HALPATTER Tustenuggee (in English Alligator war leader) was
closely associated with two bands, Micanopy's Alachuas and
Philip's Mikasukis. Not a hereditary chief, Alligator was
advisor and war leader for Micanopy, a chiif by inheritance. Al-
ligator said that when Micanopy gave orders all had to obey.
Philip, a hereditary Mikasuki chief, married one of Micanopy's
sisters. Alligator's connection with the two bands also helped
widen the web of communication among the Florida Indians.
In the 1830s Alligator was about forty years old, well formed,
and strong, but only five feet tall. He was a born comic, evoking
laughter even in solemn councils. He had a prominent roman nose
and an open face. Lt. John T. Sprague, who dealt with him,
considered him the shrewdest, craftiest, and most intelligent
of all the Indian leaders. Able to communicate in English, and
with fine manners he got along well with white folks.
The Treaty of Payne's Landing, 9 May 1832 required a delegation
of Indians to go to examine the land in Indian Territory where
the government wanted the Seminoles to go. His peers chose Al-
ligator to be one of eight examiners. His party spent January
through March 1833 inspecting the designated ground. Alliga-
tor did not like what he saw.
During the next two years white pressures ineluctably goaded
the Seminoles toward war. Wiley Thompson, the federal agent,de-
manded that the leaders sign an agreement on 24 April 1835 to
migrate. When alligator and four others refused, Thompson
arrogantly struck them from the roster of head men.
Alligator claimed that he and Osceola made plans a year ahead
for the attacks on 28 December 1835 that started the war. Os-
ceola killed Wiley Thompson and four other white men at Ft. King.
Fifty miles to the south, Alligator forced Micanopy to lead
180 warriors who ambushed a column of 108 men commanded by
Major Francis L. Dade, marching from Ft. Brooke to Ft. King.
All but three of the marchers perished. Alligator later told
white listeners the Indian version of what took place. Such
a statement from the Seminole side was rare indeed.
Next, Brigadier General Duncan L. Clinch advanced from Ft. Drane
to assail the foe in the Cove of the Withlacoochee River. Os-
ceola and Alligator with 250 warriros met him at the river bank
on 31 December 1835. The resulting battle was a draw, both
sides withdrawing from the field.
Late in February 1836, the Seminoles trapped Major General
Edmund P. Gaines at a bend of the Withlacoochee River. :Alligator
was one of the leaders of about 1000 warriors, Gaines had the
same number. After eight days of siege, Gaines' small army
was in dire distress, but the Indians too were worn down. On 6
March Alligator, Jumper and Osceola met with a representative
of General Gaines. They proposed to retire beyond the left bank
of the river and remain there if the whites would not molest them.
This negotiation was never completed because of the arrival of
a relief party for Gaines, which opened fire.
Major General Thomas S. Jesup took command in Florida on
8 December 1836. Three months later, 6 March he induced several
chiefs to sign an agreement to leave Florida. Alligator, present
but not a signer, approved. Migrants turned themselves in at
detention campa established by Jesup. The war seemed to be over,
but late in the night on 2 June 700 Indians followed Micanopy out
of the camps. Two Seminole leaders had given Micanopy the choice
between leading the exodus or being killed. Alligator may have
been one of the two.
On Christmas Day 1837, the Seminoles prepared a strong
position close to the north shore of Lake Okeechobee for a rare
pitched battle. Alligator commanded the center of their line
with 120 warriors, Coacoochee (Wildcat) was on his left with
eighty, while Sam Jones (Arpeika) controlled the right with 180
men. Colonel Zs/-hary Taylor, commanding 750 soldiers, attacked
the prepared position head on. Alligator claimed that Sam Jones
fled after the first fire. Finally all the Seminoles yielded the
position. Outnumbered two to one, they had killed 26 soldiers
and wounded 112 with a loss of 11 killed and 14 wounded.
At the end of two and one half years of conflict, the Florida
Indians were in desperate condition. Alligator felt that further
resistance was useless. Therefore when General Jesup sent out
three importantchiefs, who were his prisoners, to induce holdouts
to give up, Alligator listened to them. On 24 March 1838 he
surrendered, bringing with him 360 warriors, women and children.
Shortly they were aboard ship headed for a new area in the west.
Alligator said that he would have surrendered earlier had not
the Miasukis under Sam Jones pnvented it.
In 1841 Alligator made his final trip to Florida. The
white authorities sent him from Indian Territory because Thlocklo
Tustenuggee (Tiger Tail) still holding out, would not move
without talking to him. Arriving at Ft. Brooke on 14 October
1841, he went at once into the interior. He persuaded some
Seminoles to surrender, but not Tiger Tail, He had to be captured
While Alligator was in Florida, the question arose in Indian
Territory of moving the 1097 persons associated with Alligator.
Zachary Taylor, in command at Ft. Gibson, would not consider
the issue with Alligator absent. This band was located a few miles
north of Ft. Gibson in Cherokee country. Their lives had been
utterly disrupted. General Jesup had promised them live stock,
tools and subsistence in the west Af they would leave those neces-
sities behind in Florida. But in the spring of 1842 Alligator
wrote to thWar Department, "I have no gun to kill squirrels and
birds 1ithEto feed my children, no axe to cut my firewood, no
plow or hoes with which to till the soil for bread and no agent
to represent the Seminoles' needs. Relief was very slow in
coming, and deprivation continued.
Because the Seminoles did not want to amalgamate with the
Creeks who stole their Blacks and oppressed them in other ways,
in spite of government demands, they remained on Cherokke land
The Cherokees wanted them out. To resolve the issue Alligator
and Wildcat led a delegation to Washington, D.C. in 1844. But
not until August 1856 did the Seminoles receive their own allot-
ment of land.
John T. Sprague, Origin, Progress and Conclusion of the
Seminole War. Facimile of 1848 edition, Univ. of Florida Press,1964
James W. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, Univ. of
Florida Press, 1993.
John K. Mahon, History of the Second Seminole War, UNiv.
of Florida Press, 1964
JOHN K. MAHON
4129 S.W. 2nd Ave.
Gpinesille, FL 32607
You may not want to include this paragraph:
There was a second Halpatter Tustenuggee, a Creek warrior
who Entered the Florida war during 1841 and 1842. By this time
Alligator was in Indian Territory. Little is known of this
BILLY BOWLEGS. Holata Mico
A chief of the Tallahassee bands held the title of Holata
Mico until his capture and deportation on 20 October 1837.
Sometime thereafter Billy Bowlegs, of the Alachua Seminole
bands, assumed the title. Little is known about him prior to
1839 except that he descended from the line of chiefs which
began with the CowkeeperlBnthat line the brother of King Payne
became head chief in 1812 when Payne died. Since chiefs
came from the females in the line, Bowlegs was followed-b.b
his nephew, M-iijncqy.Billy Bowlegs was related through women
to Micanopy. The lineage is easily confused because there were
two Holata Micos and two Bowlegs. Why white people applied
the name Bowlegs to two chiefs is-not known. Neither Indian:
was bowlegged. Edwin C. McReynolds in The Seminoles uses the
name Boleck of which Bowlegs may be a corruption
Billy was born around 1812. His first Anspi7Css -a~mQWAt
came when he was twenty -seven. During the Second Seminole
war, on 23 July 1839, he joined with Chakaika and Hospetarke
to attack the detachment commanded by Lt. Colonel William S.
Harney which was defending the trading post on the Caloosa-
hatchee River. Eighteen United States soldiers died and Harney
narrowly escaped death. This assault destroyed the peace which
Alexander Macomb, commanding general of the U.S Army thought
he had achieved at a council late in May 1839. Since Chakaika
was Micanopy's half brother and Billy Bowlegs was also related'
to Micanopy, it may be assumed that the Cowkeeper line rejected
Macomb's peace terms.
Bowlegs bands had been pushed by the white tide first from
" *** /
BILLY BOWLEGS Holata Mico
A chief of the Tallahassee Bands held the title of Holata
Mico until his capture on 20 October 1837.Sometime thereafter
Billy Bowlegs, of the Alachua Seminole Bands, assumed the
title. Little is known about him prior to 1839 except that
he descended from the line of chiefs which began with the
Cowkeeper. In that line an earlier Bowlegs became head
chief of the Alachuas when King Payne died in 1812.
the Alachua region and later from the Suwannee River far
south into the Okeechobee area. There he joined with the
intransigents: Sam Jones, the Prophet, Hospetarke, Fuse Hadjo
and Parsacke. In council in April 1841 these chiefs re-
solved to kill any Indian carrying a message from the white
enemy. This resolution was later violated.
In the ensuing year the Seminoles grew hungrier, more
threadbare ant shorter on ammunition. Their plight caused
Bowlegs-to draw away from the intransigents. By some sort
of consensus the survivors in South Florida removed Sam
Jones as head chief and in the spring of 1842 chose Billy
Bowlegs. Billy strove to bring the Creeks operating in
Florida under his authority, and in this came into conflict
with Octiarche a Creek chief who had come lately into Florida.
United States troops captured Octiarche and officials hastily
shipped him to the west, lest friction between him and Bowlegs
heighten tensions in Florida.
Bowlegs met with Colonel William Jenkins Worth, commanding
in Florida at Ft. Brooke on 5 August 1842. There he agreed
to move all of his people south of the Caloosahatchee River
and Lake Okeechobee and remain there. Colonel Worth declared
the Second Seminole War ended on 14 August 1842. There
were around 300 Indians left in Florida.
During the next thirteen years Bowlegs did his best to
keep the peace and remain in Florida. Worth however plotted
to kidnap Billy and some other chiefs in order to remove
them. This came to nothing except that thereafter Bowlegs
and Sam Jones would meet United States officers only within
the reservation and with no more than six soldiers present.
When white officials charged young renegade braves with murder
the two chiefs agreed to hunt down the culprits and turn them
over to white justice. They delivered three and the severed
hand of the fourth who had escaped minus that hand.
Floridians, determined to be rid of the Indians, increased
pressure on the United States government to remove them.
In 1850 the War Department offered Bpwlegs $10,000 if he would
emigrate, but he declined. One reason was that he had assurance
from President Zachary Taylor transmitted through Colonel
David Twiggs, that he would be allowed to remain in Florida
as long as Taylor was in office.
The government resorted to private enterprise, employing
one Luther Blake to be paid by the head for Indians he secured
to remove. Blake took Bowlegs to Washington, D.C in 1852
to impress him with the power of the United States. The
chief sat for a daguerrotype there. He was in Washington on
a second trip in 1853. Although he agreed to leave Florida,
when back home he reneged.
Increasingly encroachments on the reservation bed@g@ un-
bearable to the Seminoles. On 20 December 1855, Bowlegs led
thirty warriors to attack the camp of Lieutenant George L.
Hartsuff, killing four men and wounding four more. This was
the opening action of the Third Seminole War. On 31 March
he led an attack on Braden's Castle, the fortified home of
Joseph and Hector Braden. They were repulsed. By February
1858, since the Seminoles were in serious want, Bowlegs agreed
to o'ite'aj@ tritmoval.As a result of the negotiations he
received $5000 for himself plus #2500 for cattle. Each of
four subchiefs received $1000 with $100.00 paid for each
woman and child. The total the United States expended for
thqi removal was $44,500. On 7 May 1858 Bowlegs with thirty
warriors and a total of 165 persons departed for the west.
The next day the United States declared the Third Seminole
In December 1858 the government paid Bowlegs another $500
to return to Florida to induce more holdouts to come west.
His effort secured seventy-five more emigrants. Back in Indian
Territory he continued to be chief. His bands remained loyal
to the Union and fought in pitched battles in 1861. He survived
the military action, but died of smallpox in 1863 or early 1864.
Billy Bowlegs was of middle height, straight limbed,
stout but not fat and well proportioned. The Washington
dageurrotypp shows a handsome, intelligent face. For full dress
he wore a turban with black ostrich plumes at the back. Sus-
pended on a chain were two presidential silver medals one with
Van Buren on it, the other of Franklin Pierce. Over his
shoulder and across his chest was a broad beaded belt. He
communicated well in English and also spoke some Spanish. John
T. Sprague considered him fit in all ways to be bhief, main-
taining firm control by judicious laws and frequent concils.
In Indian Territory he had two wives, one son, five daughters
and fifty slaves.
Black Dirt's record is not clear. I say that he and Sam Jones
did not go west. Certainly neither of them signed the Treaty
of Ft. Gibson. Sprague appears to assume that both of them
went, but shows in his printing of the treaty that Hicks
signed for Sam Jones and Nehathoclo signed for Black Dirt.
Peters says that Sam Jones did not go, but appears to
believe that BlakM Dirt did ;go.
I do not show that BD was stricken from the chiefs roster by
Thompson, Sprague says that he expressed dissatisfaction with
the western land. Peters says that at a meeting which she
dates 3 April 1835 BD refused to honor Ft. Gibson. She
does not state that he was stricken from the chief's roster.
favored Black Dirt. ~' /' /
Chakaika was chief of a band known to white men as Spanish
Indians. They were Seminoles who mingled with Spanish fisher-
folk, speaking a mixture of Spanish and Indian. They lived lose
atac the Gulf coast near the mouth of the Caloosahatchee River.
Chakaika, who controlled about one hundred warriors, was
physically a giant compared to his followers. He and his
band took no part in the Second Seminole War until July 1839.
On 18 May 1839 Major General Alexander Macomb, commanding
general of the U.S. Army, negotiated a peace with a few chiefs,
which he believed ended the war already three and one half
years long. Part of the peace agreement required the estab-
lishment of a trading post on the Caloosahatchee within the
land reserved for the Indians. Lt. Col. William S. Harney
in command of twenty-six men armed with technologically
advanced Colt's rifles, was- assigned to provide security for
the new post. But during the night of 24 July 1839, Chakaika
surprised them. He led eighty warriors against the soldier's
camp, while Hospetarke led as many against the store. Since
the soldiers had received no ammunition for the Colts, they
threw them down and ran to save their lives. Eighteen of
them lost their lives, but Harney escaped, running in the
darkness in his underdrawers.
Chakaika's attack increased white hatred of the Indians
and prolonged the war for three more years.
A year later, on 7 August 1840 Chakaika and his braves
paddled thirty miles from the mainland in seventeen dugout
canoes to attack the settlement on Indian Key. They killed
thirteen of the seventy; inhabitants, wrecking the homes of
all. When a rescue party of U.S. Sailors prepared to shell
Chakaika's beached canoes, he positioned the long guns of the
islanders and opened fire on the navy boats with scatter shot.
Such use of artillery by Indians was almost without precedent.
The marauders, carrying booty, escaped unharmed.
Colonel Harney could not forget Chakaika's humiliation of
him. Finally, afterrepeated requests, he obtained permission
to take ninety men, load them into sixteen dugout canoes,
and hunt Chakadika down wherever he was in the Everglades.
An ex-slave, a Negro named John, led the party through the
trackless water wilderness to an island where he said the
Indian band was camped. The Indian band, certain that the
whites could never locate them, were unaware of their danger.
Thus, when Harney stormed into their camp bn 11December-1840 they
were trapped.Chakaika, unable to reaeh weapons, ran, re-
lentlessly pursued by Private Edmund M. Hall. When Chakaika,
cornered, extended his hand to shake, Hall shot him and then
took his scalp. Harney ordered that the giant corpse be hung
along with five other warriors. Thus ended the career of
Chakaika, age unknown.
This warrior was in his late twenties when his picture was
painted in Washington, D.C. in 1826. Darker skinned than common
h-was-e teeimed by hif/ for his cunning. He brought into camp
single scalps taken in lone raids on isolated white cabins
in the dead of night. During the Second Seminole War, 1835-1842,
he first appeared in organized fighting as one of the Indian
group which surrounded Major General Edmund P. Gaines
command on the Withlacoochee River, 28 February to 6 March.
He was in the Indian force which attempted to stop the
dismounted charge of the Tennessee volunteers on 17 November
1836. The Tennesseans killed twenty of his fellows, captured
the Indian horses and their baggage. These volunteers were
part of the army headed by Richard Keith Call, governor of
Florida Territory. Call felt pressed by the government in
Washington to destroy the Seminoles in the area of the Cove
of the Withlacoochee River. Through scouts he learned that
they were concentrated in Wahoo Swamp. He sent his line a mile
long of Tennessee volunteers, Florida militia, U.S. regulars and
Creek warriors against the line of his foe who were taking
advantage of the terrain features. Call's army slowly drove
the warriors back and across the river. There the Seminoles
made a stand to protect a vital hideaway on 21 November 1836.
They poured a heavy fire on the white soldiers from across
the Withlacoochee, here only ten yards wide.
Chittee Yoholo was active among the defenders. Call's
miscellany of men were tired and had not eaten in twenty-
four hours. Major Moniac, a West Point educated Creek Indian
waded into the streamto lead the way, only to be shot and
instantly killed. The white officers concluded that, under
the conditions, the r-Tver- was unfordable there, so Call
countermarched his army to Ft. Drane.
In February 1837 Chittee Yoholo lay concealed in the brush
all of one night observing white activity at Ft. Mellon. He
joined with others to fire at the fort in the morning but
despite inflicting some casualites had to leave the fort
intact. Thereafter, although a skillful guerrilla fighter
he does not figure in white records of the Second Seminole
War. At some point the Creeks who were fighihg on the side
of the whites persuaded him to surrender, which he did and
was shipped west where he remained.
Foke Luste Hajo
This man was a':hereditary chief of the bands of Seminoles
around Chocachatti, offshoots of the Alachua bands. His X
on the Treaty of Moultrie Creek, 18 September 1823 is beside
the name.- the white scribes spelled Fahelusted Hajo. White
men usually referred to him as Black Dirt, the translation of
his Indian name. He and the other signers agreed to move
into a reservation of 4,032,940 acres with no access to the
Gulf of Mexico or to the Atlantic Ocean.
He was present at important councils held at the Agency near
Silver Spring in 1826 and 1828. There is no record that he
spoke either time, but the white scribes listed him in
1828 as Fee -ke-lusta-Hajo. Next his mark appears on the
Treaty of Payne's Landing, 9 May 1832, with his name this
time written Fuch-Ta-Lusta-Hajo. He and the others agreed
here to send a delegation westward to look at the land the
United States had assigned to them in Arkansas Territory (now
The delegation the Seminoles put together to travel to
and to observe the western land consisted of seven chiefs:
Black Dirt was one of them as was Sam Jones. These two did
not make the trip, at least they did not mark the notorious
treaty signed by the delegation at Ft. Gibson, Arkansas,
28 March 1833. John Hicks signed for Sam Jones;
Ne-Ha-Tho-Clo for Black Dirt. In this treaty as the United
States interpreted it, the Seminoles agreed to leave Florida.
But Indians who militantly opposed going west denied that
the seven signers had any authority to oblige the bands to
leave Florida. The signers were in danger for their lives.
At times Black Dirt had opposed migration, but at this point
he saw no choice but to go. With 500 of his fellows he agreed
to entetj a deportation camp organized near Ft. Brooke.
Of the 500 who were supposed to take refuge at this camp,
399 actually got there. They were shipped off quickly.
Black Dirt was with them as they moved across the plains of
Arkansas in pouring rain in May 1836. One hundred and forty-
two had died on the way. Now Black Dirt's wife and daughter
died. The hardship he and his people endured then and
later may have raised in them regret that they had chosen to
leave Florida. Once arrived at the land assigned them,
the survivors passed over Black Dirt, in spite of the
United States migration officer's wishes, and elected
Eneah Thlocco to be chief.
Black Dirt died in Indian Territory later, age unknown.
/ o -
Hothlepoya, Crafty War Hunter, was a drovery; marauder,
expert horse stealer and skillful warrior. Part white, he
picked up white ways and consequently had become one of the
wealthiest of his people, the Upper Creek bands at Oakfuske on
the Tallapoosa River. He was second chief. When Tecumseh came
in 1811 to enlist the southeastern tribes in a confederation
to expel the white men from Indian lands once and for all.
Hothlepoya enthusiastically supported him, but could not
persuade the Oak~uskees to follow the great Shawnee( leader.
In the Creek civil war resulting from white encroachments,
Hothlepoya was a leader in fighting further cessions of land
to the United States. His faction were amorgJthe anti-
American warriors known as Red Sticks. In the First Creek War
181-1814, they fought the Lower Creeks and the United States.
Here he earned the name Menawa, the Great Warrior. He killed
the first chief of the Oakfuskes for leading the warriors into
an untenable position and became himself the principal chief
at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend, 27 March 1814. Wounded seven
times he continued the fight until he collapsed. Andrew
Jackson's army wiped out the warrior power of the Red STicks
in that battle. Menawa lost his wealth, and was powerless
to prevent the cession of a huge block of Creek land.
William McIntosh, also part white, was a leader of the Lower
Creeks who had supported the United States in the War of 1812,
and fought on its side against the Florida Indians in the
Hotblepbya, Craft --r Hunter, was a drover, marauder, expert
horse stealer and skillful warrior. Part white, he had picked
up white ways and had consequently become one of the wealthiest
of his people, the Upper Creek bands at Oakfuske on the Talla-
First SemineaeWar,1817-1818. When McIntosh signed a second
treaty at Indian Springsoin Eebriaory:825 _ceding more land,
a Creek council condemned him to death and assigned Menawa
to kill him. Accordingly on 1 May 1825 Menawa with a party
set fire to McIntosh's house and shot him when he fled from it.
A delegation of Upper Creek Chiefs travelled to Washington
in 1826 to persuade President John Quincy Adams to abrogate
the Treaty of Indian Springs. Adams did so and negotiated
a new treaty more favorable to the Creeks. Menawa was in
that delegation and sat for his portrait in Washington. He
was judged to be about sixty.
When the Second Seminole War erupted in Florida in 1835,
the Creeks raised a regiment of about 1000 warriors to aid
the United States against the Florida Indians. Thomas Mc-
Kennecy writing at the time, said that Menawa "Led his warriors
into the swamp to fight at the side of the white men he
detested." But there is no other printed record of Menawa
serving in Florida. Jim Boy and Paddy Carr appear in white
reports as commanders under a white colonel but there is no
mention of Menawa. Hecappears to have scant connection.with.;
White contemporaries referred to Micanopy as hereditary head
chief of all the Florida Indians. He was a nephew of Payne,
and in the matriarchal system became principal chief of the
Alashua bands in 1814. As splinters:of these bands spread
around the peninsula, his authority extended, but it could
not have included the Mikasukis, The Tallahassees and some
others. He did though have strong connections with non-
Alachua bands through a sister who married Philip, an important
Mikasuki chief, and through Jumper, Otee Emathla, a Creek,
married to another sister. Alligator said that when Micanopy
gave an order all had to obey, but his position probably came
more from the white desire to have a single head of state to
In 18~(C~Qg1nel James Gadsden persuaded th,~i ,;i.a,.to
shift from the hereditary concept to the election of a head
chief. The Alachua bands and their spin-off groups supported
Micanopy, but the Taljhassees and Mikasukis secured instead
the election of Tukose Emathla, known to the white men as
John Hicks. When Hicks died in 183i, on hereditary grounds
Micanopy had the best claim to headship.
Although observers referred to Micanopy as old and worn out
he was probably about forty when the Second Seminole War broke
out in 1835. Colonel Gadsden left an unflattering description
of him as low, stout, of gross stature, and loggy in his move-
ments. His face was bloated, carbuncled, his eyes heavy and
dull. He was a glutton and a heavy drinker. Gadsden said his
mind was sluggish, while U.S. Army Surgeon JacobRhett Motte
used the term imbecile in his diary. Micanopy was neither
well suited to war nor inclined to it.
Micanopy, who owned about 100 black slaves, contested with
white men in councils in defense of his human property and
that of his Indian associates. He was strongly influenced,
some observers said controlled, by one of his slaves, Abraham,
a highly intelligent Black who interpreted between whites
On 18 September 1823 Micanopy marked the Treaty of Moultrie
Creek in which the Seminoles agreed to move into a reservation
of 4,032,940 acrespurposely placed inland to prevent access
to the Gulf of Mexico and the Altantic Ocean. Eager to keep
the peace and stay in Florida at least for twenty years,
he caused to be shot to death a brave whom the whites
accused of murdering one of them. His mark appears on the
Treaty of Payne's Landing, 9 May 1832, but he denied ever
having touched that document. The white side interpreted
this treaty to mean that the Indians agreed to leave Florida,
but the Seminoles disagreed. By the Treaty of Moultrie Creek
Micanopy said, they were gpgranteed the right to remain
for twenty years.
In 1834 a new leader began to step forward at councils.
This was Osceola who was not a chief either by heredity or
by election. Traditionally he had no right to speak up &n
councils, but he did so, vehemently opposing migration out
of Florida. He sat beside Micanopy in meetings in October
1834, coaching him to stand firm against removal. As a result
Micanopy flatly refused to endorse the Treaty of Payne's Land-
ing. This so angerd- Wi-ley Thompson, the Indian Agent, that
without any authority to do so, he struck Micanopy's "V@
from IFte rester of chiefs, along with Jumper, Holata Mico,
Arpeika and Coa Hadjo.
Osceola and other young militants forced Micanopy to be
present on 28 December 1835 to fire the first shot at the
doQmed column of MajorFrancis L. Dade. They also obliged
him to take part in the Battle of the Withlacoochee on 31
Major General Thomas S. Jesup convened a council in
February 1837 from which emerged a document on 6 March in which
the Indian signers agreed to migrate Micanopy was not
present, but three chiefs signed who represented him. Me
with 500 followers made their way to a deportation camp
near Ft. Brooke to await shipment to the west. General Jesup
believed that he had ended the war, but deep in the night
on 2 June an armed band of 200 warriors entered the camp and
forced Micanopy and the others to leave or be killed.
One of the leaders in this abduction was Osceola. Later,
Micanopy showed little interest when told that Osceola had
died at Ft. Moultrie on 13 February 1838. Osceola had
threatened the tradition of hereditary leadership, of which
Micanopy was the principal benefactor..
Next the administration in Washington sent a delegation of
Cherokees to try to persuade the Seminoles to migrate. Promising them-
safe conduct, the Cherokees brought into Ft. Mellon, Micanopy,
Yaholoochee and eleven subchiefs. General Jesup, in spite
of Cherokee protests, followed a method he had begun earlier
with Osceola, he ;iadei,:_ the visitors captives in December
1837. As captives they were hurried to Ft. Marion in St.
Augustine. Surgeon Jarvis noted that Micanopy wept as they
departed Ft. Mellon. During the third week in February the
group were shipped to New Orleansk;and on 19 May started up the
Mississippi River to Indian Territory. With Micanopy were his
family, Osceola's family, Philip, Coa Hadjo and Cloud with
116 warriorbFand 82 women and children.
Wherever the boats docked there were slave catchers attempting
to detach the sntai~ X blacks from their Indian owners. Officers
of the U.S. Army foiled their attempts during the trip, but
at no time thereafter were the Seminoles free of the threat to
their black associates. The Creeks raided and harassed them
incessantly for slaves. The Creeks in Indian Territory had
by law deprived their black slaves of all property, and Mican-
opy feared an attempt to extend their law to include the
Seminole blacks. Although firmly opposed to having the Blacks forcibly
separated from them, as the years passed the Seminoles moved
more and more toward regarding tiheie eopie 4s chattel slaves'.
In Indian Territory Micanopy exercised more control over all
the the migrated Seminoles than he had ever done in Florida.
General Matthew Arbuckle at Ft. Gibson recognized him as the
principal chief. A majority of the headmen could pass laws
binding the Seminoles but Micanopy had to agree to them.
His exercise of power protected the blacks for whom he had
always shown consideration. When he died in December 1888,
the Seminole Blacks lost a strong supporter.
William P. DuVal, Governor of Florida Territory, used only
strong adjectives to describe Neamathla,, a Hitchiti chief:
eloquent, bold, violent, and restless. DuVal considered him
the most remarkable Indian he had ever known,with great
abilities. White opinions of the Seminoles varied with
the degree to which they were doing what the U.S. government
wanted them to do. DuVal said at one point that Neamathla
could not bend to superiors or brook equals. Ihnone dispatch
to the Secretary of War he called the chief's men lawless and
vile, but in another stressed the great influence Neamathla
had over them. He could control them as a colonel controls a
regiment. His people both loved and feared him.
When Neamathla's bands were living at Fowltown, in Georgia
just across the Flint River from the United States Fort
Scott, they defied the commanders of the fort. As this
seemed insolent to Brevet Major General Edmund P. Gaines,
he sent a detachment of 250 soldiers to capture the chief and
bring him to the fort. A fire fight resulted on 21 November
1817, the opening action of the First Seminole War. The
Indians retreated and the soldiers burned Fowltown to the
ground. Neamathla. and his band moved southeastward to
Florida into the vicinity of Tallahassee. The whites considered
him to be head chief of what they called the Seminole Nation,
and that they had made him such.
Between 1817 and 1822 Neamathla shifted from being militant
toward the United States to being conciliatory, even meek.
He led the bands from Middle Florida to Moultrie Creek on the
east coast in 1823. There in council he said,"We are poor and
needy...we rely on your justice and humanity. I am old and
poor...I am attached to the spot improved by my own labor and
cannot believe that my friends will drive me from it."
On 18 September 1823 thirty-two head men, among them Neamathla,
signed the Treaty ofMoulirfeaCreek in which they agreed to
withdraw into a reservation of 4,032,940 acres. They turned
down $1000 to create a school because, as Neamathla explained,
the Seminoles did not need a school with white values.
From a second treaty Neamathla received a land grant of
two square miles (near modern Quincy) and $500 in silver for
improvements he had had to abandon. Five other chiefs received
similar special grants. The white negotiators believed that
it required these extras to get the basic treaty signed.
Neamathla never resided on his land, and in 1828 it was opened
for white purchase.
The Seminoles, instead of moving to the reservation, grew,
from the white point of view, quite mutinous. DuVal, hearing
that insurrection was imminent in Neamathia's town went there
with only an interpreter, confronted the chief and on 26
July 1824 broke him as chief and appointed John Hicks in his
stead to lead the people to the reservation. Apparently
overpowered, the Indians had to tolerate having white officials
make and break their chiefs. Neamathlas, although he at
first refused to go to Washington, D.C. did appear there in
1826 in a delegation with six other head men.
In an attempt to conciliate the United States, Neamathla
with three other chiefs and ten warriors in 1827 pursued and
captured braves accused of having murdered white people. They
turned them over to white officers for punishment. They then
petitioned for payment for their cooperation, but were not
Sometime after being deposed as chief, Neamathla and his
band moved into Alabama, establishing villages at Hat-hechubbee
Creek across the Chattahoochee River from Columbus, Georgia.
They were in the homeland of the Hitchitis and Neamathla was
determined to fight for it. In 1836, while the Second Seminole
War prostrated Florida, Neamathla with other chiefs devasted
white properties along the federal road from Columbus to
Montgomery, Alabama. Their depredations brought 13,000
men into the field against them, some of them Tuckabatchee
Creeks. Conditions in Alabama were not as favorable to the
Indians as in Florida and in 1836 the troops captured Nea-
mathla. They burned his buildings and confiscated his slaves.
He was imprisoned at Ft. Mitchell and later in chains marched
to Montgomery. Although elderly by this time, he kept up
with the others and held his head high in defiance. From
Montgomery he was ient on west where he functioned as head man
in a cluster of towns in Indian Territory
This celebrated Indian was born in 1804 into the Tallassee
band of Creeks on the Tallapoosa River. His maternal great-
grandfather was James McQueen, the first white man to settle
among the Creeks. His father was William Powell, an"Englishman;
his mother a Creek with the white McQueen strain added.
The Creeks were engaged in Civil War in which the ultra anti-
white faction was known as Red Sticks. Peter McQueen'1-S-Red-S icks
including the boy and his mother, moved into Florida whe-rei0n
1818 the boy was captured by Andrew Jackson's forces during the
First Seminole. War, but soon released. With the band he
lived in the Big Swamp not far from Ft. King for about five
years. There he acquired the name Asi Yaholi, Assiola,
that ended up as Osceola. White contemporaries more often than
not called him Powell, but he considered himself as an Indian
Osceola had no power base in family, kin or band. He was
not in a hereditary line of chieftanship. Thus he did not
become important in white history until the fall of 1834.
He had no right by tradition to speak in councils, but his
hatred of white encroachment impelled him tho alQlti.
tradition. At a council in October 1834 he spoke, as a white
observer quoted him, with great eloquence. Exasperated by the
arrogant demands of the Agent, Wiley Thompsod ,-jMyfriGoOhE
reported these words,"There remains nothing Worth Wordsl If
the hail rattles let the flowers be crushed, the stately oak
of the f:oest will lift its head to the sky and the storm,
towering and unscathed." He had attained enough status to
sit at Micanopy"s elbow(Micanopy was known as the head chief)
in council on 23 October 1834, insgqting that the chief refuse
to agree to migrate.
Although without hereditary position, his nerve, activity,
and daring touched most of the Seminoles. It inspired the
women to make heroic sacrifices, the young men to submit to
some military discipline, and the warriors to follow strategic
plans. Jacob Rhett Motte, an army surgeon, wrote of him as
the-ruling spirit among "These wretches." These wretches were
mostly Mikasukis with a substantial number of Negro warriors.
Wiley Thompson liked Osceola well enough to present him
with a fine shoulder weapon, but during 1835 he began to re-
gard him as insolent. Osceola used such threatening words in June 1835
when the agent refused to sell him ammunition and confiscated
some of his whiskey that Thompson had him manacled and imprisoned.
For hours the prisoner ranted, than apparently developed a
plan for tujj timate revenge. He agreed to endorse the Treaty
of Payne's Landing which the Agent believed obligated the
Seminoles to leave Florida, and to call in his family and
band. Afterwards the Indians came less to Ft. King and
bought more ammunition. They withdrew into the Cove of the
Charley Emathla was a hereditary chief who led a faction
of the Seminoles that felt they must migrate. He was a
traitor in Osceola's eyes, and as he returned from the sale
of some of his cattle preparatory to removal, on 26 November
1835, Osceola, with associates, shot him to death and scat-
tered his cattle-money. Osceola commanded at a skirmish on
18 December, known as the Battle of Black Point, the first
organized military action of the Second Seminole War. It was
he who formulated the strategy which brought the almost si-
multaneous killing of Agent Thompson at Ft. King and the annihi-
lation of a column of 108 men, njarchin'g 7f@QmEPorB`noxo oF.t.
El'n-/ Maeeo-r IDadei~n command. -2,. Dece_'.beFjt35. Three days 7
later he reached the peak of his power. With 250 men he managed
a fight on the Withlacoochee River against Brigadier General
Duncan L. Clinch"s army of 250 regulars and 500 militiamen.
Clinch had to return to Ft. Drane. Osceola was thirty one or
A diverse body of Seminoles, with Osceola as a principal,
surrounded Major General Edmund-P1 Gaines's army of about
1000 men on 28 February 1836. Gaines could not escape, and his
men were reduced to eating their horses an# anything else remotely
edible. But the Indians too were weary of the siege, and
on 6 March, Osceola, Jumper and Alligator came forward to
propose a peace. While in the midst of negotiations, relief
sent by General Clinch arrived, opened fire and the Seminoles
During the spring of 1836 the Seminoles, directed by Osceola,
came as close as they ever wold to folloywig a plan of cam-
paign. Unwilling to engage in pitched battles in which they
would be at a disadvantage, they adopted a peripheral strategy,
attacking around the edges of the aggressive white operations.
By mid-year 1836, the white population in north Florida had
been drLi-e-h into towns and forts. Osceola commanded four
significant actions that summer around the town of Micanopy.
The white garrison moved out of Ft. Drane due to malaria,
Osceola attached the column as as it marched away and then
moved into the fort. There he is presumed to have contracted
the fever which wrecked his health and his leaderKip. The
number of his warriors so diminished that when flushed out of
the Cove of the Withlacoochee in January 1837 he had only
three with him besides his family. He was already too ill
to take part in the fighting.
On 6 March 1837 Major General Thomas S. Jesup, now com-
manding in Florida, assembled a miscellany of chiefs at Ft.
Brooke. The Indians present signed an agreement to collect
their people and come in by 10 April, preparatory to migration.
About eighty miles aeastwtr:da-at E.I~. _e~lronJ' an imposing group
of chiefs and headmen had gathered ostensibly to ratify Jesup's
paper. Osceola was there, with the others drawing rations on
the promise of migration.
General Jesup thought that he had ended the war.
About 500 Seminoles were present at a camp close to Ft.
Brooke resigned to deportation. Unwell as Osceola was, he
yet managed to make his way across Florida, and with another
leader, probably Sam Jones, enter the detention camp deep in the
hightig~22oJuheiand threaten to kill Micanopy if he did not
clear the camp. Micanopy absconded and with him all of the
detainees. This was Osceola's last act of defiance. After it
he tried to end the war through negotiations. He sent messages
that he wished to talk with Jesup.
Osceola's wrecking of the General's hope for peace had
hardened Jesup toward the Indians. He determined to use any
means to end the conflict. When he agreed to a council with
Osceola to take place on 27 October 1837 near St. Augastine
he ordered his subordinates to capture his guest. Thus, when
Osceola received the white delegation under a white flag, they
seized him and carried him a prisoner into the town. He spent
the next two months there in Ft. Marion (the Castillo de Sjn
Marcos); then was shipped to Ft. Moultrie in Charleston Harbor.
There he died at 6:20 PM of quinzy and malaria on 30
January 1838. Micanopy showed no regret when he learned of the
death. Osceola had undermined the tradition of hereditary
Only two leaders emerged from the Second Seminole War with
enduring reputations; one was Zachary Taylor, the other Osceola.
By the end of the seven year war Osceola's name was known
throughout the country. In time, twenty towns, three counties,
two townships,- one borough, two lakes, two mountains,
a state park and a national forest were named for him. Outside
of the Southeast he was regarded as a hero.
He was about five feet eight inchesta114legantly formed with
small hands and feet. Ae displayed uncommon skill in all
physical games. White men described his face as thoughtful,
cunning with piercing eyes, chiseled lips and usually a mild,
sweet expression. He was affable, his manners courtly.
Osceola understood English and could speak it but pre-
ferred to communicate with white people through interpreters.
Naturally opinions of his character differed. The hereditary
chiefs resented him. Dr. Frederick Weedon, who attended him
at Ft. Moultrie, s'ai! "I could not be made to believe that
one drop of humane blood ever passed through his heart."
But Sampson, a black who was in his band said that Osceola
urged the warriors to spare women and children. Lieutenant
Henry Prince wrote, "Powell is a good warrior ... and the most
gentlemanly Indian in the nation."
A circumstance connected with Osceola's death makes his
story additionally intriguing. Soon after death, Dr. Weedon
cut off his head. His reasons for doing so are not known.
To him Osceola was a savage, but one he respected and got
along well with. Sometimes he displayed the head in public
places, sometimes at home to frighten disobedient sons. In
the end the head came into the possession of an eminent
doctor, Valentine Mott who had a medical collection in New
York City. This collection was destroyed by fire, and
presumably the head burned up with it.
Because of grave robbery at the tomb at Ft. Moultrie,
the body was exhumed in 1968, and examined by scientists. It
was indeed headless. Arm bones revealed that Osceola was
probably left handed. There was no evidence of injury to
the skeleton. Afterwards the states of South Carolina and
Florida struggled over the remains but they were reburied at
Paddy Carr's father was Irish, his mother Creek Indian.
He was born near Ft. Mitchell on the Chattahoochee River and in
infancy taken into the home of the Indian Agent, Cpl. Crowell
and reared as a member of the family. Jagob Rhett Motte, an
army surgeon, who first met Paddy in 1836 describeduhim as
dark, five feet eight or nine inches in height, handsomely
proportioned and very muscular. Motte thought him to be
about forty. Paddy was intelligent, apparently well educated,
Motte said, with fine deportment and polished manners. He
spoke English fluently.
Like many Lower Creeks, Paddy aligned himself early with
the United States. Being bilingual made him very useful.
When the Creek chiefs went to Washington in 1826, he was
their principal interpreter A decade later he was
chief interpreter to Major General Thomas S. Jesup in the
Second Creek War.
Paddy married the daughter of w wealthy half breed who
provided a generous dowry. Within ten years he had himself
accumulated land, herds of horses and cattle. Horses and
horse racing were a passion with him, and he sometimes rodd
tn a raceewhen he could not find a suitable jockey. J.
Leitch Wright says that he became involved in large scale
land frauds. In the 1830s he easily supported three wives,
In 1836 the War Department called on friendly Creeks to
aid in subduing the Florida Indians. Paddy Carr joined the
United States service as commander of about 500 Creeks, part
of a regiment, all Creek, commanded by a white colonel.
The regiment was mustered and paid as federalized militia, but
in addition they were permitted to keep any plunder. They
coveted the ponies, cattle and slaves of the Seminoles and in
the past had rjgded into Florida to take them. They went into
action in native clothing, often a calico shirt with buckskin
leggings and always with a white ribbon on their red turbans
to distinguish them from the Indians they were fighting.
The Creek regiment was active in combat. When Richard
Keith Call, commander in Florida and also governor of the
Territory, confronted the Seminles in Wahoo Swamp on 21
November 1836, he formed a line a mile long with the Creeks
holding the left flank. He mentioned Paddy in his official
report for zeal and bravery.nl.iFebruary 1837 the white com-
manders recognized Paddy for fighting well, but especially for a
effective scouting around Ft. Mellon. When the army was forot-
time idled at that fort, the Seminol came in often to chat
with Paddy. Apparently they were not bitter toward him even
though he aided the white enemy.
General Jesup took command in Florida in December 1836
He then asked the War Department to send down detachments of
Shawnee, Delaware, Kickapoo, Sac and Fox and Choctaw warriors.
Once again he used Paddy's linguistic skill. He asked him
to communicate to the Seminoles the brutal practices of the
northern Indians who killed their male prisoners and Unslaved
the women and children.
Although the Creek regiment was supposed to be discharged
in February, actually it was retained in FIPlrida until
September 1837. Paddy Carr's circumstances for the next
decade are not known, except that his loyalty to the United
States did not save him from enforced migration. In 1847
with nineteen other Creeks, their families and slaves, he
had to leave the Creek Country for Indian Territory.
SAM JONES (Arpeika)
When Ft. King was established in 1827 Arpefkan-1inedaatSSilrVer
Springs. A soldier at the fort called him Sam Jones, and ever
afterwards white man called him that. A Mikasuki, he was born
near present day Tallahassee. In-1827 he was a medicine man
feared for his ability to invoke supernatural powers. About
seventy-seven years old, he had white hair, a small, well-formed
body, and great energy.
With fourteen other chiefs and subchiefs, Jones marked the
Treaty of Payne's Landing on 9 May 1832. He was one of seven
Florida Indians delegated, under the terms of the Treaty, to
inspect the land that the government wanted the Seminoles to
move to in the west. But he did not make the trip. Consequently
John Hicks (Tukose Emathla) made a mark for him on a treaty
drawn up at Ft. Gibson, Indian Territory on 28 March 1833
The terms of the Ft. Gibson treaty required the Indians to
leave Florida, but when the Indian Agent, Wiley Thompson de-
manded that the leaders agree to go, Sam Jones, with Micanopy,
Jumper, Alligator, and Black Dirt refused. Thompson arbitrarily
struck their names from the roster of leaders. Arpeika made
no attempt to conceal his rage, stamping his feet and gnashing
He was not present at the opening actions of the Second
Seminole War in December 1835, btu-'ll1ed an attack nearby at Ft.
Drane on 11 August 1836. This was the only battle in which
he stayed in the zone of fire. His practice was to excite young
warriors to fighting pitch, fire the first shot then retire
/ .... f -1-
to the flanks to engage in incantations and to tend the wounded.
As fighting slipped southward, Sam Jones went with it. He in-
stigated an attack on Ft. Mellon in 1837, fired the first shot
then left Wildcat (Coacoochee) to command. Later officers de-
tained Wildcat when he entered itt. Mellon, and sent him as a
prisoner to Ft. Marion (Castillo de San Marcos). From a dunge6nn
there he made a miraculous escape on 29 November 1837. He was
on his way southward to rejoin the fighting when he encountered
Sam Jones, Wildcat's experience influenced Jones not to enter
the fort, and to preventothers from entering. Thereafter he
refused to meet with emissaries from the enemy.
Next he atiMWd',l to take part it the Battle of Okeechobee
on Christmas Day 1837. He and the Prophet (Otulke Thlocko)
commanded the right of the Indian position. Alligator claimed,
implying cowardice, that Sam Jones fled at the first fire, but
Jones was simply carrying out his standard battle practice.
During part of 1838, Sam Jones's bands lived in the wetlands
on the Gulf coast. There he supported his no-surrender strategy
by threatening to kill any Indian who prepared to give up.
His resistance influenced Seminole actions in the Alachua and
Alexander Macomb, commanding general of the U.S. Army, travel-
led to Florida and summoned chiefs to meet him in a grand council
at Ft. King on 20 May 1839. Jones, unwilling to risk capture,
sent Chitto Tustenuggee. Macomb chose to treat Chitto as
Sam Jones's successor heading the Seminoles. Those leaders
who were present at the grand council agreed to retire
into the southern tip of the Peninsula, to end the war, but
new hostilities erupted and the agreement failed.
By 1841 the conflict had continued for six years. White men
ascribed its wasteful duration to the stubbornneasof Sam Jones.
Sam Jones, Sam Jones, thou# great unwhipped
Thou makest a world of bother
Indeed we quite expect that thou art
Qne Davy Jonesis bqthbe
Alligator, who surrendered with several hundred followers in
March 1838 said he wouldihave given up earlier had not Sam
Jones's Mikasukis prevented it.
The free Indian bands were pushed to the fringes of the
Everglades. Sam Jones met there with Billy Bowlegs (Hollata Micco)
the Prophet, Hospetarche, Fuze Hadjo, and Parsacke in August 1841.
They decided to kill any Indian bearing communications from
the enemy. But their power to continue the struggle was too
much depleted to carry out this threat. In fact during that
same month Sam Jones met with Wildcat, sent by the whites to
bring in some of the holdouts. Jones though refused to migrate.
Seminole ability to continue the fight was now worn down.
Captives told white commanders that Sam Jones was somewhere around
the mouth of the Kissimmee River in June 1841 with only seventeen
warriors, but burdened by many women and children. In the fall
he sent an emissary, with vague hints about surrender, into Ft.
Denaud, asking for food, whiskey and tobacco. In December an
army detachment destroyed one of his towns on a pine andlcabbage
island in the Everglades, but did not catch up with him. His
band was down to seven men, still with many women and children.
The old man's ability to eluale them rankled the United States
officers. In February 1842 Lieutenant John T. McLaughlin, U.S.
Navy, authorized his men ""To use any measure of severity to compel
them (Captives) to lead you to the haunts of Jones."
Finally in August 1842 the United States declared the Second
Seminole War ended. Sam Jones with about 300 other Seminoles
remained in Florida.
During the next thirteen years Arpeika and Billy Bowlegs
tried to keep a profile low enough to stay in Florida. As an
example, in October 1849, when white authorities demanded that
five Seminole youths charged with murder be delivered to them, the
two had the renegades hunted down. They turned over four of them
and the severed hand of the fifth who had been killed.
When the Third Seminole War began in 1855, Sam Jones band
was instrumental in starting it.- Jones himself was then moreilic
one hundred years old. For unknown reasons in 1856 the Sec-
retary of War authorized negotiations to permit Sam Jones
to remain in Florida. In 1858, Bowlegs, convinced that con-
tinued resistance was useless, surrendered with his band and was
shipped to Indian Territory. Although ten of Sam Jones's meager
band left, Sam stayed. Captives said that he had become childlike,
requiring constant care.
White impressions of Sam Jones were generally harsh. One
observer thought him ferocious; others considered him remark-
able for obstinate ill-nature. Surgeon Jacob Rhett Motte,
U.S. Army, considered him a great rascal. It was noted that
when above seventy he had a young wife, and that at all ages
he had been a hard drinker. Harsh white judgments derived in
part from recognition that Sam Jones personified the will of
the Florida Indians, especially the Mikasukis, to hold onto
the land they believed to be theirs.
Sam Jones died in 1867, supposed at the time to have been
at least 111 years old.
John T. Sprague,The Origin, Progress and Conclusion of
the Florida War. Facsimile reproduction by the University
of Florida Press, 1964 of the original edition issued in 1848.
SJohn K. Mahon, History of the Second Seminole War, 1835 -
1842. University of Florida Press, 1967.
James W. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida. University
of Florida Press, 1993.
This name translates into Ant Chief, but white men, for
unknown reasons, referred to him as John Hicks. The Florida
Indians were matriarchal, and Tukose Emathla was in the line
of hereditary chiefs of the Mikasukis who resided in the
vicinity of Tallahassee. Lieutenant George McCall described
him, at age fifty, as one of nature's noblement, six feet
two inches in height and with classic bodily proportions.
As a rule the numerous bands of Florida Indians did not
have a head chief, but in the 1820s thpy did in order to
negotiate with white officials. Neamathlas, a Creek, was
spokesman at the signing of the Treaty of Moultrie Creek,
18 September 1823 in which the Seminoles agreed to remain
within a reservation of 28,253,820 acres. John Hicks was
one of the chiefs who made his mark on this document.
He was also one of a delegation that went to Washington,
D.C. in May 1826 where Charles Bird King painted his picture.
When approacfdie4 about leaving Florida he said, "Here our
naval strings were first cut and the blood from them sunk
into the earth and made the country dear to us."
Later in 1826, partly induced by William Duval, Governor
of Florida Territory, Neamathlas ceased being head chief.
A bitter factional struggle broke out over his replacement.
The Alachua bands wanted Micanopy, their hereditary chief,
in the position, but the Mikasukis and other bands instead
placed John Hicks there. As head chief he spoke in the
joint councils usually complaining of the injustices done
against his peppleL.by, whitesociety.
There was a decisive council at Paynes Landing on the
Oklawaha River in May 1832. TheLrecord contains no details
on what took place there, but the Indians, among them Tukose
Emathla, signed a treaty on 9 May which stipulated that
seven chiefs should go west to examine the land where the
government wanted them to be. Hicks was one of that delega-
tion, taking the place of Sam Jones who was too old or toG
fsuspicious.of thite men to make the trip.
At Ft. Gibson in Arkansas the seven met with U.S. nego-
tiators. No record, once again, was kept of the council, but
from it emerged another treaty on 14 Fabruary 1833. John Hicks
made his mark on it. The U.S. government interpreted the
document to ian that the Seminoles were willing to move
out of Florida;tj4e-Ifdians disputed this interpretation.
The controversy continued, but Tukose Emathla was lifted out
of it by death late in 1833.
The Indians knew this full-blooded Creek as Tustennuggee
Emathla, but white people called him Jim Boy. He was born
about 1793 and grew into impressive manhood. Six feet and one
inch tall, he was handsome and-endow wh atPp l stnl
strength. Even through the language barrier white associates
recognized in him a sense of humor and a keen wit.
He was present at Burnt Corn Creek on 9 February 1813 when
Mississippi militiamen attacked a party of Indians bringing
home ammunition bought from Spaniards in Pensacola. He was
also at Ft. Mims on 30 August 1813 when the Red Stick Creeks
attacked and burned the fort, killing 400 white persons and
losing heavily themselves. The extent of his participation
in these opening events of the First Creek War, 1813-1814 is
not known. Throughout this war he opposed the Americans, but
in ensuing years reversed his loyalty:
On 26 September 1836 he landed at Ft. Brooke, Florida
Territory to join United States forces in subduing the
Seminoles. His reversal of loyalty may have come from the
inducements offered the Creeks by the United States to join
them. The government slashed $31,000 from debts the Creeks
owed to American citizens. It paid them at the same scale
as regular soldiers, and in addition authorized them to
keep all plunder taken from the enemy. They had always
coveted Seminole horses, cattle and slaves and had often
invaded to capture -mnt enAall '~hlT Aiters 2edmid that
his family would be left undisturbed while he was gone.
Thus induced, J4m Boy raised 700 (C) warriors to be part of
a regiment of Creeks commanded by a white colonel At first
the regiment was to locate the Seminoles and mediate between
them and the white commanders. They never quite caught up
with the fleeing Indians but did pass through part of their
heartIlaxdi, burning villages as they went.
Richard Keith Call, commander of all forces in Florida and
also governor of the Territory, realizing that there was a large
concentration of Seminoles, including women and children in
the Wahoo swamp, formed a line a mile long to try once and for all
on 21 November 1836 to break Indian resistmaic. He placed
the Creek regiment in a vital posiSion on the left flank.
Jim Boy's men got mired down and as Call wrote in his official
report "Were prevented from taking ... the efficient share
in the early part of the action which would have been expected
from their A&9fa1 activity. Jim Boy had a reputation as an
effective guerrilla fighter.
The Creek regiment did not get out of Florida until
September 1837. When Jim Boy went home to the Autossee
villages on the Tallapoosa River he found that the government
of the United States had betrayed its word and sent his family
off to Arkansas. More bitter was the information that
the boiler of the steamship carrying them blew up scalding
his wife and four of his nine children to death.
In 1838 Jim Boy himself had reached Ft. Gibson, Arkansas
Territory. The commander there Brevet Brigadier General Mathew
Arbuckle, tried to persuade him to use his warriors to
coerce the Seminole blacks to turn themselves over to James
C. Watson, agent for some white men who alleged they had
bought the blacks from the Creeks for $14,500. Since Jim
Boy had already been paid his share of the purchase price,
he declined to intervene.
The date of his death in Indian Territory is not known.
Thomas McKenney wrote that Yaha Hajo was a Creek who migrated to
Florida and became second war chief of the Seminoles. Myer
Cohen placed him as chief of the Ochlawahaw band of about
fifty. Because he was dark skinned Cohen assumed that he had
Yamassee blood. He was good looking, with a roman nose and
fine features; tall and lean in stature. Cohen said he was
considered to be the most successful hunter in Florida.
Yaha Hajo went to Washington, D.C. in 1826 with delegations
from the southeastern tribes to try to modify the terms of
treaties. While there he sat for his portrait.
He signed the Treaty of Payne's Landing on 9 May 1832
which set the conditions under which the Indians would be
willing to leave Florida. He was one of a delegation of
seven, listed by name in the treaty to go west to evaluate
the land marked by the United States for them. At Ft. Gibson
in Arkansas Territory on 28 March 1833 he signed a supplemental
treaty approving the western land. According to white inter-
pretation this meant that the Seminoles surrendered all claim
to land in Florida, but the Indians disputed this interpretation.
It is not known why Yaha Hajo nnd the other six delegates
agreed to the treaty at Ft. Gibson. They claimed they had to
sign or be left in Arkansas. In any event Yaha Hajo opposed
migration. He and Abraham, a black with great power among
the Indians, visited plantation negroes clandestinely and
urged them to join the Indians and the Seminole Blacks in
overthrowing white control. After the Second Seminole war
1835-1842, began in Florida he was among the warriors who
harassed the flanks of Major General Winfield Scott's three
columns. He was hanging onto Scott's left wing when discovered
by a detachment of South Carolina Militia. The latter ap-
parently surprised Yaha Hajo's party of four, and charged
upon them. In a fire fight at very close range Joseph
Shelton, a South Carolina brigadier general servig3~asaan
enlisted volunteer, aided by another man, killed Yaha Hajo
on 29 March 1836.
Myer Cohen, who was present, curiously examined the corpse. He
was struck by the uncalloused hands and by the the feet which
seemed disproportinally small for the body. He also per-
formed some phrenological measurements on the chief's skull.
Then his detachemtn left the cadaver unburied. "We
abagddned< him" Cohen wrote,"to the awful fate he has merited,
to be hawked by the kites, his flesh gnawed by the wolves,
and his bones crunched by the bears."
Yahajo's age at his death is ;ghLt of record.