
53.8- 99.6
Rhineland-Palatinate
32.9
67.1
5
? 99.8
Saarland
-
100
-
-
Schiesvig-Holstein
West Germany
100
1*7.8
52.2
-
-


-34-
THE RESULTS OP THE SPD STRATEGY:
ELECTORAL GAINS IN THE RURAL NORTH AND IN CATHOLIC DISTRICTS


-123-
53
was among children of skilled workers and low income white-collar groups.
Since the Foerderstufc was introduced on an experimental basis
under a variety of conditions, and since these experiments were accom
panied by empirical pedagogical and sociological research, the adminis
tration had invalidated the oppositions perennial argument of more
cautious proceedings. Other reservations by the Philologenverbrnd.
that two years were lost for the Gymnasium student, that already all
qualified students were being recruited into the Gymnasium, and that
there was no need for a higher ratio of Gymnasium graduates, have been
repudiated elsewhere. The Philologenverbands opposition to the
Foerderstufc must be seen against the expectations of the association
that the Foerderstufe was only the first step in the direction of an
even more integrated, comprehensive school system. A comprehensive
school with an integrated faculty was perceived as the ultimate threat
to the very existence of the Gymnasium teacher profession, their special
privileges, and their social standing above their colleagues in the
other two branches of the traditional system. Since recent changes in
most of the West German Laender had already relocated the training of
all teachers into fully accredited universities, full integration would
have been the last blow to the independence of the Gymnasium teaching
profession.
Not until the mid-1960's, after the initial introduction of the
Foerderstufe in Hessen, was the political socialization function of the
school publieally acknovrledged by politically responsible educational
decision-makers. Only after the acceptance of the Foerdergtufe on an
experimental basis did state legislators explicitly and publieally re
late the school reform to a desired change of other social institutions.


-Ill-
educational advancement, The link for a. perceived common interest was
the mutual benefit for both groups from a democratization of both the
internal hierarchical structure and the access routes.
The reform opposition was spearheaded by the Phllologenverband.
the professions! organization of the Ggin&siiun teachers, who continued
to defend the functionality of the given tripartite system in view of
1*
social and occupational requirements. The arguments of this defense
made it necessary to reexamine the traditional school system, particu
larly its impact on socialization patterns.
Class Structure and Working-class Deference
In the following, we shall attempt to trace authoritarianism in
educational structures today, by examining authoritarian structures
in other social systems and evaluating their impact on the educational,
structure. Rigid class differences and full acceptance of each respec
tive social position, even if it vas a lower position, established
the foundation for authoritarianism. Early regulations of the cities
of Kiel, from 1¡*1T, sad Luebeck, from 1582, required overt manifesta
tions of class differences and overt identifications with each social
class. These 15th and l6th century regulations prescribed and re
quired the appropriate formal dress and the appropriate wedding cere
mony for each social group depending on vealth and taxes paid to the
city.' These early manifestations of class distinction are significant
for the student of educational systems, because the social position of
the urban elite was soon to be defined in terms of both wealth and
breeding. With the creation of elite schools, social distinctions
based on breeding were formalized and cemented. But, in addition to


-8-
a graduate student vas encountered, vhich was a new experience to
most of these administratorsIn general, however, cooperation was
satisfactory, and sometimes cordial. The interviews permitted a probe
of greater depth into the structuring of attitudinal patterns, par
ticularly the strength of ideological belief patterns and the possible
weakening of these deeply rooted patterns.
In order to compare attitudinal changes among members of the
political elite with possible changes in the general population and
evaluate the extent to which such changes might have affected the
political culture, access to the survey data of the Institute of
Applied Research in Bad Godesberg which completed such a survey for
the state of Hessen in the late fall of 1967 was fortunately provided.
The use of these non-elite interview data provided the oppor
tunity to ascertain whether the ideological rigidity, which had been
characteristic of elite attitudes until the early 1960's but which
has been slowly breaking down, showed a corresponding decline among
the general population. Initially, it was expected that marked dif
ferences would be registered in the patterns of perceptions and policy
preferences between the supporters of the two major parties which
oppose each other in Hessen, especially since supporters of the two
major parties differed substantially in their social composition,
such as class and religion. This expectation, however, was rejected
by the data. A growing similarity in the social composition was
accompanied by a growing consensus on all educational issues tested.
Such results forced very serious reexamination of the notions of
rigidly compartmentalized sub-cultures which tend to shape rigid
ideological perceptions.


FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER VIII
1. Cf. data in Chapter VII, particularly Table 15.
2. Late summer and fall of 19^7.
3.
Cf. Table
18.
u.
Cf. Table
19.
5.
Cf. Table
20.
6.
Cf. Table
21.
T.
Cf. Table
22 and 23.
8.
Cf. Table
2¡t, 25, and 26
9.
Cf. Table
27.
O
Cf. Table
28.
11.
Cf. Table
21.
12.
Cf. Table
22.
13.
Cf. Table
22.
208-


130.
18. Hessischer Kultusminister. Informatlonen und Mlttellungen. No. 101/
67, (October 5, 1967).
19. Ernst Schuette, ed.. Kulturpolltik In Hessen, p. 23.
20. Hessischer Kultusminister, Informationen und Mltteilungen. No. 102/
64 (December 8, 1964),
21. Bayrisches Staatsministerium fuer Unterricht und Kultus, ed., Kultur,
Staat. Gegelsschaft: Haushaltsrede des bayrischen Staatsmlni-
sters fuer Unterricht und Kultus. Dr. Ludwig Huber vor dem
Bayrischen Landtag am 23. Maerz 19^, p. 86.
22. Hildegard Hamm-Bruecher, Auf Kosten unserer Kinder?, p. 77.
23. Der Hessische Kultusminister, ed., Die Allgemeinbildenden Schulen
in Hessen: Jahreserhebung zum 13.2.1967. P. VI.
24. Interviews: state legislators, opposition.
25. Hessische Landeszentrale fuer politische Bildung, ed., Handbuch des
Hessischen Landtages. VI. Wahlperiode. 1966-1970.
26. Interview: state legislator, opposition.
27. Wetzlarer Neue Zeltung. June 28, 1965.
28. Interviews: state legislators, opposition. Fritz Michael, "Schule
der Zukunft," Westfaelische Rundschau. April 30-May 1 June
18/19, 1966. Giessener Allgemeine. October 26, 1966; Ober-
hessische Presse. March 14, 1966.
29. Giessener Freie Presse, July 30, 1964.
30. Darmstaedter Echo. April 22, 1966.
31. Hesslsches Schulpfllchtgesetz. May 17, 1961.
32. For a more dynamic development in Schleswig-Holstein, cf. Die Welt.
April 7, 1970.
33. Hessischer Kultusminister, Informationen und Mlttellungen. No. 46/
67, May 24, 1967.
34. For requirements and training of the new category of teachers, cf.
Hessischer Kultusminister, Informationen und Mitteilungen. No,
84/64, October 22, 1964.
35. Hessischer Kultusminister, Informationen und Mitteilungen, No. 46/
67 May 24, 1967. Walter Mueller, Brauchen vir eine Schulre-
form? (Frankfurt: Diesterveg, 1964), pp. l5-19.
36. Hessicher Kultusminister, Informationen und Mitteilungen No. 64/
65, October 5, 1965.


-83-
The decision in favor of this substantive and personnel alterna
tive proved indeed successful in the state legislature elections of
the 1950s and 1960's. The SOP achieved its primary goal of maintain
ing itself in power at the state level while simultaneously expanding
its electoral base. In the 1966 state legislative elections, the SDP,
for the first time, received twice as many popular votes as the strong
est opposition party, the CDU,^
The results of the state elections in the 1960's also proved
correct those who had argued that the largest potential gain of votes
was in the rural Northern and Central section of the state, where
the party had been weakest in the elections of 19^9 and 1950. In
many of the rural constituencies in northern and central Hessen, the
SDP increased its share of the vote much more dramatically than in
the urban centers of the South.^
These figures suggest that the decision to emphasise highly
visible state programs which would primarily serve the floating vote
between FDP and SDP in Protestant northern Hessen did pay off for the
SDP. The opening ceremonies for each new consolidated school and
each new cultural community center were indeed highly visible, since
they received much coverage in the local and state press, and were
regularly publicised by press announcements of the state administration
17
in Wiesbaden.
These conclusions, however, raise a second question. After the
Social Democratic state administration under 7.inns leadership had
proved its ability to maintain itself in power with increasing popular
majorities, the party still did not move towards a more rapid, consis
tent and comprehensive reform of educational structures. Why the late


FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I
1.All those members of the legislative education committee who pre
fer the system to place greater emphasis on quality have
taken the direct route to higher education and have completed
a Gymns-sium education, and all but one have completed c uni
versity education. Of those who prefer the system to place
greater emphasis on equality, 50 percent did not attend a
Gymnasium.
2. Frieder Naschold, Kassenaerzte und Krankenvcrs1che rungsref om: St
einer Theorie der Statuspolitik (Freiberg: Rombach, 967),
pp. 32 ff.
3. In i960, the National Teachers* Union submitted the Bremer Plan;
in 3965 the Hessen state organization of the Teachers*
Union adopted the Darmstadt resolution.
For the position of the Philolppenverband. cf. Deutscher Philolo-
genverband, ed., BiIdung und Gchul (Duesseldorfs Schwann,
1965), pp. 16-17. For an evaluation of the anti-reform
forces, cf. Saul B Robinsohn and J, Caspar Kuhlmann, "Two
Decades of Non-Reform in West German Education,' Comparative
Education Review, XI, 3(October, 1967), 323-327.
5. Both regulations are reprinted in Karl M. Bolte, Deutsche Qesell-
schaft im V/ande I (Opladen: Leske, 1966), pp. 327-328"
6. A study by Popitz et al., based on interviews with 600 metal workers,
reports that ^ percent accept the social dichotomy as a col
lective fate, another lU percent accept it on the basis of a
somewhat more sophisticated analysis, another lH percent ac
cept the division as the given order with the satisfaction
it has to offer, and only h percent share the views of the
militants. The other 3^ percent view the system of social
stratification as changing slowly through bargaining and
partnership. Cf. H. Popitz et al., pas Gesellschaftsbild
des Arbeiters (Tuebingen, 1957), pp. 105 ff. Cf. also Karl
M, Bolte, oj>. cit,, pp. 303-305.
7. Bolte, op. cit. p 308,
8. Seymour M, Lipset, Political Man (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963),
pp. 273-278. Also R.T, McKenzie and Allan Silver, "Conserva
tism, Industrialism, and the Working Class Tory in England,"
in Richard Rose, ed,, Studies in British Politics (New York:
St. Martin's, I960), pp. 21-33. Also Erwin Faul, ed., Wahlen
und Waehler in Westdeutschland (Vi115 nrrer,. Ring, i960) pp7
216-219.
-26-


POR
TABLE ps
IDENTIFICATION OF THE BEST SCHOOL SYSTEM
All
No. of Low the
Resp. Bavar
Hesse
NRWF
Sax_
same
D.K,
Total Population
1169
22
1*3?
~l
12
152
392
SDP supporters
571
1
50
1
1
13
3l*
CDU supporters
379
1
ill
1
-
15
lip
Third-party supporters
1*9
1|
39
-
-
16
Al
Party preference unknown
170
P
2k
~

PP
52
Professions, self-employed
142
3
3k
1
18
lili
Vhite-collar
3Pli
P
U8
2
ll*
34
Blue-collar
432
1
Ii5
1
-
lli
39
Retired
243
1
39
18
lip
Place of Residence:
Less than P,000
3') 5
P
3U
-
-
19
>*5
2,000 to 10,000
353
P
1*7
1
1
lit
35
10,000 to 100,000
139
P
53
1
-
9
35
100,000 to 500,000
173
-
36
-
2
lit
I18
500,000 and more
159
P
51
1
1
15
30
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
398
1
31
1
-
17
47
Elementary school +
apprentic e ship
I191
P
1*7
-
1
15
35
Intermediate level
P08
P
1*7
2
-
lit
35
Gymnasium and beyond
65
3
51
-
3
8
35
With school-aged children
3'i6
P
1*8
1
1
13
35
Without school-aged children
790
1
1*1
1
1
16
4o
Children in elementary school
P38
P
1*7
1
1
lit
35
Children in intermediate school 52
6
1*8
-
-
It
42
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
35P
P
55
-
1
10
32
Some
501
1
1*7
-
1
15
36
None
PC'f
P
P3
1
..
PI
53
D.K.
P9
**
2li
-
PI
55
Source: Infas Representativbefrn.
¡1
Hessen,
Augui
S
h
I
it?
19577
Random Sample Question:
"Where d
0 we
find the
' altogether best
school system, in Bavaria, Hessen
, Nor
th-Khine
:-Wcstphali
a, or
Lover Saxony?"


-221-
Arbeitsgemeinschaft deutscher Lehrerverbaende, ed., Bildungspolitik fuer
morgen (Frank furt, 1966).
, Die Deutsche Schule, 1908 ff,
Plan zur Neugestaltung des deutschen Schulwesens. U, Fasrung
(Frankfurt, IsiSo"),
GEW, ed,, Allgemiene Deutsche Lehrerzeitung t 19^6 ff.
1 Landesverband Hessen, ed,, Hessische Lehrerzeitung, I9I1T ff.
, Auf dem Wege zur Oesaints chul (Frankfurt, 1965).
, Fuer die Prioritaet der Bildung. eln Bericht ueber die aus-
serordentliche BundesvcrsainElung der"AGDL am 2h. Kovember l'qT6 in
Koeln.
, Material-und Karichtendiesnt der GEW (kUMD). I9U9 ff.
DGB, ed., Leitsnetzs und Forderungen des DGB Landesbezirks Hessen zur
Jugend- und Bildungspolitik
d. Professional Teachers* Associations
Bezirksgruppe Dortmund im Philologenverband Nordrhein-Wesfalen, ed,,
Dortraunds Gymnasien: Untersuchungen zur I,age der staedtischen hoe-
heren Schulen (Duesseldorf, 19b").
Bundc Hessischer Lehrer und Erzieher, ed., Der Hessische Erzieher. 1951
ff.
Deutscher Philologenverband, ed., Bildung und Gchule (Duesseldorf: Schwann,
1965).
Hessischer Philologenverband, ed,, Mitteilung;sblatt. 1918 ff.
Philologenverband Hiedersachsen, ed., Lehrerbedarf und Lehrernachwuchs
an den Gynaslen in Hiedersachsen- 196'5^9?o'~THamTover~ 1m:
e. Parents' Ccunci1
Landeselternbeirat Hessen, ed., Elternblatt. 1950 ff.


a national political culture, but instead, socialized them into com
partmentalized sub-cultures. It divided students into three types of
schools, primarily on the basis of their social class background, and
divided elementary school students along religious-denominational lines
into two denominational public school systems.
If one accepts the premises of students of political development,
such as suggested by Outright's prediction equation,^' one would have
to either anticipate the failure of democratic political institutions
or a rather rapid adjustment of other social systems, including and
particularly the educational system,
This relationship between social institutions and the process
of political development, conceptualized in terms of stable, plural
istic; and competitive democratic institutions, as stressed by stu
dents of political development in the early 196o's, suggests the
urgency of the problem of educational reform for West Germany after
World War II, particularly in view of the failure of the Weimar experi
ment in the early 1930's.
Furthermore, the traditional school system, because of its in
ternal hierarchical structure, was not supportive of democratic belief
and behavior patterns. Students of political socialization have pointed
to the striking discrepancy between democratic political institutions
and the pre-democratic authoritarian order of the public school sys-
p
tem.
Within the context of the Geraiui political culture and the con
text of state politics in Hessen, the process of educational reform
since 19 was explored. An attempt has been made to explain the
absence of a serious reform commitment and reform policy by the


-91-
terms, among them the Minister of Culture, Krnst Schuette.
Continuity, of course, results in an overrepresentation of the
older generation. At the time of Zinn's resignation in 196?, five
of the eight heads of cabinet-level departments were in their mid-
or late sixties, two others in their fifties, and only one in his
forties. The parliamentary party and the Hessen-South organization
repeatedly exerted pressure on Zinn to 'reform' his cabinet and in
clude younger men in the cabinet and, in 1969, forced Zinn into invol-
3I1
untary retirement.
Hessen, in fact, had been the only state which had been governed
consistently without either CDU or FDP participation since 1931. All
other states have seen either a turn-over in administration, or have
been governed by CDU/FDF coalition cabinets.
If educational reform had in fact been a partisan issue in the
1950's end early 1960's, and if there had been a significant partisan
polarization on at least one major educational issue, Hessen could
have been expected to be in a category all by itself. The direct in
fluence of SDP control on educational reform projects and the initia
tion of such projects, however, has been Minimal. But the long and
uninterrupted SDP rule in Hessen has had an impact of a more subtle
nature.
Two impacts resulting from the continuous control of the state
administration by the SDP and the continuous opposition role of both
CDU and FDP since 1950 are in areas which are somewhat difficult to
case to grips with in terms of structural or quantitative terms. The
political continuity has had an impact on both the recruitment process
into the educational-administrative establishment, and through recruit-


FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER II
1. Such as Zhigniev Brzezinski and Samuel P. Huntington, Political
Power: USA/USSR (New York: Viking Press, 1964),
2. Hildegard Hamm-Bruecher, Auf Kosten unserer Kinder? (Hamburg:
Nannane, 1965), pp, 127-12. ilildegard Hamm-Bruecher,
Aufbruch ins Jahr 2000_ oder Erzie hung im technischen Zeit-
alter (Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1967), p. 57. Helmut Klein, Poly-
technische Bildung und Erziehung in der DDR (Hamburg: Rowohlt,
1962).
3. Cf. Harry Eckstein, "A Perspective on Comparative Politics, Past
and Present," Harry Eckstein and David E. Apter, eds,, Com
parative Politics (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), p. 25; Gunnar
Heckscher, "General Methodological Problems," ibid,. p. 4l.
4. For studies of inter-state differences in the U.S., cf. Richard E.
Dawson and James A. Robinson, "Inter-Party Competition,
Economic Variables, and Welfare Policies in the American
States," Journal of Politics. XXV, 2 (May, 1963), 265-289;
Thomas R. Dye, "Malapportionment and Public Policy in the
States," Journal of Politics. XXVII, 3 (August, 1965), 586
601; Herbert Jacob and Kenneth N. Vines, eds.. Politics in
the American States (Boston: Little, Brown, 1965).
5. Article 7 establishes the supervisory authority of the state over
education, the right to establish and operate private schools.
6. The opposition of Bavaria, e.g., defeated the proposal to uniformly
change the beginning of the school year from September to
April in the early 1950's.
7. This general sentiment was widely expressed by SDP state legisla
tors on both mail questionaire and in interviews,
8. Wuerttemberg-Hohenzollern became an administrative district of the
newly established Land Baden-Wuerttemberg in 1952,
9. Cf, Paul Seipp, ed., Schulrecht: Ergaenzbare Sammlung der Vor3chrif-
ten fuer Schule und Schulverwaltung lNeuwied: Luchterhand.
195**- T.
10, Article 26, Section 3.
11. Article 6, Section 2.
-51-


-155-
local parents* councils reflected a rather homogeneous working class
subculture, which seemed to be conducive to more working class partici-
1+5
pation in such bodies*
Since the enactment of the 1958 law, the LED needed to give its
consent to:
the general provisions about educational goals and
courses, especially curriculum and examination pro
visions which affect the educational structure in
the schools,
the general provisions which regulate admission to
secondary schools, selectivity within schools and
transfer from one course to another,
the general guidelines for the selection of teaching
aids,
the general school regulations, as they provide for
instruction.^^
The constitutional provision of Article 56| Section 6, permitted
a rather non-representative voluntary organization to become a legiti
mate part of the machinery of authoritative decision-making, with very
significant veto powers over representative political institutions.
The LEB perceived of itself as being on good terms with the Philologen-
verband, the Association of Vocational School Teachers, and other member
associations of the BHLE, but on rather poor, strained, and tense terms
1*7
with the GEW,
On the substantive issues, the LEB had, after extended discussions,
supported, the rural school reform. It now supported the Foerderstufe,


class discussion instead of straight lecturing were encouraged, while
at the same time, the systematic formal study of democracy was not to
he neglected. With a somewhat naive optimism, grading sheets which
31
were to measure democracy in environment and society were employed.
With U.S. financial and moral support, the Schuldorf Bergstrasse
opened in 195** with new ideas especially in the field of an integrated,
comprehensive education involving all age levels and students of all
32
three traditional types of schools.
The Partisan-Political Context of the Kon-Reform Alternative
In terras of partisan control, Hessen has experienced a high de~
33
gree of executive stability since 19**5. Despite the federal CDU
dominance during the Adenauer era, the Social Democrats have continually
won state and local elections in Hessen. Since the first election to
the state legislature in 19**6, the SDP has been by far the strongest
party, and in four of six elections, has won 50 percent or more of the
seats in the state legislature. Since the opposition vote was split
between CDU and FDP and minor parties, there has never been a serious
challege to the SDP leadership in Wiesbaden, even when the SDP failed
to win a clear majority of the seats.
In addition to this strong continuity in party composition,
there has been an equally strong continuity in the personal leadership
of the Social Democratic cabinet, a continuity that has been charac
teristic for a majority of the West German Laender cabinets since 19**5.
The head of the Land administration, Minister-president Georg August
Zinn, has served in this capacity continuously from January, 1951,
until his resignation in late 1969. One of his cabinet colleagues
has served four four-year terms, two others have served three four-year


the more attractive of the two and seemed to predispose the party to
wards it.
Firstly, early organizational meetings in 19^5 and the first
local and state elections in 19^6 made it apparent that the S.DP could
build on the continued traditional loyalty of the majority of the in
dustrial working class, especially in the urban centers of Frankfui't
and Kassel,^ Early voting results suggested that the party had much
more nearly reached its potential vote in those industrial areas.
Secondly, the all-party anti-Fascist coalition cabinets of the
immediate post-war era tended to emphasise areas of agreement rather
than disagreement, and may have helped the more moderate wings with
in each party, including the SDP,
Thirdly, it became increasingly clear that the SDP would have
to compete for votes primarily with the parties of the right. The
Communists emerged as a weak fourth party and disappeared totally
after the state elections of 1950.
Fourthly, during a. period of increasing party polarisation of
national politics after Konrad Adenauer had assumed the federal
chancellorship and leadership of the CDU, it was only logical to com
pete for the Protestant votes of the national-liberal Free Democratic
party, which had not yet been attracted to the rapidly growing party
of the Chancellor. The FDP had an extraordinarily strong base of
support in Hessen, particularly in rural Northern and Central Hessen.
Support for the two policy alternatives within the SDP had, in
fact, been, to some extent, polarized along regional lines. The
Social Democratic party in Hessen is organized in two district organi
zations, Hessen-North and Hessen-South. Even though the Southern


-185-
we found that 85 percent of the total sample reported having heard the
word, 86 percent of the SDP supporters and 87 percent of the CDU sup
porters, again almost identical figures.
Even on the question reported on in Table III, the knowledge about
consolidated schools in other states, the difference between SDP and CDU
supporters was small. In no instance was a majority of one party opposed
by the majority of the other party.
Among SDP supporters, the ratio of those who believed that consoli
dated schools existed in Hessen only to those who believed that they
could also be found in other Laender is 1:1,5, while the ratio for CDU
supporter is 1:2,1,
More than a variation in the availability of factual information,
thin seemed to be indicative of the somewhat greater loyalty and pride
among SDP supporters in 'their* state, state administration, and minister-
president.
It was, however, somewhat unexpected that even among CDU supporters,
whose party had been excluded from any leadership responsibility in the
state for some twenty years, about one-third of the respondents who gave
any answer felt that the consolidated school concept was unique to Hessen,
It did indicate a greater loyalty to and pride in their state administra
tion then could have been expected from an overt question on the approval
or disapproval of specific school programs.
All three tables undoubtedly verify the assumption that none of the
variance in the level of cognition of educational issues could be accounted
for by party identification. Differences in cognition were, however,
strongly related to indicators of formal education, occupational position,
and place of residence.


IT
The high rate of intermediate level graduates as compared to
the lover rate of students entering the intermediate type^ vas ac
counted for hy a substantial number of elementary school graduates
vho earned an equivalent to the intermediate certificate vhile attend-
19
ing a vocational school.
20
The lov rate of Gymnasium graduates compared to the higher
21
rate of students entering the Gymnasium was caused by a high drop
out rate throughout the nine years in all the Laender. In Hessen,
in 1959, only 38.5 percent of those who had entered the first Gym
nasium grade nine years earlier actually graduated; 61.5 percent
22
dropped out during the nine years. In 1966, the comparable drop-out
figure had been reduced to ¡¡3.6 percent. The comparison of Tables 2,
3, and !t suggests similarly high rates for the other Laender. In
those states where the intermediate level was less developed, the
drop-out rate was even higher. In Bavaria, for example, only 28.3
percent of those who had entered the Gymnasium in 1951 graduated in
i960, which amounted to a drop-out rate of T1.7 percent. By 1965, it
had been reduced to 6l percent
23
Table 5 presents on overview of the access to the two secondary
school types. While, in i960, more than 80 percent of all l6~year~
2h
olds in the United States attended high school, only 20 percent of
the same age group in West Germany attended secondary schools full
time, Secondary school attendance varied from a low of 12 percent in
the Saarland to more than 30 percent in Schleswig-Holstein.
In order to increase the portion of students attending a secon
dary school, the Permanent Conference of State Education Ministers
voted, in 196'*, to recommend an expansion of the Volksschule to nine


-125-
members of the three separate teaching professions.
A greater social and political relevancy of the modern school
nade a revamping of the school curriculum mandatory. A new reformed
curriculum would have had to reenforce the social integration function,
while simultaneously providing for the recognition and support of top
talent. This was to he accomplished ty a maximal combination of social
integration ar.d curriculum differentiation. In achievement-oriented
subjects, such as German language and literature, mathematics and modern
foreign languages students w,ere separated by aptitude into three, four,
or five groups. Other subjects, which were less achievement-oriented
such as social sciences, history, geography, music, the arts, and physi
cal education, provided for joint instruction of all students of the
same age level and attempted to stimulate the child's sense of social
responsibility.
The Schuldorf Bergstrasse. an early experiment in comprehensive
education, provided for joint instruction in 20 out of 32 class periods
in fifth grade and 18 out of 32 class periods in sixth grade.^
The state administration's commitment to move towards a compre
hensive school received a symbolic boost with the appointment of Hilde-
gard Ham-Bruecher as undersecretary in the Department of Education early
in 196T.
In July, 196T, the minister of education called a first meeting
of administrators, teachers, and researchers to evaluate the past de
velopment and the results of the first experiments with comprehensive
6o
schools in Hessen and elsewhere. As a direct result of this initial
meeting, the minister of education appointed a working group for com
prehensive schools, chaired hy the new undersecretary, Hamm-Brueeher.


~6?.-
coraparsor* ha3 been reapplied by Edfiing to a comparative analysis of
the German jjacnder* lidding goc3 beyond a strictly economic analysis,
vhen he recognized that, in addition to economic potential and re
sources the attitudes of the populace of legislatures and bureaucra
cies help to account for the differences in school attendance figures
ah
between the Laender,
The explanation of educational policy output at the state level
cannot limit itself to an analysis of the states economic resources,
A comparative analysis of Laender policies suggests that economic
variables such as GNP, taxes collected per capita account only for a
rather small portion of the total variance in educational output.
The contribution of the economists of education has been very
suggestive, also for the political scientist, vhen modified as follows*
Economic resources is too narrow a concept to explore substan
tive differences in educational reform policies between the Laender*
We propose to extend the concept to socio-economic resources, which
would permit the inclusion of religious-denominational, and urban-
rural compositions. Such a dimension would then characterise the
entire spectrum of the socio-economic environment of educational de
cision-making in each state.
In addition to such a broad environmental dimension, ve would
have to take into account the priorities of allocating resources to
individual programs within each state. The allocation of resources
is the very core of authoritative politics! decision-making, and
political variables, therefore, are very important intervening vari
ables which can be expected to contribute towards the explanation of
educational policy outputs.


~2U-
nbsolute character of the teacher's word.
At the Gymnasium level, the eclecticism of some fifteen subjects,
many of them classical-historical, must be interpreted as an escape
on the part of the administration and the teachers into the abstract
world of a classical training which was cultivated without regard to
the social proble:,is of the day. Shis lack of social relevance, how
ever, did not imply an abdication from the teachers' political social
ization function and responsibility. By escaping into history, the
teachers merely helped to strengthen the legitimacy of the monarchy
and nationalism. Formally and informally, the students were held to
a primarily passive role in their relationship to the teachers and
their attitude towards the solution of social problems facing the
classroom group as well as the outside world. Social responsibility
and participant engagement was not encouraged and was generally mis
taken as ideologically hostile agitation which was to be suppressed.
For a long time, teachers, who as civil servants identified
with the regime, held the view that the pedagogy adequate to the Ger
man national character rested on discipline and authority. Hans-
Herbcrt Stoldt discussed this point as late as 1959 and argued that
the present trend towards a more democratic school was the consequence
of the Americanization of the German school system and in contradic-
29
tion to the German character.
The German data for the Five Nation Study were collected in 1959.
Even then, 8 majority of the respondents did not recall ever having
discussed or debated issues in school or ever having contradicted
their teachers. This patriarehical system, which survived World War
II with only minor changes after World War I and during the 1930s,


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
£ (L
Omega R. McQuown, Chairman
Associate Professor of Political Science
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
''Jose^'h Vandiver
Professor of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Manning J
Professo
auer
nd Chairman of Political Science
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a disser^atiqn^ybr £ne degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Walter A. Rosenbaum
Assistant Professor of Political Science
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
This dissertation was submitted to the Dean of the College of Arts and
Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
December, 1970
Dean, Graduate School


-5-
substantislly lover the level of partisan polarisation. The impact of
the relinquished educational reform after 19^*5 on recent changes in
the pattern of party polarisation was of particular interest. The
failure of the Social Democratic leadership to challenge the political
opposition with a comprehensive educational reform program may have
prevented a consolidation of the political opposition and, in turn,
contributed to a level of partisan flexibility which made it likely that
the FDP will continue to stress a position independent of the CDU, or
even enter a coalition with the SDP after the 1970 election.
ted thirdly, at yet another level, the analysis of non-elite
data permitted a study of a state political culture. The analysis of
cognitive and attitudinal patterns of non-elites allowed a critique
of the model of rigid ideological polarization, ted the data are
unequivocal in that they clearly indicate greater flexibility and
fluidity than past characterizations of the German political culture
and political style would suggest.
As part of this reexamination of the West German political
culture on the basis of both elite and non-elite attitudes towards
the educational issues, nn examination of the relationship between
elite ar.d non-elite perceptions and attitudes within the context of
theories of representation and democracy was possible,^
This multi-level approach, utilizing a variety of data, re
sulted in a composite picture of a state political culture. Utiliz
ing primarily approaches and concepts developed in the party, interest
group and political culture literature, an attempt wss made to present
such a composite view of the political culture tmd the style of political


-72-
REGIONALISM IN HESSEN :
THE RURAL NORTH VERSUS THE URBAN SOUTH
urbanized areas:
population density
and more
r>
&
500 per square mile


school system for making social institutions more congruent vith the
norai3 of the 19^9 constitution. Since the supporters of the integrated
school system consistently placed emphasis on a high degree of differen
tiation within the comprehensive school, the concern by Gymnasium teach
ers over lack of differentiation could not be accepted on its face value.
Informal utterances on the party of Gymnasium teachers revealed latent
fears of a loss of social status accompanying the integration of the
three school branches and their teaching professions.
Uncommitted Groups wltVi Overlapping Commitments and Loyalties
Many groups involved in educational decision-making in Hessen nei
ther consistently supported nor consistently opposed the attempts to re
structure the institutions of public education. Some groups were either
too heterogeneous to take a strong stand on the issues, or a shift of
attitudes within the group had taken place.
The CPU
The CPU's position on school reform issues had been ambivalent
since the late 19>0's. GEW officials noted that the CDU leadership in
its views was not always representative of the parliamentary party, or
31
the grass-roots membership in the state. At both levels, the Philolo-
penverband and other 'professional' teachers' associations continued to
have a strong hold over CDU deputies and officials.
An example of the party's ambivalence on reform issues could be seen
in the debates over the state Department of Education budget for 1956 and
1957. In 1956, the CDU educational spokesman outlined his party's posi
tion on rural school consolidation and rejected the notion "that unity
op
of village life requires the village school
Only a year later, durin


-199-
table 2 6
IDENTIFICATION WITH PRO-CONSOLIDATION VIEW (FKAU SCHMIDT)
AND ANTI-CONSOLIDATION VIEW (FRAU MEIER)
No. of
Agreement with Frau
He.ah..
Meier
Schmidt
D.K.
Total Population
1169
15?
68?
17?
SDP supporters
571
17
67
16
CDU supporters
379
14
74
12
Third-party supporters
49
14
65
21
Party preference unknown
170
13
56
31
Professions, self-employed
1U2
14
68
18
White-collar
324
11
76
13
Blue-collar
l32
20
68
12
Retired
243
13
59
28
Place of Residence:
Less than 2,000
345
20
62
18
2,000 to 10,000
353
13
77
10
10,000 to 100,000
139
25
73
2
100,000 to 500,000
173
13
53
34
500,000 and more
159
3
72
25
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
398
17
60
23
Elementary school + apprenticeship
491
16
70
14
Intermediate level
208
10
77
13
Gymnasium and beyond
65
15
71
14
With school-aged children
346
17
77
6
Without school-aged children
790
l4
65
21
Children in elementary school
328
19
76
5
Children in intermediate school
52
13
77
10
Children in Gymnasium
58
16
79
5
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
352
16
77
7
Some
501
l6
74
10
None
287
15
48
37
D.K.
29

34
66
Source: Infas Representativbegragung Hessen, August/September
1967.
Random Sample Question: "Two mothers speak about the school edu
cation of their children. With whom do you tend to agree with more?"
Frau Meier: "Children should go to school where they reside. It is


-195-
to accept the extension of compulsory education than the constituency of
veil-educated middle c] ass people vhich they presumably represented.
The Social Democratic leadership continued to give strong support
to the extension of compulsory education, even though its most loyal sup
porters at the polls, working class parents of elementary school students,
did not support the administration position as strongly as middle class
parents. To rectify this situation, the party is making an attempt to
educate and mobilize party supporters at the grass-root level for party
positions on educational issues.- Social Democratic teachers'and parents'
associations have only been moderately successful in this effort.
Meanwhile, the Social Democratic leadership assumed a twofold
responsibility of both representing demands from the party following and
simultaneously mobilizing party supporters for positions to which the
party leadership had been committed.
The GDU position was more difficult to explain. We could assume
a breakdown in the linkage of perceived attitudes between party follow
ing and party leadership. This was plausible, because the CDU had only
a comparatively weak party organization, which made it more likely that
outspoken and articulate elements within the party could monopolize the
party organization and control the flow of communication.
The issue of a compulsory tenth year had even more strongly polar
ized the general public. Again we found that a great portion of the
polarization was related to educational, occupational, and place of
residence variables. Only 12 percent who had completed a Gymnasium edu
cation opposed a tenth year, compared to 52 percent of the rural popula
tion, 1*7 percent of working class respondents, and 53 percent who had
children in elementary school. Once again, the difference between SDP


-131-
37* Hessischer Landtag. II. Wahlperlode. DS Abt III, No. 3, p. 37.
38. Hessischer Landtag. II. Wahlperiode. DS Abt III, No, 39, pp. 1578-
1579.
39. For the situation in Hamburg, of. Hamm-Bruecher, Auf Kosten unserer
Kinder?. p. 21.
1*0. Franz Hess, Fritz Latscha and Willi Schneider, Die Unglelchhelt der
Bildungschancen (Freiburg: Walter, 1966), pp. 158-171.
1*1. Ibid., pp. 256-257.
1*2, Ralf Dahrendorf, Arbelterkinder an deutschen Universitaeten (Tuebin
gen, 1965). Hansgert Peisert, Soziale Lase und Bildungs
chancen in Deutschland (Munich: Piper, 1967) Susanne Grimm,
Die Bildungsabstinenz der Arbeiter (Munich: Barth, 1966).
Josef Hitpass, Einstellungen der Industriearbeiterschaft zur
hoeherer Bildung (Ratingen.195).
1*3. Deutscher Ausschuss fuer das Erziehungs- und Bildungsvesen, ed.,
Empfehlungen und Gutachten. Vol. 3, 1959: Rahmenplan zur Um-
gestaltung und Vereinheltlichung des allgemeinbildenden. oef-
fentlichen Schulvesens. For a discussion of the plan, cf.
U.K. Springer, "West Germany's Turn to Bildungspolitik in Ed
ucational Planning," Comparative Education Review. IX, (Febru
ary, 1965), pp. 11-17. J.H. van de Graaff, "West Germany's
Abitur Quota and School Reform," Comparative Education Review.
XI (February, 1967), pp. 75-86.
1*1*. Theodore Huebener, The Schools of West Germany. p. l6l.
1*5, Helmut Schelsky, Anpassung Oder Widerstand? (Heidelberg: Quelle and
Meyer, 1963), pp. 186-lS'f.
1*6. Ibid., p. 1*3.
1*7. Ibid., p. 12 and 1*3.
1*8. Ibid., pp. 183-181*.
1*9. Ibid.
50. Hessischer Kultusminister. Informatlonen und Mitteilungen. No. 60/
66, September 28, 1966.
51. Walter Mueller, Brauchen wlr elne Schulreform?. p, 37.
52. F. Uplegger and H. Goetz, Die foerderstufenaehnllchen Schulversuche
in Hessen (Hannover, 1963).
53. Erich E. Geissler, Richard Ph. Krenzer and Adalbert Rang. Foerdern
und Auslesen (Frankfurt: Diesterweg, 1967), pp. 33-35,


-68-
a, access to a Gymnasium education,
ts
b, exposure to a traditional classical education, and
1)6
c, school expenditures as a percentage of GUP.
The educational variables which are most strongly related to the social
and political climte in the band are the most essential for a compre
hensive reform. In addition to the integration of separate Catholic
and Protestant public school systems, they include the extension of
compulsory as well as non compulsory educational opportunities.
Elementary schools have introduced a compulsory ninth year and
are experimenting with a tenth. The demand for 'secondary education
for all' has been reflected most dramatically in the increase in Beal-
schulc enrollment, the short form of the secondary school. The expected
increase in attendance of the Realschule during the next decade is sub-
*>7
stantially higher than the increase expected for the Gymnasium. The
expansion of the short form of the secondary school enjoys a higher
priority among reform-minded Land administrations, because there is on
immediate need for expanding school enrollment. This need could not
be served by the Gymnasium because of the traditional distance between
the majority of the population and the Gymnasium as an elite school.
As a result, the expansion of the short fora is more strongly corre
lated with the socio-political variables than the expansion of the
Gjramasium.
The fact that the two variables of the socio-political dimension
explain a consistently higher portion of educational policy decisions
and program achievements than the variables which measure partisan con
trol and participation in the Land administration emphasizes the ex
planatory value of the socio-political climate for substantive decision-


-156-
but continued to press for the fully developed nine-year Gymnasium, and
expressed much concern over the lack of support for top-level students
in many of the new reform models, and questioned the social integration
function of the school system,1
The LEB had become a force that the Department of Education must
reckon with very seriously. The Department end the minister had been
increasingly aware of the need for the support of the LEB. As a result,
the executive director of the DEB had direct and immediate access to the
Ii9
minister.


-166-
tripartitfc school structure as functional In terms of the existns natu
ral* system of social stratification by providing for craftsmen and manual
workers, clerical and technical occupations, and professional-academic
professions, respectively. Criticism in the committee was again more
subtle, more differentiated, and more pragmatic. Questioned were the
extensiveness of alternate models which could replace or modify the exist
ing structures and proposed time-tables for the implementations of reforms.
New Differentiation Within the Parties
While there were indications that overlapping group membership and
the small group environment of the committee had contributed to a more
pragmatic, bargain-oriented political style, there was also evidence for
the contention that there was growing differentiation within both major
parties, both at the national and the state level, on educational, issues,
as the parties became more competitive and campaigned for a more hetero
geneous electorate.
The school-political congress of the CDU/CSU in Hamburg in I96U re-
vealed disagreements among leading educational spokesmen of the party.
At a similar conference, held by the SDP in Hamburg in the late
summer of 19&3, Gustav Heinemann, in his address, included the following
conciliatory paragraph:
In order to make possible a homogeneous instruction
which may be desirable from the viewpoint of a philo
sophically integrated instruction, we must be prepared
to grant parents the right to concentrate their children
in schools with a homogeneous student body. It is con
gruent with the free, liberal character of our democracy,
to make such educational separateness possible.^-*4
Heinemann*s remarks, which had to be interpreted as a severe deviation


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-223-
Cutright# Phillips, "National Political Development: Measurement and
Analysis," American Sociological Review, XXVIII, (April, 1963)
pp. 253-2614.
Comparative Politics (Special Issue on the West German Election of 1969),
Il7^ IJuiy, 1970).
Dahrendorf, Ralf, Bildung ist Buergerrecht (Hamburg: Nannen, 1965),
Dawson, Richard E. and James A. Robinson, "Inter-Party Competition,
Economic Variables, and Welfare Policies in the American States,"
Journal of Politics, XXV, 2 (May, 1963), pp. 265-289.
Demokratlsierung der Schule: Die Stellung des Schuelers j.11 der Schul
und die Rolle der Schuelermitverantwortnng (Bonn: Bundeszentrale
fuer politische Bildung, 19t>9)
Deutsch, Karl et. al., France*, Germany and the Western Alliance: A. Study
of Elite Attitudes on European Integration (New York: Scribner*
196757"
Deutsches Institut fuer Bildung und Wissen, ed., Gutachten zur Bekennt-
nisschule (Frankfurt: Hirschgraben, 1966).
Dichgans, Hans, Erst Mit Dreissig im Beruf? (Stuttgart: Klett, 1965).
Duverger, Maurice, Political Parties^ (New York: Wiley, 1963).
Dye, Thomas R., "Malapportionment and Public Policy in the States,"
Journal of Politics, XXVII, 3 (August, 1965), pp. 568-601.
Eckstein, Harry, "A Perspective on Comparative Politics, Past and Pre
sent," Eckstein, Harry and David E. Apter, eds., Comparative
Politics (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963).
Edding, Friedrich and R.V, Carnap, Der relative Schulbesuch iri den
Laendern der Bundesrepublik (Frankfurt: Institut fuer Interna
tionale Paedagcgische Forschung, 1962).
Edding, Friedrich, Oekonomie des Bildungswesens (Freiburg: Rombach, 1963).
, Bildung und Politik (Pfullingen: Neske, 1965).
Edinger, Lewis J., Politics in Germany (Boston: Little, Brown, 1968).
Ellwein, Tliomas, Das Regierungssystem der Bundesrenublik Deutschland
(Cologne: Westdeutscher Verlag, 19*^3lT ~
Erlinghausen, Karl, Katholisches Bildungsdef5zit (Freiburg: Herder, 1965),
Eulau, Heinz, Class and Party in the Eisenhower Years (New York: Free
Press, 19S2J7


TABLE 23
REASONS FOR OPPOSING A 10TH YEAR
Children
No. of
9 Yrs.
Suffi-
Children
Too Old
For
Could
Already
Earn
cient
Apprentice < Money_
Others
Total Population
>159
22% '
%6%
9%
13*
SDP supporters
225
18
59
8
15
CPU supporters
llio
25
61
6
8
Third-party supporters
21
19
1)8
ll)
19
Party preference unknown
73
27
1)3
16
ll)
Professions, self-employed
57
28
58
7
7
White-collar
97
30
50
5
15
Blue-collar
20U
17
62
8
13
Retired
96
20
1)9
18
13
Place of Residence:
Less than 2,000
178
20
59
11
10
2,000 to 10,000
159
18
55
11
16
10,000 to 100,000
52
3*1
50
6
10
100,000 to 500,000
37
35
1)3
-
22
500,000 and more
33
15
73
3
9
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
Elementary school +
187
19
51*
ll)
13
apprenticeship
202
20
61
7
12
Intermediate level
59
29
51
5
15
Gymnasium and beyond
8
50
37
-
13
With school-aged children
162
19
61)
5
12
Without school-aged children
285
23
52
11
ll)
Children in elementary school
127
21
61.
5
10
Children in intermediate school
18
28
55
6
11
Children in Gymnasium
ll)
29
71
-
-
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
135
21
63
6
10
Some
202
23
59
7
11
None
118
20
1)5
16
19
D.K,
1|
25
75
-
Source: Infas Rcpresentativbefragung Res
1967.
sen, Auge:
st/September
"For v.'hut reason are you against tlie tenth
Random Sample Question:
school year?"


-225-
Hofmann, Hans Georg, "Zwei Wege in der deutschen Schulpolitik und ihre
Ergebnisse," Vergleichende Paedagoglk (1962), pp, 10-31.
Horst, Stephany, Staatliche Schulhoheit und kommunale Selbstverwaltung
(Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 19^). ~
Hornung, Klaus, Etappen politischer Paedagogik in Deutschland 2nd ed.,
(Bonn: Bundeszentrale fuer Politische Bildung, 95T.
Huebener, Theodore, The Schools of West Germany (New York: New York Uni
versity Press, 1962T
HuLme, Heinrich, "Gegenwart in Dasein: Wilhelm von Humboldt, geboren am
22. Juni 1967," Frankfurter Allgemcine Zeitur.g, June 6/17, 19&7.
Husen, Torsten, International Study of Achievement in Mathematics:
Comparison of Twelve Countries(New York: Wiley, 1967)
Jacob, Herbert and Kenneth N. Vines, eds., Politics in the American
States (Boston: Little, Brown, 1965).
Jacobson, Walter, Zur Diskussion in der politischen Bildungsarbeit (Bonn:
Bundeszentrale fuer politische Bildung, 19*>$7.
Kentler, Helmut, "Von Lust ist nicht die Rede," Die Zeit,, XXIV, 6 (Febru
ary 11, 1969).
Key, V.O., Public Opinion and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1967).
Kirchheimer, Otto, "Germany: The Vanishing Opposition," Dahl, Robert, ed.,
Political Oppositions in Western Democracies (New Haven: Yale Uni
versity Press, 19^77
Klein, Helmut, Polytechnische Bildung und Erziehung in der DDR (Hamburg:
Rowohlt, 19&),
"Kritik am deutschen Schulwesen," Bildung und Erziehung (1953), pp. 3**9-
350.
Kuratoriuru Unteilbares Deutschland, ed., Student und Politik im geteil-
ten Deutschland (Bad Godesberg, 196757
Lawson, R.F,, Reform of the West German School System 39^5-1966 (Univer
sity of Michigan Comparative Education Dissertation Series, No. U).
Leirich, Wolfgang, Politik in einem Bundesland: Die Landtagswahl void 8.
Jull 1962 in Nordrhein-Westfalen" (Cologne: Westdeutscher Verlag,
3588). ~~
Lemberg, Eugen, ed,, Das Bi.ldunrswesen als^ Gegenstand der Forschung
(Heidelberg: Quelle and Meyer, 193)
Lindegren, Alina M,, Germany Revisited: Education in the Federal Republic
(Washington: U.S. Office of Education Bulletin 1957, No. 3.2*57


49-
table 9
STATE EXPENDITURES OH EDUCATION
Laender
Expenditures for
Volksschule Students
Total School
Expenditures as
Percentage of GNP
Hamburg
744.-
1.87
Bremen
638.-
2.13
Berlin
751-
-
North-Rhine-Westphalia
471.-
2.26
Baden-Viuerttemberg
1
H
CO
2.52
Hessen
510.-
2.56
Bavaria
480.-
2.70
Lower Saxony
517-
3.07
Saarland
-
-
Schleswig-Holstein
557.-
3.53
Rhineland-Palatinate
449-
3.13
(Edding, p. 324)


-h~
progressive political leadership in the state during the 1950's and
early 196o's. And, simultaneously, an attempt vas made to ascertain
the impact of the decision, not to carry out a politically controversial
comprehensive reform on the development of the political culture in
Eessen end West Germany.
This analysis involves an examination of the socio-economic
environment of the state political culture as well as an analysis and
evaluation of the political strategies open to the state political
leadership during two and a half decades of post-war politics.
Results of this study suggest that the socio-economic structure
of the Land made the position of the Social Democratic party much more
precarious and uncertain than the length of its tenure would suggest.
This political insecurity of the SDP may have further diminished a
predisposition towards an early and comprehensive reform effort.
On another level, this study then analyzed the style of interest
group politics. The educational issues after I9U5 provided an interest
ing focus on the interaction between voluntan- and institutional in
terest groups and political parties. In this section of the study, a
breakdown of rigid interest group politics which had characterized
Imperial as well as Weimar Germany was tested. This analysis permitted
a reexamination of the notion of the style of politics in post-war
West Germany within the context of the general, theoretical interest
group literature as well as the comparative literature on Interest
group theory.
Changes in the style of interest group politics and interaction
must be expected to affect other political institutions and activities,
A more flexible, bargaining-oriented utyle of reform politics could


-126-
A special, administrative assistant fur comprehensive schools, who re
ported directly to the undersecretary, war. appointed to survey experi
ences with existing comprehensive schools and initiate systematic
scientific testing of the nev school form.^
Even within the discussion of comprehensive schools, a reevaluation
and reinterpretation took place. As late as 1965, such school forms
were presented and defended as additive institutions which provided only
a common heading for the three school types which were to remain inde
pendent, even though e.n increased permeability between the three branches
was being envisioned. By 1967, the comprehensive school advocates
within the Department of Education in Wiesbaden were clearly thinking
of a new school form which would clearly attempt to deemphasize the
63
divisions between the three older school types.
Conclusion
After the opportunity for an immediate, comprehensive, and planned
reform of the German school system had passed unutilized in the late
19^0*s, the groups that were to defend their reacquired status quo re
constituted themselves, and successful reform politics became dependent
on the construction of political support coalitions.
Even though reform policies were consistently initiated and sup
ported by strong groups in the state, a necessary condition for success
ful passage of reform bills was a minimal support of such reform measures
by additional ad hoc coalition partners or even opposition groups.
There is no indication that the proponents of educational reform
in decision-making positions had any overall strategy for the reform
goal in mind. There was an absence of coordinated central planning,


-184-
issues, as well as attitudes and feelings towards specific reform issues.
The level of issue cognition had been researched by using data
which reported on the individuals own classification of his interest in
3
educational issues,* the respondent's familiarity with the concept 'con-
4
solidated school,' and thirdly, the respondent's familiarity with more
subtle distinctions in educational policies and accomplishments between
the Laender.^
The three questions represented three distinct items on a scale
which measured the level of cognition of educational issues. It was,
therefore, not surprising that the number of high cognition responses
varied substantially from one question to another.
There was, however, one striking finding which reflected a consis
tent response pattern. On all three questions, differences between re
sponses of SDP supporters and CDU supporters were insignificant, while
we found very substantial variations with occupational position, place
of residence, and level of formal education. Interest in education was
highest among Gymnasium-educated respondents, and those with children in
the Gymnasium, They were the respondents who had the most at stake with
an educational reform, and they were most di.reet3.y affected by any changes
in the system.
The lowest level of interest was reported by retired people and
pensioners who had little or nothing at stake in terms of being directly
affected,
Of the total sample, 30 percent reported a great deal of interest.
Thirty-one percent of SDP supporters and 29 percent, of CDU supporters
were most interested. The figures were almost identical.
Turning to the familiarity with the concept 'consolidated school,'


-86-
horaogeneous environment which could provide the strength of absolute
moral and cultural norms for the young student and prevent his early
perception of conflict between home and school.
In the diaspora of Nort'nex'n and Central Germany, denominational
school integration had never been a major issue, since the Catholic
population, especially in rural areas, was simply not large enough
to maintain a separate school system. Most of the Western and South-
ern Laender, however, did provide for separate public school systems
19
in their respective state constitution.
Since the Catholic population comprises a minority of less than
20
one-third of the total population,' the integrated eo-denominational
school system has never seriously been challenged. In fact, in the
early 196o's, the integrated, co-denominational public school system
celebrated its 50th anniversary in what was formerly the Duchy of
PI
Nassau, and now almost identical to the administrative district of
Wiesbaden.^
The constitution of Hessen of 19^6 provides in Article 56, Sec
tion 2:
In all schools in Hessen, children of all faiths
and creeds are, as a rule, educated together (in
co-denominational schools).
The constitution and this article were supported by both major
parties in Hessen, the SDP and the CDU, as a result of the 'constitu
tional compromise' between these two parties,
And secondly, the denominational issue was intertwined with and
has affected the issue of religious instruction in public schools.
Article 57, Section 1 of the Land constitution rules that:


-200-
TABLE 26 Continued
not good if children have to ride the bus several kilometers
before they get to school. I am in favor of each village
keeping its school,"
Frau Schmidt: "In consolidated schools, children learn more
than in little village schools. Children from rural areas
should have the same chances as children from the cities, and
here the consolidated schools help. A bus ride of a few kilo
meters can be accepted."


-30-
23. Ibid., p. 31.
2l*. Karl Zeidler, Plaedoyer fuer die Schule (Braunschweig: Westermann,
1962), p. 8U.
25. For the differences In curriculum, cf. Walter Schultie and Chris
toph Fuehr, Schools In the Federal Republic of Germany. (Weinheim:
Beltz, 1967) pp. 155-15.
26. Furck, 0£. clt., p. 43.
27. Ibid., p. 1*7.
28. Ibid., p. 1*6.
29. Hans-Herbert Stoldt, Die paedagoglschen Kurse der Gegenwart (Stutt
gart, 1959).
30. Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture, p. 151.
31. Paul Mikat, Orundlagen. Aufgaben und Schwerpunkte elner kuenftlgen
Kultur- und Schulpolitlk im Lande Nordrhein-Westfalen (Ratin-
gen: Henn, 19t5l, p. 7.
32. Schulentulcklungsplan Baden-Wuerttemberg (Villlngen: Neckar Verlag),
p. 5.
Hessischer Landtag, III. Wahlperlode, PS III, No. 39. p. 1561.
33.


-117<
training program for teachers in selected technical fields in order
to combat the increased teacher shortage and provide some of the addi
tional teaching staff required, teachers* associations spoke out very
vehemently against such a dillusion of teacher training. This vas
perceived as a threat to the traditional standing and esteem of the
profession, since it vould bring into the teaching profession a rather
large number of teachers in physical education, the arts, home economics,
and other 'musical-technical1 subjects, who had not been trained and
educated at accredited universities. The training program thus threat
ened to undermine the academic foundation and the social reputation of
3h
the profession.
As a first step, the compulsory ninth year was introduced in a
35
few selected schools and school districts on April 1, 1963. By April,
i960, the expansion had been completed and the ninth year had been in-
36
troduced throughout the state.
Attacks on the Tripartite Structure Itself
Comprehensive social criticism of the traditional tripartite school
structure was not articulated by official party spokesmen in the state
legislature during the 1950's, The sanctity of this division was main
tained and paid reverence to. Early suspicions that the Social Democratic
administration viewed the classical Gymnasium as an outmoded educational
institution vas voiced by the political opposition as early as 1950, but
37
were categorically rejected by administration spokesmen.
The tripartite feature of the school system was defended frequently
in the chamber during the 1950's on sociological and psychological
grounds by both members of the administration and the opposition. It
vas said to reflect the fundamental social end economic divisions in


-50-
Hessen does not rank appreciably higher than the other two North
western states. As a results the focal question to he answered in
subsequent chapters in not how to explain the achievements of educa
tional reform in Hessen, but to explain why Hessen has not done better.
A higher ranking could have been expected because of the politi
cal characteristics of the Land. Except for the tiny city-state of
Bremen, Hessen has been the only state which has been administered
continuously, ever since the first state election in 19!i6, by en SDP-
led cabinet. Hence, Hessen has been the only Land, where both of the
two conservative, non-Socialist partiesCDU and FDPformed the opposi
tion, uninterruptedly, for 20 years. SD? dominance of Hessen state
politics, the proclamation of Hessen as a model state, and the com
mitment of the national SDP to a progressive policy of educational
and research mobilization, particularly since the 1956 party congress
in Munich, would have warranted such an expectation.


-1*5-
As this listing suggests, the 'Federation of Teachers and Educators
in Hessen' vas a loose federation of individual associations, each of
vhich had an individual professional interest. They united in a veak
organizational structure in defending their respective status quo inter
est, namely, the continued independence of their respective separate
school branches and their respective separate teaching professions.
Both they saw threatened by the accelerating school reform movement.
The upsurge of interest in the reform proposals and experiments
in Hessen and elsewhere and the activation of supportive groups forced
the Philologenverband and fellow associations within the Federation (BHLE)
to acknowledge at least some of the problems of the present school struc
ture. An analysis in the official publication of the BHLE suggested the
following:
The ratio of working class parents to all parents at
the Gymnasium is still lagging behind and unsatisfac
tory. What are the reasons? They are not found in
the Gymnasium itself, or the organization of the school
system. They are found with the working class which
still has not acquired the proper attitude toward the
Gymnasium, and instead, still holds prejudicial atti
tudes which cause them not to have the children apply
for admission to a Gymnasium,
The Ph5lologenverband consistently insisted on the functionality
of the present Gymnasium as a university-preparatory school. Any short
comings within the present system were considered financial rather than
sociological in nature. The construction of a number of new school
buildings and the installation of new equipment were offered as the solu
tion as a result of an investigation into a major industrial city's
school problems. '
In response to demands for an integrated and differentiated comprehensive


Page
The FDP 150
The State Parents' Council..... 152
CHAPTER VII! CHANGES IN PARTY POLARIZATION IN EDUCATIONAL
ISSUES 160
The Concept of Responsible Political Parties l60
Expertise Reduces Polarization l6l
Polarization on the Floor.. l6*t
New Differentiations Within the Parties 166
Cycles of Polarization and Consensus 170
CHAPTER VIII: MOBILIZATION AND PARTICIPATION OF NON-ELITES 182
Conclusion 206
CHAPTER IX: CONCLUSION 209
APPENDIX: LIST OF INTERVIEWS 215
BIBLIOGRAPHY 217
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 229
v


CHAPTER VIH
MOBILIZATION AND PARTICIPATION OF NON-ELITES
Political parties in functionally differentiated, \lestern politi
cal systems were expected to articulate and aggregate the demands of the
major social groups within the system. Due to their status and access
to expert information and to channels of communication, elite members
could be expected to be significantly better versed on the substantive
aspects of substantive issues than non-elites.
Prevalent views within the discipline, however, still assumed that,
within a pluralistic, democratic system, stimuli for political demans
were produced from below by non-elites, and were then introduced into the
sphere of political decision-making by specialized structures such as
political parties and interest groups. This view assumed not only the
autonomy of non-elites, but also the non-autonomy and dependency of poli
tical elites.
The alternative position of elite manipulation of masses was some
what foreign to the analysis of democratic systems, even though students
repeatedly provided examples for manipulative stimuli generated by incum
bent political elites in democratic systems.
In this chapter, we will present data and examine the degree of
congruence, or its absence, between elite and non-elite attitudes towards
educational issues, particularly the reform issue in Hessen.
Educational reform had been e latent issue between the SDP administra
tion and the CDU/FDP opposition for decades, and the issues frequently
-182-


-228-
, Recent Curriculum Developments at the Middle Level of
French, West Gorman and Italian Schools (New York: U.S, Office of
Education Report, I9^tT.
Stahl, Walter, ed,, Education for Democracy in West Germany (New York:
Praeger, 1961).
Stein, Erwin, Vorschlaege zur Schulpesetzgebung in Hessen (Frankfurt:
Hirschgraben, 3950),
Stoldt, Hans-Herbert, Die paedagogischen Kurse der Gegenwart (Stuttgart,
1959).
Strecker, Gabriele, Per Hessische Landtag (Bad Homburg: Gehlen, 1966)
Strzelewicz, Willy et al,, Bildung und gesellschaftliches Bewusstsein
(Stuttgart: Enke, 19^*J,
Teschner, Manfred, Pclitik und Gesellschaft im Unterricht (Frankfurt:
Europaeische Verlagsanstalt, 19S).
Truman, David B., The Governmental Process (New York: Knopf, 1963).
Turner, Julius, Party and Constituency: Pressures on Congress (Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins Press, 1951)
Ulshoefer, Robert and Karlheinz Rebel, Gymnasium und Sozialwissen-
schaften (Heidelberg: Quelle and Meyer, 196*8*).
Uplegger, Fritz and Hans Goetz, Die foerderstufenaehnlichen Schulver-
suche in Hessen (Hannover: Schroedel, 196T).
Varain, Heinz Joseph, Parteien und Verbaende: Eine Studie ueber ihren
Aufbau, ihre Verflechtungen und ihr Wirken in Schleswig-Holstein
*195*5-19^8 (Cologne: Westdeutscher Verlag, 190*77
Verba, Sidney, "Germany: The Remaking of Political Culture, Pye, Lucian
W, and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Develop
ment (Princeton: Princeton University Press, HsfSjTTPP. 130-170.
Vollstaendipe Preparation auf den Geschichtsunterricht in Volks-, Buerger-,
und Mittelschulen (Langenslaza, I890).
Wahlke, John C. et al., The Legislative System (New York: Wiley, 1962).
Weiss, F,J., Entwicklungstendcnzen des Besuchs allgemeinbildender Schulen
in den Laendern der Bundesrepublik Deutschland "(Frankfurt: Deutsches
Institut fuer International Paedagogiscbe Forschung, I96U).
Zeidler, Karl, Plaedoyer fuer die Schule (Braunschweig: Westermann, 1962).


-198-
TABLE 25
PERCEPTION OF GOOD AND BAD EXPERIENCES WITH CONSOLIDATED SCHOOLS
No. of
Resp.
More Good
More Bad
D.K.
Total Population
1169
57 %
2%
41?
SDP supporters
571
60
1
39
CDU supporters
379
56
2
1*2
Third-party supporters
lt9
55
4
4l
Party preference unknown
170
49
4
47
Professions, self-employed
lUs
54
4
1*2
White-collar
321)
64
1
35
Blue-collar
1)32
61
3
36
Retired
243
40
2
58
Place of Residence:
Less than 2,000
345
56
3
4l
2,000 to 10,000
353
6l
2
37
10,000 to 100,000
139
58
2
}0
100,000 to 500,000
173
U2
1
57
500,000 and more
159
66
-
34
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
398
44
4
52
Elementary school + apprenticeship
491
61
1
38
Intermediate level
208
69
-
31
Gymnasium and beyond
65
66
2
32
With school-aged children
346
66
3
31
Without school-aged children
790
53
2
45
Children in elementary school
238
62
3
35
Children in intermediate school
52
65
2
33
Children in Gymnasium
58
74
2
24
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
352
72
2
26
Some
501
66
1
33
None
2O7
26
3
71
D.K.
29
24
4
72
Source: Irifas Representativbegragung Hessen, August/September
1967.
Random Sample Question: "In general, have experiences vith con
solidated schools been good or bad?"


-17-
Konrad Adenauer, the first post-var chancellor of West Germany,
enjoyed a high level of public acceptance and respect by symbolizing
the forces of experience, cool distance, and the authority of a
Q
father,' If we accept Bluecher's characterization of Adenauer, his
dominance of fifteen years of post-war politics is evidence of con
tinued acceptance of authoritarian leadership.
Adenauer was nearly 7*t years old when lie was first elected
chancellor in 19^9 and was 88 when he resigned from this position
in 1963, and, for the reason of his age alone, had the natural
authority of a father of the country. His style of running the cabi
net, which contributed to the early Keinemann resignation in 1950,
and his style of dealing with opposition and coalition parties alike,
which was not always in full accord with the constitutional ground
rules, only strengthened his position of authority. It certainly
did not diminish his image of a strong, capable and trustworthy
leader. As late as during the leadership crisis of 1959, when
Adenauer's prestige suffered the first serious cracks, CDU-sffil
iated university students would argue that it would be disrespect
ful and ungrateful and show a lack of appreciation, if his own
parliamentary party would suggest to the aging leader to give up his
position. The concept of elite responsibility towards the constitu-
ency is noy yet strongly developed, until recently, not even among
university students, the majority of whom will be future Gymnasium
teachers.
Neither Willy Brandt, who was generally characterised as a
young political loader when at the age of 1(8, he was nominated as
his party's candidate for the chancellorship in 1961, nor Adenauer's


district has a population three times that of the Northern district,
and even though the Southern district organization has two and one-
half times as many members a the North, the more moderate and com
promising Northern faction has determined Land administration poli
cies for the past 20 years.
Minister-president Georg-August Zinn, in office for some 20
years, has simultaneously held the office of chairman of the Hessen-
13
North party organization since 19^7. Despite his state-wide popu
larity, and his proven vote-getting ability, Zinn was under increas
ing criticism from within the party organization, Hessen-South, which
ultimately resulted in his resignation after a serious illness in late
1969, and the selection of a "Southerner," Albert Osswald,^'* as his
successor.
The early decision to consolidate the electoral position of the
party with a special appeal to those voters who did not share a tra
ditional allegiance to a socialist party, necessitated the abandonment,
or at least the postponement, of reforms with which the courted seg
ment of the electorate would not identify.
The thrust of Social Democratic admininstration policies was
subsequently directed towards visible advances in molding a new rural
life. Early administration planning within the context of the Hessen-
plan focused on the cultural reconstitution of the states rural com
munities. Two priEiary instruments of this policy became' the cultural
community centers in the villages and a program of rural school con
solidation which was to provide more equal educational opportunities
for rural children. Both projects had to overcome some early political
opposition, but soon became objects of pride for the rural population.


APPENDIX
LIST OF INTERVIEWS
1, Education Committee, State legislature, SDP
2, Education Committee, State legislature, SDP
3, Education Committee, State legislature, SDP
U. Education Committee, State legislature, SDP
5. Education Committee, State legislature, SDP and chief educational
administrator (Stadtrat, city of Wiesbaden)
6. Education Committee, State legislature, CDU
7. Education Committee, State legislature, CDU
8. Education Committee, State legislature, FDP
9. Department of Education: MR: elementary schools
10. Department of Education: OSchRapolitical education
11. Department of Education: OStDir: comprehensive school planning
12. Department of Education: SchR: student government and student press
13. Department of Education: Referent: student government and student
press
1*4. Department of Education: head, press, and information office
15. County school superintendent (Schulrat) rural North
16. County school superintendent (Schulrat) rural South
17. Chief educational administrator (Stadtrat), city of Frankfurt
18. Educational administrator (OSchR), city of Frankfurt
19. Chief educational administrator (Stadtrat), city of Kassel
20. SDP Hessen-South, educational division official
21. GEW, state executive director
-215-


-69-
making. Apparently, the cultural-political climate which underlies
the state political system has a greater effect on educational policy
achievements than who or which party or party coalition happens to run
the state administration. This point is illustrated by the rather
limited success of state cabinets which have been formed against the
strongest party in the state legislature. The anti-CSU four-party '
Bavarian coalition of SDP, BP, GB/BHE, and FDP failed in 1957 after
only throe years in office, and the anti-SDP administration of CDUS
FDP, and DP was defeated overwhelmingly hy the Hamburg voters in 1957.
Within a hostile political environment in the state legislature
and the Land constituency, it has heen extremely difficult for such
administrations to initiate or carry out major reform programs. The
Bavarian SDP-led Hoegner cabinet, in office from 195** until 1957, was
unable to redirect educational policies. An examination of the rural
school situation shows that the percentage of elementary school child
ren who attended rural one- or two-room schools actually increased
until I960, independent of whether the CSU or the SDP led the state
1*8
administration.
The victory of the anti-SJJP coalition in Hamburg in 1953, after
a campaign in which progressive school policies plsyed a major role,
dampened the Social Democratic party's commitment to school reform
policies in this Land and has instead led the party to "progress in
I49
details, such as beautiful school buildings.
The_ Political-Cultural Climate
The statistical analysis of the data in Chapters IX and III sug
gests the weight of the socio-political variables ir, explaining educa
tional reform achievements. While the economists of education suggest


-21-
ths student did not perceive ns very relevant to this life outside
the school, such as Latin and mathematics. As a result, the ex
change teachers detected very little enthusiasm and motivation among
16
the Colman students.
A school system which placed primary emphasis on order end dis
cipline, on abstract subjects, on the glorification of the cultural
past, Rnd on busy memorization, attempted to produce students who
accepted the social order of the past. More systematic analyses and
treatments concurred that the German post-war school system found it
difficult to "restructure existing patterns of authority into new
patterns more appropriate to the social situation." Despite good
intentions on the part of many teachers, "the German school in still
predominantly authoritarian, i.e., repressive and demanding funda
mental subordination of the student under the teacher, the teacher
under the principal, and the principal under the superintendent.^
The school today is still a model or a reflection of the authori
tarian state and its administration which created ita calculated
mechanism of forced learning without enthusiasm or commitment and
with no escape.The psychologist, Helmut Rentier, argued that even
sex education, which is now part of the public school, curriculum in
several states, with its emphasis on renunciation, ohedier.ee, and
discipline, contributed to the individual's incorporation into the
20
given hierarchical social structure.
How did the educational system acquire its present character
istics?
Students of the genealogy of secondary education in Germany are
in disagreement on Wilhelm von Humboldt's impact on the formulation


-108-
In retrospect, it seems that three factors were primarily respons
ible for the failure of early reforms. The jurisdictional strife be
tween federal and state authorities, the absence of a central planning
agency, and the shortage of funds crippled the initiatives. Policy
disagreements within the anti-Fascist coalition cabinets in the Laender
stifled a speedy execution of reform plans. And the war destructions
necessitated a strong preoccupation with rebuilding.^
The partisan polarization between SDP-led state administrations
and CDU-led administrations, which threatened even a minimum in educa
tional uniformity, was counterbalanced by the formation of a Permanent
Conference of the Ministers of Education of the Laender in 19*t8. Even
though the Laender enjoy a substantial autonomy in the regulation of
educational affairs, the Permanent Conference provides for a voluntary
coordination in the interest of at least some national uniformity in
the educational system. Because of the voluntary nature, the process
of coordination is lengthy and difficult. The Permanent Conference has
organized special sub-committees for schools, for universities, for the
arts and others, which prepare agreements, resolutions, and recommendo.-
tior.s, which then must be passed unanimously by the plenary session of
the Conference. Any agreement which advances this far is then forwarded
to the eleven Land administrations, and must be acted upon by the cab
inet and the state legislature in order to become valid law, as law,
regulation or decrees.
Tin; two most important products of this tedious process have been
two agreements to standardize public education betveen the states: the
Duesseldorf agreement of 1955 and the Hamburg agreement of 1S6!(. Both
agreements have regulated the beginning of the school year, the length


-56-
both religious denominations, ^ By 196*<, this majority had increased
to 7^ percent of all West Germans and 6l percent of all Catholics,
As early as 195*1 even in Bavaria, vhere more than 90 percent of the
public school population attended segregated schools, almost two-
7
thirds of the respondents approved of an integrated school system.
The second issue centered around a controversial decision of the
Hessen state supreme court of October 27, 1965 which reversed an
earlier administrative decision, of the state school administration and
permitted parents to ask for cancellation of school prayers. The court
based its decision on the basic right of freedom of faith, conscience,
and creed in accordance with the constitution of the state of Hessen.
The decision permitted a minority of parents to demand the can
cellation of the morning prayer for a class group, and subsequently
resulted in a controversial issue and an activation and polarisation
of the public on this and other educational issues. A survey taken
after the court decision revealed overwhelming support for early morn-
o
ing school prayers, and strong disagreement with the court ruling,
A majority supported majority decisions of those affected rather than
decision-making by minority veto.^
International Comparisons
Beginning in the late 1950's, an increase in comparative inter
national studies of educational dimensions made data available which
permitted the relative evaluation of educational accomplishments in
the light of their economic and social development. Many of the earl
ier studies were sponsored by OECD, or were direct results of OECD
conferences in Paris and Washington. The necessity of educational


'57-
expansion end targets vas Justified in terras of demands for education
by the expected economic growth of the coming decades, characterized
by Dahrendorf as economic sociologism or statistical determinism.^"*'
A first comparative study of the content and results of school
instruction resulted in the publication of the results of mathematics
12
instruction in twelve countries. Husen and his co-vorkers measured
the results in terms of mathematical tests vhich vould do justice to
each country's curriculum. Other comparisons of educational coverage
have prompted Dahrendorf to point out that West Germany frequently
finds herself in the company of countries such as Portugal and Yugo
13
slavia rather than Britain and France. This may give cause for
some concern and reflection, even though the figures as such do not
lU
provide the argument for change that is so often implied,
Hamm-Bruecher'3 Aufbruch ir.s Jahr 2000, a journalistic compari
son of educational achievements of a number of European countries,
the United States, and the Soviet Union, is a similar attempt on a
more popular level, meant to produce the same stimulus for change and
reform.*''*
The countries of Western Europe, especially the six Common Mar
ket countries and Britain, have reached a stage of economic development
vhich makes them comparable on a number of social indicators as veil.
Measured in terms of employment in the primary, secondary, and ter
tiary economic occupations, all seven countries have reached approxi
mately a level of 42 to 48 percent industrial employment, and 39 to
47 percent in the tertiary sector with only France and Italy lagging
slightly behind.*^
Comparing the relative school enrollment of both the 14-year-olds


-213-
of the major parties in the state, but especially the opposition parties,
whose party-following did not fully endorse the anti-reform course of
the party leadership. These problems, in turn, were a direct result of
rigid patterns of recruitment at the political and administrative level.
Cabinet members in Hessen as well as elsewhere achieved their leadership
position at a rather late age and subsequently served very lengthy terms
o
of office. The combination of these two factors contributed to a situ
ation in which the leaders were somewhat isolated and out of touch with
grass-root demands from within their own party.
This rigidity in elite personnel, however, had not reinforced fur
ther the trend towards alienation and apathy. During the 1960's, the
West German and, in 1969, the Hessen political elite experienced a con
siderable generational turnover and brought a new, post-World War II
leadership into control of party and administrative positions in all
political parties. This new leadership, politically socialized in the
post-19l)5 period, was more pragmatic, more technical, more problem-
oriented, and identifies with the Bonn republic rather than cultivating
loyalties towards previous regimes.


Professional people and academicians have traditionally felt a
sense of frustration within the Social Democratic party. Interviews
with full-time party officials and legislators reflected the slow break-
11
down of anti-intellectualism among party activists and party members.
A Social Democratic legislator and member of the education committee felt
a low level of effectiveness within his party when representing Gymnasium
teacher interests. The Gymnasium teacher continued to be viewed as an
outsider and alien to the party and its aspirations by many party acti
vists t especially in a district where the party had traditionally been
working class and union based, and more radical end orthodox on such
12
issues as the opening of the party to the non-working class center.
The deliberations in the education committee during the two legis
lative terms from 1959 until 1966 reflected the major educational policy
decisions before the Landtag, the compulsory introduction of a ninth year
for all elementary school students, the reform of the rural school system
through the construction of consolidated schools, experimentation with
the Foerderstufe, the expansion of alternative programs to prepare gifted
students for university training, and the function and success of political
education in the public school system.
Polarization on the Floor
An examination of policy differences between GDP and CDU deputies
in the committee suggests rather clearly that the partisan differences
on these issues, as they have been formulated by party spokesmen outside
the legislature and on the floor of the legislature were still detectable,
even though partisan polarization was much more latent than on the full
floor. Presentations and discussions in the committee were not publicized


' -153-
The state court, in a decision of the same year, interpreted Arti
cle 56, Section 6, broadly as implying the right of parental participation
in educational decision-making at the state level*
As early as 1952, a voluntary state-wide organization of parents
representing all three school types had been organized and held a state-
43
wide parents1 convention. It was this voluntary parents' organization,
with the backing of the Philologenverbandwhich spearheaded the drive
for an implementation of Article 56, Section 6.
The court decision required the state government to 5jnplement
parents' participation in educational decision-making as intended by the
state constitutional provisions Minister-president Zinn, on the basis
of a proposal which had been agreed upon by representatives of the state
administration, the Department of Education, the state legislature, and
parents' organizations, appointed the member of the formerly voluntary
parents' organization, the Landeselternratt to the new Landeselternbeirat,
provided for in the new Law Regulating the Participation of Parents of
November 13, 1958. These appointments catapulted the leadership of a
voluntary association, which had been active as an interest group in edu
cational issues, into a position of constitutional and statutory respons
ibility with the far-reaching authority of representing all parents in
Hessen.
The law of 1958 provided for a system of representative elections
and delegation. Parents of each grade elected parents councils which,
in turn, elected school parents' councils. The school parents' councils
elected city and county parents' councils, which, in turn, elected the
members of the state parents' council. Each council at each level was
to represent each of the three school types. For the state parents'


-103-
1*2, Teschner, op. cit., p. 139* Becker et el., op. cit., pp, 173-17$.
U3. Such political opportunism has caused seme concern in Hessen and
has been expressed to the author by party officials who share
the responsibility of organizing teachers in party-affiliated
associations,
1*1*. Interview: Dept, of Education official.


29
growth. Bp,sed on an analysis of the economic and social develop
ment with particular attention to the relationship between economic
development and the needs for skilled workers, the Baden-Wuerttemberg
study has formulated target figures for I960, vhich would require sn
increase in the quota of Gymnasium graduates from 8 to 15 percent,
and the quota of intermediate level graduates from 16,' to kO percent
3Q
of each age level. The figures are justified in terms of an educa
tional-economic supply and demand model,
Hessen's Grosser Hessenplan of 1965 provided target figures,
vhich, however, have to be understood primarily as political rather
than economic targets. They were not based on similarly complete
studies of economic and population growth patterns within the state,^
Not all such target projections which are expert statements of
objective requirements are valuable for the educational decision-melcsr.
Some of the published figures are neither based on the socio-economic
realities, nor are they based on a consistent conception of educational
reform as part of a socially responsible policy. The projections of
32
the Fermanent Conference of Education Ministers do neither.
So cl o~e_ccmoajn and Political Determinants of Policy Outputs
The early and mid-I960's have seen a rapid expansion and accept
ance of the economics of education. Research institutions have been
opened and chairs for the new field have been established. Friedrich
Ending's pioneering work has been particularly stimulating with regerd
33
to both content and methodology.
Subject to UNESCO- and OECD-sponsored research, Edding and his
school look upon education as an economic investment. As such, their
approach is both quantitative and comparative, The cross-national


-139-
during the 3950s and 1960's, including those in the field of education,
13
and compared Hessen favorably with other states. An intense mobiliza
tion of public support for educational reform and a more rigid polariza
tion along partisan lines was perceived as dysfunctional for a non-disrup-
tive, eclectic, step-by-step reform which was already underway.
The party became more and more a coordinating and integrating force,
after it had lost its leadership to the state administration. With re
sources such as a research and administrative apparatus to draw up de
tailed proposals, much of tl]e educational planning was done within the
Department of Education, before it found its way back into party resolu
tions and platforms.
The deliberation of educational issues at party conventions of the
SDP organization Hessen-South made this very clear.
Major presentations of educational issues were delivered by members
of the state administration, primarily the Social Democratic minister of
education, *
Substantive resolutions by local party organizations in the field
of education were primarily resolutions in support of the administrations
policies. For example, a reso3.ution offered by the local organization
of Giessen asked the state administration to continue the educational
policies formulated in the Grosser Hesscnplan.
Rank and file delegates to a regional party convention suffered from
an inability to challenge the party leadership, because of their lack of
expertise in issue areas. At the 1966 party convention in Frankfurt, a
group of delegates rejected the concept of an "integrated and differen
tiated comprehensive school" apparently because of their lack of famili-
... 16
arity with the new concept,


52'
12. The constitution of North-Rhlne-Westphalia of 1950 provides in
Article 8, Section 1: "Each child has a right of education
and training. The natural right of the parents to determine
the education and training of their children constitutes the
basis of the educational and school system. The state must
insure that the school system meets the cultural and social
requirements of the Land."
13. Deutsches Institu fuer Bildung und Wissen, ed., Gutachten zur
Bekenntnlsschule (Frankfurt: Hirschgraben, 1966), p. 32.
14. Walter Schultze and Christoph Fuehr. Schools in the Federal Republic
of Germany (Weinheim: Belts, 1967), p. 6T
15. Cf. Table 2.
16. For international comparisons, cf. Raymond Poignant, Das Blldung-
svesen in den Laendern der EWG (Frankfurt: Diesterveg, 1966),
17. Table 2.
18. Table 4.
19. Hessischer Kultusminister, ed., Schule in unserer Zelt: Bildungswege
in Hessen (Offenbach: Brintz-Dohany, 1965), p. 52.
20. Table 2.
21. Table 4.
22. Hessischer Kultusminister, Statistisches Material fuer die Hasuhalts-
beratungen 1968, p. 6.
23. Hans Lohbauer, "Der vorzeitige Abgang begabter Schueler von Gymnas-
ien und Realschulen," Bayern in Zahlen. No. 10, 1966, pp. 331-
334.
24. Poignant, o£. cit.. p. 105
25. Table 6.
26. Hessischer Kultusminister, ed., Informatlonen und Mlttellungen. No.
64/65, 5 October, 1965.
27. Not all of the Laender report the breakdown of student figures by
Gymnasium branch. Cf. Hans Scheuerl, Die Gllederung des
deutschen Schulwesens (Stuttgart: Klett, 1968), p, 68.
28. Cf. Table 7.
29. Walter Schultze and Christoph Fuehr. Schools in the Federal Republic
of Germany (Weinheim: Beltz, 1967), p. 155.


trie upper middle class, as evidenced by the working class vote for
non-working class parties.^
In Germany, working class authoritarianism manifested itself in
the reverence for traditional social and political elites, such as
the crown,> the military, the bureaucracy, and the Judiciaryall those
structures which after 1919 continued to identify with Imperial px'e-
var Germany, The degree of identification with these structures was
substantial BEcng the working class despite its more militant leader
ship.
Authoritarian Traits in Politics
In West Germany, we found a continuation of this trend when
the illustrated weekly press gave extended coverage to former and
foreign royalties as a welcome substitute for the lack of such in
stitutions in present-day Germany.. The respect and trust placed on
the military uniform has been demonstrated and caricatured by the
legendary Hauptmann von Koepenick, the es-convict who, with the aid
of a captain's uniform, found himself in a position to commandeer an
army detachment and seize city hall.
Judicial status and esteem continued to be protected by ritual
end rules and was never seriously questioned until the 1967 trials
which involved members of the Berlin commune, which, in turn, resulted
in an outpour of popular anger and defensive support for such insti
tutions, Still today, the older generation of German citizens, snd
again, particularly working-class people, are likely to approach ad
ministrative officials with respect snd defereiice. The authority of
the state vested in them and the title structure ns outward signs of
this authority ensures this popular attitude.


Page
Inter-State Comparisons 59
Impetus of Rational Models 60
Socio-Economic and Political Determinants of Policy
Outputs 61
The Political-Cultural Climate 69
CHAPTER IV: THE FORMULATION OF PRIORITIES IN HESSEN: POSTPONE
MENT OF IMMEDIATE COMPREHENSIVE REFORMS FOR CONSOL
IDATION OF PARTY SUPPORT 78
The Constitutional-Administrative Context of the
Non-Reform Alternative 89
The Partisan-Political Context of the Non-Reform
Alternative 90
Conclusion..... 97
CHAPTER V: THE ISSUES OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM 104
Rural School Consolidation Ill
The Extension of Compulsory Education.... 116
Attacks on the Tripartite SyBtem Itself 117
Conclusion.,.. 126
CHAPTER VI: THE POLITICS OF REFORM: PARTICIPANTS, INITIATIVES,
AND REFORM COALITIONS 133
The Teachers' Union 131*
The Social Democratic Party..... 137
The State Administration 140
Social Democratic Special Constituency Efforts l4l
Local Governments 142
The Political Opposition 144
Uncommitted Groups With Overlapping Commitments and
Loyalties 147
The CDU 147
iv


BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. Government Publications
aB Hessen State Government
Hessendienst der Staatskanzlei, ed., Versprochen nnd Geholten: 15 Jahrc
Politik der sozialen Verntwortung: ein_ Rechenschaftsbericht der
Hessischen LandesregierunpTTl965rr
Hessische Landeszentrale fuer politische Bildung, ed., Handbuch des
Hessischen Landtages. VI Wahlperiode. 1966-1970 (Wiesbaden, l966).
, Verfassung des Landes Hessen und Grundgesetz fuer die Bun-
desrepublik Deutschland mit eincr Einfuehrurig und Karten"von Hessen
und Deutschland. 20th edTTBad Homhurg: Gehlen, 19?S7T~~
Hessischer Kultusminister, ed., Amtsblatt des Hessischen Kultusministers.
19t7 ff.
, Amtsblatt des Hessischen Kultusministers, XX (January, 1967),
Sondernummer: Hessische Schulgesetze,
> Informationen und Mitteilungen. 1963 ff.
, Gesamtschulen in Hessen (Wiesbaden, 1967, mimeo).
Statistisches Material fuer die Hasuhs.ltsberatungen 1968
(Wi e sb aden7l967Vime oTT~
, Die Allgemeinbildenden Schulen. in Hessen: Jahreserhebung
zum 15 2. 1957. ...
% Bchule ill unserer Zeit: Bildur.gswepe in Hessen (Offenbach:
Brintz-Dohany, 196§TT~
, Mittelpunktschulen in Hessen (Cologne: Geyer, 1967).
Hessischer Minister fuer Erziehung und Volksbildung, ed., Jahreserhebung
1957 ^ueber die allgemeinbildenden Schulen in Hessen Twiesbaden
Hessischer Ministerpraesident.. ed., Der Grosse Hessenplan (Wiesbaden.
965). ~
Hessischer Landtag, ed., Drucksachen und Stenographischc Berichte. 1946 ff.


-163-
opportunity to present their criticism and proposed amendments to such
legislative bills as the school administration bill of 1961,
The small size of the education committee, with only 15 members
and the presence of 'interested1 representatives of interest associations,
contributed to the weakening of strictly partisan confrontations which
were characteristic of almost all floor votes and debates. The presence
of interest association representatives added a further penchant towards
expert and non-partisan orientation towards the issues. The tendency
to talk to each other and not out of the window was further strengthened
8
by the strictly confidential nature of committee deliberations.
At the level of the education committee, overlapping membership
cross-cut party affiliation. Five of the fifteen committee members were
school teachers. The two major party spokesmen for elementary school
issues had both been active officials of the state GEW before becoming
active in politics and getting elected to the state legislature. Both
were World War II veterans, joined the GEW in 19^8, when in their early
twenties, and became active workers for the advancement of elementary
school teacher demands. When both were first elected to the state legis-
lature in 1958, their partisan disagreements on educational issues seemed
to overshadow their joint professional interests. Their similar early
socialization within the teaching profession and the GEW, however, had
already shaped their style of communication and bargaining, which was
less rigid, less dogmatic, and less ideological than one could have ex-
10
pected.
While such overlapping group memberships break down or decrease the
rigidity between political parties, a process of interest differentiation
lessens the internal coherence within each party.


-173-
the form of Social Democratic self-restraint caused by perceived counter
pressures end counter-coalitions.
Religious school integration vas the first issue to face educational
decision-makers in the state legislature or its predecessors the consti
tuent assembly. The issue vas deliberated as part of the new state con
stitution! but was resolved with the constitutional compromise between
the major parties, which made religiously-integrated schools the rule
for the state of Hessen. Within a period of a few weeks, polarization
between the CDU on the one hand and all other parties on the other on the
religious integration issue rose, but moved towards a broad consensus
after SDP and CDU had negotiated the compromise. Three of the four par
ties in 19^6 accepted the compromise and partisan disagreement since then
focused on the interpretation of the constitutional formula. Social
Democrats emphasized the integrated character of the public school sys
tem, while Christian Democrats stressed the Christian' character of the
22
integrated school system.
The consolidation of rural schools emerged as a partisan issue in
the early 3.950's, after the grand coalition between the two large parties
ceased to exist. At this time, most of the war damage to school facili
ties had been repaired, and every village had once again its own school.
In his first policy statement to the legislature in 1951* Minister-
president Zinn outlined his intention to attack the rural school dilemma.
This decision was not only challenged by local administrations which were
threatened with the loss of their cherished school, and by parents who
opposed the bussing of their children, but also by the political opposi
tion in the state legislature, CDU, and FDP. This partisan opposition
was ideological in nature in that it reflected distrust in the general


-207-
Firstly, educational reform programs were far less controversial
among non-elites than among members of the political elite. On all
issues tested, the positions of the state administration enjoyed a
substantial majority of non-elite support.
Secondly, this support was not limited to and was not even par
ticularly strong among the most loyal supporters of the Social Democratic
party. At the non-elite level, educational issues had caused virtually
no partisan polarization. Support for administration policies was
equally strong among CDU and^SDP.supporters.
Thirdly, to the extent that there was evidence for a polarization
between socio-economic groups on educational issues, we found, in fact,
that the well-educated, those who had their own children in the Gymnasium,
those who held professional positions and/or were self-employed, were
strongest in their support of administrative reform programs.
Fourthly, there was cursory evidence of a breakdown of ideologically-
patterned political attitudes and behavior. This may have been a reflec
tion of and a response to the much, discussed de-ideologization of the
YJest German political parties, especially since the late 1950's and the
growing political awareness and issue-orientation, especially since this
evidence was found among the best-educated, the best-informed, and the
most concerned.


Ill, Secondary Literature
Almond, Gabriel A., "A Comparative Study of Interest Groups and the
Political Process," American Po3 it5.cal Science Review, LII, 1
(March, 1958), pp. 270-282.
Almond, Gabriel and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1963)*
Backhaus, Hans, Das 9. Schul.lahr: elne Darstellung des Bestandes, der
Versuchc und der Diskussion THeTde.lberg: Quelle and Meyer, 1963)*
Badstuebner, Rolf, Restauration in V/estdeutschiand 19^5-19^9 (Bast Berlin:
Dietz, 1965).
Banks, Arthur S. 8nd Robert B, Textor, A Cross-Polity Survey (Cambridge:
MIT Press, 1963).
Barth, Kuno, Die Revolution!erung der Schueler (Mannheim: privately printed,
1969).
Becker, Egon Verlag, 19^7).
Becker, Helmut, "Bildung und Politik," Merkur, No, 12 (1959)*
, "Bildungspolitiker schlagen Alarm," Die Zeit, November 3,
1967.
# Kulturpolitik und Schule (Stuttgart, 1956).
, Quantitaet und Qualitaet (Freiburg: Rombach, 1962).
Beer, Franz et. al., Per Einfluss der Intelligenz und Milieu auf die
Schulleistung (Munich: Jugend and Volks, 1968).
Blaettner, Fritz, Das Gymnasium (Heidelberg: Quelle and Meyer, i960).
Bluecher, Viggo Graf, Per Prczess der Meinung sbi1dung dargestellt am
Beispiel der Bundestagsyrahl T9ol"*TBielefeld: Emnid, I962T.'
Bolte, Karl Martin, Deutsche Gesellschaft im Wandel (Opladen: Leske,
1966). ~~
Brzezinski, Zbigniew and Samuel P, Huntington, Political Power: USA/
USSR (Hew York: Viking, 196^).
Burger, Robert, Liegt die hoehcre Schu.le richtig? (Freiburg: Herder,
1963).
Chiout, Herbert, Schulversuche in der Bundesreuublik Deutschland
(Dortmund: Cruewell, 19557*1* j "


-175-
early 1960s when it vas superceded by the issue of social integration.
The compulsory ninth year for elementary school students was never
seriously opposed by members of the political opposition on ideological
or philosophical grounds. Much of the opposition vas of a more pragmatic
nature, and raised questions about the state resources to provide build
ings, other physical facilities, and personnel required to meet a state
wide introduction of a compulsory ninth year. The state Department of
Education made concessions to the political opposition in implementing
the introduction of a ninth year. It introduced it over a period of
several years and simultaneously provided for the speedy training of
teachers in physical education, music, the arts, woodwork, home economics,
and needlevork.
By mid-1967, when our mail questionaire was sent out, ten out of
eleven respondents, all members of the state legislative education com
mittee, felt that each student should be exposed to ten or more years
of compulsory schooling. Only one was satisfied with the nine years pro
vided for in the compulsory education bill of 1961 and a state administra-
25
tive order of October, 1965 These data suggested that less than two
years after the executive order had been issued, a new consensus had
been established on the basis of this rev administrative policy. Any
indicated polarization was in the direction of a further expansion of
compulsory education.
The introduction of the Foerderstufe was quite a different matter.
In 1959* when the demand for it vas first presented by the German Com
mittee for Education, it was clear that the proposed Foerderstufe was
intended as a part of a more far-reaching change in the structure of
the traditional school system. The Rahmenpl.in of 1959 rather maintained


-212-
ThircUy, a growth in pride and identification with the achievements
of the state, especially in the field of public education since the 196o's,
had become apparent.
And fourthly, the continued political success of the Bonn experiment
which had provided stability and permitted the first partisan turnover
in 1969, had forced the discarding of the artificial concept of an immo-
, 6
bile 1 1/2 party system.
Our results furthermore suggested a low level of polarisation and
a low level in the intensity of feelings towards substantive issues. The
low level of respondents with expressed views as well as the low level
of factual information suggested a reasonably high degree of apathy.
Within the American political context, the functionality of some apathy
and the resulting low level of polarization in terms of consensus and
7
system maintenance had been demonstrated.
The increased partisan polarization at the elite level between
the SDP support coalition and the joint CDU/FDP opposition on educational
reform issues had been functional in mobilizing, activating, and politi
cizing the public. It served a function in clarifying differences in
policy proposals and the alternatives expressed by the major parties.
For the long-range development, it had contributed to a mobilization
of mass support which had accepted the programs and policies of the
state administration.
J The rigidity which had characterized the German political style
and which had been attributed to the ideological cleavages in German
politics seemed to bs more the result of detachment of governing elites
and the lack, of communication between elites and non-elites which they
presumably represent. This had been shown to be a problem within each


-75-
student achievement, and eleventh in average student
achievement for the top 4 percent of each country's
student population, Torsten Husen, ed., International
Stud£ of Achievement in Mathematics: A Comparison of
Twelve Countries (New York: Wiley, 19'577T"For""a""report
of the German research team, cf, Walter Schultze and Lothar
Riemenschneider, "Eine Vergleichende Studie ueber die Ergeb-
nisse des Mathematikunterrichts in zwoelf Laendern," Mitteil-
ungen und Nachrlchten (Deutsches Institu fuer Internation
ale Paedagogische Forschung), U6/U7 (April, 1967), pp. 1-34.
13. Dahrendorf, op. cit.. p. 17.
14. Ibid.. p. 18.
15. Hildegard Hamm-Bruecher, Aufbruch ins Jahr 2000 (Hamburg: Rowohlt,
1967). For a summary of some of the work sponsored by inter
national organizations, ef. Hans Peter Widmaier, ed.. Bildung
und Wirtschaftswachstum (Stuttgart: Neckar-Verlag, 1966), p.
21 ff.
16. Raymond Poignant, o£. cit.. p. 18.
17. Ibid., p. 12.
18. Ibid.
19. August Rucker, Blldungsplanung: Versagen auch lrider Zukunft?
(Diessen: Tucher, 195), p. 112 ff. Staendige Konferenz
der Kultusminister der Laender, ed., Bedarfsifeststellung
1961 bis 1970: Dokumentation (Stuttgart: Klett, n.y.), p.
3. For a good overview on the economics of education, cf.
Friedrich Edding, Oekonomie des Bildungswesens (Freiburg:
Rombach, 1963).
20. Blldungspolitlsche Leitsaetze der SDP (Bonn, 1964), p, 13.
21. Roderich von Carnap and Friedrich Edding, Der relative Schulbesuch
in den Laendern der Bundesrepublik (Frankfurt: Institu fuer
Internationale Paedagogische Forschung, 1962).
22. Staendige Konferenz der Kultusminister, ed., Kulturpolltik der
Laender 1965-1966 (Bonn, 1967).
23. Ralf Dahrendorf, op. cit.. p. 31-32.
24. In West Germany, the problems of reapportionment and redistricting
are being solved rather smoothly through the aid of scholarly
and technical expertise.
25. Helmut Becker, "Bildungspolitiker schlagen Alarm," Die Zelt (Novem
ber 3, 1967).


-121-
years in elementary school, The two-year supporting level, although
still a long way from the comprehensive school, postponed the early
and necessarily socially biased decision of selecting the right school
type.
Huebner pointed to some of the desirable aspects of these proposals
but called the overall plan a "halfway measure."1, Similarly, Helmut
Schelsky, in his critique of the proposals, questioned the sociological
assumptions of the plan and rejected the superficial, organizational
U5
modernization. For Schelsky, the plan was hypocritical, when it
posited a commitment to the cultural and moral unity of the entire people,
but at the same time, accepted and supported denominational school segre-
U6
gation where it existed, when it posited the strengthening of social
togetherness as the basis for the future political cooperation of all
social groups, while it simultaneously acknowledged the success of the
li7
tripartite system. The West German educational reform did not need
a plan, Schelsky argued, it needed federal Jurisdiction and rapid poli-
lifi
ticization of the issue.
The plan was discussed widely in the late 1950's and early 1960's
but had no immediate impact on educational policy-making. The German
Committee on Education had served in an advisory capacity only and had
no instrumentality available to experiment even with its modest Foerder-
stufe proposals. Schelsky noted the need for a skeleton minister of
education at the national level rather than a skeleton plan, and he
expected progress only after a partisan polarization into those for and
li9
those against educational reforms.
In the state of Hessen, some 10,000 students in the fifth and
sixth grade attended the experimental grade by June, 1966. This repre-


-22-
of general guidelines and the Gymnasium itself as it emerged during
21
the first half of the nineteenth century, This is not the place
to examine, criticize, or defend his contribution, but it seems that
others, active at .the operational level, have had the responsibility
for far-reaching decisions.
The system of secondary education, as it vms formulated and. put
into practice under the leadership of Johannes Schulze (1786-1869), a
Prussian school administrator, must he characterized as follows.
Since the edict of 1837,.the normal curriculum was a rigid,
inflexible offering of courses without regard to individual aptitudes
or preferences. All students, as an age group, were placed into one
22
grade and exposed to the standard curriculum.
Secondly, new subjects vrere continually added to the curriculum,
but no serious attempt was made to integrate the new fields into a
23
comprehensive course. The educational principle remained encyclopedic.
Thirdly, if there was a leitmotif in the Gymnasium curriculum,
it was that of a humanistic education provided through the study of
classical languages and cultures. However, this degenerated into on
emphasis on Latin and Greek as the core subjects to which a symbolic
pK
nymbus had become attached.'
During the period of industrialization, in the later part of
the 19th century, new forms of the Gymnasium were introduced, which
allowed for more emphasis on modern languages, mathematics, and sciences.
Still today, there are three major variants of the Gymnasium, the humon-
istic-classieal type with Latin and Greek, the modern language type,
25
ana the mathematical-natural science type,
In no way did the rigid internal structure within the school


-70-
tliat the variation in economic resources explains most of the differ
ence in educational policies between the states, the results of our
own computations suggest two things.
Neither economic resources alone, nor the political commitment
of a narrowly based state administration, suffice to explain the inter-
Laender differences in educational achievements. Instead, it is the
relative strength of the two political partios which have dominated
post-war politics in West Germany, which accounts for the way in which
available economic and financial resources have been allocated. The
relative electoral strength of the more progressive party seems of
greater weight than the relative length of time during which the- SEP,
as the more progressive party, has exclusively or partially controlled
the state administration. Vie suggest that, in measuring the average
relative strength of the two major parties over a period of more than
twenty years, we are, in fact, measuring the political-cultural climate
which is either conducive or obstructive to progressive reforms.
The results of this quantitative analysis lead to a more detailed
qualitative analysis of educational reform politics within the context
of the socio-economic environment of state politics, end the structures,
strategies, and tactics of individual political actors and groups. In
focusing a qualitative analysis on the aspects of the state political
culture, we anticipate meaningful conclusions about the functionality
or dysfunctionality of reform activities and initiatives by groups or
agents measured against their own aspirations as well as the maintenance
of the system.
Hessen has generally been considered one of the more progressive
haender in the field of education, and quite possibly the most progressive


al).lo to receive the support of a sufficiently large portion of the
parent body, were such schools actually established, mostly in Pro
testant areas and urban centers. The constitutions of the five states
of 1916-1*7 established separate schools as the norm in these states
Two arguments have been advanced by Catholic parents and educa
tors in support of separate schools.
Catholic leaders refer to the Elternrecht. the parental right to
bring up children, which is generally interpreted to include the choice
of the type of school the child is to attend. This parental right in
various formulations has become part of the General Declaration of
10
Human Rights by the United Nations, the West German Basic Daw of
.11 12
1919, and most of the Laender constitutions. Those who have cited
the parental right in support of two separate school systems have as
sumed that Catholic parents would follow church leadership and prefer
separate schools for their children.
A second principle cited in support of separate schools is the
principle of Ganzheltserziehung, i.e., a total education which would
socialize the young child within a religiously and philosophically
consistent environment, rather than expose him at this early age to
the conflicting attitudes, behaviors, and interests of a pluralist
society. It has been suggested that "the recognition and acceptance
of pluralism as a structural principle of the political community does
not and cannot mean that pluralism must also be the structural, principle
13
of each individual school." In view of the research results in the
field of political socialisation, the strong and total socialization
within a social and political sub-culture, with virtually no overlap
or contact, must be Judged dysfunctional for a pluralist political


TABLE 3
DISTRIBUTION OF 13-YEAB-OLD STUDENTS
BY SCHOOL TYPE (1963)
Laender
Volksschul
Sorderschul
Reaischul
Gymnasium
Realschul and
Gymnasium
Baden-Wue rtt emb erg
70.3
2.7
9.4
17.6
27.0
Bavaria
72.4
1.6
11.7
14.1
25.8
Berlin
50.0
8.3
22.6
19.1
41.7
Bremen
59.3
5.9
18.2
16.6
34.8
Hamburg
62.3
7.7
14.7
15.3
30.0
Hessen
66,0
2.9
15.7
17.4
33.1
Lover Saxony
70.5
3.3
14.3
12.0
26.3
Ncrt'n-Rhine-Westphalia
69.9
4.9
10.8
14.4
25.2
Rhineland-Palatinate
78.0
2.2
4.3
15.4
19.7
Saarland
78.7
2.6
5.2
13.5
18.7
Schleswig-Holstein
59.9
4.7
22.5
13.0
35.5
West Germany
69.7
3.6
12.0
14.7
26.7
(Computed from: Staendige Konferenz der Kultusminister der laender der BRD, Algencinbildende
Schulen 1950 bis 1964: Statistische Material, 1965; of. also Poignant, p. 73)


TABLE 5
PERCENTAGE Of l6~YEAR-OLD STUDENTS (I960) IN
LAENDER, intermediate, and gymnasium
Laender
Intermediate
Gymnasium
Total
Baden-Wuerttemberg
3.3
15.1
I8.lt
Bavaria
U.5
12.3
16.8
Berlin
9.0
16.9
25.9
Bremen
lit. 8
lit.9
29.7
Hamburg
13.2
13.5
26.7
Hessen
9.5
15.1
2lt.9
Lower Saxony
10.0
12.5
22.5
North-Rhine-Wcstphalia
6.U
12.5
18.9
Khineiand-Palatinate
3.2
iu.o
17.2
Saarland
1.2
11.2
12.lt
Schleswig-Holstein
17.8
12.9
30.7
West Germany
7.0
13.2
20.2
(Carnap, Edding, Per relative Schulbesuch in den Laendern der
Bundesrepublik (Frankfurt: DIfIPF, vf&2),


LIST OF MAPS
Page
MAP Ii REGIONALISM IN HESSEN: THE RURAL NORTH VERSUS THE
URBAN SOUTH 72
MAP II: THE RESULTS OF THE SDP STRATEGY: ELECTORAL GAINS IN
THE RURAL NORTH AND IN CATHOLIC DISTRICTS 84
viii


-189-
If we accept tne validity of the evidence that both major parties
in VJest Germany had become representative of the broad spectrum of all
social groups, the absence of significant differences between the sup
porters of the two parties is plausible. It did suggest that the socio
economic variables which accounted for differences in political cognition
were no longer the variables which determined party identification and
voting behavior, as exclusively as they had in the past.
Even though the two large parties had become almost identical in
their social structure of support, we would still have expected attitudi-
nal differences between the two groups of party supporters, especially
in substantive areas which had been areas of programmatic disagreements
between the two parties.
In order to examine non-elite attitudes in Hessen, we selected
four issue areas which lend themselves to an investigation of partisan
polarization at the non-elite level. These included attitudes towards
the compulsory introduction of a ninth year for elementary school stu-
6 T
dents, attitudes towards the introduction of a tenth years, attitudes
towards the consolidated school program, including bussing,^ attitudes
9
towards state expenditures for school construction, and an evaluation
10
of Hessen's school system in comparison with neighboring states.
The results were not totally surprising. Surprising vas the magni
tude of the trend. On the questions relating to the introduction of the
ninth and tenth year, we found a significant level of polarization. Of
the total sample, 57 percent favored nine years of compulsory education
11
for all students, 31* percent felt that eight years were enough.
On the issue of the tenth year for all students, only 13 percent
felt that it should be compulsory, 37 percent favored it on a voluntary


Page
TABLE 17! RESPONSE RATES ON MAIL QUESTIONAIRE FROM HESSEN,
BADEN-WUERTTEMBERG, AND LOWER SAXONY. 179
TABLE l8i INTEREST IN SCHOOL ISSUES... 186
TABLE 19: FAMILIARITY WITH THE CONCEPT "CONSOLIDATED SCHOOL".... 187
TABLE 20! KNOWLEDGE OF CONSOLIDATED SCHOOLS ELSEWHERE 188
TABLE 21! ATTITUDE TOWARDS A 9TH COMPULSORY YEAR OF EDUCATION... 191
TABLE 22: ATTITUDE TOWARDS A 10TH YEAR OF GENERAL EDUCATION 192
TABLE 23: REASONS FOR OPPOSING A 10TH YEAR 19>t
TABLE 2 It! ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE CONSTRUCTION OF CONSOLIDATED
SCHOOLS 197
TABLE 25 J PERCEPTION OF GOOD AND BAD EXPERIENCES WITH CONSOLI
DATED SCHOOLS 198
TABLE 26: IDENTIFICATION WITH PRO-CONSOLIDATION VIEW (FRAU
SCHMIDT) AND ANTI-CONSOLIDATION VIEW (FRAU MEIER) 199
TABLE 27! ATTITUDE TOWARDS EXPENDITURES FOR SCHOOL BUILDINGS.... 20A
TABLE 28 i IDENTIFICATION OF THE BEST SCHOOL SYSTEM 205


-162-
served more of a ceremonial function in rallying and consolidating sup
port behind the administration, the cabinet, and the prime minister,
giving merely constitutional legitimacy to a decision, already deliber
ated and accepted elsewhere.
The true process of deliberation took place at the committee level
in the state legislature and earlier at the Referenten level within the
departmental administration in Wiesbaden, It was at the Referenten level,
when administration bills were first drafted, that legislators, members
of the LEB, the teachers' associations, and unions and municipal school
administrations were consulted. Interviewees of both the LEB and the
GEW in Hessen reported a high sense of recognition when they were in
cluded in early Referenten level conferences within the Department of
Education. The 1958 bill on parents' participation in educational deci
sion-making required LEB consent on specific school matters.^ The Depart
ment of Education found it convenient and time-saving to consult with
LEB officials early to prevent late delays by that organization. It gave
the LEB, which had frequently been critical of administration proposals,
the opportunity to register early any criticism, propose amendments, and
then support the proposal and help a speedy passage through subsequent
7
stages.
It is consistent with this expectation that the education committee
of the state legislature had also frequently invited representatives of
such organizations as GEW, BHLE, the associations of cities in Hessen,
of counties in Hessen, of municipalities in Hessen, and the German associ
ation of civil servants (DBB), when deliberation of major legislative
proposals warranted their presence. The representatives were given the


CHAPTER II
THE VARIANCE II! EDUCATIONAL DIMENSIONS
AMONG THE WEST GERMAN STATES
Those familiar with the problems of public education in post
war Germany are aware of the fundamental structural, sociological and
political differences between the educational systems of the two German
states. These differences have, in the past, discouraged efforts for
comparative studies,^- while the ideological nature of the division has
discredited and prevented any beneficial impact of one system on the
2
other.
Within the Federal Republic of Germany, we find rather striking
variations in individual characteristics of the eleven Land or state
school systems. For the social scientist who is interested in emperical
v
analysis and theory building at the middle-range level, such a con
trolled., intra-national-culture comparison seems more rewarding. This
seems a reasonable confinement, since it permits a focus on the varia
tion in a few specific variables, while others can be held constant.
The eleven states of the Federal Republic share many common character
istics, such as similar state constitutions, similar social and economic
systems and conditions, etc. Within the framework of a common post-war
West German political culture, vie would expect to find that some sig
nificant differences in educational dimensions among the different
It
states existed.
In this chapter, ve will discuss the dimensions of public edu
cation with special emphasis on the variance between the Laender,
-31-


council, the law provided for three members of the elementary schools,
one for the intermediate level extensions at elementary schools, one
for intermediate level, two for the Gymnasium, one for special schools,
one for private schools, two for vocational, schools, and four at-large
v ***
members,
Much of the effectiveness and influence of the State Parents'
Council (LEB) has been attributed to its continuity in leadership. Even
though the law provided that parents who no longer had children in the
school form which they represent, must resign their seat, the four at-
large seats provided for the continuity of the leadership.
The executive chairman has held this position for more than a de
cade and has made it into a full-time occupation. This continuity gave
an edge to the leadership of the former voluntary parents' association,
which, as an educational interest group, had mobilized those parents who
were critical of changes rather than those who supported the cautious
moves of the state administration in this area.
This anti-reform sentiment was reflected in the overwhelming domi
nance of parents of Realschul and Gymnasium students. On the surface,
it may seem paradoxical that., of the fifteen members of the State Parents'
Council, only one was a member of the SDP, while the state had consistently
returned Social Democratic state administrations. This apparent paradox
in representation had two primary causes. The early leadership had been
able to maintain its position, and the difficulties in organizing work
ing class parents in heterogeneous neighborhoods in the face of continued
deference towards professional people had been overwhelming.
The only Social Democrat on the State Parents' Council represented
parents in the industrial city of Kassel, where many of the school and


-.197-
TABLE 2l|
ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE CONSTRUCTION OF CONSOLIDATED SCHOOLS
gaaaaBearrrx.K'BTgir^ mnweri 1: .x-utsb sassa
No. of
Too
Just
Too
S£2E-~
Fast
Right
Slow
D.K,
Total Population
1169
6%
50?;
CO
36?
SDP supporters
571
5
5*<
8
33
CDU supporters
379
6
53
6
35
Third-party supporters
l>9
10
la
16
33
Party preference unknown
170
6
32
8
51*
Professions, self-employed
1U2
11
UO
9
ItO
White-collar
32U
1
55
10
31
Blue-collar
U32
6
55
7
32
Retired
2U3
i*
Il0
6
50
Place of Residence:
Less than 2,000
3t5
6
ll9
6
39
2,000 to 10,000
353
5
53
11
31
10,000 to 100,000
139
10
58
7
25
100,000 to 500,000
173
1
**9
7
1*3
500,000 and more
159
It
Itl
3
1*7
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
Elementary school +
398
7
It3
5
*5
apprenticeship
U91
It
52
10
3 It
Intermediate level
208
6
57
11
26
Gymnasium and beyond
65
8
57
10
25
With school-aged children
3U6
8
57
10
25
Without school-aged children
790
5
**7
7
Itl
Children in elementary school
238
10
56
9
25
Children in interxnediate school
52
It
58
21
17
Children in Gymnasium
58
3
62
9
26
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
352
8
57
11
2It
Some
501
t;
58
8
29
None
287
it
30
3
63
D.K.
29
7
21
10
59
Source: Infas Representativbefragung Hessen 'Au gust / S e p t e. nb e r
1967.
Random Sample Question: "It has been argued repeatedly that the
construction of new consolidated schools progresses too rapidly.
Do you share this view, is the progress too slow, or is the speed
of progress just right?"


years. By 1964, the Laender varied greatly in the extent to which the
compulsory ninth year had already been introduced. Virtually no
students attended a ninth year in Sarrland, Bavaria, and Rhineland-
Pfalz, while some 80 percent were already in attendance in Hamburg,
Bremen, Lower Saxony, and Schleswig-Holstein, Table 6, however, pre
sents only a point in time in a rather rapid development of expansion.
Since 1964, other Laender have also completed the expansion with the
introduction of a compulsory ninth year, for example, Hessen in April,
1966.26
Curriculum Reform
Characteristic for the recent upsurge in interest and concern
for curriculum reform has been the acceleration of curriculum research
sponsored by the Max-Planck-Institute for Educational Research in Berlin,
Discussion apd research on the reorganization of public school
curricula focused primarily on two objectives. It was widely felt
that the curriculum at all levels could be more relevant. Reformers
demanded more emphasis on the physical sciences, on modern languages,
and on the social sciences. For the Gymnasium level, this was an open
clash with the concept of the traditional Gymnasium education which
emphasized the more abstract humanities and classical studies.
Within the context of an industrial-technological society, the
value of a sound mathematics and. physical science instruction does
not need emphasis. The urgency of such a reorientation was documented
by the results cf the UHESCO-sponsored International Study of Achieve
ment in Mathematics: A Comparison of Twelve Countr1es. which showed
unexpectedly poor results for VJest Germany, More foreign language


accounted for the high level of factual information, hut complete lack
10
of emotional involvement among the well-educated.
Hew Thoughts on the School in £ Democratic System
Today, the emphasis on the socialization function of public
education has shifted from maintenance fo the status quo to support
of the materialization of the democratic rules of the game professed
in the state and federal constitutions. Not without an external and
internal restructuring of the system of public education can the
attitudinal and behavioral requirements necessary to achieve congru
ence between political culture and the existing constitutional norms
be achieved. Hot without democratization of the educational structures
can democratic constitutional norms come to life. Hot without a fund
amentad. school reform can the subject be transformed into a participant.
Today, the state administrations have in principle accepted this
new emphasis. Their policy statements reflect this acceptance, when
they acknowledge that it is the purpose of education at all levels to
provide an understanding of, firstly, the valuer; of the cultural tra
ditions, secondly, the political and social requirements of a deaocre-
31
tie order, and thirdly; the requirements of a technological world.'
All other states acknowledged the necessity of reform in terms
of the socio-political as well as economic-technological justification.
Baden-Wuerttemberg's Minister of Education considered "education as a
32
civil right," a term coined by Rs.lf Dahrendorf, During the debate
over a school bill, the Social Democratic spokesman for education in
the Hessen state legislature, Ruth Horn, pointed out that
A democratic state which always selects its leader
ship from within the mass of the people, requires as


-89-
and the authoritarian school and administrative structure before 1918.
Hone of the bills passed in the late 1950's and early 1960!s
which provided for the administrative framework for the state school
system attempted to fundamentally alter or modify the traditional
school structure, The tripartite division, the social selectivity of
secondary schools, and their function of maintaining the social and
political pre-deiaocratic status quo, were not challenged.
But there were some educators in 1945 who suggested that signi
ficant changes and reforms could and should be implemented immediately
after the final collapse of the Nazi regime. In the state of Hessen,
as well as elsewhere, the consideration of alternative models was not
limited to members of one political, party. Leading Social Democratic
school administrators point frankly to the contribution of Erwin Stein,
the CDU Minister of Culture and Instruction in the first cabinet after
the 1946 elections.^
The series Hessische Beitraege zur Sehulreform, which began pub
lication in the late 1940's, presented a great many reform proposals
for discussion. But it seems that most of them were passed over by
a reestablished traditional system, and disappeared from sight for
some 15 years. Some of the issues discussed then included the very
high rate of Gymnasium drop-outs, the social bias in the student
selection, the continuation of the educational monopoly of the pro
pertied groups, etc,
In Hessen, in particular, the IJ.S, military administration was
active in promoting reform ideas, as part, of the more general attempt
of education for democracy. Promoting democracy as the basis for t.he
school and classroom situation, methods for group and tesa work and


159-
31. Interview: GEW official, state organization.
32. Hessi3cher Landtag. DS Abt III, No. 27, p. 1026,
33. Hessischer Landtag. DS Abt III, No, 1*5, p. 1619.
3l*. CDU, ed., Blldung in der moedernen Welt: III. Kulturpolitlscher Kon-
gress der CPu7cSU am 9., und 10. November 191( in Hamburg (Presse
und Informationsdienst der CDU, Bonn, 1965), pp. 25-28.
35. Ibid., p. 52.
36. Ibid., p. 155.
37. Ibid.. pp. 160-162.
38. Interview: State legislator, CDU opposition.
39. Interview: state legislator, CDU opposition.
1(0. "the old school system is not all that bad." Ibid,
1(1. Ibid.
1(2, Interview: state legislator, FDP opposition,
U3. It was at the 1956 convention in Fulda that the organization took
the decisive action which led to the court decision.
1(1. Hessisches Kultusministerium, ed., Gesetz ueber die Mitbestimmung
der Erziehungsberechtigten und den Landesschulbeirat vom 13.
November 195, Article 20, Eleine Elternfibel (1967), p. 17.
1(5. Interview: member of State Parents' Council.
U6. Hessisches Kultusministerium, ed., Gesetz ueber die Mitbestimmung
der Erziehungsberechtlgten. Article 21.
1(7. Interview: Executive Director, LEB.
1(8. Ibid.
1(9. On the Executive Director's 60th birthday in 1967, the minister him
self delivered flowers and congratulations at her home in Frank
furt.


FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER IX
1. Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1963 T, p. "2&.
2. Sidney Verba, "Germany: The Remaking of Political Culture," Lucian
V/, Pye and Sidney Verba, eds,, Political Culture and Political
Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 19S$) p.
lWT
3. Otto Kirchheiraer, "Germany: The Vanishing Opposition," Robert A. Dahl,
ed., Political Oppositions in Western Democracies (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 19&&T7 P 253.
k, Herbert Spiro, Government by Constitution (New York: Random House,
1959), p. 197.
5. Ibid., pp. 231-232.
6. Arthur S, Banks and Robert B, Tortor, A Cross-Polity Survey (Cambridge:
MIT Press, 1963).
7. Cf, V.O. Key's discussion of permissive consensus. V.O. Key, Public
Opinion and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1967), pp.
32-35. ~
8. Zinn held the office of Minister-president for 20 years, Schuette the
office of Minister of Education for 12 years.
-21U-


-186-
TABLE 18
INTEREST IN SCHOOL ISSUES
Ho. of
Very
Respt
Much
Some
Hone
D.K.
Total Population
1169
30?
1*32
25£
2%
SDP supporters
571
31
*5
22
2
CDU supporters
379
29
**5
25
1
Third-party supporters
1(9
37
31
26
6
Professions, self-employed ,
1U2
28
U5
25
2
White-collar
32h
lio
1(5
13
2
Blue-collar
U32
33
U6
18
3
Retired
2l3
12
33
51
h
Place of res,: less than 2,000
3l)5
28
1(2
28
2
2,000 to 10,000
353
32
1(2
25
1
10,000 to 100,000
139
29
56
14
1
100,000 to 500,000
173
35
36
22
7
500,000 and more
159
28
1(2
28
2
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
398
20
1(0
37
3
Elementary school + apprenticeship
U91
29
1(7
22
2
Intermediate level
208
Uo
1(3
lh
1
Gymnasium and beyond
65
66
23
11
-
With school-aged children
31*6
60
35
h
1
Without school-aged children
790
17
>7
3*t
2
Children in elementary school
238
58
35
U
1
Children in intermediate school
52
57
35
8
Children in Gymnasium
58
70
26
2
2
Source: Infas Representativerhebung, Hessen, August/September
1967.
Random Sample Question: ''Much is being said and written about
school and educationaJ. issues these days. Are you yourself very
much interested, somewhat interested, or not at all interested
in school issues?"


-137-
and competed with Catholic teachers' associations. The GEW, therefore,
worked through and maintained contacts with the opposition parties.
There was positive response and support for many of their demands from
leading CDU spokesmen on educational matters. But among the parliament
ary party and party regulars outside the legislature, CDU support was
limited to GW proposals for the improvement of the teachers' economic
plight. School reform proposals received less than enthusiastic support
or open opposition. The high incidence of overlapping membership be
tween CDU and Fhilologenverband exercised effective counter-pressure
within the party. The parliamentary strength of the FDP in Hessen de
clined rather dramatically with the 1958 election, and this party is now
of only secondary importance to the GEW, The educational spokesmen of
the FDP parliamentary party was a member of the Vocational School Teach
ers' Association which, in the past, has withheld support for reform pro
posals, The GEW leadership perceived a change in the party, and related
the indications of greater receptivity to the appointment of Hamm-Bruecher,
a member of the FDP, as undersecretary of education.
The Social Democratic Part£
The SDP must he characterized as the coordinating and integrating
force within the coalition which has supported school reform efforts.
For sane twenty years, this party controlled the state cabinet and the
state administration, which provided it with an opportunity to implement
some of its policy proposals. Since the national party convention in
Munich in 1956, the SDP has been identified nationally as the party most
determined to create incentives and support for educational and scien
tific advancement. It has consistently placed greater emphasis on the


-176-
the traditional tripartite school structures but the Foerderstufe, the
two-year supportive period, was recognized by many as a step towards a
recognition of a function of social equalization for the public school
system and was criticized accordingly.
The demand for the Foerderstufe was primarily responsible for the
fact that the- plan received a highly controversial response and very
little immediate attention from state governments which have primary
jurisdiction in the field of education. Even though it- was the object
of widespread discussion, the administrative response was negligible.
Responses to our mail questionaire and interviews suggested strongly
that the Foerderstufe, which had been introduced in selected schools in
2o
Hessen since 1955 was perceived by opposition party members as a step
towards a more comprehensive reform. And such a reform was opposed on
grounds that the quality of teaching and instruction at the public schools
would suffer when placing a greater weight on the responsibility of social
equalization.
In the case of the Foerderstufe no consensus among the parties was
achieved until 1966, when a new polarizing issue began to take shape.
The comprehensive school concept received increasingly serious attention
in Hessen, and the political opposition was forced to face this new ue-
27
mand, after it received strong support of the national SDP and GEW.
It was the articulation of and the support for this new demand towards
an integrated comprehensive school which overshadowed the earlier issue
of ^'e Foerderstufe. Less comprehensive reform attempts, especially
those of an experimental nature, became instead acceptable as the lesser
evil to opposition leaders.
The issue of the comprehensive school itself, first articulated by


The cities had an advantage over the state administration because
of the traditionally liberal attitude in the states major cities, be
cause of the absence of the complicating issue of rural school consoli
dation, because of the need for rapid expansin of new educational facili
ties in the suburbs, and the absence of groups committed to protect any
status quo, and because of the availability of teachers willing to par
ticipate in experiments.
Frankfurt, for example, had already reached the very high figure
of 50 percent transfers to secondary schools, which is significantly
above the state average of 38,8 percent. Frankfurt had pioneered with
a large comprehensive school in Nordveststadt, a new high-density subur
ban district. Locally, the city administration found cooperation from
groups which continued to oppose individual reform measures at the state
level. The CDU in Hessen still opposed the Fperderstufe at a time when
21
the CDU in Frankfurt had already accepted it. Intensive communication
across state lines from one city administration to another provides for
the exchange of experimental results and strengthens each citys position
within its state political context.
Difficulties arise from the very limited local jurisdiction in edu
cational decision-making. All local government decisions concerning the
establishment of new schools, changes in the organizational structure,
and the closing of existing schools required the consent of the Minister
22
of Education.
Frankfurt had some minor difficulties with the Department of Educa
tion in Wiesbaden. Applications for a joint part-time and full-time vo-
23
cational school were rejected. Difficulties between a former under
secretary in the Department in Wiesbaden and the city of Frankfurt also


-179-
table 17
RESPONSE RATES ON MAIL QUESTION AIRES FROM HESSEN,
BADEN-WUERTTEMBERG, AND LOWER SAXONY
Population
Response Rate
Hessen State Legislature
Education Committee
n=15
12 (8055)
Baden-Wuerttemberg
State Legislature
Education Committee
n=25
lit (56?)
Lower Saxony
State Legislature
Random sample of total membership (1^9)
n=25
13 (52?)


132'
51*. For the position of the Philologenverband, of. Deutscher Philologen-
verhand, ed., Blldung und Schule: Eln Beitrag des Philologen-
verhandes (Duesseldorf: Schwann, 1965), pp. 15-17.
55. Interviews: state legislators, SDP deputies,
56. Education as a Civil Right.
57. Richard L. Merritt, "The Student Protest Movement in West Berlin,"
Comparative Politics. I, 4 (July, 1969, pp. 516-533.
58. For a discussion of the new school form, cf. Adalbert Rang and
Wolfgang Schulz, eds., Die dlfferenzierte Gesamtschule (Mun
ich: Piper, 1969),
59. Alina M. Lindegren, Germany Revisted: Education in the Federal
Republic (U.S. Office of Education Bulletin, 1957, No. 12),
p. 37. Walter Mueller, Brauchen wlr eine Schulreform?. pp.
36 ff. Hessischer Kultusminister, ed., Schule in unserer
Zeit: Bildungswege in Hessen (Offenbach: Brintz-Dohany, 1965),
ppTte ff.
60. Hessischer Kultusminister, Informationen und Mitteilungen. No, 70/
67, July 11, 1967. Also Hessischer Kultusminister, ed.,
Gesamtschulen in Hessen, mimeo, 1967.
61. Hessischer Kultusminister, Informationen und Mitteilungen. No. 112/
67, October 27, 1967.
62. Hessischer Kultusminister, ed., Schule in unserer Zeit; Bildungswege
in Hessen, p. 44.
63. Hessischer Kultusminister, ed., Gesamtschulen in Hessen, p. 22 ff.
64. Interview: Sehulrat: rural county Northern Hessen.


-116-
non-consolidated schools. Tills, in turn, has heen effective in acti
vating parents and mobilizing them against local administrations which
continue to hold out against consolidation.
The Extension of Compulsory Education
In the early 1960's, the cabinet embarked on a multi-step expan-
31
sion of compulsory school coverage. State laws of the 1950's provided
for compulsory schooling for eight years. The expansion of compulsory
education was of no consequence to those attending secondary schools.
Within the context of more comprehensive reforms, it has been rational
ized as decreasing the educational disparity between the overwhelming
number of students who leave school after the completion of the tradi
tional elementary school only and those who continue into one of the
two types of secondary schools. The step-by-step introduction of a
ninth year was accompanied by an experimental introduction of a tenth
32
year in a number of selected schools. This suggests that the ninth
year is looked upon by the state administration as only the first step
of a further expansion in the future.
The acceptance of expanding educational coverage was swifter and
more general than that of earlier proposals. There was less opposition
from within the legislature, from teachers and their organizations, and
3'
fran parents. Criticism expressed was primarily of a technical nature.
Would the thin spread of teachers in the state make the expansion at
this time advisable? Would an even thinner spread further dilute the
quality of education? And how would such a dilution affect the social
standing of the teaching profession?
When the Zinn administration initiated a large-scale emergency


-167-
from a strong Social Democratic endorsement of religiously integrated
schools and strong Social Democratic opposition to religious segregation
in states with a large Catholic populations began a lengthy controversy
over the party's stand on this issue. The overwhelming majority of the
subsequent discussants of the Heinemann presentation rejected his posi
tion on the integration issue ,*'*
Other party organizations, as the Young Socialists in Hessen-South,
attacked Heinemann and the shift in the party's commitment.*^ Catholic
papers acknowledged Heineraann's presentation, but contrasted it with the
"deeply rooted Marxist materialistic Social Democratic school policies
in the state."*^
Our own measurements of education committee members' attitudes
towards reform issues reflected a low level of partisan polarization.*
Our data showed that here was virtually no inter-party, and little intra
party difference on substantive issues of educational reform, when the
questions were presented in neutral-technical language without ideologi-
19
cal value connotations. If, however, a question is clad in ideological
terms, it provoked an ideological stimulus, and resulted in a picture of
high partisan polarization. On the question-of whether the West German
school system should place greater emphasis on quality or equality, all
responding opposition deputies named quality, while three-fourths of the
responding administration members listed equality.
The two dissenting Social Democratic deputies were the only two Ro
man Catholics among the nine Social Democratic education committee members.
Both had spent their early childhood and youth in the country, and both
now held civil service positions which had earned them elaborate titles.
One was the only representative of the G^nnnasium teacher profession among


-211-
for an assumed consistent ideological confrontation between adherents of
the two major political parties and their closed ideologies. Not only
was there strong latent acceptance and even support for Social Democratic
school policies among social groups not normally identified vith political
support for the SDP, but the supporters of the political opposition showed
a patterning of attitudinal structures which was almost identical to that
of the SDP following. While we could demonstrate a broad bi-partisan
consensus on educational reform programs among non-elites, opposition
leaders, activists, and functionaries continued to question and oppose
these same programs.
Our results suggested a continued existence of working class def
erence towards middle-class' norms. The degree of group solidarity,
group identification, group pride, and class consciousness was low,
even though the SDP and the unions had carried out much educational
work. Lower class respondents, those who would be direct and immediate
recipients and benefactors of the reform progrems, were most hesitant,
least concerned, and most strongly opposed to the reform program of
* their* party.
The absence of partisan polarization on educational issues among
non-elites which had been documented, could be attributed to four de
velopments ,
1966-67 brought a new low of partisan polarization in the polari
zation-consensus cycle.
Secondly, we detected a substantive change in the political cul
ture towards a more pragmatic and bargaining-oriented style which facili
tated a more rapid acceptance of political decisions, once they have be
come authoritative.


involved a decision on whether to permit students to enroll for their
compulsory ninth year of general education at a full-time vocational
2h
school.
Both Frankfurt and Kassel prepared extensive school development
plans involving the consolidation of existing schools and the integra-
25
tion of existing school forms. '
Frequently, the local city commissioner for education, who initi
ates, innovates, and reforms, was faced with a two-fold problem. He may
have wanted to play down the extent of reforms in order to win approval
and support from local parents* councils, professional teachers* associ
ations, and opposition political parties. On the other hand, the proposals
had to be presented to the state administration and they had to be justi
fied as useful progressive experiments within the framework of state edu
cational policies. For local city administrators, this involved the very
tedious problem of meeting fixed student per teacher and student per
classroom ratios.^
The Political Opposition
The very core of the opposition against reform attempts were the
professional teachers* associations which organized themselves within the
'Federation of Teachers and Educators in Hessen.* This peak association
had the following member organizations:
1. Association of Elementary School Teachers
2. Association of Catholic Educators
3. Association of Catholic Women Teachers
li. Association of Intermediate Level Teachers
5. Association of Gymnasium Teachers
6. Association of Vocational School Teachers
7. Association of Agricultural School Teachers
8. Association of Kindergarten Teachers
9. Association of School Supervisors and Superintendents
10.Student groups at the state schools of education.


-63-
In addition to substantive reform achievements, tvo allocative
decisions are of importance and will he included in an aggregate data
analysis.
The first would he the allocation of funds for educational ex
penditures as a percentage of all state expenditures, i.e., educational
expenditures in relation to all other non-educational state expenditures,
such as welfare expenditures.
The second decision would he the allocation of funds for individ
ual educational programs and priorities within the educational appro
priations. Resolved must he the priority of elementary education,
inte need late level and Gymnasium level secondary education over one
another. And as our data presented in Chapter II have shewn, the
priorities set hy individual state administrations vary very consider
ably.
Educational policies in the state must primarily he interpreted
in terms of the basic social divisions within each hand. The rank-
order correlation on Table 11 based on the data presented in Table 10
demonstrates that two indicators of the socio-political dimension are
more closely related to our educational reform indicators than all
others. These two indicators are the religious-denominational composi-
3S
tion of the state population and the relative strength of the more
progressive political party.
37
These two variables are highly inter-correlated and seem to
measure an underlying social dimension which creates a favorable climate
for a positive attitude towards social change in the field of education.
The religious-denominational variable measures two aspects of the at
titude towards change. First, Catholic group nonas in the past have


-122-
sented 8,5 percent of all students in those two grades, involving more
50
than 300 class groups and more than ICO Gymnasium teachers. The state
department of education particularly stressed this high figure of par
ticipating Gymnasium teacherst since their professional organization,
the Fhilolopenvcroand had been the staunchest opponent of these experi
ments.^' In their view, collaboration in such experiments implied co
operation with intermediate level and even elementary school teachers,
and diminished the social position of Gymnasium teachers. Such collabor
ation could not be accepted, because Gymnasium teachers had earned their
degrees at accredited universities and continued to draw a higher salary,
even though they may have been teaching the some grade levels as their
intermediate level colleagues.
The experiments in Hessen, which were more extensive than in any
other Land, provided two important preliminary results.
An early study by Uplegger and Goetz refuted the pedagogical con
cern shared by many Gymnasium teachers that the Foerderstufe. which was
to bring together students of a wide range of social backgrounds and
intellectual aptitudes, would lead to an across-the-board lowering of
educational standards and achievements. At all three levels of the
traditional school, the Foerderstufe competed well in terms of student
achievements. Only at the Gymnasium level, and only in one subject,
52
was an advantage for the traditional school indicated.
According to other investigations, the Foerderstufe also satis
fied its expectations with regard to a broader recruitment into the
Gymnasium The Foerderstufe had significantly increased the percentage
of students from all those groups previously underrepresented. The
greatest increase in the number of students attending secondary schools


school, the Philologenverband responded that the vertically structured
system differentiated quite sufficiently according to aptitude and abil
ity. The equally important integration of the three separate school
forms vas rejected as unrealistic because of lack of space, personnel,
and funds. A totally unified, comprehensive school was not even discussed,
29
but rejected as a matter of principle.
In a publication of the Philologenverband the general concern of
this group vas strongly indicated:
The school system'fulfills its pedagogical and social
responsibility only, if it can free itself from a
sociological dirigism and prepare young people for
vocational life or university study. The school and
its educational mission must not be subordinated al
together to the requirements of necessaiy social change.
The opportunities of a Gymnasium education in fifth and
sixth grade, which can stimulate and support his abili
ties, must not be withheld from the student by early
organizational decisions, such as the comprehensive
school.
The tripartite school system corresponds to the needs
of the individual, his abilities, his inclinations, and
his will, to the numerous conditions and forms of the
cultural and economic life, and the differentiated de
mands of society.
The unified or comprehensive school as the only legal
school form of the public school system must be rejected.
It is incompatible with the appropriate early support of
individual student abilities and inclinations, with par
ental rights, with the differentiations within society,
and the educational responsibilities of the school.'5
The Philologenv erband continued to defend the tripartite school
structure and its functionality in terms of the system of social strati
fication. It did not question the functionality of the system of social
stratification for the egalitarian and equalitarian norms of the political
system. The association saw as illegitimate the attempts to use the


193.
TABLE 22 (Continued)
regulation compulsory for everybody, or should attendance of
a tenth grade be voluntary? Or are you altogether against
a tenth year?"


It vas the party which integrated specific educational reforms into
n comprehensive statement of administration policies. It was the party
vhich set the priority of educational proposals in relation to other sub
stantive programs and allocated a share of the total state resources to
the educational program. The assessment of priorities vas initially pre
pared within the party and its leadership councils, the parliamentary
party, and special committees.
The State Administration
The state administration in the state constitution and state legis
lation was charged v'ith the responsibility for the execution of state
legislative policies, which included personnel administration, the pre
paration of and experimentation with innovations, and the cooperation
with local governments in the expansion of physical facilities or the
17
construction of new consolidated schools.
With a near-monopoly in resources, the state Department of Educa
tion was also involved in the function of educational rule-making. It
could rely on its own resources as well as those of the German Institute
for International Pedagogical Research and the educational research facili
ties at the universities in Frankfurt and Giessen. The Department sub
sequently articulated such initiatives and lobbies for support within the
party. The top administrators in the Department of Education in Wiesbaden
spent a significant amount of time mobilizing the party membership in sup
port of new initiatives. In the fall of 1967, for example, members of
the Department addressed party meetings and activated grass root support
for the comprehensive school, the all-day school, and extended pre-school
programs, as those advocated by Professor Corell of Giessen University.


TABLE 11
RANK-ORDER CORRELATIONS BETWEEN SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INDICATORS
AND INDICATORS OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM
Per Capita
GNP, 196U
State and
Federal Tax
Receipts, 196k
Percent
Catholic
Population
SDP Vote/
CDU Vote
1945-1967
SDP Cabinet
Leadership/ Participation/
CDU Cabinet CDU Cabinet
Leadership Participation
1945-1967 1945-1967
1.
Geme ins chaft s s chul
.528
.346
.9
.791
..645
.564
2.
Realschule Graduates
.373
.273
.873
.80
.701
.464
3.
Gymnasium Graduates
-.n
-.207
.094
.37
.606
.268
It.
13-Year-Olds in Gym
.U27
.227
.082
.291
.309
.346
5.
13-Year-Olds in Real
.232
.091
.809
.782
.75
.437
6.
Gymnasium Transfers
119
-.129
-.187
.107
-.023
.162
7.
Realschule Transfers
.382
.155
.791
.828
.810
.569
8.
l6-Year-01ds in Gym
.316
.184
.444
.502
.466
,4l4
9.
l6-Year-01ds in Real
.364
.391
.918
.719
.641
.437
10.
9th Graders
.495
.473
.927
.809
.632
.641
11.
Grosses Latinum
-.136
-.244
.082
.205
.282
.151
12.
13.
Foreign Language
Expense per Volks-
.218
.35*
.755
.791
.532
.473
14.
schul*
School Expenses as
.418
.115
.879
.842
.588
.687
% of GNP**
-.965
-.983
-.194
-.516
-.587
-.687
*Saarland not included.
**Saarland and Berlin not included.


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Peter W. Nixdorff was born October 7, 1939, in Frankfurt-Oder,
Germany. After the completion of the secondary education, he passed
the Abitur examination in Berlin in March, 1958. He attended the
Free University in Berlin and received the Bachelor of Arts degree
with a major in Political Science from Knox College, Galesburg,
Illinois, in 1961. As a graduate student he returned to the
Otto-Suhr-Institute at the Free University in Berlin and received the
degree of Diplom-Politologe, in 1963.
Since January of 1964, he has been a graduate student in the
Department of Political Science at the University of Florida in
Gainesville, and is now a candidate for the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy.
In September, 1968, he joined the faculty of the Department
of Political Science at the University of Kentucky. He is married
to the former Kathryn V. Kenny of Ocala, Florida.
-229-


-136-
vhich traditionally stressed and cultivated non-financial and non-economic
rewards as status symbols.
In addition to relatively strong support from rank and file teach
ers, the GEW in Hessen had a rather large number of politically prominent
members, who provided access to the Department of Education, the state
legislature, and its education committee, the political parties, primarily
the Social Democratic party, and their education committees, Ernst
Schuette, Minister of Education from 1958 until 1969, had been a member
of the GEW, as were numerous other administrators in the department in
Wiesbaden or in the field, at the district or county level. In addition,
educational administrators and officials with local governments were fre
quent office-holders within the GEW, Of the 96 members of the state legis
lature, ten, or 10.^ percent, were members of the GEW. Of those ten, nine
were members of the SDP, one was a member of the opposition CDU and his
party's spokesman for public education.
Despite these close ties of the GEW leadership with other centers
of educational decision-making in the state, access to the administration
was viewed as somewhat restricted by GEW leaders.^
It was clearly recognized by GEW officials that the administration
and the political parties, including the SDP, must compromise with demands
frcm other constituencies. The GEW recognized the primary need of the
party to win and maintain electoral majorities, which may have forced it
to postpone controversial issues. The state organization, nonetheless,
appreciated a generally favorable climate and a favorable reception of
their demands in this state, and was ready to point to some recent accom
plishments such as progress in teacher training and teacher retirement
provisions.
But the GEW was an organization which articulated teachers' demands


llilii
1262 08554 9896


-151-
it difficult to adequately non the major committees. The state legisla
ture had organised itself in sixteen committees, including leadership
committees, and fifteen of them had one or two FDP members. This situa
tion required that each FDP deputy had at least two committee assignments
and, in most committees, was his party's only spokesman, and had to carry
his burden without any research and only very limited secretarial assist
ance.
The FDP representative to the legislature's educational committee
suffered from a low level of subjective competence, partially because of
inferior resources. This necessitated that one of the party's state
leaders and more effective speaker frequently presented the FDP's posi
tion on educational issues oh the floor of the house.
The party's educational spokesmen also felt, otroaneuvered by the
Social Democratic administration which, in 196'f, appointed a prominent
Free Democrat from Bavaria, Hildegard Hamm-Bruecher, to the top administra
tive, civil service position of undersecretary in the Department of Edu
cation. Her acceptance of this position placed a nationally known FDP
leader into an administrative position in a sensitive issue area, when
the state FDP continued to be one of the opposition parties in the state
legislature. The spokesman felt that the FDP parliamentary party did not
and should not exercise restraint as an opposition party. Specifically,
the party continued to vote against the state budget proposals for edu
cational appropriations.
The same party spokesman reported no contact or communication be-
h2
tween him and the undersecretary. The appointment of Hamm-Bruecher had,
however, brought about a change in the climate within the party which had
become apparent with the recent election of a new energetic leader of the


-35-
system, In post-war West Germany, two groups with the strongest sub
culture ties, Catholicism nnd trade-unionism, have translated the
social identification of their members into a strong political identi
fication with a political party, and have contributed to the rigidity
and inflexibility of party politics, which has minimized the chances
for majority alternatives.
The Traditional Tripartite System
The most characteristic and problematic feature of the German
school system has been its vertical division. The division into Volks-
and Realschule and Gymnasium, the lack of permeability between the
three types, the early and necessarily socially-conditioned screening
of students at the age of ten had been latent issues for decades, but
became focal points of controversy in the mid-1960's.
The Volksschule. also referred to as Hauptschule since 1964, is
the basic elementary school which provides for the learning of such
basic skills as reading, writing, and arithmetic, for those who enter
vocational life at the age of It via an apprenticeship. Compulsory
elementary school attendance was introduced quite early in Germany.
The tiny principality of Saohsen-Weimar pioneered with its introduction
It
in l6l9, the kingdom of Prussia followed in 1763. The Volksschule
remained the 'work horse' of the German educational system. Even
after World War II, it provided the only full-time education for more
than 80 percent of each age cohort.
The Realschule has been the 3ong-estnblished, short form of the
secondary school. It offered a considerably vider variety of courses
than the old Volksschule. most notably in the field of foreign language
instruction. This school type was to prepare a relatively small group


-170-
the success of Ludwig Erhard's 'free market economy,1 The nCu for
Christian in the party's name served to create consensus. It was all-
inclusive rather than exclusive.
The Social Democratic party followed this course of de-ideologiza-
tion with the passage of a new, pragmatic program in 1959* and the ac
ceptance of the Adenauer foreign policy and the Erhard economic policy
as accompli. This eventually led to the two-party grand coalition
of 1966, an increased competitiveness between the two parties, and the
victory at the polls for the SDP/FDP coalition in 1969. Both parties
received similar electoral support from all major social and occupational
groups,
It was, therefore, not surprising that the fundamental policy dif
ferences had gradually declined, to the extent that only traditional
ideological stimuli resulted in traditional partisan response patterns.
The political rapprochement and the decrease in ideological content be
tween the two parties has had a secondary effect. Both parties occasion
ally felt the need to compensate for the growing area of consensus. Tra
ditional ideological response patterns provided the opportunity for setting
distinct accents without disruptive side-effects.
Cycles of Polarization and Consensus
In addition to this long-term de-emphasis of ideology, we could
observe short-term changes in partisan polarization and consensus on edu-
20
cational issues in Hessen,
Educational issues, as other political and social issues were of
a transient nature as they ran through the problem-solving process of
the political machinery. The time required for any issue depended on
the ability of the initiators to build and expand a political coaiition


TABLE It
PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS TRANSFERRING TO
REALSCHULE AND GYMNASIUM AFTER
COMPLETION OF GRUNDSCHULE*(l964)
Laender
Realschule
Gymnasium
Total
Baden-Wuertt emb erg
8.9
21.6
30.5
Bavaria
15.5
18.8
34.3
Berlin
2lt.9
21.7
46.6
Bremen
24.1
19.2
43.3
Hamburg
18.8
21.7
40.5
Hessen
19. *1
19.4
38.8
Lower Saxony
17.1
13.9
31.0
North-Rhine-Westphalia
15.1
18.9
34.0
Rhineland-Palatinate
6.5
21.2
27.7
Saarland
7.5
22.6
30.1
Schleswig-Holstein
21.2
16.3
37.5
West Germany
14.8
19.0
33.8
*Grundschul =
U years $ in Berlin
and Bremen,
6 years
(Staendige Konferenz der Kultusrainister der Laender der BRB,
Algemeinbildande Schulen 1950 Lis I96I4: Statistische
Material, 1965; ef, also Poingnant)


-134-
¡
particularly interested in the emergence of autonomous political groupB
and their pragmatic style of bargaining.
The decisions immediately after World War II not to press for an
early comprehensive reform have affected the style of group politics in
Hessen and in West Germany, The impact of the early reform failure and
the ecclectic reform steps since then on the style of articulation and
aggregation are evaluated in this chapter.
Two events provided the background for an understanding of the
course of reform politics in Hessen.
The stability and continuity in two decades of state politics, dur
ing vhich the SDP administration vas opposed by the Joint CDU/FDP forces,
provided for a stable core, but only the core of a reform coalition.
The failure of a 9UT comprehensive reform vhich vould have responded
to military government directives and the indigenous Stein proposals, pre
vented a return to ideological and political rigidity, and system immob
ilization. Instead, it provided for a favorable climate for the potential
acceptance of pragmatic, Individual reform steps.
The core of the support coalition consisted of the state Department
of Education, the Social Democratic party, specifically their educational
spokesmen, and the leadership of the teachers union in Hessen.
The Teachers^, Union
The 'Education and Science Union' vas the organization of progres
sive teachers vho chose to affiliate themselves vith the German labor
movement. As such, the 'Education and Science Union vas one of the six-
teen constituent unions vhich formed the German Federation of Trade Unions.
With a membership of 15,600, the GEW in Hessen was the fourth
strongest state organization. The Hessen state organization, however,


-80-
cultural population is almost three times as high as the state and
9
national average.
As one of the four states which shares a common herder with
Communist East Germany,Hessen was one of the Laender with a high
percentage of refugees and expellees in the early post-war years.
The total percentage of refugees in the state has not substantially
declined since then, hut there have been shifts within the state.
Many of the refugees who had found a temporary home in rural districts
in Northern and Central Hessen, relocated themselves in the more in
dustrialized South where they were more likely to find work.
This small-town dominance in Hessen makes the Social Democratic
hold on the state le3s strong than it would seem from a superficial
acknowledgement of continuous SDP control since 191*6. The ecology of
the Land does not necessarily reinforce or strengthen the Social Demo
cratic position in the state. On the contrary, the party has faced a
serious dilemma in its strategy of maintaining its powerful hold on
the state administration. The party leadership and policy could have
responded primarily to the perceived demands of the party membership
in the more popular, more urbanized, and more industrialized South.
This would presumably be an uncompromising policy of active social
and economic reform as aspired to by the activist working class seg
ment of the party. Alternatively, the party could give priority to
strengthening the party position by not waging any controversial
experiments, but instead, providing a popular, moderate, statesman
like leadership, acceptable to all regional and social segments, in
cluding those not traditionally sympathetic tc the SDP,
Several conditions present seemed to moke the second alternative


-192-
TABLE 22
ATTITUDE TOWARDS A 10TH YEAR OF GENERAL EDUCATION
No. of
Compuls.
Volunt.
Against
Resp.
10th Yr.
10th Yr.
10th Yr.
D.K.
Total Population
1169
13%
31%
39%
11%
SDP supporters
571
13
38
1*0
9
CDU supporters
379
lh
ho
37
9
Third-party supporters
1*9
16
31
1*3
10
Party preference unknown
170
9
29
1*3
19
Professions, self-employed
1U2
9
39
h0
12
White-collar
324
22
hO
30
8
Blue-collar
1*32
7
38
1*7
8
Retired
2l*3
11
31
1*0
18
Place of Residence:'
Less than 2,000
2,000 to 10,000
10,000 to 100,000
100,000 to 500,000
500,000 and more
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
Elementary school +
398
6
30
1*7
17
apprenticeship
1*91
11
ho
1*1
8
Intermediate level
208
26
1*1
28
5
Gymnasium and beyond
65
38
1*8
12
2
With school-aged children
31*6
10
1*0
1*7
3
Without school-aged children
790
15
36
36
13
Children in elementary school
238
8
36
53
3
Children in intermediate school
52
9
56
35
-
Children in Gymnasium
58
26
1*5
21*
5
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
352
21
1*0
38
1
Scene
501
13
hi
1*0
6
None
287
7
27
1*1
25
D.K.
29

31
lit
55
Source: Infas Representativbegragung Hessen, August/September
1967.
Random Sample Question: MIt has been proposed to introduce a 10th
school year for all children, provided that a sufficient number of
schools and teachers are available. Would you agree with such a
31*5
6
30
52
12
353
12
35
1*5
8
139
22
35
37
6
173
17
1*7
21
15
159
19
1*7
21
13


-105-
democratic ideals among the student population. The Weimar constitution
included an article which provided that each student who had completed
his compulsory education of eight years was to receive a copy of the
constitution,^ But since this was not accompanied by changes in the
formal and informal structure of authority in the schools, and the
training and recruitment of new teachers who were willing to support the
new democratic regime, such a provision could contribute only very little.
The total collapse of the Nazi regime in I9U5 brought a second
opportunity to revamp the educational structures, so that they, in turn,
could help to democratize other social and political institutions. This
was a goal and an aspiration of both the military governments and the
newly emerging anti-fascist indigenous political elites.
The five-nation attitude survey conducted some 15 years later,
however, which attempts to relate school experience to political atti
tudes in adult life, still reflects a school system which breeds subject
citizens who are unlikely to critically question political authority,
who are ill-prepared to affect political decision-making, and who per
ceive political bargaining as an inevitable evil which they would rather
7
escape. The authors have measured the perceived freedom to discuss un
fair treatment or disagreement with teachers as well as the actual dis
cussion of unfair treatment or disagreement. They have also measured
participation in school discussion and debates and report that they
found the number of respondents who perceive freedom of discussion, or
have actually participated in discussions, the smallest in West Germany
and Italy. Even after controlling for low level of education and age,
the researchers found that Germany continued to rank at the bottom,
even though the extent of involvement and discussion increased with the


-165-
stands addressed to.a legislator's and a party's home constituency, but
were actually addressed to the other members of the body.
Small group interaction required that partisan differences and
polarization remain overt and more subtle, and the discussions indicated
that individual members were more flexible and less strongly committed
to party rhetoric than it would appear from their speeches on the floor
of the legislature or in front of partisan audiences back home.
In presenting their case, the opposition against consolidated rural
schools voiced fundamental criticism in the debate on the floor of the
legislature. The consolidated school was questioned on grounds that it
would destroy the traditional desirable union of community, church, and
school in a rural community. The small, one-room, one-teacher school
village school was defended on what were viewed as its pedagogical merits.
The result was a clash of rigid, ideologically defined political groups,
with little room for legislative maneuvering and bargaining, it would seem.
Simultaneously, however, the legislative proposals and the administra
tion's commitment to a program of rural school reform was questioned on
a more pragmatic, more matter-of-fact, and less ideological level in the
committee deliberations. Opposition criticism was centered around the
extended executive jurisdiction for the Minister of Education, the prob
lems and expenses of bussing children over long distances to and from the
consolidated schools.
The political-pragmatic arguments cited by the opposition against
the introduction of a ninth year included the shortage of qualified teach
ers needed to staff additional classes and the psychological resistance
from the rural population.
Opposition spokesmen on the floor of the legislature defended the


CHAPTER V
THE ISSUES OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM
In 1919, the Weimar Republic inherited the tripartite school sys
tem which had emerged and had been consolidated in the course of the
19th century. It presumably served the realistic needs of society by
providing one school for trades, crafts, and agriculture, one for cler
ical occupations, and a third for the academic professions,^" But, more
importantly, this system served a function of keeping most individuals
in their place which had been determined by their class background and
upbringing, because it minimized chances for upward social mobility.
The intellectual ferment of the 1918 revolution provided numerous
ideas for new schools plus pedagogical approaches which contributed to
2
a broad discussion of general educational reforms, which reached its
early, peak at the Reich school conference of 1920,
The wealth of ideas and the widely shared enthusiasm for reform
did not translate into immediate changes of the old structures, Lasting
controversies between the Laender and the Reich government over their
respective jurisdiction prevented passage of a comprehensive Reich edu-
3
cation act, and the tripartite system of education remained intact.
Only one major change was achieved in the 1920's, The exclusive
preparatory school to the Gymnasium was abolished and the primary
school act of 1920 established a four-year elementary school compulsory
for all children.
There were also seme good-willed but rather naive attempts to spread
-10k-


-218-
Ilessisches Kultusministerium, ed., Kleine Elternfibel zum Hessischen
Gesetz uebor die Mitbestimmung der Ersiehu.ng sb e r e chtigt en und
den Landcsschulbeircvt (Wiesbaden, 19&!).
Hessisehcs Statistisches Landesomt, ed. Beitracge aur St.atistlk Hessens,
No. 2U: Die Wahl zum Hessischcn Landtag am 0. November 1906 (Wies
baden, 19oT).
Lilge, Herbert, Hessen in Geschichte und Gc gem; art 8th ed,, (Frankfurt:
Diesterveg, 195)
Mueller, Walter, Brauchen vir eine Schulreform? (Frankfurt: Diesterwee.
196*0.
Schuette, Ernst, Kulturpolitik in Hessen (Frankfurt: Biesterweg, 1966).
b. Local Governments in Hessen
Amt fuer Schulen und Volksbildung der Landeshauptstadt Wiesbaden, ed,,
De^ richtige Weg: Bildungsmoeglichkeiten in Wiesbadeaer Schulen
TwTesbaden, 19^i*).
Diederich, Werner, ed,, Planungsentwurf der kuenftigen Organization des
Schulwesens im Regierungsbezirk Kassal, Part I and II (Kassel,"
T.
Schulentwlcklungplan der Stadt Kassel (mimeo, 1966).
Stadtschulamt Frankfurt am Main, ed,, Schulen der Zukunft in Frankfurt
em Main: eine Schriftenreihe zum Schulvesen der Stadt Frankfurt am
Main, No, 1-U. "
c, Other States
aa, Baden-Wuerttemberg
Kultusministerium Baden-Wuerttemberg, ed., Bildung 3n r.euer Sicht, No, 1:
Schulentvicklungsplan Baden-Wuerttemberg; No, 2: Ermittlung und
Erschliessung von Begabten im laendlichen Raum (1966); No. 3: Bil-
dung und Wirtschaftswachstum (1966),
bb. Bavaria
Bayrisches Staatsministerium fuer Unterricht und Kultus, ed,, Kultur, Staat,
Gese] sschaf b: Hanshaltsrede des b.ayrisc.heri Staatsminister fuer
\


-152-
state parliamentary party, who vas already being discussed as a future
member of an SDP/FDP coalition cabinet after the 1970 state elections.
During the 1950's, the FDP in Hessen had been one of the most
nationalistic and rightist state organizations within the national FDP,
Subsequently, the 'professional' teachers' associations rather than
unionized teachers have had access to this party. The present educa
tional spokesman is himself an Oberstudiendlrektor, a vocational school
principal, and, as such, a member of the Vocational School Teachers'
Association, Both objectively and subjectively, the party's influence
on the formulation of educational issues has been minimal in the past.
The State Parents1 Council
Article 56, Section 6, of the Hessen state constitution provides
that:
Parents have the right to participate in the formu
lation of educational decisions as far as the pro
visions of Sections 2 through 5 are not interfered
with.
This provision is a compromise between the parental rights demanded
and supported by the Catholic Church and democratic theory which demanded
increased political participation. For some twelve years, the state ad
ministration had not introduced any legislation which would have imple
mented this constitutional provision. Executive orders of the Department
of Education provided for parents' participation in decision-making at
the individual school level,
But not until a controversy over the curriculum at the classical
Gymnasium in 1956 did a group of parents take the issue to court in order
to force an implementation of parents participation at the state level.


-168-
TABLE 15
EDUCATION COMMITTEE MEMBERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS REFORM ISSUES
SDP
CDU/FDP
Opposition
Time of Desirable Transfer from
Primary to Secondary School
After 1 years
1 (12.5?)
6 years
6 (T55S)
2 (50%)
8 years
-
-
Anytime ,
1 (12.555)
2 (50?)
Attitude Towards Rural School
Reform
Is necessary
8 (100?)
3 (1005?)
Destroys cultural unity
-
-
Incompatible with parental
rights
-
-
Religious Integration
Bi-denominational schools
U (50%)
3 (1001?)
. Segregated schools
-
-
Integrated secular schools
1* (50%)
Which value needs greater emphasis?
Equality
6 (75%)
Quality
2 (25%)
3 (100)5)
Total Respondents
8 (100%)
It (100%)
Total Members
9 (10055)
5 (100?)


-29-
9.Viggo Graf Bluecher, Per Preseas der MelnungBblldung dargestellt
am Belsplel der Bundestagswahl 1961 (Bielefeld: Emnid, 1962),
p. 43.
10. Popular leaders included Wilhelm Kaiser in Bremen, Hinrich Wilhelm
Kopf in Lower Saxony, and Georg-August Zinn in Hessen.
11. Lewis J. Edinger, Politics in Germany (Boston: Little, Brown, 1968),
p. 97.
12. Carl-Ludwig Furck, Das unzeltgemaesse Gymnasium (Weinheim: Belts,
1965), P. 55.
13. Hans Georg Hofmann, "Zwei Wege in der deutschen Schulpolitik und
ihre Ergebnisse," Vergleichende Paedagogik. Folge I (1962),
p. 12.
14. Vollstaendige Preparation auf den Geschlchtsunterricht in Volks-
Buerger-, Hittelschulen (Langenslza: I896), p. 44, Cited by
Hofmann, 0£. cit., p. 13.
15. Helmuth Leichtfuss, "A Study of the Present Situation Regarding
Contemporary History Instruction in the High School of Land
Hesse," Walter Stahl, ed., Education for Democracy in West
Germany (New York: Praeger, 1961), p. 141,
16. N.n,, "Kritik am deutschen Schulwesen," Bildung und Erzlehung
(1953), pp. 349-350.
17. Karlheinz Rebel, "Autorltaetsstrukturen und Autoriteatskrisen in
Vergangenheit und Gegenwart: ihr Elnfluss auf Erziehung und
Schule," Robert Ulshoefer and Karlheinz Rebel, eds., Gymnas
ium und Sozialwlssenschaften (Heidelberg: Quelle and Meyer,
19S8T7*P. 123.
18. Ibid., p. 124.
19. Helmut Becker, Kulturpolltlk und Schule (Stuttgart, 1956), p, 48.
20. Helmut Rentier, "Von Lust 1st nicht die Rede," Die Zelt XXIV, 6
(February 11, 1969). Rentier, for several months immediately
following the student demonstrations in West Berlin in 1967,
served as a psychological advisor to the Berlin police depart
ment.
21. Heinrich Hulme, "Gegenwart in Dasein: Wilhelm von Humboldt, geboren
am 22. Juni 1967, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. June 16-17,
1967. For the history of the Gymnasium, cf. Carl-Ludwig Furck,
Das unzeltgemaesse Gymnasium (Weinheim: Beltz, 1965); Fritz
Blaettner, Das Gymnasium: Aufgaben der Hoeheren Schule in
Geschichte und Gegenwart (Heidelberg: Quelle and Meyer ,960).
Carl-Ludwig Furck, op. cit.. p. 18.
22.


-10-
rnental introduction of the comprehensive school, particularly in Hessen
and Berlin.
l'n the next two chapters, the changes in the German political cul
ture were examined to the extent that they have Been affected by changes
in the style of performance of political groups.
In Chapter VI, the changes in the style of interest articulation,
coalition-building, and political bargaining between major political
interest groups were examined which resulted in a breakdown of ideo
logically-conditioned group politics.
In Chapter VII, similar trends in the interaction between the
major political parties were traced. The decrease in polarization
between the two major parties confirmed similar findings resulting from
recent realignments of the parties at the national level since the
early 1960's.
In the final chapter, an attempt was made to close the circle of
the comprehensive evaluation of the German political culture. In
Chapter VIII, the extent to which ideological attitude patterns have
diminished and whether the trends outlined for the bargaining between
the parties and interest groups had also been accompanied by an in
creased flexibility of attitudes among the general population was
tested.


-172-
TABLE 16
CYCLICAL CHANGES IN POLARIZATION AND CONSENSUS
Issue Introduction
of Demands
Deliberation
Implementation
Religious Integration
191*5
191*5/1*6
191*6
Rural School Consolidation
, 1951
1951/59
196U
Ninth Year
1955
1955/63
1963/66
Foerderstufe
1955/59
1955/66
1966
Comprehensive School
196L/65
196L-


-190-
basis and 39 percent vere totally opposed to a tenth year.
But even though a substantial minority of more than 37 percent of
those vho had expressed a feeling on this issue opposed a compulsory
ninth year, and even though both CDU and FDP opposed the rapid introduc
tion for a number of practical reasons, there was virtually no concentra
tion of opponents to the ninth year or the tenth year among the opposi
tion party supporters. There is no evidence that opposition to a ninth
and tenth year has consolidated and strengthened the opposition to the
administration. Contrary tovexpectations, there are in fact more Chris
tian Democrats than Social Democrats who support the administration
policy of a compulsory ninth year,
Once again, we found some significant variation with the level of
formal education, occupation and place of residence. Those who had com
pleted their Gymnasium education, those who lived in metropolitan areas,
and white-collar occupational groups favored a ninth year by overwhelming
margins. The less well-educated, residents of rural areas, and retired
people were least enthusiastic about a ninth year. They were evenly
split between supporters and opponents.
It is noteworthy that those who would benefit most from an exten
sion of compulsory education, parents with children in elementary schools,
were reluctant about accepting this extension, while parents of secondary
school students, who vere not directly affected, favored the extension
of comxmlsory education by a wide 3 to 1 margin. This inconsistency
was even more remarkable in light of the positions taken by the major
parties on this issue.
The CDU leadership and the party's educational spokesmen, in re
presenting the better-educated middle c3.ass, had been much more hesitant


FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER VI
1. David B. Truman, The Governmental Process (Nev York! Knopf, 1963),
pp. 516 ff.
2. Gabriel A. Almond, "A Comparative Study of Interest Groups and the
Political Process," American Political Science Revlev LII, 1
(March, 1958), pp. 270-22. '
3. Within the 'Deutseher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB),' the 'Geverkschaft
Erziehung und Wissenschaft (GEW)' is one of the smallest with
a membership of some 84,000 out of a total of 6,4 million.
The GEW is, furthermore, distinct from the other fifteen un
ions, in that the GEW has no blue-collar labor members, and
is instead comprised almost entirely of state civil servants
(Beamte), Cf. Thomas Ellvein, Das Reglerungssystem der Bundes-
republik Deutschland (Cologne: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1963), p.
378.
4. Computed from informations of the Hessen state organization of the
GEW and Staendige Konferenz der Kultusminister, ed., Kultur-
politik der Laender 1965-1966. (1967).
5. Informations from the Hessen state organization, GEW.
6. Ibid.
7. Interview: GEW official.
8. Plan Zt Die Zukunft Meistern.
9. Vorstand der SDP, ed., Bildungspolltlsche Leltsaetze der Sozlaldemo-
kratischen Partei~Deutschlands. 19.
10. Ibid.. p, 13 ff. Saul B. Robinsohn and J. Caspar Kuhlmann, "Two De
cades of Non-reform in West German Education," Comparative
Education Review. XI, 3 (October, 1967), p. 322, argue that
the 1964 SDP guidelines were substantially bolder than the
Rahmenplan of the German Committee of Education, or the i960
plan of the GEW with regard to the tripartite structure itself.
11. Robinsohn and Kuhlmann, op. clt.. p. 326.
12. Wolfgang Leirich, Polltik in einen Bundesland: Die Landtagswahl vom
Juli 1962 in Nordrhein-Westfalen (Cologne: Westdeutscher
Verlag, 1968).
-157-


.-183-
led to overt conflict during budget debates, debates of the administra
tions school program, and partisan controversies outside the legisla
tive arena. The saliency of this issue vas reflected in questionre
and interviev responses of state legislators,'*'
While ve conducted our elite interviews, the Institute for Applied
Social Research in Bad Godesberg conducted a random-sample survey of
non-elite attitudes for the state administration in Wiesbaden, which in
cluded a number of questions on educational issues. The use of these
data permitted us to draw some direct comparisons between elite and
non-elite attitudes towards the same issues during the same time per-
iod.2
As a result of such comparisons, we will be able to present a
somewhat more definitive statement on the nature of the relationship be
tween elite end non-elite attitudes within the context of the German
political culture. Such an analysis would give credence to either the
model of pure and unadulterated democracy, in which elites act as agents
of attitude and demand transmission only, or a model of elite manipula
tion of the masses, with issue conflicts being fought out among competing
elites without relevance to the masses.
Or the comparison could result in a third alternative which would
require us to modify both models, a situation inwhich there is some re
sponse to non-elite attitudes and demands, but where elites accentuate
different positions. As a result, the cleavages between elites are
deeper than those between non-elites.
In an attempt to demonstrate the level of partisan polarization
or. educational issues among non-elites in Hessen, we have analyzed the
Infas data on the level of political cognition or awareness of educational


Social Democratic Special Constituency Efforts
The overlap in functions and personnel in the area of educational
politics is illustrated by two organizations which linked up the individ
ual organizations within the support coalition, the SDP, teachers, parents,
and the administration.
The Association of Social Democratic Teachers was the organization
of teachers within the SDP, It had a membership of some 2,300 in Hessen,
18
most of them in Hessen-South. The association (ASL) served a two-fold
function. It was an instrument for the party to reach into the teaching
profession and mobilize them for Social Democratic reform proposals*
Simultaneously, however, the ASL articulated teachers' demands within the
party and attempted to have the party place greater emphasis on educational
problems. The ASL perceived of itself as operating entirely within the
organizational framework of the party. In fact, its vertical organiza
tional structure was parallel to that of the party.
Another organization, the Association of Social Democratic Parents,
attempted to provide similar ties between the party and parents, but had
a much less permanent structure. The weakness of the organization was
its lack of grass-roots support from parents. For this reason, it could
not successfully engage in a two-way relationship with the party, There
was virtually no organizational structure at the local level, and any
initiative to activate the group came from the party's district office
in Frankfurt.
As a result, the group was in no position to represent parents'
interests in educational issues within the party. More than anything,
the association (ASE) provided an opportunity to familiarize Social
Democratic parents with educational reform issues and mobilize their


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
For guidance during my graduate education, X am indebted to my
teachers at the University of Florida, Professors Manning J, Dauer,
the late Gladys M, Kammerer, Ruth McQuown, Joseph S. Vandiver, and the
late Charles D. Farris.
I am especially grateful to Professor Arnold J. Heidenheimer, who
has provided insights and.intellectual stimulation and whose comments
and critical suggestions have improved this dissertation.
ii


the country into craftsmen and manual labor, social, educational, admin
istrative, and technical occupations, and thirdly, the scientific and
academic professions,
A member of the opposition Free Democratic party maintained:
The tripartite character which has been mentioned
here and which had already been practiced in the
second half of the 19th century, is net an invention
of the Weimar Republic, but is deeply rooted in the
sociological structure of our people and men in gen
eral, And secondly, it is based on the pedagogical-
This educational structure may very well be functional for an au
thoritarian political system which attempts to maintain an immobile and
divided system of social stratification, but it is totally dysfunctional
in a political system which is committed to the realization of such
principles as 'equal opportunities' and 'popular participation.'
Because the elitist principle in secondary education has been long
and deeply entrenched, the institution of the Gymnasium as an elitist
upper middle class school was not threatened as long as a coalition of
Gymnasium interests, parents, and Gymnasium teachers determined the
school policies of the opposition parties and even forced the SDP admin
istration to temporarily abandon fundamental reform attempts. In fact,
several Social Democratic state administrations in Northern Germany
withdrew their commitment to more than four years of common elementary
school education for all students in face of a successful mobilization
39
of middle class parents and a threatening electoral defeat.
The sociological interpretation of the functionality of the tri
partite division for post-World War II Went Germany lead supporte.ro of


-50-
end the 17-year-olds, all Common Market partner countries ranked con
siderably higher than West Germany. Even more important was the fact
that the rate of increase in school enrollment was also higher in all
of the other Western European countries, including Britain. The in
crease for the decade of the 1950's in school enrollment of 17-year-
olds ranged from l6o percent in Italy to 51 percent in Belgium, com-
17
pared to a 30 percent increase in West Germany. The small increase
for West Germany is not a result of a high absolute figure for West
Germany in 1950. On the contrary, even in the early 1950's, Germany's
school enrollment figure for 17-year-olds was helov average with 12,6
percent, compared to 21.U percent in the Netherlands, 25.9 percent in
Belgium, and lU percent in France. As a result, in 1960-61, West
1 A
Germany ranked lowest among the six.
In view of the growing economic and political cooperation be
tween the Western European countries, which also involves the creation
of a free Western European labor market, West Germany, which ranks
last in the increase of educational coverage, must be concerned about
the prospect of not making full use of its labor resources by recruit
ing fewer and fever people into the top occupational categories. Econ
omists were the first to look upon education, and particularly higher
education, as an investment and insufficient recruitment by a national
educational system as a malinvestment, especially in view of the grow-
19
ing economic markets. August Rucker, a former Bavarian minister of
education, mentions particularly the need for a reorientation of the
separate educational systems towards greater European unit, Educa
tional platform planks of the political parties dwell on the educa
tional lag of West Germany in comparison with other Western European


-206-
indications of a breakdown of ideologically-based political behavior and
the emergence of a more sophisticated discriminating and issue-oriented
electorate. Our data did provide evidence that there were voters who were
critical of one particular aspect of the educational program of a party,
while they gave whole-hearted support to another plank of the program.
This point can be illustrated once again by referring to the data
in Tabic 28, When the respondents were asked to compare Hessens system
with that of three neighboring states, h3 percent felt that Hessen had
the best system, 39 percent did not know or did not give a preference,
15 percent said the four systems were equal in quality, and only 3 per
cent cited one of the other three states as the better system.
We find that the highest number of citations for Hessen as the
superior system came from town residents and city-dwellers., from the
Gymnasium-educatedt and parents of Gymnasium students, and those who
had expressed a strong interest in educational issues. These same
groups were also those that ranked highest among the administrations
critics on the expense and wastefulness issue. The lowest number of
citations for Hessen as the superior system came from two groups of poli
tical marginals, those who did not reveal their partisan preference or
did not have any, and those who admitted to having no interest in educa
tional and school issues. This, of course, did not reflect a strong
positive feeling towards any of the neighboring systems, but rather a
low level of cognition and a high level of political apathy.
Conclusion
This intensive examination of non-elite cognition and attitude
levels revealed three significant results,


-124-
Administration deputies in the state legislature began to view the
school reform as part of a broader policy cf social reform, and did so
without fear of discrediting individual reform proposals,^
What had accounted for this change? Many of the popular and pro-
vacative publications had pointed to the sociological and political rel
evance of educational reforms in their critiques of the inconsistency
between the traditional school structure which maintained an arbitrary
but rigid hierarchy of social stratification and the democratic and
egalitarian norms of the 19^9 constitution. Most squarely facing the
issue was Dahrendorf's book, Bildung als Buergerrecht.^ Simultaneously,
West Germany and West Berlin were faced with the beginning of student
politicization, first at the university level, but later trickling down
to the Gymnasium level. This movement began as a rejection of antiquated
and undemocratic school and university structures, but subsequently ex
panded into a more general criticism of and opposition to the social and
political conditions. The direction of student rebellion contributed
to malting the public aware of the inter-relationship between changes in
the school and university systems and broader social and political changes.
The increasing awareness of the inter-relatedness of education and
its socio-economic environment had two results on the reform discussion.
Socially integrated comprehensive schools with a differentiated
curriculum were proposed, discussed, and established on an experimental
basis. Students of the three traditiono.1 branches were brought together
end taught in the same school building. The comprehensive school was
a move in the direction of full acceptance of the school's social in
tegration function by reducing social distance between students of dif
ferent socio-economic backgrounds and the social distance between the


Impact of this failure on the states political culture.
In order to identify the political coalitions which made the
completed reform steps possible and the conditions which prevent more
extensive changes, the records of the state legislature and the state
legislative education committee were examined. In addition, mail
questionaires and oral interviews with educational decision-makers
were utilized to assess elite attitudes towards reform. Unpublished
survey data were available to this researcher to measure the degree of
non-elite acceptance of and support for reform issues in Hessen.
The. results of this analysis showed that the failure of an early
educational reform in Hessen was a result of a policy strategy adopted
by the Social Democratic leadership which was conditioned by the socio
political structure of the state. Instead of pressing for a politically
controversial reform early, the party leadership elected to grant prior
ity to the consolidation of the party's electoral strength, especially
in the rural North antf in Catholic districts.
Meanwhile, the limited nature of the early reform attempts helped
to broaden the reform coalition and made more far-reaching reforms feas
ible.
By 1967-68, the political opposition was crumbling with regard to
educational issues, and non-elite support for reforms grew strong.
Our results suggested that the more costly strategy of non-planned,
non-ccmprehensive reform was indeed more functional politically. It
decreased the level of political alienation, especially towards the poli
tical parties, weakened the ideological cleavages between parties and
interest groups and resulted in a more pragmatic style of political bar
gaining.
x


-55-
Dahrendorf, now a member of the Common Market executive in Brussels,
also, in a series of articles in Die Zeit0 postulated education as a
*eivil right,* which necessitates educational encouragement of those
vho have not fully participated in the educational process, namely
working class children, children frcaa rural areas, and female students.
Beginning during the same year, a wave of book publications on the
topic, mostly in paperback, appeared on the market, most of them point
ing out the deficiencies of the present system and demanding reform.
Earlier, the Federal skeleton plan of 1959 had been published
by the German Commission for Education, the main innovation of which
vas the Foerderstufe, a two-year preparatory level which would prepare
and tutor socially disadvantaged students for admission to a Gymnasium,~
In 1959-19^0, the Social Democratic party held numerous meetings and
published a substantial amount of data and suggestions in its own
plan, "Plan Z: Conquer the Future," an early attempt to mobilize pub
lic interest in educational issues and capitalize on an intensification
and activation of the issue.
Two issues were instrumental in crystallizing widespread acti
vation of the general public.
An increasing majority of the population refused to accept the
complete, costly duplication of public school facilities for Protestant
and Catholic children, which has been practiced in Bavaria, Rhine3.and-
Palatinate, North-Rhine-Westphalia, Saarland, and the districts of
Osnabrueck and Oldenburg in Lower Saxony and Suedvuerttemberg-Hohen-
zollern in Baden-Wuerttemberg, all of which have substantial Catholic
majorities. As early as 1953, 63 percent of the West Germans, and
53 percent of all Catholics, opted Ter an integrated school system for


TABLE 8
PERCENTAGE OF IIAUPTSCHUL STUDENTS KITH
FOREIGN LANGUAGE INSTRUCTION
Laender
Percentage
Rank Order
Hamburg
39.6
It
Bremen
UA.l
3
Berlin
73.6
1
North-Rhiue-Westphalia
3.¡t
10
Baden-Wuerttemberg
9.1
6
Hessen
28.1
5
Bavaria
6.0
9
Lover Saxony
lit.3
7
Saarland
15.3
6
Schleswig-Holstein
I16.9
2
Rhineland-Palatinate
1.7
11
(Edding, p. 32Uj see also picht, p. 2h)


-202-
awarded by parents of secondary school children, some of whom may have
benefitted personally from the program of rural school reform.
Table 26 presents a summary of data which attempts to measure and
collect more subtle responses to the issues of rural school consolidation.
The question required the respondents to respond to some of the underly
ing views and opinions which otherwise would have been likely to remain
undetected, A less truthful respondent was not likely to respond to
more straight-forward questions by revealing deep-rooted feelings and
prejudices, 1'n the question reported on in Table 26, the respondents
received two stereotyped views of the rural school reform and were
asked to indicate agreement with one of the two views expressed.
Of the total sample, 68 percentmore than two-thirdsagreed
with the more progressive view of Frau Schmidt, who favored and recom
mended the new consolidated school. Only 15 percent agreed with Frau
Meier, while 17 percent expressed no preference. This was a strong in
dication of an overwhelming general consensus with the state administra
tion on the issue of rural school reform. There were no indications of
substantial hidden reservations against this policy. There was no parti
san difference in support for the more progressive view. Two-thirds of
the Social Democrats, and three-fourths of the Christian Democrats ap
proved of the rural school reform. Once again, Christian Democrats were
more unanimous in their support for an administration program than the
SDP supporters. Strongest support for Frau Meiers more conservative
view vas voiced by residents of medium-sized towns, who had virtually
no undecided respondents. There was no sub-sample in which the number
of those who shared the conservative view reached more then one-third
of the strength of those, who expressed the progressive view.


-201-
of consolidated school construction than in the previously discussed
attitudes. Of the total sample, 6U percent expressed a view on the
question. Only 6 percent felt the program was moving too fast, 8 per
cent felt it was too slow, and 50 percent believed the pace was right.
The group deviating most strongly were the parents who had children in
the short form of the secondary school (Realschule), A high percentage
expressed a view, and the highest number-21 percentfelt that imple
mentation of the construction program was not fast enough, a figure
three times that of the total sample. This provided an example of a
group which would benefit most from a more rapid implementation of the
rural school reform, and had very clearly recognized and expressed its
interest.
Again, there was little difference between SDP and CDU supporters.
Five percent of the SDP and 6 percent of the CDU supporters felt it was
too slow, while 5^ percent of the SDP and 53 percent of the CDU support
ers felt the pace was right. Large majorities in both parties were
satisfied with the progress of the program, and similarly, small groups
within both parties were impatient reformers and hard-core conservatives.
Table 25, which summarized general perceptions of experiences with
consolidated schools, confirmed all of the previous findings. Of special
interest was, again, the rather low level of criticism of the program.
Rather than polarization into groups of equal size with good and bad
experiences, we found a polarization into two equally large groups, namely
those who felt that experiences with consolidated schools have been gen
erally good and thos who did not register a response. Those who felt
that tlie experience had been bad compose an extremely small minority of
only 2 percent of the total sample. The highest rate of approval was


-7-
This examination was supplemented by a study of the non-published
records of the state legislative education committee, kindly made
available by the director of the Landing administration.
For an evaluation of the reform positions of the various teachers'
associations, a content analysis of the associations' official publi
cations was made. The publications of both the teachers' union and
the professionally-oriented teachers' associations were surveyed.
To record more subtle attitudinal patterns among state legis
lators and to measure contact and interchange with other institutions
in the area of public education, a mail questionaira was prepared and
nailed to all members of the legislative education committees in both
Hessen end neighboring Baden-Wuerttemberg. The instrument bad been
pretested when administered to a random sample of the total landtag
membership of the northern neighbor Lower Saxony. The expectation
of a high return rate for Hessen, because of its model reputation,
was met when 80 percent of the total sample returned their question-
aires promptly without a follow-up letter. The return rate for the
deputies of the three major parties shewed an even higher 86 percent
rats.
The analysis of mail questionnaires was followed up by personal
interviews, which varied in length from 30 minutes to more than three
hour.-, not only with state legislators, but also with officials of
the Department of Education in Hessen, with local school administrators,
and members of the teachers' unions and state parents' association,
The interviews were semi-structured, Occasionally, particularly
among members of the state bureaucracy at the decision-making level,
a somewhat re-strained willingness to submit to personal interviews by


FOOTNOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION
1. Phillips Outright, "National Political Development: Measurement
and Analysis," American Sociological Review, XXVIII (April,
1963), 253-264. "
2. C-a'oriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 19o3),~Ch. If"
3. Richard Rose, "The Political Ideas of English Party Activists,"
American Political Science Review, LVI, 2 (June, 1962) 36O-
371.
4. Comparative Politics. II, 4 (July, 1970), Special Issue on the
West German Election of 1969,
5. Of. list of Interviews, Appendix.
6. Karl Deutsch, et al,, France, Germany and the Western Alliance:
A Stud/ of Elite Attitudes on European integration (kcw
York: ZcrTb7 -13-


Unterricht und Kultus, Dr, Ludvig Huber vor dem Bayrischen Landtag
, Per Schulentvicklungsplan: Pokumente zum Ausbau der veiter-
fuehrenden Schulen in Bayern.
Aus^ Ihrcm Kind soli etvas ver den.
Bayern foerdert Begabte,
cc. Berlin
Senator fuer Volksbildung, ed., Penkschrift zur inneren Schulreform (Ber
lin, 1962).
dd. North-Rhine-Westphalia -
Kultusminister, ed., Strukturfoerderung im Bildungswesen des Landes Nord-
rhien-Westfalen, No. Is Ausbau der boehercn Schulen und aer Real-
Bchue~TRatingen: Henn, 19T).
Mikat, Paul, Gundlopen, Aufgaben und Schverpunkte einer kuenfitgen Kultur-
und Schulpolitik im Lande Nordrhein-V?estfal& n iRatirgen: Heim, 1965),
*, Aufgaben moderner Kulturpolitik (Ratingen: Henn, I96U).
ee. Rhineland-Palatinate
Ministerium fuer Unterricht und Kultus, ed., Bildungsvege in Rheinland-
Pfalz (1966).
d. Federal Republic
Deutscher Ausschuss fuer das Frziehungs- und Bildungsvesen, ed., Rahmen~
plan zur Umgestaltung und Vereinheit.lichung des allgemeinbildenden ,
oeffentlichen Schulvesens (1955)
f Empfehlungen und Gutachten des Deutschen Ausschusses: Gesav.it-
ausgabe (Stuttgart:Klett, 19^6),
Stacndige Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laender, ed., Kulturpolitik
der Laender 1963 und 19_6H (Bonn, 1965).
Kulturpolitik der Laender 196$ und 1966 (Bonn, 1967).


-15-
the existence of rigid class divisions and the educational monopoly of
one class, it was equally significant that the class structure was
rarely threatened. Despite appeals to class consciousness, solidarity
and pride, empirical sociological research suggested that the working
class still accepted its place within a hierarchical structure. A
majority of the working class seemed to perceive the social situation
as a two-layer system, a situation of social polarity, and seemed to
have accepted the lower social position as a natural law and as a
collective fate, either with some reconciliation or with resignation.^
White-collar employees received the same hierarchical structures, hut
to them, they appeared less rigid and more fluid, since they tended
to experience a somewhat higher rate of social mobility.
As in other countries, subjective and objective criteria of
social class identification showed a high correlation in Germany.
In a three-layer hierarchy of upper, middle, and lower class,
skilled workers tended to classify themselves as members of the lower
class, with the noteworthy qualification that "skilled workers ap
parently tend to classify themselves as middle class, if they have
received more than an elementary school education," i,*., more than
7
eight years. While, objectively, the educational monopoly cemented
class polarisation, simultaneously, even a minor educational advance
ment was subjectively perceived as a social advancement towards or
into the middle class, Lipset's work suggested that, even within the
working class and the labor movement in Western Europe, there is a
considerable willingness to accept a social elite on the basis of its
better education and upbringing. Data was presented which showed a
considerable working class deference towards elitist leadership by


77'
34. Edding, o£. eit., p. 343.
35. Column 3, Table 2: Catholics as a percentage of total population.
36. Column 4, Table 2: ratio of average SDP vote over average CDU vote
in state legislative elections 1945-1969.
37. Bank order correlation coefficient .755 (Column 3 and 4, Table
3).
38.
Cf. Table
2.
39.
Cf. Table
2.
row
1.
40.
Cf. Table
2.
row
2 and 5
41.
Cf. Table
2,
row
10.
42.
Cf. Table
2.
row
12.
43.
Cf. Table
2,
row
13.
44.
Cf. Table
2,
row
3 and 4
45.
Cf. Table
2.
row
11.
46.
Cf. Table
2.
row
14.
4?. Baden-Wuerttemberg, for example, is preparing an increase in Real-
schule graduates from 16.4 percent in 1964 to 40 percent in
1980, compared with an increase from 8 percent in 1964 to
15 percent in 1980 in Gymnasium graduates (Schulentvicklungs-
plan Baden-Wuerttemberg. p. 8-9).
48. Bayrisches Staatsministerium Fuer Unterricht und Kultus, ed.t
Kultur, Staat. Geselsschaft: Haushaltsrede des bayrlschen
Staatsmlnisters fuer Unterricht und Kultus. Dr. Ludwig Huber
vor dem Bayri3chen Landtag, am. 23. Maerz 1951T, p. 867
49. Haam-Bruecher, Auf Kosten unserer Kinder?, p. 21.
50. Four of the five largest cities are located in the southernmost
corner of the state: Frankfurt (667,000), Wiesbaden (260,000),
Darmstadt (140,000), Offenbach (117,000).
51. Chemical, metal, machine, and automobile industry. Cf. Herbert
Lilge, Hessen in Geschlchte und Gegenwart. 8th ed., (Frank
furt: Diesterveg, 1965), p. 50. Cf. map.


-23-
permit the student to assu.no the rolo of a counterpart to the teacher,
who would acquire knowledge in a process of exchange and discussion.
On the contrary, the teacher was expected to lecture, the student ex
pected to listen, and the learning process was conceived as a one-way
flow of information. The emphasis of such e learning process was on
the transmission of tradition, and the maintenance of the social and
political status quo. Accordingly, a statutory decree of 1819 ex
plicitly required:
to prevent all unnecessary arguments and discussion
vith the youth so that they learn early to abide ty
the written lavs without opposition, to subject
themselves to the existing authority, and accept
the existing social order through their actions,
Subjection to the existing authorities was practiced and enforced
through a system of rigid discipline in the classroom which was facili
tated by the fact that retired army personnel frequently supplemented
the teaching profession of public elementary schools, Furck reported
on an all-encompassing system of conduct reports, which made it possible
to trace down students for continuous evaluation, even after they had
graduated from school. While the teachers checked on the students,
the principals checked on the teachers, and the superintendent checked
27
on the principals.
One of the fundamental motivations for the introduction of instruc
tion by age group, under which all students of the same age group are
taught a rigidly structured course of all-compulsory subjects, was an
easier enforcement of classroom discipline.It also institutionally
forestalled any intellectual exchange between older and more advanced
students and beginners, an exchange which would have lessened the


-100-
Table Continued
Size of Municipality
Hessen Y!est Germany
5,000 20,000
20,000 100,000
100,000 and more
18. ?.%
10.5
28.5
16.7?
16.3
33.U
Total
100.0?
100.0?
Cf, Statistisches Bundesamt, ed., Statistisches Taschenbuch fuer
die BRD (Wiesbaden: Kohlhammer, 196*:), p. 17.
9. As a national average, 7 percent of the working-age population are
employed in the agricultural sector. For Hessen, the per
centage figure is 6.6. Cf. Statistisches Bundesamt, ed,,
Bevoelkerung und Kultur: Wahl zum 5. Deutschen Bundestag:
Strukturdaten fuer die neuen Bundestagswahlkieise, p. 19,
27.
10. The others are Schleswig-Holstein, Lower Saxony, and Bavaria.
11. Gabriele Strecker, Per Hessische Landtag (Bad Homburg: Gehlen, 1966),
p. 29.
12. The FDP had received some 28,1 percent of the popular vote in
Hessen in the federal elections of 19**9, and increased its
share even further to 31.8 percent in the state elections
of 1950, each time outdistancing the CPU by a very substan
tial margin.
13. Strecker, oj>. cit., p. 31.
lit. Osswald had already been elected chairman of the Hessen-South dis
trict organization in 1967. Cf. Handbuch des Hessischen
Landtages. p. 65.
15. The SPP received l.lt million votes, the CPU, .7 million.
16. With 1*2.6 percent, the SPP received its lowest percentage of any
state election in 1951*, and won its best result with 51.0
percent in the last state election of 1966. Puring this
twelve-year interval, the SPP increased its share of the
vote with distinct regional variations:
Pistrict
195*i 1966
Urban South
Frankfurt, city
Barmstadt, city & county
Offenbach, city U county
W 51?
1*6 53
1*7 53


a better and more extensive cooperation between national and state gov-
37
ernments,
The differences in the perceptions of educational priorities by
leading Christian Democratic ministers of education was reflected in the
differences in emphasis of educational programs between the various
Laender administered by CDU majorities, Hamm-Bruecher, in her impres
sionistic overview of state educational policies, pointed to the varia
tion between CDU progressives, such as Mikat in Ncrth-Rhine-Westphalia
and Hahn in Baden-Wuerttemberg, who had been active in preparing model
plans for the reorganization of the system and encouraging experimenta
tion, and the CDU stronghold of Rhineland-Palatinate, which lagged far
behind most other states on most indicators of educational progressive
ness.
This variation in perceptions and views towards educational issues
was also present within the state party in Hessen. It was reflected in
the parliamentary party in the legislature in Wiesbaden and even the
party's leadership and spokesmen on educational issues.
One of the party's leading spokesmen located the CDU's position
as between GEW and Philolo^enyerband. This deputy thought of his party
as being open to communication from both groups, but distinguished very
clearly between the two frames of reference in which CDU state leaders
and Philologenverband leaders viewed educational issues. Many CDU lead
ers acknowledged the change of attitude which took place within the party
from a position of opposition to rural school consolidation in the 1950's
to a position of sceptical and hesitant acceptance of the integrated
school in the i960's. One of our interviewees attributed much of the
change within the parliamentary party to her own role and influence


93-
¡nent on the socialization of the student body.
Recruitment into the Hessen Department of Education, as well as
advancement within the department, reflect a greater incidence of geo
graphical and social mobility than other West German Laender, with the
exception of the city states which are also under Social Democratic
administrations,
In Hessen, both the past Minister of Education and his deputy
have been appointed to their present positions, while residing and
holding office in other states, Former Minister Ernst Schuette was
an administrator in the department of education in North-Rhine-Westphalia
until 1959, His former deputy, Kildegard Hamm-Bruecher, joined the SDP
administration from Munich, where she had been a leader of the liberal
wing of the Free Democratic party and a lecturer at the school of poli
tical science. She accepted her position even though her party con
tinued to oppose the SDP administration in Hessen, and even though
she continued to reside in Munich.
In the upper echelons of the state school administration, as
well as in the educational departments of the larger cities, such as
Frankfurt, Wiesbaden, and Kassel, the positions of office and bureau
head are dominated by Social Democrats, many of whom are activists who
have advanced through the party organization, the labor unions, the
trade union for education and science. Some have not had the standard
legal training and some who have completed their higher education
through adult education programs, designed to create additional oppor
tunities for those who have been unable to attend the socially exclus-
ive Gymnasium earlier.
The distinction of having bypassed traditional educational routes


FOOTNOTE TO CHAPTER IV
1, Catholics comprise 32.1 percent, Protestants, 63.4 percent of the
state population. Statistisches Bundesamt: Bevoelkerung
und Kultur: Wahl zum 5. Deutschen Bundestag 1965: Struk-
turdaten fuer die neuen Bundestagswahlkreise, p. 19.
2. The final vote on the constitutional document vas 82 for, 6 against,
and 2 abstentions. The constituent assembly was composed of
42 Social Democrats, 35 Christian Democrats, 7 Communists,
and 6 Free Democrats. In the subsequent referendum, 76.8
percent of the valid votes were cast for the new constitution,
df. Verfassung des Landes Hessen und Grundgesetz fuer die Bund-
esrepublik Deutschland mit einer Einfuehrung und Karten von
Hessen und Deutschland (Bad Homburg: Gehlen, 1966), pp. 19-22.
3. Cf. Erwin Stein, Vorschlaege zur Schulgesetzgebung in Hessen (Frank
furt: Hirschgraben, 19 50).
4, Cf. the early experiment with a comprehensive school, the Schul-
dorf Bergstrasse. Cf. Walter Mueller, Brauchen wir eine
Schulreform? (Frankfurt: Diesterveg, 1964), pp. 38-39-
Alina M. Lindegren, Germany Revisited: Education in the
Federal Republic (Office of Education Bulletin, 1957, No. 12),
p. 37.
5. For example, the acceptance of a policy of religious integration
in almost all of the Laender since the mid-1960's, experi
ments with the comprehensive school in Berlin, educational
planning under Hahn in Baden-Wuerttemberg and Mikat in North-
Rhine-Westphalia, and recent efforts towards an integrated
comprehensive school system in poor Schleswig-Holstein.
6, Frankfurt on Main, Wiesbaden, Kassel, Darmstadt, and Offenbach.
7. Statistisches Bundesamt, ed., Bevoelkerung und Kultur: Wahl zum 5.
Deutschen Bundestag: Strukturdaten fuer die neuen Bundestag
swahlkreise, p. 14, 18,
8, Population Structure by Size of Community in Hessen
And West Germany
Size of Municipality
Hessen
West Germany
Less than 1,000
16.2?
12.6?
1,000 2,000
11.9
9.1
2,000 5,000
14.6
12.0
-99-


FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER VII
"1, The consequences for the state political culture vill be explored in
greater detail in Chapter VIII,
2. Maurice Duverger, Political Parties (New York: Wiley, 1963), pp. 63
ff.
3. Sigmund Neumann, Modern Political Parties (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1956),
U. Gerhard Loewenberg, Parliament in the German Political System (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1967), pp. 351* ff.
5. Duncan MacRae, Dimensions of Congressional Voting (Berkely: University
of California Press, 1956). Julius Turner, Party and Constitu
ency: Pressures on Congress (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press,
1951). John C. Wahlke et al.. The Legislative System (New
York: Wiley, 1962). Heinz Eulau, Class and Party in the Eisen
hower Years (New York: Free Press, 1962). Warren E. Miller and
Donald E. Stokes, "Constituency Influence in Congress," APSR.
LVII, 1 (March', 1963), pp. >*5-56.
6. Hessisches Kultusministerium, ed., Gesetz ueber die Mltbestlmmung
der Erziehungsberechtigten. Article 21.
7. Interview: Executive Director, LEB.
8. Typewritten minutes of committee deliberations are kept on file.
They are not published, and access is strictly controlled by
the state legislative administration. We were permitted to
use the committee minutes with the imposition, not to quote
verbatim.
9. Handbuch des Hessischen Landtages. VI. Wahlperiode. 1966-1970. pp.
95, 105.
10. Interview: state legislator, SDP.
11. Interview: district party official, Hessen-South, SDP; interview:
state legislator, SDP.
12. Interview: state legislator, SDP.
13. Cf. earlier section in Chapter VI.
14. Die Welt. August 30, 1963.
-I80-


-73-
examples of reform issues in a variety of settings, namely rural areas
with previously underdeveloped school systems and an extremely low
rate of secondary school attendance, urban areas with less rigid divi
sions among the three school types, and new suburban residential areas
which are most open to reform projects because of the lack of estab
lished structures snd the absence of teachers in fear of status decline.
Fourthly, the early solution of the religious issue, even though
the sts.te 3 religiously mixed, has greatly simplified the identifica
tion of the other issues.
And fifthly, for an analysis that focuses on the socio-political
variables, it seemed meaningful to limit the investigation to one Land,
in which political stability and the continuity of partisan and per
sonal leadership permit the characterization of any long-term strate
gies of initiating groups and actors.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS U
LIST OF TABLES vi
LIST OF MAPS nii
ABSTRACT i*
INTRODUCTION 1
CHAPTER i! SOCIAL AND HISTORICAL RESTRAINTS ON REFORM EFFORTS... 12
Characteristics of the Traditional School System 12
Status Defense of Upper Level School Teachers 13
Class Structure and Working-Class Deference lU
Authoritarian Traits in Politics 16
System Supportive Education 18
Hierarchical Structure and Social Aloofness of the
Schools.... 19
New Thoughts on the School in a Democratic System.... 26
CHAPTER II: THE VARIANCE IN EDUCATIONAL DIMENSIONS AMONG THE
WEST GERMAN STATES 31
Federalism and Jurisdiction over Educational Issues. 32
Two Public Primary School Systems 33
The Traditional Tripartite System 35
Curriculum Reform 1*3
State Expenditures on Education 1*8
CHAPTER III: THE INCREASE IN THE COGNITION OF EDUCATIONAL ISSUES 5I*
International Comparisons 56
iii


partially motivated by competition with their peers.
A Social Democratic county official, who had been successful in
negotiating a speedy consolidation, could gain esteem within his party
and the state department of education in Wiesbaden, which was also
dominated by party activists. Both reference groups provided avenues
for professional and political advancement. The competitive element
was strengthened by the extremely high incidence of double office
holding in Hessen. Nearly one-fourth of the state legislators were
county or municipal officials who felt a two-fold responsibility for
25
the reform programs to which their parliamentary party was committed.
Similarly, municipal officials competed with each other for a
school, no matter hew small, which had become one of the last remaining
rewards of local government. The school represented local pride and a
sense of achievement, not unlike an airline or a steel mill for a de
veloping country which attempts to accelerate the process of nation-
building.
Overlapping loyalties and constituency demands are reflected in
the following example. The Landrat of Wetzl&r is an innovative Social
Democrat who has proposed further experimental consolidation of the
county school system. Another long-time FDP member of the county can-
mission is disenchanted with the rapid pace of reform steps, unless it
is accompanied by initial tests and objective research. He cautions
26
against rapid reforms, but at the local level, publicly recognizes
27
the need for reform and cooperates constructively vith the Landrat.
As members of the state legislature and as members of their respective
parties, these seme tv;o men oppose each other on educational issues in
Wiesbaden, In the state'capital, the partisan positions and differences


-pa
in postponing early reform experiments in education, the party
made a strong, pragmatic appeal to the voters in rural North Hessen
and the Catholic segment within the electorate. It offered a moder
ately progressive policy, some highly visible and non-controversial
policy symbols, and an attractive, popular prime-minister as Landes-
vater.
As documented, this political strategy did indeed prove success
ful. The electoral gains for the party were highest in rural North
Hessen and in Catholic constituencies. As a result, the Social Demo
cratic vote was astonishingly evenly distributed by 1966.
Simultaneously, however, the party and the administration sup
ported individual reform steps, which maintained the state's highly
competitive position with the other states on most educational indica
tors, Its reputation as a progressive state has had feedback effects
through the recruitment of progressive teachers and a more democratic
socialization of students.
We maintain that this early decision has not only been worth
while for the SDP, hut has also been functional for the state system
by maintaining a pro-system consensus, and preventing the formation of
a strong anti-reform coalition which would have been facilitated by an
early announcement and pursuance of all-out reforms.
In Chapter V, we shall follow up by examining the reform issues
that were in fact dealt with and that helped to maintain Hessen's pro
gressive image. In Chapter VI and VII, we will present an analysis of
the style of educational politics which has prevented hard-line ideo
logical confrontation and immobilism.


-187-
TABLE 19
FAMILIARITY WITH THE CONCEPT "CONSOLIDATED SCHOOL"
No,
, of Resp.
Yes
Ho
D.K.
Total Population
1169
85?
10?
5?
SDP supporters
571
86
9
5
CDU supporters
379
87
10
3
Third-party supporters
49
80
14
6
Party preference unknown
170
78
11
11
Professions, self-employed
142
89
7
4
White-collar
324
91
5
4
Blue-collar
1(32
87
9
4
Retired
243
72
21
7
Place of Residence:
Less than 2,000
31*5
92
5
3
2,000 to 10,000
353
87
11
2
10,000 to 100,000
139
86
14
_
100,000 to 500,000
173
68
13
19
500,000 and more
159
83
11
6
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
398
79
15
6
Elementary school + apprenticeship
1(91
88
7
5
Intermediate level
208
90
7
3
Gymnasium and beyond
65
88
6
6
With school-aged children
3^6
91
7
2
Without school-aged children
790
83
11
6
Children in elementary school
328
90
8
2
Children in intermediate school
52
9I4
4
2
Children in Gymnasium
58
96
2
2
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
352
93
5
2
Some
501
91
6
3
None
287
68
22
10
D.K.
29
52
10
38
Source: Inf as Representativerhebung, Hessen7~August'/September
1967.
Random Sample Question: "Have you ever heard the vord "consoli
dated school":"


CHAPTER I
SOCIAL AND HISTORICAL RESTRAINTS ON REFORM EFFORTS
Characteristics of the Traditional School Sjrstora
The traditional German school system, as it was reconstituted in
I9U5, was based on an enduring tripartite division, This division pre
sumably provided separate school types for the three major occupational
groupings in society. The division was very rigid and did not allow
for transfers from one type to another. As a result, it did not
induce social or occupational mobility across class lines.
Doth secondary school types, the short fora and the long fora,
had a very small enrollment. Less than 10 percent of nny age cohort
ever completed the long fora of the secondary school. More than 85
percent completed their general education in t.he eight-grade ele
mentary school,
Within the school, curriculum and social climate emphasised
discipline, order, and authority.
The Gymnasium, the long form of the secondary school, enjoyed
the reputation of providing a quality education for the select few
who were able to attend, But the curriculum focused on course offer
ings which seemed to have little relevance to the contemporary world.
In the following, we shall explore the restraints generated by
the traditional school, itself as well as other social institutions,
which proved to be major liabilities for educational refora after
19*i 5.
-12-


TABLE 2
-38-
PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS GRADUATING
FROM GYMNASIUM AND REALSCHULE
Gymnasium
Realschule and
Equivalent
Laender
1966
1963
1963
Total
Baden-Wuerttemberg
7.1
7.0
11.9
18.9
Bavaria
6.3
7.1
13.6
20,6
Berlin
10.6
10.0
23.0
33.0
Bremen
9.7
9.5
28.7
38.2
Hamburg
7.1
5.9
20.0
25.9
Hessen
9.6
9.8
16.8
26.6
Lower Saxony
7.5
8.0
17.5
25.5
North-Rhine-Westphalia
7.0
6.5
13.>t
19.9
Rhineland-Palatinate
7.7
7.3
7.3
iu.6
Saarland
7.2
6.6
8.3
1U.9
Schleswig-Holstein
6.9
7.0
2l*.7
31.7
West Germany
7.1*
7.U
1U.8
22.2
(Hanm-Bruecher, p. 91; Statlsches Material fuer die Hasu-
haltsberatungen. 198. Hessischer Kultusminister (1967)
mimeo, p. 7)


-115-
are much more clearly drawn.
During the mid-I960's, leading educational spokesmen of the CDU
in Wiesbaden and in local government expressed the change reflected in
the widespread acceptance of consolidated schools which had already
become a fait accompli in a large number of counties.
Typical for a local situation were the alternatives which faced
municipal officials in Grossen-Buseck, in Giessen county, with a popu
lation of It,000. They could either expand an existing school building
or join a new consolidated school district. The Landrat attended the
municipal meeting and provided figures which indicated that Grossen-
Buseck' s share of funds for the new consolidated school would be less
than the cost for the new annex to the old local school building, since
the state and county provide 80 percent of the construction cost. Only
the remaining 20 percent would have to be shared hy the participating
29
municipalities in proportion to their population.
The pressures on municipal decision-makers to cooperate with
state administrative policies have been increasing, hut not only be
cause of the sanctions available to the state administration, as the
following example shall illustrate.
In Ober-Osterr., Erbach county, population 1*00, the municipal
council repeatedly refused to join a consolidated school district.
After the teacher at the local mini-school had been reassigned, Ober-
Ostern found itself without a teacher and unable to find a replacement.
Temporarily, the teacher from neighboring Unter-Ostern taught two hours
30
a day to help out. This growing unwillingness on the part of many,
especially younger, teachers, to accept unrewarding positions with small
rural schools can result and has resulted in a breakdown of small local,


THE PACE OF WEST GERMAN EDUCATIONAL REFORM
AS AFFECTED BY STATE POUTICS
By
PETER W. NIXDORFF
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO TUB GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FDR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1970


Faul, Erwin, ed., Wahlen und Waehler in Westdeutschland (Villingen: Ring.
I960).
Fuehr, Christoph, Entwicklungstendenzen ira Schulwesen der Laender der
Bundesrepuhlik Deutschland' 192'-T9o7 Tmanuscript 19 tT."
Furck, Carl-Ludwig, Aufbau und Funktionen des Paedagogischen Zentrums
(Berlin, 1966).
- Das unzeitgemaesse Gymnasium (Weinheim: Beltz, 1965).
Geipel, Robert, Sozialraeumliche Strukturen des Bildungswesens (Frank
furt : Diesterweg^ 19^5).
Bildungsplanung und Raumordnung (Frankfurt: Diesterweg,
1968).
Geissler, Erich E. et al,t Ferdern und Auslesen (Frankfurt: Diesterwetf.
1967).
Gemeinnuetzige Gesellschaft Tagesheimschule, ed., Tagesheimschulet i960
ff.
, Ganztagsschul, Tageschul, Tagesheimschule (Frankfurt, 1966),
Gerhard, Dietrich, The Educational Reforms in Germany and the H, S. at the
End of the 19th Century '(Paper read at the AMA meeting in Washington,
19007
Glaser, Hermann, Gedanken zur Reform der hoeheren Schul (Freiburg: Romach,
1963).
Graaff, J. H. van de, "West Germany's Abitur Quota and School Reform,"
Comparative Education Review, XI, 1 (February, 1967), pp. 75-86.
Grimm, Sus arme, Die Bildungsbastinenz der Arbeiter (Munich: Barth, 1966).
Hamm-Bruecher, Hildgard, Auf Kosten unserer Kinder? (Hamburg: Nannane,
1965).
t Aufbruch ins Jahr 2000 (Hamburg: Rovohlt, 1967).
Heckel, Hans and Paul Seipp, Schulrechtskundet 3rd ed., (Neuvied; Luch-
terhand, 1965).
Hess, Franz et al,, Die Ungleichheit der Bildungschancen (Freiburg: Walter.
1966)7 ~
Hilker, J., Die Schulen in Deutschland (Bad Nauheim: Christian, 1963),
Hillig, Juergen, Lehrerbcstand und Lehrernachwuchs der Gymnasien in der
Bundesrepub3ik (Freiburg. Dissertation, 19^7).


-109-
of compulsory education, the spacing of vacations, mutual recognition
12
of examinations, etc.
The political forces in control after the establishment of the
Federal Republic in 19¡8-U9 continued to support a system which placed
primary emphasis on the traditional elitist concept of providing quality
education for a privileged few, a policy which was also e-upported by
both the status-conscious Gymnasium teachers and other professions whose
children were primary consumers of a Gymnasium education. By 19^9, the
military governments had given up most of their responsibility for domes
tic policies and the national SDP had become an impotent and frustrated
opposition party.
Instead of a comprehensive reform policy, the pattern of educational
reform in the West German Laender took the form of non-eomprehensive,
non-planned, step-by-step adjustments. Each such adjustment was sup
ported by a new coalition of groups and as a result of a new bargaining
situation. This resulted in a waste of resources and was not always
functional when measured in the allocation of economic resources. But
each step represented the achievement politically possible at each re
spective point ir. time because of the relative strength of the groups
which supported each change.
Instead of a successful all-out reform of educational structures,
the 19¡i0'3 brought an immediate focus on the rebuilding of the physical
facilities. This received a high priority because of the instruction
in shifts which, in turn, was necessitated by the high rate of war
destruction to school buildings in urban areas and the influx of refu
gees, especially in the rural areas of Schleswig-Holstein, Lower Saxony,
Hessen, and Bavaria. This preoccupation with providing the physical


TABLE 10
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL INDICATORS
Laender
Per Capita
GNF 1964
State and
Federal Tax
Receipts, 1964
Percent
Catholic
Population
SDP Vote/
CBU Vote
19!t5-1967
SDP Cabinet
Leadership/ Participation/
CUD Cabinet CDU Cabinet
Leadership Participation
19k5-1967 I9U5-I967
Baden-Wuerttemberg
7,315
i,6n
1*7.5
.79
.10
.61*
Bavaria
6,1*05
1,158.36
71.3
.68
.22
.1*6
Berlin
7,273
1,578
11.2
1.87
17.03
1.23
Bremen
8,868
2,1*78.91*
10.5
2.32
1.90
Hamburg
12,009
1,373 (63)
7.1*
1.81
a.67
It.28
Hessen
7,1*31
1,655
32.1
1.53
4.28
Lower Saxony
6,185
1,298
18.8
1.32
7.68
1.69
North-Hhine-Westphalia
7,1*1*8
1,803
52.1*
.90
.21
.41
Rhineland-Pfalz
5,529
1,291
56.2
00
0
.21
Saarland
6,083
1,030
73.1*
.81
0
.41
Schleswig-Holstein
5,860
1,258
6.0
.99
.19
.21



-33-
divisions between the states which have become cemented during the
past two decades, have now generated a feed-back effect end discourage
more centralized decision-making beyond the present level. Especially,
the supporters of reform projects and experiments in the more progres
sive states are concerned about the price their states would have to
7
pay for more uniformity.
Two Public Primary School Systems
At the primary school level, the cooperation between state and
church has resulted in a peculiar structure for these schools. Vir
tually all primary schools in all the Laender are state schools, i.e,,
they are state-financed and state-supervised, and offer a schedule of
courses prepared by the state departments of education. Some of the
Laender constitutions prescribe religiously-integrated schools in
which Protestant and Catholic children receive their education jointly,
with the exception of religious instruction. Other states, however,
as a' rule, maintain two separate public school systems, one Protestant,
the other Catholic.
In addition to the three city states, the Laender Sehleswig-
histein and Hessen maintain religiously-integrated primary schools only.
Saarland, on the other hand, maintains no integrated schools. In the
remaining Laender, there is considerable variance, even within the Land.
After 1999, the proponents of separate schools won in the states
of Bavaria, Horth-Hhine-Westphalia, Rhineland-Palatinate, Saarland, and
O
Wuerttemberg-Hohenzollern, arid separate schools for the two major re
ligions were established as the dominant pattern. Only when parents
took up the initiative and applied for integrated schools and were


-106-
level of education and decreased vith age. The significantly higher
rate of reporting non-authoritariar. behavior patterns in school by the
youngest age groups who had most of their formal schooling after World
War XI, could suggest a fundamental change in the educational system
after I9U5. However, a similar increase in the rate of participation
was reported by young respondents in all other countries, including
Great Britain and the United States, which did not experience substan
tial changes in their respective school systems immediately after IS1*?.
The dimension reflected in the consistent association of younger
age and higher rate of non-authoritarian behavior patterns may there
fore not be related to the traumatic post-war experience or any change
in the structure of the system.
The complete destruction of all social and political institutions
in I9H5 made an immediate and fundamental reform of the traditional tri
partite school system possible and, in fact, likely. Unlike after
World War I and the semi-revolution, all authoritative institutions
ceased to exist, the past political elite was totally discredited, and
any reform attempts would not have threatened any powerful status quo
interests.
With the exception of the Soviet zone of occupation, inaction and
non-reform was the rule during the first months after the collapse.
Only in the Eastern part of Germany, where the Communist party with the
support of the Soviet military government provided an immediate new
center of authority at the zonal, level, was the tripartite school struc
ture abolished and replaced by a unified and comprehensive eight-year
elementary school, which led to both vocational and academic high
10
schools.


-87-
Religious instruction is part of the regular curricu
lum, independent of the Lands supervisory authority,
in religious instruction, the teacher is bound by the
teachings and the order of his church or religious
association.
Only in the city-state of Bremen van religious instruction not
part of the regular curriculum for public schools. And the federal
Basic Lav of 19^9* vhich also made religious instruction mandatory for
public schoolshad to incorporate the so-called Bremen clause in
Article l*il, vhich permitted those states without mandatory religious
instruction to continue their practice even after 19^9
'In the summer and fall of 19^5 when public schools all over
Germany prepared for the resumption of class work, as veil as during
the following years, when the Laender began with the reconstruction
of the organizational and financial framework for operating schools,
primary emphasis was given to the reopening of the system as such,
rather than questions of reorganization. The immediate opportunity
to move into the vacuum with bold and imaginative reform approaches
was not seized, and the traditional school system began to reestablish
itself. And from then on, any serious reform movement had to face a
considerable segment of the teaching profession, which had reestablished
itself as a traditional elite, ready to maintain and defend its posi
tion of social status.
Consequently, the number of school bills passed by many Land
legislatures in the early 1950s, regulated primarily the technical-
administrative aspect of the public school system without attempting
major reforms of the reestablished structures. Bills passed by the
state legislature in Hessen regulated the following issues in educa
tional administration,


-127--
only a general awarenes3 of the direction of future reform steps within
the administration, the SDP, and the teachers' union.
Early centralized planning would have been less costly for the
state's economic and financial resources. Some administrative reform
policies were indeed prepared and carried out, without the next step
in mind. Many of the initial consolidated schools built arcat id i960
were so small that they did not permit the differentiation by aptitude
6U
which became the announced policy less than a decade later.
But, considering the difficulties with parents, political opposi
tion, and local governments, this limited consolidation was often the
goal that was attainable without too high a political cost. It insured
continued popular participation and identification with reform programs
and prevented alienation from political authority at the Land level,
which would indeed have been an undesirable price for a more rapid re
form pace.
The absence of authoritative planning and strategy mapping there
fore contributed to the formation of political ad hoc coalitions in
support of individual reform measures. Overall adherence to the rules
and acceptance of final authoritative decisions have been maintained.
Formal and informal group membership played a significant role in help
ing individual citizens relate to political institutions and political
leaders and prevented growing political alienation, since even opposi
tion groups could maintain a sense of accomplishment after forcing an
occasional defeat on the administration.
In summary, the way in which the state administration and the
other partners of the reform coalition proceeded, had two somewhat un
anticipated consequences. Both results were somewhat positive hy modifying


20*4
TABLE 27
ATTITUDE TOWARDS EXPENDITURES TOR SCHOOL BUILDINGS
No. of
Expense
Too Much
Justified
Expense
D.K.
Total Population
1169
57 %
22%
2Vf>
SDP supporters
571
63
20
17
CDU supporters
379
57
2U
19
Third-party supporters
Ii9
57
12
31
Party preference unknown
170
37
26
37
Professions, self-employed
ll|2
1)7
30
23
White-collar
32R
6!)
21
15
Blue-collar
1*32
61
23
16
Retired
2>l3
I19
16
35
Place of Residence:
Less than 2,000
3>¡5
1)0
22
30
2,000 to 10,000
353
53
27
15
10,000 to 100,000
139
69
19
12
100,000 to 500,000
173
59
18
23
500,000 and more
159
60
16
21)
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
398
50
19
31
Elementary school + apprenticeship
1)91
60
2H
16
Intermediate level
208
61)
20
16
Gymnasium and beyond
5
57
28
15
With school-aged children
31)6
68
21
11
V/ithout school-aged children
790
53
22
25
Children in elementary school
230
70
19
11
Children in intermediate school
52
71
21
8
Children in Gymnasium
58
69
2U
7
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
352
65
26
9
Some
501
63
22
15
None
287
38
38
lili
D.K.
29
111
1)
55
Source: In fa:; Representntivbefragung Henson, 'Au¡just?3ept ember"
1967.
Random Sample Question: "In reflecting on the schools that have
been built here in lleoscn ever the last year, has one built just
about right or has the expense been too high?"


-97-
by the Hessen Supreme Court decisions which outlawed school prayers.
The emergence of the issue of political education, subject to
empirical research, as well as the issue of sex education in 1967
both brought up the entire complex of restructuring the Gymnasium
curriculum. The very core concept of these attempts was the notion of
a more integrated curriculum rather than the traditional subject-by-
subject approach.
Especially the sex education issue evidenced wide-spread student
concern and student involvement for the first time. Student government
and state-wide student representatives the student press, much of it
regional and state-wide, all took stands on this issue and manifested
the willingness of the students to participate in the formulation of
the issues. This involvement and activity was initially accepted and
encouraged by the Department of Education in Wiesbaden, until a number
of controversiesthe administration of a controversial questionaire
by student leaders, a student conference in Frankfurt, the growing
cooperation between Gymnasium students and radical university student
groups, and an offending confrontation between invited newspaper editors
and the Minister of Education in his officeresulted in a worsening
1|U
of relations and a breakdown in communications.
Conclusion
In this chapter, ve have proposed and supported the proposition
that the Social Democratic leadership, when forced to choose between
two strategic alternatives, elected to strengthen and consolidate its
electoral position. The party leadership did not pursue an early and
comprehensive reform policy which would have had only insufficient
initial support from the state's electorate.


-l8l-
15.Eleven out of fourteen. Cf. Wlesbadener KUrler (September 3, 1963).
16.This controversial portion of Heinemann's address had supposedly
party chairman Brandt's backing. Cf. Deutsche Zeltung, March
17,1961*.
17.
Bonifatiusbote (Fulda). September 22, 1963.
CD
Cf. Table I.
19.
E.g.t time of transfer from primary to secondary schools, or
ation of rural school consolidation retrospectively.
evalu-
ro
0
Cf. Table II.
21.
Privatschulgesetz vom 27. April, 1953. It primarily affects
secondary schools.
Catholic
22.
Cf. Table I and II.
23.
Interview: county supervisor, SDP, rural Northern Hessen.
2U.
Ibid.
25.
Hessischer Kultusminister. Informationen und Mitteilungen. No, 64/65*
October 5, 1965.
26.
Schuldorf Bergstrasse since 1955 Kirchhain since 1958, Cf.
and Goetz, Die foerderstufenaehnlichen Schulversuche in
Uplegger
Hessen.
Geissler et. al., Foerdern und Auslesen. Mueller, Brauchen wir
eine Schulreform?. pp. 38 ff.
27. Bildungspolitische Leitsaetze der SDP, 1961*. Darmstaedter Entschlies-
sung, GEW Hessen 1965. Modell fuer ein demokratisches Bildung-
swesen: Entwurf, SDP, 1969.
28. Cf. Table III.
29. Interviews: state legislators, opposition parties.
30. Erwin Stein, Vorschlaege zur Schulgesetzgebung in Hessen (Frankfurt:
Hirschgraben, 1950).


-102-
26. Gesetz ueber die Unterhaltung und Verwaltung der oeffentllehen
Schulen und die Schulaufslcht of June 28, 1961, Part II,
Sections 2 and 3.
27. Gesetz ueber die Unterhaltung und Verwaltung der oeffentllehen
Schulen und die Schulaufslcht of June 28, 1961, Part V.
28. Baden-Wuerttemberg, Bremen, Hamburg, Hessen. Cf. Heckel, Schul-
rechtskunde. pp. 62-63, 187-188. For Hessen, cf. Gesetz
ueber die Mitbestimmung der Erziehungsberechtigten und den
Landesschulbeirat of November 13, 1958.
29. Interview: County School Supervisor 1.
30. Manifest is the fact that 100 percent of the children of academies,
but only 1.9 percent of the children of industrial workers
attend the university. Cf. Hessische Beitraege zur Schul
reform, I, 1 (19^9), Reihe 3: Schuelerauslese Oder Erzie-
hungsberatung, p. 9, 27.
31. Hessische Beitrage zur Schulreform, I, 1, 19^9: Demokratie als
Grundlage der Schulreform: Ein Beitrag zur hessischen Schul
reform von der Education and Cultural Relations Division der
Militaerregierung in Hessen, pp. 10-18,
32. Alina M. Lindegren, Germany Revisited: Education in the Federal
Regubli^ (U.S. Office of Education Bulletin, 1957, No. 12),
p. 37.
33. Cf. Table 1, Chapter III.
3k. For the rebellious outbreaks prior to Zinn's illness, cf. "Georg
August 1st der Groesste," Die Zelt. March 25, 1969.
35. Schleswig-Holstein, 1950; Hamburg, 1953 and 1957; Lower Saxony,
1955; North-Rhine-Westphalia, 1956, 1958, 1966; Berlin, 1953,
195k; Baden-Wuerttemberg, 1953; Bavaria, 195k, 1957.
36. Results computed from mail questionaire responses. Cf. also Hand-
buch des Hessischen Landtages. VI. Wahlperiod. 1966-1970.
37. Juergen Hillig, Lehrerbestand und Lehrernachwuchs der Gymnasien in
der Bundesrepublik (Piss. Freiburg, 1965), PP. 286-292.
38. Robert Geipel, Bildungsplanung und Raumordnung (Frankfurt: Diester-
weg, 1968), p. 34 ff.
39. Women comprise 29.9 percent of the first-year Oymanslum teachers.
Cf. Hillig, 0£. cit., pp. 288-290.
kO. Becker, Herkommer, and Bergmann, op. cit.. p. 63.
kl. Teschner, op. cit.. pp. Ik-15.


-226-
Lipset, Seymour M., Political Man (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963).
Loewenberg, Gerhard, Parliament in the German Political System (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, I967ST
Lohbauer, Hans, "Der vorzeitige Abgang begabter Schueler von Gymnasien
und Realschulen,n Bayern in Zahlen, No. 10 (1966), pp. 331-33*4.
% "Die soziale Herkunft der Schueler der Gymnasien und Real
schulen, Bayern in Zahlen, No. 9 (1966), pp. 298-301.
1 "Von der Durchlaessigkeit des bayrischen Schulwesens,"
Bayern in Zahlen, No. 11 (1966), pp. 366-368.
, "Begabtenreserven an den bayrischen Volksschulen ," Zeitsch-
rift des bayrischen Statistischen Landesamtes, II (1965), pp. 85-
lll>7
MacRae, Duncan, Dimensions of Congressional Voting (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 195*^77"
McKenzie, R, T. and Allan Silver, "Conservatism, Industrialism and the
Working Class Tory in England," Richard Rose, ed., Studies in
British Politics (New York: St. Martin's, 1968), pp. 21-33.
Mickel, Wolfgang W., "20 Jahre politische Bildung in der Bundesrcpublik,"
Aug Politik und Zeitseschichte, 51/52 (19&5), pp. 1-H8.
Milbrath, Lester V/., Political Participation (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965).
Miller, Warren E. and Donald 3. Stokes, "Constituency Influence in Con
gress," American Political Science Review, LVII, 1 (March, 1963),
pp. H5-5T,
Naschold, Frieder, Kassenaerzte und Krankenversicherungsreform: Zu einer
Theorie der Statuspolitik TFreiburg: Rombach, 19675.
Neumann, Sigmund, Modern Political Parties (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1956).
Noelle, Elisabeth and Erich Peter Neumann, ed., .Tafijrhnch der neffentlichen
Meinnnr<. Vol, I-IV (Allensbach: Verlag fuer Ppmofikopje, 1QS6 ff7)
Peisert, Hansgert, Soziale Lage und Bildungschancen in Deutschland
(Munich: Piper, 197).
Picht, Georg, Die deutsche Bildungskatastro-phe (Munich: DTV, 1965).
Poeggeler, Franz, "Der Lehrer und die Schulpolitik," Der Katholische
Krzieher, XVII, 1 (196U), pp. 20-28.
Poignant, Raymond, Das ifi Laendern der EWG (Frankfurt:
Diesterweg, 196b),


-71-
of the larger states. And the indicators which we have presented in
Chapter II tend to partially support this view,
Hessen's administration has been active in experimenting with
new programs and has made headlines nationally on initiatives and ex
periments despite the diversity in the social and economic structure.
Hessen's economic structure is mixed, with most of Northern and
Central Hessen primarily rural and agricultural, while the Rhine-Main
district in the Southern part of the state is more densely populated,
highly urbanized,and highly industrialized.''' Most of the cities
end counties in the state are predominantly Protestant, with a few en
claves, notably the diocese cities of Fulda and Limburg, where the
Catholic population is in a strong majority.
Hessen's position of leadership does not stand for all indicators,
even though it does rank above average on almost all, snd usually di
rectly behind the three city states of Berlin, Bremen, and Hamburg.
For the following reasons, Hessen has proved particularly attractive
as a focus for a study in German state politics.
Firstly, Hessen is faced with most of the problems other states
are faced with, because of its heterogeneous social and economic struc
ture. The administrators and other participants, however, have faced
the challenges and have developed a greater variety of early initiatives
and actions that can be dealt with.
Secondly, Hessen's reputation for leadership, also in the field
of education, has increased the willingness of all respondents, includ
ing members of the political opposition, to provide information and
comments.
Thirdly, the diverse social and economic structure provides


CHATTER IX
CONCLUSION
The West German political culture has been characterized as "poli
tical detachment and subject competence,"^ as "apolitical attachment to
p
the political system,"' as a culture in which the state is perceived as
"an objective value structure above and beyond all interest organizations
3 *
and all parties," and as the "classical example of ideologism, caused
by exclusion from politics,"** and as legalism, because people "associate
their well-being with observance of fundamental and circumstantial legal
. 5
provisions.
These authors have each drawn a composite picture of the political
culture, which, while they acknowledged some recent changes, suggested
the continued existence of an ideologically cemented system of party
polarization, continued non-involvement in political affairs by non
elites, low system affect, and a low sense of political competence.
This contrasted strikingly with an extremely high voter turnout in gen
eral elections and a high level of cognitive orientations towards poli
tics.
The results of our investigation indicated some significant changes
in the style of politics and the political culture which warrant a modi
fication of the cited characterizations.
On the basis of the survey data available for Hessen in late 1967,
it seemed that the SDP-led reform coalition was overly cautious through
out the 1950!s and early 196o*s. The coalition which supported a revampin
-209-


-220-
, Allgemeinbildende Schulen 1950. bis I96U; Statistisches Ma
terial, (Dokumentation, No. IT, October, 19^5*)T
..=# Bedarfsfeststellung 1961-1970: Dokumentat ion (Stuttgart:
Klett).
# Contribution to UNESCO: International Guide to Educational
Documentation: Federal Republic of Germany.
t Sammlung der Beschluesse der Staendigen Konferenz der Kul-
tusminister der Laender (ifeuvied^Luchterhand. 19^3).
II, Programmatic Publications of Political Parties and Interest Groups
a.The CDU/CSU
CDU, ed., Zvischen Freiheit und Ordnung: zur Kulturpolitik der CDU/CSU
(BoniTTWT.
Bildung in der moedernen Welt. III. kulturpolitischer Kon-
gress der CDU/CSU am 9.7l0. Ngvgnjbgr 19^ in Hamburg (Bonn, 19*^5T
b.The SDP
SDP, ed., Basic Programme of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (Bonn.
195977 *
, pie Zukunft Meistern: Arbeitsmaterial zum Thema Erziehung,
BiIdunf?, V.'issenschaft und Forsehung (Hannover: Dietz, 1959)
, Aufstiet; durch Bildung, Vol. II, Dokumentation Deutsche
Getneinschaftsnufgaben (Berlin," 1962).
, Aufstieg durch Bildung; Kulturpolitisches Forum im Rahmen
des dritten Deutschlandtreffens am 30. August 1963 in Hamburg
(Bonn779^3),
. Bildungspolitische Leltsaetze (Bonn, 1964).
. Modell fuer ein demokratisches Bildungswesen: Entwurf (Bonn.
1969). '
c.The Teachers' Union


-64-
tended to be in conflict with ideologies of social reform end the
church,only vith some time lag, has begun to face these issues.
Secondly, the percentage of Catholics is also an indicator of the
degree of interdenominational mixture. Areas vhich are still over-
vhelmingly Protestant or overwhelmingly Catholic have been less ex
posed to the problems of industrialism, suban ism, and their popula
tion has not yet been challenged to face these problems cognitatively,
attitudinally, and ideologically.
The second vari able v;hieh measures the relative advantage of the
more progressive party is a behavioral expression of the underlying
attitudes towards change and reform. The size of the SDP vote in re
lation to the CDU vote is an aggregate measure of the extent to which
a community or a region has been faced with challenges of a social
nature and the extent to which adaptation or change has been accepted.
If a Land ranks high on this aggregate index of willingness to
accept political reforms, the Land also ranks high on each of the
following variables
39
a. the degree of religious school integration,'
b. the openness of access to intermediate level secondary
, to
schools,
c. the extension of the compulsory elementary school with
the addition of a ninth y ear ^
d. the adjustment of traditional elementary school curricula
U£
to criteria of relevance, and
43
e. expenditures per elementary school student.
Only three of our educational reform variables have a consistently
lower correlation coefficient with the dimension of attitude towards
social reform:


113-
The financial rewards fot the local governments to build consoli
dated schools proved strong incentive for the majority of local govern
ments, One the trend had begun, a competitive element helped to main
tain and increase the pace of consolidation, and the notion of the dis
ruption of the child's early veil-protected environment all but disap
peared as a restraining argument.
In October, 1967, the 200th consolidated school in Hessen was
festively dedicated. Half of the total of HOO schools planned as
TQ
part of the great Hessen plan had then been completed.*^ As a result,
the number of students who were attending one-room, one-teacher schools
dropped to 6.2 percent of all elementary school students, a figure
20
which compares very favorably with figures for the neighboring states.
During the same year, 13,2 percent of all elementary school stu-
21 22
dents in Bavaria, and 27 percent in Rhineland-Palatinate attended
one- or two-room schools. By 1967, the number of students attending
one-room schools had heen further reduced to 2,1 percent,^
The opposition against rural school consolidation was substantial
in both opposition parties in the state legislature. But it was recog
nized by many of the opposition members that they were only stalling
2¡t
temporarily, and the accomplished facts were eventually accepted.
Throughout the 1950's and 1960's, the hard-core opposition was entrenched
at the local level. Much of the persuading and bargaining took place
here, between the elected Landrat, the chief elected county official,
and the Schulrat. the appointed state school supervisor, who pleaded
the state administration's case for consolidation and the elected repre
sentatives of the municipalities that were most likely to lose their
existing schools. Both county officials and municipal officials were


FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER III
1. Heinz Joseph Varain, Parteien und Verbaende: Eine Studie ueber
ihren Aufbau, ihre Verflechtung und ihr Wirken in Schleswig-
Holstein 19^-1958 (Cologne: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1964).
Wolfgang Leirich, Politik in einem Bundesland: Die Landtag-
swahl vom Juli 1962 in Nordrhein-Westfalen (Cologne:
Westdeutscher Verlag, 19^8),
2. Cf, Ralf Dahrendorf, Bildung ist Buergerrecht (Hamburg: Nannen,
1965); Hans Dichgans, Erst Mit Dreissig im Beruf? (Stuttgart:
Klett, 1965); Friedrich Edding, Bildung und Politik (Pfull-
ingen: Neske, 1965); Karl Erlinghausen, Katholisches Bildungs-
defizit (Freiburg: Herder, 1965); Hildegard Hamm-Bruecher, Auf
Kosten unserer Kinder? (Hamburg: Nannen, 1965); Georg Picht,
Die deutsche Bildungskatastrophe (Munich: DTV, 1965); August
Rucker, Bildungsplanung; Versagen auch inder Zukunft? (Diessen:
Tucher, 1965); Hildegard Hamm-Bruecher, Aufbruch ins Jahr 2000
(Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1967).
r
3. Deutscher Ausschuss fuer das E^iziehungs- und Bildungswesen, ed.,
Empfehlungen und Gutachten des Deutschen Ausschusses: Gesamtaus-
gabe (Stuttgart: Klett, 196^57
4. Elisabeth Noelle and Erich Peter Neumann, eds., Jahrbuch der oeff-
entlichen Meinung 1947-1955 (Allensbach: Verlag fuer Demo-
skpie, 1956), pT 224.
5. Jahrbuch IV. 1965-1967, p. 345.
6. Cf. Table 1, Chapter II, p. 36.
7. Jahrbuch I. 1947-1955 p. 225. Sixty-three percent for and 29 per
cent against an integrated system.
8. "Faith, conscience and creed are free." (Article 9). "No one must
be forced or prevented from participating in a denominational
activity or festivity or religious exercise or the administra
tion of a religious oath." (Article 48, Section 2),
9. Sixty-seven percent for, 9 percent against school prayer.
10. Seventy-seven percent to 10 percent; Jahrbuch IV. pp. 347-348.
11. Ralf Dahrendorf, Bildung ist Buergerrecht. p. 17.
12. The study reports that West Germany ranks seventh in average
-74-


-133-
responsibility of the national government in the area of both research
and education.
In the late 1950's, the party prepared and published an extensive
project which looked into the foundations of the existing system of
g
public education and the needs for reform. In 196**, the party published
its national educational directi.ves, which present the party's position
q
on educational issues. The directives stressed the Social Democratic
commitment to a more democratic system which would provide equal educa
tional opportunities to all students and overcome the vertical divisions
' 10
vhich reflect and reinforce existing social divisions. After the
failure of the Social Democratic party to help reorganize public education
during Stein's term of office as Minister of Education, 19*t6-1951, nei
ther the national nor the state party attempted to seriously mobilize
public pressure in favor of educational reform proposals. Partial ex
planations cited for the inability and unwillingness to do so, included
the party's problems in broadening its electoral base, which necessitated
the postponement of controversial issues. More important, however, was
the rather weak position of even the GW, which did not attempt to coun
teract the general climate which continued to be favorable for the posi
tions represented by the Philolcgenverband.^
As a result, a strong partisan polarization on the issue of educa
tional reform did not take place in Hessen or any other state. In fact,
a study of the 1962 campaign for the election of the state legislature
of Uorth-Ehine-Westphalia did not even identify public education as an
12
issue. Similarly, educational differences between the parties were
underplayed in Hessen. Materials prepared for campaign speakers by the
SDP and Department of Education stressed the general achievements in Hessen


by pedagogues and administrators, there was almost no activity towards
reform at the political and administrative level.
In the aftermath of World War II, the extensive destruction of
school facilities, especially in urban areas, warranted immediate
attention and top priority was given to the reconstruction of the phys~
ical facilities, De facto, this implied the acceptance of those
structures of the past which had proved their incongruity with the con
cepts of democratic education. And, in the absence of an indigenous
central political authority prior to 1919 and with a Basic Law and a
federal structure which allocated the jurisdiction over education to
the individual Lcender, a strong, centrally-directed decisive effort
on the part of the reform coalition was discouraged.
In this study, however, the process of educational decision
making at the level of one individual Land has been examined. In
fact, a Land bas been selected in which the political conditions
favoring educational reform were more pronounced than anywhere else,
with the exception of the three city states. But even in the Land
Hessen, where the reform-minded Social Democratic Party has been in
control of the state administration uninterruptedly since the end of
the war, the take-off stage in the process of educational reform was
reached very late and the changes in the state educational system were
the results of eclectic steps rather than a centrally end uniformly
forged reform concept.
The traditional German school system, as it had emerged in the
course of the 19th century, did not suffice for the new Republican
regimes after 1918 and 19^5. It did not facilitate the much-needed
process of social integration. It did not socialise the students into


-59-
nations and its disadvantages in light of the growing economic and
20
political cooperation and integration.
Inter-state Comparisons
West German data which would permit a duplication of some of the
research in American state politicse emphasizing either politico-cul
tural differences or substantive policy output, are still rather sparse.
Host recently, Edding and Carnap have quantitatively compared educational,
efforts and results of the Laendcr and compared them to their social
OI
and economic potential. Regular publications of the Permanent Con
ference of Ministers of Education provide few data for limited compari
sons. Even its biennial reports make comparisons on all dimensions
22
of educational systems difficult. Each of the Laender submits an
individual Land, report, and even though some general standards are
applied, each state tends to present figures on those dimensions where
it ranks highest. The high degree of differentiation within the tra
ditional school system makes it likely for each state to rank high
on at least one variable of the dimension of interest. Dahrendorf
has illustrated this point in a discussion of what he termed the
Hamburg paradox and the *Bavarian paradox' in those two state systems,
Hamburg, which is considered one of the more progressive systems, has
a rather high enrollment in special education classes, it has a progres
sive elementary education system with the highest per capita expendi
tures cn education, and has no one-room, one-teacher schools. At the
some time, Hamburg has a comparatively underdeveloped secondary school
system, which has prompted Dahrendorf to characterize it as 'social-
conservative,* Bavaria's elitist-conservative educational policies,
on the other hand, have produced a system which offers much to a



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TABLE 12
CORRELATION BETWEEN THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
State and
Per Capita
GNP. 1964
Federal Tax
Receipts, I96U
Per Capita GNP, 1964
-
.855
State and Federal Tax
Receipts, I96U
.855
-
Percent Catholic Population
.337
.291
SDP/CDU Vote
1945-1967
.564
.309
SDP Cabinet Leadership/
CDU Cabinet Leadership
19U5-1967
.604
.454
SDP Cabinet Participation/
CDU Cabinet Participation
1945-1967
.755
.609
Percent
Catholic
Population
SDP Cabinet
Leadership/ Participatioi
SDP Vote/ CDU Cabinet CDU Cabinet
CDU Vote Leadership Participatioi
19U5-1967 19^5-1967 19^5-1967
.337
.564
6o4
.755
.291
.309
.454
.609
-
.755
.519
.429
.755
-
.782
.682
.519
.782
-
.795
.429
.682
.795


INTRODUCTION
The development of democratic political institutions and norms
in tha presence of non-democratic educational pattsrns has been a major
problem in Germany during the greater part of the 20th century.
'When Germany's Imperial regime withered away slowly in the after-
math of World War I, leading pedagogues and progressive educational
administrators were convinced of the urgent need for substantial re
form of the educational system. But the forces of educational reform
were not strong enough to significantly reorganize public education
during the Weimar years.
The defeat cf Nazism in 19*t5 brought another opportunity to pro
vide for educational structures in support of the new democratic
political institutions.
The situation in 19^5 appeared substantially different. The
defeat of the old political regime was much more complete. The com
bined strength of the military administrations and the reemerging in
digenous political elites and the absence of groups vhich would defend
social structures which were in any way identified with the Nazi regime
made the opportunities for a successful reform of the educational struc
tures seem much brighter.
Despite these much more favorable conditions for reform in 19*15,
investigations reveal that the absence of status quo political groups
did not result in the immediate acceptance and materialization of
reform concepts. In fact, aside from the presentation of reform ideas
-1-


instruction is absolutely essential for the success of growing inter
national exchange and cooperation efforts, especially within the Com
mon Market area, .And political education can be expected to contri
bute its share to .the strengthening of democratic norms.
In contrast, the traditional Gymnasium is oriented towards the
28
values of the past. As illustrated in Table 7, an overwhelming
number of GjjmnasiiMn students in all bnender in West Germany earn a
special certificate in Latin, The Grosses Latinum requires 1)1 credit
hours of Latin ^ the Kleines Latinum ordinarily between 18 and 33
30
credit hours,
A still substantial, although declining, number of students
attend the classical Gymnasium type which is even more strongly focused
on the classical world of Rome and Greece, its languages, culture, end
history. In addition to the classical slant in all subjects, students
are required to successfully complete 70 credit hours in Latin and
31
Greek. While the percentage of Gymnasium students which attend this
type has dropped to some 10 percent in most states, the modern lan
guage, the mathematical-natural science types, and,most recently,
types which place particular emphasis on Music, the arts, and even
physical education, have grown rapidly.
In addition to more relevancy, the second motivating force for
curriculum reform has been democratization. For the curriculum planners
this required the slow destruction of the educational differential
between Volks-, Rcalschule, and Gymnasium.
For the Volkschulc_, which has already been extended into a nine-
year, and, experimentally, a ten-year institution, this required par
ticularly the introduction and expansion of foreign language instruction


-76-
26. Our interviews of state legislators suggest that such targets are
perceived, if not accepted, by decision-makers,
27. Illustrations for such difficulties are the lengthy attempts to
integrate contemporary history and history into a new social
science course and the strong opposition against an integrated
sex education course, which would rely on biology, religion,
and other individual disciplines.
28. Staendige Konferenz der Kultusminister, ed., Bedarfsfeststellung
1961 bis 1970 (Stuttgart: Klett, 1963).
29. Hans Peter Widmaier, ed., Bildung und Wirtschaftswachstum (Stutt
gart: Neckar-Verlag, 1966),
30. Ibid., p. 29.
31. Hessischer Ministerpraesident, ed., Der Grosse Hessenplan (Wies
baden, 1965), p. 36-U3.
32. Dahrendorf, 0£. cit.. p. 16, Most of the research relevant for
educational decision-makers in West Germany has been prepared
or sponsored by the following institutions:
a. the German Institute for International Pedagogical Re
search in Frankfurt is the oldest and most conventional
in orientation and research output, with strong admini
strative-legal and historical research interests.
b. the Max-Planck-Institute for Educational Research in
Berlin is a newly established institution, which is
strongly oriented towards the social sciences.
c. the Pedagogical Center in Berlin, also a recent creation,
is primarily a service institution to the city's educa
tional administration, in sparking and preparing the
ground for reforms within the system. Cf. Carl-Ludwig
Furck, Aufbau und Funktionen des Paedogischen Zentrums
(Berlin, 1966).
d. a number of research institutions sponsored educational
research in the 1960's: the Institute for Social Research
in Frankfurt sponsored a project evaluating the role of
political education in public schools in a number of
states (Becker/Herkoramer/Bergmann, 1967; Teschner, 1968);
the Department of Geography at the University of Frank
furt (Geipel, 1965; Geipel, 1968), and the Department of
Sociology at the University of Tuebingen (Grimm, 1966;
Peisert, 1967).
33. Friedrich Edding, Oekonomie des Bildungswesens (Freiburg: Rombach,
1963). Roderich von Carnap and Friedrich Edding, Der rela
tive Schulbesuch in den Laendem der Bundesrepublik (Vrank-
furt: Institut fuer Internationale Paedagogische Forschung,
1962).


-101-
Table Continued
District
1954
1966
Rural North-Central
Giessen, city & county, Alsfeld
h0%
50?
Fritzlar-Homber, Frankenberg,
Witzenhausen
kO
54
Urban North
Kassel, city & county
51
60
Computations from: Hessisches Statistlsches Landesamt, ed.,
pie Wahl zum Hessischen Landtag am 6, November 1966, Statis-
tisohe Berichte: Vergleichszahlen fuer die Bundestagsvahlen
1957 naoh Wahlkreisen. Cf. map.
17. Cf. Hessiseher Kultusminister, ed., Informationen und Mitteilungen.
18. Walter Schultze and Christoph Fuehr. Schools in the Federal Republic
of Germany (Weinheim: Beltz, 1967), p. 11.
19. Article 12, Section 2 of the Land constitution of North-Rhine-
Westphalia of 1950 provides: "Children of Catholic or Pro
testant faith are brought up and educated in the spirit of
their faiths in denominational schools."
20. Only eight of the 48 counties in the state have a Catholic majority
(Fulda, city and county, Limburg, Huenfeld, Rheingaukreis,
Main-Taunus-Kreis, Offenbach county and Bergstrasse). Cf.
Herbert Lilge, Hessen in Geschlchte und Gegenwart. 8th ed.,
(Frankfurt: Diesterweg, 1965), p. 39.
21. Mund. 122 (October, 1966).
22. Cf. Hessische Landeszentrale fuer politische Bildung, ed., Verfas-
sung des Landes Hessen und Orundgesetz fuer die Bundesrepublik
Deutschland mit einer Einfuehrung und Karten von Hessen und
Deutschland. 20th ed., (Bad Homburg: Gehlen, 196), maps I and
II.
23. Article 7, Section 3, Basic Law.
24. Cf. Gesetz ueber die Unterhaltung und Verwaltung der oeffentlichen
Schulen und die Schulaufsicht of June 28, 1961, Part II, Sec
tions 1 and 3.
25. Gesetz ueber die Unterhaltung und Verwaltung der oeffentlichen
Schulen und die Schulaufsicht of June 28, 1961, Part IV.
Cf. also Gesetz ueber das Lehramt an oeffentlichen Schulen
of July 6, 1966.


CHAPTER VII
CHANGES IN PARTY POLARIZATION IN EDUCATIONAL ISSUES
In this chapter, ve will, reexamine some contentions abou the rigid,
ideological nature of the German political parties said to show a high
level of intra-party coherence and inter-party polarization.
It seems that in light of our research of policy-making in a sub
stantive issue area, some of these notions about German party politics
will have to be modified substantially for West German state politics in
the I960's.
Vie will analyze the changes in partisan polarization in educational
politics in Hessen since 19**5 and attempt to determine the impact of early
comprehensive reform failures on the party system, the style of politics,
and the state political culture.'1'
The Concept of Responsible Political Parties
German political parties have been shown to have a significantly
higher level of party discipline and internal party cohesion. This was
particularly the case with those parties which were classified as 'mass
2
parties' by Maurice Duverger, or as 'parties of social integration' by
3
Sigmund Neumann. Discipline and cohesion were reflected in a high in-
1,
cidence of party votes on substantive issues in legislative bodies.
The APSA committee report, 'Towards a more responsible party sys
tem,' characterized the American party system as nor.-responsive and non
dynamic in comparison to the party systems dominant in Western Europe.
-I60-


-177-
SDP and GEW in the early 1960's, brought about a new polarization. The
forces which supported the school as a factor of social and political
integration were opposed by the forces which viewed the public school
system, particularly the secondary level of the public school system,
as an institution of individual self-realization.
Representatives of the Philologcnvcrband opposed the introduction
of comprehensive schools in Hessen most vehemently. The change was per
ceived as a threat to the superior social status of the Gymnasium teach
ers. Any integration of the three or more sub-professions of teachers
in terms of training, salary, and working together within the same school
was viewed as such a threat. The two opposition parties in Hessen have
since taken a more pragmatic and flexible approach. Both were tradi
tionally strong among the Gymnasium profession, but must also compete
with the SDP for the support of the more numerous elementary school
teachers. Their weak parliamentary position and long opposition role
had increased their inclination to seriously compete and make conces
sions to more progressive groups and proposals. Subsequently, the CD
had not totally rejected the concept of the integrated comprehensive
school system as an alternative to the traditional tripartite system.
But the position of the educational spokesmen of the party reflected a
rather cautious approach to the issue, emphasizing more time, more experi-
28
mentation, and more scholarly observations of experiments.
The emergence of the comprehensive school issue had not resulted
in an ideological partisan polarization on the substance of the issue.
The position of the FDP had been particularly ambivalent. Its educa
tional spokesman had for years reflected the demands of specialized
secondary school teachers1 associations, Only when one of the leading


-79-
for and conducive to ref or::, experiments. Ote Social Democratic party
von the first state election of 19^6 and maintained and solidified
its position as the state's dominant political force, without ever
being seriously threatened by the conservative forces, which vere al
most evenly split between CDU and FDP. Since the Social Democratic
party remained in the role of parliamentary opposition for some 20
years in Bonn, it would have bec-n logical to expect that the SDP
would attev.pt to provide a striking contrast in the only non-city state,
where it maintained itself in power uninterruptedly for so long.
Instead, the school hills of the 1950's provided for an organi
zational consolidation of the traditional school system, with no dra
matic changes in the 1950'e or the early ISfiO's, and only small and
modest changes beginning in the mid-1960's. Changes introduced in
other states since, however, have been more spectacular and more dra
matic.
The enduring SDP hegemony of Hessen state politics have created
some distorted stereotypes about the state's social and economic struc
ture. Even though Hessen has five large cities with a population of
more than 100,000 eachHessen is basically dominated by small and
medium-sized towns. With a population of only 5.2 million, it has
more incorporated municipalities thEn Nortb-Khine-Westphalia, which
7
has a population of more than IT million. Some -i3 percent of the
state population live in towns vith a population of less than 5,000
O
compared to only 33.7 percent for West Germany as a whole.
Even though the agricultural population in Hessen is not above
the national average, there is a distinct regional pattern apparent
from the figures. In Northern Hessen, the percentage of the agri~


-171-
of support which would make the reform proposals as broadly acceptable
as possible.
In spite of the Social Democratic penchant towards broad ideologi
cal programs, the party strategy in Hessen had been much more pragmatic.
The SDP had become the dominant party in state politics and had been
successful in defending this position ever since. Nonetheless, the
party leadership never proposed an integrated, centrally-planned reform
platform which would have cemented partisan and ideological differences
in the state and would have endarigered the precarious SDP popular vote
majority.
The states population was composed of a large rurally-based seg
ment, geographically concentrated in the North, which was particularly
sensitive to the rural school consolidation issue, and a Catholic minority
of approximately one-third of the total population, which was more sensi
tive to the issues of religious integration, the school prayer controversy,
21
and the private school bill.
Since the 1950's, the SDP had consistently expanded the size of its
electoral support in the rural areas of Northern Hessen, and in the 1960's
improved significantly its weak position among the Catholic electorate
which was geographically concentrated in eight counties surrounding the
diocese cities of Fulda and Limburg,
The SDP had emerged as a broadly based representative structure at
the state level long before it assumed this role at the national level.
This growth of the party required compromises which made a comprehensive,
planned reform approach dysfunctional. Central planning by politically
independent experts was, instead, substituted by a lengthy process of
political bargaining. In the case of educational politics, it even took


is even more frequent among the Social Democratic members of the legis
lative education committee. Three of the nine member Social Democratic
committee delegation have not attended o Gymnasium while all opposi
tion CDU and FDP members have not only completed their Gymnasium educa-
o/r
tion, but also earned university degrees.
We have no conclusive evidence that the teaching profession is
perceived by future teachers in Hessen as more attractive than elsewhere
in West Germany. Hessen's share of first-year teachers at the Gymnasium
level has varied from 9.9 to 12,9 percent of all first-year teachers
37
at that level in West Germany, including West Berlin. This figure
is higher than Hessen's share of the total West German population and
the total West German student population. Apparently, though, there
is some influx into the Hessen universities, but as Geipel has shown
for the pedagogical institutions, geographical, proximity more than
38
any other consideration accounts for such influx across state .lines*
It is, therefore, quite possible that the universities recruit across
state lines, which is not identical with the system1* attractiveness
as a positive recruiting factor.
In looking at the qualitative characteristics of the personnel
recruited into the Hessen teaching profession, we find that, for example,
the percentage of women does not deviate considerably from the national
39
average.^
In their study of the results of political education in the inter
mediate level schools, Becker, Herkommer, and Bergmann point to a
widely shared view that "administrative differences between the states
mean altogether very little, as long as class instruction is still
primarily directed and determined by interest and knowledge of the


FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER V
1. Hans Seheuerl, Die Gllederung des deutschen Schulvesens (Stuttgart:
Klett, 19W, P. 95.
2. Walter Schultze and Christoph Fuehr, Schools in the Federal Republic
of Germany (Weinheim: Beltz, 1907), p. 7.
3. Ibid.
U. Theodore Huebenei; The Schools of West Germany (New York: New York
Press, 1962)p. 16.
5. Schultze and Fuehr, op. cit.. p. 7.
6. Article 148, Section 3, Weimar Constitution.
7. Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1963), pp. 323-37**.
8. Ibid., pp. 332-333.
9. Ibid., pp. 336-339.
10. The School Democratization Act was passed by the state legislatures
of the five East German Btates in May and June of 1946. Cf.
Helmut Klein, Polytechnische Bildung und Erziehung in der DDR
(Hamburg: Rovohlt, 1962), pp. lU ff7
11. Georg Picht, Die deutsche Blldungskatastrophe (Munich: dtv, 1965),
pp. 31 ff.
12. Cf. Schultze and Fuehr, op. cit.. pp. 9-10.
13. It became increasingly difficult in the late 1960's to separate the
religious issue from the issue of rural school consolidation.
14. Hessicher Landtag, II. Wahlperiode, DS Abt III, No. 3, pp. 24-25.
15. Ernst Schuette, ed., Kulturpolltik in Hessen (Frankfurt: Diesterweg,
1966), p. 24.
16. Hessische'Landtag, II. Wahlperiode, DS Abt III, No. 12, p. 421,
17. Ibid., p. 429.
129-
1


13-
Statug, Defense of Opjjov Xgve^ School Teachers
Pro-war schools in Germany had educated rigidly segregated groups,
primarily those who had earned a Gymnasium education and those who had
not. The hierarchical authority structure within the educational pro
cese cheped the jion-involved, subject citizen and created the basis
for the social imd politic.il cleavage between reformers and defender
of "quality education" for a chosen few.
Interview responses from members of the education committee
of the state legislature strongly suggested a relationship between
easy access to a university education and r. reluctance to advocate
reform of the established tripartite division of the school establish
ment, These results suggested an interest- and status-based bi
polarity of perceptions and attitudes, similar to what Nnschold found
2
in liis analysis of health insurance reforms in Viest Germany, Educa
tional reform concepts have been generated and supported by the "outs,"
those who have been excluded from entering institutions of secondary
end higher learning and have been opposed by the status-defending
polities of the "inn," those who are defending a privileged social
position. Most of the reform schemes of the late 1950's and early
1960's, which were hardly comprehensive reform plans and which were
poorly coordinated with other partners of a support coalition, were
presented by representatives of the elementary school teachers, who
received less pay, less recognition, and less education than their
intermediate level and Gymnasium level colleagues. Elementary school
teachers and thoir trade unions associated and identified moro easily
with the consumers of elementary school education, namely those stu
dents who in the past found themselves in a dead-end street of formal


-196-
and CDU supporters was negligible. Thirteen percent of the SDP and lU
percent of the CDU supporters favored a compulsory tenth year, 38 percent
of the SDP and 1*0 percent of the CDU supporters favored a voluntary tenth
year, and 1*0 percent of the SDP supporters and 37 percent of the CDU sup-
13
porters were opposed to a tenth year.
In searching for a rationale of those who opposed the tenth, year,
Table 23 shows that SDP and CDU supporters showed again very similar re
sponse patterns. Fifty-nine percent of the SDP and 6.1 percent-of the
CDU supporters felt that their children would be too old for an appre-
ticeship after ten years of general education, while similarly, small
minorities gave other or vague reasons for their opposition.
The second question complex had been an issue for only residents
of rural areas, especially in Northern and Central Hessen, where the
percentage of rural and small-town residents was highest. Residents of
medium-sized and large towns would not be affected by a program of rural
school consolidation, except that urban children would be more likely to
have stronger competition from consolidated rural school graduates when
they apply for university admission. In the past, the underdeveloped
rural school systems had made it almost impossible for rural students
to compete successfully with urban students from fully-structured and
better equipped schools.
This lower level of immediate concern of urban residents is re
flected in the results of Table 2k, Over 70 percent of the residents in
small and medium-sized towns held a view on the pace of construction of
new consolidated schools, compared to only 53 percent of the residents
in metropolitan areas.
Overall, there was less variation in attitudes towards the program


-92-
TABLE 13
POPULAR VOTE IN STATE LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS
AIN) COMPOSITION O STATE LEGISLATURE
A. Popular vote in state legislative elections (in percent)
Partir
2!£
im
25
1958
1962
1266
SDP
1*2.7
i*i*.i*
1*2.6
1*6.9
50.8
51.0
CDU
30.9
18.8
21*.1
32.0
28.8
26.1*
FDP
15.7
31.8
20.5
9.5
11.5
10.1*
Refugees

7.7
7.1*
6.3
1*.3
Communists
Hpn
10.7
1*.7
3.1*
-

m U
Others
-
.3
1.7
lt.2
2.6
7.9
B.
Composition
of the
state legi
slature (in
percent
of seats)
2
25
1951*
1958
1266
SDP
1*2.2
58.7
1*5.8
50.0
53.1
5>*. 2
CDU
31.1
15.0
25.0
33.3
29.1
27.1
FDP
15.6
26.3
21.9
9.1*
11.5
10.1*
Refugees


7.3
7.3
6.3
Communists
11.1




NPD


-
8.3
Others


Until the mid-19601s, few elementary school students outside the three
33
city-state school systems had any foreign language instruction.
Since then, very rapid progress has teen mode, and the new l^ougtschulie
is on its way of becoming an educational institution which is truly
3l*
parallel to the Realschule.
State Expenditures on Education
tin indicator widely used to measure the weight given to specific
programs is the allocation of funds. Within the framework of state
politics, the general conditions facing the state legislatures with
regard to the issue of education were quite comparable. The general
expectations on the part of the constituents and consumers were quite
similar, and institutionalised coordination prevented wide scatterings.
The figures presented include state expenditures on education per
student and total school expenditures as a percentage of the state GNP.
The figures reveal that the financially weak states Lower Saxony,
Schleswig-Holstein, and Rhineland-Palatinate, spent a substantially
higher percentage of their state GNP in order to provide an average
per student funding.
The data presented in Tables 1 through 9 make it clear that
there are substantial differences in the emphasis each Land has given
to particular aspects of public education and educational reform. On
almost ell of the variables presented, Hessen ranks in an upper middle
group which includes the states of Schleswig-Holstein and Lower Saxony,
It is cot surprising that Hessen cannot compete successfully
with the city-states of Berlin, Bremen, and Hamburg, since Hessen
faces many additional problems cot faced by the city-states. It is,
however, unexpected to find that on most of the quantitative indicators


-150-
vithin the party caucus. By 1967-685, she perceived a fundamental con-
38
sensus on educational reform issues between the parties in Hessen,
Another of the party*3 educational spokesmen reflected, more strongly
traditional preconceptions about the school system. He expressed concern
about a dangerous neglect of the countrys intellectual elite, about a
tendency to look for educational models abroad, which have a leveling func
tion, The traditional system was viewed as fundamentally sound and func-
39
tional in terms of economic demands for manpower.
The interview with this last, more conservative deputy, however,
clearly illustrated the extent of the change in attitude which had taken
place within the CDU parliamentary party during the 1960*s. His concern
for gifted top-level students, his alarm about an integrated teaching
profession, and his fear of a lowering of educational standards reflected
a pride in his own personal educational accomplishments under the old sys
tem and suggested the status-related frame of reference, which found the
ho
old school structure more functional than dysfunctional. But his posi
tion had unquestionably grown less dogmatic, He explained his willing
ness to discuss reform proposals, including the integrated, comprehensive
school, more equal educational opportunities for children of all social
backgrounds, and a move towards an increased permeability between the
hi
three branches of the teaching profession.
The FDP
The Free Democratic party, the CDUs opposition partner in Hessen
for the past twenty years, had lost the influence the party enjoyed in
the 1950*s, when the party was as strong as or stronger then the CDU.
With only ten deputies in the state legislature, the party now found


~ie~
immediate successor, Ludvig Erhard, whore ¡ore collective decision-
caking style was in striking contrast to that of his predecessor and
contributed to his image of indecisiveness, ever approached the Ger
man electorate's image of the ideal chancellor, with the natural
authority of a father of the country. At the 3tate level, the most
10
revered political leadei'3 shared the image of fatherly authority.
Such paternalistic leaders were accepted as statesmen, representing
the legitimate authority of the state and its institutions, end were
returned by a consistent majority of the voters, who "think of them-
eelves as passive objects of a political system controlled by forces
beyond their influence."*1
Almond and Verbas concept of a subject political culture which
has been, applied to Germany, was a reeonceptualization, a more opera
tional. conceptualization of the older concept of pbrigkeitsotaat.
The subject's orientation towards the output structures implied on
uncritical acceptance of political authority by formalistic, legal
standards, rather than a critical examination of its legitimacy in
terms cf the political elite's responsibility to the electorate end
the individual political participant,
System Supportive Education
Until World Vi or I, the school system maintained the popular
attitudes believed desirable by the political elite for the preserva
tion of an authoritarian monarchy. In 1859, Emperor Wilhelm XX declared
an Imperial Order:
For some time X have been occupied with the thought
of utilizing the public schools at nil levels in
order to contain the expansion of Socialist and


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the
Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE PACE OF WEST GERMAN EDUCATIONAL REFORM
AS AFFECTED BY STATE POLITICS
By
Peter W. Nixdorff
December, 1970
Chairman: Professor Ruth MeQuown
Major Department: Political Science
The collapse of the Nazi regime in 1915 provided a new opportunity
to restructure and democratize the educational institutions in Germany.
The outlook for the realization of reform programs was best in the state
of Hessen, where the constitutional compromise of 1916 had settled the
religious issue and where the progressive Social Democratic party had
been in control of the state administration without a serious challenge
from the conservative opposition.
Nonetheless, the reform accomplishments in the field of education
in the state of Hessen had been modest and eclectic until the late 1960's,
and the reformers did not face the core problem of democratizing the
public school system.
With the focus on the state of Hessen, this dissertation explored
the causes for the failure of early reform programs and analyzed the
ix


-110-
facilities vas reconstruction of the traditional school system. It
meant the reconstruction of separate elementary, intermediate, and
higher schools, the reconstitution of three separate teaching profes
sions and their separate training facilities. And with regard to
socialization into the political system, this meant the continuation
of a system of social selectivity for the institutions of higher learn
ing with the continued almost total exclusion of working class students
from the Gymnasium.
An early but small step in the transformation of the school system
in Hessen vas the state-wide mandatory introduction of an integrated,
bi-denominational public school system for both Protestant and Catholic
students. The decision not to rebuild two separate public school sys
tems along denominational lines was part of the constitutional compro
mise agreed upon by the leading parties in the constitutional assembly
in 19<6. It was an early progressive step to provide a joint educa
tional system for children of all religious backgrounds, though not yet
for children of all social backgrounds. With this change, Hessen pre
ceded the other West German states by nearly two decades, being in a
much more favorable position to win this concession from conservative
groupings within the churches and the state legislature, Protestants
comprise some two-thirds of the state's population, and Catholics have
a majority only in some 8 out of h0 counties, including the diocese
cities of Fulda and Limburg. And in Hessen-Nassau, which, in 19>5, be
came one of the constituent territories of the new Land. Hessen, an
integrated, bi-denominational school system has been in existence for
some 150 years.
The acceptance of the constitutional compromiso by the three


-169-
the Social Democratic delegation, the other an administrative official
in the Post Office Department. Both reflected a degree of pride in
their professional achievement, which could he measured by the rewards
of their positions in the respective bureaucratic hierarchies, after
they had grown up in modest working class environments.
In terms of their background and their professional achievements,
neither of the two was representative of the vast majority of SDP voters,
party members, or activists.
School consolidation in rural areas, a'highly controversial issue
in the 1950's, seemed to be generally accepted by members of the admini
stration and political opposition alike. No deputies of either group
listed any reservations against the rural school reform.
On the issue of religious integration of the school system, polari
zation, was not between supporters of separate public education systems
for the two denominations and supporters of an integrated system, but
rather between those Social Democrats who favored a non-denominational,
but Christian public school system and those who favored the integrated
and strictly secular system. In fact, the Social Democrats were split
evenly, with four favoring the Christian school, and four the secular
school.
The decrease in the polarization on educational reform issues could
be seen partially as an extension of the decrease in ideology that many
students of German politics had reported during the 1950's and 1960's.
The emergence of the CDU as the dominant political party in the early
1950's under Konrad Adenauer's leadership decreased rather than increased
the ideological content of the party objectives. The party was held to
gether primarily by the leadership ability and charisma of Adenauer and


-107-
The twelve Laender in the three Western zones did not pass any
major educational reform legislation. As a result, progressive norms
included in the school articles of many of the state constitutions re
mained decorative ornaments only.
In the months and early years immediately following the collapse
of the Kazi regime, numerous potential coalitions of political groups
could have provided the needed support for fundamental reforms. The
military governments proclaimed general goals such as 'education for
democracy' and studies to achieve such goals vere commissioned. But no
immediate and strong pressure was applied on the emerging indigenous
local and state administrations. The Social Democratic party had tra
ditionally demanded an expansion of educational opportunities for work
ing class students, and in 19^5, there was some support within the party
for radically altering the existing school system.
Even within the non-Socialist parties which had Joined all-party
.coalition cabinets in all states during the years of reconstruction,
proposals for new school systems were voiced. Outstanding examples
were the statements and proposals of Erwin Stein, Hessen's Minister of
Education from 19^7 until 1951.
After the dissolutions of the all-party coalitions in I9H8, it
hecame clear that an opportunity for early reform had been lost. The
return to regular parliamentary politics with partisan polarization
resulted in CDU control of the South and West, and SDP dominance in the
North and the city states. During this period, the CDU became increas
ingly dominated in all states by conservative elements, a trend accel
erated by the reemergence of groups which attempted to reassume tradi
tional social positions within the new political system.


-88-
Municipalities or associations of municipalities were granted
the power to maintain public schools. More specifically, they had
the right to establish, maintain, change, and close schools, and to
provide for the administration of the physical plants and the financ-
pl|
ing of all non-personnel expenditures.
Almost without exception, teachers were granted the legal status
of hand civil servant, and thereby subject to civil service legisla
tion, as regards both salary and promotions,2'
The financing of schools is shared by both local and state gov
ernments. The state funds personnel costs, the local government funds
all other expenditures. Frequently, however, local governments con
tribute to personnel costs, while the state government aids local
governments in the funding of non-personnel expenditures, such as the
construction of buildings.^
The state has a general supervisory power over public education,
which is carried out by the Department of Education and through state
07
officials at the district and county levels.
Several Laender provide for parents' participation in educational
decision-making through the State Parents' Council, with veto powers
in some and advisory powers in other more or less specifically defined
28
areas.
Some provisions in the school legislation of several Laender,
including Hessen, were perceived by lawmakers as contributing to or
spearheading a reform by democratising the decision-making of school
and educational sffairs modestly. Such provisions allowed for parent
and student participation in limited areas of decision-making, largely
a response to the highly centralised decision-making of the 1930's


-1711-
direction of the new administration's educational policies rather than
opposition to the program on its own merits.
By the administration's own estimate, the big breakthrough was
accomplished in .1961*, when the number of completed new schools acceler
ated very rapidly. With the opening of the 200th consolidated school in
1967, pride in the state's accomplishments began to weaken the opposition.
Vocal partisan criticism of the administration's educational programs
ceased to focus on rural consolidation when it became apparent that im
plementation of the rural school .reform program was by no means part of
a comprehensively-planned program of educational reform.
During the mid-1960's, it became apparent that many of the new
rural schools built ir. the 1950's were simply not large enough to provide
23
for a socially integrated school along with curriculum differentiation.
In order to find a way out, an innovative school administrator in rural
Northern Hessen used one of the schools in his district for all students
of the Junior level, and another school for all senior level students.
This caused some additional inconvenience to students and teachers, but
permitted the offering of a broader and better structured curriculum.
In other words, this solution permitted continued integration and differ
entiation, while the existing facilities, which were relatively new,
were being utilized.
Such undesirable results were the consequence of insufficient lons-
term planning in the 1960's and early 19fi0's. But most local educational
administrators agreed that a proposal of a comprehensive school on top
of the rural school reform would not have been politically feasible and
pji
would have harmed the chances of the rural consolidation program, *" Par-
tisan polarization on the. school consolidation issue decreased in the


did not prepare the student for on active role as a citizen. The stu
dent wao neither encouraged to critically observe nor comprehend
social and political phenomena, nor was he stimulated to taire an act
ive part in politics through the articulation of specific group inter
ests, Despite a pseudo-democratic constitution which introduced general
and equal suffrage for all male citizens, the political process was
still very much based on the monarch's grace of God, representing the
general will of his subjects.
Through the teacher's withdrawal from political issues, the stu
dents were taught to strive towards the values of a classical and
abstract world, which was quite detached from the social realities of
the day.
Two considerations have in the past characterised the educated
elite's attitudes towards politics.
As traditionally independent scholars, the educated elite had
severed the ties which had involved them in politics since 1.840, when
the educated upper middle class elite failed to establish a liberal
democracy in Germany. Ever since then, they had withdrawn in frustra
tion, feeling only distaste for a challenge in which they had failed.
As teachers and civil servants, however, elite members owed their
loyalty to the state and the monarch end the traditions he represented.
Partisanship and partisan politics, within this context, became equated
vith divisiveness and destructiveness. As a result, partisan political
involvement was perceived as incompatible with the responsible discharge
of teaching responsibilities, ar.d teachers tended to remain aloof with
regard to polities. They transmitted an attitude of detachment from
politics to the students, especially at the Gymnasium level, which


I
i
introduction of a ninth compulsory year? Why the late experimenta
tion with the Foerderstufe? Why the even later discussion of a more
comprehensive move towards the Gesamtschul?
* In Chapters VI and VII, we will deal with the administrative,
interest-group, and partisan constellations which checked speedy re
form policies.
And in Chapter VIII, we will examine the psychological and cul
tural obstacles in the general population, particularly the rather
*
hostile attitude towards expanded secondary education among the work
ing class.
The Constitutional-Administrative Context
Of the Non-Reform Alternative
Apart from relatively minor differences, constitutional provisions
and state legislation dealing with the area of public education shared
much the same aims and provided for similar organizational and finan-
18
cial structures in all states. One of the early issues in the recon
struction of public education after World War II was the religious-
dencininational issue, which affected two areas of school organization.
First of all, it raised the issue of integrated or joint educa
tion. Should Catholic and Protestant children be educated Jointly in
co-denominational public schools and exposed early to a heterogeneous
cultural and normative environment? Or should elementary school child
ren be raised in a more protective, homogeneous environment, within
the context of a denominational school, either Protestant or Catholic?
In the South and West of the Federal Republic, the dominant Cath
olic church advocated and succeeded in its demands for separate public
school systems, The demands were justified in the interest of a more


-191-
TABLE 21
ATTITUDE TOWARDS A 9TH COMPULSORY YEAR OF EDUCATION
No. of
Reap,
0 Yrs,
D.K.
Total Population
1169
57?
34?
9l
SDP supporters
571
57
35
8
CDU supporters
379
58
34
8
Third-party supporters
I19
57
35
8
Party preference unknown
170
52
31
17
Professions, self-employed
142
58
32
10
White-collar
324
73
20
7
Blue-collar
432
51
43
6
Retired
243
44
38
18
Place of Residence:
Less than 2,000
345
44
42
14
2,000 to 10,000
353
56
38
6
10,000 to 100,000
139
60
36
4
100,000 to 500,000
173
66
19
15
500t000 and more
159
70
24
6
Formal Education:
Elementary school only
398
U2
42
16
Elementary school + apprenticeship
491
58
35
7
Intermediate level
208
71
25
4
Gymnasium and beyond
65
89
9
2
With school-aged children
346
57
40
3
Without school-aged children
790
57
32
11
Children ir. elementary school
238
51
46
3
Children in intermediate school
52
67
29
4
Children in Gymnasium
58
73
24
3
Interest in School Issues:
Very much
352
69
29
2
Some
501
58
36
6
None
287
39
39
22
D.K.
29
38
24
38
Source: Infac Representativbefragung Hessen, August/September
1567.
Random Sample Question: "Do you think it is right that children
in Hessen now have to attend school for nine years, or are eight
years sufficient?"


-19'
Communist ideas. First of ell, the schools East
lay the groundwork for a healthy attitude towards
politics! and cecial conditions by cultivating tbo
fear of God and love for the fatherland.12
Hofiaaim cited a standard reference book on public education in
Imperial Germany vhich described il.o educational purpose of the ele
mentary school as follows:
The youth is to be enabled to serve their country
ns brave soldiers or industrious workers,11
toother citation from 6 textbook for history teachers gave an
example for the vay in which the authorities ensured continuity of
the system by implanting pride in the greet national, tradition, the
continuance of which could only be ensured by the monarchy:
Tail, strong and handsome were the Germans in old
timer.. White and clean was the color of their skin;
in exuberant richness the gold-yellow hair, similar
to the mane of a lion, flew down.1*
Hierarchleal Structure and Social Aloofness of the Schools
Teachers as primary agents of political, socialisation trans
mitted the atmosphere of an authoritarian order into the classroom.
Some of the channels used for this transmission are discussed in the
following.
The hierarchical structure within the teaching profession and
within the faculty of each individual school was quite apparent, even
to the student. The extensive usage of titles in m-y coaaunciation
between teacher and student and the submissive behavior towards
superiors and repressive behavior towards inferiors provided the stu
dent with u first indication of the rules in the social structure vhich
surrounded him.


-112-
admlnistrations were available, but rewards were provided for munici
palities which would cooperate vith the state administration's declared
policy of rural school reform. The rewards included the financing of
student bussing to new consolidated schools and state aid of up to
15
80 percent of the construction cost of new buildings.
During the debates of educational appropriations as early as 1951,
the Zinn administration supported the consolidation of rural schools.
Despite a cautious approach, which was designed not to antagonize local
governments, the reform of rural school systems became the first parti
san issue in the field of education. The CDU spokesman for educational
issues accused the administration of neglecting the interests of the
rural child by tearing him out of his natural environment, neglecting
the interests of the village by robbing it of its cultural center, and
neglecting the interests of parents who must trust their children to
the highway every day.'1'*
The Social Democratic demand for equal educational opportunities
for rural children was being rejected by the CDU/FDP opposition. Their
representatives pointed to the traditional function of the small village
school vhich allowed for more individual attention and the child's up
bringing in a closed environment.
Another CDU speaker argued during the seme debate:
I want to very seriously emphasize that it is not
important in life to accumulate a certain amount
of learned knowledge. What really counts is ex
cellence in mastering one's life. And this ability
grows out of a harmony of the milieu, and this we
want to preserve for our children. They should not
be confused by having them ride the hus somewhere
every c ay.^ 7


-178-
FDP critics of the tripartite system accepted an administrative position
in the Hessen Department of Education did a noticeable shift in attitudes
within the Hessen FDP towards a more receptive attitude towards reform
concepts become apparent. This development in Hessen preceded the move
of the national FDP after the selection of Scheel and Genscher as the
new party leadership only slightly.
The comparatively high level of consensus between the political
parties in Hessen on educational reform issues was reflected in a high
degree of indentification with the state's achievements among deputies
of all three parties. State legislators of all major parties were eager
and willing to respond to mail questionaires as well as lengthy inter
views .
Identical mail questionaires had been mailed to members of the
education committees of the state legislatures of Hessen and Baden-
Yhiertteraberg and a random sample of the members of the state legislature
in Lower Saxony, The returns from Hessen showed a significantly higher
return rate,^
Cooperation from the members of the state legislature for personal
interviews varying in length from 1*0 minutes to two hours was very good,
and the responses from both administration and opposition deputies re
flected an amount of pride in the early achievements in Hessen, In
other words9 Hessen's competitive situation within the federal context-
had reenforced the high level of consensus on educational issues. Opposi
tion party deputies who had criticized administrative actions were not
disloyal to the Hessen achievements. Quite to the contrary, their criti-
2<
cism had become more specific and related to the problems in Hessen only.
The foundations for the higher level of consensus had been laid


135-
was more successful In organizing a substantially higher percentage of
teachers than the three larger states: **
TABLE lU
TEACHERS AMD GEW MEMBERS IN THREE STATES
Hessen
Lower
Saxony
Baden-
Wuerttemberg
North-Rhine-
Westphalia
Teachers
23,100
34,400
36,000
64,100
GEW Members
15,600
18,000
18,000
20,000
Ratio of GEW
of Teachers
Members
.68
.52
.50
.31
Data; of the State organization for 1967 suggest that of all teachers
in Hessen, approximately 60 percent were organized in the GEW, 20 percent
in other professional teachers' associations, and 20 percent were not or
ganized.^
The GEW had been most successful in organizing elementary school
teachers. In Hessen, some 80 percent of elementary school teachers, but
only 50 percent Of intermediate level teachers, and 15 percent of the Gym
nasium teachers Joined the OEW.^ Among all teachers, other than elemen
tary school teachers, the GEW faced stiff competition from other associa
tions which appealed primarily on the basis of social status or religious-
denominational loyalty, and perceived of themselves as professional associ
ations rather than unions affiliated with the labor movement. Among Gym
nasium teachers, some 40 percent were members of the Philologenverband.
which had been most consistent in its opposition to school reform. It
addressed itself exclusively to the representation of Gymnasium teachers
within the Deutscher Beamtenbund. the peak association of civil servants,


typo." Teachers very rarely encourage gifted lower class students to
1(1
apply for the Gymnasium. The unwillingness of working class families
to take a risk by sending their children to the Gymnasium where they
might fail, is almost exclusively motivated by class-related considera
tions, a feeling of social and economic inferiority and unpreparedness
to compete on foreign ground.
In the m.id-1960's, the inadequacies of the West German school sys
tem became an issue widely discussed in the daily and weekly press and
a flood of other publications. Not all this criticism focused on the
inequalities of the tripartite system. Empirical sociological research
looked into the social causes of the under-representation of working
class children, children from rural areas, female students, and to a
1(2
lesser extent, Catholic students. Dahrendorf brought many of the
findings to the attention of the general public through his writings in
the press, his paperback publications, and his active, partisan-political
participation as a spokesman for educational reform.
The initial step proposed to alleviate some of the gross inequal
ities was a mild strike to increase the permeability between the three
branches of the school system. In 1959, the German Committee for Educa
tion published a plan for the modification and unification of the school
1(3
system. Its most noted and most controversial plank was the proposal
of the Foerderstufe, a two-year extension of elementary school for all
students who could not be admitted unconditionally to the Gymnasium at
age ten. This would, in turn, have permitted more personal attention
to all those children who may have possessed the aptitude for a Gymnas
ium education, even though their social environment and adjustment prob
lems had made it difficult to recognise their potential after only four


-95-
individual instructor." Tescbner, in a similar study of political
education results at the Gymnasium level, has limited his empirical
research to Hessen, because he assumed that "the institutional condi
tions for a successful political education are more favorable than
in other states."1*3 This seems somewhat of a contradiction, unless
some of the qualitative criteria of teachers and future teachers are
included in the definition of conditions which male the situation in
Hessen more favorable. Hessen has been among the first to introduce
civics or political education as a separate subject, and students of
pedagogy were permitted early to offer political science as one of
their required major fields. This made it possible for students with
an interest in the social sciences, with a sound social scientific
training, and an ability to analyze complex social phenomena, as well
as a social and political commitment, to enter the teaching profession.
Such an incentive for the recruitment of socially alert and
politically active young people could be expected to reflect better
results in political education courses. Two interview-based studies
on the effect of political education in all types of secondary schools
in West Germany minimize the importance of institutional and administra
tive arrangements and instead point to the overwhelming importance of
informal socialization in the classroom during and also beyond the two
U2
weekly periods of political education. A non-authoritarian sociali
zation of the student requires a teacher committed to democratic-
pluralistic values who is also courageous enough to submit himself to
student questions bout the 'unconquered past,' and who, during his
training, has been equipped with the tools to apply social scientific


CHATTER III
THE INCREASE IN THE COGNITION OF EDUCATIONAL ISSUES
Throughout the .1950's, the reform of public education was a
rather minor public Issue in West Germany. The political decision
makers at the state and local level were primarily occupied with the
reconstruction of the physical facilities destroyed during the war.
Even though the Laender jurisdiction in cultural affairs was treated
as sacrosanct, educational issues were not manifest in many of the poli
tical campaigns for elections to the state legislatures. Two leading
studies on West German state politics do not even mention education
in their examination of the issue content of political campaigns. *'
In many of the state campaigns in the late 1950's, the national lead
ership of all parties fought campaigns over foreign policy issues, end
the press perennially declared each state election as a test for en
upcoming national Bundestag election.
During the early and Kid-1960's, quite suddenly education became
an issue. Newspapers, periodicals, and magazines began to devote reg
ular space to the discussion of school issues, and the trend rapidly
gained momentum.
Georg Picht published a series of articles in the independent
Protestant weekly, Christ und Welt, in 196! and warned of the Imminent
educational catastrophe. Kiidegard Hamm-Bruccber wrote a series for
the highly respected, liberal Die Ze.it, comparing her impressions of
same school problems in the eleven West German Launder^ and Half


-53-
30. Ibid., p. 156.
31. Ibid., p. 155.
32. Hessen! T.T percent; Baden-Wuerttemberg: 10,2 percent; North-Rhine-
Westphalia: 13.1 percent. Cf. Hans Scheuerl, Die Gliederung
des deutschen Schulwesens (Stuttgart: Klett, 19^8), pp. 68-
W7
33. Cf. Table 8.
3*1. The percentage of 5th graders with English instruction increased
in North-Rhine-Westphalia from 6.5 percent in 1964 to 70.7
percent in 1965. Ursula Springer, "Recent Curriculum De
velopments at the Middle Level of French, West German, and
Italian Schools" (U.S. Office of Education Report. 1967),
P. 98.
35
Cf. Table 9


-128-
traditional political style patterns. The rather ecclectie approach to
the educational reform issues weakened deep traditional ideological
cleavages. Reform coalitions had to he rebuilt after each successive
step on the basis of at least somewhat more pragmatic positions, as
evidenced by the continuous growth of the reform coalition.
The slow and cautious attitude by reform leaders and the realisa
tion of reform steps only after non-elite support was assured, held non
elite alienation from the state administration, the legislature, and
the political parties at a minimum.


145-
table 6
VOLKSSCHULE NINTH GRADERS IN 1964 AS A PERCENTAGE
OF EIGHTH GRADERS IN 1963
Laender
Volksschule
Baden-Wuerttemberg
3.7
Bavaria
0.2
Berlin
70.U
Bremen
60.1
Hamburg
82.3
Hessen
36.7
Lover Saxony
79.0
N o rth-Rhine-Westphalia
2.5
Rhineland-Palatinate
0.9
Saarland
-
Schleswig-Holstein
76.9
West Germany
23.6
(Allgemeinebildende Sehulen,
p. 16-17)


-6.
culture and the style of political-decision-making in the late 190's
with an emphasis on the changes and developments since the 1950's.
This involved the amendment and reformulation or even rejection of
several accepted propositions about post-war German politics. The
results suggested a number of striking changes in the process of
political development since the polities of the Weimar Republic and
the politics of the early Bonn Republic,
Political development and political change moved West Germany
away from a rigid, ideological immobilism towards a much more pragmatic,
competitive bargaining style of politics. Along with the changes in
electoral behavior and the national party system which resulted in
the first partisan turnover in the 20-year history of the Federal Re
public, these developments pointed towards increased compatibility of
political structure and political culture, which in turn would ulti
mately strengthen the roots of democratic pluralism in West Germany,
Such an encouraging view of political development was confirmed by a
number of studies which have recently analyzed the significance of
the 1969 federal elections for the party system and the political
1,
culture of the country.
In coping with the multi-level approach to the problem of poli
tical change in a Western system, a variety of data and a variety of
data analyses were utilized.
The official records of the Hessen state legislature since 19i
were examined to ascertain changes in the party positions on major
educational issues. Primarily utilized were party statements during
the debates of major educational legislation or during the debates of
educational appropriations.


-27-
many responsible, kriovrledgublo critics, who are
in a position to take a stand, as possible.33
Beyond the differences in emphasis, all official commentators
agreed on education as a general human right which is or ought to be
independent of social background. Most also agreed on the great
potential of public education as an instrument for modernizing social
and political institutions. Only some, however, were determined to
press for utilization of this potential.


CHAPTER VI
THE POLITICS OF REFORM: PARTICIPANTS,
INITIATIVES AND COALITIONS
The group approach to the study of political processes has permitted
the focusing in on stylistic differences between systems not easily detect-
ible by purely institutional analysis. The framework and the concepts
developed by Bentley and Truman primarily for the study of the American
political process have also been of interest for the student of compara
tive politics.
Truman's conceptualization of morbific politics analytically defines
a political style which is not based on the free and pragmatic bargaining
between groups.1 Morbific politics is characterized by subcultures di
vided by deep social and ideological cleavages, and consequently, the ab
sence of overlapping group membership. Political life in Germany, par
ticularly during the short-lived Weimar Republic, was characterized by
political groups, political parties, labor unions, and others, which re
flected the major social, religious, and ideological cleavages of the
country.
Gabriel Almond, in his comparative interest group theory, defines
one type of political system in terms of the style of group politics dom-
2
inant in Weimar Germany. The properties of such systems are a non-aggre-
gative, multi-party system and a non-autonomous interest group system.
Our interest group part of the study will examine the changes in
political style that have begun in West Germany after World War II, With
in the context'of reevaluating the present political culture, we are
-133-


9-
In Chapter I, an attempt was made to suggest the extent of the
problem of educational reform, as it had been shaped by the social
Institutions and established social behavior patterns which have rein
forced the traditional Gorman school system and make successful reform
initiatives very difficult.
In Chapter IX, Hessen's educational achievements and problems
were placed in the context of the West German Federal Republic. As
expected, Hessen ranked well on all indicators of a progressive edu
cational system. But contrary to expectations, Hessen does not rank
appreciably above comparably structured laender.
Chapter III explained the upsurge in issue awareness in the
field of education and educational reform in the 1960's and the grow
ing popular mobilization for educational issues, Against this back
ground, the socio-political variables were examined, as well as the
socio-political climate and the factors which shaped and influenced
this climate.
The results of the analysis of the political culture of the
state permitted examination and explanation in Chapter IV of the formu
lation of political priorities within the Social Democratic party and
state administration. It can be plausibly demonstrated that the specific
conditions which dominated the state political culture forced the mod
erate SDP approach to the problem of educational reform.
In Chapter V, the specific issues involved in the reform of the
educational system were identified. They are presented within the con
text of a development as a continuum towards democratic educational
structures which would provide support for democratic political in
stitutions. The turning point in this discussion has been the expert-


-119-
the traditional system to the recognition and acceptance of the socio
logical significance of the school for maintaining a social status quo.
It is argued, however, by this same group, that it is illegitimate to
use the school as an instrument of social change, even if only to bring
existing social institutions in line with democratic political institu
tions, as posited in the constitution.
Much of the sociological literature has strongly rejected the no
tion that the tripartite system provides equal access to students from
all social backgrounds. In their study of inequalities in educational
opportunities, Hess, Latscha, and Schneider examine the reservations of
parents who have decided against sending their children to the Gymnasium.
They have identified the three following motivations.
The Gymnasium is perceived as the school of the upper social strata,
which manifests itself in a fear of inability to provide for the economic
needs of the Gymnasium student, fear of discrimination, fear of class-
determined demands upon the student, and fear of damage to the child in
a socially foreign environment.
Parents feel frustrated because of their inability to assist with
homework because of their own limited education.
Most of the interviewed parents share the notion of rather having
a good student at the intermediate level than a poor student at the
r 140
Gymnasium
These strong reservations on the part of lower middle class and
working class parents against the Gymnasium are further reenforced by
teachers, whoaccording to the authorsbase their grades end recom
mendations, at least partially, on the judgment of typological aptitude,
which, in turn, is based on their own concept of the 'Cyaaw-siu.n student


-161-
Much of the subsequent literature on the party factor in legislative de
cision-making in the United States has accepted the challenge of compar
ison with European party systems, and is attempting to demonstrate that
the party factor is, in fact, of greater explanatory value than the critics
of the American party system had assumed.
The extent of the party factor in European legislatures, however,
was generally taken for granted. The general validity of the uni-dimen
sional explanation of continental legislative decision-making could only
be maintained if the study was limited to roll call behavior on the floor.
Roll calls on substantive issues in the Bundestag and the state legisla
tures showed indeed a high incidence of party voting for both major par
ties. In fact, in the case of voice votes, the proceedings of the par
liamentary institutions reported only support or opposition by party,
Just as they reported applause from one or another side of the house.
But, as students of American legislative behavior have pointed out, roll
call analysis was not the only, and possibly not even the best way, of
measuring party cohesion. It was so attractive for researchers only be
cause of its relatively easy accessibility.
As the studies of legislative behavior in American politics have
documented, political party is one dimension which, as an independent
variable, can account for some of the variance in legislative behavior.
It is generally agreed that party discipline is markedly higher in West
Germany than in the United States. But within the West German political
system, it is highest during the final floor votes on administration
bills, appropriations, and administration votes of confidence.
Expertise Reduces Polarization
Floor votes and even floor debates on substantive issues, however,


-210-
of the educational structure did not prepare and carry through a com
prehensive reform plan because of a misperception of non-elite attitudes
towards reform. It seemed that the support level for the political op
position which opposed the educational reforms was dramatically overesti
mated by the Department of Education and the Social Democratic party,
which was primarily concerned with the maintenance of a narrow majority
over all opposition parties in the state legislature. With a more accur
ate estimate of non-elite views, a comprehensive refoim plan, involving
lower social and economic costs would have been conceivable.
This misreading of non-elite attitudes on the part of the pro-reform
leadership must be viewed against the highly successful, operation cf the
Landeselternbeiratt a fundamentally non-representative structure. The
Landeselterribeirat had grown out of a voluntary association representing
teachers who were concerned enough to mobilize against the prospect of
Social, Democratic educational reforms. The leadership remained extremely
stable, even after the voluntary association was transformed in 1958 by
state law into the association which was to represent all parents in the
process of educational decision-making. The group and its established
leadership successfully monopolized the articulation of parents demands
end provided an insulating buffer between parents and the Department of
Education,
The intense activity of parents' association functionaries was
supplemented by an equally intense anti-socialization effort of Gymnas
ium teachers who fought a determined struggle against imminent social
decline resulting freon an integration of the tripartite school structure
and an accompanying integration of the three teaching professions.
Data on educational attitudes of non-elites provided no evidence


32-
This overview is meant to suggest the relative positions of the Lacndcr,
end particularly llessen, on these dimensions, Tills will Justify the
selection of Hesse as an example for the study of the politics of edu
cational reform within the framework of state politics.
Federalism and Jurisdiction Over Educational Issues,
Within the framework of federal-state relations, public education
is a primary responsibility of the West German haender. In Article V,
the West German Basic Law of 19)19 prescribes only a few general prin~
ciples of public education',- and Article 70, Section 1 provides that
the Laender have the power to legislate insofar ns the Federal Consti
tution docs not confer legislative powers to the Federal Government,
Within the federal administration, there is no cabinet-level department
or agency that ha3 any Jurisdiction in the area of public education.
In 1961, the cabinet-level department of Water and Atomic Energy was
expanded into the Department for Scientific Research in the fields of
both research and higher education. Public education at the primary
and secondary level, however, remained decentralised, A rather modest
attempt of coordination between tbe states was institutionalised in
the "Permanent Conference of Ministers of Education of the Laender in
the Federal Republic of Germany," established in 19lt0. The coordina
tion is modest, because only unanimous decisions can serve as recom
mendations to the state cabinets to issue executive orders or pass
statutory laws to enforce the decisions on which the eleven ministers
of education have agreed,^
While the lack of central educational planning and political
decision-making has accounted for much of the differentiation, the


the 1957 budget debate, the CDU spokesman demanded; "the school must
remain the center of the rural community, if we want to continue to in-
still true cultural values.
Differences among educational spokesmen of the CDU on reform issues
also became apparent during a national congress of the party which dealt
exc3.usively with educational policy questions. Professor Mikat, then
Minister of Education in North-Rhine-Wstphalia, advocated an increase
in the permeability of the school system which in the past had cemented
disadvantageous starting chances .of working class children. He further
advocated more experimentation to overcome the rigid divisions within
the tripartite system, while acknowledging the deep-rooted scepticism of
3U
many fellow party members.
On the other hand, the Bavarian Minister of Education, Huber, re
ceived lively applause when he attacked the expansion of the comprehensive
school into the fifth and sixth grade through the P'oerderstufc^ charac
terizing the compulsory integrated school at this level as an instrument
of hampering rather than stimulating existing abilities. He continued
to argue the case of early selectivity on the basis of aptitude and abil-
.. 35
ity.
CDU Minister of Education from Baden-Wuerttemberg, Hahn, also re
jected the comprehensive school and demanded the maintenance of the tri-
. 36
partite structure for Germany,
Hanna Walz, one of the partys educational spokesmen in the Hessen
state legislature, contradicted Minister Huber. She acknowledged the
findings of Picht and admitted that the existing educational catastrophe
could simply be negated. She was particularly concerned about the West
German luxury of a totally decentralized educational policy and advocated


-216-
22, GEW, national leader
23. LEB, executive director
2h, LEB member
25. Landes-entrale fuer politische Bildune, director (HD)
26, University of Frankfurt professor of political education and GEW
activist


-96-
concepts to relevant political phenomena.
In addition to recruiting such teachers into the state's school
system, the tventy-five year one-party dominance of the SDP in Hessen
has had a feed-back effect on teacher recruitment -which is less func
tional for achieving democratizing the educational structures through
informal socialization. One-party dominance tends to attract teachers
who are politically committed and active, hut it also creates incentives
for teachers to become politically active and join the dominant poli
tical party and its affiliated organizations in order to improve their
chances for advancement and promotion.1*^ The charge that promotion is
based on political rather than professional merit is a widely circulated
concern among teachers close to the political opposition or politically
inactive.
Interviews with officials in the Department of Education in Wies
baden suggest the growing awareness of the limited impact of structural
changes on the democratization of the classroom atmosphere and the ac
quisition of democratic attitudes by the students. As a result, re
cruitment procedures as well as teacher training have become less
rigid and less traditional and have placed greater emphasis on recruit
ment of reform-minded personnel, who have had more and better social
science training at the two teachers' colleges, which have recently
become integrated schools of the universities of Frankfurt and Giessen.
The early tradition of bi-der.ominational schools in Hessen and
the formulation of this principle in the constitutional compromise of
19^6 have led to a degree of independence of the public school system
from the churches, unparalleled in any other non-city state. This
separation between public education and the church has heen reinforced


TABLE 7
PERCENTAGE OF GYMNASIUM GRADUATES WITH GROSSES,
KLEINES, OR NO LATIHUM (EASTER, 1963)
Laender
Grosses Latinum
Kleines Latinum
Nc
Latinum
Total Number
North-Rhine-Westphalia
100
-
-
13,089
Hamburg
86,3
12.3
1.1
1,769
Hessen
86.2
10.0
3.8
6,629
Schleswig-Holstein
82.2
8.6
9.2
2,51*0
Saarland
73.2
1.2
25.6
84o
Rhineland-Palatinate
66 e 5
5.3
28.2
3,166
Bavaria
63.2
13.3
23.5
9,1*60
Baden-Wuerttemterg
51.it
9.2
39.it
7,903
Lover Saxony
U9.5
11.2
1*1.3
7,77 It
Berlin
38.6
39.5
23.9
3,1*92
Bremen
33.2
28.9
39.9
1,016
(HEZ,' XVII, (1964)
Dokunentation
, p. 17; see also
Nr. 8, Bonn, 1953)
Kultusmir.ister-Konferenz zum Umfang des
Lateinur.terichts,


-203-
The formulation of two alternative, stereotyped positions of social
and political ideologies did not produce the expected ideological, parti
san polarization.
Quite to the contrary, a larger share of CDU than SDP supporters
supported the more progressive position. This phenomenon could be ex
plained at least partially by the newly acquired Social Democratic
strength in Protestant rural Northern Hessen as well as the non-progres
sive inclination of the more poorly working class. The feeling of social
deference among the more poorly educated, low income and blue collar
groups limited their perception of personal group benefit from policy
changes and, instead, predisposed them towards accepting security of
their present positions within society rather than an aspiration of
social mobility.
The patterning of attitudes towards educational issues in Hessen
involved more than one underlying dimension which could be measured.
Not all attitudes were clustered similarly around socio-economic divi
sions. The data presented in Table 27 reflected the absence of any
consistent clustering of attitudes. On a question about the expenses
and the waste involved in school construction programs, some of the
groups which had given strongest endorsement to the administrations*s
educational objectives and policies, now voiced the strongest opposition.
Specifically, the well-educated, who had completed a Gymnasium education,
and professional people showed the highest degree of criticism of the
state administration on this question. Thirty jjercent of the profes
sional occupations, and 28 percent of the Gymnasium-educated shared this
criticism. The data available were too fragmentary for final conclusions,
but, taken together with other evidence from voting statistics, they were


LIST OF TABLES
Page
TABLE l! THE EXTENT OF RELIGIOUSLY SEGREGATED PUBLIC SCHOOL
SYSTEMS 36
TABLE 2: PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS GRADUATING FROM GYMNASIUM AND
REALSCHULE 38
TABLE 3i DISTRIBUTION OF 13-YEAR-OLD STUDENTS BY SCHOOL TYPE.... 39
TABLE U: PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS TRANSFERRING TO REALSCHULE AND
GYMNASIUM AFTER COMPLETION OF GRUNDSCHULE 1(1
TABLE 5! PERCENTAGE OF 16-YEAR-OLD STUDENTS IN LAENDER,
INTERMEDIATE AND GYMNASIUM 42
TABLE 6: VOLKSSCHULE NINTH GRADERS IN 1964 AS A PERCENTAGE OF
EIGHTH GRADERS IN 1963 45
TABLE 7! PERCENTAGE OF GYMNASIUM GRADUATES WITH GROSSES, KLEINES,
OR NO LATINUM 46
TABLE 8: PERCENTAGE OF HAUPTSCHUL STUDENTS WITH FOREIGN
LANGUAGE INSTRUCTION 47
TABLE 9: STATE EXPENDITURES ON EDUCATION 49
TABLE 10: ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND POLITICAL INDICATORS 65
TABLE 11: RANK-ORDER CORRELATIONS BETWEEN SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND
POLITICAL INDICATORS AND INDICATORS OF EDUCATIONAL
REFORM 66
TABLE 12: CORRELATION BETWEEN THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLES 67
TABLE 13: POPULAR VOTE IN STATE LEGISLATIVE ELECTION AND
COMPOSITION OF THE STATE LEGISLATURE 92
TABLE 14: TEACHERS AND GEW MEMBERS IN THREE STATES 135
TABLE 15: EDUCATION COMMITTEE MEMBERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS REFORM
ISSUES 168
TABLE 16: CYCLICAL CHANGES IN POLARIZATION AND CONSENSUS 172
i