Speech on independence


Material Information

Speech on independence
Physical Description:
51 p. ; ǂc 21 cm.
Williams, Eric Eustace


General Note:
Delivered by Eric Williams, Premier of Trinidad & Tobago and political leader of the People's National Movement at the Special Convention, January 27-28, 1962.
General Note:
East Caribbean Federation (Proposed) People's National Movement Politics and government

Record Information

Source Institution:
UF Latin American Collections
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All rights reserved by the source institution.
Resource Identifier:
aleph - 25337369
oclc - 78146956
System ID:

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Full Text

320. 972983~



Delivered by

Eric Williams

Premier of



of the


at the



ANUARY 27-28, 1962



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Sr. ic iams
Premiet Trin dadf and Tobago.

and PoliticalLeader erPlM
R ..:.... ; *
Mr,' .. n Members of
General -C ouw Members of
othe Legislatie.Gr proDele-

I have the-h&nr to move

Conci, which reads as

endeavoured-tochi'eve a -strong
equippeA with-bothleal power and
WestIndianNat6 integrate
as compared with -the Federal str

the agrenta n ed, at the Lor

of .12 million;

AND WE ASapecial Coi
Govenmentontheasof propo.

press, for ;A'stron ~detal Governn
psr utlined in The I
by the ice -the Premier in (cl


iLal Mvement, informally fromits,
cessionn 'to power, has consistently
Federal Government adequately
I financial resourcest establish a
the isolated Territorial'economies
ucture envisaged in 1950 by the
nnual expenditure-of $864,000, or
ndon Conference in,1956 for the'
venue, ;by wayof mandatory levy,

invention of the People's National
its representativesi:;n the Cetral
sales submitted to it, a mandate to
ient in accordance wit the. prici-
Economics of Natinhood released,

SAD' WHEREAS, notwithstanding the concessions to Jamaica's
CA interminable demands- which in effect reduced the powers of the
Federal Government over the, West Indian economy, delayed Customs
Union, provided Jamaica with an effective Iveto by giving it a majority
of the seats in the Federal Legislature and which ensured to Jamaica
theco i Territories abnormally difficult-the people of Jamaica by a majority
vote in' a referendum decided to' secede fror -the Federation

AND WHEREAS the Federation of the West Indies, by the United
Kingdom's agreement to permit Jamaica's secession, has disintegrate,
it being left only for the constituent Territories to agree onithe
disposition of the assets and common services; :

AND WHEREAS the ill-conceived Federation was a waste of ,time
and :money, costing Trinidad and Tobago over $20 m:n millionin: four
years, frustrated the basic interests of the people of the West Indies,
and .afforded an opportunity for foreign intrigues in West'Indian
affairs,oni such. issues: as Chaguaramas andV' ienezuela, thereby
aggravating the: basic conflict between the Government of Trinidad
and Tobago and the-Federal Government; : .. .

AND WHEREAS the Federal Government, the smaller Territories
of the Federation, even Jamaica itself, and the opposition, both
internal and_.external, to PNM in Trinidad and.Tobago, have, since
the Jamaica referendum, embarked on a campaign to substitute for
the disintegrated Federation- of ten Territories -a truncated ^Eastern
Caribbean Federation of nine Territories and to bring pressure on
Trinidad and Tobago to participate in such a Federation;

AN AND WHEREAS -a Federation of the Eastern :Caribbean il
involve a nation of 1% million people with a revenue in1959 $29
million and an: import trade of $593 million, as compared with the
original Federation of over 3 million people with a revenue of$8376
million and an import trade of $922 million. : :

AND WHEREAS. Trinidad and -Tobago .will occupy in such an
Eastern Caribbean Federation -a, position which :itrepresents;55%.:of
the' population, 75% of the import trade, 75%:of total revenue,8
of income tax revenue, 65% of revenue from import -duties:, 73% f
total expenditure, and in which in comparison with.the eight other-
.^ territories in 1959 it had -a revenue of $133 .million as against $50
millionian income tax revenue of $55 million as against $12 m.i on,
an import trade- of $448- million* as against $1 m45 'million, nane".r
against$145mmiioion,n an e xport
trade of $449 million as against $89 million, an -expenditure of $167
million as against $73 million; I I; .
ANDWHEREAS a Federation of the stern Caribbean

Trinidad and Tobago, will have to assume major responsibility:for .

*i^;^- -'- ':**^ l ':;:']/:';'::: "*- 2y

net public debt of $46 million in other Territories, will involve, in
return merely an additional -potential market of 670,000 consumers
with whom Trinidad and Tobago out of a total external trade of $897
million, now enjoys an annual trade of a mere $16 million, more
than half of which represents exports of oil, cement and fertilisers;

AND WHEREAS there are signs that the Jamaican proposals
which led to the break up of the original federation are being
increasingly followed by an injudicious duplication of such industries
as cement, beer, oil refining in some of the very units which would
comprise such an Eastern Caribbean Federation.

AND WHEREAS the six best Caribbean Markets for Trinidad
I nd Tobago's -exports over the six year period 1955-1960 were, in
order of priority, Curacao, British Guiana, Jamaica, Surinam, Bar-
bados and Guadeloupe, five of which are countries outside of the
proposed Eastern Caribbean Federation and provide more valuable
outlets for Trinidad and Tobago's oil exports than the Eastern Carib-
bean Territories owhick accounted for $60 million of the total of
$279 million exported by Trinidad and Tobago to all Caribbean areas
in these six years, or 2.6% of Trinidad and Tobago's total domestic
exports to the world in this period;

AND WHEREAS *the eight smaller Territories of the Eastern
Caribbean have adverse, trade balances which would constitute for
Trinidad and Tobago the nucleus of a serious problem in any Eastern
Caribbean Federation;

AND WHEREAS the cost of administration-executive, legisla-
tive and judicial-in the West Indies is particularly high, amounting
to $94 million in 1960-61, of which the Federal Government accounted
for $1.58 million, the Windward and Leeward Islands for $1.56 mil-
lion, Barbados for $0.58 million, as compared with $2.9 million for
Trinidad and Tobago.
AND WHEREAS the smaller Territories of the Eastern Carib-
bean, with the exception of Barbados, are grant-aided by the United
Kingdom to the extent of some 20% of their annual expenditure
exclusive of Capital grants, the four Windward Islands, for example,
with a population of 314,000 and a revenue of $16 million, of which
$7 million come from import duties and $2.6 million from income
tax and having an annual expenditure of over $22 million and a net
public debt of over $18 million, receive $5%2 million annually from
the United KirTgdom by way of grant-in-aid, and have received capital
grants from the -United Kingdom averaging over $2% million
annually for the past ten years.

AND WHEREAS the recent decisions of the United Kingdom
Government to apply for. entry into the European Common Market
and to control West Indian immigration into Britain will inevitably

. 4

impose even greater economic an
Caribbean Federation comprising
unintegrated economies and the ci
development, illustrated by a comp
Product at factor cost per capital
Tobago, $443 for Barbados, $259 i
for the Windward Islands;

AND WHEREAS these hardsh
bean Territories will automatically.
all the difficulties and dislocations
ment foreshadowed by the migratio
of over 10,000 to Trinidad and Tol
37,000 to the United Kingdom betN
compared with the migration of 1
Tobago to the United Kingdom di

AND WHEREAS the population
creasing at a rapid rate (in some ca
tion of females being 53% and ov<
of young persons under 15 years
almost one half of the total popu
the proportion being 40% between
over the age of 45, freedom of ir
Federation would impose a serious
and Tobago in terms of school p]
accommodation, social security, old

AND WHEREAS no indication
United Kingdom or the U.S.A. of
that will be provided over a numb(
Territories to make up for the defi
by centuries of maladministratic
United Kingdom.

AND WHEREAS it has been
Trinidad and Tobago of indepeni
representation abroad, a National (
exceed the contribution Trinidad
required to make to the annual F
cussed at the abortive Lancaster H

AND WHEREAS Trinidad and'
compares favorably with that of
example, Iceland 173,855; Gabon
1,066,313; Libya. 1,091,830; Costa ]
Albania 1,625,000; while Western
its independence (on January 2, 19

d social hardships on an Eastern
nine units with their present
current disparity in their levels of
>arison of the 1957 Gross Domestic
which was $822 for Trinidad and
for the Leeward Islands, and $240

ips on the smaller Eastern Carib-
y expose Trinidad and Tobago to
of unrestricted freedom of. move-
n from the eight smaller territories
bago in 1958 and 1959, and nearly
ween 1958 and September 1961, as
ess than 5,500 from Trinidad and
ring the same period;

on of the smaller Territories is in-
ases over 3%. annually), the proper
er in all territories, the proportior
of age being over 40% rising tc
Elation in the case of St. Vincent,
i the ages of 15 and 45, and 20%
movement in an Eastern Caribbean
strain on the resources of Trinidad
laces, maternity hospitals, housing
age pensions and competition for

has yet been given by either the
the extent of. financial assistance
er of years at least for the smaller
ciencies that are being left behind
n and underdevelopment by the

estimated that the initial cost to
dent services such as, diplomatic
Guard, and a .University would not
and Tobago would have been
federal revenue of $29 million dis-
[ouse Conference;

Tobago's 1960 population of 825,000
many independent countries, for
420,709; Bhutan 700,000; Panama
Rica 1,149,537; Lebanon 1,400,000;
Samoa, the latest country to get
62) has a population of 103,000


Ar. Chairman, it is a verygrave ,respon
ur -for'me, on behalftof the' General C
Lution to this Special Conveion of thE
my colleagues on the General Council w

rhe. Central Executive, sometime before
the General.'Elections,'agreed'withprol
?oliticalLeader that he-shbuld Jio author
nittee toconside the form inmwhich-this
Independence might be raised at a SpeS
r. The Committee was appointed, consists
s of the Government who in the past tbi
with this question of Federation in the
been called.

ofi maica. The Ministers' of Government, A
,:%:::% :? :: : ` :S :i: i :: ?: : : :: :!: : i ? i ,i~i~i %: !iiIIi!

isibility as iel1 its '
uncil,- to pif eentlth
. uld: want, me to. spe

the, end of last yea-
posals .put fo'ward b
.sed- to appoint a sma
question of F'ederatic
cia1 Conwention of tb
ne mainly of represe
iree years, have -had 1
manjy conferences. thi

-Politi~a. aVLeader,( iD
xanderi_;whd- had-,_.bee
'Halloran of the Legi
rned. wfiththe ,negoti.
ers-7MrivRobinson,, ti
2-d the G~overnment o

,re~ ~pioposalsebf~o
ghf t" MIthg ht be.,usiefi
irty in thie Legis1aftiv
tis'question of Fleder
,seen the 'problem
member of our pailt
r'ience 0f, the--p'roblew
e- Cari~bbean'; an4 M.
ad, been, the' .Ch~iittii
srnet-im''e: go'to stud

E~se, proposals exZpade
neil, I thought that, ti
e Ministers--pf overi
rovein Ime n-t-.had..to -sa
,of the-R1esolui4on "xn'o
I -adviser.-to' the C.Pr'Ji

g- thedd'. ofaa am E
Iiu4d,. with -the ~e'~
,ccepte4 ihvdt~

had been
uld be to
any mis-
any corn-
nd would

. ..U.U. U .C aJ I1 (UL& L LILLL1,oL r JJ. AVM &'. ... l, "
dayorus that where in the past six years have bla

country,-that heretodayweby our gather symblisou
in -the past six years in developing a-parystruddre andl
organisation. .Where our opponents cannot hold a Qonyeztiw
we the members of the Governmwentitook the initiative ini
the General Council to demand a Special Convention to di
matteroffundamental policy, to get thgui ce from
before the Government Ministers entered into any negotiat

::: A convention likeothis is,- as you now -you ave A

hold any convention on.any subject at-any time at all; and
mention Jikehionthe. 'subject of Federati. i:in-the- light

and experience sas to the, ignorance of the populationofothe
stories as to 7what Federation means,o-r -could mean or, did -no
our Conventio here, our. SpecialConvention to discussed
nl. dian Territorlesi. .
S" ~nd eIPve'the occa.dasion, the importaco
gravity of the issues fac-ig the countrythe vital hee -dfoJ
make a decision 'both for' Moral reasons' anfd solid economic
-on the question of national indep c
Party 'delegates froffi *:;rtPartye grounpst a.ll. oe ,o ecuty-
S solemnly'assembled in this specialCo'nvention to disc-usste^s
national'issues; I.belie.ve all thesecircumstance's combine to
me, as the spokesman of the General Council,,as theflead-of
meant, and as, Political Leader of the Party, to, deal witthe
in some .detail, to givehe.broad outlines-ofall'the roble

rivalry otui me U s-caWiie U 1UULurai countries ouuQsi
'*"- .*V iac' a^ riunlr rtua ^'<< -. ai nn nF*'*^ W acta T''rl.' ia in .^ *'^

manifest destiny
abit of the Mon
Hemisphere was

i.: : to the other, you have to
.. between. You have the.I
Soast of Venezuela,part; c
it shares withBritain an
andfragmentation. ..
S .t* It is these four -and
rivalry that -has-dictated
direction to that economy
affects all these other tei
S ...'- ":' -:. It is this 'rivalry that
culties 'tAt West Indian
of the area and its pr6du(
-or iindustrialised markets,
Coimmonwealth so that
Several centuries ago are
in the -limited area m tl
You have been subjected
our basic crops, like beel
-beet sugar in the Soviet-
of 'America, ....
-' The problems that we
from these four .and a .
subordination of West In
desires.; The result has be
one time it is Barbados,
another time it is Haiti, -
is British Guiana, another
Cuba; anid it iAsn't all o
and then the others lag b.
and other one comes 1o
to the metropolitan possE
these areas, the backward
ing upon metropolitan ini
S So as a result, ladies
today, with possibly PNM
S today, we are the product
of; looking outwards and
we forget to look inside.
S So that today, ladies
a. part, the area in which
S best leading. examples ,of(
S,*; try, today th'e Caribbean -i
S sion, the pawn for four a,
S'f- the victim of four and ,a l
That-is.whywe are h
_Indian, people on the scer
Tobago, -but other-similar
(take Curacao, or Surinam

S-hop over some foreign enclave -tha
)utch spread out all 'over- thetplac
)f it on the South AmericanContine
Ld within France. Hopeless political.

a half' centuries of economic and
West'Indian economy,,that-hasgi^v
y,. particularly-,in the field of sugi
rritories and to a lesser extent Tri
-has exposed us to one of- the prinici
territories face-the economicvwin
As where it depends on distant imet
the competition of other areas!wi
- the primary producers-in theWei
today one of t-he kriallest pr6dUci
ie world called the British-i Comme
Ito all the pressures "from substit
t sugar Mn Europe, beeet sugar, in
Union and jbeet sugar in te Unite

all. face today -intheCaribbean ae
ialf centuries of jealousy and-riva
dian interests to. metropolitan diet
en an uneven development tof the a
at- another time it- is Jamaica in-1
mother time it is Trinidad, another
time" it is Puerto Rico, another tii
f them at the timei[.One -comesS
behind; then he can'tcontinue withIt
reward; all this uneven development
ssion, to ithe metropolitan. parcelli
ness or forwardness of a territory
tiative or lack- of metropolitan1init
and' gentlemen, 'all of us in 'the W6s
I as- -the .best ,example of' a confra
in these West Indian-iterritories of
not looking inwards. We lookouts.

and gentlemen, the area .of which-
, among .other parties, PNM -is one
developing democracy p in an emergi
s nothing morethan a geographical
id -a half.centuries.-of.,internAtionaI
ialf. centuries:of warsi both hotand
ere today. Because the arrival of t
ie.- not onlythe PNM in rfinid
parties in other parts of the West
or Martinique, -or Gadeloupe, str

40 -

Civilization; or aurta hcQ from which we'in the ,PNIW have, openly
sought over the,.past few years, -so ~much of 'ouir-'n spiration)-the.
arrival ot tha Wept idian people n the, scene has.only- addedto the
confusion, hasonly-aggravated the disunit|y
Look -around tle West ,iiidies, today.' You will find Some -that are-
Preneb. stil l ooking to Ftnce,-, as in- Majrtinique and Guadeloupe. Sonme
resilloing hoe-.U iae States ~as 'they have looked. for a
ng- Slo c om~e are still-, looking n the tjxiited
.n ti e.......ert. to th U
Kingdom'., onue -f'th -:Chief "Min~isters of the smaller territories
-.aid to' the. Trinidad-.and Tobago delegation Ind other delegations in
ehe Lanca4er .Uous'-e nferen-cethat if he had to choose between
0)C.ng guided-!.. ....l...dad.and remaining. -a British colony be would
!refer Ito, xe-min a British, colonly. Others who have been ]brought up
n one patten or- another, whether United.Kingdom, or United States,
,ave 4~ecided loo~k,-9outside' both the Western Hemisphere and the
ommoinweaith; nd- -tey are looking towards new associations, new
partnerr Ihips,. bdWh t~ and- political, they are looking towards the
soviet Vniqn

'_rinidad and-- .obago are one thing.
Uco. PUerto _1'co is ~not the sm
pTublics are nt.he same as-the '
Aonies, -Which,' ae- not -Commonwe.
nent, whih'ae oversea's parts OfI
'olitan civilisation and to the metro
he Dutch territories are equal part
airtsh.4h inet-rqlitan country,-Sur
Th ema-Is: n-4rea -in the -world,
manyy' -hed --o -tte, no area ol
1hat has. -so -manyl heads of governn
'as so :mpynministers,,no area in t0
ators. an'd p~riw x4feary assemblies
It is-not.te rst time that *,th
ave been--oited'Ao. There have -be
testablhiln' oe ,sort of rational
he chiaos -and 'conf~usion left behind
ggrandlisemenetat te'expense .-of
'he. attempts have been general, be
aietropolIjaii countries 'themselves,
,s out WestfInidan territories are coin
,nd 'to etiltiir'al exercIse -'
It -e ,gan..-wth- the 'British, deci(
871, to .take'Ahree 'or four territo
vhat' they:caille h e'.-ew a-rd Island
,n admmiinitratve' re-brganisati'on'. It
tent with -fhe, constitution. or other
)ri'5. A as -mr-'a 'u perstrU2u
oritish -ig shotfo trtee or four-th,

We are not tie same asPi uerto:
as one of the republics. The
'rench territories which are not
lth, which.have no, self-govern-
1rance assi^mlated to the metro-
olitancountriesAnd some like
ars in a Commonwealth of three
na~m, Curacao: and Aruba.-
ladieswan1 gentlemen,'thathas.
comparable, size and resources
ent, no area in the wrld that
e world. that has so many legl*
f -ne forw7 or another.
absurdities and the anomalies
in many attempts-at integration,
systemsome, sort of -order in
I by- centuries of metropolitan
;he people -o f the West 2nlfies.
ing limited to initiative by the
r have been limited in so far
earned to administrative reforms.

Ing.onl nietyyeas. goin
-ies together- and to' conistitute
]F'ederation. Bu~t it.wa~s merely
did not interfere-.to. any- lar-ge
powers .of the- Individualteni
-e. with the substitutioni of, one~
it. existed :before.

And I think here, on. this occasion where we face these vital
decisions in respect of immediate national independence, it -might
be .useful for us to consider some of these early efforts at establish-
ing some sort of order in this confusion, if only because of what
S I want to bring to the attention of the Convention. in. a little while
in emphasizing some particular asp-cts of the two General Council
Resolutions. -
I have stated this story very often but it might be worth repeat-
ing-that when the British first brought up proposals for the Federa-
tion of the West Indies they involved a limited area which 'has a
certain value and a: certain interest today because it involves the
very area Barbados, the Leeward Islands and the Windward Islands
which are now facing the possibility of having to get together in
some form of union of their own depending on the decision of this
Special Convention of the PNM. This' is very important,' ladies and
gentlemen, in view of what happened at Lancaster House, in view
of what we stand for in the PNM, for a constructive nationalism, the
light of which has not been seen in these West Indian territories.
It is very important for us to know that the. dissolution of the
Federation that we face today stems from this metropolitan initiative
and from a totally limited conception of what Federation would mean
to us in the West Indies.
This is how the British first proposed to. the people of the West
SIndies the question of federation. This is the Secretary of State for
the Colonies writing to the Governor of Barbados in 1873 urging
Barbados to join the Federation of the Leeward Islands and the
Windward Islands. The Secretary said:..
"I have to point out that it is most desirable on general
grounds affecting imperial as well as local interests that the
Windward Islands should be included within a strong'federation.
No one can dispute the advantages, for purposes of defence, of
union between weak neighboring communities. Moreover, 'it
cannot be expected that the governments of a number of small
Islands independent of each other should possess the experience
and information necessary to enable them to deal with questions
which in times of war or other emergencies may arise with
foreign powers," -
Metropolitan interests again and metropolitan concern with
metropolitan interests in the West Indies.
S .. and on which there may be no opportunity to refer home
for instructions. It must be apparent to all the Colonists under
your Government that the Imperial. Government -may justly call
upon them to adopt any improvements in their system of admin-
istration which without prejudicing their local interests. may
increase the efficiency of the Colonial Government in reference
to these serious matters." '
Federation of the West Indies began as.. a British proposal to

... _12 .

British ends better than British
s centuries without- Federation.
that, ladies and gentlemen, it was]
proposals for Federation were as
il that we have been discussing in
oposals were as follows-six points
The Auditor of Barbados should be
of the Windward Islands, his sala:
increased; such additional expense t
The power of transporting prison
other islands and of receiving prison
here should be secured to the Gov
The new lunatic asylum in Barbad<
the reception of all lunatics from t]
At think that we should laugh about
revised now, Trinidad and Tobago,
interest in a common lunatic asylu
tion so that we could transport s
ins. (Laughter)
A similar arrangement should be
There should be a Chief Justice of
a remodelling of the judicial syst<
of centralizing it in Barbados.
There should be a police force for
thing to do with the West Indies.
s. fn fact when certain disturban
is Barbados. rejected then and
nadian Federation--when certain
bout Barbados linking up with the
the Secretary of State found it
ions to the Governor of Barbado
you, because they concern all of us
e fruitless attempts to get together
Pus Federation that has no relevanc
cities of the area that we are all ai
is is what. the Secretary of State tolc
ed him to issue a proclamation to t
Ler islands to let them know the t
at it would be a great mistake 1
n .
ey called it conferderation in those
)uld either injure, or benefit in ai
ial condition of any class; that 1
ne further facilities for movement
gaining employment in a larger i
inge the conditions or prospects of

ends had .been served in

n't surprising that the first
pedestrian as any of the
the last four or five years.

appointed Auditor-General
ry and clerical staff being
to fall entirely on the other

ers from Barbados to the
ners from the other islands
os should also be open -for
he other islands. (Laughter)
that, because if that were
I believe, would have an
im in an Eastern Caribbean
ome of our fD.L.P. lunatic

made about a common

the Windward Islands and
em based on the necessity

the Windward Islands.
Nothing about West Indian
ces arose because of. these
I preferred to try to join
disturbances arose in; Bar-
;se Leeward and Windward
necessary to issue precise
s in 1876 that I want to
here with this background
, to bring into being some
e whatsoever to the econo-
nxious to serve.
I the Governor of Barbados.
;he people of Barbados and
rue facts of the case-and

to suppose that confedera-

iy considerable degree the
beyond, possibly, affording
among, the Islands, and for
field, it could do little to
r the labouring class, ."

The same man who was
efficiency of the British a
defence forces.
"it could do little to c1
labouring class, and thi
prietorship or occupation
acre has long been dispc
to improved education a:
tions as the most direct 1
and distress which has
there has been no reason
if adopted by the Legis]
dence of Barbados or
than would without
enlightened public opil
ground whatever for an
injury, or change of any
this or any other legis]
that all loyal subjects
Legislature for their gu:
So we are here today, I
set-what is it? eighty-six 3
no economic improvements,
Purely centralization of the
Government in British inte
wealth and world issues of 1
we weren't the only o
The lirst steps towards som
came from certain West Indi
West. Indies. They came fr'
they came from Haiti and t
The General Council's
on the Party Convention si
exclude in' the future, the es
munity embracing the entii
that all delegates would cc
discussion here today on :
delayed independence, if in
might pay some attention to
nothing whatsoever in the pi
I want to give you som(
It is itself limited by their
Rican representatives of Fed
exactly a hundred years ag(
"Because I am an A
I am a Puerto Rican, I t]
And what does his

saying it, would do a lot to improve
administrative services and the Bri

ange the conditions or prospects of
t of course it could give them no.
i of land in an Island- in which ev
sed of; that all parties must look ral
Ad the amelioration of the public insi
neans of removing much of the grieva
prevailed; while, on the other hE
whatever to suppose that Confederat
ature, could affect the financial inde]
make any other changes in the Isl
Confederation commend themselves
iion. That, therefore, there being
ticipating any very considerable ben
kind, it is quite unjustifiable to dis(
ative proposal in excited meetings,
should look to the proceedings of
dance and information."
adies and gentlemen, from the tradi'
ears ago. Precisely nothing, no chain
no consideration of economic isst
administrative services of the Bri
rests, and purely the overall Comn
he defence of the Caribbean area.
nes who were talking about that tl
a sort of Federation in the West In<
ans themselves but outside of the Bri
>m Cuba, they came from Puerto R
hey came from the Dominican Repul
Resolution, ladies and gentlemen, c
ecifically to keep in mind, and not
tablishment of a common economic .c
e Caribbean area. I believe, there
insider it very appropriate that in
independence as against some sort
dependence at all, in a Federation,
our neighbours of whom we have he
Side of their thinking on this subj
own traditions. One of the great Pui
eration, the Federation principle, aln
) said :
merican, because I am a Colonial, beca
ierefore am a federalist."
Federation mean ?

I A .

had to help in order to get the federation.
keir own thinking the question is-what sort of Federation
have in mind? Here is the first formal proposal for a Carib-
federation issued in Puerto Rico, I believe, or in New York
SRicans, on March the 15th, 1865, almost a hundred years

'Cuba, Santa Domingo and Puerto Rico can form a free Con-
ation of independent states, with a surplus of power and pro-
whose political existence would without difficulty be guar-
:d by the maritime powers of both hemispheres, which
I obtain in exchange, and have as their reward, great and
n1shlo advantfocs fnr their rnmmpro "

)f both hemispheres the metro
it would have for them and what (
the West Indian Territories thems(
Le of them thought a little further E
v years ago. Here is one:
"What a wonderful spectacle will be
sphere by the republics of Cuba, Pu
Haiti, forming three distinct nation
by the bonds of democracy and sel
ted in one political communion ui
'he Federation of the Antilles'."
as gone now from the Spanish -
-and incorporates the French bacd
i went further, and I think he is
here this evening; a young man
fled with Federation of Cuba and
sgin with them:
young federation would break the
nations, which had colonies in th
nercial and political pacts favourable
colonies to join the Federation."
first real vision in the West Ind
r. May I read it again ? Beginning w
young federation would break th
pean nations, which had colonies ii
commercial and political pacts favou
their colonies to join the Federat
century! Largely a nationalist
m Spain mostly based on cultural
id of th? Spanish language and t
civilization. But the political national
yond narrow cultural bonds, envisa
t of commercial arrangement-or s]


>olitan countries what
effect that interest would
even in those days eighty

offered to the American
Lerto Rico, Santo Domingo
alities, linked in brother-
If preservation and incor-
nder the beautiful name

Cuba, Puerto Rico, Santo
ground, Haiti. And then
very appropriate to our
in Puerto Rico who was
Puerto Rico. He says it

way, obligating the Euro-
ie Antilles, by means of
e to one another, to urge

ies of a real Caribbean
ith Cuba and Puerto Rico
ie way, obligating the
n the Antilles, by means
rable' to one another, to
movement for indepen-
considerations, the com-
he common tradition of
lists, one or two of them
iging, however vaguely,
hall we put it in modern

nmues, anu o
ries outside 1

Nothing happening tnen in the ritisn west i mines wniist tis
vision is taking place, however imprecise, however vague, however
idealistic in some respects. The British iGovernmentishinkingof
federating the convicts and the paupers and having a single police
force and a single auditor for seven West Indian territories, and
saying that no benefit, no change, no improvement would be made
in the economic conditions or in the welfare of any class in society.
That has' explained the limited vision of the men of Cipriani',
day-Cipriani in Trinidad and Rawle in Dominica, and: some 1Other.
who got together at the Dominica Conference in 1932 to talkof a
Federation of the West Indies. They left out British Guiana;lthey
left out Jamaica; they thought of nominated members; theygave E
lot of powers to the Governor-General, and they wanted a Federation
-which, in the light of- what is being said nowadays, mihtbeo

Trinidad to have 7-one quarter-
have 3, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, Do
2 each; Montserrat 1, Virgin Isl
tance. It couldn't really get any I
centrating really on the question o:
were the days of 1932, the thirt:
crown colony system, well entrench
entrenched in Barbados and the sir
And so we went onto 1947 '
was convened and the attempt wl
Government-to form a Federation
The primary consideration ha
interest tempered by some vague c
tion by some far-seeing colonial nm
All of them, however, up t
subordinating the economic factor.
cal fragmentation. The Spaniards a
think of Cuba and Puerto Rico. Cipl
Barbados, Leeward Islands. Jamaica
has a continental destiny; and tb
thing for their colonies. Everybody
and a half centuries of fragnntati
It is under those auspices tha
Federation of the West Indies. :Tl
They bring British Guiana and B
and then within a couple of years B
British Honduras is allowed to go.
-All the discussions, ladies and
into details, all of you of the PNM

-Barbados to have 5,' Grenada to
minica, Antigua, St. Kitts, Nevis,
ands 1. It didn't get any fistance. Because they were con-
C internal self-government. Those
ies, with British- colonialism, the
ed in Trinidad and therefore well
caller territories. :
ih.n the Montego Bay Conference
is renewed-again by the British
of the West lIndies. ': : :
is always been the metropolitan
colonial idealism or some anticipa-
itionalist. .....
o then agreed on one thing-
in federation and accepting politi-
nd the Cubans and Puerto Ricans
riani and Rawle think of Trinidad,
is outside the fold; British Guiana
ie French wdre doing the- same
accepted the results of the four
on by the metropolitan powers.
L. the negotiations began for the
ley didn't begin too auspicously.
ritish Honduras to, Montego Bay
ritish Guiana is allowed togo and

gentlemen-we dbofi't need to igo
I (we have dealt with this subject

5 ^ ^' :;-''*, :,^ ':-* ^ ^ *'-. ":; ] '


a lot) will be broadly' familiar with them, and you certainly know
what has been going on in the last three or four years-all the pro-
positions, all the discussions were absolutely limited in scope. I grant
you they did not talk solely about paupers and convicts and lunatics
in the Montego Bay and the Barbados and London discussions, but
they said nothing about integration of the economy.
You know, or you Tecall, the long fight and the arguments and
confusion about customs union, and you know that after nine years
of discussion and wrangling and debate they end up with a Constitu-
tion at the 1956 London Conference where they can't agree on an
independent Federal revenue at all, and they limit the Federal Gov-
ernment- to a revenue of nine million, one hundred and twenty thou-
.and dollars, of which Trinidad pays X per cent out of its treasury,
Jamaica pays Y per cent out of its treasury, and the Federal Gov-
ernment is absolutely hamstrung from the start.
Am I wrong, ladies and gentlemen, in suggesting that something
:like that was the only thing that could emanate from a British Gov-
ernmenit and a Conference in London where the British Government
had taken the initiative in the past and hlad thought of centralizing,
,ad thought of rationalizing the administrative services? And your
colonial nationalists, having to fight like the devil to get some sort of
recognitionn in their own territories in respect of self-government,
having little opportunity to study the history of federation, having no,
contact whatsoever with their fellow nationalists in territories outside
Of the West Indies, or for that matter Jamaica, they themselves
acceptt metropolitan initiative, they themselves operate within the
straight-jacket in which the British Government, thinking from the
start of federation in terms of lunatics, have always placed the
peoplee of the Territories they want to federate.
What broke new ground was we in the PNM. We came here in
September 1959. We weren't here, we were in Queen's Hall. And
as a result of one year of cogitation and study by a committee of
4he Legislative Group, appointed specifically.for the purpose of draw-
ing up proposals for a decent federal constitution, calculated to take
the West Indies to independent nationhood in the shortest possible
time, on the basis of proposals submitted to the PNM Convention,
we of the PNM broke new ground in September 1959 with our Queen's
Hall Convention.
Do you remember that Convent4on, ladies and gentlemen? A lot
of you were there. The man who stopped the discussion is here
today. Do you remember him ?-from the San Juan constituency, I
believe it was at the time. He said the Legislative Group had studied
this proposal; the General Council had accepted it and put it before
the Convention. He was prepared to take in good faith all that the
Legislative Group and the Party had proposed. He wanted one assur-
ance-that what we were proposing was not less than what Ghana
had had, not less than what Malaya had had, not less than what
Nigeria had had. It was very easy for me to give that assurance,
because we had concentrated on Malaya, Nigeria, Ghana and some


other places that he wasn't particularly interested in He did t Want to
hear mich about Switzerland or the United States We gave hi the
assurance and he got up on the floor and moved that the proposals
of the Legislatiyv Group forwarded through the General Council be
accepted. without discussion and the Conventio inaniously
accepted that resolution.
It is we of the PNvM who started to look inwards t e who
started the tradition- of a West Indian nationalism, not finibited by
British traditions eighty years old in terms of convicts and paupers.
It is we who for the first"time in West Indian society raised the ques-
tioh of federatioa meaning the integration of the isolated economies;
.otherwise federation was nothing at all, was just a pain in the neck,
and, just a lot of Federal Ministers running about Port-of-Spain
spreading joy. (Laughter)
As against that proposal the Jamaicans opposed the conception
of a confederation having nothing whatsoever to do with economic
powers or economic responsibilities. The issue has been fought out
over the years. Jamaica says no control over industrial development,
no control over income tax; in. order to ensure its position against
the power of the PNM. Because it wasn't the Trinklad Government
going there. and saying something. We had the Party Convention
behind us. We were the only delegates in any of these conferences
who could speak in terms of a Party and therefore could claiia the
right to speak in terms of the country as a whole. All the others
spoke for nobody at all, as the Jamaica referendum indicated.
In order to ensure that. there should be no control by the Federal
Gover-nment over industrial development and income tax the tremen-
dous wrangle developed about representation on the basis of popula-
tion. You have half the population. So you must get half .the seats
in order that you could outvote, you could veto all measures to give
the Federal Government powers over income tax and induMiittrial
deve opment. And the wrangle developed over the procedure for
bringing iin new territories. Trinidad always said British Guiana must
come .in. But if British Guiana came in you upset the whole
complicated population balance that Jamaica had insisted must be
agreed to in its interest.
You had the whole. problem of -freedom of movement. Not a voice
was raised in PNM's Convention of September 1959 ag sthe
proposal of the Legislative Group that freedom of, movement should
be guaranteed by the Constitution. Not one pdrrson opposed that.
Because everybody saw in, that an indispensable, not only .,economic
but also moral, attribute of Federation, a strong Federal Govern-
ment which was endowed with the necessary constitutional and legal
and fnanial powers to integrate. the isolated economies, to .develop
the national economy. But the moment you broke the PNM line, the
moment you said you satisfy Jamaica and you don't touch industries,
and you don't touch income, tax, and you delay customs union and
do't allow Trinidad workers to produce products tM could. enter

to framenteconomically the politi
to set up, thiien you can't limitit I
ment, you have'to. include Trinid
question of. freedom of movement.
And'then you have to take- it 1
are going to say that you aresettin
si-ucture and Iaving afotiof uni
shouldTrinidad and Tobago agree
Government in thefield of external
i give tothePNM and to the p
1 FderalGtovernmentthat, had no
couldn'tt stop Jamaica seceding, that
ail its powersand you must give
cmuld only be done by people whc
afairs were. External affairs toda
mercial policy and to the. promotih
You take industrial development ay
3.-)u take commercial policy away f
you give it powerover external af
a:td fete'in foreign countries? To
Representatives? It didn't make sei
And Trinidad's'recognised pr
political quarters, reducti ad absi
1hollow absurdity of all these Jams
i -fluence which understood Federal
understood it in -1876.
And all of' them delaying ine
that said independence on the 22nc
27th, 1962, m-d we have lost near]
on this Federation, that broke up,
absurdity,, the fiasco-of Lancaster
The Lancaster House Conferenc
in to; everyJamaican demand, end
that wasmerely an administrative
Governor-General,, a Parliament, Mi
whatsoever to deal:with the econoi
sions to the smaller Unit's and J;
proposal for a strong, powerful, index
purely theBritish anxiety to get
as possible and' as cheaply-as poss
And if there were any doubts a
I make no bones aboutit,ladies an
Party, that.if'Jamaica hadwon the
to the PNM and was going to prol
the Lancaster House Conference. I'
in Special Convention that they sh
The'Party would have:had to d
free to go into the Federation. They
with another. political leader. I w(


Cial federation that -you are trying
to Jamaica and industrial develop-
ad and Tobago and bring in the

to external affairs. Because if you
ig up-just an administrative super-
t powers to Unit territories, why
to give any.powers to a Federal
affairs? What representation could
people of Triidad and Tobago? A
power todo anything at all, that
couldn't stop Jamaica taking away
it -powersuin externalaffairs. It
didn't understand what external
Share related particularly to con-
n of industrialization, and so on.
vay from the Federal Government,
Irom the Federal Government, but
fairs! To -o what with it? To go
go and give parties for foreign
.cedue, well-established in solid
urdum, Trinidad showed up the
i .can proposals backed by British
tion in 1960 no more than it had

dependence. Trinidad and Tobago
I of April, 1960. Today is January
ly two years in wasting our time
ended at Lancaster House the
!e, ladies and gentlemen, by giving
ed up by producing a Federation
superstruAure. It merely meant
inisters,etcetera. It hadenothi.ng
tie realities-it was merely conces-
amaica at the expense of PNM's
pendent Federation. It represented
-id of the West Indfes as quickly
.ible .. .. ..
is to what Lancaster House meant,
I gentlemen, I say it openly, to the
referendum-I was going- to come
pose to the PNM that they reject
was going. to propose to the Party
)uld not join the Federation.
ecide. The Party would have been
i would have gone into Federation
would not have been false to my
419derat o


conscience. I would not ha
for putting that rope aroux
Tobago by accepting that
Lancaster House. (Applause
go yourselves if you wapte
or swim; but I cannot be
/this matter, and I cannot
or the Head of the Governi
tion which could only have
dad's national income aid I
-British Government get aw
get jobs in the: Federal (

e agreed to take on the response
the neck of the people of Trinid
)astard Federation that was cream
I was going. You all would hive
to. I don't- question the Party. Y(
expected to go against my consci
e expected as the Leader of the
ent, to accept responsibility for a.
neant taking so muh money front
ending it out t a lot of people to
From the responsibilitie, to let
vernment, and to provide a for

But as re meet to consider oul
certain lessons that we would have '
be profitable to recall today from ou
that has' broken up politically and wi
Our experience is- that all the di
proposals on Federation so far have
vision of the' federated area as a
large, of the arger Caribbeaniarea. I
have Iyou ,heard -,- hbody outside of
the other, parts. of the Caribbean, arE
of the West Indies Federation to ti
acveptin'g in 1962 fourt anid al-half cee
tion of balance ofpower in this w
"Ocay, the' Papal donation of 1493 i
tions that have developed as Aresult
struggle between the various countri
posedly m7eincip-atimg ourselves polit
In'other words, ladies and gent]
tion that 'hasbrollen up- has broken'
ou* of th 'Wst Ixidies and not to
It broke fp -beeiase, whilst it was .
too,like t pr ecessors, subordinate
ccntion orpropoal in respect of ecor
fo eight "'industrial development and c
a single income tax; they fought cumc
th 'ng. Whatever the Federation w
designed to change the economic pat
and a. half "centuries; and the West
nothing niore than a costly administer
added- to the already costly Unit stru
result of-the inerging self-governme
And finally, those of us who .
particularly that perhaps the most in
F'Ideration, has left behind for us in,
a salute bankruptcy of metropolitan ii
step was takenn or proposed by the I
Is it any wonder then, ladies ai
jhre with the Federationf dead-I can
that as 'we cast our minds back, wheri
tion which has no vision -at all in te
it is a part, which has -no perspective
having t6" deal with a Party like th4
economic development of Trinidad
has no money at alljto do anything;
have the money; that a Federation
but a lot 'of high-ounding jobs and
place ;'is' it any onder, ladies and
time' the experience of your PNM F

line of action there must be
arnt or that at least it would
experiences in the Federation
soon lbe dissolved legally.
usion on Federation, all the
&en absolutely innocent of any
t, however small or however
sk you, M-embers of the PNM,
e PNIMe circles talking about
and the possible relationship
se parts? It is as if we were
uries of metropolitan distribu-
Id. It is as if we are saying,
Sead, but we accept the dona-
f four and a half centuries of
from whom we are now sup-
men, the West Indies Federa-
p because it continued to look
ok inside of the West Indies.
makingg up, whilst it existed, it
[and rejected any single con-
mic integration. Nothing! They
mmon incentives; they fought
3ms union; they fought every-
designed to be, it was not
rn that- has prevailed for four
dian Federation was therefore
ive apparatus, a superstructure
ures that have developed as a
L in these territories.
re in Lancaster House know
)ortant lesson the West Indian
ie PNM, is that it revealed the
tiative. Not one single forward
itish Government in Lancaster

I gentlemen,. that as we meet
say dying-, is it any wonder
we had to deal with a Federa-
us of the Caribbean of which
e at all in economic matters,
PNM1- which begins by saying
id Tobago; a Federation that
en if it had the ideas it didn't
Kich has ended up in nothing
big shots running about- the
entlemIen, that in three years
presentatives in terms of this

Federation and its representatives has ended up, has disintegrated
into a welter of confusion and intrigue and Federal trying to stab
STrinidad in the back and Trinidad putting up a resistance? When
people have no work to do, when people have no vision, when people
have no perspective, when people have no relevance whatsoever to
the fundamental economic realities, and you give them a job, and
you give them a salary, and you give them a high sounding title,
do you expect anything else but intrigue and confusion, and running
about the place? After three years all that we could say in Trinidad
and Tobago is that our independence has been delayed from April
22nd, 1960.
So therefore, ladies and gentlemen, does that mean .that we must
give up all our hopes? Does that mean that we must be frustrated?
Does that mean that we must accept, in our own way the fragmenta-
tion and the parcelation against which we of the PNM with our
proposals of 1959 have protested? Not at all.
The General Council's resolution faces the Convention squarely
with this issue. The General Council's Resolution, for the first time
in the history of a political party in this part of the world, the first
time in the history of the abortive Federation that we will soon
be burying, takes the West Indies outside of the limited British
sphere and puts them squarely up against the 19th century nationalists
in the Spanish and French speaking areas, and poses the question of
the establishment of a common economic community embracing the
entire Caribbean area.
In other words, the General Council boldly takes the stand that
the temporary partial disappointment itself contains the seed, itself
lays the foundation for the larger permanent hope of the West Indian
area in the world.
The General Council calls on the Party, gives the Party the
wider vision-not an abstraction. The 19th century nationalists were
there before you in Cuba and in Puerto Rico and in Haiti and so on.
Today, the General Council calls upon you to look inwards, for the
first time, at the Caribbean Economic Community, and not to look
outwards as some little satellite of some metropolitan power, just
running off .to England and protesting against British exclusion of
West Indian immigrants from the United Kingdom. That was where
we were born; that is where we have come from. And .the General
Council calls on the Party-you go ahead and you set a lead, you
give a lead to the area or you end up with all the little intrigues
and manoeuvres that are now going on. First there were twelve,
then there were eleven, and then there were ten, and then there
were nine, and now the General Council jiroposes that there are
eight. (Laughter).
The General Council faces. you squarely with that and that is
what you of the PNM have got to decide.
May I develop the point a little, Mr. Chairman? Because this is
what-differentiates our Party from the other parties. There is nothing
strange in our proposal. It is the world in which we live. AU this

mind so qtAckly. The top members
of our Party had been discussing
the matter for some time, and we,
had all agreed that as far as we
were concerned, with- a Par'Zy just
a little older than one year and a
Governme;nt one year old, we
could'not be expected to disrupt
the important task of reconstrite-
tion iA Trinidad and Tobacro to
take on the burdens of the office
of Prime Minister of the West
Mr MacMillan's principal
concern was to seek to persuade
me that I should be the Prime
'Wnister of the West Indies. It
was clear that even then Britain
was envisaging the departure of
Jamaica from the Federation. He
told me all about the problems of
distance and the difficulties Man-
ley's Government, was facing in
Jamaica with the Opposition, that
Manley had too mapy problems on
his hands.
He ended up by indicating that
in his view the Fedaration should
be restricted to nine territories
without Jamaica and that I should
be the Prime Minister. I let him
know that Trinidad and Tobago
was havingnone of that. It was
all or none., As I put it later.
Pine from ten. leaves zero, but I
knew theft that. the Federation
was on its death-bed. And I was
further satisfi.-Id then that Bri'ain
would accept anylihing, but anvi
thing, in order to expedite IR3
abdication of its responsibilities
to the West Indies.

repeat, it naa no conception. iNoDoay ever suggested mat it
t of a larger area and that the road for the West Indies was
that larger area, that national integration, integration of the
economies of the West Indian Federation, was only the first
vards economic integration of the Caribbean area as a whole;
11 we live in that world.
ot of you hear talk about Africa, and we of the PNM have
ican countries. But the Africans themselves are not individual
ican countries. But the African themselves are not individual
.s. They are breaking now: into two blocs-the Monrovia bloc

owner, wiu whatever mney say jxri
g there as a challenge to all the
Africa, somebody in Africa can tal
Igian influence, which had French in
.e, which had Portuguese influence
ust as fragmented, even though ii
ie West Indies, except that the I
of this torture than the Africans I
hat, somebody in the West Indies
larger unity, something that makes
nt a certain amount of intellect
tive for the people of these frustra
to go.
a-matter of fact you have the C
. You live in a world today where
g out of a Latin American free t
and gentlemen, the living and dyna
,ommon Market countries that h
ions: Belgium and Germany, Gern
and countries that are small like
.at metropolitan power who for foui
dawn here, Britain that wants to g
is rushing in seeking to join the
ropean Economic Community.
e example is. there, ladies and geni
nothing and just words with the Ge
his for a long time-if I may intro
to myself: "Well I don't think that
tion, etcetera. This seems to be goi
nd so on." And we go to the Gen
-proposal-the Committee that we
'1Council said they don't waht thi
1e that the thing breaks. up, but w]
)mebody said something and we pul
aic Community", and every Membe
one, says 'Yes' he is for that; at


umah's call for Pan Africa
emerging African States.
lk about Pan Africa which
ifluence, which had Spanish
, which had British influ-
I was a -little larger area
West Indies had a longer
have had. But if they can
has to raise the call for
sense, something that can
ual dignity and economic
ited areas who don't know

central American Common
the Latin Americans. are
rade area. And you have,
imic example of the Euro-
tave fought each other for
nany and Italy,: Italy and
Luxembourg, and Britain,
r centuries held us by the
;et rid of the West Indies,
European Common. Market,

tlemen. Don't imagine that
neral Council. I had talked
)duce a personal note-and
t we could bring this to a
ing far ahead. We have to
ieral Council with a more
had-and Members of the
s at all. They are willing
'here do we go from here?
t in the phrase "Caribbean
r of the General Council,
id ever the one who said

ihe w-as opposed to the resolution that is before you accepted that
particular proposal.
It isn't just an abstraction. It is there, ladies and gentlemen. The
countries of Europe have signed a treaty. The treaty is in Whis book.
It is a common policy on agriculture. And if these countries, Ger-
many wanting low prices as a consumer of agricultural goods, rance
it wantigM h princess' .0

wanting high pr~~ices as a producer of agricultural goods, can work
out some common policy, is it beyond the PNM, is it going too far
for the PNM in the midst of this crucialtime when there is frustra
tion, when there is disappointment, when in -some quarters there is
despair, and when you have the enemies of the PNM seeking to come
into the PNM and to say thissthat and the other? Read the "Evening
News" editorial; Read the poor wretched D.L.P. people; all trying
to say something, trying to bring pressure on the PNM. You' are
the centre of attraction today in the West Indies. You dominate the
Trinidad scene today intellectually as perhaps you have never domi-
nated it in your six years of existence. Everybody wants to get at
you. In your hands today is possibly held the future o all the West
Indian territories; not of any little Federation thit breaks i or
another Federation that might be born
They have a common policy on transport. They work ou basic
principles of freedom of movement. I don't want to be particularlyA
long, because you all have to have your dinner. (Voices: Go on, man;
forget the time; talk, man, talk)
I meant that seriously, ladies and gentlemen, but I will still take
advantage of the point of view you have expressed. I I lieve that
the Members of the Party ought to know what it is the General
Council is putting before them; what is implicit in the Genral
Council's proposals here.
Look at the) Treaty of Rome, the purposes, the principles, the
perspectives of the European 'Common Market. I believe, that you
ought properly to hear the type of thing that we ofth w f Gneral
Council are proposing, that we in the PNM should take the initiative
in trying to develop in this tortured and fragmented West Indian
area, 'as the final stage away from the colonialism thathas doi-
nated us for four and a half centuries an which has produced that
colonial mentality that nowhere in the history of Colonialism was
- better exemplified than in the Representatives of the Federal Gov]
ernmient, who now-God rest their souls-are no more. (Laughter)
I am being very serious, ladies and gentleitten. I am. not laugh-
Iag. I am not sneering at anybody. It isa historical analysis that I1
am making. I consider the breakdown of the Federation an absolute
blessing in disguise. We can get away from all these concessions we
have had to make. We can get away from all this wrangling, ll these
difficulties we have had with people who were talking a different lan-
guage from the PNM; people who< were talking the metropolitan
language of colonialism -of 1876; people who could emancipate them-

had the metropolitan colonial rope round their necks and were being


y / .-

increasingly strangled by it. It is hot the metropolitan countries
pulling the rope. They have stopped. It is the West Indian nationalists
by their antics drawing the rope tighter, the rope of colonialism we
are trying to get rid of.
May I read you, the basic perspectives of the European Economic
"The activities of the Community shall include, under the
conditions and with the timing provided for in this. Treaty :
(a) the elimination, as between Member States, of customs
duties and of quantitative restrictions in regard to the
S .importation and exportation of goods, as well as of all
other measures with equivalent effect.;
(b) the establishment of a common customs tariff and a com-
mon commercial policy towards.third countries;
(c) the abolition, as between Member States, of the obstacles
to the free movement of persons, services and capital;
(d) the inauguration of a common agricultural policy;
(e) the inauguration of a common transport policy;
.(f) the establishment .of a system ensuring that competition
shall not be distorted in the Common Market;..
(g) the application of procedures which shall make it possible
to co-ordinate the economic policies of Member States and to
remedy disequilibria in their balances of payments;
(h) the approximation of their respective municipal law to the.
extent necessary for the functioning of the Common Market;
(i) the creation of a European Social Fund in order to improve
the possibilities of employment for workers and to con-
tribute to the raising of their standard of living;
(g) the establishment of a European Investment Bank intended
to facilitate the economic expansion of the Community
through the creation of new resources; and
(k) the association of overseas countries and territories with
the Community with a view to increasing trade and to pur-
suing jointly their effort towards economic and social
Ladies and gentlemen, this is Belgium and France; this is France
and Germany; this is Germany and Italy; this is Italy and Holland;
the cockpit of Europe 'for generations as the West Indies was the
European cockpit outside of Eufope. They can 'get together. And
their getting together is the last thing that threatens to strangle.
West Indian economy, with particular reference to the, oil resources
pf Trinidad and Tobago. They can get together. We in the West
Indies, in the British zone, couldn't get together on freedom of
movement and. customs union. Freedom of movement in the Euro-
pean Economic Community was over a period of twelve years. Free-
dom of movement is not an abstraction It is related to coordination
of ecodfomic policies; it is related to a common agricultural policy; it
is related to a European Investment Bank; it is related to a common
customs tariff; it. is related to the-elimination of customs duties be-

_,25 .

.ween Member States; it is
gration, as we have always a
We couldn't get togechel
greatest trading areas ever <
going on there, developing
ultimately leading to a po111
lively cailvdssea in accoruar
out izi the Treaty of Rome.
we coulant agree in thi
uf the. British West Indian a
Curacao, you go to Surinam
Are you getting out of
at all. The West Indian ai
population of approximately
Lt propose to ri l tnac, wni
i iuon, we should in this p
adupt deliberately a conscious,
the perspective of three m
looking, our tacit acceptance,
of tne colonialism of so man
ing towa ds twenty million p
diation all over the area of
countries themselves are mc
colonial nationalst movement
twenty million people! I
needn't spend much time on
word "Cuba" for us to agree
would pose a very special dil
the associations that we are
have the problem, to look at
the problem of association wi
from the economies that pre
out Cuba and-you get about
million people.
The total trade, export 1
we can compare (let us take
dred million United States
West Indian dollars? Forty.
Indian dollars in export t:
hundred million United Sta
trade imports would be ab
States dollars. Leave out Cul
twenty-one hundred million 1
Large resources of oil,
ally, manufactured goods in
and if you include Cuba, soG
the pressure of the Europear

a essential part of the economiic
with three million people. One c
veloped in the history of the wo.
,y alter day under our very eyes
:al association wnich is now belt
c with the economic perspecive

West Indian area. So we go oi
ea. You go to Puerto Rico, you
you go to Martinique, ana you

)ur depth, ladies and gentlemen?
a, the total West mInan ar.a, J
venty million people. is ic too
e we failed in our proposals ior
:iod of frustration ana uisappoin
policy aiming at twenty million? v
non people represented our ou
f the essential principles ana pra
centuries, oir concentration, our
(ple would represent the decisive
be colonialism which the mctrop
3 anxious to give up than we o
are to take away from them.
you leave out Cuba-and I thin
that, we have just got to mention
to appreciate in this room that
culty in the last two years in ten
walking about, if only because yot
in the most objective economic t
i a state controlled economy as di
'ail in other parts of the arear-
uirteen million people as against

ide, in so far, as we have figures
ie year 1959), about twenty-seven
dollars export trade. What is th
ve to forty-six hundred million
de. Import trade-about thirty
s dollars. Leave out Cuba and
Lt thirty-one hundred million U
and your export trade would be
lited States dollars.
gar, bananas, tropical products g
famaica, in Surinam, in Puerto
: is developing in Cuba itself. V
Common Market would be partici


marked inr espectof certain ag
stand in this room,. ladies and
,the European Common Market
European Common Market)th,
could not long survive -theEurc
participation. The Commonweal
age of giving us a guaranteed,
production at a price of- $216 a
is $100 a ton. So y.our small
cocoa, coffee, all West Indian t
competition of the French Afr
Common Market which are getti
Market area. The problem ofB
Market is, what safeguards cou
West TIndian territories that
tainm'scoit-tails as as, ciated
much of a choice, but to the .eXt
set in respect, of Curacao and
PNM, who ha no rowom to' ac
proposals you make for schools,
or for- this that or the other-
together and the ei s no greater
would get in a PNM Coe.venti
Market countries following resp
ced'ents they'have set foroil in
had better try to start emigrating
and. Aruba based-on theirexport
the line that they are worried
African State a refinery with Ru
then. seeks entry into the Corn
terms accorded theCommon Ma
Curacaoe has noa oil, Curacao reb
to lump Trinidad together 'withI
is a combination of local crude
large refining industry that hasl
That is what Trinidad and Toba,
withany Eastern Caribbean F
jeopardize overnight by a stro
achievements that you have bo
We are not the only ones.
interested. And if the American
interested in the negotiations g
know, Puerto Rico tied to the 1
affected. Whatever happens to ,
can bet your-last dollar that tb
industries, industrial developed
effect is going to be. serious, al
world. .
*o '. '' ..'

ieuaprai prowctsr-iet us al unae-
gentlemen, that.if Britain goes int
and Britain is certain to go into th
e Commonwealth Sugar Agreemen
pean Common Market with Britain'
th Sugar Agreement has the advant
market for about two-thirds of, ou
ton *wherethe world market pric
:territories: are there ;we are-in *it
ropical production is subject to th
ican territories a-Bociated with th
ng special privileges in the Comio:
ritain joining the EuropeanCommom
Id Britain demand and achieve fo
hit wantto go.in hanging on to *Br
overseas territories. We have nc
int that a precedent has already 'bee]
ruba,;I'dies and gentlemen of th
0ommodatemin one manifesto all th
or for'water, or for dental services
-bring three hundred PNM peolp
fertility of the iagination than yo
n Hall-let the European CommGO
ect of TrinidadandTobago the-pr
Curacaoand Aruba dan alot of yo'
^.They have set a quota for Curaca
s in previous years. They have take
about Russia setting up -in a ne
ssian capital using Russian, oil wiec
non Market on the more favoure
rket producers. And they are sayin
res foreign oil, and they are tryin,
uracao, .Trinidad whose oil industry
and imported crude to build up thi
developed. over the past few year
:oY faces today. It has nothing to d
[eratioti. The Common Market coul
ke 'of the pen all your recordo
sted of in your.last three election

Curacao is there. Surinam .must b
Government claims to be particularly;
)ing on in Europe then, you never
Jinited State^s, Puerto Rico wouldd bi
the European Common Market yoi
e effect on our local manufactures
t1 and promotion, etcetera, that tha
solutely serious inthis part of th


I ,

3d: million UnitedStates- dollars of export trade are not to be
ered at. TheAfricans are getting together the Latin Americans
getting together. If the Caribbean gets together, there might
tbe any gr..eat. scope for interchange. But:I re- we sur there
uldn't be? Isntt the economy of Belgiumto a large extent co-
tie with the economy of Germany, steel and the rest it
e Europeans have been able to work out some sort operationall
ision otfthemarket2 interms of. European-coal-and steel, and-if
y could work oit something like that; whyhoud we assume

it -,because of our long.domination, by- the metropolitan countries,
muse ofthe long ltradition of disunity and parochialism that has
an produced in these areas, that we couldn't get togetherand
irk out.some sort.of common policy as producers interested in
rkets, whether, itbe-of oil, or sugar, or cocoa?
And for God's sake somebody must give a lead. Youcan't
itinue to look outside and then you benefit depending upon what

mebody has to do/something, andi
dposed that now we have got the
ud our neckse, now that we. ave
w that we have t&ecapacity to thin
all thesedevelopments "surroundir
West Indian population of the en
ndpoint of intellectual development
SThe General Council'sResolution
r best customers in, the West Ijdi
deration at all. They areCuracao,
years, ladies and gentlemen, the
mcil's Resolutioin, Trinidad and
ara of exports t towCuracao; fifty
ana, forty-four million dollars to
ars to Surinam; about twenty-se
enty-four million to Guadeloupe. In
Lb the smaller territories of the Fei
IGrenadians, or people from St. Vi
=reasingly important role in our e
t forget that-Trinidad's superior (
dies is based on a dependence on
eater than our dependence on Briti
We have something to try to pi
sent out in 1960 six hundred ai
rth, and most, of it, two hundred
-s went to British Guiana-, a hundr(
-Jamaica. -Shirts, over eleven dolla
ndred anrd seventy-eight thousand d
ad dollars Went to Venezuela, witi

^ *.. r'.'-'''' :"*,. *':^ *-^ ':**.':*^ 28i~c

we of the General Council hve
millstone of.:the Federation from
th~e elbow -room- to -m anoeuvr'e,
ik freely withoutbeingbsessed
ig us, now is the time to give-

draws attention to the fact that
ies aren't inrthe West| ndies
oil; they are British Guiana.J Ih
ears we quoted in the General
Tobago sent eighty-one million
-one million dollars to British
Jamaica; twenty-seven.mzonii n
y.en million to BarbAdos;A a- d

economic and social life, let'us
economic position in A 'e
inon-British territories that is
slh territories.
ronote. Common glass bottles:
cid sixty-eight thousand dollars
and twenty-seven thousand do!-
:d and sixteen thousand dollars
rs a dozen; we exported three
dollars of which eighty-five thou-
I two hundred and seventy-one

iiiiiiiiii i

thousand dollars to the Territories that are now trying to form the
Federation. Hats. Biscuits (Laughter). Possibly we might take another
commodity. (Laughter)
Ammonium sulphate: Ladies and gentlemen, we exported 6.3
million dollars worth in 1960; the eight small territories took a mil-
lion, and 1.8 million dollars went to British Guiana, 1.3 million dollars
to Jamaica. Prepared animal feeds: we exported 283 thousand dollars,
116 'thousand of that went to Puerto Rico. Ammonium compounds:
we exported 196 thousand dollars, 195,780 dollars to Puerto Rico.
Paints and enamels, 593 thousand dollars, of which 318 thousand
dollars to British Guiana. Cotton fabrics, 874 thousand dollars, of
which 248 thousand dollars to British Guiana. We have an economic
stake in the non-British territories.
Most of what we get from the smaller territories now is nothing
more than rum, principally Barbados; avocadoes, all supplied by
St. Vincent; sweet potatoes, all supplied by St. Vincent; arrowroot,
all supplied by St. Vincent; breeding lambs, St. Vincent; goats and
kids, St. Vincent; and horses from Barbados. (Laughter).
Delegate: I was thinking of a smaller type of horse from
Dr. Eric Williams: I hope the Delegate isn't confusing horse
and jackass. (Laughter)
So, ladies and gentlemen, there it is-the example of Europe.
The objective possibilities, the large population, the compet-
ing interests, the interests that ought to be getting together as
other interests are getting together in other geographical areas; the
large import trade that could be satisfied by some production from
Trinidad; the stake that Trinidad and Tobago has in these territories
that are outside of the area included in the British Caribbean
That is why, ladies and gentlemen, we welcomed the opportun-
ity that was afforded us recently of extending an invitation at Gov-
ernment level to the Prime Minister of Surinam to come here and
talk to us. We sell more oil to him than we buy rice from him,
and he wants to talk to. us. We have for a long time thought in
terms of inviting the Governor of Puerto Rico,. Mr. Munoz Marin.
to come and pay a visit to Trinidad. I have been talking to the
Governor only recently about it and we will look into that possibility.
I was in Guadeloupe some years ago and I found two things:
Number one, that it was quite possible that with a trade promotion
campaign in Guadeloupe, Guadeloupe would become an even more
important market for Trinidad's light industry than it is today; and
secondly, there was an enormous interest among Guadeloupe's poli-
ticians in the autonomy, the self-government that Trinidad and Tobage
had been able to achieve. -
That is. the line of the future; and if we lose with a smaller
venture-and I insist ladies and gentlemen, the smaller venture
made sense only if it were regarded (sometime it would have had
to be so regarded) as a part of the larger responsibilities-, "if you


* 4

not go in stages from the sma
iediately to the larger.
And in any case, what will the
developed? Will you accept the fi
i by yourself? Or will you look at
n from the mistakes, see the ob;
forward the clarion call to the e
ibbean, dwelling together in col
turies, should hereafter seek lik
11 together in unity? The entire C
eral Council has in mind. That
iw room to manoeuvre, freedom t(
r proposals without having to dea
are moving too fast for them, or
going about your business.
What the General Council propow
short of a revolution in Caribbe
nity and separatism, metropolitan
:ing by the Caribbean peoples the
What it means, ladies and geni
tical realities, and I. think that whi
does not state so explicitly, we a
1 it implicit in our minds, that i
ities. It's no point! Having exp]
that we are in, then we have tc
1 Jamaica. And if British Guiana
ling to do with the West Indian
decide to live with British Guiar
t to form a Federation, whatever
they want that, it is not for us to t
us live with them. Let us understand
irs for Trinidad, for the PNM, n
And I hope all you Party Membe:
ig to be made on the Party; every
)e representatives in the Legislativ
go you see a Senator, PNM Senato
I to PNM Members on Statutory B
ou who are anxious to give public
think about the people we would
)ad? Ambassadors? You don't exp4
do you, to represent the PNM s(
icular field where you have to ta
Id be loyal to the Party, and cou
V in terms of its ideals and its
i you have to go to Party Memi
ers in the Commonwealth country
t of talent.
Let us then understand from ti
idad and Tobago, if we agree to


ller to the larger, let us go

SPNM do in this vacuum that
ragmentation and go off on your
t what has gone on in the area,
jective economic necessities and
entire Caribbean, that the entire
onialism for four and a half
e other parts of the world to
,aribbean area-that is what the
is what independence means;
o think, freedom to put forward
l with colleagues who feel that
who try to trip you up as you

ses to you of the PNM is noth-
;an society with this history of
domination and steady outward
;lemen, is that you accept the
ilst the General Council's resolu-
11 should go into this discussion
it means accepting the political
gained how we have got to the
Live with Jamaica. Let us live
decided that it wanted to havp
Federation that's dissolved, let
aa. And if the other territories
they call it, of eight or seven,
tell them what they should have,
md that foreign policy, external
nust begin with the Caribbean.
rs understand the calls that. are
3ody is thinking about what used
ve Council; now everywhere you
r, and then now you are getting
oards. Ladies and gentlemen, all
; service, how many of you stop
Id want for diplomatic service
ect us to put a D.L.P. ambassa-
omewhere? And if there is one
ke Party Members, people who
ild represent the country faith-
interests with foreign powers,
)ers for Ambassadors, Commis-
es, and so on. We will require

ie start that independence for
it at this Convention-and if

and Tobago could stop Trinida4
dence by itself (Loud Applause)-
representation means a represer
British Guiana, a representative
tion that might emerge; and r(
Surinam, and the French terril
the course of exploring and pr
bean Community that we are ei
So, ladies and gentlemen, t
the General Council has speci
to keep the door open, to try I
realities but then to go aheac
economic and then approaching
munity, the political ultimately
So that raises the question
Resolution is silent but which I
me to raise. It is a government
Party ought to be apprised ab(
to make some sort of general .
The Federation is dissolved
to the Federation over the year.
certain common services. What
and gentlemen, let us set the
precedents elsewhere: One-Eas
we finished the abortive Lancast
to go into a Conference-Kenya
the common services in Kenya,
East Africa High Commission Se
and gentlemen, that they provi(
telecommunications, civil aviation
research, statistics, income tax,
they agreed on a particular org
to know of. They have appoint(
Organization I am trying tc
to you with an authority ir
authority the Territory Ken;
represented by a Minister and
1. dealing with communications;
trial co-ordination; 4. social amn
each Territory is on each of 1
whilst they have the authority
a Central Legislative Assembly
9 Members from each Territory
and the Secretary-General and
certain powers to pass measures
aviation, inter-territorial research
Africa and other University ir
graphs, statistics, merchant ship]

d and Tobago proceeding to indepe
-let us all understand that diplomat
ntative in Jamaica, a representative
e in any Eastern Caribbean Feder
representatives in Puerto Rico, and:
stories, as would have to be done i
)moting this idea of the larger Cari
emphasizing here in the General Cou

he PNM is not closing the door, ar
fically invited you in its Resolutic
to reconcile ourselves to the politic
d in concentrating this time on tl
g, like the European Economic Cor
from the economic.
i about which the General Council
I am sure my colleagues would wai
al matter principally, but I think tt
out it, and the Party ought proper]
statement on it.
. What happens? There have accrue
s certain assets, certain liabilities ar
do we do about them? Again, ladii
lead in the West Indies. There ai
st Africa. Only last year, June, 196
er House Conference for these peop:
, Tanganyika and Uganda-to discus
Tanganyika and Uganda, called t1
rvices. What are these services, ladi4
de? Railways and harbours, post ar
n, air transport, metereology, center;
customs and excise collection. Ar
anization that I think you might lil
ed an East African Common Servic(
) get the particular passage to rea
Each particular field; and on eac
ya, or Uganda, or Tanganyika -
there are four particular groups :-
2. finance; 3. commercial and indu
d research services. A Minister fro]
them. The 12 of them get togethf
in each particular field, to constitui
which consists of the 12 Minister
elected by the territorial legislatui
the Legal Secretary. And they haN
With respect to appropriations, civ
h, the University College of Ea&
istitutions, pensions, posts and tel<
ping, etcetera.

predicament state that we would c
any proposal to break up or tc
nity and co-ordination that have
ie University College of the West :
h rn 'n mefp r unhli ni*7 + hw

So that whilst we keep the door open with the larger goal of
the Caribbean Community, we also are in a position to state -
!hat as far as possible we of the PNM will -not accept the fact that
dissolution of the Federation means the total disintegration of all
:he common services that have developed over the years.
So we are left with the question now of the smaller territories.
,Vhat to do? The General Council has boldly faced the problem -
he unitary state. It seems to me, ladies and gentlemen, that there
s no necessity for the Political Leader of the PNM to pay much at-
Sention to people outside of the PNM here, who come and say that
hey didn't expect the PNM to do this, or attack the PNM. We are
7ree to formulate our policy, and the General Council has every right
'o do so and need not apologise to anybody for reaching a Resolution
and coming to the Special Convention of the PNM and asking them
,o declare their policy.
The number of people who have come in and asked about this,
hat and the other, and the arguments that the unitary state, after
,ll, is exposed to the same sort of disabilities that your statistics
iisblay in respect of the Federation state! And then a report is
-ritten and presented to the Trinidad Government stating that the
nly form of association that the smaller territories will consider is
hat of a Federation. I mean, ladies and gentlemen, we have had -
he gun put at our heads for all these years, are we going to have
somebody come here now and put the gun to us and say "the only
'rm of association that we are prepared to consider is a Federation"?
Would you sit down and ask yourself on the basis of these figures
that you have here whether there is any practical basis for any
federation? After all we are not living in the 19th century of the
ailing ship, where you can say there is a distance problem between
'rinidad and Grenada. You fought the Tobago elections in the
General Elections on the question of the D.L.P. proposal for the
independence of Tobago. Tobago voted solidly against independence.
Look at Tobago there standing for the unitary state of Trinidad and
Tobago. And it is to'look to Tobago to see the advantages.
After all, ladies and gentlemen, it is not only just a question of
cost. I mean, how far are you going to take these considerations of
cost? Obviously Tobago does not have a. separate what should
I say "Ministry", "ministerial establishment", and a separate
Director of Medical Services, and a separate Supreme Court, and this
that and the other; a separate governor. All these territories have
separate governors. So it is obvious it must be cheaper to get rid
of these duplications in respect of ministries, or in respect of parlia-
ments, or legislatures, or in respect of top administrators, or in
respect of permanent secretaries.
To say that Trinidad Civil Servants get more misses the import-
ant point, ladies and gentlemen. They may get more a lot of them
feel they don't get enough. but the fact of the matter is a unitary
state has one ministry of establishment, and that decides how many


vil servants. As it is now you have
-tablishment. This one has so many
any. And then it is not something
lilars and cents or in terms of dollar
the Civil Service and the salary
as one single law. The unitary st
)]icy that would say: "Look here,
Tobago." So the Government taki
)ckets and puts it in an industrial es
matter in Point Fortin, or for that
in Fernando, or for that matter O'V
the Government's policy ,of the
irt of the Government's policy of I
e rural areas, raising the amenities
g; stopping the pressure on the urb
ruth Port-of-Spain, the pressure or
id water, and school places in Port-o
One single unitary state ruled by
is its Government representatives r(
rntion which decides the Manifesto a
which lays down the blueprint of legi
nriod of five years. We don't hav
iere is nothing that they could sto]
isis of the Elections manifesto from
spect of the Tobago Shipping Seri
tes to encourage Tobago production
Government from giving more money
ent Proeramme for 1962 in accordai
at agriculture is priority To. 1. ani
at you buy so much chicken from
u stop buying that chicken from ou
applying your market.
You are not responsible to anvb,
ts you in power and vour voters w
ite, one single incentive le isolation
in, or propaganda to potential invest
emotions, And you don't have ne(
ainst the people in another territory
c collection and assessment. And yv
inidad taxDavers to subsidize a terry
subsidize a territory that has hun
tstanding in arrears of income tax
oendituJre. Not differing systems rec
th those that have been announced
nounced. One single system for coni
And after all, ladies and gentlemen
ite, with numbers of islands scatt(
ands larger, bigger populations, big
OA -

so many separate ministries of
civil servants, that one has so
ig to be reckoned in terms of
's and cents related to members
you pay them. A unitary state
ate has one common incentive
we want to establish industries
es money out of the taxpayers'
itate in Scarborough, or for that
matter in Plaisance, outside of
[eara, outside of Arima, as part
decentralization of industry; as
keeping the rural population in
3, raising their standard of liv-
)an areas, the barrack rooms of
i electricity and .public health,
one single party, the PNM, that
responsible to the Party in Con-
ind which prescribes the policy,
station and development over a
'e to go and talk to anybody.
p the PNM" Government on th1
i going and doing tomorrow in
vice; and reducing the freight
. Nothing to prevent the PNM
to agriculture in its Develoo-
nce with the manifesto of PNM
d or to prevent it from saving
outside and by the end of 1962
side because Tobago would be

odv, except to your Party that
rho voted for you. One single
. one single appeal, or attrac-
stors who get one single set of
mole in one territory competing
y. One single 5vstem of income
ou are not taking money from
ritorv that has no land tax: or
idreds of thousands of dollars
One single control of public
muiring Commissions of Inquiry,
I and those that are yet to be
trolling public expenditure.
i, the Philippines, a vast unitary
ered all over the place, more
,ger resources, than you would

:ver have in the Eastern Caribbean. Hawaii, islands -scattered all
over the place; a unitary state. After all somebody has got to start
Ana to come to say like the D.L.P. is saying-we should go into
the Eastern Caribbean Federation on condition that Britain agrees to
give us some money. What is the point? But I have been in all
,nese discussions before, ladies and gentlemen. We pui ouL a Dooi.
LabineL put out a book, Economic Deveiopment of mY inaepenaent
vveST inaies reaeration, i. Ihe Lase for United Kingdom Assistance.
_~ tne Members of Cabinet in October, 19tiu, sat down ana approve
Lhis Oook and threw it into one of the Inter-Governmental oonier-.
ences and not a person would take it up. You know what the line
was' federal Government, Jamaica Government, Smaller govern-
ment: "Those are Trinidad's proposals. We want to put up our own".
iney haven't put them up yet. We demanded so much money, about
one hundred and eighty million dollars over ten ycars, a ten year
development plan, for the eight territories that are now trying to
lorm the Federation. Not a word has been said to the PNM or to
irinidad and Tobago about this. Circulated! They couid buy it for
about 25 cents 90 cents, sorry. Not a word. Not a territory
supported us.
We went to a Conference with the United Kingdom on economic
;id, preliminary discussions, at the time of the first stage of the
uhaguaramas discussions in London. And the British said they
wanted to call in America, they didn't want to talk about aid from
Britain, it was aid from Britain and America. Ladies and gentle-
men, you wouldn't believe the fight Trinidad and Tobago had to put
up to say-"Keep America out of this. Britain has a responsibility
to this area. We settle with Britain as colonials getting their inde-
pendence, and then we go to America as independent people, and
we don't want any British people to interfere in our discussions."
We had to fight for that. I had to walk over the room and tell
Adams, "Look, we are not going along with this. You will tell Lord
Perth"-he was in the Chair "Trinidad is not going along." I went
over and told Manley, "Look here, you get an attack from us if you
come and bring in this question of American aid." We fought Britain
and we fought successfully on that, but we never had anything con-
crete to say: one proposition four hundred and forty-one million
dollars in ten years for all the territories including British Guiana.
Was it too high? We didn't know. Was it too low? We didn't
know. Was there a possibility of some alteration of the method of
procedure we used for this? We" didn't know. Nobody would take
our proposals. And with no West Indian territory supporting us
Britain just remained silent, a silence that Britain continues to
We raised in London at Lancaster House the question of a one
year interim economic programme for the smaller territories. We


raised it. it went off he rails. tut that didnt matter. They ti-
.. ate'ly talked about twety-seven million dollars in one year, Where
Trnidad and Tobago in the first year of its development programme
had been able to spend twenty-nine million dollars; where we had
budgeted for about forty something million dollars for one single terri-
tory with a public wotks staff- and technical services, etceterA, that
are infinitely superior to the decentralized and scattered staffthat
you have over seven or eight small territories. It went off the rails.
But still we raised the question, some economic aid. They asked for
twenty-seven dollars, and that was absurd.
I was speaking, ladies and gentlemen, to a senior British official,
a political representative,.in London at the Lancaster House- Confer-
ence, and he told ne that it was possible, somebody had told him, a
senior official, that they could get a quarter -of a million pounds fo1
the smaller territories. You know what that means? One million,
two. hundred thousand dollars. And he said, No- that -wasn't 'enough.
He thought they should do their best to get up to three-quarters of a
million pounds. You know what that is? Three million, six hun-
dred thousand dollars. I said, "Man, listen. It's a good thing you
don't come to Trinidad with that sort of thing. We would throw you
in the Gulf of Paria ,with that, man. Three million*, hundred
thousand dollars? Man you talking a lot -of damn foolishness."
After all, these territories want almost everything. Trinidad
puts up seventeen million dollars a year for them for ten years, and
they, come to say it is a one year thing to start off with three-quarters
of a million pounds. One of the senior Americans down here in
Trinidad told me not so -long ago that he was thinking in terms of
economic aid to the area of the order -of something like five million
dollars a year. I didn't even bother to ask him whether it was
American dollars, Canadian dollars, Timbuctoo dollars or Trinidad
So that, ladies and gentlemen, you could understand that we of
the PNM who have been in all these discussions throughout the
S years aren't impressed with all this talk about 'if they could give
you economic aid." I am not saying they won't give, but we are in
no position to wait indefinitely for them to give, and they are think-
ing injterms of economic aid that bears no relationship at all to the
realities of the situation. I am not suggesing that if there was
economic aid then we would put forward a different solution. It is
fairly certain, I think we can all take it for granted in this rooni,
that neither the United Kingdom Government nor the United States
of America is going to, subsidise -any federation that starts off by
saying, "we want this and it will cost us this, therefore you pay for
that."' And no Federation of that nature, grant-aided- perhaps inde-
finitely, is going to qualify for any sort of independence,
So the question is whether/we will continue to procrastinate -or
allow others to procrastinate for us and to delay the independence
that we should have haul two years ago, where, I ~ay itagain to

first time at disc
L Brussels last I
tish people realis
nd Tobago situati
he Curacao and A
4irn tha ohrA thl

immigrants; well, not yours

the :General Council's Resol
. L"eavept idh dnnr nn. if

nitary state.: ;
stion is not an academic issue atall. Look at w
elections produced: a government that has gii
rouble than even the D.L.P., because we started
re people"in our own camp. Look at what we' h,
ie West Indian Federal Labour Party. You peoj
PNM, who are going to be sitting here by June

_____ :j- i,-;~~ ~ ;:
lt~~r:: : ~ i~~~~~~F'- ~ ; ~~ ~.~ ~ I :- : "~

>rt from your delegation about what happened to your revision
)osals? They put them in a drawer. Nothing! The Party is dead.
t's Federal politics at Party level. And you in revising your
stitution have got to make provision as we don't now have in our
stitution for making your impact felt in the territories at party
1, an impact that up to now has been relatively, little at govern-
ital level due to all the difficulties that we have faced in the
few years.
And so, Mr. Chairman, I have done my best, I think, to under-
the gravity and the significance of these deliberations by bring-
to the attention of members of the Party in this Convention as
h as possible of relevant information as could be presented in
space of time that we have utilized for it. It is a great day for
Party that we should be here in Convention discussing this issue,
icularly so, because of the Party's role over the years in inspir-
the Movement and in determining the policy to be followed by
Party's Representatives in Government.
All Party members here know how over the past few months

.y colleagues in respect of our relu(
Federation issue. All over the plain
as a bluff. 'You are standing out'.
"me". 'You are standing out for b
rive a hard bargain.' We say bold
the issue until after the Elections.
DLP, that you are letting the cou
Iswer to the DLP for anything. C
in Trinidad 'You are just playing
waiting for people to come to you.'
We are not doing any such thing. W
we put before the Convention on be
are all the facts and figures you wa
at every member of the Party and e
unity knows, what would happen tc
Federation. If you had to continue
sake leave me out of it. These n
on for three years! To sit down
,en years more to end up with anc
iate something which shouldn't be
>f thinking of the General Council,
aphical facts, the population, the de
federation. Association in the form
endence, which gives them nation
economic development that they are
us in the position of negotiating
of British economic aid to remed;

stance, our refusal to discuss
ce. The British papers said
They didn't say "you", they
betterr terms; you are trying
as brass, PNM will not dis-
And they are coming to say,
intry down. As if we have
)r they come to say outside
cat and mouse, trying to be

e have a positive programme
half of the General Council.
int, all the recitals, and here
very member of the Trinidad
Syou if you had to continue
, ladies and gentlemen, for
negotiations that have been
again! Must we negotiate
otherr fiasco? And must we
negotiated at all, from the
the economic situation, the
demographic factors involved?
of unity, which gives them
ood, and which gives them
looking for, which of course
with Britain for them the
y the deficiencies and the

maladministration that Britain allow
It is a great day for the Party
)f us. Serious tasks are ahead of u
?arty's Constitution. And if you will
9r. Chairman, leave this with the (
vise decision to consider your revis
ind elect .your Officers after you]
here you are going. If you know
lecide how you get there-your Pal
vho gets you there-your Officers in
And the question is independei
cannott temporise any more. The I
eet-the erosion from the: waves I
roli cannot delay. You cannot afford
he defence of your interests, to oti
nent put out at European Commoi
perth a paper on oil.. Trinidad ant
hat the Paper be withdrawn because
ure of the oil economy of the wor
'ou cannot entrust that to others.
That's your future, that's your d(
ere in '61 because it put yo -there
ient in 1956. the fulfilment of the p
ie promise can be kent. other thin
ears, and then you are in control.
iitmnents outside which you need nc
he door in anybody's face. Anybody
impossible for any of us in this rooi
7e could tolerate the manifestations
orty miles away from us. We would
apbens to those small territories. I
t the head of Trinidad and Tobae
anybody's head.
We have given you, ladies and
council and particularly those of i
perspective and a vision that puts yc
territories in the West Indies. Their
everybody would come. How could
ened in Jamaica; look what they hi
is ceitfain that you will have peoplF
aribbean, territories who would ur
perhaps than some of your own bro
een associated with for some years.
dipped as some of our relatives have
he last four centuries. Some of the
earlier, from it. Some of them ar,
people and it would be a pleasure f

ved to develop over. the years..
and a great responsibility on all
s this year. The revision of the
1 allow me to inject this thought,
delegates, I think it was: a very"
ion of your Party's Constitution
have set your sights.. and: know
where you are going then you
rty Constitution; and you decide
i the new term. Set! your sights

nee, Economically urgent. You
ground is slippinng under your
beating at the Common Market.
d to trust those responsibilities,
her hands. The Federal Govern-
n Market discussions with Lord
d Tobaeo had to insist publicly
.-it presented a totally false pic-
Id and'of Trinidad and Tobago.

development, that-is what put you
in '56; the promise of develop-
romise in '61: the certainty that
gq being equal, in the next five
Don't jeopardise it by rash com-
)t enter at all. You don't close
y can come along. *Because it iS
m to sit down and imagine that
of colonialism in Dlaces twenty,
[d have a lot to say about what
3ut too long has a gun been put
go. We are putting no gun at

gentlemen, we of the General
is who. have worked on .this, a
)u in the front rank of. political
re is the goal.. I don't-tell you
we say that? Look what hap-
ave said in British Guiana. .But
e listening to you in -these other
understand your language better
others and sisters that you. have
They have not been as handi-
been with this colonialism over
3m have emancipated themselves.
e. very cultivated and. civilized
for you- to work with them .and.

for them to work with you in the greater goal of the elimination,
the eradication of colonialism for all time from our midst, and in th-
determination that the PNM can express better than anybody that the
Pope in 1493 declared that the.West Indies territories belong to Spain,
and he called down all sorts of curses and anathemas on the head
of people who violated its donation, and we here, without in. any way
attempting to blaspheme, we will utter our own secular curses-and
we have people in the.PNM who could curse as well as anybody else
-against all people who would try to say that the Caribbean area
belongs to anybody in any part of the world except the Caribbean
people themselves.

We are the spearhead of the move against colonialism throughout
.he entire Caribbean area. That is not to say that they haven't got
places with parties and individuals who wouldn't agree with us and-
who have not in their own ways been fighting colonialism.. But the
colonialism has been fought at the level of self-government, at the
level of constitution change. We retain the most significant attri-
bute of colonialism: the parcellation, the division of one single geo-
graphical unit into a number of economic entities looking out and
not looking in; and if we have to look out, looking out with. isolated
eyes and not with the collective vision of the united nationalist
movement in the entire Caribbean area.

That is the goal that we set to all of us in the PNM, because we
*.annot dictate for the others; but we can take a decision and then
your Government's hands are freed for the necessary negotiations.

There is a great respect. for the PNM in the other territories of
,he West Indies, and we have a great pride in our own achievements
and a great respect for ourselves. I think it is fitting that this larger
responsibility should be thrown on our shoulders, we who had taken
the lead in attempting to establish a decent West Indian Federation
of the British territories after 84 years of futility and fatuous metro-
politan compromises and colonial attempts to develop, to take the
initiative. It falls rightly on our shoulders. I know no other party
that is as stable in the British area to take that role. And it takes
us out of recrimination, the complaints about this and that.

It says squarely, we live with Jamaica; we live with British
Guiana; we live with Barbados as the leader of an Eastern Caribbean
federation, and we take upon ourselves the solemn responsibility of
going out to all the West Indian territories and stating let us go
towards the larger goal of a Caribbean Economic Community; only
one difference: instead of one West Indian Federation representing
JBritish sentiment in the area the West Indian Federation is divided
up into three or four or five parts. What can we do except to keep

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Reply By The Polit
Members of the General Cou
Group, delegates and observers:
It falls to me as the mover
debate on the resolution, a very e
and I am certain, Mr. Chairman, tl
saying, as the Political Leader of
been 'no Political Party in the his
Ony subject whatsoever in the, co
such a level of maturity and soph
the spokesmen- of the various Cons
But as all the delegates wit
parliamentary procedure will rea(
for 'the mover of the Resolution to
statement at all in' respect of th(
before the Convention-as from tl
by many other Constituencies or'
tuency -- until the Political L
Council which is the author of the
So the Chairman adjourned the
Council to meet in the Tea Interva
General Council to put forward c<
eration' (in due course, no doubt
amendments) of the Convention.

ical Leader To The

n Debate
incil, members of the Legislative

of the resolution- to .reply 'Lo the
extensive and well-organized debate,
iat no delegate would object to my
the Partr, that there has probably
story of the West Indies which on
mrse of its existence has reached
istication as has been displayed by
tituencies of the P.N.M. (applause).
h their tremendous knowledge o0
lily understand, it was impossible
reply to the debate and make any
e propositions that have been put
ie Maraval Constituency supported
from the Pointe-a-Pierre Consti-
eader had consulted the General
Resolution that has been debated.
Convention to allow the General
l, and I am now authorized by the
certain amendments for the consid-
, Mr. Chairman, you will put the

The Maraval Constituency proposed that, in the first place, there
should be some attempt made to soften what might appear to be the
harsh language of the first resolution, of the General Council. The
Maraval Constituency further proposed that the section of the first
resolution of the General Council relating to the Caribbean Economic
Community should be given more prominence than it was given by
the General Council, and the Maraval Constituency further proposed
in a particular phrase in its amendment that some reference should
be made to closer collaboration among the territories after the dis-
solution of the Federation.
The Maraval Constituency was very generally supported by the
Constituencies of La Brea, San Fernando West, Caroni East and
Tunapuna, and I would apologise to any Constituency present if I
omitted it from the list-I looked over my notes very briefly. The
Pointe-a-Pierre spokesman went a little further and in elaborating,
I believe, on the points raised by the Maraval Constituency in con-
nection with the Caribbean Economic Community proposed a par-
ticular amendment-relating to Trinidad and Tobago taking the ini-
tiative in stimulating trade and other discussions with particular
reference to the strengthening of the economy of Trinidad and

'' '' '. 4 .*' '' *

a3usuce, however, to tne oroan ouumne 01 me .r
ituency proposal. And the General Council ha
at the submissions made by the Attorney General
n behalf of the LegisLative Group in respect ol
ition for unequivocal rejection and drawing att
hat the reference is to the proposed Eastern Cari
hat is now under discussion.
o, Mr. Chairman and delegates, with the assistai
colleagues in the General Council, Mr. Robinson
Iments which were submitted to the Maraval Con
accepted by them. And we had the opportunity a
with the Barataria Constituency, which I believe
ist as one of the Constituencies that favoured an.
vould soften any harshness that might appear at
rst resolution of the General Council. The Ge
accepted the amendments which on behalf of the (

uu r l Uc u oCao, A lalv AU U iUUUL LUIL 111 L IeC sp llL oI LIe AVIarya


nm- 1 T r" __1 W% 1% 0 IF- v1_- A"4 ^^--l fr T ,%vt -C lf l: nvy- +In- I A

Resolution, we would want. to pa)
have moved along a different rc
ultimate goal for the total repud
Wie West Indies. (applause).
I: n that respect, particular
o the sensibilities of a territory
history of struggle for self gov
dhe interests of tie people of Mal
in the P.NM. could do not only
harsh but to recognize for exam]
of a -territory like Barbados in I
Empire more than 300 years ag
years before the mainland eoloni
1 am sure that al. the delegate
readily and enthusiastically in pi
territory of Barbados.
The second amendment of ti

Tribute to nose who perhaps may
Dad but. perhaps towards tne same
iation of Colonialism in all parts ot

attention would have to be paic
y like Barbados which has a Xoni
eTnment, for the representation oJ
rbados. And if there is anything we
to soften what might appear to b.
Ple the great historical achievement
being the first place in the Britisb
;o to demand self government, 12,
es in the United States of America
s in the P.N., would go forward
aying tribute: to the people and thE

ie General Council reads as follows

i :-:

Those are the three resolutions which the General Council puts
Before the Conventioi to replace the first of the two Resolutions, to
-meet the various points of view, both in spirit and 4 sus Iance,
thaE have been expressed by so many Constituencies, I have n
aoubt, Mr. Chairman, that in due course you will put those amend-
ments to the Convention for the decision of the Convention.
From that we .can proceed, Mr. Chairman, to the second point
raised by certain Costituwncies-a matter -that had been taken up
in the- General Council itself-relating to the fixing of a date for
independence. The Constituencies of Laventille and San Fernando
East proposed Septemer 24 notlater -than September 24,w 1962
a great' historic day in the annals of P.N.M. The Constuecy o
Aruna and the Women's, League proposed not later than April 22,
1962--another famous date in the history of P. i: M. :
wAs I said, Mr. Chairman,, the matter had been raised in the
General Council where it was indicated that, on the assumption thaT
the Convention would decide as the Constituency spokesmen av
indicated to proceed to national independence, there, would bvi
ously be certain obligations, .certain chres to be competed-one
has to draft a Constitution; the Constitution has to be considered
locally; you have to ensure the maximum possible participation of
the community as distinct from participation in the House of Repre-
sentatives and in the Senate. In that Constitution framig yo have
to send this draft to the Colonial Office, you have to negotiate th
them, it takes a long time and so on. The Party at Central Execu-
tive level hadappointed a Committee under the Chairmanship of the
Deputy Political Leader to consider what changes would have to be
made in the existing Constitution of Trinidad and Tobago if we
decided to proceed to independence. At Civil Service level also that
is being done. The draft is being prepared which ought to be ready
by the middle of February.
The Secretary of State for the Colonies, in informal discussions,
asked me, purely in the context of his negotiations with Jamaica
on the one hand and British Guiana on the other, and I believe i a
desire to avoid too wide a gap between the dates of Independence
in the three "Territories, suppoing Trinidad and Tobago P.N.. de
cided to go on to Independence, and to avoid no doubt the strain
that would be involved with three independent celebrations in the
same part of the world where representatives of the United Kingdom
and no doubt other Commonwefth countries would attend, the Se-
recary of State for the Colonies discussed with me formally the
general question, of the approximate (timing as we would see it of
I was not concerned, ladies and gentlemen, as to whether Jamaica
came first or not. I understand that the Colonial Office point ot view
is that Jamaica asked first- and Jamaica is ahead, but I don't think
that would worry you or worry me. I took the liberty of emphasis-
ing that, whilst we had not discussed this matter, allowing for the


time we would require for loQgal
nations, allowing for the time. wh
with these discussions, then an ap
will occur around that time' will
I do not beUTeve that the Colonia
proposition that I put forward, tl
nize what P.N.M. had always said
and then agree on. the Constituti
vould welcome the date April 22
Office would go .along wih that.
So that if the Convention wot
lution as it is-"forthwith to'Na
that might appear to-be involve(
taken to complete -the necessary
In- the third place, Mr. Chair
he Constituency spokesmen-I d(
.s to which constituency whel
of freedom of movement in a
simply is that the unitary state w
and of all its procedures, finance
as P.N.M. is now doing in Trinid
programme, or its crash program
vent, not by force, but by providii
from which the migrants would
ployment. opportunities there, to 1
all the time in every, unitary sta
the urban area or the migration
highly developed an-d industrialize
you have one Minister of Finance,
of Representatives (because the Sei
T believe you will consult them,
finance" matters as such) .It is i
control these different aspects or
it is in a Federal Government whe
Federation; 'the right of freedom
that is affected by the migrants h
over the territory that supplies th
In sayit- that, 'Mr. Chairman,
don't want to 'suggest anything i
migrants that we have had in th
key and significant positions in ti
vention. (Applause) WP have had tI
The one territory that, seems to
today has been the. territory of B
looked almost as if we were havin
territories of the Federation, and
members of the Party when I say

.- .:. ., .-..4

preparations and for local consul-
ich the Colonial Office always takes
propriate P.N.M.. Anniversary which
be Septemb 2 19i2. (applause)
l fce would agree with the other
hat at long last they should recog-
l, we could have independence-' first
on after, and if that was so P.N.M.
19 I don't think the Colonial

ald agree, we might leave the reso-
itional Independence"-, any delay
3dbeing caused solely by the time.
chores and the necessary routine

man, I have been' asked by one of
don't have it here readily available
other we could clarify the question
unitary state. Well, the position
ith one single control of its budget
al, constitutional, legal, etc., could,
.ad and Tobago in its development
ne, take the necessary steps to pre-
ng job opportunities in the districts
normally come, by providing em-
preven, the migration that goes on
tt-the migration from country to
from remote areas to the more
ed urban areas. The point is that
one Budget, one Cabinet, one House
nate has no control in such matters,
they have no right to deal with
nuch easier for a unitary state to
factors involved in migration than
,re you must have. if it is, a proper
of movement, with the territory
having no effective economic power
e migrants..
if the clarification is acceptable, '1
n respect of the large number of
ie past and who now occur such
he P.N.M. and in this Snecial Con-
hem from Dominica; from St. Lucia.
be a little cov in coming forward
arbados (lauehtef). At one time it
g here a conference of the smaller
I I am sure that I sneak for all
r, following the spokesman for the

Dy me as run
It is somewh
na because th
that I was V
peace as Nor
r don't put gu

which I mysE

United Kingdom and the federating territories to state clearly that
under no circumstances would Trinidad and Tobago agree to take any
formal responsibility for a Federation whose basic principles we re-
fused to accept unless it was for a temporary period.
It was in. that general context that we raised the question of
freedom of movement. We took part in the debate. I am sorry that
I don't have the actual words that we used there-a report that I
wrote and which was vetted by Mr. Alexander, one of the delegates
of Trinidad and Tobago, by Mr. Constantine, our Party Chairman
and another ,of our delegates, and by our Official Adviser, Mr. Ellis
Clarike. I don't have the actual words of that report which I read
in the House of Representatives not so long ago. But I do have the
Colonial Office report, "summary of the minutes of the meetings of
Lancaster House", and in deference to the delegate from San Fer-
nando West who asked for an explanation I would like to read this
particular paragraph from the record of the meeting of Thursday
15th June, 1961-the subject being freedom of movement.
After general discussion this is the summary by the Colonial
Office of .what was said by the Premier of Trinidad and Tobago on
behalf of the Trinidad and Tobago delegation.
. "He considered that the Conference was creating not a Federa
tion but only a 'geographical expression'. He was prepared to agree
to this but stressed that the Conference could not expect to retain
the principles of Federation on one issue alone, i.e. Freedom oi
Movement. He felt a responsibility to his own electorate to emi
phasise the effect of immediate freedom of movement on the economy
of his territory."
If I may interject here, Mr. Chairman, it was because of the pre
vious speakers who spoke as having a mandate from their territories
or from their Legislatures to demand immediate freedom of move
month (.nntinuinf the rnnrtr

flirmed that he would not recommend to the people of his Ten
I .. ...V v .9.11 A ..do A I 11 ..

moire graphically by the Premier of- the territory' And that W as

that if his party wanted to revise its Stand-. on -the particular issue
(his whole position. was based on his party s stand in 1959) and if
the electorate of Tridad and Tobago wanted' todecide as the had
the right to decide, 'this-particular issue where he was eimend-
i ng that theyshould not change their std, then he w depre-
i ; pared to go back into the obscurity from wch hehaem w

: In saying that, ladies 'and-gentlemen, in raising this matter at
r .. this Convention,, I was raising it in the context of what is now the
' official record of the Lancaster House Confereiice wich has- been
included in the record of the proceedings of the Hoise of Repreen-
Statives. It was not in any way intended as presenting a gun to. the
head of- the Convention. 'Quite the contrary. It wasintened As
v representing to the Convention the emphasis the., Pitical Leader
i*: has 'always" placed in this matter on: his inability to depart from the
: mandate that he had received from the Party in 1959, and on his
refusal to depart from the essential principle of the P.N.M.,as a
S.Po itical -arty," that it is only the Annual ConventionoraSei
Convention 'that can formulate, policy..
Within. theL framework of: that geerapolicy .the ol0iti alead
ership makes,. modifications -here and there -- as, for example, we
felt free to make on this Federation issue in ..terms of Jamaica's
proposal .because the Convention had not stated at any time- that we
must proceed to this strong Federation next yearior e after.
So wee said that, as long as itwas it a permanent veto byJamaica,
we would be free to go along'and .put back ,before our Party the
Proposal that we should have a te porary m'ratori, so to speak,
on the Party's proposal.: ::::.: .
It. was a recognition of the supremacy of th Party. But if the

-on an -issue in which he is not supported by his Partyhe ask
you all, party members here,. how do you expect it to continue
operate- under a hPolitical Leade wi does not enj e nfldnce
of the Prarty? Obviously,- theiPolitical Leader must 'go.' Te P
tical Leaderhas emphaied that he -mut go, t
is against the particular stand that e takes.
So I don;:'t know whether the explanation would,-satisfy the ele-
gatls present that, far from it- being a gunat the head of the Con
vention or atthe hadof the arty, it is a recognition of the right
of the Party to make a particular decision and the the Political
SLeader would have to take the necessary consequences of what
would be tantamount-to a vote' ofno confidence in his le dership
It is the Party first. :And I beliHeve that, on reflectionn, the. Paty,
whi ch ik only fiveyerMs old r wons uld ni
old havet tak. e t would not be th. first timein ;s t
5 stt~ tJa~

decision-I would imagine that if ,on this .particular occasion, the
General Council's Resolution had been repudiated by the Constitu-
encies as it has today been supported by the Constituencies (I would
not like to disturb sleeping dogs in Port-of-Spain North), I would
imagine that the General Council would have to go or the Party
would have to go (laughter).

And so, ladies. and gentlemen, it shows us one of the issues that
we will have to consider more and more as time goes on, where we
have these declarations of policy by the Party and We raise inevitably
these issues that would come up in any Political Party not as to
whether the, Plitical:. Leader puts a resolution in the General Council
which- General Council refuses to accept, and he is outvoted (some-
times there has been one vote in favour of it, the vote of the Political
Leader). It is niot a matter of national policy, it is not a matter of
fundamental-policy, such as the question of Federation where the
Party could take a decision, which leaves the Political Leader out on
a limb and therefore there is no other place for him (if he leaves the

five years ago.

And so, ladies and gentlemen,
members of the General Council, (
I would like to put forward the ai
to the Convention to meet the spir
delegates from the various Constit

.Once more, as the Political Lei
say how, very gratifying it is to se(
or should we say an educated de
politics operating in Trinidad aw
decision of the Convention-now i
ment to go immediately ahead on
raised on the floor of the Conventi
of the date of Independence.

I :ive the assurance, as Polil
Government of'Trinidad and Tobag,
sary preparations so that the date,
as rapidly as possible. Mr. Chain
tion, on behalf of the General Cour
as amended, that I had the hon<
Convention last evening. (Applaus4

J : .. .. .

members of the Convention and
n behalf of the General Council
lendments which I have read out
t that has been expressed by the

der of the Party, I would like to
this manifestation of democracy,
nocracy, in the context of party
d Tobago. The Resolution-the
lakes it possible for the Govern-
he various points that have been
n, as, for example, on the timing

ical Leader and as head of the
,that we will expedite the neces-
'f Independence can be advanced
ian and member of the Conven-
:il, I wish to move the resolutions
ur of presenting to the Special


-- -.

e Trinidad Jewe

ishes The Govern
nidod & Tobago
towards indepen


ie Trinidad Jewi

lIry Ltd.,

iment of
all success


ilry Ltd.,







Speech on independence / UGL
320.972983 W722s

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3 1262 01135 8297

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