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Title: PNM's perspectives in the world of the seventies
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Language: English
Creator: Williams, Eric Eustace
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General Note: An address /by the political leader Dr. Eric Williams, C.H., to a special party convention November 27-29, 1970, at the convention centre, Chaguaramas
General Note: At head of title: People's National Movement.
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16
OF^Ws

la 5,3






PEOPLE'S NATIONAL MOVEMENT


PNM's PERSPECTIVES IN

THE WORLD OF THE SEVENTIES

An Address by the Political Leader
DR. ERIC WILLIAMS, C.H., to a
Special Party Convention

NOVEMBER, 27-29, 1970
AT THE
CONVENTION CENTRE,
Chaguaramas

















cFr- L

VA, 77!,
Gl /tr


),/n3I7ti/.






P.N.M.'s PERSPECTIVES IN THE
WORLD OF THE SEVENTIES
SON JANUARY 15th, 1956 the foundation members of the
People's National Movement met in special convention and
adopted The People's Charter which was made public on
January 24th, 1956.
In the world of 1956 the principal concern of any
nationalist party like the P.N.M. was necessarily the aboli-
tion of colonialism and the achievement of political inde-
pendence, which we defined, in the context of the
independence of a West Indian Federation that came into
being in 1958.
It has become fashionable to sneer at political indepen-
dence. But in 1956 what is today known as the Third World
was almost entirely under colonialist rule. Only in Asia had
some colonial areas achieved independence-India. Pakistan.
Ceylon and Indonesia. The Algerian nationalists had begun
their war of independence in 1954, and in that same year,
the people, of North Vietnam had inflicted an enormous defeat
on French colonialism at the battle of Dien Bien Phu. No
African colony had achieved its independence in 1956. But
the P.N.M's accession to power in 1956 coincided with the
defeat by Nasser in Egypt of the plans of British and French
colonialism in respect of the Suez Canal
Beginning with the independence of Ghana in 1959,
the decolbnization movement in Africa gathered momentum.
The year 1959 saw Castro's successful overthrow of the
Batista dictatorship in Cuba. But the world was not safe
for small countries seeking political independence. In 1960,
there were serious troubles in the Congo related to the
secession of Katanga. In 1961, there was the fiasco of the
American intervention in Cuba at the Bay of Pigs. It was
only after eight years' of war and the death of a million
Algerians that' Algeria obtained indenende.nce in 1962. In
1965, the Americans intervened in the Dominican Republic.
Around the same period there was increased American
involvement in Viet Nam. Mutinies and coup d'etats took
place in many African and Latin American countries. The
attemDted secession of Biafra led to civil war in Nigeria.
Thus, when we meet in November 1970, to revise our
1956 People's Charter and discuss our Perspectives for the
New Society, the world is a positively different place from
what it was in 1956. If in 1956 the emphasis was on political
independence, in 1970 the emphasis is on economic indepen-
dence and greater cultural autonomy.
The proposals presented in P.N.M's Perspectives are
tailored to meet the specific situation of Trinidad and Tobago.
1






What I want to emphasis here however, is tat w we
study our own needs and characterize, we-must always
bear in mind the experiencesofothercountries, especially
Third World countries.. We in Trinidad and Tobago need,
above all, a sense of perspective, and the ability to see our
problems, not in isolation, but as a partof genera trends
in the world, so that we do not become hystecal about
everything as we generally do.

Tobago,, the positive aspect of Perspective, is s.tfreiance and
self-help and the native ability of the average citizens of
Trinidad and Tobago. In fact, what P.N.M. says in the
Perspectives is that each and everyone of us, has his future
in his own hands; but recognizing always oui proneness to
individualism the presciptions set out in Perspectives are
aimed at providing a framework which would assist, not only
individuals and groups, but' also the Nation, to improve their
condition.
SA WORLD OFi VIOLENCE
The dominant feature of the world of the 70's is that
it has become increasimmly a world of violence rapidly
degenerating into, anarchy. The waVe of violence has spread
m Africa, Asia, Europe, North and South America, nd the
Caribbean including our own Trinidad and Tobago. Very few
couttriies have so far escaped. It is a world of student
unrest, hijacking, kidnapping, labour unrest, religious unrest,
secessionist movements, coup d'etats, drug addiction, free love
and almost total repudiation of the values formerly accepted
by the majority of people. Old historical sores have been
reopened for example, relgous conflict between -the
Catholics and Protestants of Northern Ireland. IThe Pro
testants have been in the ascendancy for three centuriesbut!
the Catholics have now renewed the struggle.
Countries traditionally regarded as bastions of democracy
have not been. spared-for example, Canada, where rt
powers were assumed by the Government to del with a
terrorist secessionist movement in French Quebec, and a
Public Order Act has recently been introduced. A Public
Order Act is about to be introduced in Australia.
Vikolenc has become endemic in the United States society.
The overthrow of Governments in LatinAmerica i a cmmn
occ and enrgeci arefre dclard in one
cftity after another. en t a: United Kigdm has

FALFIFYING ANON
a.n ythefaceof hi r violencetef
which has.a[Iready entered our own society, P.N.MS Pi%
* ;-~~2 *'






spectives boldly affirm that the. changes required in our own
society must proceed by non-violent methods. In this affirma-
tion, we openly contradict and falsify the philosophy of one
of the greatest revolutionaries produced in the Caribbean-
the Martinican psychiatrist who took part personally in the
Algerian War of Liberation, Frantz Fanon. He died in 1961
of leukaemia at the age of 36.
Fanon's best known book is The Wretched of the Earth.
The first chapter of this book is entitled "Concerning
Violence." Most people, especially the young, read no more
than thi~ chapter. Whilst Fanon is a penetrating thinker
,who exercises enormous influence, but curiously enough in
the western world rather than in the .developing countries,
his emphasis on violence reads; particularly strangely in the
context of the case studies he has' reported, as a psychiatrist,
of the effect of violence not only on the colonial people sub-
jected to violence, but on the French perpetrators of that
violence,.

Th'e particular emphasis of Fanon's political philosophy
is as follows:
(1) A complete break from colonialism by violence
and not by discussions around a conference table.
(2) A total opposition, to Europe.. in which he went
so far as to call on the Third World not tbo pay
tribute to Europe by creating states, institutions
and societies which drew their inspiration from
Europe.
(3) His advocacy of socialist reconstruction of the.
colonial economies.

Fanon's general ideas were far too much influenced by
the special circumstances of the Algerian War of Liberation
and by the fact that Algeria was a settler colony with ap-
proximately one million whites firmly entrenched, for gen-
erations in every occupation and in every social class.
Moreover, he paid little attention to the divergences
between North Africa which is Arab, and Africa south of
the Sahara, which is black. It is very doubtful whether
the Algerian situation haj any real relevance to the situa-
tion in Africa south of the Sahara. Like so many social
theorists, Fanon's general model and his general prescrip-
tion were too much influenced by highly specific circum-
stances.
It was only in the settler colonies of Africa, where
there were large numbers of whites acclimati'sed for some
generations, that decolonisation followed the Fanon pre-
scription of a violent break. These settler colonies, apart







from Algeria, were Kenya w1An une Mivau vau, a nouesia
and South Africa where the bloodbath is yet to come. In
all the other African colonies, particularly in Ghana,
Nigeria and Tarizania, to mention the three most import-
ant,1 and in all the Caribbean colonies, the break with col-
onialism was achieved around a conference table. It is
difficult to see how it* could have been otherwise. Colon-
ialism had nothing to fight for after Algeria had achieved
its independence. ,
venein tinhe case of Algeria, there was not the complete
break with colonialism and, with Europe that Fanon advo-
cated. The independence .agreement reached between
France ,and, Algeria in 1962 involved large-scale financial
assistance from France which amounted to 330 million dol-
lars by the end of 1963. Far from Algeria being able to
proceed with its intellectual goal of Arabization and sub-
stitution of Arabic for French, French teachers in Algeria
in 1964 numbered 15,000-60 per cent of thetotal teaching.
service.
The agreement guaranteed free movement of Algeri-
ans to France-a fundamental concession where half the
population was ,destitute and only 10 per cent of the labour
force fully empIoyed. By 1964, there were half a mfiiion
Algerians in France whose remittances were calculated to
support two million people. The Algerians were guaranteed
a market in France for Algerian wine which France didd rnot
need. The agreement also guaranteed the continuation of
Fiench bases in Algeria for 5 years with one submarine
base for 15 years.
In the face of such practical realities, it was difficult
to work for the socialism that Fanon advocated. As one of
the Algerian leaders put it, Algeria found itself in the posi-
tion where it had to be stratelgcoally revolutionary and
tactically neo-colonialist. Fanon gave no clue to the social-
ist society he advocated. But neither did' Marx. What is
clear, however, is that apart from recent concrete steps
in Tanzania, most of the socialist doctrine that has
emerged in Africa has been limited to vague concepts of
the African historical past.
As in most other colonial territories, the achievement
of political independence bvy rnidad and Tobago took
nlace around a conference table. P.N.M.'s Perspectives for
the New Society advocates the continuation of ron-violenre
and the achievement of economic independence :by the mid-
dle road, of avoiding the two piDtfalls of the twentieth
century-liberal capitalism on the one band, and commun-
ism on the other.















n ui nuuc ii a piLaiim in I S pure lorm nas to
)lled, so that the initiative of both the big ai
.tionals can be encouraged and promoted
ramped.
More generally in this analysis, I am not se
tack any particular country or any particular E
is country. I am trying to look very objectively
happening in other parts of the world so thE
inidad. and Tobago can learn from the experien
od and bad, of others and; shaDe a better future
ves. I recognize the right of every country to cl
'n path of development and its own policies and t
own institutions.
U.S. INVESTMENT RECORD
The symbol of liberal capitalism' in the 7C
ited States -multi-national corporation. Unitec
ect investment abroad increased from seven bill
in 1928 to fifty-four billion dollars in 1966. _U.!
tional corporations and their foreign subsidiarii
;ponsible for 55 per cent of the total production]
n-communist world in the mid-sixties. This
pected to rise to 64 per cent by 1980 and 80 per
)0. Among firms doing more than a billion d(
siness a year, 60 are in the U.S.A. and only 27
lerican-owned.
Up to the middle of the century this Unitec
estment went particularly to Latin America and
the decade of the 60's Western Europe overto
bin America and Canada. During the Deriod 1960
percentage of U.S. direct investment going to
eased from 39 to 20 percent, the percentage
in America from 30 to 9 percent. whilst the pel







country. To use the contemporary ThirdWorldjargon the
commanding heights of the Canadian economy are essen-
tially in foreign hands, that 'is to say, United States hands.
The position was as follows in 1963: manufacturing industry
60 percent; petroleum and natural gas 75 percent; mining
and smelting 59 percent. In particular industries the posi-
tion was even more serious: automobiles 97 percent; rubber
production 97 percent; chemicals 78 percent; aircraft 78
percent; electrical products 77 percent; agricultural machin-.
Serv 50 percent. 35 percent of U.S. manufacturing assets
abroad and 31 percent of total direct investment assets
were located in Canada, a small country of twenty million
people. .
One of the principal aspects of this recolonisatio of
Canada, as it is being described, i that financigof this
investment is done largely from the accumulated savings
of the Canadian population rather than the export of capi-
tal from the United States. Between 1957 and 1965, 85
percent of the funds used to expand United States controlied
industry in Canada came from Canadian domestic savings;
only 15 percent was provided from the United Stats .
It can happen that after an initial injection of capital,
a munltirnationatl corporation instead of bringing money into
a country, takes money out of it. In the years. 1960-67, the
excess of remittances from U.S. subsidiaries Lati A -
ca and the Middle East to the United States, over the outflow
of U.S. capital of those years, helped to finance U.S. invest-
in Western Europe, thus widening the gap between the rich
developed countries and the poor developing countries.
This is serious enough. What is infinitely more serious
is that the local Canadian entrepreneur, taken over tby a
multi-national corporation, becomes a paki employee of a
foreign firm. Gravest of all is the transfer of decision-mak-
ing 'from Canada to the United States. This dependence be-
comes cumulative: it grows by what it feeds on.
It is not only Canada that has become an economic pro-
tectorate, of the United States but allo Western Eu LThe
deep concern has been most obvious in France, where in
1963 American firms controlled 40 percent cf the petroleu
market, 65 percent of the product of fits and h -
graphic paper, 65 percent of fa machinery, 65 percent
of telecommunications equipment, 45 percent of synthetic
rubber, and 80 percent of computers. In 1965 the Americans
invested $4 billion in Europe; 90 percent of this investment
came from European sources, only 10percent represented
1ireet dollar transfers from the U.S. In Great Britai the-
6






United States multi-national corporation has been identified
as one of the principal causes of the chronic British balance
of payments problem. As a well-known French study puts
the matter: "The Common Market has become a new Far
West for American businessmen. The invasion of American
industrial power has only just begun, and its growing im-
pact poses a grave problem for every government in Eu-
rope." The dilemma faced by the governments of Europe is
this: take the American investment and Europe becomes
a satellite of the United States; reject the American in-
vestment in favour of self-sufficiency and Europe condemns
itself to under-development.
FOREIGN INVESTMENT-AN ADJUNCT
The lesson of all this is' that in Trinidad and Tobago
we must, for the purpose of policy, make a distinction be-
tween opening up our economy to complete foreign domina-
tion and allowing private foreign capital to enter in order
to supplement our local efforts and in order to meet short-
ages of capital, technology, know-how, and management. It
is a very difficult task, even liable to some misunderstanding,
at home and abroad, but we must! attempt it.
P.N.M's Perspectives, therefore, specifically exclude in-
dustries where the capital requirements are too large, for
example, the petroleum and petrochemical industries. In
other cases we provide for the development and expansion
of the 'local private sector by emphasizing joint ventures with
the local private sector hoMing a 'majority of the equity.
This threat to the independence of politically sovereign
states by the transfer of decision making .to foreign countries
is becoming a matter of increasing concern to economists
as well as politicians and to economists in the developed
countries as well as in the developing countries.
For example, Professor Hirschman of Princeton Uni.
versity, in an article a year ago entitled "How to Divest in
Latin America and Why", suggests not only the sale of
shares in foreign enterprises on the instalment plan to work-
ers in the country where the investment is located, first
choice being given to those employed in sikch firms--this is
precisely what PNM's Perspectives propose; he suggests the
establishment of an Interl American Divestment Corporatior
to assist national Governments and national private sectors
to buy out foreign firms.
One of the leading Latin American economitti., Dr.
Prebisch of Argentina, has proposed that the Inter-Ameri-
can Development Bank should establish an agency with
resources of its own to enable it to acquire foreign-owned
assets and to hold them until such time as it can place them
7






with 16cai ihvest6rs. it .hs also recently been reported that
the Andean Common Market, a sub-grouping of the Latin
American Free Trade Association consisting of tne five
Sputh American countries on the Pacific coast, is about to
adopt a somewhat restrictive policy on foreign investment
-in fact, in my opinion, somewhat too restrictive.
:You will appreciate therefore, from what I have been
saying, that a genuine problem, not to say dilemma, is posed
for developing countries such as ours by the whole issue of
foreign investment. You get nowhere by simply playing
politics and blaming the P.N.M. for finding themselves in
a dilemma which faces all of Latin America, Canada, and
Western Europe.

SEVERE DISLOCATIONS FROM MASSIVE INFLOW

In the context of this specific concern with the opera-
tions of me multi-national corporation, both in terms of
their practical effect and in terms of tne theory covering
this siuaLion, it is a little curious and: disappointing to final
many people in Trinidad and Tobago proposing a massive
inflow of foreign investment as a means of removing unem-
ployment in five years. One doubts that a small country like
I'riniaad and Tooago can get that sort of money anyhow,
certainly not unless it develops a sort of special relationship
with the United States that Puerto Rico has; and I would
remind you that it is precisely that special relationship that
Canada has that is subject to widespread concern in Cana'da
today of the direction of the Canadian economy and the
threat it poses to Canada's political sovereignty.
Moreover, a similar massive inflow of private invest-
ment into Puerto Rico over a period of twenty years, al-
though it is done largely to increase per capital national in-
come and the wage level in the manufacturing sector, nas
not really been successful in reducing unemployment, which
has remained; constant at some 12 percent of the labour
force, notwithstanding the large-scale emigration to the
U.S.A. which has produced a population of aimnost one mil-
lion Puerto Ricans in New York State.
Finally, in the case of Trinidad and Tobago it is almost
certain that, if it does turn out to be possible to get the
massive inflow of money contemplated over a five-year
period, there would be a number of dislocations in the econo-
my, which would have the effect of increasing unemploy-
ment outside of the areas where the new investment is
taking place. The wage ga. between particular industries
would be aggravated, and the drift of population from rural
8






areas to urban and semi-urban areas would be accelerated
incidentally also imposing a greater strain on the socia
services in the latter areas. Furthermore, apart from sucl
severe dislocation, the experience of the last eleven years o
the I.D.C's operations-when it required an investment o
$248 million to provide less than 14,000 jobs-indicates tha
the new industries are not likely to be labour intensive an(
will not provide a lirge number of jobs.
What therefore would be more to the point would b
for us, along with other Caribbean, Latin American ant
Third World governments, to press developed countries, par
ticularly the Unitep States and Canada. to open up their:
markets for our labour intensive industries, for example
textiles, a heavy employer'of female labour.
What would be even more to the point 'would be for thi
Government and the National Etconomic Advisory Council
with maximum public participation, to formulate a strategy
for reaching full employment at an earlier date than wa.
projected in the Five Year Plan, 1983. This exercise is nov
in progress. This strategy would certainly call for a con
siderable amount of foreign aid and foreign private invest
ment, combined with the broad measures set out in P.N.M'.
Perspectives. But such a strategy cannot be based largely
or mainly on the massive inflow of foreign private invest
ment over five years.

PITFALL OF COMMUNISM
In the movement to economic independence, the second
pitfall that P.N.M. seeks to avoid in its Perspectives is com
munism. Communism in the 1970s is no longer a question
of the development of Eastern European societies which have
no relevance to the Caribbean. We have an example close
home-Castro's Cuba.
Ignoring the hostile and fierce criticism of the capitalist
press, especially in some developed countries, it is cleai
that Castroism is a serious attempt by a developing country
to effect a radical transformation of an economy that was
based before 1959 on a single crop, sugar, and dominated
by U.S. capital. Great strides have been made by Cuba undel
Castro in the field of social services especially education
while in respect of the diversification of the economy, sign
ficant progress has been made in the fields of livestock
food crops and fishing. Whilst life is very difficult in Cubg
in terms of rationing andcl the rigid controls, especially or
consumer goods imported from abroad, exercised by central
planners, the vast majority of Cubans live better and havw
*9






greater personal dignity than they enjoyed before 1959 when
Castro overthrew Batista.
I reaffirm the right of other countries to choose their
own economic and political 'system. But the overwhelming
reason for which I, as well as most people in this country,
and I am confident the P.N.M., would reject the introduction
of the Cuban system here, is that it is totalitarian. We in
Trinidad and Tobago have chosen the difficult path of
achieving economic and social transformation and the eli-
mination of unemployment within a democratic framework
-the difficult path of conferring on every individual in our
society both "positive" rights and "negative" rights.
In a long speech of July 26th, 1970, commemorating the
17th anniversary of his first attempt to overthrow the Ba-
tista dictatorship in 1953, Castro spelled out in detail how
far Cuba still is, after 11 years of Castroism, 'from achiev-
ing a higher standard of living and a greater efficiency
of production. He made three particular points which are
familiar in all developing countries -and with which we in
Trinidad and Tobago are fully conversant, especially in
these days, when deliberate and concerted attempts are being
made to exploit every little individual grievance and. ,dis-
content:

(a) Whereas in a developed country 45 percent of the
population is engaged in productive activity, the
figure is 32 percent in Cuba-that is to say, the
Cuban productive worker has to carry a larger
number of dependants, both children and people
over 60.
(b) In another lament familiar in all the developing
countries, Castro blamed the population explosion,
involving an increase in the cost of public services,
education, housing, etc.
(c) He emphasized teacher and class-room shortages
and the double shift system.

During the last year, in an attempt to get much needed
foreign exchange, Castro set as his goal the production-of
ten million tons of sugar, an enormous figure. He -did not
succeed. He produced only eight and a half million tons,
but this by any standard-is a remarkable achievement. In
his July 26 speech Castro placed great emphasis on the high
price Cuba is already paying for this achievement in the
field of 'sugar production-labour was drained from every-
thing else in order to cut cane. The result was a serious de-
10






dine in several fields of production of which the following
are examples;

Milk decline of 25 percent from 1969
Cement decline of 23 percent from 1968
Steel Ingots decline of 38 percent from 1969
Fertiliser -decline of 32 percent from 1969
:Tyres 50 percent of the Plan unfulfilled
Batteries 33 percent of the Plan unfulfilled
Tooth Paste 11 percent of the Plan unfulfilled
Soap and
Detergents 32 percent of the Plan unfulfilled
Bread 6 percent of the Plan unfulfilled.

In the rare case where production had increased, it
d.d not keen up with the demand; for example, electricity
production increased by 11 percent 'but the demand grew by
17 percent.
Castro blamed three factors: (1) transportation. (2)
inefficiency, (3) absenteeism.

VAGRANCY LAW

In terms of our own problems in Trinidad and Tobago,
absenteeism is perhaps the most important, in the light of
the growing tendency to sick leave in this country. Absen-
teeism has become such a problem in Castro's Cuba that
the Government has prepared a draft law against laziness.
Known as "The Law against Vagrancy and Semi-Vagrancy"
the law will force men aged 17-60 and women aged 17-55
who are physically and mentally fit and who' habitually
absent themselves from work, to mend their corrupt ways.
Frequent violators may lose the privilege to shop in stores
for such commodities as refrigerators, pressure-cookers,
clothing and shoes (it is to be remembered that clothing
and shoes are rationed in Cuba) with reliable workers
getting first offer of tlhese.
Furthermore, violators may be classified by being paid
their wages in public as is already being done for construct
tion workers in one area, or even by flashing their names
on cinema screens. Shirkers can be fired from their jobs
under the law and even be brought up for trial before the
people's courts. The law has been in preparation for about
a year; it is now scheduled for debate by Workers' Commit-
tees which will suggest modifications before the law is
enacted.
The significance of the problem has been stated by the
Minister of Labour in the following words: "Absenteeism
11






L3 LIeLC o1111 igh luU W.C Illi, O sauICl WIUtLL 2 V0 pre oyfll LLCLlij WCl
have got rights now. I am sure that 20 percent of the lage
guards can.-destroy the work of i80 percent of the people if
we do not take recognition of this problem and don't win
this battle. Let us cite an example-we might have 80 per-
cent superb people, but just 20 percent shirkers, affect the
economy. .In a work force of 1.85 million this could equal
almost 400.000 workers. Let me say to you that neither this
nation's economy nor that of any other nation can support
the corrosive, demoralisingc and disrupting action of 400.000
shirkers".
PHILOSOPHICAL MAINSTREAM REJECTED
The P.N.M. Perspectives reject both liberal capitalism
(with its concomitant of penetration and take-over of the
economy by multi-national corporations) arnd the commun-
ist organisation of the economy and the ,society. Instead,
we follow the pattern that is being increasingly developed
in developing countries, of state participation in the econo-
my, to the extent of up to 51 percent in particular enter-
prises, to ensure that decision-making remains in local
hands. This is what has been done in Chile and Zambia in
terms of the copper mines and in Sierra Leone in terms of
the diamond mines. Sometimes the state goes 'further as
Uganda has done in taking 65 percent participation in foreign
balks, whiqst Tanzania has. gone in for complete nationalisa-
tion of foreign banks. The P.N.M. Government has si~nilarly,
in respect of sugar, oil, radio and television, external and
internal communications, and the outright ownership of a
foreiimn bank which has become the. National Bank, taken
significant steps to. extend the nublie* sector into fields
formerly controlled by outside, capital.

THE PEOPLE'S SECTOR
But whilst Perspectives call for an enlarged public sec-
tor and :the local private sector participating with outside
private capital, the outside capital being the adjunct, not
the master, they make special provision, as a matter of
deliberate pihblic policy, 'for the People's Sector-the trade
union, the cooperative, the small' business, the small farm
'ild' the handleraft industry. We are giving the people of
Trihidad and Tobago a positive role in their economrnc develop-
ment- as .Tanzania "di-d1 in 1967 with its Arusha declaration
of 'self-reliance.

The People's, Sector is not as a matter of strict logic
distinct from. the National Private Sector. We have made
the distinction in order to affirm P.N.M's conviction -that'
12

















tives do not envisage restricting the People's Sector only to
cooperatives,,as is the case in most other developing coun-
tries, but also includes individually-owned businesses and
partnerships. What we are saying to the people is in effect
this: "Your salvation is in your own hands; help yourselves:
he self reliant. The Government has been trvine- and at all
time will be seeking to remove any disabilities which you
havp been and are facing as a result of historical and social
reasons. But it is really up to you."

In our programme for the People's Sector, we have been
consciously guided by parallel developments in other parts
of the world. Take for example the question of the small farm.
It is true that farms have tended to increase in size in
highly industrialized countries in North America and West-
ern Europe, the reason for this being the availability.of
jobs in industry and the service sector and the high cost of
labour. But in two countries in Asia in particular, Taiwan
and; Japan, the small farm has not only held its own but
is making a dramatic contribution to economic development
and social well-being.

Taiwan is a land of small farms averaging about 2 /2
acres in size. It is the world's largest exporter of canned
pineapples and mushrooms, and the second largest of
canned asparagus.. Because of mull-cropping and' the use
of improved sedd, fertilizer and irrigation, crop production
per acre is about six times higher, in Taiwan than in the
United States. This shows that productivity is not merely
a question of farm size but also of institutional arrange-
ments, the involvement of farmers in the developmental
process through cooperatives and farmers! organizations,
infrastructure development (such as access roads in Tri-
nidad and Tobago) ,and incentives (such as fertilizer under
our National Fertiliser Scheme).
13






Productivity on the small farm is also a question
mechanisation as indicated by contemporary Japan.
not here mean sophisticated mechanical equipment. ]
talking of small machines suited to small units such as
small power tiller of 2-5 horsepower, a multi-purpose in
ment which has become extremely popular in Japan. r
it is that nearly 70 percent of the total farm population
Japan owns farms less than 2V2 acres in size, while a fur
24 percent owns farms between 22 and. 5 acres.

The results of these developments in Taiwan and Ja
are that the agricultural production per head of popular
is over $100 in these two countries compared with $3
Indonesia, $39 in India and $45 in Thailand.

Let us now look at small business. Here again P.N.
Perspectives are based on the best in modern practice.
outstanding example is again Japan. The number of es
lishments in Japan employing between 3 and 9 workers
323,000 at the 1959 manufacturing census. The number
playing between 10 and 19 workers was 66,000 and the n
ber employing between 20 and 49 workers was 42,000.
19C6 half the manufacturing establishments represei
plants with less than 5 workers. The Japanese Governn
has stepped in to give considerable technical and finar
assistance to small business. The Small Business Fine
Corporation was established in 1953. In 1959, it made eq
ment loans available to 11.222 firms employing from
19 workers.

The developing country which has worked out the r
comprehensive small factory development program
India, where ten years ago, when data in this field 1
became available, 36,457 small plants employing (
1,337,000 persons accounted for about 38 percent of
ployment, 17% percentof fixed capital and 25 percent of
value added in India's registered factories. The small b
ness in India is defined as a business having a fixed cap
of less than $100,000 U.S. In 1968, 138,000 small-scale u:
registered accounted for more than 30 per cent of Inc
-total industrial production and emnlovment.
With the commencement of, Small Business Year
1970, a great impetus has been given to the small mar
Trinidad and Tobago. Up to October 31, 1970 the I.D.C.
received 381 applications for small business loans total]
8.4 million dollars. Of the 69 applications processed so
42 have been approved involving $410,000 and 278 additic
14










Similarly with the small guest house, another areas
;tructive enterprise for the small man. The traditic
ern of tourist development in the Caribbean has I
sized the large iantasticaily priced hotel, dominated
id- capital. With the reduc ion of the cost 6o air trn
to competitive areas, the Caribbean has priced it
of the tourist market. Part of the solution lies in
1i guest house sought by people of more modest meE
Sis not a question of theorising, it is based on pract
.rience in Europe. In the following outstanding tou
s in Europe the boarding house, camping site, and yo
el provide at least as much accommodation as is av
in hotels, inns and motels: Italy, United Kingd
tern Germany, Spain, Austria, Scandinavia, Swit
and Yugoslavia.
ROLE OF COOPERATIVES

P.N.M's Perspectives place great emphasis on the pa
tion by trade unions in economic activity. The best
le in the world of the entrepreneurial role of the tr
n is Israel, where the trace union organisation, ]
ut, is inseparable from the cooperative movement
vde ago' the labour sector, including the cooper
.ties, employed 175,000 workers, contributed ove:
:ter of the national income, was responsible for c
percentt of the agriculture of the country, nearly
ent of the building and public works, over 20 oercen
mistrial production, operated the workers' bank, the
largest commercial bank in the country, and owned
est insurance firm in the country. Histadrut enterpr
nded to steel and glass works, iron foundries, an ed
factory, a soap manufacturing plant, canneries, an<
unction with private capital, cement and tyres. 1
ut was also concerned with seaports, airlines, oil
action and irrigation, and undertook extensive const
contracts in Asia, Africa and Europe.
Consider, now, the role of cooperatives, which in P.N.
pectives occupy a crucial place in the People's Sec
cooperative movement has made great strides in
ped countries-particularly in agriculture and fislie
orway, and in petroleum distribution in Sweden.
United Kingdom in 1960, there were 1274 societies, v
."1 R






13 million members and sales of -nearly $10,00 mill
Cooperative housing has had great success in Scandins
France, Germany, Canada and the U.S.A. Since the fij
the movement has spread increasingly in the Third Wc
Housing cooperatives have emerged in India, Egypt, Col
bia and Chile. A good example of the spread of the coop
tive movement in the developing countries is Tanzania. ]
ween 1948 an'J 1960 the number of cooperatives incres
from 62 to 579, the membership from 52,000 to 326,000,
the value' of net assets from $1.7 miWion to over $15 mili
I am confident that, against this background of w'
developments, P.N.M's People's Sector is ,ruiiy justiniedi
we can look forward with optimism to its future role in
economic and psychological development. Our historic
deprived groups have now been brought to the forefron
the national stage.

BLACK POWER IN THE U.S.
P.N.M's Perspectives take up frankly and comprek
sively the question of race relations in our multi-racial
city, against the background of the historical injustices
deprivations faced by the two major ethnic groups in
community, those of African origin and those of As
origin. The question of race relations has become one of
principal sources of tension an.m conflict in the world
large. Although for some time lying uneasily under theq
face of our lives here. it has come out into the open
Trinidad and Tobago, heavily influenced by the Black Po
Movement in the United States of America. We need thE
fore to understand a" little more about Black Power in
United States.
Black Power is rooted in three historical phenomena
the U.S.A. .
1) The inequality of the blacks was written explicit
into the U.S. Constitution, defining the black as
of a man.
2) The post--slavery period legalised the deliber
degradation of the blacks, the principal symbol
which was lynching.
3) The black protest movement was a conflict betwi
three contradictory trends:
a) the segregationist tendency among the bla,
best expressed by Booker T. Washington of T
kegee;
b) the Back to Africa movement associated w
Marcus Garvey of Jamaica; and






cJ LIAC J1Igt I IVgt UVan mvtcCIrr Lna U .IVRI 1nigmIS agILr-
tion associated with the NAACP and Dr. W. B.
Duiots, and largely dominated by white liberals,
commUtnists, and JeWs.

These three tendencies were all reflected in: the Black
Power Movement which came into prominence with the
legal arn. political filibustering over the Civil Rights: Bil
and the desegregation legislation combined with the assas-
sination of Martin Luther King on April 4, 1968, as a result
of which, in the subsequent ten days, there were riots in
125 American cities, 46 persons were killed, 2,600 injured,
21,000 arrested, and property damage exceeded U:S. $45
million.

All this has resulted in the contradictions that have
developed in the black protest movement. These contradic-
tions may be summarized as follows:
1) Whether the movement should be violent, at:least in
respect of self defence, or non-violent.
2) Whether whites should be excluded as they are from
th Nation of Islam, or should be deliberately minlud-
ed as they are by Cleaver and the Black Panthers,
and somewhat in between, black coalitions with
whites should be purely on the basis of the ::Self-
interest of Blacks as with Carmichael. ;
3) Whether the movement should continue a campaign
for integration on the basis of equality, or' should be
based on total separate development of Blacks in: a
separate state in the United States closely- identified
with Africa and Africans.
The latest position is in favour of partition and Pan-
Africanism. It began with Malcolm 'X' who called for the
complete separation of the Blacks in America, both phy-
sical an'c mental, advocated a separate black state financed
by white reparations, and urged the independent states of
Africa to support a petition to the Human Rights Commis-
sion bf the United Nations accusing the United Staes- of
genocide. At the most recent Black Power Conference' in
Atlanta, Georgia, this year the members -called for the
creation of a separate black nation comprising the existing
states of Loitisiana, Georgia, Alabama, South Carolina and
Mississippi. This separatist movement has been reflected
consciously in the new pride taken in Mother Africa begin-
ning with dress, hair styles and jewellery, the interest in
Swahili, and the emphasis on black studies with particular
reference to African history and culture.
17






BLACK POWER IN TIE CARIBBEAN

We can now consider the impact of the U.S. Black
Power Movement on the Caribbean. It is immediately
obvious that the issue of the constitutional inequality of
/the Blacks has no relevance for the West Indies. But it is
absurd to expect black West Indians not to sympathise
with and feel part of black American movements for the
achievement of human rights by black Americans, or the
emancipation of black Africans from white tyranny in
Rhodesia, Portuguese Africa and South Africa, or pride in
t hae historical and cultural past of the peoples of the African
continent.

It is also absurd to expect younger people of one of the
non-white historically dispossessed groups in the Carib-
bean not to become, as a result of this impact, more con-
scious of their cultural deprivations and of the economic
and social disabilities still affecting many members of both
groups in contemporary Trinidad and Tobago and other
parts of the Caribbean. It is in this context that certain
prescriptions in P.N.M.'s Perspectives -must be viewed; our
support of the Peopie's Sector and the protection of the
national economy from foreign domination; the measures
that we have initiated for helping to bring forward the
time when full employment will be achieved; our deter-
mination to remove discrimination in employment; the
cultural renaissance now taking place and the new interest
being shown in handicraft, cooperatives and small business,
among the young people of African descent.
Yet, because of the differences in the situation of the
black man in the U.S.A. and in Trinidad and Totbago and
the Caribbean, the ..Black Power Movement of the U.S.A.
cannot and should not be imported indiscriminately into
the Caribbean environment. Certain important reserva-
tions must ble made.
The first relates tb Carmichael's pronouncmment on
separate development on his visit to Gayana earlier this
year on the ground that "it is not for us to organise and
fight for other colonial peoples (that is Asian)........they
must organise separate development for thses!neVes." This
view encountered widespread criticism, especially from
the Asians, as inappropriate to the multi-racial society of
Guyana. It would appear also that even blacks in Guyana
were inclined to place Guyana before Africa. It is possible
that this thesis of Carmichael is not unconnected with the
18






current circulation of a proposal from an organisation call-
ag itself "The Asian Independence Movement" for the
division of Guyana into two parts, one of which is to be
handedd over to Indians in the Commonwealth Caribbean
Dr the ,establishment of a separate Indian -state.

Some reservation must also be made in respect of Ca-
)bean citizens of Arab descent. particularly those from
yria and Lebanon. The tendency which is beginning to
merge with the younger generation, born and educated in
ae West Indies, is for their recognition as Caribbean citi-
ens and not as Arabs, though their ancestry helps to give
he independent countries of the Caribbean a positive and
irect link with the Arab countries of the Third World; the
rab countries of North Africa play an important part in
he Organisation of African Unity. Malcolm 'X' has report-
d that the Algerian Ambassador to Ghana remonstrate l
rith him on his visit to Ghana for his emphasis on black
ationalism, and reminded him that thereby he was alien-
ting people in North Africa who were true revolutionaries,
ut who were not black.

A similar reservation may be made in respect of the
people of mixed blood of the Caribbean, traditionally called
mulattoes. Fanon has initiated the current contempt for
ae so-called "Afro-Saxons" in his book Black 'Skin, White
[asks, but the fact of the matter is that this section of
ae Caribbean population, unlike its counterpart in the
nited States, has traditionally occupied a special position
1 Caribbean society. This is perhaps best seen in their
nomination of Black Haiti until about 30 years ago. More
nportant than this is the fact that people of mixed blood
institutee some 75 per cent of the population of the Dom-
lican Repulic which officially records itself as a mulatto
)untry.

However, to state these facts is not to cbndone dis-
'imination by those of lighter complexion against those
arker than themselves, which has always been an ugly
nature of Caribbean life and society.
Even Castro's Cuba has come under fire from the
lack Power advocates notwithstanding Castro's abolition
racial discrimination in Cuba. There have always been
vo contradictory trends in Cuba's history: the fear
pressed by large numbers of whites of the "black peril"
L Cuba especially ifter the independence of Haiti, and the
rge non-white population estimated at well over half of
19






population, wmcn nas piayeca nie ieanum.
-0 -- 4-.i. * i 1- % em V IV ___%__ 1.% -


being the black General, Antonio Maceo. In 1911, there
was an attempt by a black political party to stage a revo-
lution which was put down by white Cubans with the mili-
tary assistance of the United States. Now U. S. Black
Power advocates have commented adversely on the absence
of blacks in the government of revolutionary and proletarian
Cuba, and many of them are up in arms against Che
Guevara's rejection of their demand for the inclusion of
black studies and African history in the school curriculum
of Cuba on the ground that Cuba's non-whites should be
studying Marxism-Leninism instead.
It is very difficult to understand how such a progressive
and sensitive man as Guevara, one of the heroes of con-
temporary youth, could have been so insensitive to a legi-
timate national psychology and have rejected it for the
larger international concept. What is even more strange
is that Fanon. of all people, should have identified himself
with this rejection of the growing interest in Africa and
refused to associate with what he called "the revival of an
uniustiv unrecognised Negro civilisation" and to "derive
my basic purpose from the past of the, peoples of colbur."

THE MYTH OF AFRICA DEBUNKED

Though this question of 'black studies and African his-
try has not yet become a major issue in Trinidad and
Tobago and the Caribbean, it is as well 'for us now to under-
stand two main points. The first is that the rehabilitation
of Africa and its historical past is one of the great intel-
lectual break-throughs of the twentieth century. Some of
the greatest names in the history of western scholarship
have identified themselves with the view that Africa had no
history before the intervention of the Europeans with the
slave trade-no history, no arts, no science, no manufac-
tures, to quote the condemnation of a great British philo-
sopher in the middle of the 18th century. When something
astonishing was discovered in Africa like the Bronzes of
Benin or the ruins of Zimbabwe, the sceptics attributed it
to the Greeks or the Carthaginians. So that the rejection
of the great lie of western history, that Africa i s a contin-
ent without a historical past worthy of study, is an essen-
tial feature of the campaign for intellectual decolonization.

This is why the Organisation of African Unity has,
in conjunction with UNESCO, as a result of a meeting in
June of this year of historians, linguists, and archaeologists,
nL%






undertak~er to publish a. general history of Africa in eight
volumes from pre-history to modern times The first vol
ume-s expected to be available in 1973. This is why the

dent, has decided to produce, in conjunction with univer-
sity scholars in different 'countries, a comprehensive
cultural balance sheet of the Black World to over three
major areas: the Caribbean, North and South America, and
Africa. The undertaking will ompe religion, language.
,literature, eats, education, economic matters, political
structures, cultural institutions, and so n The contri-
butors to this enterprise are, now being selected. '

Apart from this intellectual aspect, there is the psy-
chological. Black people, culturally deprived and insisted
for centuries, are now taking pride in origins that they
dimly suspected and are happy to have confirmed. We are
demonstrating this here right now in Trinidad and Tobago.
In the, last few years there has been an enormous interest
in African drumming. At this moment there is a grow ing0
revival of interest in African religion and religious practices
With particular :emphasis on shango. There has been* for
some time a group whose special interest is. in: Yoruba ';*
culture. '

It isivery certain that the next few years will see a tre- ,
mendous inerest in the study and analysis of African
survival and influences in the entire Caribbean. So lar
this interest has 'been limited principally to Haiti. Some
valuable workhas been done y a white Cuban scholar on :
,the Afrian influence in Cuban music. Some years :ago a
superficial studywas made by an American anthropologist
of African survivals in Toco. Not enough attention has"
been paid in thisfield tto the Bush Negroes of Surinam. : ..:,

Thus 4. of us had better, get used to i:the idea that
African culture is here to stay.. It is intellectually con-
structive and psychologically legitimate. -t has its possible
dangers if it is overplayed, if it weeks to impose the very
apartheid of which it .has been a victim in the past, and if
it seeks to dominate and denigrate other< cultures which
have contributed to Trinidad and Tobago. The Afro-Asian
Museum which the Government has commenced and is

asiuatin already hasit deal ith Hisnd a



"*'. I 'a'llftia1









i.OAJUJ.A IJLLU 1J. AJl UJ.VL.- CA VljJ U-I.AL IJVJ U fJL JII .LJL
official languages in 15 years after indepei
): the pressures from other linguistic group
s that the language problem has given diffi
particularly in Ceylon where Tamil, langi
Lian immigrants, has been officially suboi
,halese, and in Malaysia where the don
fIalay language is specially entrenched ii
mnce constitution.
What I think would be the greatest sa
ivalry and conflict on the pait of one
againstt others, and I have recently discuss(
minister of Education, is the preparation fo
Lty schools of a special textbook outlining
)utions made to the Caribbean society by t]
ures that have been brought in from time
The experience of multi- racial societies
he past twelve yearsshould warn us in- Trim
s to the dangers of racial conflict, and shot
aake every effort to avoid such dangers.

First, there were the Ceylon race riots -
Jay 22, 1958, involving the attack by the nm
n the Tamil immigrants from Southern In
ome two million of a population of nine ml
emergencyy was declared in Ceylon on May 2
minister, Mr. Bandanaraike, who was to -1
assassinated.

The number of persons killed was o
59; unofficial estimates, however, ranged I
"he number of persons arrested for violatii
ency regulations was 6,302, and the nun
detained for security reasons was 2,254. 58:
political party were placed under house det
months. Strict censorshi was placed on t
urfew rom 6 .m. to 6 a.m. as enforced
uly 12. The State of Emergency was even
larch 13, 1959, after nearly ten months,
he introduction of an amendment to the






emergency between 1948 and 1960 associated with com-
munist guerillas. A State of Emergency was 'declared
which is still in force; Parliament was suspended and re-
mains suspended. The riots began as an attack by the Mal-
ays on immigrant Chinese;; on June 28 they took a new form
with an attack by Malays on immigrant Indians. The official
figures in connection, with the first stage of the riots are as
follows:

Deaths -Malay 25, Indian 13, Chinese 143
Injured by Firearms --Malay 37, Indian 17, Chinese 125
Injured by other
weapons --Malay 90, Indian 19, Chinese '145
Arrests -Malay 2,077, Indian 1,874,
Chinese 5,126
Charged in Court -Malay 1,133, Indian 1,470,
Chinese 2,907
The significance of Malaysia for Trinidad and Tobago
is that the Malaysian population of ten million is consti-
tuted as follows,: Malays, 42 per cent; Chinese, 37 per cent;
Indian, 10 per cent.
Finally, there is Quebec in Canada. In 1963, the gov-
ernment of Canada appointed a powerful Royal Commis-
sion on bi-lingualism and bi-culturism in an attempt to
seak accommodation between the French in Quebec and
the English in the rest of Canada with such smaller minor-
ity groups as Ukrainians, Germans, Italians. etc. The two
dominant groups are the English and the French, English
being the mother tongue of 58 per cent and French being
the mother tongue of 28 per cent of the population. This,
however has not helped the general situation or abated the
demand of the Quebec separationists for secession and the
division of Canada into two nations. As you know the most
recent .developments has been the assurmntion of special
powers by the Canadian Government to cone with what has
been called "apprehended insurrection" in Quebec. The
whole world, especially Trinidad and Tobago, is watching
the outcome of this confrontation.

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO AND THE THIRD WORLD

P.N.M.'s Perspectives emphasize that Trinidad and
Tobago is part of the Third World. The country has parti-
cipated fully in Third World discussion.z.--.the illegal inde-
nendence of Rhodesia, South African apartheid, the first
development' decade, generalised preferences for dev-
eloping countries, improved terms of trade for devel-
23






oping countries in relation to the developed countries;
and so on.
P.N.M. had envisaged this contact with the Third
World ever since it came out with the People's Charter of
1956 strongly in support of the Bandung Conference.
This is reflected in the country's external repre-
sentation. We necessarily must maintain our existing con-
tacts with:
1) The United Kingdom, the traditional export market,
which grants preferences to certain products, which
is a source of investment, and headquarters of the
Commonwealth, and where we have many nationals
as students, nurses and immigrant workers.
2) Canada, traditionally important for West Indian
trade an important source of investment, a source of
bilateral assistance, and which has indicated a parti-
cular interest in the Commonwealth Caribbean. There
are also many of our nationals in Canada.
3) The United States of America, an obvious necessity
because of the overwhelming economic and political
power of the U.S. not only in the Western Hemisphere
but in the world generally. The headquarters of the
World Bank. the Inter-American Development Bank,
Export-Import Bank, and the Organisation of Ameri-
can States are in the U.S.A. There is substantial U.S.
private investment in Trinidad and Tobago and con-
siderable trade between both countries.

Apart from these obvious linKs with our colonial past
and with our Commonwealth connections, we need to face
up to certain inescapable responsibilities and needs. These
are:

1) The United Nations in New York. The United Nations
now has a membership of 126 states.-For small coun-
tries like ours which can only afford a very restricted
number of diplomatic missions abroad, we can use
our New York Mission to initiate and maintain direct
contact with countries in which we do not have diplo-
matic missions. In addition, Trinidad and Tobago de-
rives considerable assistance from the United Nations
economic and social programme.

2) The United Nations in Geneva. This allows us to par-
ticipate in the work of the specialised agencies of the
United Nations such as FAO, UNESCO, WHO, ILO,
^TA






In addition, Geneva has become the headquarters of
other U.N. bodies dealing with trade and preferences
which are matters of vital concern to Trinidad and
Tobago.
3) The Organisation of American States. Our member-
ship in the OAS require us to maintain a mission at
OAs Headquarters in Washington; this is done by our
U.S. Ambassador to Washington.
4) The European Common Market. One of the most vital
questions facing Trinidad and Tobago now and in the
immediate future is the effect on our existing prefer-
ences and trade if and when Britain joins the Com-
mon Market. Our High Commissioner in London has
therefore been accredited as Ambassador to all Com-
mon Market countries. But we need to keep a close
and constant watch on British negotiations, which
are important to us for sugar, petroleum, fertilizer and
other commodities. We have therefore established a
small office in Brussels, the headquarters of the Euro-
pean Common Market.

The third category of our Missions derives inescapably
from our Caribbean contacts an!d Carifta participation. We
have a mission in Jamaica which is the principal campus of
the University of the West Indies where we have many stu-
dents. The High Commissioner in Jamaica has also been
accredited as ambassador to the Dominican Republic and
Haiti. two likely recruits in the near future to Carifta.
We have a mission in Guyana, headquarters of their Carifta
Secretariat. TheHivh Commissioner in Georsetown will be
accredited to Surinam, another likely participant in
Carifta. In Barbados. headquarters of the Caribbean De-
velopment Bank. we have a Hie, h Commissioner who serves
also as Commissioner to the Associated States.
There remain the countries of the Third World-Latin
America, Asia and Africa. We necessarily must maintain
close relations with Venezuela and the two countries have
annointed a mixed commission of officials to identify pos-
sible areas of cooperation. The Ambassador to Caracas serves
also, as non'resiident ambassador to Colombia, another area
of potential trading links with Trinidad and Tobago. We also
have an embassy in Brazil, the Latin American giant, the
ethnic composition of whose population is fairly sihniar to
Trinidaid. and Tobago. The proximity of certain areas of
Brazil to 'Trinidad and Tobago affords prospects of closer
trade relations.
25






Wi ith Airica and Asia the linkare not trade and th
presence of our nationals, though considerabletechnica
assistance is now being worked out withthe Government o
India,. which is to send a powerful mission of experts shortly
to Trinidad and Tobago. The relations with Africa and Asia
are essentially cultural an;i: our mission in Addis AbabE
which, as the centre of the Organisation of African Unit]
and the headquarters of the United Nations Economic Com
mission for Africa, is a centre of intense diplomatic acti
vity and our mission in New Delhi are conscious acts o
acknowledgement of the African and Indian heritage of thE
people of Trinidad and Tobago. The establishment of these
missions is a symbolic act of 'solidarity with Africans anc
Infdians and part of the attempt by independent Trinidac
and Tobaro to break away from the exclusive western ori-
eniation of our externa, relations, which character d the
pre-independence era, and to move in new directions.
ATTFITUDES AND VALUES
Perspectives for the New Society, with their emphasis on
self reliance, local decision-making, inter-racial fraternity
and Third World orientation, involve a profound change in
the values which we have inherited from the colonial period.
This is one of the principal stumbling blocks that we have
faced since 1956 and will continue to face after 1970.
The Perspectives set out the need for a change in atti-
tudes: stood blaming others and the Government (although
there will inevitably be "politics") for your own
shortcomings. The Government will provide the
framework, (for example, protection against the
complete .takeover of the economy by foreign cor-
porations and the promotion of the People's' Sector);
but a c&iange in values and attitudes among all of us
is necessary for us to realise the opportunities provided by
the new framework. The Government in turn can help to
promote the psychological and cultural revolution through
Prucational changes (particularly in curricla and text-
books) through symbols such as national heroes, statues
nf nsionals, renaming of streets; greater use of the-national
flap in schools; and through the mass media.
In some countries the attempt to. promote a change of
values involves Miisters and Members of Parliament work-
ing on self-help projects. There hasfor some time been dis-
cusion among us of a national dress. Symbols are extremely
important in creating a sense of national identity and giv-
ing psychological satisfaction. It is quite obvious that the
young people of Thnidad and Tobago today feel some kind
. >* *:. * : -: *** ** *: '.- *.: .*






iar ;


A good example of the need for a change of values and
attituesis d of education. It has recently become
fashionable to sneer at P.N.M. s revolutionary expansion of
secondary education on the groundsthat greater vocational
emphasis is required. But tne great development of indus-
trial jobs through industrialisation has taken place since
the establishment of the Industrial Development Corpora-
tion in 1959 and particularly since 1964. As.,at 31st. October,
1970, there were 491 establishments, pioneer and non-pion-
eer, inexistence. 66 of these were in existence bforethe
I.D.C. was established. 319 have come into existence since
1964. So that any subordination of grammar school educa-
tion before 1964 might have created an over-supply of
trained workers, whilst there would have been a reduction
in the supply of high school graduates proceeding to pro-
fessional studies at universities at home and abroad.

In addition, the climate then prevailing was against
the vocational bias, especially on the part of employers. In
1931 te British Government sent ou an Education Com-
mission which visited the a~stern group of the British Carib-
bean colonies. The commission prominence tothe views
of employers of a generation ago. The commission wrote:
"Whai they rightly demand in addition to the training of
will and character is theacquisition f a sound and prac-
tical knowledge of simple English, that is, ability to under-
stand and use the language for the ordinary purposes of*
industrial or commercial life, a -working knowledge of the
simple rulesofarithmetic d mensuration,and asharpen-
ing of general intelligence. For vocational training of ar
specialized kind they see no need .. And for practically
all other 'subjects' they have a profound mistrust as tend-
ing to superficialityand diverting attention to unessential
and sometimes unsuitable, objects."

It is particularly significant that this employer empha-
sist rejected agricultural education.,

school curriculum has always been alien to the Caribbean
environment. Black childTren in Martinique and Guadeloupe
studied from, textbooks which began "Our ancestors, the
Gauls, had blond hair and blue eyes". in the Virgin Islands
of the United States, children were taught to sing of trip-
-**~~~ ~~~ *;. W ^ i^ ^^^X .. ,*: ';'''**<*r^ *






; pingt "-firU Ltne sn11UW lU oL 4 UUdiujLLaJiL m -* s UO Uv -JL -num '
giving Day in a society where it is oftendifficult tknow
who lather is, far less grandfather. A high school student
in Jamaica once wrote an essay in which she said that "the
Sfrost was beating down on the canefields". As a secondary
schoo' student, 1Ionce had to write an essay min anexternal
S examination on a day in winter. The high water mark of
this cultural colonialism was the announced goal of a French
Minister of Education, that at a particular hour on any day
of the week all children in the French Colonial Empire
should be studying the same subject. Yet one recalls the
local opposition, that carries over even in contemporary
calypso, to the first attempt in Trinidad and Tobago to de-
Velop textbooks suited to the local environment though the
history textbooks were particularly scandalous.

What is very significant is that as late as 1957 the
i ,aspirations of the young boys and girls themselves were
totally opposed to the current advocacy of a vocational bias.
In that year a survey was made of 725 boys and girls in the
fifth and sixth forms of secondary schools in Trinidad and
*Tobago. Among boys the survey covered 139 black boys, 83
of mixed blood, 40 white and 207 Indians. They were asked
to choose their future occupation.,
SHere are the figures for agriculture in percentage of
S.the students questioned: black boys-0; coloured boys-0;
white boys-3%; Indian boys-3%. Take another field very
much in the news today, business the figures were as
follows: black boys 1%; coloured boys 2%; white boys 8%;
Indian boys 1%. Take another field very much in short sup-
ply today-pharmacy. The survey found -the following fig-
ures: black boys 1%; coloured boys-0; white boys-0; In-
S dian boys 2%; Most curous figures for the civil
service: black boys-0; coloured boys-l%; white boys--
5%; Indian boys 1%. For economics the percentages were:
Whites 0; coloured 1; black 4; and only one solitary Indian
out of the 207 questioned.

Compare these figures with the traditional professions
Sof medicine and dentistry on the one hand and law on the
Other. The figures for medicine and dentistry were asfollows:
black boys 29 percent; coloured boys 20 percent; white boys
S23 percent; Indian boys 34 percent. The figures for law were
as follows: black boys 9 percent; coloured boys 4 percent;
white boys 3 percent; Indian boys 9 percent.
S The only field in which the aspirations of these young-
sters anticipated the remarkable economic and social pro-
^ 'r -^ :' *.*. ***-'..::'28 **/**^ *'v;






gress of the decade of the sixties is the field of engineering
and architecture where the figures were as follows: black
boys 13 percent; coloured boys 30 percent; white boys 18
per cent, Indian boys 13 per cent.
Among the girls the survey covered 115 black girls, 52
coloured girls, 17 white and 72 Indian. In terms of occupa-
tions requiring a university degree priority went to the
Bachelor's and Master's -degrees for teaching and to medi-
cine and dentistry for all groups. White girls were particu-
larly interested in architecture and natural science. In res-
pect of subjects not requiring a university degree, priority
went to nursing and home economics for all groups and to
elementary school teaching and secretarial work for all
groups excluding the white. The white girls in their per-
centage exceeded the other groups in respect of their inter-
est in art, air hostess work, and marriage.
*,ne values which thne society has minneried are aimcuii
to change oveinigin itesuts were seen in a reccnt award
01 bcnoiarsnips in tie fiela of agriculture by uaoinet ior tne
Sear 19'iU/'l1. 41 university scholarships were offered. Unly
it were awarded because sufficient canaiaates witn ne re-
quisite intenecual background were not forthcoming.
The whole question of the change of values and the
change of attitudes raises the issue of constitution reform.
This is so big an issue that it obviously has to be dealt with
on its own, outside of the context of the Perspectives. But it
relates to Perspectives in one significant direction the
reform of Local Government is one essential means of get-
ting people more involved in their own affairs and learning
to help themselves more than they have in the past..

HIGHER STANDARD OF LIVING
The formulation and presentation of the Perspectives
provides us with an opportunity to assess the enormous pro-
gress registered in the past fourteen years;-some statistical
indication of this is given in the appendix to the Perspec-
tives. This material progress, greater diffusion of well being,
the reasonably equitable distribution of the increased
wealth, can be seen on all sides. Take for example the virtual
disappearance of the pitch-oil lamp. In 1956 there were
55,641 domestic users of electricity, in 1968 there were
130,052, an increase of more than two to one. The telephone
has become commonplace. There were 25,431 telephones in-
stalled in 1956 as compared to 48,772 in 1968-nearly two
to one. The complaints of the state of the roads and the
problems of finding parking space emphasise the increase
( 29






in motor vehicles. In many homes we now have a two-car
garage instead of a one-car garage; the number of motor
vehicles increased from 36,742 in 1956 to 90,680 in 1968-
more than two to one.
Let us now consider, apart from these increases 1h con-
spicuous consumpLiOn, some more significant indicators of
economic growth. I s tarL with ile insurance. The assured
values of new policies sold during the year were $32.3 million
in 1956, in 19td tney were 133.'i million-four to one. Take
now the question of deposits in commercial banks like
insurance representing savings. In 1956 these deposits were
$121.4 million, in 1969 they were $379.4 million-three to
one. In 1956 our travel expenditure abroad was $5.3 million,
in 1969 it was $27.7 million. In 1969 alone, in the private
sector, 6,511 buildings, representing 10,059 accommodation
units valued at over $116 million, were added to the Nation's
housing stock.

Since 1956 the standard of living of our wage earners
and salaried employees has increased significantly. In res-
pect of workers in all industries the increase between 1956
and 1969 was nearly 130 percent-that is to say wages and
salaries more than doubled. In respect of workers in the
manufacture of food, drink and tobacco, the increase was
even higher, 157 percent. It is true the prices of goods in-
creased during this period. But the increase between 1956
and 1969 was 461/2 percent, thus indicating-a substantial
increase in real wages and earnings.

The question is how equitably distributed have been
these increases. A study made some years ago by the U.W.I.
compares Trinidad and Tobago most favourably with Ja-
maica. The study related to the position at the end of the
50s. It indicated that the distribution of income in Trinidad
and Tobago showed a great similarity to the income distri-
bution in Scandinavia, the Netherlands and Germany. It
showed also the striking difference between the distribution
of income in Trinidad and Tobago, and in Jamaica; whereas
the 60 percent of households with the lowest income received
in Trinidad and Tobago 27 percent of the total income, the
comparative group in Jamaica received only 19 percent.
Furthermore, for the upper 10 percent of households, the
figure was 33 percent in Trinidad and Tobago compared with
with 43 percent m Jamaica.
The best indication of equitable distribution of income
is the distribution of incomes assessed for income tax. This
concerns the chargeable income of the taxpayer after per-
30



























al increases re]
grant you tha















resigned. The result was a split mi th
the defection of 65 of its members in th
rliament and 40 of its members in th
Shas left Mrs. Gandhi as leader of
ent, with 220 members in the Lowc
e Upper House, forced to depend on th
rties.

ample is Tanganyika, today Tanzania
in 1970 as a model for the Third Work
,the Tanganyika army mutinied, arrested
he British officers on planes to Nairol
d to the capital, Dar-es-Salaam, where
n the streets, shops were looted, the poS
ad the airport ci6sed. 14 persons wer
wed, President Nyerere called on th
to help him to restore order and pu
called "a day of great disgrace to ou
sh Government sent to Dar-es-Salaam
ist n the evacuation if necessary of tfi
and 15,000 Asians with British passports
t carrier with 21 aircraft and 1,400 mei
arines. An entire battion of th
:5 men and 40 policemen in Dr-es-Salaar
e total number of persons arrested wa
e uionists.

between British and Tanganyika troop_
iers were killed and nine wounded
ublioly thanked the British Governmen
sistnce, *hile the Minister of Defenc
denied publicly foreign press reports tha
3adimg agent In East Africa" and depre






Let me add that, around the same time, British troops
were also requested by the Governments of Kenya and Uganda
to put down similar mutinies.
The political game will therefore continue. It is a pity
that it becomes so tedious at times. For example, ever since
1956 we have heard how P.N.M. in general, and I in particular,
have been planning to set up a aictaLorship; you will per-
haps recall that editorial on the Sunday before the 1956
election when the, population was publicly warned of the
threat of Hitlerism. In 1970 we have to listen to the same
humbug; P.N.M. must be awfully inefficient if, after 14
years, it is still planning to set up a dictatorship.

The fact of the matter is, of course. precisely oppo-
site; there is hardly a country in the world where dissent
is permitted as freely as it is in Trinidad and Tobago. Every
little grievance and discontent is magnified out of all pro-
portions to its intrinsic merit. If that is the price we must
pay for democracy, so be it. But I must point out to you two
grave dangers, precisely because our Party itself is so prone
to these two attitudes.

The first is: the little local grievances We are well aware
of them. On better village projects we have spent $144
million since 1964 and up to October 31; on depressed areas
we have spent nearly $161/ million. What we have to avoid
is too much interference with our Development Programme.
with all that that would mean for the 10,000 jobs it provides
and the restructuring of our society. We are in great danger
of losing sight of the wood for the trees. Please remember
that the estimated cost of the water projects required to
supply our water needs over the next few years is $88 mill-
ion. whilst airport reconstruction and expansion are esti-
mated to cost $45 million.

The second danger is that we pay no attention to the
really fundamental and intractable problems that, as a
Nation, we face. I mention two only. Our Mission at' the
United Nations has, in conjunction with Malta, taken the
lead in trying to organise an international regime for the
exploration of the seabed and the protection of the smaller
countries involved. This means for us the continental shelf
and our offshore oil prospects. Yet you never hear of anyone,
even within the Party, still less outside, even mentioning the
problem of the seabed.
The second concerns the problem of Britain's accession
to the European Economic Community and its possible
33






effects on Caribbean exports, especially sugar and ban9
There is on the one hand the alternatives for the Caribi
of seeking association with the Common Market on
basis of the Yaounde Convention or on the basis of a i
limited association as the East African countries have o
for. The more limited association would reduce the res
preferences we would have to give to the Common Ma
countries. Whilst the Commonwealth Caribbean coun
have not yet been able to decide on which alternative joi
to pursue, a new complication has arisen with the dec
of the United States to exclude from its system of L
American preferences any country which gives reverse
ferences to another developed country.

Here are we then, between the devil and the deep
sea, but you would never imagine that this was the cas
the hustling to displace the P.N.M. As if you displace
P.N.M. and that would solve the dilemma of prefer
for our exports.

This is the world background to our Perspectives
the New Society. The goal will take time to achieve. W
you read of troubles in Northern Ireland, they began
three hundred years ago. The Canadian Federation c
into existence over a hundred years ago and has been c
pletely independent 'for over sixty years; yet in 1970
Quebec situation has not been resolved. Would you bel
that it has just been announced that there are one mil
people homeless in Britain and that the'e are 1,800
houses unfit for human habitation? As an independent cc
try we are only eight years old.

We have to travel the same road that other Third W
countries are travelling. We are doing better than mos
them. Our gross 'domestic product at factor cost was $1
in 1968 per head of population, as compared with $741
1956-exactly one half. In that year 1968 one African cc
try, Libya with its vast oil resources, was higher. Am
the others, the closest to us are Ivory Coast-$646; Lib
-$584; Congo-$524; and Ghana-$486. In the Caribt
the 1967 figure for Jamaica was just under $1,000, for ]
bados, $844, and for Guyana $672, as compared with $1
for Trinidad and Tobago. In that year we were superior
Pverv Latin American country except Venezuela, which
,1.870. The figure for Argentina was $1,132, for Chile $1,
for Mexico $1.040. The highest figure in Asia was Singap
$1,116; the figure drops to as low as $196 for Indonesia
.4






Colombia in South America, wit a pouai nofiearly
20 million, has been indepen'clent for 150 years. Its gross
domestic product per head of population was $590 in 1967,
less than half of ours. An international team organized by
the International Labour Organisation and headed by the
distinguished British economist, Dudley Seers, has just com-
pleted a thorough analysis of Colombia's economy. Here are
the principal findings, of the report, released a few weeks
ago:
25 percent of the population unemployed
33 percent of the labour force receiving less than
4$25 a month
64 percent of the labour force in agriculture re-
ceiving less than $500 a year
40 percent of the unemployed under 25
65 percent population increase expected by 1985
5 million more jobs required by 1985, where the
present rate, of development suggests that
jobs will increase by a mere 40 percent, leav-
ing 4 million unemployed.

And what are the proposals advanced by the international
team? They read like Trinidad and Tobago's Third. Five-
Year Plan:
Emphasis on agriculture, with priority to land
distribution
Small industries and han~dlicrafts
Reduction of -overtime
Acceleration of construction projects
Increased -spending on public works
Adoption of labour intensive techniques.

The Colombia Plan also proposes increased, taxation,
because the revenue of the Government amounts to only
13 percent of the gross domestic product. May I indicate
here that in Trinidad and Tobago the Government's revenue
amounts to. approximately 22 percent of the gross domestic
product, which has helped us to finance our Five-Year Pl.ans.
These1 then, Party Coleages, are our Persj ectives,
their rationale, their inspiration, their basis, which I now
have the honour to present to you, in the name of the Gene-
ral Council for your approval. No other party can hope
to improve on them. No other Party can match
our exDerience to carry them to fruition. After fourteen
years we remain the premier organised party in Trinidad
and Tobago and the Caribbean. In this complex and dis-
ordered world of the seventies .we can go forward with con-




















































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