Telemachus in French prose, 1700-1750


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Telemachus in French prose, 1700-1750 an objective approach to a theme
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v, 240 leaves. : ; 28 cm.
Alfred, Joseph Ralph, 1947-
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French literature -- History and criticism -- 18th century   ( lcsh )
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )


Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography: leaves 234-239.
Statement of Responsibility:
By Joseph Ralph Alfred.
General Note:
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University of Florida
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INTRODUCTION .................................................... 1

CHAPTER I: FENELON ...... ...... .... ........... ........... .... 7
Part 1: The Introduction of the Telemachus Theme into
the XVIIIth Century .. ................... 7
Part 2: Form and Style in the T61emaque .................... 17-
Part 3: Characterization in the T1eemaque .................. 24
Part 4: Morality and Politics in the Telmaque ............. 37
Conclusion .......................................... o .. ..... 50

Part I: Grandchamp's Le T14lmaque moderne .................... 57
Part 2: Les Loix du roi Minos ................................ 81

Part I: Lambert's Le Nouveau Te16maque .......................... 98
Part 2: Palissot's L'Apollon Mentor, ou le Te16maque
moderne .......... 9 ...., ..... .....................140

LE TELEMAQUE TRAVESTI ...............................155
Part 1: Characterization ......... ........................161
Part 2: Narration ............. .................................199

CONCLUSION ........................................................224

BIBLIOGRAPHY .....................................................234

CURRICULUM VITA .............................................................240

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
.of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



Joseph Ralph Alfred

December, 1974

Chairman: Douglas Bonneville
Major Department: Romance Languages and Literatures (French)

Fenelon's Les Avantures de Tel6maque, fils d'Ulysse was one of

the most prestigious and influential novels of the eighteenth century.

First published in 1699, it spawned many imitations, most of which

copied the antique setting and philosophical bias of the original.

Five authors, however, sought to exploit the work's popularity directly

by referring in the title to Telemachus, even though the works had

little in common with the royal preceptor's epic educational voyage.

These five differ from the archbishop's work and among themselves in

every way: in form -- including structure, point of view and genre --

in characterization and in philosophical orientation. Four of the

works are modernizations; two are treatises; one is a burlesque.

Some of them display only a superficial relationship to the original,

while others correspond to the model in a very general way, sharing

the fundamental theme of the educational voyage. All show a high

degree of independence from Fenelon's work, although most do not

demonstrate much imagination in adapting it.

For the early exploiters, the Te16maque served to publicize their

own works. Grandchamp's Le Tel4maque moderne (1701) is a memoir

which shares with the original only the names of the main characters

and its attacks on passion. The transformation of Telemaque and Mentor

into moral weaklings neutralizes the homilies which are appropriated

from the original Mentor. More faithful to the original in its poli-

tics, the Loix du roi Minos (1716) presents under the guise of an

addition to the Tl16maque a treatise on jurisprudence. Despite philo-

sophical correlations between the two works, the only links between them

are external: the attribution of the work to Fenelon, the publication

with a summary preceding it, passages at the beginning and end to

intercalate the lesson into the action of the Telemaque, and the pre-

sence of Tel6maque as the disciple learning about the ideal laws.

Later adaptors of the theme stress the central concept of the

educational voyage and eliminate most correlation of details. C.-F.

Lambert's Le Nouveau Telmaque (1741) presents the memoirs of a young

Marquis whose father has taken him on an initiatory tour of the courts

of Europe. Like Fenelon, Lambert combines history, travelogue, novel

and exotic voyage and provides lessons in philosophy, ethics and

religion. He maintains the relationship between the two principal

characters and he draws some other elements from the T6l6maque in

constructing his episodes and characters; there is, however, no overt

connection between the two novels. Charles Palissot's L'Apollon

Mentor, ou le Tel"maque moderne (1748) departs even more from the

original. The basic elements of the educational voyage under a divine

tutor is preserved.; but the tutor is Apollon and the voyage is an

allegorical dream providing indoctrination in poetics rather than


Marivaux's Le Tel6maque travesti is the most original and

creative of the adaptations of Fenelon's novel. After the model of

Sorel and Cervantes, Marivaux evokes a confrontation of art and

reality by injecting the ideal of the Telmaque into the reality of

lower bourgeois society in rural France. Brideron and Phocion, the

would-be modern Tel"maque and Mentor, are able through their own

imaginations and the deus ex machine of the author to relive all of

the experiences of the original pair, but in parallel situations

which conform to their own lower-class status. The resulting

burlesque of the Til&maque complements the original, realizing its

abstractions and graphically illustrating the consequences of its




Fenelon's Les Avantures de Tel"maque, fils d'Ulysse was one of

the most influential works of the eighteenth century: it was the

most published novel in France from 1700 to 1768 and hardly a year

passed without a new edition or critical article appearing in the

journals;1 its influence is felt in masterpieces from Montesquieu's

Les Lettres Persanes to Voltaire's Candide and Rousseau's Emile.

Its popularity naturally inspired a large number of imitations: the

"Bibliographie m6thodique" to Albert Chirel's Fenelon au XVIIIe

siecle en France lists twenty-five prose imitations prior to 1750

and a like number between 1750 and the end of the century -- and it

does not include parodies or works like Lambert's Le Nouveau Telemaque.

Poets, dramatists and musicians also seem to have found the subject

attractive since plays, operas and poems based on the Te6lmaque were
also numerous throughout the century. Most of these imitations copied

the antique setting and the educational voyage theme of the novel.

Ramsay's Voyages de Cyrus (London: Jacques Bettenham Imprimeur, 1730),

for example, is the story of the young Cyrus' voyages under a venerable

tutor in preparation for his ascension to the throne of Persia. For

the purpose of this study, however, works like Ramsay's were eliminated

to avoid the simple equation of the Telemachus theme with the theme

of the educational voyage, or even with the educational voyage set in

antiquity. The works chosen for examination were those identified with

the Telemaque through titular references to Fenelon's Homeric hero.

This procedure restricted the subjectiveness of the designation by using

an exterior criterion chosen by the authors themselves as the basis for

selection. These exploitations provide, therefore, an objective measure

of the extent of the Telemaque's influence during the eighteenth century

and an indication of the contemporary perception of its key or char-

acteristic elements. In each of the works studied in this dissertation,

Telemachus is the stated subject of the book, even though the treatment

of that subject varies widely among the different authors. This approach

to the T616maque's influence represents an alternative to the one typified

by Cherel, and his list of "Imitations de Teilmaque" (pp. 640-43)

illustrates the difference very well. Basing his choice evidently on

thematic similarities, Cherel omits from the list three of the five

works included in this dissertation -- Les Loix du roi Minos, Lambert's

Le Nouveau Telmaque and Marivaux's Le Telemaque travesti, including

Lambert and Marivaux in a supplementary list entitled "Appreciation de

Telemaque" (p. 638) -- while he includes works like Montesquieu's

Temple de Gnide and Voltaire's Candide (p. 641). As an alternative,

the method of studying titular adaptations was successful in that

it produced a variety of adaptations belonging to different genres

and showing different intentions. It provided, therefore, a better

cross-section of the adaptations of the Tel4maque than would have

been possible by assuming a particular set of parameters for the


The laiitat~on ~sf the temporal scope of the study to the first

half of the century conforms to the first two of the three periods of

Fenelon's influence distinguished by Ch6rel in his Fenelon au XVIIIe

siecle en France. The first, from 1700 to 1715, served as a preliminary

period ending the seventeenth century rather than beginning the eighteenth

and ended with the death of Louis XIV. the second, from 1715 to 1748,

included the time from the Regency to the publication of the Directions

pour la conscience d'un roi. The final period from 1748 to 1820 ended with

the publication of the first definitive edition of Fenelon's complete works

(Cherel, Fgnelon, pp. xvii-xviii). The reason for ending the first period

with the publication of the Directions is the profound effect which the

appearance of this work had on the Archbishop's reputation; from the

Regency to the Directions, Fenelon was primarily known as the author of

the Tel6maque, although his other accomplishments were not ignored: the

appearance of the Directions transformed and enhanced his reputation, which

began after 1747 to take on the aura of a legend (Cherel, Fgnelon, pp. 334-

35). This division has been extended slightly to include the Apollon Mentor

which appeared in 1748, because, since the work would have been written

before the influence of the Directions had been felt, its inclusion seemed

to maintain the spirit of Ch6rel's division.

Five works were published under some form of a Telemachus title

between 1700 and 1750. Three of these were modernizations of Fenelon's

work, as their titles indicate: Grandchamp's Le T616maque moderne,

Lambert's Le Nouveau Telmaque and Palissot's L'Apollon Mentor, ou le

T6elmaque moderne. The Loix du roi Minos was a philosophical treatise

masquerading as a Continuation du quatrieme Livre des Avantures de

T61lmaque, fils d'Ulisse; it purported to improve the T6lmaque by

correcting an authorial oversight which had omitted the exposition

of the ideal laws of Minos during Telemaque's stay on Crete. Marivaux's

Le _T1maquee travesti was, as the--title-suggests, ia burlesque of the

original, modeled after the Don Quixote and Le Berger Extravagant.

The dissertation is organized around the treatment which each

author gave the subject of Telemachus. The first chapter analyzes

Fenelon's novel as the source of the legend in the eighteenth century.

The second treats the two works which exploited particular aspects of

the Telnmaque's reputation: Grandchamp's Le Tel6maque moderne, which

sought to tap the succes de scandal still whirling around the Tl16-

maque when Grandchamp's own work appeared in 1701, and the Loix du

roi Minos, which traded on the aura of philosophy and education asso-

ciated with the T616maque by 1716. The third chapter discusses the

two works which made obvious references to F6nelon's novel as an edu-

cational voyage: Lambert's Le Nouveau Telemaque and Palissot's L'Apollon

Mentor. The fourth chapter treats Marivaux's recasting of the theme.

Although chronology did not serve as part of the criteria used to

organize the subject, the order in which the works are presented is

largely chronological: the adaptations treated in the second chapter

appeared prior to 1720 while those of the third appeared in the 1740's.

Marivaux's Le Tel4maque travesti stands alone not only as a humorous

treatment of the Telemachus subject, but also as the only one of the

works examined which did not appear in an integral edition in France

during the eighteenth century.3

Each of the five works was examined in the context of the Tel6maque

to determine in what way it related to its chosen model. To avoid

imposing external criteria on the works, the choice of categories

was drawn from the reading of the works themselves and varies from

one to another because the areas of analysis which would apply to

Grandchamp's sentimental novel would not be adequate to the description

of Lambert's educational novel and would not apply at all to a treatise

like the Loix. Several general headings do arise, however, in most of

the works. The most general and most obvious is characterization: the

presence of a Telemachus and a Mentor in each of the works was expected

since they seem to be very basic elements of the .theme. In fact, only

four of the works present Telemachus and Mentor figures; the Loix has

two "characters" who really serve as voices for the communication of the

author's ideas, and while one of them is called T6lmaque, Mentor is not

present at all. Where counterparts to both Telemachus and Mentor are

present, however, the relationship was generally consistent with the

pattern of an older preceptor advising a younger novice. Most of the

works also preserve the didactic tone of the T6l6maque. This is especially

evident in the political instructions given in the Loix, and the moral and

ethical responsibility taught in the Nouveau T916maque, but Palissot

only changed the substance in the Apollon Mentor from political to poetic

indoctrination. The form, structure and point of view varies widely

among the works but were considered in relation to each one.

Essentially, the Telemachus in Eighteenth-Century French Prose, 1700-

1750: An Objective Approach to a Theme is a study of "spin-offs" from the

most popular French novel of the first half of the eighteenth century.

This kind of borrowing of titles or subjects was an extremely popular

literary practice during the Enlightenment and continues to be prevalent

today. The number of "Mariannes" and "Paysans" or "Paysannes" which fol-

lowed Marivaux's successes attests to the public acceptance of the form.

Another illustration of their popularity can be found in the career of

the abbe Lambert, one of the authors considered in this study. A de-

frocked priest who became an author in order to support himself in

Paris, Lambert wrote four of his seven novels in obvious imitation of

others: Memoires d'une Dame de quality qui s'est retiree du monde (1739),

L'infortunie sicilienne (1742) and the Nouvelle Marianne (1759), as well
as the Nouveau Tel6maque. Such proliferation indicates that titular

borrowing was at least a profitable enterprise, even if not always

artistically successful. This dissertation elucidates some of the para-

meters and techniques of this very popular practice.

1Albert Ch6rel, De Tel6maque a Candide, vol. VI of Histoire de la
litterature frangaise, ed. J. Calvet (9 vols.; Paris: J. de Gigord,
ed., 1933), p. 1.

2Fenelon au XVIIIe siecle en France (1715-1820): Son prestige,
son influence (1917; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine, 1970), p. 641.

3Frederic Deloffre, "Introduction" to Marivaux, Le T6l6maque
travesti, ed. F. D., Textes Litteraires Frangais (Geneva: Droz, 1956),
p. 12.

Biographie Universelle (Michaud), nouvelleedition (Paris: Mme
Desplace, 1843-65), vol. 23, p. 45.


The Introduction of the Telemachus Theme into the XVIIIth Century

From the time of the Renaissance, Ulysses and his creator Homer

suffered the disdain and the disaffection of the majority of the French

reading public. With outstanding exceptions of Du Bellay, Racine,

and Ren le Bossu, French readers viewed Ulysses as he appeared in the

Aeneid: an artfully self-interested and untrustworthy character whose

battle tactics lacked the forthrightness and directness of a gentleman

and hero. Even Racine, who defended Ulysses in his Remarques sur

1'0dysseed'Homere (1662), seems to have made a necessary concession

to the popular viewpoint in Iphig6nie (167h) where Ulysses appears

as a counselor and statesman, but with hardly a touch of humanity.1

The Telemachus legend, being integrally linked to the Odyssey,

was also neglected during the entire French Classical period. The only

mention of a work in the Telemachus tradition which appeared during

the seventeenth century is a Latin version published by Petrus Valrus

in 1609. The Telemachus, sive profectu in virtute et sapientia seems

to have been a didactic work written to illustrate the principles of

rhetoric. It was very obscure and was probably not known to Fenelon

or any of his contemporaries.2

Thus, in choosing the son of Ulysses as the central character

of his book of instruction for the heir to the French throne, Fenelon

selected the son of a folk hero long out of favor with the public.

His efforts toward the necessary rehabilitation of Ulysses are evident

in the autobiography of Philoctetus in Book XVIII of the T416maque:

here, Ulysses' worst and most justified enemy excuses his abandonment

as a decision necessitated by the demands of leadership. In addition,

Mentor-Minerva praises Ulysses throughout the novel, holding him up

as a model for the youthful prince; and Ulysses' old associates welcome

Telemachus warmly, solely on the basis of his resemblance to his famous

father. This recurrent recognition contributes to the re-establishment

of Ulysses' character as worthy of a leader and a hero, a new per-

spective which is reinforced by the calm and introspective demeanor

of the mysterious stranger in whom T616maque fails to recognize his

father on his way home to Ithaque. Ulysses plays only a peripheral

role in the novel, but Fenelon apparently believed the amelioration

of his image necessary to provide his hero with worthy parentage.

The difference between his view of Ulysses and the popular view shows

nonetheless the extent to which Tel6maque was breaking new ground and

demonstrates that the popularity which the eighteenth century accorded

to Telemachus found its beginning in the work of Fenelon.

The prefaces to the several imitations of the Tel6maque also

indicate that the eighteenth century identified the legend with Fenelon

rather than Homer. Both Grandchamp and the anonymous author of Les

Loix du roi Minos, ou -" Continuation du quatrieme livre des Avantures

de Tel6maque, fils d'UlIsse refer to the modern novelist rather than

to the ancient poet and both are obviously using the former as the basis

for their works. Marivaux, in composing the Telmaque travesti, like-

wise bases his parody on F6nelon's version rather than on the brief

Telemacheia and his "avant-propos" indicates that he is attacking

neither the ancient master nor the modern adapter, but those who worship

either of them.3 This seems to indicate the extent to which Fenelon's

imitation had supplanted the original in the minds of the readers

of the eighteenth century.

The immediate reaction to the Tl46maque was mixed: published

criticism seems to have almost universally condemned the book, but

the sixteen complete and partial editions which appeared in 1699, the

first year of publication, indicate general public acceptance of the

novel and appreciation for its author. Much of the immediate excite-

ment generated by the book was probably due to its reception as a

roman a clef or a satirical expose by a highly placed member of the

court. This may be at least in part what Bossuet meant in the letter

to his nephew dated May 18, 1699, where he attacked the Tilmaque

as unworthy of a priest and as lacking in seriousness.5 As the century

continued, however, the book was increasingly accepted by the Philo-

sophic Movement because of itspolitical message and strong moral con-

tent (see Cherel, Fgnelon, p. 335).

Two sorts of critics attacked Fenelon's novel: those who like

Bossuet were his enemies from the battle over Quietism, and those who

hoped to profit, either financially or otherwise, in attacking a very

popular book by an already disgraced author. The two major contemporary

criticisms of the Telmaque show this self-centered interest on the part

of the authors. Pierre-Valentin Faydit, whose Telemacomanie expresses

in the title alone the author's judgment of the situation surrounding

the novel, was probably trying to capitalize on the success of a best

seller by generating a controversy, or at least a scandal, which would

cause his own book to sell. Nicolas Gueudeville, whose several

Critiques ... of the Tel6maque appeared in 1700 and 1702, gives the

impression rather of someone who is trying to use the Tel6maque as a

means to continue his own satirical attacks on Louis XIV with ammuni-

tion provided by one of the king's own advisors; but in view of his

insecure financial position, pecuniary motives cannot be discounted.7

Faydit's insensitive and pedantic criticism of the T616maque

appeared in 1700 and attacked Fenelon, as well as his novel, on three

grounds. In the first part of his long study, he condemns Fenelon for

having written a novel at all, citing church fathers and liturgical

history to prove that Fenelon the novelist was a greater sinner than

Fenelon the heretic and author of the condemned Explication des Maximes

des Saints. For Faydit, Fenelon's Maximes provoked only intellectual

heresy and corruption, but the tender and sensuous scenes of the

T616maque would inflame young souls to passions which they would find

difficult to control (Faydit, pp. 6-7).

Moreover, exclaimed Faydit, the archbishop could not claim that

his work instructed the reader in ancient geography, history and myth-

ology; the vituperative critic then demonstrated painstakingly that

the author of the Tel6maque had respected neither fable nor fact as

they are reported in the chronicles of the ancient scribes (Faydit,

p. 56). E. Delval's study of this section of the Telemacomanie

demonstrates Faydit's bad faith by showing the manner in which he

tortured and twisted the ancient chronicles in order to prove his

point: citing an author when he agrees, ignoring him when he does not;

deliberately citing little-known authors and misstating their work;

intentionally misidentifying characters cited in the book -- confusing

the king Pygmalion with the better-known sculptor of the same name, for

example (Delval I, 181-84). Delval's detailed comparison of Faydit's

claims with the accepted traditions of the seventeenth century and

with the ancient chronicles leave no doubt as to Faydit's lack of


The final section of Faydit's work continues to demonstrate

Fenelon's alleged unreliability. In this section the critic tries to

show that Fenelon has not only been inconsistent with ancient historians

but with himself as well. He points out, for example, that the descrip-

tion of Telemaque's character as he is going to war in Book XIII

(pp. 336-37) is not prepared in the preceding books and has no signifi-

cant consequence in the succeeding ones (Faydit, pp. 458-60). Another

valid complaint is that the Lacedemonian army of bastards supposedly

born while their mothers' husbands were away fighting the Trojan War

could have had no soldier over seventeen, since Ulysses had been absent

from his home about that long. Even the youthful age of seventeen

suggests that the Greek women began to betray their husbands even before

they had managed to set sail. In any case, seventeen seems very young

for an army which has already captured a city and begun a civilization

(Faydit, p. 150). In attacking Fenelon's lack of concern for reality,

Faydit was much more successful than in the other parts of his work.

Albert Cahen also cites as an example of the archbishop's hyperbole

the incident in which Telemaque escapes slavery in Egypt by killing
a lion with his bare hands.

Throughout the Telemacomanie, Faydit demonstrated a total lack of

comprehension of Fenelon's basic purpose and of his method of using the

historical and legendary events and personages to create a setting or

model of heroic proportions which would impress his royal charge.

Either willfully or through sheer ignorance, Faydit insists upon an

interpretation of the Telmaque which is consistent neither with the

literature of the period nor with the lofty prose and elevated style

of the novel. The Telemacomanie nonetheless illustrates very accurately

two of the accusations made against the Tel6maque: that as a novel it

was immoral per se; and that its passionate descriptions were likely

to spark emotions which Mentor's admonitions were unlikely to be able

to quell. His claims of historical and geographical inaccuracy seem

to have been largely ignored by the reading public -- Fenelon's enemies

as well as his friends -- and beginning with the 1717 authorized

edition,10 a map of the ancient Mediterranean frequently accompanied

the book.

Gueudeville's criticism illustrates a different aspect of the

climate surrounding the T6lmaque: the popular acceptance of the book

as a political pamphlet satirizing Louis XIV. The identification of

T6elmaque as the duke of Burgundy and of Mentor as Fenelon himself was

widely recognized. Criticism of Louis XIV was seen in every negative

reference to kings and their policies from Sesostris to Idomenee; and

"Keys" to the T616maque, giving allegorical and mystical interpreta-

tions of its episodes, appeared even in 1699.11 Gueudeville, for the

most part, points out all of the passages which might be considered

critical of the king of France and pretends to show that they do not

apply to the Roi Soleil, but that to the contrary, all of the qualities

which Fenelon lists as desirable in the perfect king -- concern, sympathy,

peacefulness, abstinence -- are qualities of which Louis XIV can boast

(Delval II, pp. 151-53, 178). In view of Gueudeville's own history

of satiric attacks on Louis, for which he was forced to leave France

and was even pursued into Holland (Delval II, pp. 138-39), it seems

likely that his attacks on Fenelon and his defense of the king repre-

sented only a pretext for a new battle in his continuing war with the

French monarchy (Cahen, p. lxiii). In defense of Gueudeville, it should

be noted that he objects legitimately to several stylistic features,

particularly the monotony of invention in many of the scenes -- e.g.,

shipwrecks which always follow the classical pattern -- and the length

of Mentor's discourses on government and ethics which periodically

interrupt the story (Dedeyan, p. 40).

Fenelon was not without his defenders, even at this early stage.

The edition of the Telmaque published by Moetjens in 1701 contained a

preface by the abbe de Saint-Rgmy in which he attempted to counter-

attack the book's enemies. A. Cherel says of this preface that it is

superficial, maladroit and little likely to have contributed to the

success of the novel. Dealing very little with the issue of the novel

itself, Saint-Remy's preface goes back to the controversy over Quietism

to praise Fenelon's submission as opposed to Bossuet's alleged vindic-

tiveness and jealousy (p. 25). Delval's more complete analysis of the

preface is much more generous (I, pp. 198-203). He sees the work as

elegant and indicates that attention was paid to Gueudeville and

Faydit as well as to Bossuet and to the Tgl4maque itself.

The most eloquent and accepted of Fenelon's defenders was a Scots-

man named Ramsay whose "Discours de la poesie pique et de l'excellence

du podme de Tle6maque" appeared at the head of the 1717 "authorized

edition."12 His apology for the Telmaque defends it on very general

grounds and at an esoteric level, but it strikes closer to the heart of

the issues which have been mentioned than does Saint-Rgmy's work.

Ramsay's "Discours" concentrated on two major points: first he tried

to establish that the Telemaque was an epic poem rather than a novel,

thus finding a reason for the Telmaque's "excesses" of sensibility

and morality in the traditions of an accepted genre. Secondly, he

attempted to establish a theory of the epic, relating it to the tragedy

in its beneficial effects. The major thrust of Ramsay's analysis of

epic poetry stressed the morality which was expressed through its

fictions. He saw virtue as rigorous and morality as difficult for

young people. In both tragedy and the epic poem, exciting examples of

evil deeds and their deleterious consequences made virtue and morality

less rigorous and more acceptable and at the same time gave youthful

hearts practice in the exercise of them both. The morality of the

T6l6maque he found especially appropriate since it is "sublime dans

ses principles, noble dans ses motifs, universelle dans ses usages"

(Ramsay, p. xxix). He refuted the claim that the Tl46maque could not

be an epic poem because it was not in rimed verse, with references to

Aristotle and to Fenelon himself, who in his Lettre a l'Academie had

attacked the use of rime as too constraining and too deformative in

the construction of ideas (Ramsay, p. xlvi).

This was the "immediate" reaction to the Telemaque as far as

published criticism was concerned. No attempt has been made to cover

all of the criticism leveled at Fenelon's novel, but rather to show

the major points of contention among the combatants during the first

fifteen years of the century. Tel6maque's value as a moral pamphlet

was opposed to the deleterious effect of its eloquently-described

scenes of passionate desire and exaggerated examples of evil kings.

It was attacked for being a novel and for lacking verisimilitude; it

was defended as an epic poem whose measured and eloquent prose super-

seeded the more standard rimed verse and whose high moral purpose

eliminated the necessity for slavish attention to historical detail.

To attacks which saw in the alleged specificity of its political

portraits evidence of a satire on Louis XIV, its defenders cited the

universality of all of its maxims and claimed that far from being a

political pamphlet attacking Louis, it was a general study of govern-

mental morality which by necessity included many of the characteristics

of Louis' reign -- the good as well as the bad.

The controversy around the Tel6maque followed roughly the same

lines throughout the rest of the century, even though the tone of

argument changed after the publication of the Directions pour la

conscience des rois et des princes souverains in 1747.13 After the

appearance of the Directions, Fenelon's politics became something of

a legend and this aura extended to all aspects of his reputation,

including the Telmaque (Cherel, p. 335). Voltaire serves as an example

of the transformation which occurred in public opinion. A. Cherel

notes that Voltaire's attitude prior to 1747, as it appeared in his

letters and in the Connaissance des beaut's of des defauts de la

pogsie et de l'eloquence d'Homere, was a mixture of coolness and ad-

miration. The influence of Fenelon on Voltaire's political ideas and

his theories of history were very strong, but Voltaire saw in the

Tel4maque only a work done in a style appropriate to a translation in

prose of Homer (Ch6rel, pp. 380-81). After 1747, in the Siecle de

Louis XIV, he praised Fenelon's novel; and while maintaining his

objection to the characterization of it as an epic poem, he is much more

moderate in his criticism of its style, even recognizing the poetic

quality of its prose. Furthermore, he is much warmer in his praise of

its political and moral message.1

Such are the three periods of Cherel's division: the years before

1715 constituted a continuation of the seventeenth century and ended

with Fenelon's death in January and Louis XIV's in September; the first

period of admiration and popularity ended in 1747 with the publication

of the Directions. During the final period, Fenelon's reputation was

broadened beyond his authorship of the Telemaque and it acquired an

aura of legend which continued into the nineteenth century. The five

works studied in this dissertation all fall within the first two of

these periods and reflect the Telemaque's changing literary fortunes

prior to 1747. The first two -- Grandchamp's Le Tel6maque moderne

(1701) and the Loix du roi Minos (1716) -- appeared during the early

years of heated controversy over the value of the work and over its

classification. Grandchamp's work purports to be a roman a clef,

reflecting the early scandals which greeted the novel, while the Loix

du roi Minos, published shortly after Fenelon's death, tried to exploit

the archbishop's prestige as a philosopher and political thinker. The

two works which appeared near the end of the first period of Fenelon's

reputation -- Lambert's Le Nouveau T616maque (1741) and Palissot's

L'Apollon Mentor ou le T6lmaque moderne (1748) -- both appeal not to

any of F6nelon's ideas, but to his basic mechanism of the educational

voyage under the guidance of an exceptional or divine tutor. Marivaux's

work, the Telemaque travesti, by its unusual publication history (see

below: pp. 156-57), shows both the criticism which still surrounded

the novel in 1714 and the reverence which made criticism of the novel

literarily dangerous by 1735.

Form and Style in the Tel4maque

The controversy which erupted over the form of the T6lmaque --

whether it should be designated a novel or an epic -- has already

been mentioned. It deserves, however, a somewhat deeper study as the

form and style of the book become subjects in their own right. In

the eighteenth century, the argument existed primarily between the

friends and enemies of Fenelon: his supporters claimed that the work

was an epic because the epic was traditionally accepted as having

moral value despite its fictions; his detractors insisted upon the

novelistic quality of the narration, taking advantage of the contem-

porary church prejudice against novels to discredit Fenelon. In fact

both sides had grounds for argument. The Tel4maque does conform very

closely to the tradition of the seventeenth-century novel and was

probably accepted by most of its readers as a novel. It can be com-

pared with the novel in most major respects: structure, characteriza-

tion, the nature of the episodes, the theme of the quest of a loved

one, and the moralizations which permeate the text.15 On the other

hand, the book shares certain traits with the epic poem as well: the

use of epithets to designate characters, the ornate descriptions of

landscapes, cities, and armies -- even the musicality of the Tel1maque's

measured prose relate the book to the ancient epics of Homer and

Virgil. Moreover, many of the elements cited by those who wanted to

associate the work with the novel could also be used to show its kin-

ship to the epic, for the two genres shared many traits.16

Among the elements which would have been familiar to a seven-

teenth-century reader, the first of all would be the opening of the

novel. The in media res beginning was recognized from the early

seventeenth century as the proper one for the novel; Mlle de Scudery

justified borrowing it from the ancients because it created immediate

suspense which held the reader's attention (Godenne, p. 46, n. 7).

Writers like Sorel and Scarron parodied the technique in the Histoire

comique de Francion (1623) and Le Romant comique (1651), so that it

was a device closely associated in the minds of the reading public with

the novel form. Thus, when Fenelon opens his work with Calypso's

lamentation over her painful immortality, introduces two shipwrecked

wanderers, and launches into a digression in which Telemaque recounts

his adventures prior to their meeting (Books I-VI), he is using a

sequential structure already very familiar to the seventeenth-century

reader of novels.

The structure of the Telemaque further resembles that of the stan-

dard prose novel of the seventeenth century in that it is basically

episodic, i.e., the story progresses through a series of episodes which

are essentially independent of one another. The adventures overlap to

some extent, particularly in the earlier books of the novel, so that a

character may appear or be mentioned on more than one occasion: during

his stay at Tyr (Book III), for example, Telemaque is befriended by a

Phoenician captain, Narbal, whose story is later completed when Narbal's

brother, Adoam, rescues Mentor and Telemaque from the waters off the
island of Calypso. Similarly, Idomenee is first mentioned because

he has just gone into exile when the two heroes arrive in Crete (Book V,

pp. 143-45); later he welcomes the two voyagers to his newly founded

kingdom of La Salente (Book VIII). These recurrences are, however,

essentially mechanical devices which provide a semblance of unity

rather than a truly integrated plot. Fenelon's ordering of the episodes

so that the character of T416maque develops gradually through the

novel -- as he learns from one experience and applies that knowledge to

another situation -- represents a greater force for unity because it

undergirds all of the episodes with the principles of Fenelon's poli-

tical morality. This same device can be found among the Fables and the

Dialogues des morts which he wrote when the prince was much younger,

however, and does not constitute real unity. The adventures remain

separate stories whose primary link is the presence of the two main


The basic motivation of the story -- the quest for a loved one --

also comes from the traditional novel of the period. It is probably the

most used theme of the prosateur's repertory, although F6nelon trans-

formed it greatly in making the object of the hero's search his father

and king rather than his mistress. Telmaque's search for Ulysses

originates in the relationship of respect and love which he bears his

father. It really exceeds the bounds of filial respect and becomes a

quest of love and loyalty for a person whom the hero has never even met.

This theme frequently appears in the novels of the seventeenth and

eighteenth centuries and dates back to the Middle Ages: two people see

each other from a distance, or simply hear about each other, and spon-

taneously fall in love. They make every effort to meet, usually without

success or with only limited success; then they are separated and must

try to find each other once again. It is a scenario which is spoofed

in Sorel's Francion and repeated in works as diverse as Mme de Lafayette's

Zalde, Marivaux's Les effects surprenants de la sympathie and de Sade's

Aline et Valcour. The obstacles to the hero's search are also tradi-

tional: goddesses and beautiful women try to distract him from his quest;

shipwrecks and storms threaten his life again and again only to be

overcome; the hero and his companion are waylaid by pirates and enemies

and sold into slavery, blown off course, impressed into the army to

fight victoriously and gloriously, and so forth. All of these inci-

dents have their counterparts in the novelistic tradition of the

seventeenth century and were used by most novelists from d'Urfg to

de Sade (Le Breton, p. 255).

Mentor's moralizing constitutes yet another parallel between the

T6l6maque and the contemporary novel. In the romans, especially, there

was usually at least one character who was prone to giving lectures on

the morality of love and the proper course of action to take in an

amorous situation. The pays du Tendre of Mlle de Scud6ry represented

only one example of this variety of philosophizing about love. Mentor's

homilies deviate from the more common sermons in the purpose of his

exhortations and in the content of his teachings. The seventeenth-

century novelist was usually writing for the court and his novels

therefore reflected the courtier's interest in love: illustrating the

proper conduct for a lover, teaching him such virtues as patience,

submission and devotion. Fgnelon's audience was a student prince;

his objective was to train a king, not a lover; and his lessons are

correspondingly concerned with leadership, government administration,

justice and the duty of a monarch to his people. When he does deal

with love, the royal preceptor reveals an attitude which contrasts

sharply with that of most of his contemporaries. Rather than estab-

lish an ethic or esthetic of love, by which courtiers could justify

their passionate affairs, he advises his charge to flee the effects of

passion. He shifts the emphasis from the amorous and erotic sensations

of love to the political consequences: as a powerful emotion, love

clouds the light of reason and reduces the king's independence,

diminishing his ability to act objectively and to administer justice

fairly. It is a dangerous and divisive force which can only harm

both the monarch and his subjects. Furthermore, love is presented as

an emotion too powerful to resist -- any man who tries to conquer

his own passion will fail; he must flee it as soon as he recognizes

the symptoms. As an example, Mentor leads Telemaque into the sea to

help him escape from the attraction which he feels for Eucharis on

Calypso's island.

Even the antique atmosphere of the Telemaque was not an innovation.

Earlier in the century, controversy had arisen as to the proper setting

for prose fiction: whether it should have the exotic attraction of a

distant time and place, or whether French readers could find interes-

ting stories which recounted contemporary situations in contemporary

surroundings. This was the original distinction between the roman and

the nouvelle: the roman treated the upper classes -- kings and princes --

of antiquity, whereas the nouvelle presented stories of more contem-

porary interest dealing with the lower classes. The popularity of

the ancient civilizations was such that the distinction was not rigor-

ously maintained and the nouvelles quickly reverted to stories both of

higher nobility and of distant times and countries.l8

Fgnelon's supporters nonetheless tried to justify their claim

that Tel6maque was an epic poem on many of these same grounds; Ramsay,

as the best example, compared the in media res opening to that of the

Iliad and the Aeneid, i.e., the classical epic. He pointed out the

large number of descriptions and epithets which had been borrowed or

translated almost directly from Virgil and Homer. In trying to

justify calling the T4lemaque an epic he attempted to redefine poetry

by claiming that poetry was a literary quality which was actually

harmed in French by the effort to write in verse: "... ce qui fait la

poesie ... [c'est] la fiction vive, les figures hardies, la beauty et

la variety des images. C'est l'enthousiasme, le feu, l'impetuosit6,

la force, un je ne sgai quoi dans les paroles et les pensees que la

nature seule peut donner."19 He contrasted the syntactic freedom of

the classical languages with the relative rigidity of contemporary

French and concluded that rimed verse could not produce good poetry

in French. To further sustain his point about the relationship of

the Tel"maque and the epic, Ramsay pointed to passages which Fenelon had

transposed almost exactly from the ancient authors; the description

of Calypso among her Nymphs in Book I, for example, was borrowed very

closely from the Aeneid's description of Dido among the maidens of
her court.2

In addition to the style of the epic, Ramsay theorized on the

unity of action and on the action necessary or appropriate to the epic,

but the major thrust of his argument aimed at establishing the moral

and exemplary value of the epic. In this regard, he made a distinction

between the novel, which must try to present events with a certain

verisimilitude, and the epic, which is more concerned with truth and

virtue. Near the beginning of his introduction to the T61emaque, Ramsay

described the epic as "Une fable racontee par un Poete pour exciter

l'admiration, et inspire l'amour de la vertu, en nous representant

l'action d'un heros favorise du ciel, qui execute un grand chemin

malgrg tous les obstacles qui s'y opposent [p. ix]." In trying to

claim that the moral intent of a work was a factor in determining its

quality as an epic, Ramsay was trying to refute those critics who

attacked the book as a novel because of the scenes of passion and

voluptuous beauty: in including these sections, Fenelon was only

trying to prepare his charge for the temptations of court where the

king is constantly under temptation; thus the moral value of the

scenes as prevention outweighs their potential harm as sources of

temptation in themselves. It is an interesting double strategy: the

book is moral because it is an epic and an epic because it is moral.

Before concluding, it should be briefly noted that the Tel4maque

also bears a rather close resemblance to another genre, the accounts

of voyages, which had appealed to the French desire for the exotic

and for adventure, and to the growing interest in the scientific ex-

ploration of the world, since the Renaissance --These-accounts were

descriptions of newly discovered lands written by naturalists, explorers

looking for financial gain, or priests sent along with the explorers

as missionaries to the unchristian peoples whom they might discover.

They usually included a geography of the country and a more or less

detailed account of the flora and fauna; they frequently discussed the

state of civilization of the inhabitants and ended with a plea for

colonization and commercial exploitation of the country by France.

The priests also included descriptions of the religious colonies of

converts which they had established. Beginning with Gabriel de

Foigny's La Terre Australe connue in 1676, there existed a growing

corpus of fictional accounts of voyages which copied the real accounts

very closely. These imaginary voyages usually tried to combine adven-

ture and excitement with the portrayal of utopian civilizations which

were alleged to exist in the "newly discovered" countries visited by
their heroes.2 Despite many differences between the Telmaque-and

these stories of adventure, there is a basic similarity, not only to

the fictional voyages, but to the real voyages of Jesuit priests

describing the colonies of Indians which they had established with

converts in the Americas.2 Since the relationship with this third

class of prose is more philosophical than literary, we will discuss

it later.

The Telemaque is thus related to both the novel and to the epic,

especially insofar as the novel copied the epic. The in media res

beginning, the hyperbolic descriptions, the aura of magic and mystery

were elements common to both of these genres and since both obviously

contributed to the creation of the T6lmaque, it is impossible to

determine the true sources. Certain other elements can be identified

as being more influenced by one or the other, however. The style of

the work obviously imitates the epic since much of the novel is

transposed directly from the ancient poets. Both the nature of the

hero's adventures and the characters of the continuation of the

fourth book of the Odyssey come out of the contemporary novel; even

though these adventures and characters are drawn from the ancient

chronicles, they have obviously been remodeled along more modern

lines. Put more succinctly, the Tel"maque is a work whose form is

akin to both the novel and the epic, written in an epic style with

a novelesque character and the spirit of the contemporary voyage.

Characterization in the Telemaque

Fgnelon's Tel"maque differs fundamentally from the work which

inspired it in that it is a complete work, whereas the Homeric Tele-

macheia served as an introduction to the much longer work of the Odyssey.

The Telemacheia prepared the story of the return of the wandering

Odysseus in three ways: it elucidated the reasons for his extended

absence from his wife and young son. It illustrated graphically the

condition to which his kingdom had degenerated during his absence.

Finally and most significantly, it initiated the son of the wiliest of

Greeks into an adult world and prepared him to become a companion to his

illustrious father.2

Because it is a relatively brief introduction, the Telemacheia does

not fully develop any of the personages it presents and the major char-

acters in its drama are few. Telemachus and Mentor are the only major

actors; the two kings, Nestor and Menelaus, are individualized to some

extent, but the suitors and other characters are differentiated hardly

at all. For the continuation of the legend, Fenelon borrowed only the

two principal characters and Nestor: the other characters who appear in

the Tel6maque are drawn from other parts of the Odyssey, from Virgil's

Aeneid and from other ancient works and authors.


As the hero of a novel rather than the primary character of the

introductory passage of a much longer work, Fenelon's Telemaque has a

far more complex personality than his Homeric predecessor. They are

both youths in the process of growth which accompanies initiation into

the world of adults -- in Telemachus' case, the world of kings and

heroes -- and they both show the potential to be even greater than their

illustrious fathers. Indeed, they share many qualities, because Fenelon

did borrow traits from the homeric Telemachus in creating his hero

(Dedeyan, p. 69). The son of Homer's Odysseus has little opportunity

to display his character, however. We see him only briefly: in the

hall at Ithaca among the suitors whom he despises, before Nestor at

the court of Pylos and before Menelaus at the court of Sparta. His

actions in these situations reveal primarily his singleminded interest

in his father's fate and his frustration before the improprieties of

the suitors. We can observe piety in his observance of sacrifices

and of the rites of welcome for strangers and voyagers through his

country and in his obedience to the will of the gods as it is trans-

mitted to him through Athene. His courage is manifested in the con-

vocation at which he confronts the suitors to demand support for his

pilgrimage to Pylos and Sparta, even though his adolescence makes him

powerless before their superior strength (Odyssey, Book I, 11. 17-

325).25 In this incident he demonstrates his father's discretion and

cunning. Finally, before the courts of Pylos and Sparta, he shows

his respect for the companions who fought beside his father during the

Trojan War and for the traditions which they represent.

It is in the company of these contemporaries of his father that

Telemachus achieves initiation into the heroic world of the preceding

generation: a change in status symbolized by the transformation which

occurs in his physique following his bath at Pylos (Odyssey, Book II,

11. 602-604).26 Homer did not explore even those few characteristics

of Telemachus which appear in the Telemacheia because the purpose of

the first four books of the Odyssey is not really to develop the

character of Odysseus' son, but only to render him worthy of standing

beside his father. This goal is achieved when the suitors realize

that he is dangerous and begin to plan to assassinate him (Odyssey,

Book IV, 11. 834-52).27

Telemaque encounters many more situations in his peregrinations

through Fenelon's reconstruction of the ancient Mediterranean world

than does Telemachus and therefore has many more opportunities to

manifest both his basic character traits and the conditions of his

maturation. Some of these traits are negative in order to discourage

the duke of Burgundy from exercising similar traits in his own charac-

ter: impetuosity, haughtiness, moodiness, insensitivity, passion,

excessive pride, a tendency toward despair and overconfidence. All

these mark the Fenelonian character as different from the Greek; but

Fenelon has also added positive traits to the central characteristics

of discretion, courage and piety: curiosity and commitment to the

truth regardless of the consequences, both of which appear in situations

like Telemaque's sojourn at Tyr (Book III, pp. 114-15). Since Finelon

intended the novel as a summary of his own tutelage of the young

dauphin, the undesirable traits are excised under Mentor's guidance

to be replaced with more desirable ones: sympathy, humility, concern

for his subjects, moderation, wisdom, patience, peacefulness, and

simplicity (Dedeyan, pp. 69-70).

The transformation which occurs in Telemaque's character involves

the internalization of Mentor's principles of political morality. At

the beginning of his voyage, we see the young man acting impetuously,

on his own and without paying heed to the warnings of his preceptor;

he insists upon attempting the voyage in search of his father, des-

pite all of the objections of Mentor. When he is captured by Aceste's

Trojans, he boldly announces his identity and pleads for death rather

than the dishonor of slavery. Both at this time and later, Mentor

discourages such actions and tries to convince him to accept the

dictates of fate and to try to work affirmatively within them (Book II,

pp. 83-84). Before each new obstacle to his quest of parent and hearth,

he despairs and must renew his enthusiasm and confidence through

Mentor's eloquence. As the story progresses, Telemaque becomes in-

creasingly independent of this support, developing simultaneously

a humility of spirit and a sense of his true potential. The progress

of this internalization of Mentor's philosophy can be traced from the

early episodes mentioned above through his performance at the trials

Crete where he shows his command of the principles involved and finally

to the battle against the Dauniens where he is accepted as a leader

even though he is much younger than the kings with whom he rides

(Book XIII, XV). It is particularly in Book XV that he demonstrates

his ability to apply the principles which he enunciated on the island

of Crete. It is also significant that for the first time he is really

without the aid of an older and wiser guide, because although the kings

of the army are older, the narrator makes very apparent their lack of

wisdom and circumspection. Minerve is still with him, protecting him

from his enemies with supernatural armor and providing him with internal

wisdom, but there is no outward manifestation of her presence, as there

was with Mentor, Thermosiris and even Narbal during the prince's stay

in Phenicie.

Homer's Telemachus is an adolescent and his character is thus

prepared for certain changes, especially those which involve status

and responsibility. His actions and responses to the situations which

he encounters are therefore natural and his character is consistent.

The complex changes which occur in Telemaque's character represent

growth which would require much longer than the time allowed in the

novel. Fenelon preserves the sense of psychological consistency

through the creation of an atmosphere of mythology and mystery which

suspends the normal laws which would ordinarily govern the transfor-

mation of a character.28


Fenelon achieves this mystical suspension of natural law with a

range of images from those of the Olympian gods to the depiction of

T6elmaque's descent into the underworld. The jealous presence of Venus

who is alwyas trying to corrupt him, the several dreams which warn him

of impending dangers, the ubiquitous presence of legendary heroes and

immortal beings also contribute to the mythic quality of the experience

of the novel. It is the figure of Mentor, however, who makes the

greatest contribution to the integration of the natural and the mysti-

cal worlds. As the incarnation of the goddess of wisdom, he brings

the worlds of Olympus and Hades into the realm of earth.29

Though borrowing the concept of a goddess disguised as a man from

Telemacheia, Fenelon attains a very different effect from the original.

In the Homeric epic, Athene appears both in the guise of the stranger

Mentes who counsels Telemachus to voyage to Pylos and Sparta (Odyssey,

Book I, 11. 128-33) and of Mentor, Odysseus' old friend and his lieu-

tenant while the king was away at war (Odyssey, Book II, 11. 338-39).30

In these incidents, the blue-eyed goddess serves as the spur which sets

the young Telemachus off on the quest of his father and of his own man-

hood. Since Athene already knows Odysseus' whereabouts and has already

arranged his return, her principal objective in encouraging Telemachus

to travel to Pylos is not the stated search for a parent, but the

young prince's own elevation.31 Later as Mentor, the goddess again

counsels her protege's son about his preparation for the voyage help-

ing him to select a ship and crew, accompanying him on the voyage and

lending moral support when he faces the courts of Nestor and Menelaus

(Odyssey, Books II-III). In these actions Athene brings Telemachus

the will and the support of the gods and guides him on his way to

adulthood. She does not, however, really combine supernatural powers

with her human actions. Her knowledge of Odysseus' fate is never evi-

denced directly in her counsel to Telemachus; both as Mentes and as

Mentor she gives Telemachus advice which almost any mortal sage might

have proposed. She acts as a kind of catalyst to precipitate a reaction

from the adolescent who was becoming increasingly restless in the face

of his own helplessness and inaction toward the suitors. Her actions

conform in this way to the claims of the seventeenth-century apologists

who alleged that Homer's gods and goddesses allegorically reflected

human traits and/or natural qualities, rather than real divinities.3

Fenelon's Mentor plays a much more significant role in shaping

the experiences and activities of his charge, and therefore in shaping

the growth of Telemaque's character. Like the author for whom he acts

as spokesman, it is Mentor-Minerve who controls both the duration and

the form of Telmaque's adventures. The extent to which the precep-

tor controls the events of Tl4emaque's life is noted by the narrator at

the end of the novel: "Car Mentor, qui reglait tous les moments de la

vie de T4lamaque, pour l'elever A la plus haute gloire, ne l'arretait

en chaque lieu qu'autant qu'il fallait pour exercer sa vertu, et pour

lui faire acquerir de l'experience" [italics added] (Book XVII, p. 447).

Despite the minuteness with which Mentor manages the life of his

pupil, he does not actually constrain him any more than Fenelon himself

constrained the duke of Burgundy. Minerve creates situations which test

the young prince's judgment and his courage, but she does not force him

to act; she only encourages, recognizing that external constraints would

only provoke resistance rather than create the internal discipline

necessary to the proper governing of a realm. The goddess only forces

him into action once, when she precipitates him into the ocean from

the island of Calypso in order to save the young man from his passionate

love for Eucharis. Even in this instance, however, her actions were

intended to impress upon him the power of the forces with which he

was contending. The lesson in her action was that the only way to

escape the deleterious effects of love lay in fleeing the power of

passion as quickly as possible, placing no confidence in one's own

resources. In almost every other case, the goddess' control of the

youth's actions remains at the level of moral persuasion and psycho-

logical manipulation. As Emile's tutor will do over half a century

later, Mentor creates situations which force his pupil to act and

then uses the experience to teach him practically, rather than relying

on theoretical or abstract instructions.

Throughout the novel, Minerve is presented as the goddess of moral

good and the dual character of her incarnation as Mentor represents

the fusion of divine or perfect knowledge with practical action (DGde-

yan, p. 72). The miraculous aspect of Mentor's character becomes

evident almost immediately; his double identity is revealed by the

narrator the moment he arrives on Calypso's island in the company

of Tel4maque (Book I, pp. 66-67). Mentor's superhuman qualities are

demonstrated on a number of occasions: his powers of knowledge allow

him to warn Aceste on the island of Sicile that barbarian hordes

threaten his kingdom with immediate destruction (Book I, p. 76). His

inscrutable presence conceals his identity even from the goddess

Calypso, and makes her uneasy (Book VI, pp. 170-71). His energy and

industry allow him to construct a ship for Telemaque's withdrawal from

Calypso's island alone and in a very short time (Book VI, p. 179).

His eloquence appears especially at Salente when he succeeds in pre-

venting a war by the judicious use of diplomacy -- first convincing

Idomenge to accept his embassy and then reassuring the king's irate

neighbors of the sincerity of the monarch's repentance and the

security of his offers of peace (Book IX, pp. 244-55). His divine

wisdom and miraculous powers are further demonstrated in the reforma-

tion of the city which he persuades Idomene to undertake and which

he accomplishes in a very brief time.3

The goddess manifests her presence to Telemaque not only through

the incarnation of Mentor, but also through dreams. Moreover, she

aids him in ways to which the reader is alerted although Telemaque

is unaware of them. The miraculous armor which she has forged for him

by Vulcan and the protection of her aegis against the darts of love

and the arrows of the Dauniens (Book XII, pp. 359-62) are only two of

many such instances. The reader is also regularly reminded of the

divinity of Tlemaque's guide through the comments which are scat-

tered through the narration. The omnipresence of Minerve's guidance

and protection is only part of the atmosphere of immortality which

permeates the Tel~maque from the opening lamentations of Calypso

to the closing image of Minerve ascending into the heavens on a cloud

after shedding her human form (Gore, "Periple," p. 59). The ubiquity

of her influence and its resemblance to the Christian doctrine of
grace35 helps to create an atmosphere of divine will and of provi-

dential purpose which justifies Telemaque's growth by setting him
apart from other men.

Minor Characters

Fenelon's primary purpose in writing the Telmaque was didactic

and his characters, the minor ones even more than the major ones,

reflect this overriding interest.3 The names for the secondary

characters for the novel come from the chronicles of antiquity and

from the ancient epics. In drawing on this material, Fenelon retained

the primary trait which legend associated with the particular character,

but he used it as the foundation for a caricature of a particular

principle which he wished to illustrate. In this way, Pygmalion (the

king, not the sculptor) was known through the account in Virgil's

Aeneid to have killed his brother-in-law and exiled his sister, Dido.

In the third book of the Telmaque, he becomes the model for an evil

king: the epitome of avarice and suspicion, not even able to trust the

guards who are charged with the protection of his person. He demon-

strates very effectively the maxim which Tilemaque will voice at the

trials of Crete: the most unhappy man is the king who thinks happiness

is making everyone else miserable (Book V, p. 151). Pygmalion is cut

off from humanity; although he has absolute power over all of the

residents of his kingdom, he himself does not leave the iron doors

of his palace for fear of assassination; he eats only the most frugal

meals prepared by his own hands to avoid the possibility of being

poisoned. He knows not love, peace, health, contentment and most

certainly not happiness.

As the model for the evil king, Pygmalion is the counterpart of

Sesostris, the model for the good king. Where Pygmalion is grasping

and suspicious, Sesostris is generous, friendly, open to his people

and constantly making an effort to mete out justice fairly and equally

to all citizens, even favoring the poor over the rich (Book II, p. 84).

In contrast to the secluded existence of Pygmalion who must constantly

be on guard against assassins and who finally dies poisoned by his

mistress, Sesostris lives in the midst of his subjects, loving and

beloved. He finds friendship among his subjects and has no fear of

reprisals because his actions are always just. He lives life magni-

ficently and enjoys his wealth because it is fairly earned. His

death leaves his people broken-hearted and fearful. He truly sets

an example for all other kings to follow.

Idomenee, who is first mentioned in Book IV as being exiled from

Cr8te and then later appears in Book VIII as the king of Salente,

combines the qualities of both of these models. Especially in the

beginning, his interest in luxury -- manifested in imposing archi-

tecture and development of useless arts -- and his desire for the glory

of conquest represent a short-sighted view of his duties which links

him to Pygmalion's avaricious egocentricity and to the unenlightened
younger days of the rule of Sesostris. His suspicion of his neigh-

bors, his desire to acquire their land, and his stubborn pride in

refusing to admit error are also shared by the king of Tyr. Idomenge

has the good qualities of the enlightened Sesostris in that he is

genuinely concerned about the welfare of his people and wants what is

best for them. The repentance and conversion which follow his reali-

nation of his errors and which lead him to submit to Mentor's advice

also resemble the transformation of the Egyptian king. Like Tel6maque,

he learns under the tutelage of the goddess of wisdom to moderate his

emotions, his impetuosity and his pride, thus giving Telemaque, if

not the portrait of a king totally worthy of emulation, at least the

example of a country and king which had been reformed and of the pro-

cess by which reformation was possible.

Since all of these kings are intended as models of conduct --

models in the sense of showing possible alternatives to and probable

consequences of courses of action -- they are not developed-beyond

their allegorical function. Sesostris and Pygmalion are very shallow

figures, not only because they are pure models, but also because they

play little direct part in the action of the novel. Idomenee is more

fully developed because he has a more significant role in the plot.

We can see the flaws in his character which make him an imperfect

king -- and which humanize his character: his dependence on Mentor and

Telemaque and his unwillingness to continue on his own after their

departure. Another weakness of his character as king is his indeci-

siveness -- it is this trait which renders him vulnerable to the evil

counsellor, Protesilas, and to the advice of Mentor. It is not really

that he cannot recognize the difference between good and bad courtiers,

but simply that he does not wish to contradict his advisors. All

three of these kindgoms are thus practical examples for Telemaque in

the problems and possibilities of ruling a kingdom. Other kingdoms,

Betique and Crete provided examples of idealistic forms of government

and politics. None of these kingdoms is intended to be copied or

imitated directly, but taken together, they provide ideal measures and

"empirical" lessons against which to measure real governments.

As the kings serve to illustrate the lessons of good government,

the women of the story teach the young prince about the difficulties

and dangers of love and passion, especially the threat which they pose

to good and effective rule. The novel begins with the scene of Calypso,

mourning her love for Ulysse, and falling immediately in love with

T6elmaque (Book I, pp. 65-66). Her island constitutes a love trap

where Tel6maque is surrounded by beautiful nymphs and of course the

goddess herself. It is even more dangerous than Chypre, one of the

islands dedicated to Venus, because the maidens worshipping the goddess

of Love repelled the youth with their blatant indecency; the seemingly

modest and virtuous conduct of Calypso's companions surprises his

heart and inflames his adolescent sexuality to uncontrollable passion

without even letting him recognize what is happening to him (Book VI,

pp. 184-85). These women are not important to the story for themselves,

but rather because they inspire in T6elmaque a violent passion. When

Mentor criticizes his charge for loving Eucharis, it is not the object

of his love which is attacked, but rather the emotion itself: the fire

of Telemaque's passion threatens to make him forget his quest and his

duties as Prince, to make him wish to stay on Calypso's island surroun-

ded by luxury and protected from the necessity to prove himself further.

Finally, in Salente, Tel"maque finds in Antiope a woman Mentor

believes worthy of a prince: she is beautiful, dutiful and affectionate,

but most importantly Tle4maque's love for her is not at all passionate.

He explains to his confidant what he feels for her: "c'est gout, c'est

estime, c'est persuasion que je serais heureux, si je passais ma vie

avec elle" (Book XVII, p. 468). Moreover, when pressed by Mentor to

return home to aid his father's homecoming, Telemaque leaves on his

own. Thus, his love for Antiope, rather than hindering him, helps

him carry out his duties to his people and himself.

All of the characters of the book serve the didactic purposes of

the author, but they have different functions. The secondary charac-

ters which have just been discussed provide object lessons and examples

of various aspects of morality and politics which support and embody

the lessons which Mentor preached. Their exemplary value is expressed

by Mentor himself when in Book II, he instructs Telemaque to observe

the lands and the people of Sesostris' kingdom and to learn from the

king's example the proper means of leading the people of Ithaca (Book II,

p. 83). The two major characters synthesize the moral experiences of

Telmaque's voyage and supply the science and method necessary to make

the adventures of the trip truly educational.

Morality and Politics in the Telemaque

The debt which Fenelon owed the seventeenth-century novel in pre-

paring the Avantures de Telemaque has already been mentioned. The

work also bears a strong resemblance to the accounts of voyages, both

real and imaginary, which were appearing frequently during the late

seventeenth century. As Atkinson points out, Telemaque's adventures

take him into lands and civilizations which were little known at the

time of his travels; the means by which he arrives in these lands are

possible, even though the presence of a goddess would allow the author

to use miraculous means of transportation; and finally, there is no

striking unreality or lack of consistency in the novel once one accepts

the atmosphere of ancient Greece which permeates it.39 The didactic

purpose of the work and its political philosophy show an even closer

relationship to the voyage genre:

... the realism of Fenelon, his hatred of abuse of
power, his convictions concerning the ideal state
and its dependence both upon agriculture and the
absence of luxury, all these conceptions bind the
T616maque not only to the Terre Australe connue and
to the Histoire des Severambes, but also to the
mass of similar writings which follow in the eigh-
teenth century. (Atkinson, p. 145)

Since Moore's Utopia appeared in England during the Renaissance,

voyages had been used as an instrument of instruction. Both Rabelais

and Montaigne recognized their potential; Cyrano de Bergerac's Autre

monde represented a satirical attack on social institutions and the

Cartesians, but it was also an expression of the Gassendist philosophy.

Gabriel de Foigny, writing La Terre Australe connue for pecuniary

reasons, combined an adventurous sequence of voyages involving mythical

animals and shipwrecks with the detailed account of the Utopian

civilization of the hermaphroditic Australians. Denis Vairasse's

Histoire des Sevgrambes also describes a utopian civilization into

which the main character is introduced by shipwreck. Fenelon's major

innovations in the genre come in the use of the voyage especially for

the instruction of the youthful hero and in the variety of societies

and political systems which appear in the novel. Rather than one

ideal society, as occurs in Moore, Foigny and Vairasse, the royal

preceptor presented both positive and negative models of societies and

conduct: Egypte, Cr8te, la Betique and Salente represent examples or

measures of good governments and their leaders demonstrate in various

ways the proper conduct of a monarch. Sicile's Aceste, Tyr's Pygmalion

and the Society on Chypre, all present examples of conduct to be

avoided. From the educational standpoint, it is significant that none

of Fenelon's characters or models is perfect, because in the imperfec-

tions of each of them and in the variations among them, the author can

explore the implications of different patterns of behavior and the

general principles of the human condition which underlie all forms of


Because Fenelon's objective in writing the T916maque was the

formation of a young man into a good and worthy king of France, the

morality and politics which permeate the novel parallel each other very

closely. Even in acting as an individual, the king cannot forget that

he is responsible for the welfare of a nation and that his actions

have consequences far beyond his own personal security or comfort.

Moreover, it is the king who must decide upon the form of government

for his country and upon the relationship which he will have with his

subjects. This decision must be based upon his understanding of the

human condition and the nature of man. Fenelon gives examples of some

kings who treat their subjects as helpless tools of their personal

power or glory or greed -- Pygmalion and Bocchoris for example -- and

of others who attempt to ensure the welfare of their subjects and who

make the improvement of their subjects' conditions the source of their

renown -- Sesostris and Minos, to name two. As Mentor indicates to

Tle6maque in explaining the changes that have occurred in la Salente,

it is the duty of the monarch to observe man, to learn his habits and

to try to improve him; this can only be accomplished by a combination

of morality and politics, judiciously applied because Fenelon recog-

nized in his life and in his work the futility of trying to enforce

morality and religion by decree.

The principles of this political morality form the basis for

Te'lmaque's answers at the trials of Crete. At the time that Mentor

and Telemaque are reunited on Chypre, Mentor is on his way to Crete

with Hasael, the Arab who bought him from the Egyptians. Their

voyage is a kind of pilgrimage so that HasaSl may learn from the most

perfect system of earthly laws the fundamentals of Greek wisdom. Thus,

Crete is presented from its first appearance as an ideal earthly king-

dom and the model system of laws. When the three comrades arrive on

the island, the concept of an ideal earthly kingdom is expanded:

it is presented as a paradise whose fields are green, whose cities

flourish and whose people are happy and free. The voyagers also

discover that the king of the island, Idomenee, is in exile; and the

Cretans, rather than trying to select a successor by his consanguinity

to Minos, have decided to do so by a succession of trials which should

determine his fitness to rule. The majority of the account of Tele-

maque's sojourn on Crete involves his participation in these trials.

The most important of them requires the aspirants to answer a set of

three enigmas designed to demonstrate their understanding of the prin-

ciples of Minos' laws. Telgmaque wins this contest, completing his

sweep of the trials, by referring to the teachings of Mentor. Since

the divinity of his preceptor as the incarnation of wisdom was estab-

lished very early in the novel, Telemaque's answers at this point must

be considered a revelation of both divine and supreme earthly wisdom.

The first of these questions to be taken from the great book of

the laws deals with liberty: "quel est le plus libre de tous les

homess" After a number of responses from other contestants, T616maque,

obviously remembering his own experience as a slave in Egypte and

Mentor's slavery to Hasail, responds: "Le plus libre de tous les homes

... est celui qui peut etre libre dans l'esclavage meme. En quelque

pays et en quelque condition qu'on soit,on est tries libre, pourvu qu'on

craigne les dieux et qu'on ne craigne qu'eux. En un mot, l'homme veri-

tablement libre est celui qui, degage de toute crainte et de tout

desir, n'est soumis qu'aux dieux et 9 sa raison" (Book V, p. 150).

Only by separating himself from the things of the world and attaching

himself to those things -- the gods and his own reason -- which are

beyond the control of others can man be truly free. Pygmalion serves

as a particular illustration of this principle: the despotic king is

chained by his own greed and fear to the thirty iron-doored cells of

his magnificent palace, where he is restricted to a diet of fruits and

water which he prepares himself. Idomenee's Salente applies the prin-

ciple on a larger scale. Before Mentor's transformation of the city,

it had been surrounded by neighbors fearful of Idomenee's ambition and

the city's growing strength; after its miraculous transfiguration, the

richness of the city lay in its fertile fields rather than the king's

storehouses and its strength in the hearts of its citizens rather than

in its battlements. The agricultural wealth and strength offered

neither booty for renegades like Aceste nor a threat to peaceful

neighbors like Nestor and the allies.

The second question deals with happiness: "Quel est le plus mal-

heureux de tous les homess" Again drawing on his own experience and

Mentor's teachings, Telemaque can respond to the question: "Le plus

malheureux de tous les hommes est un roi qui croit etre heureux en

rendant les autres homes misgrables. Il est doublement malheureux par

son aveuglement; ne connaissant pas son malheur, il ne peut s'en

guerir; il craint meme de la connaitre. La verite ne peut percer la

foule des flatteurs pour aller jusqu'a lui. Il est tyrannise par ses

passions; il ne connait point ses devoirs; il n'a jamais gote le

plaisir de faire le bien ni senti les charmes de la pure vertu. Il est

malheureux et digne de l'tre: son malheur augmente tous les jours; il

court a sa perte, et les dieux se pr6parent a le confondre par une

punition eternelle" (Book V, p. 151). In this statement of the punish-

ment for failure to comply with the rules of proper royal conduct,

Fenelon approaches negatively the problem of gratification for the

philanthropy of considering one's subjects before oneself. Here he

shows -- or at least claims to show -- that the rewards for such

"altruistic" conduct are great; furthermore, the method of approach

reveals or suggests that the rewards for compliance are immediate and

"earthly," not to be expected only in some dimly awaited afterlife,

but available now. There is the somewhat platitudinous reference to

the joys of doing good and the charms of pure virtue, but his reward

also includes the dispersal of the courtiers. In a more material

sense, the monarch's willingness to leave the worker with the rewards

of his labor encourages industriousness and thrift, thus enhancing the

wealth of the kingdom. Moreover, the king who only calls for what is

essential to the governing of the realm earns the loyalty of his

people who are then willing to sacrifice much in order to supply his

needs. Thus, the king who does not try to bring all of the wealth of

the nation into his own treasure houses, succeeds in making the whole

country his treasury. As is shown in other portions of the novel, the

true reward of a just and good king is the adoration and devotion of

his subjects. In the negative statement of T9lmaque's response, the

punishments depicted are mainly of the present, and the eternal condem-

nation of the gods is added as a parting shot. This concept of imme-

diacy is also supported by Telemaque's descent into Hades, since the

blessed kings enjoy a state of bliss which is only a heightened level

of their former state of enlightenment and happiness on earth, while

the evil kings are forced to contemplate their own misdeeds and failures.

The final question concerns the issue of war and peace, or rather

of the choice between two types of national leadership: "Lequel des

deux est preferable d'un c6te, un roi conquerant et invincible dans

la guerre; de l'autre, un roi sans experience de la guerre, mais propre

a police sagement les peuples dans la paix" (Book V, p. 151). Tele-

maque's response to this third question is too long to quote in its

entirety, but in essence it claims that although neither of the two is

more than half a king, the peaceful monarch is the more desirable.

To begin with, it is easier to find lieutenants to lead armies than to

plan national policy-. Then also, since one naturally prefers to do

that which he does best, the conqueror is much more likely to go to

war than is the peaceful king, and war always strains a country -- not

only the side which is defeated, but the victorious side as well.

Finally, in protecting the country from armed interference in its

internal affairs, the monarch who has peacefully built a strong society

has two advantages which are not available to the conqueror. On the one

hand, he will have the entire support of his people and since they are

also fighting for their own property and protecting a way of life

which they do not want to lose, they will fight much harder than

soldiers who are fighting for the glory of conquest and the spoils of

war, stretching even the limits of human endurance. Secondly, he will

be able to call upon the neighboring kings for aid against armed aggres-

sion and they will come to his aid in order to prevent the establishment

upon their borders of a belligerent military power. Thus, the king who

is able to lead his people in peace can more adequately fulfill his

functions as protector of his subjects than the conqueror can fulfill

the role of a leader of the people.

Other episodes in the novel develop the principles enunciated in

these responses, and the more specific instructions of Mentor can be

deduced using them as general laws of government and conduct. Those

countries, Egypte, Crete, la B4tique and Salente, which are ruled

according to these laws are productive, wealthy, happy and free.

Tyr, Chypre and Egypte under Bocchoris, which ignore these principles,

are divided and weakened, pool enslaved and unhappy. Sesostris, Minos

and Idomgnee, who rule by these laws, live long and happily amid the

adoration of their people and enjoying the fruits of their lands. Those

who like Pygmalion and Bocchoris do not follow these precepts finish

miserable existences ignobly, often at the hands of their own subjects.

Conduct is even recommended for the king's subjects, although it is

less developed than that for the king. For those of noble birth, at

least, following Fenelon's program of humility and simplicity protects

them from the ravages of fortune and the whims of kings. Even in exile

and disgrace, Narbal and Polydamas accept their fate and learn to

appreciate a solitary and tranquil existence far from the intrigues of

the court;. they even regret leaving what has become a haven when called

to serve once more in a place of honor and power. These men are the

most prepared to lead because they have learned the vanity of the

honors and wealth of the world and have become accustomed to a humbler,

richer life. Through their own suffering, they have learned the-humanity

of their own condition and realize their responsibility as leaders of

the state. They serve out of love for their countrymen and not in

order to attain the honors and prerogatives of the monarchy.

In the implementation of his principles on the level of national

policy, Fenelon did not seem very radical. Frequent references to the

subject's duty to follow his king in spite of the worst possible faults

indicate Fenelon's acceptance of the divine right of kings. Narbal,

for instance, refuses to leave Tyr and abandon his country despite

the tyranny of Pygmalion; but he also rejects the idea of taking action

against the evil king because the gods have provided Pygmalion for his

governance (Book III, p. 106). Polydamas, the Daunien captain who was

disgraced by Adraste only to succeed him later as king, likewise con-

tinues to support by his own inaction a ruler whose actions he has

condemned as harmful to the nation and to the king himself (Book XVI,

pp. 449-50). Such acceptance of the errors of a king is not, however, an

absolute. When Bocchoris succeeds to Sesostris' throne, his ineptitude

and lack of royal preparation cause a revolt among his subjects (Book

II, pp. 95-97). Idomenee's murder of his own son causes the Cretans

to run him out of the country, and he barely escapes with his life

(Book V, p. 145). And of course the "archest" of arch-villains in the

novel, Pygmalion, lives in constant fear of being killed by one of his

own subjects. Thus, the concept of revolt against an unjust ruler is

presented on the one hand as unworthy of a good, virtuous, god-fearing

and noble subject; but at the same time, revolt against a truly

despicable ruler becomes a natural reaction on the part of his oppressed

citizens, especially when they have known a good king before coming

under the dominion of a bad one.

In other areas of national internal policy, Fenelon is just as

cautiously realistic. The concept of an agricultural kingdom had been

expressed by several other authors before him, particularly Vairasse

and Foigny, whose ideal kingdoms would apparently be on the order of

the nation of la B6tique. La Betique is indeed a paradise which lacks

nothing: a rich population is supported by a generous and prolific

nature so that the people need neither till the soil for food nor con-

struct buildings against the weather. Even gold and silver are avail-

able, although the people have no interest in such sterile wealth

(Book VII, pp. 205-12). In the other cases, including the island of

Cr@te, the economy is based upon a broad spectrum of activities of

which agriculture comprises a major part. As Mentor tells Telemaque

upon the youth's return from the Daunien war: "Une grande ville fort

peuplee d'artisans occupies a amollir les moeurs par les d6lices de la

vie, quand elle est entouree d'un royaume pauvre et mal cultivg,

resemble a un monstre don't la tete est d'une grosseur enorme et don't

tout le corps, extenue et prive de nourriture n'a aucune proportion

avec cette t@te" (Book XVII, p. 459). Further on he blames luxury as

the most corrupting influence possible to a society because it creates

an atmosphere of unhealthy competition for riches which is detrimental

to contentment and the continuing stability of the state (Book XVII,

pp. 461-63). The wording of the statement quoted above seems to indicate

that such a city of wealth and commerce represents a monster when it is

founded on an impoverished population. Both Egypte and Crete have

flourishing economies; Tyr is presented as having been very happy with

a flourishing economy based almost entirely on commerce until the advent

of Pygmalion -- and one of the deleterious effects of his suspicion and

avarice is the drying up of trade. Similarly, Mentor suggests that

Idomgnee's Salente should encourage commerce in order to finance much

of the government's operations. Thus, there seem to be certain conces-

sions made to the necessities of the world as opposed to the conditions

possible in a more perfect and friendly environment.

In exterior politics, F6nelon reaffirms the idea of the family of

man against the tide of nationalism which had been rising in Europe

since the Renaissance. Most of his "foreign policy" stems from this

idea which manifests itself most clearly in his advice to Idomen&e who

is troubled by a claim from the Sybarites that he has forfeited his

rights to several provinces which he obtained from them because he is

not living up to the conditions of the original agreement. In counsel-

ling the king to take the Sipontins, neutral neighbors of both coun-

tries, as arbiters of the dispute, Mentor compares the nations of man-

kind to the families of a republic without police or courts. If each

of the families tries to settle disputes by force, the result will be

bloody chaos and justice will have meaning only as a function of

strength. A king, as a patriarch of his country, is even more obligated

to try to avoid the deleterious consequences of such a development

because the violent and destructive effects of an unregulated dispute

will be much worse than if two families were involved. Thus, the

monarch must be able to understand that in asking a third party to arbi-

trate a dispute, he is not compromising his authority nor his honor; but

that he is rather reaffirming the rule of law and reason on which all

good government is founded (Book XVII, pp. 472-74).

To interpret Fenelon's aversion to war as a means of national

policy and international diplomacy as equivalent to pacifism would

constitute a serious misunderstanding of his intentions. He recognizes

that one of the primary functions of a monarch is to protect his

subjects from external aggression and he realizes that such protection

would require at least the maintenance of a military force and thus

the capability to wage war. T614maque's response to the third question

at the trials of Cr@te both shows the intensity of this feeling and

puts the king's military responsibility in perspective: a king who does

not know how to defend his country in combat is only half a king, but

a king who tries to expand his power by the use of arms is a bad king

and falls into the category of evils from which Mentor states that a

kingdom cannot recover (Book XVII, p. 460). Thus, he condemns the

unnecessary use of force, meaning particularly the military conquest

of other nations, but also including any use of force which is not in

response to an invader.

As to personal conduct, Fenelon expects a king to remain always

conscious of the moral responsibility of his leadership and to keep

constantly in mind the exemplary value of his actions. The humility

implied in this expectation takes several different forms. In governing

and in listening to advice from his counselors, the monarch must reward

equally those who disagree honestly with him and those who honestly

agree; failure to act in this way will chase away the finest among

his advisors and leave him surrounded by the weak flatterers and

panderers who cannot help to govern but only to corrupt. He must further

realize the impossibility of trying to administer all of the problems

of the nation by himself and be willing to delegate authority. Mentor

refers to this form of government as "le supreme et parfait gouverne-

ment [qui] consiste a gouverner ceux qui gouvernent" (Book XVII, p. 464).

The key to this perfect government is the science of man, which the

king must learn through the study of human nature, both by mingling

with his subjects and consulting with wise elders who have slowly

acquired a knowledge of the human spirit. This science has a two-

pronged benefit: it enables the king to choose his subordinates

judiciously and to arrive at a better understanding of the needs of

his people so that he can make policies which will encourage them in

the paths of virtue and productivity.

Royal humility also manifests itself in the recognition of one's

faults and in avoiding them rather than trusting to his own powers to

resist temptation. Particularly applied to the entanglements of love

and passion because these constitute the greatest threats to the rule

of reason (see above, pp. 36-37). Such humility is also necessary to

avoid the temptation to despair in the face of danger or in difficult

situations, to postpone or delegate decisions which only the king him-

slef should make, and to rush into situations without first realizing

all of the issues involved. As the moral as well as the political

leader of his people, the king must always remember that his conduct

serves as a model which they will follow and he should encourage them

to improve their moral lives as well as their physical well-being. He

must therefore eschew luxury and live simply, even as he expects his

people to live; and he must cultivate in his own life the hard work,

simplicity and tranquility which he wishes to instill in them.

In summarizing the traits which Fenelon proposes as ideals for

both governments and monarchs, one thinks of three words: simplicity,

humility and peace. Simplicity not just in the austerity of one's

life style, but also in the directness with which one addresses

situations, other people, and other monarchs. Humility in recognizing

one's position as a servant to those who are his subjects and in recog-

nizing his own fallibility so that he can accept and reward honest

counselors whether they agree or disagree with him; humility in recog-

nizing more than one side of an argument and that seeking outside

arbitration in international disputes is neither dishonorable nor a

sign of weakness. Peace, both in national life so that agriculture

and commerce can thrive unhindered by the heavy taxes of war and in

one's personal life untroubled by storms of passion or fears of

reprisals from disgruntled subjects. These several elements constitute

the basic program of Fenelon's morality and politics. The reward for

following the program is immediate: the love and devotion of one's

subjects -- a love and devotion which can be turned into material wealth

when needed for national defense, but which is not to be imposed upon;

the quality of companions who accompany him; and the peace and tran-

quility of an easy conscience.4o


The Telemachus legend came into the eighteenth century with

Fenelon's very popular and influential Avantures de Telemaque. Despite

early criticism of its sensuality and its alleged political censure of

Louis XIV, the Tl46maque was hailed -- even before the death of its

author, though more so after it -- as one of the finest and most sig-

nificant works of the French language. The improvement in its literary

fortunes was due no doubt as much to Fenelon's personal renown and

charisma as the Prince of Cambrai as to the claims of his apologists

about its literary quality.

The Tl16maque was a combination of genres popular at the beginning

of the eighteenth century. It synthesized elements of the ancient epic

and the contemporary roman with the spirit of the very vigorous voyage

literature of the early eighteenth century. Its form, adventures,

characters and style are all modeled on the epic and frequently borrowed

whole from the Aeneid or the Odyssey, but they are at the same time

transformed into a work which is unmistakably of the seventeenth century.

Te16maque draws his name, his biography and the general outlines of his

character from the Greek, but his behavior conforms more nearly to that

of a seventeenth-century youth than to that of a Greek adolescent. In

essence, he is a romanticized abstraction of adolescence moving in a

rarefied atmosphere of nobility and myth. The other characters repre-

sent different forms of youthful experience as well as allegories of

political ideals. The synthesis of political ideals and experience

reflects Fenelon's non-literary goal: the formation of a ruler who

would be the next king of France.

The principles which Fenelon tried to communicate through the

T416maque form a kind of royal morality which links personal satisfaction

and public responsibility. One of the basic precepts of his program

is a concept which we might today term "enlightened self-interest."

The king who rules according to the needs of his people and not for his

own glory or self-aggrandizement reaps a harvest of happiness in a king-

dom unified by the gratitude which his subjects feel toward him, enriched

by the increased industry and productivity on the part of each citizen

and strengthened by every man's willingness to sacrifice his own good

to that of the nation, in order to defend his way of life. As demon-

strated in Egypte, Crete, la Betique and Salente, the ideal kingdom has

its primary economic base in agriculture. There are both commerce and

trades to supply tools for working the soil and to allow the nation to

acquire abroad what it cannot provide for itself, but there are no frills

to sap the strength of the people and to introduce dangerous conflicts

among citizens. Even the process by which reform could be accomplished

is outlined in the reconstruction-of Salente by Mentor, so that the

Telmaque represents a very complete political primer showing how to

approach problems which might arise in governing the country as well as

the consequences of both proper and improper behavior.

For the author who followed Fenelon and utilized his subject, the

T6l6maque provided a fertile field from which to draw. On the one hand

his characters and situations were of heroic stature and enjoyed almost

universal recognition among the French reading public; on the other, the

political philosophy of his very didactic work was widely praised and

his work was considered as a model for educational literature. The

following chapters will show how each of these-authors exploited these

factors and with what success.

W. B. Stanford, "On Some References to Ulysses in French Literature
from DuBellay to Fenelon," Studies in Philology, 50 (1953), 447-50.

'Charles Dedeyan, Le Telemaque de Fenelon, Les course de Sorbonne
(Paris: Centre de documentation Universitaire, [19671), p. 50.

ed. Federic Deloffre (Geneva: Droz, 1956), pp. 45-48.

Albert Cherel, Fenelon au XVIIIe sikcle en France (1715-1820):
Son prestige, son influence (1917, repr. Geneva: Slatkine, 1970), p. 24.
Future reference to Cherel, Fenelon.

5Correspondance de Bossuet, ed. Charles Urbain and E. Levesque
(Paris: Hachette, 1920), v. 12, p. 6, letter no. 1926. Cherel refers to
this letter, in his Fenelon (p. 25).

E. Delval, "Autour du Tel6maque de Fenelon: Part I, Le Pamphlet
d'un pedant, la.Telemaco-manie de Pierre-VYalentin Faydit (1640-1709),"
M6moires de la Soeiete d'Emuilation de Cambrai, 84 (1936), pp. 143-44.
This article was published serially in successive numbers .of the Memoires;
I will refer to the parts os separate articles. Future references to this
one will be to Delval I.
E. Delval, "Autour du Telemaque de Fenelon: Part II, Les Libelles
d'un ironiste, Nicolas Gueudeville (1650-1720)," M6m. Soc. Cambrai,
85 (1937), p. 139. Future references to Delval II. Gueudeville published
five critiques of the Tel6maque -- four in 1700 and one in 1702.
F6nelon's Explication des Maximes des Saints dur la vie interieure
(Maximes)appeared in 1697 and generated considerable controversy until
it was finally condemned in 1699, just a week before the publication
of the T416maque (see Dedeyan, p. 38). Fenelon's immediate submission
to the papal decree was lauded by his supporters as a supreme example
of faith and attacked by his enemies as a ruse.

"Introduction" to Fenelon, Les Avantures de TeClmaque, ed. Albert
Cahen, Les Grands Ecrivains de la France, 2nd ed. (Paris: Hachette, 1927),
v. 1, p. lxvi.
Several editions of the Tel6maque appeared in 1717 which claimed
to have been prepared with the cooperation of Fenelon's family and with
access to the original manuscript. All of these carried Ramsay's Discours.
The De Laulne edition from Paris and the Rotterdam edition carried maps
as well. [source: Cherel, Fenelon au XVIIIe siecle (supplement):
Tableaux bibliographiques, p. 10.]
See Dedeyan, p. 39; Ch6rel, p. 27; and Frangois Drujon, Les
Livres a clef, etudes de bibliographie critique et analytique pour
servir a l'histoire litteraire (1888; rpt. Brussels: Culture et Civi-
lisation, 1966), p. 925. These keys do not appear in the bibliographies
and the only one which I have been able to consult is the one which
Cahen gives in its entirety in the introduction to his edition.
1(Paris: Jacques Estienne, 1717), v. 1, pp. vii-lviii.

1See Ch6rel, "La Reputation et l'influence litteraire du Tl16maque"
in his Fenelon, pp. 287-99.
Cherel, Fenelon, pp. 376-77. This too brief comment is drawn from
the resumes given by Cherel to two of his studies of the influence of
Fenelon on Voltaire. The first, from p. 334, refers to the period prior
to 1747: "Voltaire garde envers Fenelon une attitude un peu defiante,
malgre ses sympathies sur quelques points, et malgre ce qu'il semble
lui devoir." The other referring to the period following 1747 is from
376-77: "Voltaire dans Le Siecle de Louis XIV, exalte le roman fenelonien,
oh il relevait assez sechement des fautes et des defauts deux ans aupa-
ravant. Il exclut une fois de plus, avec insistence, mais aussi avec
politesse, Tel4maque du genre piquee" The issue is, as Cherel's own
analysis shows, very complex, and the only intention of these quotations
is to give an overall sense of the trend in Voltaire's attitude toward

15 Andre le Breton, Le Roman au XVIIe sicle, 4th ed. ([Paris]:
Hachette, n.d.), pp. 255-56.

16 Rene Godenne, Histoire de la nouvelle franqaise au XVIIe et
XVIII sidles (Geneva: Droz, 1970), pp. 46-47.
J.-L. Gore, Les Avantures de Telemaque, Garnier-Flammarion
(Paris: Gamier, 1968), Book VII, pp. 193-201. All page references
to the Tel4maque are to this edition.
Godenne, pp. 48-53. The primary distinction was length and
anecdotal unity -- the nouvelles being shorter and more unified than
the romans; in the early theoretical discussions, however, these
other elements were also debated between the two genres.

19 "Discours," p. xlvi.
2Vergil, Aeneid, trans. Patric Dickinson, Mentor Classics
(New York: The New American Library, 1961), Book I, p. 20. The infant
cupid sent to inspire love also appears in Vergil though with a
totally different context (Book I, pp. 24-26).
Geoffry Atkinson, The Extraordinary Voyage in French Literature,
I: Before 1700, Bibliography and Reference Series, 96 (1920; rpt.
New York: Burt Franklin, [1965]), pp. 144-45.
2Gilbert Chinard, L'Amirique et le r@ve exotique dans la
littgrature francaise au XVIIC et XVIII' siecle (Paris: Droz, 1934),
p. 215.

23 David E. Belmont, "Athena and Telemachus," The Classical
Journal, 65 (1969), 110.
In order to reduce confusion, proper names will be given
throughout the dissertation as they appear in the text being dis-
2Homer, The Odyssey of Homer, tr. William Cullen Bryant,
The Riverside Literature Series (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1899).
References will be given in the text to Book and line numbers.
Charles W. Eckhart, "Initiatory Motifs in the Story of
Telemachus," The Classical Journal, 59 (1963), 51.

27 Belmont, "Athena and Telemachus," pp. 109-16.

see Dedeyan, Tl46maque, p. 70. Dedeyan points out the realism
of the character caused by the realization of the virtualities in
Telemachus' character.
2see J.-L. Gore, "Le Te16maque, Periple odyseen ou voyage
initiatique," CAIEF, 15 (1963), 59-66.

30 Dedeyan, T4glmaque, p. 72.

31 Belmont, "Athena and Telemachus," pp. 115-16.

32 No6mi Hepp, "Les interpretations religieuses d'Homere au XVIIe
siecle," Revue des Sciences Religieuses, 31 (1957), 40.
M. Danlielou, F6nelon et le duc de Bourgogne: Etude d'une
education (Bloud & Gay, [1955]), p. 91.
Book IX; Mentor's commentary is found in Book XVII, pp. 458-67.
see Cahen's "Introduction," p. Ixviii, and the note to Book VI,
1. 709.

Mentor speaks of T616maque's "election" as favored of the gods
on several occasions, admonishing him to take heart and not to despair
after such favor had been granted him. See, for example, his lecture
on leaving Calypso's island (Book VI, p. 183). Thermasiris also makes
this claim (Book II, p. 90).

Danlielou, Fenelon et le due, p. 169.
Later, during T616maque's visit to the Elysian Fields, Sesos-
tris is depicted as being troubled by his early actions and his interest
in conquest and glory (Book XIV, pp. 408-409).

3Atkinson, The Extraordinary Voyage before 1700, p. 144.
In preparing this section, I have tried to treat those basic
elements which will be needed later in dealing with other works. The
effort of condensation and simplification has made noting individual
sources difficult. The primary sources for this section have been:
Alfred Adler, "Fenelon's T616maque: Intention and Effect," SP, 55
(1958), 591-602. Leon Brunschvicg, "Fenelon" in his Spinoza et ses
contemporains (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1923), pp. 358-76. Madelaine C.
Danlielou, F6nelon et le duc de Bourgogne: Etude d'une Education,
which includes several sections on the Tl46maque itself and several
on Fgnelon's educational and political philosophy. Charles D6deyan,
Le T6lmaque de Fenelon (Paris: Centre de documentation universitaire,
[1967]), PP. 55-66.


Fgnelon's treatment of Homer's Telemachus provided many possibili-

ties for further artistic development, not only of the theme but of the

concept of the educational voyage, the characters and the individual

episodes of the story as well. The earliest authors seem to have had no

notion of the novel's true potential, however; their works seize only on

its superficial elements and have little other relation to their sup-

posed model. The first of these authors, Grandchamp, admits that his

Tel6maque moderne is no more than a veil of antiquity drawn over a

modern memoir in order to protect the hero's identity; his tale of the

amorous intrigues of a young, highly-born prince relates to the

T61lmaque primarily in the names of the two main characters. As will be

shown, he was obviously trying to profit from the accusations of ero-

ticism which Fenelon's enemies had made against the archbishop's novel.

The second work appeared in 1716 as a "continuation du quatrieme livre

des Avantures de Telmaque, Fils d'Ulisse." The author of the Loix du

roi Minos used the Telemaque as the setting for a treatise on juris-

prudence. Although he left T616maque on the island of Crete and retained

the same epoch as Fenelon, he really only utilized the Telemachus theme

as the context for a discourse on his own political, social and judi-

cial theory, probably in the hope that the popularity of the earlier

work would make his work more acceptable to the public. Thus, despite

fundamental differences in form, intention and message, the first two

authors to treat the Telemachus theme in the eighteenth century are

similar in that they both borrow from the Telemaque only superficial

elements as a facade to enhance their own works.

Grandchamp's Le Te14maque Moderne

The first of the adaptations of the Telmaque is attributed to a

gentleman soldier named de Granchamp. The Michaud Bibliographie

universelle records that he was recruited by Holland during the time

that Austria, Holland and England were allied against France and that

he died in 1702 at the siege of Liege under the command of the duke of

Marlborough. He published two literary efforts: the Guerre d'Italie

ou Memoires du comte D****, published posthumously in Cologne in 1702

and re-edited in 1707 by Courtilz de Sandras who frequently received

the credit for the work, and the Telemaque moderne ou les intrigues

d'un grand seigneur pendant son exil which appeared in Cologne, chez

Antoine d'Egmond in 1701 (Michaud, v. 17, p. 330). The latter novel

seems to have stirred little controversy or enthusiasm and a promised

continuation was never published.

The "Avertissement" to the novel indicates that the story is a

roman a clef concealing under the names of ancient characters real

personages whose identities are so well known that the knowledgeable

reader will not even need a key to recognize them. The author claims

to have chosen the names of his characters because: "... on ne pouvoit

faire choix d'un Heros qui fut plus a la mode, & plus du gout du sikcle

que le Telemaque de l'Odyssee d'Homere ... Ce seul nom suffit pour le

faire rechercher. The author is not, however, content to leave so

slight a connection between his own work and that of the esteemed

archbishop. He also claims that "il y a tant de liaison & de conformity

entire les Avantures arrives au grand Seigneur Exile, don't on parle ici,

& celles de Telemaque don't l'illustre Mr. de Cambrai nous fait le recit,

... qu'on pourroit meme sans peine faire servir ceux la de suite a ce

que ce celebre Prelat nous en a deja donng." He does not claim to have

equalled the worthy prelate in style and grace, but is content to offer

the public a feeble copy of the brilliant original; all the more con-

tent since M. de Salignac is inimitable in his genre. Grandchamp justi-

fies offering the public a poor copy of a glorious original in two ways:

first, he claims that, following Fenelon's example, he intends in the

novel to instruct the reader while amusing him. Secondly, the author

of the Telemaque moderne claims for his novel that beauty which is unique

to truth: "La verite a des beautez, & des agremens que la Fable n'a pas,

& ce seul endroit suffit pour faire lire cet Ouvrage, & pour le distin-

guer de tout ce qui a deja paru sous ce Titre." The author ends his

six page "Avertissement" by explaining that the three letters which

comprise the novel's three parts are only the first installment of the

memoirs and that the rest needs only be put in order to be ready for

publication; the three sections offered will be completed later if

demand warrants. Although the lack of further volumes of the novel

would indicate that public response was not favorable, failure to con-

tinue the book might also be attributed to the author's demise the fol-

lowing year.

Grandchamp's claims to historical accuracy or authenticity were

typical of this genre of fiction during the eighteenth century and in

view of the very conventional nature of the episodes and characters, can

probably be discounted. When the novel was offered for sale, the

catalogue de Pixericourt (no. 1317) identified the hero in a note to

the item as the "Cel"bre comte de Lauzun," but the publisher's own

vested interest must be considered in accepting the identification.

Although his pretensions to truth were probably as conventional as the

adventures of his characters and as specious as his claims to similarity

of situation with Fenelon's heroes, some of Grandchamp's remarks are

very accurate, particularly when he modestly admits his inferiority to

Fenelon. The adventures of the Telemaque led Fenelon's hero to many of

the civilizations of the ancient Mediterranean and brought him to a more

profound understanding of his duties as monarch and of the necessities

of government. The Tel"maque moderne transforms these noble exploits

into a series of amorous intrigues which involve not only Tle6maque, but

his companion Mentor as well, in strong emotional relationships which

distract the novel's two heroes from their duties as soldiers, princes

and leaders. This dereliction of duty represents a relaxation of moral

principle against which Mentor was always on guard in the original.

Characterization suffers a similar fate. T61emaque and Mentor lose the

consistency which they have in F6nelon's work so that Mentor exhorts

his friend to resist the dangers of love and passion in one scene, only

to become his rival a few pages later. Moreover, the author of the

T61lmaque moderne does not achieve the eloquence of the archbishop's

style and he chooses not to use the structure of the original. Thus,

as he warns in the introduction to the work, Grandchamp incorporates

very little of the T61lmaque into his own adaptation of the tradition

and what he does try to retain is corrupted by its surroundings.

In the T616maque moderne, Grandchamp recounts two love affairs of

the young prince of Ithaque: these are essentially common stories of

which one can find many contemporary examples. The elements of the

plot are the traditional landmarks in the course of a love affair: mis-

understanding, abandonment, return, rivals, spies, corrupted servants,

jealousy, interfering relatives, trysts in the dark of the moon, etc.

In its basic outline the plot concerns the wooing of Zadriste, a young

princess of Corinthe, which occurs while T616maque is in exile from

Cr8te; and a second affair with Argenise with whom he becomes involved

while passing through the village of Pentos on his way back to Corinthe

and Zadriste. Introducing and connecting these two stories is Tele-

maque's career as a military officer in Idomngee's cavalry on the island

of Crete. Actually, the two episodes are very loosely based on the two

love affairs of the original T61emaque who fell in love with Eucharis

on Calypso's island and again later with Idomgene's daughter Antiope.

The difference is that the ancient prince made no vows to return to his

nymph and did not fail to return because of a passionate love for

another woman. Fenelon even makes a concession to contemporary senti-

mentality by having T6lemaque confess that he will never be able to for-

get his passion for Eucharis. The modern counterpart will have far more

reason to echo his model's apology to Mentor: "Vous me blimerez peut-

@tre ... de prendre trop facilement des inclinations dans les lieux oa

je passe" (Book XVII, p. 467).

The novel is divided into three parts, each of which consists of

a letter from Mentor to Arbaste, an intimate mutual friend of Mentor

and Telemaque. The first letter covers a period of eighteen months to

two years and it traces the prince's adventures through his voluntary

exile from Ithaque to Crete, through his involuntary exile from Crete

to Corinthe and ends with his recall from exile to Idom6nee's court.

The second letter picks up the story as Mentor and Telemaque are re-

turning to their lovers in Corinthe and describes the six-month sojourn

in Pentos occasioned by Tel6maque's new affair with Argenise. It ends

with the hero's supposedly definitive break with Argenise. The third

letter continues the account of their stay in Pentos and ends with Tele-

maque's recall to the army.

The first letter begins with Mentor's explanation of his reasons for

confiding such intimate details of his friend's life to a third party --

Arbaste -- and a sort of justification of his divulgence of a trust

(pp. 1-2). He then portrays his young hero to his correspondent although

he admits that Arbaste has no need of such a portrait (pp. 2-5). The

story itself begins on the island of Ithaque where the young prince is

bored with the "vie molle & oisive qu'on y [mane]" after the reconquest

of his father's position (p. 6). In search of a more exciting existence,

he and Mentor return to Idomenee's court at Crete where the prince is

given a commission as a general in the light cavalry. Jealous ministers

who fear his influence over the king manage to ruin his relations with

the throne and he is summarily exiled to Corinthe where he spends the

first year in a castle outside town, enjoying the serenity of the

pastoral setting and passing the time in study and meditation (pp. 4-16).

When the prince and Mentor decide to join the life at court in the city,

Mentor recognizes almost immediately the threat posed by the many

beautiful women, all of whom try to attract Tel6maque's attention

(p. 17). There follows a long diatribe in which Mentor decries the evils

of passionate love, a short internal conflict between virtue and passion,

and finally the beginning of Tel6maque's involvement with Zadriste, a

young princess whose father brings her to Corinthe once a year to enjoy

the life of the court (pp. 17-30). After this introduction, the affair

with Zadriste can be divided into two parts: rivalry between the two

friends and intervention by Zadriste's father. The letter ends when

Telemaque, whose friends have been working for him in his absence, is

called back to Crete after enjoying several months of relatively undis-

turbed meetings with his mistress.

The other two letters are no less complicated and follow much the

same general pattern of development. At the beginning of the second

letter, Tl"6maque and Mentor, on their way back to Corinthe and their

mistresses, make a stop-over in the village of Pentos to visit a

friend. There Telemaque agrees to humble the proud Pysidastre by steal-

ing his girlfriend, the princess Argenise. In the process, Tel6maque

falls in love with the princess and, after replacing his rival, refuses

to give her up. The jealous Pysidastre then alerts the queen, Argenise's

mother, to her daughter's conduct; and she tries to separate the two

young lovers. After a short time, Argenise is able to convince her

mother that she has forgotten Telemaque, and when the queen reduces her

surveillance of the princess, the two can once again meet frequently if

not openly. The letter ends when Tel6maque becomes convinced that

Argenise has been unfaithful to him and breaks off their relationship.

In the third letter, T4lemaque discovers that Argenise had been

framed and falls in love with her once again. After a series of resis-

tances, she finally agrees to meet with him and the rendez-vous brings

about their reconciliation. During the months that follow, the two

enjoy almost undisturbed happiness despite the arrival of two other

suitors for Argenise's hand. Finally, they are able to persuade the

queen to accept their love and to try to intercede with certain other

relatives who must approve the princess' marriage. When the queen be-

comes convinced that the family will never agree, however, she once again

-- a forbids her-daughter -to see-T&i6maque. -The girl, of-course-;-ignores her

mothers orders and continues to meet her lover in the garden, which the

queen believes to be safe. During this period, Telemaque and Zadriste

end their affair by letter and Zadriste begins to pray to Venus for re-

venge. Finally, after a series of serious reversals in the plans of the

young couple at Pentos, the queen finds a way to separate them so com-

pletely that they cannot even correspond. At the end of the third let-

ter, Tel6maque is being recalled to the army without having been able to

notify Argenise of his departure.

One can see in the three letters a parallel development of the

affairs. Each begins with a sudden and overwhelming passion on the part

of T6lemaque who then must conspire to meet the girl, whose infatuation

with the hero facilitates matters. The hero is then confronted with the

necessity of displacing rivals for his mistress' hand. When the rivals

have been eliminated, he must contend with the interference of her fam-

ily. In the first two letters he succeeds in lulling the family into

believing in the virtue of its daughter and gains relatively free access

to her, and then he leaves her. Only in the third letter does the family

successfully separate the couple, thus leaving the story open at the end

for the promised continuation.

The parallel structure of the letters provides a certain cohesive-

ness or unity in a basically episodic novel. Each of the letters re-

counts an adventure essentially separate from the others. Another tech-

nique for linking the episodes is overlapping adventures so that one is

continued into the next. T6lmaque's affair with Zadriste, for example,
is continued into the story of his love of Argenise in several ways.
is continued into the story of his love of Argenise in several ways.

First he meets Argenise while returning to Corinthe to see his first

mistress. Later, Mentor returns to Corinthe to see Phinamise, to whom

he has remained faithful, and must answer questions from an anxious

Zadriste about the condition of Telemaque's love. Finally, in book

three, the affair ends in an exchange of letters in which Zadriste asks

her long delinquent lover whether he has been faithful; when he answers

in the negative, their affair is over. Furthermore, Zadriste's prayers

to Venus are given credit for the setbacks which Tel"maque suffers in

his affair with Argenise from that time on. Fenelon's use of the same

technique, in Adoam's continuation of Narbal's story and the relation

of Pygmalion's fate, has already been mentioned. This manner of connec-

ting episodes for Grandchamp as for F6nelon, is a mechanical device which

provides only external links rather than real integration. It is used

by Grandchamp with even less subtlety than by Fenelon and the basic

political principles which lend another kind of unity to the T616maque

are totally lacking in the modernization.

Each of the episodes which compose the letters is also a very com-

plicated series of adventures. In the description of Tel6maque's

affair with Zadriste, he falls in love with the young woman on seeing

her at her window, but his promises to Mentor to avoid passionate entangle-

ments keep him from trying to meet her. The princess, who lacks the

reasons the prince has for staying free of love affairs, is also infatu-

ated; in the process of meeting Tle6maque, she encounters Mentor, who

also falls in love with her. During the period which follows, Tel1maque

and Mentor, each ashamed to admit his weakness, conceal from each other

their efforts to win Zadriste. This mutual dissimulation produces an

imbroglio where Zadriste accepts the court of the favored Telemaque, even

though she does not return his declarations of love, but is reluctant to

reject Mentor too forcefully, for fear that he might damage her relation-

ship with Telemaque. After much unsuccessful effort, Mentor, still

unaware that his successful rival is his own best friend, finally finds

Zadriste alone in her garden house wearing only a dressing gown. Although

it is late at night, a door left open by a careless servant lets him into

the garden and he makes several unsuccessful attempts to seduce the

young woman. Shortly after this incident, the two friends give a party

to entertain their love. Mentor once again takes the opportunity to

declare his passion for Zadriste, and once again fails to obtain a

response. His actions, however, alert Telmaque to his feelings and

the young man gallantly decides to sacrifice love to friendship. With

this in mind, the prince sends his mistress a letter announcing without

explanation that he cannot see her again. She immediately replies in a

letter declaring for the first time that she loves him. Telemaque is

moved, but with great effort resists her pleas for a rendez-vous and an

explanation. Then after about a week without meeting her, a chance

encounter puts an end to his restraint and their affair begins anew.

During the time of Telemaque's withdrawal, Mentor has no success at

all in trying to see Zadriste and he finally begins to suspect that he

has a rival. One day, finding the door of her castle conveniently

open, he enters and observes through a keyhole a tender scene of passion

between the princess and T41emaque. He returns home almost immediately

to try to renounce his love for Zadriste in favor of his friendship with

Telemaque; and when he fails he confronts his friend. T16emaque admits

his involvement with the princess and relates at the same time his

efforts to withdraw in favor of his companion. Inspired by Te16maque's

example and convinced of the futility of competing with his friend for

Zadriste, Mentor agrees to accept fate and becomes the confidant of the

two lovers. The story is continued briefly as Mentor realizes that

his emotion is too strong to be suppressed and shifts his passion from

Zadriste to her sister Phinamise. The four lovers then live happily

until the intervention of Zadriste's father, Demophon, begins the next


Like this first episode, each of the novel's adventures really con-

stitutes an act in itself with an exposition, plot, crisis and denoue-

ment separate from the rest of the novel. Several structural techniques

contribute to the episodic effect. A primary technique is Grandchamp's

manner of announcing an event, describing it and then recounting the

circumstances leading up to it. Thus, he describes in the first letter

a conversation between the two protagonists of the story. In the con-

versation, Mentor assures T~6lmaque that he understands his inability to

resist falling in love with Zadriste because Mentor himself has found

love too powerful to ignore. Mentor further justifies his confidant's

passion by comparing the power of destiny to the weakness of man and by

declaring that the two young people deserve each other. After this

description of the conversation, he introduces a recapitulation of the

incidents which preceded it: "Mais il faut voir ce qui se pass, avant

que j'eusse cette conversation avec Telemaque, qui ne fut qu'un mois,

ou environ, apres la premiere avanture qu'il avoit eu avec l'aimable

Zadriste, ou je l'ai laisse" (pp. 38-39). The same technique is used

frequently throughout the novel and creates a sense of immobility in

the plot because each of these blocks effectively stops the actions

going on within it and separates that sequence of events from the

development of the rest of the novel.

Another device which contributes to the episodic character of the

work is the verbatim inclusion of the letters, poems and aphorisms in

the text. Mentor relates Tel6maque's first efforts to inform Zadriste

of his love for her by including the first letter which the youth had

written to her (pp. 39-40). Later their final confrontation is also

presented through their correspondence (pp. 210-12). Amorous quatrains

appear in the text on several occasions: one example is the impromptu

with which Tel6maque consoles Argenise a propos of their infidelity to

their respective lovers: "Mon inconstance & la v6tre,/ Argenise, devroit

nous charmer./ Nous lui devons l'un & l'autre,/ Le plaisir de nous aimer"

(p. 149). Another is the quatrain galant which Mentor cites as an

aphorism of love and as a generalization of Telmaque's behavior:

"Qu'une flamme mal eteinte/ Est facile a rallumer,/ Et qu'avac peu de

contrainte,/ On recommence d'aimer" (p. 184). The inclusion of such

pieces is testimony to Grandchamp's debt to the nouvellistes of the

seventeenth century. They are intended to add a certain "realism" to

the work; but they rather disrupt the flow of the story and tend to

fragment the action.

In characterization, where Fenelon had given only a very brief

and general introductory description which is later developed as the

characters act out their roles, Grandchamp chose again to follow the

example of the nouvellistes who introduced characters with extensive

portraits. Of the four major characters of the T61emaque moderne,

Mentor is the only one not introduced by a portrait, and this repre-

sents a concession to the letter form. The description of Te16maque,

which introduces the novel, is the most extensive, covering his

personality traits, social graces, and intellectual accomplishments,

in addition to a brief and very general physical description. His

two mistresses -- Zadriste (pp. 28-30) and Argenise (pp. 117-19) --

are introduced with a physical description and a short biographical


The lengthy portrait which Mentor gives of Tel"maque begins with

praise for the courage which has permitted him to overcome the misfor-

tunes of his exile: "Son grand coeur le met au dessus des 6venemens les

plus funestes, & pourvG qu.'il conserve la vertu, que je lui ay recomman-

dee, il s'estime trop heureux avec ce rare tr6sor qui fait toute sa

consolation dans ses disgraces" (p. 3). His experience with adversity

during his exile has taught him to meet every obstacle with tranquility

and nothing agitates him any more. However, in other ways, he is un-

changed: "Ii possede les memes graces, il a le visage gai, riant &

enjoiu, tel que vous l'avez vi guand il 9toit aupres de vous. Il est

honnete & affable a tout le monde, agreables engageant, quoi qu'on lui

reproche de n'entendre pas assez la maniere de railler finement, qui

est le goft du siecle, ..." (p. 3). After this presentation of the

prince's social graces, Mentor details his intellectual accomplishments:

"Son esprit n'est pas des plus vifs, mais il comprend facilement toutes

choses, & son jugement est tres solide. Les sciences sont ses plus

cheres delices, quoi qu'il n'estime pas qu'il soit absolument necessaire

pour un home de son caractere, de les approfondir. II possede les

langues, ce qui lui a fait naitre les occasions de s'humaniser un peu

avec l'amour, & d'avoir des Maitresses de toutes sortes de nations"

(p. 4). Having broached that aspect of the hero's character which

is most illuminated by the Telmaque moderne, Mentor continues: "Il

entend en perfection l'art de plaire, & celui de s'insinuer agreablement

dans l'esprit du beau sexe, & d'en meriter toute l'estime. Il est

tres sincere en amour et feint rarement une passion qu'il ne ressent

pas; il ne laisse pas neantmoins d'etre volage & inconstant comme les

autres homes" (p. 4). If he is inconstant, however, it is more the

fault of the century than his own; especially since women find him so

attractive: "Le sexe, pour la plus part se laisse rarement 6blouir

par les charmes de l'esprit & par le merite, si ces avantages ne sont

accompagnez des graces du corps: Pour ces dernieres, vour sgavez qu'il

les possede: Sa taille passe un peu la mediocre, il est tres bien fait

de corps, & beau de visage: Un air doux accompagne ses regards & ses

paroles, & s'il avoit les yeux plus grands & plus ouverts, on pourroit

dire qu'il est un homme parfaitement beau" (p. 5). Mentor concludes

his remarks on the person of Tle6maque with a few words about his general

being and disposition. After this resume of his character, Mentor adds

a brief biographical note: "Je ferois un gros volume, cher Arbaste,

si je vouloisvousraconter en detail ses amours, & les differences

avantures qui lui sont arrives dans les frequens voiages qu'il a fait"

(pp. 5-6).

Despite its conformity to the traditional portraits of the seven-

teenth-century roman and nouvelle, Grandchamp's description of Telemaque

reveals a desire on the part of the author to be at least somewhat

faithful to the original. His references to the effect of the trials

and tribulations which the young prince had endured while on his voyages,

for example, echoes Mentor's remarks when he is persuading the original

Telemaque to leave Salente: "... vous etes enfin devenu homme, et vous

commencez, par l'experience de vos maux, a compatir a ceux des autres"

(Book XVII, p. 478), and the final reference to his many love affairs

reminds the reader of the prince's experiences on Chypre and Calypso's

island if not his love of Antiope at Salente. Most of the elements

which Mentor attributes to T616maque in this portrait can be drawn

from one or another episode of the Tle6maque, but in portraying the

character, Grandchamp modifies Fenelon's conception of him in a number

of ways. On one level, Grandchamp accords considerable attention

to the youth's formal education -- languages, sciences, concepts --

while Fenelon relates the process of his practical education, or the

finishing of his education. On another, one of the prince's principal

qualities, both in the Homeric and the Fenelonian version, acquires a

completely different significance. The discretion, inherited from the

wily Ulysses, is originally manifested as moderation and self-control;

but the virtue becomes less evident when discretion becomes dissimula-

tion. Even when combined with a hatred of falsehood, the latter repre-

sents a negative approach to the love and respect which F6nelon's hero

bears for the truth. The results are naturally very different. The

ancient T416maque shows his discretion in not betraying his friends or

secrets of state; both at Tyr and later with the allies, this quality is

stressed. When on the other hand he feels the guilt of his weakness

for Eucharis on Calypso's island and later for Antiope in Idom6n6e's

court, he may try to avoid revealing his emotion to his master, but he

is never successful. Grandchamp's hero, by contrast, fearing the reac-

tion of-his- friend, artfully -conceals both his love affairs from his

closest companion and confidant.

Within the novel itself, Grandchamp's effort to transform a hero

of the stamp of T616maque into an amorous heros de roman creates some

fundamental inconsistencies. Mentor's portrait of T616maque, for exam-

ple, ends with a reference to the women he has known during his perilous

travels, which seems to tie the novel to the Tel6maque by evoking the

island of Chypre, Eucharis and Antiope. Later, in describing the begin-

ning of the prince's love affair with Zadriste, Mentor twice accords

her the honor of being the first woman to ensnare the youth. Before

the description of their first meeting, he says: "Telemaque rendit ses

premiers hommages a ce Dieu vainqueur" (p. 28). Later, talking again

about Zadriste, he comments: "Telemaque eut le loisir de la voir en

cheveux, & d'en admirer toute la beauty: ce furent la les premieres

chalnes don't l'amour se servit pour triompher de son jeune coeur"

(pp. 35-36). Thus, Tle6maque is at once the much experienced lover of

many affairs and the young and inexperienced youth coming into contact

with passion for the first time.

The highest degree of inconsistency in the novel derives from

Grandchamp's efforts to conserve the relationship between Tel6maque and

Mentor as the wise and elder counselor guiding the young and impression-

able prince. He maintains this impression in the beginning of the novel

with Mentor's position as a narrator and confidant, by the lecture which

Mentor offers Te6lmaque on love and by the promises of abstinence which

he extracts-from-his friend. --The modern-Mentor-has, -however, -hanged

even more than the modern Telemaque: rather than the powerful and bene-

ficent goddess clad in human form in order to instruct a mortal in the

proper governance of his people, the Mentor of the Tel6maque moderne

is the companion of a rather dissolute young man. When he tries to

lead his young friend away from evil companions, he ends up by succumbing

to temptation himself. Shortly after their arrival at the court of

Corinthe, Mentor realizes the danger into which they have entered and

hurries to warn T614maque to return to the pastoral retreat which has

been their home for the past year. As a part of this plea he preaches

a sermon which resembles Mentor's injunctions to T616maque on the island

of Chypre (Book IV, p. 131) and Narbal's commentary on Pygmalion's love

affair with Astarb6, which finally leads to the king's death (Books II,

VI). This time, however, Telemaque resists his companion's efforts,

trusting to his own ability to keep the promises he has made, and he

even manages to convince Mentor to remain in Corinthe with him. So far

the tale is reminiscent of Tel6maque's stay on Calypso's island, where

he believed that he had sufficient control of himself to bid farewell to

Eucharis even after demonstrating that he did not. In this case, how-

ever, not only does Telemaque fall in love within a very short time, but

Mentor also loses the battle with his passions and becomes Tel6maque's

rival for Zadriste. When he does realize the futility of his love,

moreover, Mentor only changes the object of it because he is too weak

to stifle it. His lack of moral leadership extends even farther, since

he several times excuses actions for which Telemaque himself recognizes

his guilt. The original Mentor was also very forgiving of the errors

of his charge after he repented, but the modern counterpart does not

demand even a cessation of the activity and goes so far as to justify

the prince's actions. Thus, Grandchamp's Mentor not only fails to be

the leader and protector which he tries to seem, but he follows his

companion into dissolution and excuses the youth's actions, thus encour-

aging his life of pleasure and passion.

Surprisingly, despite Mentor's deterioration, the novel does not

totally lose the didactic character of Fenelon's narration: the homily

which Mentor propounds to Telemaque on the occasion of their entrance

into the court of Corinthe even conforms to the original Mentor's pro-

nunciations on the subject of love. Mentor begins his lecture by

reminding his comrade of the consequences of love both in his personal

life and in the fulfillment of his public duties: "Reflechisses encore

une fois sur les maux que 1'amour cause en particulier a tous ceux qui

s'y engagent imprudemment. Considers d'ailleurs attentivement les

desordres qu'il apporte dans un Etat; & pour cet effet faites le para-

lelle d'Argaste et d'Idomenee, c'est a dire d'un Roi vertueux et d'un

Prince qui n'a rien refuse a son ambition & a ses plaisirs durant son

Regne" (pp. 18-19). In the comparison of the two kings, Mentor asso-

ciates moderation, wisdom and justice with marital fidelity; and irres-

ponsibility and tyranny, he links to unfettered passion, ending with

the exhortation: "Fulons les objets qui pourroient l'allumer dans nos

coeurs" (p. 26). This attitude is also expressed at other points in

the novel, especially at the end of the second letter when the disillu-

sioned Telemaque makes plans to abandon love altogether.

The letter format allows Mentor to reflect on Tel6maque's actions

at intervals during the story in order to expound on their significance

in a larger context, which also contributes to the didactic tone of the

novel; but these interventions usually contrast with the larger dis-

courses just mentioned in that they justify Telemaque's behavior or at

least attenuate the condemnation of it. These justifications usually

take the form of generalizations and aphorisms of love which show the

young man's behavior as an example of a broad class of conduct rather

than unique to him. Early in the affair with Zadriste, for example,

Mentor describes his actions: "L'amour le plus tendre est celui qui

parole le moins, aussi des ce moment Telemaque fut pensif et reveur ..."

(p. 36). Later, when the prince abandons Zadriste for Argenise, Mentor

explains: "C'est done a tort, cher Arbaste, qu'on blame l'inconstance,

Squ.'on la regarded come un crime odieux en Amour: Car pourquoi blamer

ce qui ne depend pas de nous?" (pp. 124-25). Observations such as these

make the T616maque moderne a casuistic of, rather than an attack on, love

and demonstrate the superficiality of Mentor's morality. Like the names

of the characters, the didacticism condemning love is merely a facade

designed to make the work conform more closely to the Tel1maque in

form, and it lacks any real substance.

The mythical atmosphere of the T616maque, created by the presence

of the Olympian gods and the incarnate Minerve, also received much atten-

tion during the eighteenth century, particularly from authors who wished

to defend the work's poetic qualities as opposed to its novelesque ele-

ments. Claude Caperonnier, in a short Apologie du T616maque centre les

sentiments de Monsieur de Voltaire (Paris: Pierre Ribou, 1736), emphasized

very strongly the presence of the supernatural as an indication of the

work's poetic quality and contrasted the mythical atmosphere of the

T61lmaque with the daily details which appear in the romans (p. 26). The

Te16maque moderne definitely belongs in the novel category by his defini-

tion, but Grandchamp tried to maintain at least a shadow of the super-

natural presence by personifying various elements, especially fortune,

destiny, and love. The presence of these deities in a novel of love is

hardly surprising and they serve, as one might expect, to excuse the

weakness of the principal characters or to affect the characters'.intri-

gues. In talking about the return from exile, Mentor says that the two

travelers had planned to stay in Crete and Ithaque as briefly as possible

before returning to Corinthe: "Mais en vain resoud-t-on, propose-t-on,

cher Arbaste, quand les Destinies en out autrement dispose" (p. 111).

This is typical of references to destiny in the work. It is always

represented as an overwhelming force which causes man to act in ways

which are dishonorable or unwise, thus relieving them of the responsi-

bility for their actions.

Grandchamp does borrow the foundation for his treatment of the god

of love from Fenelon. Venus is treated by the royal preceptor as a

powerful goddess, given to tantrums and malicious mischief. She tries

several times to corrupt T616maque; on Calypso's island, she answers

the goddess' prayer for aid in overcoming the prince's scruples by

sending Cupid to sow the divisive seeds of passion. She is not kind to

Calypso either, however, since the object of the island goddess' prayer

and passion falls in love with one of her nymphs instead of their

mistress. Her few appearances in the Tl16maque moderne do not enhance her

image. She is first mentioned by name in Telemaque's idle boast that he

could keep his promises to Mentor even against the temptation of Venus

herself (p. 17). The other two references are both appeals from jilted

lovers; Idomenee's wife, confronted with her husband's impassioned love

for a shepherdess, "prie Venus de la venger de sa rivale, la De6sse

l'ecoute, Idomenee abandonne Zelise" (p. 23). Later, Zadriste calls on

Venus in a similar situation: "Mais come Zadriste ne cessoit d'invoquer

Venus, pour porter cette Deesse a la venger de la cruelle perfidie de son

Amant, elle l'ecoita enfin & depuis ce tems-la, il n'essuya que des tra-

verses dans ses amours ..." (pp. 215-16). The goddess' help is only

partial, however; the lovers only abandon their new mistresses; they do

not return to the supplicants. In this respect especially, the goddess

of love presented by Grandchamp resembles Fenelon's Venus.

In general, love is less tangible in Grandchamp's personification

than it is in Fgnelon's Venus, even though it retains its role as a

powerful and threatening force. One reason for this difference is the

author's continued reference to the personified love either as "le dieu

d'amour" or simply as "l'amour": Mentor and Tel6maque are enjoying the

pastoral delights of their retreat outside Corinthe, "quand l'amour

jaloux de n6tre bonheur vint enfin le trouble" (p. 15). Later Mentor

refers in his sermon to "les desordres que ce Dieu cause dans le monde"

(p. 18). The invocations of Venus mentioned above are much less fre-

quent than this second form of naming, but neither provides more than

an abstract reference to the god's presence.

In part at least, the lack of a mythical atmosphere is in keeping

with the claim that these names only mask a contemporary situation.

Largely the deities of the Telemaque moderne make convenient scapegoats

for the characters' own weaknesses and serve to excuse the affairs of

court which T61emaque's intrigues resemble. By blaming love for the

prince's inability to resist Zadriste and by accusing destiny of the

responsibility for his infidelity and perjury, Mentor, like a Prevost

character, transfers the onus of guilt from the hero to irresistible

forces outside himself.

When an author chooses a theme like Telemachus as the basis of a

novel about passionate love affairs, an effect of parody or irony be-

comes almost inevitable. The characters take on a very different

appearance from that under which the public might have envisioned them:

Mentor, the incarnation of wisdom and probity, becomes a moral weakling

prating of virtue while engaging in vice as facilely as the youth he

accompanies. Telemachus -- the courageous, generous, pious son of a

crafty and wise king and the protege of the goddess of wisdom --

abandons Minerve for Venus. The austere morality which in both the an-

cient poet and the modern prosateur emphasized moderation and justice,

collapses to a single dimension: abstinence from passionate love; and

then this single dimension is undermined by the actions of its principal

advocate, Mentor. Such inversion of values and characters has even more

ironic thrust when it is remembered that the two primary characters of

the Tel6maque had recognized identities in Fenelon and his royal pupil.

One cannot rule out totally the possibility of ironic intention

in the Tl66maque moderne; but a conscious intent to parody the Te16-

maque seems unlikely at the least. The author several times voices

praise and admiration for Fenelon; and his novel, unlike Marivaux's Le

T6lmaque travesti, shows little connection with the earlier work other

than the two main characters. In an eleven-line poem which is found on

the reverse of the title page, the poet defends Fenelon against those

who had criticized his work:

Contre Cambrai, de Meaux chicane
Quoi! pour un conte de peau d'Ane,
En faloit-il venir aux mains?
Mais Cambrai s'attire l'attaque,
Moins par les Maximes de Saints,
Que par celles de Telemaque,
Pour le perdre, on charge de Schisme,
Son Chimerique Quietisme.
Mais du piege Cambrai s'6chape,
En laissant faire tout a Dieu
Et lassant dire tout au Pape.

Despite the poor quality of the verse, the sentiment definitely seems to

favor the archbishop against his principal detractor, Bossuet. The

"Avertissement" as well indicates a highly laudatory attitude toward

Fenelon: indicating his incomparable excellence and prodigious popular-


ity. On the other hand, both in the poem and in the introduction, the

praise and commentary bear the same lack of seriousness and the same in-

comprehension which are present throughout the novel. The reference in

the poem to the Maximes and the Tel6maque is not factual since the latter

was published after the condemnation of the Maximes and the attack on

the novel was at least partly a continuation of the religious quarrel.

The praise of the "Avertissement" is also mitigated, since in claiming

for his own work the beauty of truth, the author accuses F6nelon of

having written a "Fable" which lacks the value of a true story. Further-

more, when he claims to have written with the same motives as Fenelon,

he inverts the order of priorities: pretending to instruct while amus-

ing, rather than to amuse while instructing.

These reversals could be taken as signs of ironic intent, even

though they belong to a class of commentary very common in prefaces

during the eighteenth century. A direct examination of the text, how-

ever, reveals little which would lend credence to the theory that the

book is an ironic attack on Fenelon. Grandchamp does not maintain the

same characters, other than the two main characters, and he never returns

to the countries visited by Telemaque and Mentor in their earlier voyages.

Yet another reason for questioning the ironic intention of the author

6f the Telmaque moderne is the Tel6maque's contemporary reputation as

a titillating novel. This idea had sufficient currency to make Fenelon's

two primary defenders, Saint-R6my and Ramsay, both defend him against

the charge of corrupting the morals of youth. Thus, although in treating

the Telemachus theme as a foundation for love affairs, Grandchamp radi-

cally modified the story from Fenelon's own intentions, he was only

expressing one popular view of the story and the irony in his work was

probably unintentional.

If Grandchamp's intention was not to imitate or parody the T61l-

maque, what reason could he have had for writing the Telmaque moderne?

And what lesson could he have wished to impart? The "Avertissement"

indicates that the answer to the first question lay in the popularity

of T616maque and Mentor as the heroes of a very popular work. This is

a modern story about real characters too highly placed in society to be

identified directly, he states, but by giving them names from antiquity,

especially from Telemaque, he hopes to increase the circulation of his

novel. The claim to a moral lesson was frequent among romanciers of

the seventeenth century, as several of Fenelon's critics pointed out,

and was supported by Mentor's frequent warnings about love. It seems

to have been little more than a common literary convention, despite

its obvious source in the didactic Telemaque.

The Tel6maque moderne is very definitely a contemporary novel:

Caperonnier in comparing the novel and the epic poem, characterizes the

former as "Le recit de plusieurs avantures ordinaires, don't le fonds est

une, deux ou plusieurs intrigues d'amour et don't le Heros est un amoureux

transi qui, apres avoir souffert quelques traverses dans ses amours, se

marie enfin" (p. 21). The Tl66maque moderne conforms very closely to

this characterization. The novel is episodic and each of the episodes is

a very ordinary series of adventures which have a common basis in a love

affair. Its hero is obviously dominated by his emotions, and although

he does not marry at the end of the third letter, Caperonnier's criterion

is not really violated because the novel is incomplete. In addition,

many of the scenes of the Tel6maque moderne are similar to those which

appeared in other seventeenth-century nouvelles.

Even the "epistolary" form of the novel was a familiar convention.

It was frequently used to bolster the apparent authenticity of a memoir

because it provided a first-person witness to the truth of the events

recounted. Grandchamp was more successful in imitating the letter form

than the T6lmaque, and the novel does give the sense of being a group

of letters between two old mutual friends, with a few exceptions, like

the admittedly superfluous portrait of Tel6maque which begins the novel.

He uses the same form which Marivaux will use in the Vie de Marianne,

giving only Mentor's letters without the responses to them, but allowing

Mentor to respond to questions which might have arrived between letters

or to make asides to Arbaste which constitute the reflections on Tl16-

maque's actions already mentioned. It also serves as a means of separa-

ting the parts of the novel by the changes in temporal point of view

between the letters. At the end of Letter I, T6lemaque and Mentor are

leaving for Idomenee's court with the firm intention of returning to

Corinthe and their mistresses. The opening of the second letter, after

a delay of six months, is therefore a surprise as Mentor relates a new

love affair and the abandonment of Zadriste, ending with the collapse of

the new affair and T61lmaque's decision to forget about love. The third

letter's announcement, after a period of three months, that Tel6maque

has once again fallen in love with Argenise is no less surprising. The

letter -format-makes-these-changes in fortune more believable aid justi-

fies Mentor's ignorance of developments to come. Unfortunately, his

approximation of the form of personal letters cannot elevate an otherwise

conventional and uninteresting novel.

In short, Grandchamp's contribution to the Teleichus theme in

the eighteenth century modifies significantly the parameters of the

subject as it appeared in Fenelon's Tel6maque, with which the theme was

most closely identified. In the Telemaque moderne, Grandchamp turned

the noble prince of antiquity into a dissolute dilettante moving from

one mistress to another with Mentor as a moral weakling following in his

footsteps. Mentor is even more morally bankrupt in that he tries to

escape responsibility for his own actions by blaming overwhelming forces

of destiny or love for his weakness. Mentor's deterioration accompanies

a transformation of the morality of the T616maque which reduces the

multi-faceted ethical and moral system proposed by F6nelon into a' one-

dimensional morality based on abstinence from passionate love -- even

this corruption of the original morality is undermined by Mentor's

moral irresponsibility. Grandchamp abandoned the voyage theme almost

entirely, stripping the plot of the adventures in foreign countries,

shipwrecks, slavery, etc., and he brought the heroes out of the ancient

Mediterranean world and into the eighteenth century. In so doing, he

lost the mythical atmosphere of the epic form and rendered the story a

very conventional tale in the nouvelle-romanesque tradition.

Les Loix du roi Minos

Where the author of the Tl46maque moderne concentrated on the titil-

lating aspect which the theme had acquired in Fenelon's work, the anony-

mous author of Les Loix du roi-Minos, ou Continuation du quatrieme livre

des Avantures de Tl66maque Fils d'Ulisse (Amsterdam: Frangois l'Honore,

1716)5 emphasized the political and philosophical side of the novel to

the exclusion of the adventurous. The author explores the implementa-

tion of the principles which Fenelon proposed as a basis for the actions

and decrees of a wise and conscientious monarch. Not only does the

work contain "plusieurs Reglemens pour l'administration de la Justice

et de la Police, propre a rendre les homes heureux," as the subtitle

proclaims, but this presentation of an ideal system seems to be the

only real motive for the work. Morality no longer plays a major role in

the Loix du roi Minos and what vestiges are left have become completely

politicized. The varied style, adventures and forms which rendered

the Tel6maque interesting to its contemporary public are so completely

sacrificed to the political monologue between "le Maitre et le Disciple"

that the second exploitation of the Telemachus theme hardly deserves

even to be called fiction.

Unlike the author of the T6l4maque moderne, the publisher of the

Loix du roi Minos tried to establish a direct link between his work and

the Tel6maque. The book is published using the same format as the

books of the Avantures de Telemaque -- with a summary preceding it --

and the narration connects it to the episode on the island of Cr@te in

Book IV and the departure for Ithaque at the beginning of Book V. Another

reference to the T6lemaque recalls the necessity of the guidance which

the young prince has received from Minerve to keep him acting virtuously;

although since Telemaque does not yet know on the island of Crete that

his companion is one of the Olympian gods, this reference is a bit pre-

mature (see below, p. 92). The "Avis du libraire" even attributes the

continuation to Fenelon, declaring that the delay in its publication has

been necessary to allow the learned archbishop to study the very complex

science of jurisprudence and to make sure that nothing in the addition

conflicts with other parts of the work, especially by joining the system

"a une Morale aussi pure que celle qui regne dans tout le corps du Livre

des Avantures de Telemaque." He concludes his remarks with the observa-

tion that: "quoique je ne puisse pas assOrer que ce petit Ouvrage soit

entierement du meme Auteur que ce qui a d6ja paru; le lecteur connoitra

par la nettet6 du stile, par la justesse des comparisons, par les beaux

traits de la morale, & par les sages reflexions qui y sont r6pandues,

que tout au moins limitation a 6ti tres heureuse, & que meme cette

parties de l'ouvrage est plus utile, & d'un usage plus solide que tout

ce que l'on a va sous le titre des Avantures de Telemaque."

Many factors would have encouraged the choice of the fourth book

of Fenelon's Telmaque as the source of or setting for a work like the

Loix du roi Minos. The novel had an established reputation as an educa-

tional work by one of the world's great educators; its enormous popularity

promised a wide and receptive public and had rendered the book's charac-

ters and incidents almost folkloric. Moreover, Fenelon had treated

Crete as a kind of earthly paradise where the supreme example of terres-

trial wisdom had left a heritage of law which maintained the country in

a perpetual state of happy and peaceful productivity. His account of

Telemaque's adventures on Crete stressed especially the three enigmas

which constituted the final trial for the king's crown: the first two

questions required Te16maque to describe the most unhappy man and the

freest man in the world, the third asked him to decide whether a conqueror

or a peaceful man who had no experience of war would make the better king.

The responses to these questions are particularly significant and repre-

sented not only the essence of Minos' laws, but also the general prin-

ciples of all of Fenelon's policies (see above, pp. 43-44).

The "continuation" begins with the declaration of Telemaque's pro-

found respect for the sanctity of Minos' laws and an affirmation of his

response to the third question during the trials for the king's crown

where he compared the ephemeral and empty fame which accompanied conquest

to the enduring reward of a peaceful monarch who knows how to improve his

people's lives both physically and morally. The idyllic conditions

reigning on the island constitute another major theme culminating in the

final paragraph which alleges once again that the source of the happiness

of the people of Crete is the system of laws which Minos left to them:

Telemaque fut charm des belles choses qu'il avoit entendu
dire au judicieux Cretois, son esprit en demeura tout rempli,
il avoit devant les yeux une preuve bien sensible de la
verite des dernieres paroles du Vieillard en la personnel de
tous ceux qui etoient pr6posez pour garder les Loix de Minos,
& pour rendre la justice aux Peuples; une douce joIe, sans
aucune diminution de leur gravity, paroissoit sur leurs
visages, come i des personnel qui dans un age fort avance,
ne manquent pas plus des biens de la fortune, que de la
sagesse, laquelle les a elevez dans le rang eminent qu'ils
occupent; ce jeune Prince pleinement satisfait, de tant
d'instructions salutaires, rendit mille graces a celui don't
it les avoit regfls, & rejoignit Mentor, pour retourner dans
sa chere Patrie avec ce sage Conducteur. (pp. 270-72)

Like Fenelon's hero, this young T6lmaque stands in envy and in awe of

the ageless magistrates whose duty to administer the law has imbued them

with its power to nourish and regenerate -- a power which blesses the

whole island of Crete. Unlike his model, however, this Telemaque wishes

to learn in greater detail about the application of the laws in order to

institute their reign in his own island of Ithaque. This interest in

specific details represents in itself a significant departure from

Fenelon's position since Mentor advised his charge-in-Book XVI of the

T6l6maque to leave most of the particular problems of administration to

those whom he appointed to govern the people.

The laws set forth in the Loix are derived largely from Fenelon's

T6lemaque, as is the setting, but they come from several sources, not

merely the fourth book. The first and most general source is indeed the

solutions to the enigmas which appear in book IV as part of the trials

to determine the new king of Cr8te. Because the Loix also treats the

reforms wrought by Minos, the author draws many ideas from the episode

which recounts Mentor's transformation of Salente. Other principles,

like the king's moral responsibility to act as a leader and to promote.

the acquisition of virtue among his subjects, are also found in the

T6l6maque. The answers given by the young prince of Ithaque at the

trials treat the problems of freedom and statecraft from the point of

view of the monarch, showing him that moderation and justice produce

immediate rewards for himself as well as for his subjects. This is the

orientation of the Tl46maque in general, for understandable reasons.

The Loix du roi Minos changes this perspective; it is less concerned

with the role of the monarch and more interested in the implementation

of good laws and the subsequent effect of those laws on the citizenry.

The increased concentration on the individual citizen derives from the

consideration of the specific laws necessary to implement the policies

which Fenelon had suggested; the royal preceptor on the other hand, had

been content to treat the general principles of government and society

and to leave more specific treatment to others.

Explaining Telemaque's interest in the laws, the narrator notes:

"Il sqavoit que la Justice est comme la base & le principle de toutes

les vertus; que c'est par elle que Minos s'est acquis une gloire qui ne

finira jamais; que les hommes qui font le plus de bruit sur la terre,

les Conquerans et les Heros, n'acquerent qu'un fant6me de reputation,

si la Justice n'anima pas leurs projects" (p. 2). This reformulation of

Telemaque'sresponseto the third enigma at the trials of Crete furnishes

a motive for the attentive interest which the youth shows during the

lengthy discourse on the laws; the reward for attainment of the objec-

tive of Justice is glory which will outlast that of the greatest con-

querors, and the only means to achieve that goal of Justice is through

a good system of laws. The eternal glory which the author of the Loix

promises to just monarchs is nonetheless only a feeble glow compared

with the rewards which Fgnelon had envisioned: the love and adoration of

his people and increased happiness for himself.

The other two responses at the trials -- that the most unhappy man

is the king who oppresses his subjects and that the freest man is he who

fears only the gods and his own reason -- are manifested through most of

the Loix. It is evident that the author of the Loix thought that if the

most unhappy man was the king who sought to make his subjects miserable,

the most happy people are those who live under just and wise laws and

whose leaders consecrate themselves to the improvement of their subjects.

The laws as they are described give the people freedom by limiting the

exercise of arbitrary power and by severely restricting the controls

which are placed on the populace. For example, no workman or artisan is

required to obtain a license or a permit to work anywhere in Crete.

Minos reasoned that restrictions on the number of laborers and the method

by which the work was accomplished would serve only to eliminate competi-

tion, protect the entrenched workman and discourage both quality and

innovation in the work done. The abolition of licenses and permits not

only contributes to the happiness of the people but to the strength of

the nation as well, according to the Elder: "c'est un Pais oi l'on joiit

d'une parfaite liberty, ce qui y attire une quantity incroiable d'hommes

qui en font la force, la richesse & la beauty." (pp. 186-87). Such

lack of restriction on both movement and occupation makes it possible

for the people to attain freedom according to Telemaque's criterion by

releasing them from external controls and from most external needs; this

physical independence leads to spiritual liberation and a dependence

solely on the gods and reason. The happiness of the Cretan populace

demonstrates the effectiveness of the laws and the interrelationship

among the three principles: freedom for the people leads to their happi-

ness and attracts to the kingdom new citizens who reinforce it, strength-

ening the state and the government and the king who sees his glory in

justice rather than conquest.

Since these principles formed the basis for most of the other

principles which appeared in the Te16maque, the laws of Minos all

derive in one way or another from them. However, one can see the in-

fluence of Salente in the reforms which Minos instituted on the island.

Early in the Loix, for example, it is recorded that Minos, having estab-

lished the .laws, appointed magistrates to administer them. This delega-

tion of authority conforms to Mentor's advice to Te16maque in book XVI

of the Telemaque not to copy Idomenee's penchant for doing everything

himself, but to govern those whom he made the governors of the people.

The choice of judges also conforms to Mentor's advice about learning the

sciences of man -- the royal student is to consult with elders and sages

who by experience have plumbed the depths of human character. Minos'

criteria are not significantly different: "Ii [Minos] voulut que ceux

a qui l'administration de la Justice seroit confine fussent d'un age

tres-mGr, et d'une vertu et d'une capacite6 prouvees" (p. 6). They are

supposed to have earned respect by the long experience which they have

endured, so that the elevation to judge is really the recognition of and

reward for a lifetime's work. Yet another point of similarity between

the Salente episode and the Loix lies in the reduction of the levels of

jurisdiction of the courts: there is only one level of trial jurisdic-

tion for all cases, both civil and criminal, and all appeals go directly

to the "Tribunal du Prince qui est compose des plus sages et plus judi-

cieux Vieillards de toute la Cr@te" (pp. 44-45).

Because he was dealing with specific problems of the laws, the

anonymous author of the Loix du roi Minos was able much more than was

Fenelon to use satire and imprecation because direct mockery would have

destroyed the generality and tone of the original T416maque. Even the

author of Loix, however, does not satirize any single person or official;

rather, he attacks classes of officials, especially legal bureaucrats.

Early in the work, for example, the "juges de champagne" are chastised for

their abuse of power: "... les Juges de Campagne sont ordinairement les

plus dangereux voisins que l'on puisse avoir; la plupart s'emparent des

biens qui sont a leur prise, exergans presque un brigandage public sur

tous leurs Justiciables; chacun leur est tributaire selon son 9tat &

sa vacation; ... ou autrement, il [le juge] trouve cent moyens de les

chagriner & de les faire repentir de ce qu'ils veulent s'exemter de la

corruption generale" (pp. 23-24). The judges are not the only members of

the legal fraternity to have earned the distrust of the author. Even

worse are the "petits Officiers": "c'est une grande sagesse que d'anean-

tir les emplois de gens qui tirent toute leur subsistence de la division

& de ladiscorde-de leurs Concitoyens ,- & c'est -un horrible-abus-qune- de. -

les souffrir en si grand nombre" (pp. 33-34). He sees these officers

as being the real source of corruption in most cases: they delay court

battles in order to increase their own salaries and ruin ancient and

revered families by their chicanery, ignorance, avarice and egotism. The

notaries of the court system suffer less vehement criticism than the

other officers, their major crimes being their large numbers, ignorance

and the tendency for their papers to become lost when they died. Minos

remedied this problem by making their selection dependent on the judges

of the realm and centralizing them into large towns so that the loss of

a notary's papers would no longer be so common an occurrence. The

Vieillard also attacks lawyers for their insufficient knowledge and ener-

gy and indicates that Minos had suppressed the requirement that lawyers

be licensed, ending the monopoly which the juriconsultes had turned to

their own advantage rather than to the service of the public. Similar

abuses in other professions were also the targets for reform, although

with greater moderation due perhaps to the author's perception of them

as less pernicious than the magistrates and the court officials who had

control over people's lives and fortunes.

As promised in the introductory passage, the "Vieillard" presents

these sage precepts and laws to his "Disciple" illustrated by "beaucoup

de sages reflexions, & de petites Histoires propres a rendre les choses

plus sensibles" (p. 4). The narration is sprinkled with anecdotes about

the efficacy of the laws and Minos' efforts to establish them. Most of

these stories relate Minos' actions to assure the safety of his subjects

and to encourage virtue by reproving even small crimes of thoughtless-

ness and irresponsibility. They also illustrate the salutary effect of

these royal- actions on the people. -In discussing -reforms ofl-the judici-

al system, for example, the "Vieillard" recounts the story of the noble

Cretois who was involved in a law suit. When he discovered that his

lawyers were withholding a particular document from the court because it

would prejudice his case, he immediately turned it over to the judge who

adjudicated against him. The court costs and interest which had built

up over the years of the trial amounted to a considerable sum when added

to the principal and the payment of the decision threatened to break him.

Minos, upon hearing of this loyal and honest man's predicament, inter-

vened and paid all of the fees and reimbursed him for the money he had

lost. Not content with rewarding the nobleman's generosity, however, he

also punished very severely "les Auteurs de cet indigne process & en fit

un example capable de donner de la terreur a tous les mauvais Officiers

et Agens d'affaires" (pp. 36-38). The story illustrates the importance

of suppressing these vile employees who corrupt the entire judicial

system even though they have only very low stations within it. In

another case, a judge recognizing Minos' desire to see justice done

regardless of the wealth of the Litigants and trying to gain popular

support for his own elevation to the king's court, decided to begin a

vendetta against the rich and powerful who came before him, whether or

not they were justly accused or truly wronged. His actions did indeed

win him great support among the populace, but they failed to deceive

Minos, who desired justice not partisanship from his magistrates. The

king was about to punish the judge severely when death spared the mis-

creant the embarrassment of the justice which he had denied to others

(pp. 67-70). In a case which shows the minuteness of the king's surveil-

lance of his subjects, he once corrected a nobleman who had delayed pay-

ment of a just debt owed to a businessman until the creditor was forced

to call him before the judge. At this point the nobleman finally paid,

but only after submitting the commoner to verbal abuse. Minos' chastise-

ment of the recalcitrant lord exemplified the concept of making the

punishment fit the crime: the king delayed granting a just request from

the nobleman using the same tactics which the latter had used on his

creditor. When he finally granted the petition, it was only with the

admonition that unnecessary and unjust delays were as unfair to others

as to the lord himself (pp. 90-94). These stories also demonstrate the

citizens' reaction to Minos' moral leadership. One story relates that

a purse lost in the road will be left until its owner returns for it

(p. 181). Elsewhere he mentions their prodigious energy, self-reliance

and hospitality.

There is little characterization in the novel and that little also

serves to illustrate the wisdom of the laws. The "Vieillard" who is

telling Tel6maque about the legal system established by the glorious king

of Cr8te is never described other than to say that he is the eldest and

wisest of all of the judges appointed tooversee the administration of

the laws. This characterization is useful since it lends him the author-

ity necessary to give the lessons which he is teaching Tilemaque (and

through him the reader) and because he then serves as an example at

the end of the work of the efficacy and beneficent effect of the laws.

Tel6maque appears only three times: the introductory passage and the

concluding passage mention his respect for and awe of the laws; and he

serves as an illustration of the necessity that the judges be mature men

of great experience and wisdom. The age factor is especially stressed:

Telemaque n'eut pas de peine a comprendre ces verites puisque
pour lui inspire a lui-meme de la sagesse dans ses jeunes
annges, il a falu qu'une Divinite du premier rang se soit
mise sous la figure de Mentor continuellement a ses c6tez,
pour le diriger dans toutes ses actions & dans toutes les
d6marches de sa vie; & puisqu'aussit6t qu'il perdoit de vQa
ce fidele Conducteur, il oublioit toutes les instructions
qu'il en avoit rega; abandonn6 a lui-m6me, ce n'etoit que
fiert6, hauteur & imprudence; il se croyoit d'une nature
different de celle des autres hommes; la vie qu'il avoit
regfq d'un Heros que sa Mere Penelope lui avoit toQjours
represents & mis devant les yeux come un homme admirable,
le portoit a se regarder comme une Divinite sur la terre,

S& mepriser tous les autres hommes comme infiniment au-
dessous de lui; la quality de Fils de Roy contribuoit encore
extremement l augmenter son orgueil, quioqu'il n'en eut
point plus d'etendug d'esprit; plus de science, ni de vertu:
il n'avoit de la deference que pour le seul Mentor, qui des
son enfance lui avoit imprimg ce respect; ... (pp. 14-16).

With himself as an example of the elderly judge's claim of the inappro-

priateness of youth to the task of reconciling issues among citizens,

Tl16maque is left little choice but agreement. The source of the des-

cription is rather plainly the episode in which T6lemaque is accompany-

ing the kings into combat against Argaste (Bk. XIII, pp. 346-67), in

which the young prince acquires the initial animosity of his fellow

chiefs through his aloofness, pride and impatience. The passage cited

here, however, exaggerates the faults which appeared in the original

version, and it greatly undervalues his virtues. The prince demonstrates

all through the T61emaque that he does indeed have greater breadth of

spirit, greater knowledge and greater courage than other men. He is,

moreover, unquestionably favored by the gods. The narrator's statement

also presents a chronological inconsistency. Tel6maque does not yet

know when he arrives on Cr@te the extent of the favor which the goddess

has shown him, even though his actions on Chypre reveal a cognizance of

his own weakness and his need for Mentor's guidance; Minerve only allows

him to recognize her at the very end of the voyage. Consistency on

these points was not desirable for the purposes of the author of the

Loix, however, and so these traits of the prince's character were

neglected. In any case, this quasi-portrait represents the full extent

of characterization in the Loix.

The lack of characterization also has an effect on the structure of

the Loix. Two personages are presented in the introduction -- "Le

Maitre & le Disciple" -- but the presence of T616maque is evoked only

indirectly, as the two passages cited above demonstrate (pp. 84-85, 92).

The Vieillard is therefore the only speaking character. Even he has an

identity problem, however: it is frequently difficult to distinguish

between the eldest judge and the narrator. In general, the Vieillard

is invoked in order to emphasize a particular point. For instance,

after the introduction, the narrator does not signal a change of

speakers as he begins Tel6maque's lesson of the qualifications of judges

under Minos' system. When discussing the necessity that judges be

elders, he intervenes: "A cette occasion le Vieillard fit faire a Te16-

maque les reflexions suivantes: Considerez (lui dit-il) le veritable

caractere de la jeunesse, ..." (p. 9). This formulation implies that

the preceding part of the lesson has come from the Maitre and it pro-

vides variety in the presentation, as well as giving the idea the pres-

tige and authority of coming from the venerable judge. In other places

the narrator recounts the lesson indirectly. "Le Vieillard continuant

de parler, dit, que comme les places de Juge doivent etre une recom-

pense a la vertu, ..." (p. 18). In the paragraphs which follow, the

distinction fades once again. Thus, despite the ostensible presence

of two characters, the Loix du roi Minos is really a monologue completely

dominated by the narrator who occasionally puts his words into a

character's mouth for variety and emphasis.

Although Fenelon represents an obvious point of departure for the

author of the Loix du roi Minos, the conception of the ancient king of

Cr&te as the ideal legislator seems to have been not uncommon during the

eighteenth century. Antoine Banier published a "Distinction des deux

Minos" in the M6moires de l'Acad6mie des Inscriptions, several years

before the appearance of the Loix.7 The Encyclop6die contained two

articles dealing with Minos: the article on Minos treats king Minos I,

noting his mythological position as judge of the dead and praising his

historical role as "un des plus sages l6gislateurs de l'antiquitS."

The article on the Minotaure includes a long section discussing the

mythology and history of Minos II, who was, according to the encyclo-

p6diste responsible for the article, a good king whom the Greeks calum-

niated because of the tribute which he had exacted of Athens after

defeating the rival city at war (v. 10, pp. 557-59). As late as 1773,

Voltaire published a play entitled Les Lois de Minos in which the laws
of Cr8te are shown to have been cruel travesties of civilization.

He himself recognized that this perspective ran counter to the popular

conception of Minos' laws, but he used the confusion between the two

kings to attack the system of the first with the reputation for immoral-

ity and cruelty of the second.

Like the Tel6maque moderne, the Loix du roi Minos represented an

effort to exploit the popularity of the best selling novel of the early

eighteenth century -- Fenelon's Les Avantures de Tl66maque, fils d'Ulysse.

The effort to associate the Loix du roi Minos with the Tl16maque is even

more explicit than it is in the Tel6maque moderne since it does not

modernize the setting, presents the same format for publication as the

books of the Tl16maque and particularly since the publisher identified

F6nelon as at least partial author. The Loix resembles the Tel6maque

moderne in that the author did not attempt to preserve the variety and

richness of the Tel6maque in adventures, in style or in philosophy, but

sacrificed everything which did not directly pertain to the discussion

of the .legal system. The structure which the author gave to his treat-

ment of the theme was a monologue sprinkled with anecdotes and illus-

trations to clarify points of law or procedure being considered and to

show the effects of various actions in a more concrete form. The char-

acters in the novel suffer the same fate and become only voices to

communicate the author's-message for reform, although the three times

that TMlemaque does appear, his few traits are drawn, at least to some

extent, from the model. On the other hand, the Loix is readable for a

political treatise and reveals a concern on the part of the author with

ameliorating the lives of the common people through changes in the legal

system. The author particularly favored reforms in the administration

of justice and in the judicial system, recommending particularly the

appointment of judges on the basis of merit; the abolition of the perni-

cious and corrupt minor officials of the courts; uniformity of law

throughout the country; and the abolition of unnecessary restrictions

on work, travel, recreation, etc. -- although he did insist that every-

one had to work. In most of his suggestions, he manages to stay very

close to Fenelon's philosophy of government, but he goes into detail

on the issues of specific legal matters which the archbishop had left

out of the Telmaque.

1Because archaic spelling is used in most of the works of the
study; I-will -reserve the use of [sic] for either extreme errors of
spelling or for grammatical differences. The six pages of the
"Avertissement" are unnumbered.
2Frangois Drujon, Les Livres a clef, etude de bibliographie
critique et analytique pour servir a l'histoire litteraire (1888, rpt.
Brussels: Culture et civilisation, 1966), p. 925.

3Rene Godenne, Histoire de la nouvelle franQaise aux XVIIe et
XVIII siecles, Publications Romanes et Frangaises, CVIII (Geneva:
Droz, 1970), pp. 51-58, and elsewhere when he talks about realisme
galant in the nouvelle romanesque and nouvelle galante.

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