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Windigo psychosis

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Title:
Windigo psychosis the anatomy of an emic-etic confusion
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Marano, Louis, 1943-
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English
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iv, 210 leaves : ill., maps ; 28 cm.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Anthropology ( jstor )
Archives ( jstor )
Boreal forests ( jstor )
Cultural anthropology ( jstor )
Death ( jstor )
Human cannibalism ( jstor )
Killing ( jstor )
Starvation ( jstor )
Wendigo ( jstor )
Witches ( jstor )
Algonquin Indians ( lcsh )
Cannibalism -- Psychological aspects ( lcsh )
Psychology, Pathological ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1981.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 195-209).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Louis Marano.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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ABS3661 ( NOTIS )
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WINDIGO PSYCHOSIS: THE ANATOMY OF AN EMIC-ETIC CONFUSION


BY

LOUIS MARANO


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1981














TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ABSTRACT . iii

CHAPTER

I STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM, BACKGROUND TO RESEARCH, AND
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . 1

Epistemological and Personal Biases 4
My Life and Research with the Ojibwa .. 10
How I Got Interested in and Carried Out the Study of
Windigo . 15
Acknowledgments ... 22
Note . 25

II REVIEW OF THE WINDIGO LITERATURE ... 26

Introduction . 26
Background to the Literature Review .. 28
Windigo Psychosis, 1933-67 .. 30
Windigo Psychosis, 1967-81 ... 46
Notes . 76

III WINDIGO'S ECOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL SETTING 77

IV ANALYSIS OF THE ARCHIVAL CASE MATERIALS .. 123

Notes . .. 171

V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS .. 174

Note . 194

REFERENCES . 195

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .. 210








ii













Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


WINDIGO PSYCHOSIS: THE ANATOMY OF AN EMIC-ETIC CONFUSION


By

Louis Marano

December 1981


Chairman: Marvin Harris

Major Department: Anthropology

Although "windigo psychosis" has served anthropology as a classic

example of "culture-bound psychopathology" for almost half a century,

five years' field experience among the Northern Algonkian peoples of

Canada, extensive archival research, and a critical examination of the

voluminous literature on windigo, all indicate that there probably never

were any windigo psychotics in an etic and behavioral sense. It is

argued that an emic and mentalist bias has limited the abilities of

anthropologists to adequately analyze the Algonkian windigo complex.

The dissertation proceeds on the assumption that for almost fifty

years the wrong question has been asked. Looking at the windigo phe-

nomenon from the point of view of group sociodynamics rather than from

individual psychodynamics reveals that the crucial question is not

"what causes a person to become a cannibalistic maniac?" but rather








"under what circumstances is a Northern Algonkian likely to be accused

of having become a cannibalistic maniac and thus run the risk of being

executed as such?" It is held that the conditions that produced the

windigo complex were created or exacerbated by the fur trade. These

include faunal depletions, population dislocations, a progressively

increasing bondage to a mercantile monopoly, devastations by European

diseases, and a counterintuitive population explosion caused by a shift

to a mode of production that put a premium on child labor. Under these

straitened circumstances the aged, the infirm, and the mentally dis-

turbed imposed a severe tax on the domestic economy, and it is held

that the Algonkian windigo myth was elaborated in historic times to

provide a rationale for the execution of these persons.

It is argued, then, that those killed as having been possessed by

the spirit of the Windigo monster were in fact victims of triage homi-

cide or witch-hunts; events common in societies under stress. It is

shown that there is no reliable evidence for psychotic cannibalism,

either in the windigo literature or in the archives. Furthermore, the

failure of anthropologists to distinguish the emics of thought from the

etics of behavior has resulted in a double error, for "windigo psychosis"

of anthropological renown conforms neither to the emic phenomenological

category of the Northern Algonkians nor to their etic behavioral

history.












CHAPTER I
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM, BACKGROUND TO RESEARCH, AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


If a visitor from an advanced civilization had begun ethnographic

fieldwork in Massachusetts late in the year 1692, he or she would cer-

tainly have been told about the witch trials and executions that had

taken place in Salem. Many informants would doubtless have claimed

that the executions were necessary; the diabolism of the witches pre-

sented an intolerable threat to the commonweal. If the fieldworker did

not believe in the interaction between demons and people, he or she would

be faced with making an interpretive choice. Either the "witches" were

executed because they were dangerously deviant (barn-burners, well-

poisoners, or worse), or the "witches" were themselves the victims of a

socio-historical process neither they nor their executioners fully under-

stood.

From the light of the late 20th century most North Americans would

choose the second interpretation. Evidence for malevolence on the part

of the Salem witches is unconvincing. The phrase "witch-hunt" has be-

come an epithet in modern English, and is used to denote the victimiza-

tion of the weak and the vulnerable by established interest groups.

Those hanged, tortured, and crushed with weights at Salem in 1692 have

been exonerated. Similarly absolved is Dorcas Good, who as a four-

year-old child not only lost her mother to the gallows, but was herself

kept in heavy irons in Boston prison for nine months (Boyer and

Nissenbaum 1974:5).









But the memory of another group of people killed for having con-

gress with demons remains beclouded. With beginnings that may antedate

the Salem trials and continuing almost until World War I, a number of

Algonkian Indians (no one knows just have many) were killed by their

fellows on the grounds that they had been possessed by the spirit of a

cannibal monster. Professional anthropologists have concerned them-

selves with this issue since shortly after 1930, a time when an

atomisticic' structure of Algonkian personality and other person-

ality theories developed as a result of interest in Gestalt psychology

and psychoanalysis in the post-World War I period" (Hickerson 1967:

313). Beginning with the work of Father John M. Cooper (1933) anthro-

pologists have explicated this phenomenon in the following way: The

cultural constellation of the Northern Algonkian peoples is such that

it predisposes certain individuals to fall victim to a psychosis in

which state they are obsessed by a compulsive craving to eat human

flesh. According to this theory these victims of "windigo psychosis"'

are often quite willing to kill in order to satisfy their ghoulish

mania. Small wonder, then, that the preemptive execution of those so

afflicted has frequently been necessary.

I reject this interpretation of Cooper and his followers

(Hallowell 1934, 1936; Landes 1937a,b, 1938a,b), and contend that al-

though "windigo psychosis" has been the most celebrated culture trait

of the Northern Algonkian peoples for almost half a century there prob-

ably never were any windigo psychotics in the sense that cannibalism or

murder was ever committed in order to satisfy an obsessive craving for

human flesh. While I agree with Preston that aspects of the windigo









belief complex may have been "components in some individuals' psycho-

logical dysfunction" (1980:128), I argue that windigo psychosis as an

etic/behavioral form of anthropophagy is an artifact of research which

failed to distinguish the emics of thought from the etics of behavior.

Looking at the windigo phenomenon from the point of view of group

sociodynamics rather than from individual psychodynamics reveals that

the crucial question to be asked is not "what causes a person to become

a cannibalistic maniac?" but rather "under what circumstances is a

Northern Algonkian likely to be accused of having become a cannibalistic

maniac and thus run the risk of being executed as such?" Upon close

scrutiny the windigo curiosity discloses itself to be not a culture-

specific anthropophagic obsession, but instead a rather predictable-

though culturally conditioned-variant of triage homicide and witch-

hunting that is typical of societies under stress. In this process, as

in all witch-hunts, the victims of aggression are socially redefined as

aggressors. In this case the specific form of redefinition was deter-

mined by the constant threat of starvation; a situation in which canni-

balism has proved to be a tempting recourse for persons of all cultures

throughout history. By attributing society's most salient fear to the

scapegoat, the group was able to project its modal anxiety onto the

individual, thus generating a rationale for homicide with which anyone

could identify.

It is this recurrent transmogrification-once an emic reality of

Northern Algonkian mental life-that anthropology has seized upon and

reified. The importance of understanding the mental emics of sub-

ject populations cannot be overstated, but to confuse these with their








etic behavioral history is an invitation to ethnological disaster (Harris

1979:31-41). It is the central point of this dissertation that such a

confusion has been made systematically in anthropological writings on

the windigo complex. This confusion has resulted in a double error,

for the windigo "psychosis" of anthropological renown conforms neither

to the emic phenomenological category of the Northern Algonkians nor

to their etic behavioral history.

Epistemological and Personal Biases

As will be documented in the following chapter, we owe the exis-

tence of windigo as a "psychosis" to the ethnographic investigations of

three anthropologists who were-to a greater or lesser extent-influ-

enced by the synthesis of anthropology and neo-Freudian psychology in

the 1920s and 1930s: John M. Cooper, A. Irving Hallowell, and Ruth

Landes. Of the three, Hallowell has most explicitly expressed a com-

mitment to the emics of Ojibwa life at the expense of the etics. He

was not primarily concerned with what shamans, sorcerers, and windigo-

killers did, but what they said or thought they did. For example, in

recounting an informant's story of a sorcerer disguised as a bear,

Hallowell professes no interest in the question of whether sorcerers

actually did sometimes don bear costumes to frighten and intimidate

their campmates. Here is the informant's story:

The soul of a living person, too, after it leaves the body
can look like an animal. A powerful medicine man can do a lot
of harm because he can go about secretly at night. But you can
see his body lying there in his wigwam all the time. A long
time ago a friend of mine told me what he had seen. He and
his wife were living with an old man suspected of being a sor-
cerer. One night he thought the sorcerer was up to something.
The latter lit his pipe and covered himself up completely with
his blanket. My friend kept watch. After a long, long time
had gone by, all of a sudden the sorcerer threw off the blanket








and fell over towards the fire. Blood was running from his mouth;
he was dead. My friend found out what killed him. At the very
same time that the sorcerer was lying under his blanket so
quietly, in another part of the camp Piddndakwan was waiting with
a gun in the dark beside the body of his son who had been killed
by sorcery. A kind of "fire" had appeared around the camp
several times before the boy died. This night PindAndakwan saw
the "fire" coming again. It made a circle around the corpse,
which was covered by birch bark. He heard a voice saying, "This
is finished." Then he saw a bear trying to lift the bark near
the head of his son; he was going to take what he wanted. [In
a note Hallowell explains that a sorcerer who kills is said to
visit the corpse and cut off the fingertips, the tip of the
tongue, and gouge out the eyes. He keeps these trophies in a
little box for magical use. Knowing this, PindAndakwan set a
trap for the sorcerer outside the wigwam, baiting it with a
pseudo-grave for his son.] Pindandakwan shot the bear and he
heard a man's voice crying out. Both the sorcerer and the boy
were buried the next day. Everyone thought the old man was a bad
one. No one blamed Pindandakwan.

Here is Hallowell's analysis:

It is obvious that, in this case, the conjurer was not under-
stood to be prowling around dressed up in a bear skin. This was
John Tanner's interpretation over a century ago, of similar
stories. He writes: ". by some composition of gunpowder, or
other means [they] contrive to give the appearance of fire to the
mouth and eyes of the bear skin, in which they go about the vil-
lage late at night, bent on deeds of mischief, oftentimes of
blood." [James, 1830 (ed.), p. 343] This is simply Tanner's
effort at an explanation intelligible to him. I believe
that all we need to say is that the self of the sorcerer was in
Pindandakwan's camp. To say that he was there is the meaningful
core of the whole situation; it was Pinddndakwan's assumption
that he would be there and he acted on this premise. In these
terms the situation is as humanly intelligible to us as it is to
the Ojibwa. What is always difficult for them is to explain what
we could call the mechanism of events, exactly how they occur.
To them, this line of thought seems "pedantic." Explanation is
never pursued in much detail at this level (which is actually the
level of science). But to say that he (the sorcerer) had killed
Pinddndakwan's son, that he was caught there on a particular
night and killed by Pind6ndakwan in revenge is thoroughly meaning-
ful to them. All they take for granted (as an implicit meta-
physical principle) is that multiform appearance is an inherent
potential of all animate beings. (Hallowell, 1954, reprinted in
Hallowell, 1955:176-177. Italics in the original)

Hallowell has left the task half done here. "Pedantic [explanations]

"actually [on] the level of science" (p. 177) are precisely those towhich









we should aspire. Of course these will not be the explanations favored

by most of our informants. There is no reason to expect this to be so.

We must certainly do our best to enter into the emic thought world of

the people we study, but that is only the first leg of the journey. We

must take care lest we, like Dorothy, get swept away to the land of Oz

and are unable to return to Kansas. We must be able to interpret our

findings in ways that are consistent with what we know about the mate-

rial world. As Hallowell points out, John Tanner-who was captured by

the Indians at the age of nine and lived with them night and day for

thirty years-tells us that shamans sometimes prowled the villages at

night dressed in bear skins, and by some pyrotechnic device made it ap-

pear as if fire were coming from their mouths and eyes. Should an

anthropologist minimize the importance of this etic datum simply because

it would not necessarily be meaningful to the average Ojibwa? (Not all

Ojibwa would have found Tanner's statement meaningless; the shamans

themselves come immediately to mind. Also, culturally and psychologi-

cally Tanner himself was more Indian than white.)

Hallowell's claim that "all we need to say is that the self of the

sorcerer was in Pinddndakwan's camp," that this "is the meaningful core

of the whole situation," and that "in these terms the situation is as

humanly intelligible to us as it is to the Ojibwa" prematurely closes

the book on the question of the relationship between meaning and causal-

ity in Ojibwa studies. As will be shown in the following chapter, many

other contributors to the literature on windigo "psychosis" are con-

strained by the same emic and mentalistic biases.

With some exceptions, those who have studied windigo thus far have

extracted one aspect of Northern Algonkian folk belief from its cultural








and environmental context and enshrined it in anthropological cliche

(cf. Bishop 1975:237; Preston 1980:114; 127-128). This procedure has

done justice neither to the Algonkian folk model nor to attempts at a

science of history. These studies imply that if we are in the company

of a Northern Algonkian we need be concerned lest he or she, for no

apparent reason, be seized by the overpowering urge to dismember and

eat us. Yet in the more than 300 years Europeans have been traveling

about the north with Algonkian guides, canoeists, dog drivers, and

freighters, not one of them has found it necessary to kill an Indian

on the grounds that his companion had turned into a cannibalistic

madman. Algonkians, on the other hand, have killed large numbers of

their fellows on just such justification,and anthropologists accept this

emic rationale without question.

If psychotic cannibalism existed in an etic/behavioral sense, it

seems unlikely that it would have escaped the attention of the "old

northern hands" with millenia of accumulated experience only to be

"discovered" by a few psychological anthropologists in the early 1930s.

Fur traders, missionaries, government officials, etc., have often been

more rigorously scientific than anthropologists on the windigo issue in

that they have been more careful to distinguish the emics of Northern

Algonkian thought from the etics of Algonkian behavior. For example,

consider the following exchange of correspondence between Hudson's Bay

Company officer James Todd writing from Big Trout Lake (located in

what is now northwestern Ontario) to his superior Joseph Fortesque at

York Factory (located in what is now northern Manitoba) (Hudson's

Bay Company Archives B. 220/6/2, 12 July 1882 Todd to Fortesque [folio

18d]):









I have brought a man down, one of my Indians from Trout Lake,
who is out of his mind. The Doctor may be able to do some-
thing for him. I therefore send him to York Factory. His wife
is with him to look after his wants. He is harmless so far, at
times he gets into sort of a fit, then he requires to be held, he
also runs off through the woods any distance if he is not closely
watched, he runs very fast, by what I hear. The complaint came
upon him last April, while hunting, he is not a praying man, but
the opposite, and he has his own beliefs, which I think myself
has been the cause of his getting deranged. I hope some good
may be done to him at York Factory.

Your lunatic is quite recovered, and is a very useful man, but
is very unwilling to return to your post as he fears his life
might be sacrificed to the superstitions of his countrymen.
(24 July 1883, Fortesque to Todd [folio 25d])

I am glad to learn my lunatic has completely recovered and that
he is so useful to you-I fully believe in his fears to return to
Trout Lake, superstitious indeed are his countrymen indeed too
much so, and above all too cowardly. (2 January 1884, Todd to
Fortesque [folio 26d])

The 19th-century ethnocentrism of the Hudson's Bay men need not

detain us here. The point is that there was no doubt in the mind of the

man who had been mentally disturbed, or in Todd's mind, that the re-

covered "lunatic" was in danger of his life. No mention is made of

windigo or of cannibalism in this case, but an ethnographic and ethno-

historic background in Algonkiana justifies the informed opinion that

windigo possession would have been the Indian justification for homicide.

The windigo issue provides a good example of why one must be cautious

in defining "meaning" in ethnographic research. At the very least there

is "meaning" for the killers and "meaning" for those they kill; the two

are not isomorphic. The man from Big Trout Lake showed an understandable

disinclination to sacrifice himself at the phenomenological altar of his

society's social authorities. The emic reality of executioners has

typically been preserved in dynastic histories and ethnographic field









notes; the emic reality of the executed is buried with them (cf. Harris

1979:324).

My conviction that the distinction between the emics of thought

and the etics of behavior is a necessary precondition for a science of

culture corresponds to the basic epistemological principles of cul-

tural materialism (Harris 1979: 29ff). The study of an intersubjectively

defined behavior stream is the key to understanding what happened in

human history, and what is likely to happen in the future. Having made

explicit my epistemological predelictions, let me do the same for my

personal biases.

James G. E. Smith believes that cases of windigo psychosis have

been underreported because of "the tendency of some writers to conceal

or understate cannibalistic events, including H. R. Schoolcraft (who was

married to an Ojibwa), and acculturated, literate Ojibwa such as

[William W.] Warren, [Peter] Jones, and [George] Copway" (1976:31). I

too am vulnerable to this charge (although Smith offers no evidence to

substantiate his indictment of these men other than their racial origins

or conjugal affiliation). I was married to an Ojibwa woman and have

two bicultural, bilingual children of mixed European and North American

ancestry. Obviously I am not a disinterested observer, and have a per-

sonal as well as academic interest in the outcome of the debate my work

is sure to engender. Personally, I do not want my children to grow up

believing that their people-for reasons peculiar to their culture-

were or are subject to a ghoulish form of insanity wherein those af-

flicted kill and eat their neighbors in order to satisfy an obsessive

cannibalistic craving. I would much rather have them believe that









Ojibwa culture-like all cultures-is susceptible to manifestations of

witch-fear, scapegoating, and triage homicide when subjected to traumatic

stress. I would also like them to know that there is no evidence for the

belief that Ojibwa crisis cannibalism was substantively different from

crisis cannibalism in any other culture. In addition to perpetrating

an epistemological disaster, I believe that anthropology has done the

Northern Algonkian peoples a great disservice by positing the existence

of the windigo mania on the basis of scanty and unreliable evidence.

The readers must judge for themselves to what extent my personal

involvement in this issue prejudices the value of my work. In order to

aid the reader in making this judgment, an autobiogrpahical sketch is

incorporated into my statement of methods and fieldwork research.


My Life and Research with the Ojibwa

Having completed work on an M.S. in interdisciplinary social

science, I first went north as a graduate student in anthropology in the

summer of 1972. Professor A. T. Steegmann, Jr., my advisor at the

State University of New York at Buffalo, had written me into a grant

application to the National Science Foundation. The application was a

request to fund a series of studies of human biology and cultural

ecology in the boreal forest zone of northwestern Ontario. My own re-

search was to have been an inquiry into the Northern Algonkian strate-

gies for dealing with the Subarctic cold, as well as the study of hunt-

ing and trapping techniques and attendant corpus of survival skills. At

the time my working assumption, and the assumption of all the other mem-

bers of the research team, was that the severe cold of the region was

the paramount environmental hazard; an assumption that later proved

false (Marano 1981).








Although my primary interest at the time was in human biology and

subsistence activities, I also had a keen interest in ethnology and gen-

eral anthropology. I received from the accumulated works of Hallowell

and Landes the vicarious thrills one might expect from good adventure

novels. The work of Dunning (1959) and Rogers (1962) seemed quite a bit

more sedate, and I was not sure how to account for this discrepancy. The

prospect of the 1972 summer field trip filled me with excitement, for it

would give me the chance to see the Northern Algonkians and their culture

first hand.

The purpose of the trip for me was to familiarize myself with the

area, find a suitable community in which to do doctoral research, and get

permission from the local leaders to conduct the research after explaining

to them what I wanted to do. For my traveling companions Ted Steegmann

(now chairman of the anthropology department at the State University of

New York at Buffalo) and Marshall Hurlich (now assistant professor of

anthropology at the University of Washington) the trip was to be more

structured; they were to proceed to Fort Severn, Ontario, to administer a

series of anthropometric protocols. Fort Severn, the most far-flung

community in the province, is situated near the shores of Hudson Bay and

was to be the site of Hurlich's doctoral research in 1973-74.

Twenty-four hours on the train from Toronto brought us to Sioux

Lookout, the jumping-off point for northwestern Ontario. After Steegmann

and Hurlich caught a plane to Fort Severn the weather deteriorated, mak-

ing flying impossible but giving me extra time to decide on the village

to visit. After ruling out the larger communities I settled on Bearskin

Lake, probably for its rustic name.









My visit to Bearskin was both confusing and rewarding. Through an

interpreter I explained my plans and wishes to the band councillor. His

response was that it is written in the Bible that people should not drink,

and that it is sinful to do so. I allowed that I drank very little and

would not drink at all during the fieldwork period. I repeated my re-

quest for permission to work in the village. His answer was that Jesus

didn't want people to drink either. I took this as a provisional affirma-

tive. The next week was spent getting acquainted with the people and the

locale, doing some interviewing (taping the interviews with their trans-

lations), taking notes, and making up a short Ojibwa vocabulary. I re-

turned to Buffalo with the expectation that I would be back in Bearskin

in the fall of 1974 for a year's fieldwork.

Although for a number of personal reasons I never returned to Bear-

skin to do doctoral research, this was not the end of my association with

the Northern Ojibwa. I next returned to them as a research assistant to

Professor Steegman, who had been influential in kindling my interest in

the boreal forest Algonkians. Steegmann's plan was to go to the village

of Round (Weagamow) Lake, Ontario, from January to March, 1974, to do a

series of field experiments and laboratory experiments designed to learn

more about the process of thermo-regulation of hand temperatures among

cold-acclimatized Northern Ojibwa. Some of the field experiments con-

trolled for exercise and insulation, and others measured the finger tem-

peratures of subjects as they went about their normal outdoor tasks. The

laboratory experiments involved the monitoring of hand temperatures

through a thirty-minute immersion in 5C ice water and recovery rates

after withdrawal. When the man slated to accompany Steegmann as his

research assistant backed out, I was eager to go in his stead.








Steegmann and I arrived in Round Lake early in January 1974

and completed the work in less time than anticipated (see Steegmann

1974; Hurlich and Steegmann 1979; Steegmann [ed.] 1981). In addition

to acting as Steegmann's research assistant, I did some research of my

own into the behavioral strategies employed by the Northern Ojibwa in

their hunting and trapping activities. This work-which was mostly

interviews supplemented by some personal observation-was used as the

basis of my M.A. thesis in anthropology (Marano 1974).

When Steegmann returned to Buffalo in mid-February 1974 I

elected to remain in the village for reasons that are still not com-

pletely clear to me. Like many Vietnam veterans I had experienced re-

entry problems into my own society. This was not an issue when I was

with the Indians. I had met a young Ojibwa woman of whom I was fond.

Moreover, I felt relaxed and comfortable my first year with the Round

Lake Ojibwa; more so than in my hometown of Buffalo.

I returned to Buffalo in March 1974 but was back in Round Lake

in April. My Ojibwa friend and her father had promised to take me

"spring trapping," and I did not want to miss this opportunity. In

early May, as the ice was breaking up along the Caribou River, we

trapped muskrat, beaver, and otter, and hunted ducks.

In Buffalo during the summer of 1974 I wrote up my master's pro-

ject and negotiated with a bush-plane company to work as their agent in

Round Lake. Eva and I were married in August 1974, and I began work-

ing for Hooker Air Service in September, first in Pickle Lake,

Ontario, then on to Round Lake when the airport opened in October. With

the aid of my affines I built a small log house. October 1974 to June

1975 were spent looking after the concerns of Hooker Air Service and









the needs of my new extended family. I hunted (mostly small game) and

fished with a net.

By the time I was laid off work in June 1975, my wife was preg-

nant. I applied for the job of an adult education teacher of math and

English for the 1975-76 school year and then my wife, her parents,

younger sister, and I went to the family hunting territory at North

Caribou Lake and lived off the land in the summer of 1975. This was ac-

complished with the aid of guns, ammunition, a fishnet, some flour, oats,

tea, sugar, and salt.

My son Ronald was born in December 1975, when I was working as an

adult education teacher. When my contract expired in April 1976, I

took my wife and son and our belongings, flew to Sioux Lookout, and got

on the next westbound train. After three months of searching for a job

in British Columbia and Washington State, I received two offers at about

the same time. One was a CETA job in Pierce County, Washington, and the

other was that of lecturer in anthropology in the Brandon University

Northern Teacher Education Program.

Brandon University, a small institution in western Manitoba, had

received governmental funding to train native peoples in the northern

part of the province. The goal was to allow the students to study for

their Manitoba teacher's certificates on their own reserves. My first

assignment was that of a "traveling professor" who would maintain a

residence in Winnipeg and spend four days a week teaching in the north.

This usually meant flying out early Monday morning and returning on

Thursday evening. I did this the first year I worked for Brandon, and

the following two years were spent as a resident "centre coordinator" at








two Algonkian reserves in northern Manitoba. Table 1 shows the dates and

nature of my experiences with the Northern Algonkians from 1972 to 1980.

Although I did not go to the boreal forest to study windigo, I was able

to learn something about the concept as it is currently used among the

Northern Ojibwa. My report on this emic category is given in Chapter

II.

But what has been even more important to my understanding of

windigo is the feeling for Northern Algonkian. life I acquired during my

protracted interaction with them in their Subarctic environment. Many

of the stories in Morton Teicher's (1960) compendium of windigo cases

simply did not ring true to me, and this impelled me to search for

original sources whenever there was a hint that such might still be

extant. The interpretations I give to these sources in Chapter IV

could have been made only by someone with intimate knowledge of

Northern Algonkian life.

How I Got Interested in and Carried Out the
Study of Windigo

Of course, like every Algonkianist, I was aware of "windigo psy-

chosis." I had read Parker (1960), Hay (1971), and Rohrl (1970) in my

graduate school days, and found these explications unsatisfying. The

accounts in Landes (1937b, 1938b) and Hallowell (1955) seemed to be

much closer to the spirit of Ojibwa life, but they did not in my opinion

do much to advance our scientific understanding of the windigo phenome-

non. As my life among the Northern Algonkians progressed, I began to be

aware that their conception of windigo was not a very close approxima-

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not a psychological anthropologist. Beginning in 1975, my work among

the Northern Algonkians came to be more of an applied, interventionist

nature involving the delivery of educational services. And perhaps, I

thought, the disjunction between the contemporary Algonkian and the

classical anthropological windigo was the result of acculturation.

Whenever the opportunity arose during the three years I worked

for Brandon University in northern Manitoba, I would come in to the

University of Winnipeg to use the library. I would use the resources

of the library to prepare lectures for my classes, to keep myself

current on developments in anthropology, and to pursue my own intel-

lectual interests.

It was at the University of Winnipeg that I met Robert Fraser,

a laboratory demonstrator in the Department of Anthropology. Richard

Preston of McMaster University had delivered a guest lecture on the sub-

ject of windigo at the University of Winnipeg in the winter of 1978-79.

I was unable to attend the lecture and asked Bob what it had been about.

Fraser gave me a brief overview of Preston's talk (see Preston 1980) and

then came up with a fascinating idea of his own. He told me that in the

rare book room of the University library was the manuscript autobiography

of a missionary by the name of Frederick Stevens (n.d.). Stevens, he

said, had visited Sandy Lake in the years before the infamous windigo

killings by the Fiddler brothers. According to Fraser, Stevens had

reported that most of the "windigos" killed were nursing mothers

(Stevens n.d.:43). Stevens also stressed the starvation conditions

under which the Sandy Lake Ojibwa lived at the time of his visits (1943:

4-9, n.d.:42-43). It would be hard to imagine, said Fraser, a more








effective means of population control than the elimination of nursing

mothers. Not only would it remove reproductive women from the society,

but the nursing infants would also have a slim chance of survival.

I was very excited by Fraser's idea. Since Sandy Lake is only 80

miles west of Round Lake, and since the Sandy Lakers are closely re-

lated to the people at Island Lake where I had lived in 1977-78, I had

heard of the Fiddler killings (see Chapter IV) but did not know what to

make of them. Here was a chance to test a demo-environmental theory of

windigo executions by means of an etic report. I told Fraser that I was

interested in pursuing the subject in a serious way, and asked if he

wished to exercise prior claim to the topic. No, he replied. He was

discouraged with anthropology and was going to British Columbia to grow

apples. The way was clear.

Stevens' autobiography proved to be an intriguing document in many

respects, but disappointing as far as Fraser's theory was concerned. It

was true that he wrote "in six years, eight persons had been killed [as

windigo], most of them nursing mothers" (n.d.:43) but in this he was

not reporting first-hand observation, but hearsay. Stevens wrote these

words from Fisher River in the Manitoba interlake district. By this

time he had been out of touch with the Sandy Lakers for six years. But

a cursory review of the windigo literature brought me to Teicher (1960).

Teicher's source for the Sandy Lake killings was the Annual Archaeologi-

cal Report (hereafter AAR) 1907, which was an appendix to the report of

the Ontario Minister of Education (1908:91-121). This fascinating docu-

ment was available at the Manitoba Legislative Library in Winnipeg, and

turned out to be a transcript of Joseph Fiddler's trial at Norway House








on October 7, 1907. The Sandy Lake cases and the Moostoos case were the

two data sets most thoroughly summarized in Teicher. Teicher's sources

for the Moostoos case were trial summaries printed in the Annual

Archaeological Report for the year 1903 (1904:126-138). Through corre-

spondence I was able to get government records pertaining to the Sandy

Lake cases from the Public Archives of Canada (hereafter PAC) (1907-08;

1907-09) and for the Moostoos case (PAC 1899). From the Clerk of the

Edmonton Court I received additional material on the Moostoos case

(Edmonton Court Files [hereafter ECF] 1899: Cr. 157). (Most of the

government and legal files are unpaginated.)

The documentary sources did not lend support to Stevens' nursing-

mother statement, but the striking thing about all these documents was

the total absence of cannibalism. On this point Indians, Mounties,

missionaries, traders, and jurists agreed. Four of Teicher's seventy

cases of "windigo psychosis" came from the Sandy Lake materials, yet in

these cases the Indians themselves never stated that these four executed

persons ever showed the slightest desire to eat anyone. To be sure,

Moostoos' executioners emphatically claimed that the dead man had voiced

cannibalistic desires, and that this was the reason why they had to sink

an axe into his head. But by the same token they also claimed that

before his execution Moostoos was floating up over their heads and it

was a hard job to pull him back down to earth (AAR 1903 [1904:130]).

By this time I knew I was on to something. My five years'experi-

ence with the Northern Algonkians had taught me that the term "windigo"

was-at least in the 1970s-seldom if ever used to denote cannibalism

in fact or in desire. I was annoyed by the sensationalistic and









speculative explications of "windigo psychosis" in the anthropological

literature. To me there was nothing bizarre or sensational about

Ojibwa life. They were ordinary people with ordinary human problems

who tried to deal with their problems in much the same way that other

people with similar sets of problems dealt with theirs. A nomothetic

explanation for windigo executions suggested itself. In the Sandy Lake

cases sick people were "put out of [their] misery" (AAR 1907 [1908:104]).

Moostoos was almost certainly the victim of a witch-hunt. It seemed

very likely that these well documented cases were representative of the

windigo universe. Further archival and ethnohistoric research has re-

vealed nothing to cause me to reject my theory.


Acknowledgments

Through the very professional assistance of Ms. Joanne A. Frodsham,

state and military archivist at the Public Archives of Canada in Ottawa,

I was able to obtain the 48-page Department of Justice capital case

file on the case of Swift Runner (PAC 1879). As set forth in Chapter

IV, the Swift Runner case is the only windigo incident for which archival

data exist that involve cannibalism, and I believe this to be an in-

stance of famine cannibalism. Ms. Frodsham also provided me with

additional unpublished materials on the Fiddler (Wasakapeequay) case

(PAC 1907-08, 1907-09), the Moostoos case (PAC 1899), and all the mate-

rial I have on a long forgotten incident, the mysterious Mapanin exe-

cution (PAC 1896). I am extremely grateful to her for this invaluable

primary source information.

Robert Fraser not only rekindled my interest in windigo in the

manner noted above, but he shared his copy of the Campbell diary (n.d.)








with me, and assisted me in finding the 1838 census figures for the

Island Lake District. I am in his debt, and may his orchards thrive.,

My thanks go out to Mrs. Shirlee Smith, Ms. Garron Wells, and

Mr. Alex Ross, archivists for the Hudson's Bay Company collection in

Winnipeg. They have never failed to be helpful and cooperative and

made it possible for me to make the most of the limited periods of time

I had to work in the HBC Archives. Their assistance has provided me

with much valuable background information, including census figures for

northern Ontario and northern Manitoba in the 19th century. I am also

indebted to Mrs. Betty Barnes of the United Church House in Winnipeg

for kindly providing me with a copy of Stevens' account, "Sandy Lake"

(1943).

I would also like to thank Mr. Keith Stotyne, archivist at the

Alberta Archives, and Mr. Joseph Doyle, Clerk of the Edmonton Court,

for their courtesy and helpfulness. These men assisted me in getting

additional information on the Moostoos case (ECF 1899). I am grateful

to J. R. Wright for the prompt reply to my request to the Department of

Indian Affairs for official census figures. Mr. B. Moroz, Deputy

Prothonotary of the Manitoba Court of Queen's Bench, has gone out of his

way to help me obtain the original court records for the fascinating

Ahwahsahkahmig case, and has my sincere thanks. Both gratitude and

apologies must go out to Mrs. Marion Gregory of the Department of Indian

Affairs in Winnipeg, who helped me with census figures when I turned up

unexpectedly on an extremely busy working day.

But of all the archivists who assisted me in my search for the

historical windigo, none was so helpful as the Rev. J. Ernest Nix,








Deputy Archivist of the United Church of Canada in Toronto. Mr. Nix

spent weeks helping me to investigate a crucial element in this disser-

tation: the issue of the veracity and reliability of the missionary

Frederick George Stevens (see Chapter III). Mr. Nix took a personal

interest in the story of his brother minister, and devoted a great deal

of his energy to the retrieval of the Stevens material, and to other

aspects of the windigo puzzle. I am extremely thankful to him for all

his help and support.

I am also grateful to Charles Wagley for his comments on an

earlier version of Chapter II. It was he who pointed out the signifi-

cance of Kluckhohn's Navaho Witchcraft (1944) to my study. J. Anthony

Parades' response to an earlier draft of Chapter II was most gracious,

and I thank him for bringing J. G. E. Smith's "Notes on the Wittiko"

(1976) to my attention. In a meticulous critique of an earlier paper

(Marano 1979), Jean Briggs made me aware of Edmund Carpenter's "Witch-

Fear among the Aivilik Eskimos" (1953).

Both Edward S. Rogers and Richard J. Preston read my 1979 manu-

script and offered useful suggestions. Rogers has shared some of his

archival notes with me, including the exchange of correspondence

between Fortesque and Todd found earlier in this chapter. I very much

appreciate this, and other favors.

My special thanks go to Marvin Harris, whose analysis of the

European witch-craze (1974) helped me while still in the field make

the mental connections from which this dissertation grew. Professor

Harris' comments and criticisms have greatly improved this disserta-

tion. It is difficult to express the value of the intellectual





25


stimulation I have received from association with him, or of his per-

sonal generosity and support. I alone, however, am responsible for

possible errors or omissions.


Note

Windigo {wIndlgo} is the most common Ojibwa pronunciation and
wiitiko {witlko} is most common among the Cree, but the voiced or voice-
less quality of stops is not phonemic in either language. For purposes
of this dissertation the allomorph /windigo/ is used except within direct
quotes. The word begins with an upper case letter when it refers to the
Algonkian mythological personage and with a lower case letter elsewhere,
quotes excepted.













CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE WINDIGO LITERATURE


Introduction

"Windigo psychosis" has been the most celebrated culture trait

of the Northern Algonkian peoples for almost half a century. As a

classic example of "culture-bound psychopathology" its capacity to

inspire theorization in anthropology and the related disciplines seems

inexhaustible. This chapter is a review of the voluminous windigo

literature enlightened by five years' field experience among the

Northern Ojibwa and the Cree, as well as extensive archival research on

the subject.

The review which follows focuses on published explications of the

"psychosis,"' and shows that there is insufficient evidence for the

etic behavioral existence of the mania in this literature. A full

analysis of the ethnohistoric and ethnographic data is presented in

subsequent chapters, but a brief summary is in order here.

Seventy-odd "cases of windigo psychosis" can be tabulated.

(Seventy have been summarized in Teicher's anthology alone [1960].)

None of these "cases" provide first-hand accounts of cannibalism, and

some are so far removed from the events they purport to describe

that they can be classified most charitably as rumor. In other words

data are almost all emic inputs from informants who were not them-

selves involved in, or witnesses to, the events at issue; etic








inputs are absent. But some of these cases-about 10%-can be studied

both emically and etically by reading court records, trial tran-

scripts, and police investigation reports. In these documents the

words of the principals are recorded, as well as the reports of out-

side investigators whose business it was to determine the behavioral

facts as best they could. The value of these cases is far superior

to that of the others for two reasons: The emic inputs come from those

personally involved, and etic inputs are also present.

In only one of the documentary cases did cannibalism occur, and

this was a case of murder-cannibalism under starvation conditions.

This is hardly evidence of psychosis, nor is such behavior culture-

specific. The man in this case was not confronted by his fellow

Indians, but was arrested by the Mounted Police and executed by the

Dominion Government (Public Archives of Canada [hereafter PAC] 1879).

The remaining executions of windigo "psychotics" were carried out by

Indians and appear to be thinly disguised rationalizations for triage

homicide (AAR 1907 [1908]: PAC 1907-08, Edmonton Court Files [hereafter

ECF] 1899), and another appears to be the case of a man who, for

reasons of his own, engineered his own death (Manitoba Court of Queen's

Bench 1899).

It seems likely that the 10% sample these documented cases consti-

tute is representative of the "windigo" universe. This statistical find-

ing is reenforced by my ethnographic observations. In five years in

the boreal forest I saw frequent instances of scapegoating, and heard

countless witchcraft accusations, but never encountered one shred of









evidence for cannibalistic yearnings. It was also patently clear that

the Northern Algonkian windigo is a much more inclusive folk taxon than

the windigo of anthropology. I contend that there is no good documenta-

tion for windigo psychosis, and argue that the hearsay reports and folk

tales that have served as points of departure for contrary conclusions

do not constitute a reliable body of evidence.


Background to the Literature Review

Having arrived at this determination via the intellecutal pere-

grination outlined above, I set out to research this review comprehen-

sively. Much to my surprise I discovered that John Honigmann reached

essentially the same conclusion and published his analysis in 1967!

(p. 401). How could the work of such a distinguished psychological an-

thropologist and northernist have been ignored by the discipline for so

long after he questioned in print the authenticity of one of the most

precious jewels in the crown of culture-and-personality? A historical

reconstruction may help answer this question.

Honigmann was generally cautious and temperate in his treatment of

the windigo in his text Culture and Personality (1954:379-382). By

1967 his thoughts on the subject had matured to the point where he was

able to generate this noteworthy passage. Referring to Morton Teicher's

(1960) assemblage of windigo accounts, he wrote:

Some of [Teicher's] cases describe individuals whom famine had
driven to cannibalism, but who felt no emotional compulsion to eat
human flesh and came away from their desperate act without suffer-
ing any notable personality disorder. They can hardly be con-
sidered victims of Wiitiko disorder, regardless of what their
neighbors darkly suspected. As for the other cases, I can't find
one that satisfactorily attests to someone being seriously ob-
sessed by the idea of committing cannibalism. By "satisfactory"
I mean a trustworthy observer's eyewitness report of a person who








in his own words or by his own actions clearly admits to a com-
pulsion to eat human flesh. All cases on record fall short of
my standard. Often they recount what others told a writer, some-
times as an informant whose creditability itself remains in doubt.
Sometimes, as I have already said, such heresay evidence simply
reports uncomplicated famine cannibalism. Other hearsay accounts
describe people being killed, perhaps at their own behest, for
their dangerous preoccupation with cannibalism, but the reporter
didn't himself hear their admission. Hence I can't help but
wonder if in those executions the Indians, rather like Euro-
american witch hunters, didn't simply suspect the victims, in
conformity with their firm belief about compulsive cannibalism.
Some instances are court cases involving men tried for murder,
but the trial accounts don't clearly prove obsessive-compulsive
behavior. (Honigmann 1967:401; emphasis added)

These singular perceptions have been almost completely overlooked

in anthropology. (Victor Barnouw, for example, ignores them utterly

[1979:340-343].) A partial explanation may be found in the fact that

the passage quoted above is embedded almost as an aside within an en-

tirely conventional discussion of the windigo (Honigmann 1967:399-403).

Honigmann never specifically denied the existence of the "psychosis,"

and his consideration of etic/behavioral data is limited to Teicher's

compendium of "cases." My investigation into the court cases referred

to by Honigmann reveals unpublished materials indicating a complete ab-

sence of psychotic cannibalism. Moreover, my reading of archival sources

indicates that, from an etic perspective, all executed "windigo victims"

met death at the hands of their fellow Indians for reasons completely un-

related to the threat of their committing cannibalism. Another reason

why Honigmann's contribution has gone largely unnoticed may be that

Personality in Culture (Honigmann 1967) was not particularly well re-

ceived. Personality in Culture was a carefully prepared and attrac-

tively packaged textbook, but it had the misfortune of appearing at a

time when the fashionability of psychological anthropology was at a low









ebb. Having lost a large segment of the anthropological market to his-

torical vicissitude, Honigmann doubtless lost a quite different group of

readers by his explicit rejection of nomothetic research strategies and

his espousal of the principles of existential phenomenology (1967:xi-

xii). In spite of our theoretical differences, Honigmann's mature

thoughts on the windigo correspond to mine almost exactly, but I did not

read them until seven years after beginning fieldwork among the Northern

Algonkians and a year and a half after I became interested in the

windigo as an intellectual problem. I can only wish that I had read

Personality in Culture in 1973.

This review critically traces the development of the "windigo psy-

chosis" from its inception to the present. It will be shown that by

the time Honigmann published his insightful reflections in 1967, "windigo

psychosis" had achieved such a reified status in anthropology that it

was easy to ignore his signal contribution through the inertia of re-

ceived wisdom. Nevertheless, those who published on the subject after

1967 without reference to Honigmann's work must ultimately bear the

responsibility for their omission.

Windigo Psychosis, 1933-67

When speaking of the windigo, we may draw at least three categori-

cal distinctions. The first is Windigo as superhuman monster(s) who

may or may not have had human antecedents. (For a stylized portrayal

see Guinard [1930].) The second is a category of persons, the members of

which may or may not be considered to have been possessed by the spirit

of a cannibal-monster. The third is a culture-specific psychotic

syndrome, the victims of which are obsessed by a compulsive desire to








eat human flesh. The first two are Northern Algonkian categories and

concepts; the third is a child of 20th-century anthropology.

Windigo was first identified as a "sickness" by J. E. Saindon,

an Oblate missionary who worked among the Cree of western James Bay in

the early part of this century. Father Saindon has the singular distinc-

tion of being the first and only individual to observe a windigo vic-

tim and report those observations in print (1928:28, 1933:11-12). The

experience was quite unspectacular and corresponds very closely to my

own interactions with Northern Algonkians who "feel-like-a-windigo."

F., the victim in Saindon's account, showed no inclination whatever that

she wanted to eat anyone. Her symptoms were that she did not wish to see

anyone outside her immediate family because strangers looked like wild

animals to her and she experienced urges to kill them in self-defense.

It is interesting that Saindon makes no mention at all of cannibalism in

relation to windigo, but calls it a "psychoneurosis" which is "in cer-

tain cases an obsession and in others hysteria characterized by

an unbalanced imagination and an excessive impressionability" (Saindon

1928:27; emphasis added).2 It appears that F. was the only windigo

victim Saindon ever observed.

Saindon assured F. that she would get well and she responded

immediately to the suggestion (1933:12). John Honigmann, a scant page

away from his unique contribution, nevertheless overlooked the most

valuable piece of information now recoverable from Saindon's account

when he wrote: "Unfortunately, when the priest entered her tent he

didn't give her a chance to describe her symptoms; so there went a rare

opportunity for an inquirer with a good knowledge of Cree to interview









a victim of Wiitiko disorder" (1967:400). But Honigmann here missed the

main point. Of course it would have been desirable to have more back-

ground information on F., but the most diagnostic symptom of all in the

case was the fact that the patient was cured (or at least went into

indefinite remission) by a suggestion from an authority figure. That

is not behavior characteristic of a psychotic. If psychoses were that

easy to cure our mental hospitals would be empty. We must also consider

the possibility that F.'s symptoms were nothing more or less than the

ones Saindon reported. F. appears to have been phobic and neurotic, but

showed no sign of acting in a homicidal or cannibalistic manner.

From this narrow data base has come a torrent of interpretive

elaboration. Saindon was urged to publish his observations by his friend

and fellow priest, anthropologist John M. Cooper (Saindon 1933:1). In

the same issue of Primitive Man in which Saindon's modest reports ap-

peared, Cooper published his blood-curdling paper "The Cree Witiko

Psychosis" (1933). It was in this brief and phantasmagoric communica-

tion that the word "psychosis" was first applied to the windigo phenome-

non. Although it was Cooper's contention that "the factual data here

given are, except where otherwise stated from the present writer's field

notes taken among the eastern and western Cree and other Algonquian-

speaking peoples" (1933:20), Cooper does not present a single specific

instance of windigo psychosis nor any evidence of first-hand observa-

tion of such behavior. Cooper's initial description of the "psychosis"

is worth quoting at some length, for it set the tone for two generations

of scholarship on the subject (1933:21).

Cannibalism was resorted to by the Cree only in cases where actual
starvation threatened. Driven to desperation by prolonged famine
and often suffering from mental breakdown as a result thereof, the








Cree would sometimes eat the bodies of those who had perished,
or, more rarely, would even kill the living and partake of the
flesh. This solution, however, of the conflict between hunger
and the rigid tribal taboo often left, as its aftermath, an
"unnatural" craving for human flesh, or a psychosis that took
the form of such a craving. More rarely such a psychosis
developed in men or women who had not themselves previously
passed through famine experience.

That "cannibalism was resorted to by the Cree only in cases where

starvation threatened" seems to me to be a perfectly reasonable state-

ment, but that crisis cannibalism should result in a psychotic craving

for human flesh is a contention that demands specific verification. It

has never resulted in an obsessive psychosis in any other part of the

world. Survivors of the Donner party did not stalk the California gold

fields searching for unsuspecting prospectors to eat (McGlashan 1947:

236-261; Stewart 1960:280-293). It is probably true that breaking a

taboo on one occasion lowers the threshold for breaking it on subse-

quent occasions. For this reason the Indians doubtless tried to avoid

getting themselves into a food crisis with those who had already broken

it.

Contrast Cooper's statement with those of Hudson's Bay Company

officer and explorer Samuel Hearne, who lived for twenty years among

the Cree. In reporting the extreme hunger he and his party experi-

enced on his second expedition in search of the Coppermine River and

Northwest Passage, he wrote:

The relation of such uncommon hardships may perhaps gain little
credit in Europe; while those who are conversant with the his-
tory of Hudson's Bay, and who are thoroughly acquainted with the
distress which the natives of the country about it frequently
endure, may consider them as no more than the common occurrences
of an Indian life, in which they are frequently driven to the
necessity of eating one another. (1971 [1795]: 34).








By the time Hearne wrote these words in 1770, the Hudson's Bay Company

was already celebrating its first centenary. Whether or not eating one

another was a frequent necessity for the Cree before the fur-trade epoch

is a matter for further research, but in a footnote added later to the

quoted passage, Hearne continued:

It is the general opinion of the Southern [i.e., Cree]
Indians, that when any of their tribe have been driven to the
necessity of eating human flesh, they become so fond of it, that
no person is safe in their company. And though it is well known
they are never guilty of making this horrid repast but when driven
to it by necessity, yet those who have made it are not only
shunned, but so universally detested by all who know them, that
no Indians will tent with them, and they are frequently murdered
slily [sic]. I have seen several of those poor wretches who,
unfortunately for them, have come under the above description, and
though they were persons much esteemed before hunger had driven
them to this act, were afterward so universally despised and
neglected, that a smile never graced their countenances: deep
melancholy has been seated on their brows, while the eye most
expressively spoke the dictates of the heart, and seemed to say,
"Why do you despise me for my misfortunes? The period is prob-
ably not far distant, when you may be driven to the like neces-
sity!"

In the Spring of the year 1775, when I was building Cumber-
land House an Indian, whose name was Wapoos [Hare], came to the
settlement, at a time when fifteen tents of Indians were on the
plantations [sic!]: they examined him very minutely, and found
he had come a considerable way by himself, without a gun or
ammunition. This made many of them conjecture he had met with,
and killed, some person by the way; and this was the more easily
credited, from the care he took to conceal a bag of provisions,
which he had brought with him, in a lofty pine-tree near the
house.

Being a stranger, I invited him in, though I saw he had
nothing for trade; and during that interview, some of the Indian
women examined his bag; and gave it as their opinion that the
meat it contained was human flesh: in consequence it was not with-
out the interference of some principal Indians, whose liberality
of sentiment was more extensive than in the others, the poor
creature saved his life. Many of the men cleaned and loaded their
guns; others had their bows and arrows ready; and even the women
took possession of the hatchets, to kill this poor inoffensive
wretch, for no crime but that of travelling about two hundred
miles by himself, unassisted by fire-arms for support in his
journey. (1971 [1795]: 34-35)








Psychologically oriented anthropologists will recognize in this

account an example of the human tendency to condemn most vigorously in

others that which is most feared in oneself, as well as the propensity

to project those fears onto vulnerable others. It is suggested here

that the windigo belief complex evolved among the Northern Algonkians

as a way to help minimize the chances of getting caught in a famine with

those who had already broken the taboo against cannibalism, to minimize

the liabilities imposed by the incapacitated, and as a way of focusing

group anxieties and aggressions onto individuals adjudged socially ex-

pendable. It is not central to my argument whether this cultural con-

figuration was aboriginal, or whether it was a post-contact elaboration

of pre-Columbian cosmology which developed in response to deteriorating

infrastructural conditions. My judgment is that there is more evidence

for the latter position, but in either case we need not accept the emic

categories and concepts of our native informants as our own. A lowered

threshold to breaking a taboo against cannibalism in a crisis is a far

cry from an obsessive cannibalistic compulsion.

Cooper's last statement in the quoted paragraph that "more rarely

such a psychosis developed in men or women who had not themselves pre-

viously passed through famine experience" is one that if taken seri-

ously directly contradicts his first sentence, which affirms the exclu-

sively nutritional impetus for Cree cannibalism (1933:21). While

Saindon's informants told him that the windigo sickness was "a strange

malady that is rare today, but was formerly more frequent" (1933:11),

Cooper asserts in the same issue of Primitive Man that it is "a common

psychosis among the eastern Cree and kindred tribes showing] two









peculiar characteristics: the victim develops an 'unnatural' craving for

human flesh; he turns into an ice-hearted Witiko" (1933:24).

From these beginnings the misunderstandings snowballed. It could

even be argued that the windigo phenomenon is more of an example of mass

suggestibility among anthropologists than it was among Northern

Algonkian Indians. A. Irving Hallowell (1934) quickly confirmed the

existence of the disorder among the Berens River Saulteaux, a Northern

Ojibwa group. Taking the information provided by his informants at face

value, Hallowell identified the physical symptoms of the disease:

a distaste for ordinary foods, nausea, vomiting. He reported that "if

there were no improvement the afflicted one would often ask to be killed

and this desire was usually gratified" (1934:8). Hallowell also dis-

tinguished between early and late stages of the disorder even though he

had no first-hand knowledge of either stage. If in the first state the

victim was depressed and nauseous, "in these later cases (of which I

have no specific records) the individual does not merely develop a fear

of becoming cannibalistic but may exhibit a positive desire for human

flesh, or even take steps to satisfy this desire. .. But the cases

of which I have knowledge were only in the initial anxiety stage and the

persons affected were either killed or they recovered" (1934:8; italics

added). Since Hallowell's informants could give him no specific in-

stances of the second, or cannibal-psychotic, stage of the disorder, it

would have been appropriate for him to have been more skeptical of its

existence. Moreover, Hallowell did not attempt to ascertain the condi-

tions under which anxious and anorexic Ojibwa were killed, and those

under which they were allowed to recover. The statement that they








would "often ask to be killed" cannot be taken seriously in an etic, be-

havioral sense without a sample of actual cases.

The next Algonkianist to take up the windigo theme was Ruth

Landes. Landes based her conclusions on information gathered during

visits to the Manitou Reserve, on the Rainy River in southwest Ontario

in the summers of 1932 and 1933, and from an extensive correspondence

with her principal informant, Mrs. Maggie Wilson (Landes 1937a,b,

1938a,b). Of all the Algonkianists of the period, Landes' descrip-

tions of the windigo phenomenon are the most elaborate, and it is

probably for this reason that her writings seem to be the ones most

often referred to by those who have attempted to comment on "windigo

psychosis" by means of secondary sources alone (e.g. Parker 1960;

Teicher 1960; Arieti and Meth 1959; Linton 1956; Lewis 1958 [quoted in

Wing 1978:72-73]; Bolman and Katz 1966; Hay 1971).

It is unfortunate that Landes' most estimable contribution to

the windigo issue has been wholly neglected, for she wrote that "from

the psychiatric point of view all Ojibwa neuroses and psychoses

fall under the one category: windigo" (1938a:30). And in another paper:

"All [Ojibwa] insanities are generically termed windigo" (1937a:46).

The far-reaching implications of these statements seem never to have

given pause to subsequent researchers. If what Landes was saying is

that the Ojibwa tend to apply the term "windigo" to just about any form

of mental disturbance, then she was correct as I can confirm from my

own observations. But if that is what she meant, it becomes at once

obvious that the Ojibwa emic category is not isomorphic with the then

newly emerging etic anthropological category (cf. Preston 1980). The

difference between the emic and etic meanings of windigo is much









greater than spirit-possession on the one hand versus psychosis on the

other. The difference is that the Indians apply the term to cases where

no cannibalism or murder is suspected or anticipated, and the anthro-

pologists do not. If anthropologists had taken this aspect of Landes'

work seriously, we would have been forced to conclude that emically

speaking "windigo" is a very inclusive term. In my own experience, in

the vast majority of cases in which the Indians employ the term there is

no psychosis by either Algonkian or European criteria, much less a psy-

chosis involving murder and cannibalism. Unfortunately, anthropologists

zeroed in on the bizarre, the grotesque, and the macabre in Landes'

reports rather than on the inconsistencies and their second-hand nature.

This bias toward the exotic in anthropology has been identified and

criticized in other contexts by Naroll and Naroll (1963).

While Landes' identification of the broad nature of the Algonkian

windigo concept is most praiseworthy, her description of the phenomenon

is problematic in other respects. In one paper she writes that the

disorder is pretty much confined to males with shamanistic power who

attribute failure in the hunt to the curses of rival shamans; women being

relatively free from the condition (1938a:31). But in a book appearing

in the same year (1936b:213-226) she not only recounts tales of many

female windigowak, but also states that babies and even dogs are con-

sidered to be susceptible to the affliction.

The windigo literature got to be the way it is because early 20th-

century ethnologists in general and Algonkianists in particular failed

to make explicit the distinction between data about which the observer

is the ultimate judge of the adequacy of categories and concepts (etics)

and data about which the informant is the ultimate judge of same (emics).








More precisely, their work also suffered from the failure to distinguish

the emics of thought from the etics of behavior (Harris 1979:27-45).

Further evidence for the necessity of making these distinctions can be

found in the following passage (Landes 1938b:217; italics added, quo-

tation marks and parenthetical comments in the original):

An infant son of the great shaman Great Mallard Duck was
viewed by his mother's co-wife and by his half-sisters and
brothers as a windigo, and was therefore killed. This happened
during a period of starvation, when seven out of Duck's family
of sixteen person's died of hunger. "The baby that was nursing
was just crazy. He was eating his fingers up (this is con-
sidered cannibalistic) and biting off the nipples of his (dead)
mother's breasts. They knew he was to become a little windigo.
His eyes were blazing and his teeth rattling (windigo symptoms
indicating fever, privation, and neurotic fury), so the old
woman killed the baby boy."

So strong was Landes' commitment to a psychological interpretation of

windigo that she failed to see that there might be reasons other than

the belief in cannibal monsters for killing an infant in a family in

which seven out of sixteen people had already died of starvation. Can

a starving baby be etically categorized as being in a "neurotic fury"?

(1938b:217). Is there any scientific basis for diagnosing infants as

psychotic?

Referring to Landes' (1938a:25) two-stage progression from

melancholia to obsessive murder-cannibalism, John Honigmann wrote: "It

does not appear that Landes ever directly observed the progressive

deterioration about which she writes" (1954:380). It would have been

better for anthropology as well as for the global reputation of the

Cree and Ojibwa Indians if Honigmann had shown less restraint in his

commentary. As we have seen above, by the time he pursued this line of

thought to its logical conclusion thirteen years later, no one was

listening (Honigmann 1967:401).









If it can be said that Saindon knew the windigo at the first level

of abstraction and Cooper, Hallowell, and Landes knew it at the second,

then successive writers have typically known it at ever more remote

levels of abstraction. Cooper, Landes, and especially Hallowell were

accomplished fieldworkers, even if none of them ever observed a case of

the ghoulish psychosis about which they wrote so confidently. Subsequent

analysts have tended to be those who have either worked among highly

acculturated reservation Indians, or, more commonly, have never seen a

bush Indian in their lives.

Seymour Parker is an anthropologist at the University of Utah whose

work has shown a strong psychiatric orientation. His paper "The Wiitiko

Psychosis in the Context of Ojibwa Personality and Culture" (1960) is a

prime example of windigo analysis at a third level of abstraction. Re-

ferring to the accounts of Hallowell, Landes, and Cooper, he writes:

"Unfortunately, none of these investigators had an opportunity to obtain

detailed or reliable life history data about an actual wiitiko victim"

(1960:603). Neither did they obtain reliable case history data, as we

have already seen. Having made his caveat,Parker embarks at once on a

long, convoluted, neo-Freudian fishing trip. Accepting one of Landes'

statements that windigo psychosis is confined mainly to men (Landes 1938a:

31), Parker ultimately concluded that windigo is an obsessive cannibal-

istic psychosis which is the result of frustrated dependency cravings

of little Ojibwa boys for their stern and rejecting mothers. Following

the ideas of Abram Kardiner (1939, 1953), he suggests that with frus-

tration comes the transformation of the nurturing object into the

persecuting object. Thus the prototype for the cannibal giant is the








mother figure. When "the victim feels that he has been possessed by

the spirit of a cannibalistic wiitiko monster he must serve the

appetite of the wiitiko as his own" (Parker 1960:619). Parker stresses

dependency as the salient feature of the Ojibwa modal personality. This

presumably constitutes a predisposition to windigo insanity because

"dependent and aggressive phantasies are often two sides of the same

coin" (1960:612). At the same time he characterizes the Ojibwa as hav-

ing excessive dependency needs, Parker calls our attention to Ojibwa

individualism, apathy, passivity, and paranoia; traits that have been

debated elsewhere under the category of Northern Algonkian social

atomismm" (James 1954, 1970; Hickerson 1960, 1967; Barnouw 1963;

Smith 1979).
In his 1957 doctoral dissertation in anthropology at the University

of Toronto, Morton Teicher made an heroic attempt to compile all the

available source material on windigo "psychosis." In addition to pub-

lished sources he apparently had access to Hallowell's ethnographic

field notes (Teicher 1960:74). Teicher's dissertation was later pub-

lished by the American Ethnological Society (1960). The title of his

monograph is "Windigo Psychosis: A Study of a Relationship between

Belief and Behavior among the Indians of Northeastern Canada." The

questionable assumption throughout is that there is a direct one-to-one

causal connection between belief and behavior. "Belief stands in re-

spect to behavior as does cause to effect" (1960:13).

In the seventy cases Teicher catalogues, acts of cannibalism

were allegedly performed in forty-four, leaving twenty-six cases of

"windigo" where, by the Indians' own accounts, no cannibalism took








place. At first Teicher is cautious in his analysis. "It is probable,"

he writes, "in some of these instances that cannibalism would have

occurred had death [from execution] not intervened. On the other hand

these twenty-six cases constitute a fairly high proportion of the total

number of cases reported as windigo psychosis" (1960:109). But on the

very next page, Teicher proceeds to ignore his own warning and states

that cannibalism is "inevitable" in a person afflicted with windigo:

A Northeastern Indian, convinced that he has become or is be-
coming windigo, inevitably turns to cannibalism as the appro-
priate behavior, an appropriateness determined by the cultural
belief system. Regardless of the ailment he may actually have,
once the common diagnosis of windigo has been applied, his
future path of action is clearly demarcated by the culture;
there is no alternative path (1960:110).

With the exception of Saindon's timid parishioner (1933:11-12),

not one of Teicher's cases of "windigo psychosis" is drawn from a first-

hand report. From the nature of Teicher's case material one must assume

that had the man in Hearne's account been executed (1971 [1795]:34-35),

and had the Cree version of the tale been recorded later by one less

sophisticated than Hearne, that yet another instance of "windigo psy-

chosis" would have been added to the literature. Almost all of Teicher's

"cases" may be called into question on this account. Five of his

seventy "cases" come from well-documented trial records (AAR 1903 [1904];

AAR 1907 [1908]), but Teicher's belief in the "inevitability" of canni-

balism once the windigo label has been applied (1960:110) severely limits

his capacity for critical analysis.

Raymond D. Fogelson is a former student of Hallowell's, now a pro-

fessor of anthropology at the University of Chicago. In a Festschrift

presented to Hallowell (Spjro 1965) Fogelson published his paper,









"Psychological Theories of Windigo 'Psychosis' and a Preliminary Applica-

tion of Models Approach" (Fogelson 1965). This paper is a more cautious,

and at the same time more ambitious,attempt to extrapolate on the windigo

phenomenon at the third level of abstraction. Fogelson begins by saying

that the windigo syndrome may have an organic etiology, but because there

is insufficient data to generate, let alone test, specific physiological

and genetic hypotheses, his report concentrates on psychological aspects

of windigo (1965:74-75).

In referring to some early sources cited by Cooper (1934b),

Fogelson makes a valuable contribution by pointing out that among the 18th-

century Cree of Hudson Bay, Wiitiko appears to have been an Algonkian

deity of evil principle. This malign god and his minions were a source

of menace and danger to humans, and had always to be propitiated.

Manitou, on the other hand, was a benign deity, but rather uninterested

in human affairs (Fogelson 1965:76-77). Fogelson's paper is important

in that he was the first to suggest that the windigo complex had

changed over time. "Interesting to note is the absence in these early

accounts of characteristics which were later associated with the Windigo

being: as his gigantic stature, his anthropophageous propensities, and

his symbolic connection with the north, winter, and starvation" (1965:

77; emphasis added). (Note also that Hearne makes no mention of the

term in association with Cree beliefs surrounding cannibalism in the

1770s [1795:34-35]). Moreover, Fogelson points out that "the fact that

only seventy fairly well-authenticated cases of windigo disorder have

found their way into the literature-from a population of over thirty

thousand over a period of three centuries-suggests strongly that









windigo disorder may be a relatively rare phenomenon, notable more for

its spectacular features than for its chronicity" (ibid.:88).

In making these discerning statements Fogelson comes very close

to scoring a major breakthrough in our understanding of the windigo

phenomenon. In point of fact most of Teicher's cases are very poorly

authenticated, and the few that are well documented Teicher systemati-

cally misinterprets. And, as we have seen above, in over 35% of

Teicher's "cases" no cannabalism occurred even if we take the Indian

acccounts at face value.

Unfortunately Fogelson chose not to pursue this line of thought and

elected instead to psychologize and typologize. Expanding on a model

developed by A. F. C. Wallace, himself, and unnamed others at the

Eastern Pennsylvania Psychiatric Institute in 1959 (1965:89), Fogelson

arranges the tenuous windigo data base into five conceptual slots. "The

analytic technique has been labeled the 'N-U-P-model"" (1965:89) where

N stands for "Normality," U for "Upset," and P for "Psychosis" (ibid.).

Type 1 is the "Classic Three-Stage" windigo where the victim degener-

ates from a normal Indian to a brooding melancholic, to a cannibalistic

killer (1965:90-91). Type 2 is the "Two-Stage" variety in which the

sufferer is killed while "Upset" (1965:91-92). In Type 3 we get a

"Nonmelancholic Two-Stage" in which the crafty cannibal does in his

unsuspecting relatives and has them turning over a slow fire before

they even have time to know that they have an Upset person on their

hands (1965:93). In Type 4 the victim begins a transformation into a

windigo as the result of a shaman's curse, but is cured through the

ministrations of relatives (1965:94-96). In Type 5 a shaman begins to








become a windigo from the conjuring of a rival shaman, but fights off

his enemy shamanistically and returns to Normality. Fogelson admits

he had trouble in deciding whether to classify the shamanistic combat

fantasy as an Upset or a Psychotic state, but opted for the latter

(1965:97). Little confidence can be placed in Fogelson's diagnosis in

view of the fact that trained psychiatrists on different sides of the

Atlantic cannot agree as to what constitutes a psychotic state even when

they have the opportunity to examine patients for extended periods of

observation (Wing 1978:980139 passim).3

The next paper reviewed, "Hamburger Hoarding: A Case of Symbolic

Cannibalism Resembling Whitico Psychosis" (Bolman and Katz 1966), demon-

strates just how preposterous the windigo literature can get. This sub-

mission is the case history of a woman who, in addition to having other

problems, hoarded food. She began by carrying around a cooked hot dog

in her purse. Later she switched to raw hamburger. For two years she

bought from 2 to 5 pounds of hamburger a day, then increased her pur-

chases to about 60 pounds per day by her own estimate. (The authors do

not say if they ever confirmed her statement by their own observations.)

This she carried with her in her car and had trouble parting with it,

even when it became rotten.4 Needless to say the woman did not kill or

eat anyone, nor did she even eat the raw hamburger. She did hesitatingly

mention a fantasy impulse she had (once?) had: "While looking at a

supermarket display of hamburger she felt a sudden impulse to

bury her face into this display full of meat and devour it" (1966:425).

Evidently this was sufficient to convince the two psychiatrists who

co-authored the paper that their patient was a "symbolic cannibal."









(Following this line of reasoning it might have been safer to conclude

that the woman's fantasy about eating raw meat was an indication that

she was a symbolic Eskimo. In fact, the authors twice identify those

susceptible to windigo psychosis as "Cree Eskimos" [1966:424,427], a

blunder they apparently reiterated from an earlier psychiatric paper

[Arieti and Meth 1959:558].)

The patient was confined involuntarity to a mental hospital where

she switched from hoarding hamburger to bread! Eventually the patient

gave up hoarding food and was released. Note the close correspondence

between the disturbed woman and her Algonkian counterpart: "Just as the

Ojibwa hunter roamed the dark woods in search of prey, so the patient

would spend night after night driving about the darkened streets of the

city searching for open stores where she could buy hamburger" (1966:428).

Right.


Windigo Psychosis, 1967-81

Also far removed from primary source data is Vivian Rohrl's attempt

at an organic explanation (1970, 1972) and the responses to Rohrl's con-

tribution (Brown, 1971; McGee 1972). Rohrl is an anthropologist at

San Diego State University interested in culture and personality. Work-

ing from Teicher's "cases" and a letter from a Minnesota Chippewa in-

formant, Rohrl (1970) suggests that the etiology of windigo psychosis

might have a nutritional component. By this she does not refer to hunger

as such, or to protein-calorie malnutrition. It appears that she thinks

of windigo as being in part a deficiency disease-like beri-beri or

pellagra-that can be cured by ingestion of fatty meats, particularly

bear fat.









But Rohrl never specifies the missing nutrient or nutrients that

bear fat might supply. In addition to the fat itself she suggests that

"at least some proteins and B vitamins including thiamine" might be in-

volved (1970:99). She goes on to state that "bear fat is believed to

contain vitamin C, or ascorbic acid, probably derived from berries and

other foods in their diets" ibidd.; italics added). Vitamin C is a

water-soluble vitamin the inability of which to be stored in fat is the

reason why humans and other primates need a constant supply. Vitamin C

deficiency disease in humans is well known. It is called scurvy, not

windigo psychosis. While victims of scurvy sometimes do show signs of

psychological deterioration, compulsive murder-cannibalism is not one

of the symptoms.

Rohrl never questions the reality of the assumption of a culture-

specific, etic behavioral psychopathology. As H. F. McGee wrote:

"That the windigo melancholy may be caused by the absence of this

enzyme or that vitamin is accepted. But why do these black-Irish fits

manifest themselves as the windigo psychosis among the Northern

Algonkians and not among their Dene, Siouan, Iroquoian,and Eskimo neigh-

bors when the latter undergo similar nutritional deprivation?"(1972:

244).5

Why indeed? What neither Rohrl, McGee, nor anyone but Honigmann

has suggested to date is if the windigo "psychosis" does not exist

among these contiguous groups of people, perhaps it does not exist among

the Northern Algonkians either. McGee of course deserves credit for

pointing out the anomaly, but he tries to resolve it by positing the

existence of a Windigo-like being in Northern Athapaskan mythology.









This has merit (cf. Ridington 1976), but sheds light only indirectly on

the issue of the existence or nonexistence of culture-bound etic be-

havioral psychopathologies.

Brown (1971) rejects RohrT's suggestion on the grounds that the

attempt to cure windigos by feeding them fat was rare, and that when it

was undertaken it was not done nutritively but emetically, in order for

the victim to be able to disgorge the intrusive heart of ice (cf.

Bloomfield 1934:155; McGee 1975:114). Although Brown questions the idea

of a nutritive cure for windigo, her main quarrel with Rohrl turns out

to be over the issue of Northern Algonkian rationality. Rohrl believes

the Indians subliminally grasped the importance of fat as a remedy while

Brown holds that they were attempting to administer a psychological

cathartic when they bothered with the bear fat at all. But like Rohrl,

Brown never questions the etic behavioral reality of windigo psychosis.

Brown has made a valuable contribution to the windigo question

in her discovery of a letter by the Methodist missionary Egerton

Ryerson Young, dated Rossville, Norway House, July 29, 1971 (Brown 1871:

21). Young wrote of an event that occurred about 100 miles away from

the post. A 15-year-old Cree boy was alleged to have gone crazy

"and his ravings kept asking for flesh to eat. At last he said, 'I will

surely kill somebody and eat them if I can!' One day he attacked his

father and tried hard to bite him. The father and an elder brother of

the crazy one then deliberately strangled him and burnt the body to

ashes" (E. R. Young 1871:37, quoted in Brown 1971:21). Brown cites

Young to make the point that the "windigo" victim was strangled and

cremated rather than fed hot bear grease, but more important than this








are Young's comments that follow. "Poor boy, he was only a lunatic, and

perhaps a few months in an asylum would have restored reason to its throne.

I took my canoe and went and visited the family. [They had since come in

to the settlement.] They are now in deep sorrow at what they have so

rashly done" (1871:37).

The reader is entitled to an interpretation of the quoted passages

different from the one I am about to make, but what it says to me is that

a mentally ill boy was killed by his family. The story has a ring of im-

plausibility to it. Note the phrase "tried hard to bite," implying that

the boy was unsuccessful in his attempt to bite his father. How is is pos-

sible for a crazed 15-year-old male to fail at least to get in a nip while

"attacking?" The Northern Algonkians are not immune to mental illness. No

one disputes the fact that they fall victim to psychiatric disorders at at

least the rate of other populations. The question is, what are the options

open to a small family hunting group in the vast boreal hinterland in deal-

ing with a disruptive or burdensome individual? Young was one of many

early observers who never doubted what seemed to them to be an obvious

fact: The windigo belief complex was an ideological and superstructural

rationalization for homicide; i.e., the execution of the alleged "windigo."

It was not until the anthropological writings of the early 1930s that the

balance shifted in favor of an explanation that held the executed parties

responsible for having brought death upon themselves through their canni-

balistic frenzy.

An example of the numerous references that can be cited in support

of this fact is a letter written by John Kennedy McDonald (1907), a re-

tired chief trader with the Hudson's Bay Company, to the editor of the

Manitoba Free Press regarding the windigo execution of Wasakapeequay by

the Fiddler brothers:








I lived among these people for 35 years and never locked my door
unless when going on a distant trip. I have again to say that
had there been an asylum or doctor near by that the band would
have been only too glad to hand over the unfortunate woman, as
once off their hands the men could leave to hunt and provide
for their families, which they could not do when they had to
watch her.

A demented or delirious person cannot be loaded into a birchbark canoe,

and is a distinct liability on hunting trips.

Rohrl's (1972) rejoinder to Brown deepens the confusion. She cau-

tions "Jennifer Brown who quotes Young (1871) to consider the

source" (1972:243). It is not clear if by this statement Rohrl means

to impeach the reliability of missionary sources in general or that of

Egerton Ryerson Young in particular. Assuming the latter it must be

noted that Young wrote a series of popular books that contain obvious

exaggerations and a fair amount of 19th-century sensationalism. But

what is Rohrl's point? Is it that the boy was not killed, or that he

was fed hot bear fat as a specific for windigo possession and Young

failed to report the treatment? Her statement that "cultural phenomena,

including windigo psychosis, are multifactorial" (1972: 243) is a truism

that accepts the existence of the culture-bound psychopathology as a

demonstrated fact. Five years earlier John Honigmann had suggested

strongly that this is an unwarranted assumption (1967:401). Close

scrutiny of the archives yields evidence of an etic and behavioral

nature that documents the correctness of Honigmann's suggestion.

Almost as distant from the etic behavioral data base as Bolman and

Katz (1966) is Thomas Hay's paper, "The Windigo Psychosis: Psycho-

dynamic, Cultural, and Social Factors in Aberrant Behavior" (1971).

Hay, a psychological anthropologist at the University of Missouri at









St. Louis, defends the position that "the dynamics of the windigo dis-

order are essentially similar to the psychodynamics which apparently

produce ritual cannibalism in some societies" (1971:1). By this he

asks us to believe that funerary endocannibalism, the eating of parts

of slain (or living) enemies, and windigo "psychosis" all have their

origins in the same cannibalistic "impulse."

Hay postulates the existence of a cannibal impulse on the imputed

desire people have to resolve the following problems cannibalistically:

"(1) 'preserving' a relationship with some loved one who has been

'lost,' (2) 'solving' ambivalent feelings toward some one, or (3) ac-

quiring some property, such as vitality or courage" (1971:3). Is this

cannibal impulse pan-human? On this subject Hay equivocates. From what

he says we must assume that had the Ojibwa and Cree behaved in a civil-

ized manner and taken the trouble to develop symbolic expressions of the

cannibal impusle (e.g. the Christian Eucharist) they would have been

spared the necessity of killing and eating each other (1971:4). (Hay's

model would lead us to the conclusion that the atavistic symbolic ex-

pression of the Hamburger Hoarder's cannibal impulse was refined in

therapy to a farinaceous form more appropriate to a member of an ad-

vanced civilization.)

The Northern Algonkians, according to Hay, must act on their

cannibal impulse by means of an obsessive-compulsive psychosis because

(1) they attach extraordinary importance to following one's dreams with-

out consulting others, and (2) they lack "alternative patterns for

displacing cannibal desires from members of the band and expressing

them symbolically" (1971:8). According to Hay, "the typical personality









of the Northern Algonkians is such that most people should be expected

to have deeply hidden cannibalistic impulses, the presence of which

would tend to produce fear in the presence of a person struggling to

control his own heightened cannibalistic tendencies" (1971:14).

Why should we expect the Northern Algonkians to be especially

endowed with "cannibalistic impulses"? Hay does not enlighten us on

this subject, although he begins his paper with the statement "to the

Indians, the desire to eat human flesh was incomprehensible except as

the result of sorcery or possession by the mythical windigo spirit"

(1971:1). This is simply untrue. The Indians comprehend crisis canni-

balism very well, Hay's condescension notwithstanding. Hay believes

that European chroniclers of the windigo phenomenon skewed their reports

in such a way as to overemphasize the importance of starvation.

The importance of the patterns of cannibalistic behavior avail-
able to the folklore of a society is indicated by the apparent
distortions of events in the reports of the windigo cases by
the Whites who recorded them. In our folklore, cannibalism is
a last resort in famine and is used minimally to sustain life
until other sources of food can be found. This pattern in
Western folklore is so strong that the Whites who recorded these
cases attributed second and later acts of cannibalism to starva-
tion although no indication is given of any effort to obtain any
food but human flesh and one recorded case even reports waste of
some parts of one victim. (1971:10)

Hay believes that while we practice cannibalism only as a last

resort, Algonkian Indians do it as the fulfillment of a basic "impulse";

an impulse they have especially strongly either as a racial character-

istic or because they lack the wit to invent symbolic safety valves

that would enable them to vent their cannibalistic impulses harmlessly.

And not only are the Northern Algonkians inveterate people-eaters,

according to Hay, but he hints that they are sloppy and wasteful about

it in the bargain.









Hay (1971:5) cites Teicher (1960:91) who in turn refers to

Ballantyne (1848:50-55) who recounts a story in which a starving mother

kills her child and eats it. The data base for this tale is extremely

poor, and Hay's interpretation of the available data is questionable,

but let us for the moment assume that the facts of the case were as he

assumes them to be. Does this justify the following conclusion? "It

seems probable that this act was motivated at least as much by the de-

sire to keep the relationship with the child as by hunger. If not, why

should the woman not have begun with someone less dear?" (Hay 1971:5).

Hay writes from the comfortable perspective of someone who has never

faced a food crisis. The assumption that children are the most "dear"

under such circumstances is an ethnocentric prejudice not supported by

anthropological evidence (see Turnbull 1972, 1978 for an extreme

example; also West 1824:128). An ethnographic grounding indicates that

if the childwere eaten at all it was because he or she was most help-

less and least able to resist, or because it was most expendable in

terms of group survival, and not because it was most dear. Hay's

thesis that the Cree and Ojibwa kill and eat their loved ones in order

to preserve a relationship or to eliminate frustrating interpersonal

feelings demeans and belittles the privations these people had to

endure, their sufferings being in part the result of the fur trade and

other European disruptions.

An interesting paper based on original interviews is J. Anthony

Paredes' "A Case Study of a 'Normal' Windigo" (1972). In 1966 Paredes,

now at Florida State University, set about taping the life history of

an elderly Minnesota woman of mixed Chippewa and Euro-American ancestry.








Her father was a White lumberjack and camp cook; her mother was
Chippewa and died before the informant can recollect. She spent
her childhood in her maternal grandmother's house; also in the
household were her "step-grandfather" and her mother's sister.
Her father occasionally saw her but on the whole had little inter-
action with her (Paredes 1972:99)

The woman had lived a difficult life. She was not well treated by

her maternal relatives and in her earlier years experienced a recurrent

dream in which she was being chased by a giant. The giant failed to

catch her, however, because in her dream she was protected by twelve men.

She fled from the giant and took refuge with an old woman who welcomed

her warmly and fed her, after which the little girl went out and gathered

money which she gave to the kind old woman. In her dream the little

girl was also allowed to gather up all the clothing she wanted to wear.

The little girl (now an old woman herself and telling her life

story to the anthropologist) stated that the giant who chased her in her

dreams had two names: Misabe and "wendiigo" (1972:102). Misabe quite

literally means "giant" in Ojibwa. As a hero in folklore Misabe is an

enemy of Windigo, and sometimes a slayer of windigowak. Paredes goes

to some effort in trying to explain why his informant combined the two

legendary personages in her dream. He suggests that the composite

giant might represent her step-grandfather (1972:105), her father (1972:

106), her policeman uncle (1972:106), her dead mother (1972:106), her

first husband (1972:107), and several white people she had known as a

child (a school superintendent's wife, a steamboat engineer, a male

school employee [1972:107]), or some combination of the above.

Paredes classifies his informant as a "normal windigo" and

believes that the case of Mrs. F. shows[] that Teicher's [1960] asser-

tion that windigo belief causes windigo behavior is simply untrue and








does not hold at the individual level" (personal communication 1981).

At the same time Paredes points out that an application of his data to

Fogelson's (1965) N-U-P model illustrates the fact that an individual

can be "upset" by windigo fantasies, yet never progress to a "Psychotic"

state, and in fact remain essentially "Normal" (personal communication,

1981).

I agree with Paredes, but suggest that the case of Mrs. F. has

something far more direct to tell us. The works of Saindon (1933:11-12),

Landes (1937a:56, 1938a:30), Honigmann (1967:401), Ridington (1976:109,

126, 128), and Preston (1980:124-129) all indicate in different ways

that "windigo" is a much more inclusive mental and phenomenological

category of the Northern Algonkians than the cannibal-psychotic obses-

sion of anthropological renown. My own field experiences confirm and

amplify the thoughts of these writers.

Among the NorthernOjibwa of the 1970s, "almost turning to windigo"
meant something very close to the following English phrases: being

driven to distraction, being overcome with grief, being out of one's

mind from worry, being at one's wit's end. Sometimes this involved the

idea (or the transitory behavior) of wandering away from the village

into the forest and, in rare cases, the concept of being assumed into

the sky to wander wraithlike between heaven and earth. Never in these

modern contexts did I hear the word associated with cannibalism or

aggression, but of course conditions and concepts change over time.

Starvation is no longer a threat, and village life has for the most part

replaced the semi-nomadic hunting and trapping cycle. Mentally impaired

individuals no longer pose a danger to group survival. Treatment by








nurses, physicians, and mental-health professionals is often available,

and serious cases are flown out to hospitals (see Armstrong and

Patterson 1975: Goldthorpe 1977; T. K. Young n.d.). The cannibal

theme may be less important than it once was, but the work of Saindon

and Landes (op. cit.) provides evidence that the features of the windigo

belief complex I observed in the 1970s survive virtually intact from an

earlier period.

Paredes' characterization of Mrs. F. as a "normal windigo" is not

the contradiction in terms it first appears to be, but lends support to

my thesis that windigos as individuals within a category of persons are

more "normal" than we thought. Certainly they are much more "normal"

than what the bulk of anthropological writing on the subject would lead

us to believe. And that, of course, is the main point of my disserta-

tion.

Paredes' tongue-in-cheek attempt to link Mrs. F.'s dreams to

deeply repressed cannibalistic urges via Ojibwa folklore (1972:110-111)

is an exercise in irony not relevant to the question of whether windigo

psychosis is etically real. Yet Paredes' search for an explanation for

the Windigo-Misabe dream composite leads him to some very sound and

valuable conclusions. He shows that a close examination of woodland

Ojibwa folklore and the folklore of the related Plains Ojibwa and

Plains Cree reveals that the name Windigo (or its cognates) is applied

to a surprisingly wide range of mythological figures (1972:107-108).

Paredes believes the evidence suggests that "considered in its broadest

ethnological context, the windigo idea of mythology has complex asso-

ciations with other characters, has benign even comical aspects, and,









thus, cannot be summarily dismissed by simple characterization as a

cannibalistic monster" (1972:108). Paredes, then, makes a geographical

contribution to the literature similar to the one made by Fogelson

(1965:76-77) on the temporal plane. Together they show that the

Windigo complex is remarkably flexible in space and time. Their work

suggests that the ideational configuration of windigo as a cannibal

spirit-monster capable of taking possession of human bodies may be

limited to rather specific sets of infrastructural contexts in the his-

tory of the Northern Algonkian peoples. (The specificity of these con-

texts will be examined in the following chapter.)

Paredes also goes on to caution against allowing culturological

explanations to supersede situational explanations, especially when we

must deal with fantasy material from other societies (1972:112).

Paredes (1972:112) quotes Malinowski to the effect that in anthropology

we often "neglect somewhat those elemental phases of human existence,

just because they seem to be obvious and generally human, non-

sensational and non-problematic" (Malinowski 1960 [1944]:72). This

admonition is just as valid today as it was when it was first written.

Paredes also provides us with the following important insight:

Secondly, the data presented here indicate that the whole
complex of windigo belief may need reexamination. Is, for
example, the windigo lore of southern Ojibwa significantly dif-
ferent from that of the sub-Arctic? What have been the effects
of several centuries ofacculturation on the windigo syndrome?
How is it that the horrible cannibal monster is terminologically
identified with the ludicrous clown-shamans of the plains Ojibwa
and plains Cree [Skinner 1914:500-505, 528-529; Mandelbaum 1940:
274-275]? What relationship does the windigo idea have to other
folklore characters-is windigo a character, a characterization,
or both? Precise answers to these and related questions should
provide important insights into our understanding of "windigo."
(Paredes 1972:112-113; italics in the original)

Here Paredes is clearly on the right track.









The windigo and the infrastructure were closely linked in a

splendid paper by Charles Bishop of the State University of New York at

Oswego, an Algonkianist ethnohistorian working in the theoretical tradi-

tion of Stewardian cultural ecology, and former student of the Marxist

ethnohistorian Harold Hickerson. Bishop (1975) suggests that while

belief in an evil deity called Windigo may have been aboriginal (cf.

Fogelson 1965:76-77), the emergence of the windigo complex as we have

come to know it is the result of disruptions and depletions caused by

the fur trade.

"Teicher (1960:107) cites two incidents occurring during the

17th century among the Montagnais as conclusive evidence of the ab-

original existence of Windigo psychosis" (Bishop 1975:239). For the

first case Bishop shows that "by the 1630's the subsistence base of

the Montagnais near Tadoussac and Three Rivers [Quebec] had been dras-

tically disrupted by trade and environmental depletion, processes that

had been going on for at least 100 years" (1975:239-240). The second

case was reputed to have occurred near Lake St. John in the winter of

1660-61. "There the Indian deputies of the Jesuits were supposedly

seized with madness and a desire for human flesh for which they were

put to death by others" (1975:242). Bishop notes that the Jesuits

expressed doubt about the veracity of the report at the time, and con-

tinued with their missionary activities undeterred (1975:242). He

also points out that "the deputies had gone to summon Indians who re-

sided near James Bay. This would threaten the trade monopoly of the

Lake St. John Indians. They may have spread the rumor to prevent the

Jesuits from continuing on their journey; or they may actually have









murdered the deputies lest they reach the Indians to the north" (1975:

242).7

Bishop speaks of regional and episodic faunal depletions and holds

that starvation became a much more serious danger for the North Algon-

kians in the 19th century than formerly. The 19th century was a period

of peak windigo activity, although I must concede that it is possible

that the phenomenon was simply better reported then than in earlier cen-

turies. "Despite the horror and repugnance expressed by Indians, the

data demonstrate that cannibalism was potentially normal [for them, as

it is for everyone] in an abnormal situation in the face of starvation"

(1975:246). Thus changing infrastructural conditions interacting with

a constantly evolving belief system "gave rise to the practice of kill-

ing actual or potential HUMAN Windigos with no necessity to justify the

act" (1975:247; emphasis Bishop's).

Yet for all the merits of his paper, Bishop is another who fails

to question the etic/behavioral reality of the obsessive-compulsive

cannibal psychosis. "It is necessary," he writes, "to distin-

guish between famine cannibalism and Windigo cannibalism: The former

occurs under conditions of extreme famine; the latter may be exhibited

in times of plenty as well as during food shortages" (1975:246).

Bishop (1975:244) finds Speck's (1935:43) argument convincing that

famine cannibalism could lead to windigo cannibalism at a later date.

As has been said above passimm), a close reading of original sources

does not support a belief in the etic-behavioral existence of windigo

cannibalism in any form.








Leo Waisberg's (1975) attempt to refute an earlier paper by

Bishop (1973) on the grounds that starvation could occur under pre-

contact conditions is unsuccessful because Bishop's position (and mine,

which is not identical) does not hinge on the existence of an aborigi-

nal Algic arcadia, but on the fact that conditions grew appreciably

more difficult and unstable for these Indians as the fur-trade period

progressed. I speak here not only of nutrition, but also of epidemiology

and demography.

James G. E. Smith's paper, "Notes on the Wittiko" (1976) presents

a more serious challenge to the historical interpretations favored by

Bishop and me. Smith, who worked among the Rocky Cree of northern

Manitoba and Saskatchewan (1976:25), argues that "the ecological dy-

namics of the aboriginal Subarctic environment west of Hudson Bay

offered the necessary preconditions for the entire Wittiko complex of

cannibal giant and psychosis" (1976:28). My major point is that the

Northern Algonkians have used the Windigo cannibal theme to scapegoat

or otherwise divest themselves of the sick, the weak, the marginal, and

the disruptive under trying circumstances. Whether they have been doing

this since time immemorial or only in the post-contact period is of

secondary importance.

Much more threatening to my thesis is Smith's contention that

psychotic windigo cannibalism can be documented "amidst abundant game"

(1976:22; italics Smith's). Because this is such a serious challenge

to my position I feel compelled to quote Smith's documentation in full,

which comes from the Hudson's Bay Company "post journal of Fort Churchill

in February 1741 (HBC Archives B 43/a/22)" ibidd.):








February .Down ye river two Indian [Cree] women, in a most
miserable Condition of hunger, one of them is ye mother
of ye other & they relate ye following Tragical Story, ye
daughter had a husband & 3 Children, & was one of our goose
Hunters Spring & fall Sometime last month this family was in
such a Starved Condition that ye man murthered his youngest
Child & Eat it, And in 4 Days after he murthered his Closest
Son who was about 12 Years of age, the women fearing he would
murder them all they Left him wth ye dead Boy, taking wth
them their Second Child wch was a girl about 7 or 8 years old,
& made for ye factory, they then being about 150 miles Distance
from hence, 3 Days after he pursued them and Coming up wth them
he Endeavoured to arrest ye Girl from ye mother but both ye
Women Endeavouring to preserve ye Child, he throatled it in it's
mothers hands & after that Seized his wife to Murder her also,
but ye two women over Come him & his wife Knocked him on ye
head wth a hatchet after they had Slue him they Buried him &
his Daughter together under ye Snow & came for ye factory &
in 16 Days time they got here, what is very Surprising at ye
time of this Disaster there was Plenty of Deer [caribou] about
them & he had ammunition & might have Kild Venison wch his
family Strongly Desired him to do, but he gave no manner of
Care to their Sollicitations but his mind seemed to be fixed
upon what is above related, ye Subsistence ye women got to
bring them forward, was for Severall Days Deer Dung wch they
Picked up and Desolved in warm water & So Drank it till at
length providence flung in their way ye Scraps of Deer that
ye wolves had Killed & Left. .

For purposes of argument I will assume that the HBC Chroni-

cler was proficient in Cree and recorded the women's story essentially

as they told it. The veracity of the women then becomes the central

issue. If they were telling the truth their story is very damaging to

my position. After 240 years it is probably not possible to say with

any degree of certainty what the truth of the matter was. Although

they may have been telling the truth, I would like to suggest an al-

ternative interpretation.

It is agreed by all that the events at issue began when "this

family was in a Starved Condition" (1976:22). The reasons for

the starvation situation are open to question. The surviving women

state that the situation developed because the man ignored their pleas








to hunt the abundant caribou, being preoccupied with thoughts of mayhem

and cannibalism. But Smith himself makes the case that the ecological

dynamics of the Subarctic were such that famine was an ever-present

danger, even in pre-contact times (1976:27-31).

I think it is possible that starvation conditions developed in

this situation because the man had a run of bad luck. A hunter can go

into a "slump" for many reasons: an injury, an illness, scarcity of

game, or simple misfortune. It is suspicious to me that the women were

only able to overpower and kill the man after he had allegedly throttled

the third child in the arms of its mother, especially since-according

to them-he had been living on flesh while they had been making do on

dissolved caribou dung. If the women were lying, the following scenario

suggests itself: Starvation conditions developed because, for what-

ever reasons, the man was unsuccessful in the hunt. The women-mother

and daughter-were the initiators of the homicides and the cannibalism.

They survived to tell the tale and their version was accepted. Here

again, as in so many cases, it is the story of the killers of the

alleged windigo that is handed down. The stories of the executed par-

ties are lost to posterity. We will probably never be certain of the

facts in this case, but what is certain is that the conceptualization

Smith employed to analyze the data needs to be refined. For Smith

"the Wittiko'psychosis' or disorder .. involved an individual be-

lieving that he or she is or is becoming a Wittiko, or the belief

of others that he or she is exhibiting characteristic Wittiko and

non-human behavior. In extreme form, the individual actually becomes

a cannibal, killing and eating his victims" (1976:20; italics added).









By thus failing to distinguish the emics of thought from the etics of

behavior, Smith opens a veritable Pandora's box. Are the diagnostic

features of windigo "psychosis" to be found in equal measure in the

behavior of the "psychotics" and the minds of the social authorities?

Is there any scientific justification for classifying people as they

appear in the nightmares and fantasies of their accusers? (cf. Harris

1974:214, 221, 235, 251).

Anthropologist David H. Turner of the University of Toronto is a

structuralist who has made a very curious addition to the windigo litera-

ture. From his observations at Shamattawa, Manitoba, Turner correctly

concludes that Cree social organization is incorporativee" (Turner and

Wertman 1977; Turner 1978). For Turner the incorporation of individuals

into Cree social groupings is symbolically analogous to the incorpora-

tion of individuals cannibalistically (Turner 1977).

Turner contrasts Cree social organization with that of the
8
Australian aboriginies, and in doing so he constructs a typological

dichotomy that describes, according to Turner,"two hunter and gatherer

ways of life as they probably existed prior to modification by

Europeans" (Turner 1978:195; italics Turner's). The Australians group

themselves into totemic, exogamous clans on the exclusionary principle:

a person cannot belong to more than one clan and remains in the birth

clan throughout the life cycle. With the Cree, however, "outsiders

could be incorporated into the band through residence and work associa-

tion, and required no prior kinship, marriage, or symbolic ties to be

acceptable as in Australia" (Turner 1978:202). Space does not permit

a full treatment here of Turner's binary model, the components of which








he has named "production group unity" (e.g. Cree) and "production group

diversity" (e.g. Australian), but it merits our attention. Let it be

sufficient here to say that Turner's claim that such systems, once

established, are relatively unresponsive to variations in population and

resources (1978:210) required careful diachronic verification by means

of a sample drawn from a universe larger than two.

For Turner, cannibalism in Cree folklore "is taken as a metaphor

for incorporation into (becoming part of) a social grouping, the vari-

ous acts and relations described in the story can be seen as attempts

at mediating opposed tendencies toward autonomy at the domestic, brother-

hood and band levels" (Turner 1977:65).

It is difficult to counter structuralist arguments with etic/

behavioral and materialist refutations because structuralism concerns

itself above all with mental sets. The study of mental sets seems at

first to be a goal worthy of some effort-comparable and related to

learning the languages of the people we study-until we realize that it

is not necessarily the mental structures of the natives that are expli-

cated by the structuralist. To the structuralist "it is in the last

resort immaterial whether the thought processes of the South

American Indians take shape through the medium of my thoughts, or

whether mine take place through the medium of theirs" (Levi-Strauss

1969:13; quoted in Harris 1979:169). Turner himself has told me that

ideas are "created" and need not be accounted for. Who then, creates

the ideas? Turner concedes that in the last analysis he does not know

where he gets his structures, and that maybe he gets them "from God"

(personal communication 1980). He was not joking.









For these reasons we are fortunate to have the critique of phenome-

nologist Richard J. Preston of McMaster University. Professor Preston

has done extensive fieldwork among the James Bay Cree and has special-

ized in studying the emics of Northern Algonkian mental life. Preston

writes:

[Turner's] use of the structural theory and the metaphorically
extended notion of incorporation highlights, in my opinion, our
tendency to overpower a very poorly known Witiko phenomenon
with our own intellectual creations. The problems of translat-
ing the Algonkian idiom of experience into terms that are under-
standable and worthwhile within our own tradition of urbane
intellectual inquiry is poorly served by psychodynamic and
structuralist theories, unless the effort includes the judicious
use of Algonkian phenomena. Both Hay and Turner, in my opinion,
have created intellectual monstrosities in imposing elegant argu-
ments upon dubious data. (Preston 1980:120)

Again it must be stressed that the data to which Preston refers are the

emic/mental Algonkian data. When etic/behavioral and historical data

are added to this, the case against conventional interpretations of the

windigo phenomenon is overwhelming. (We will hear from Preston again

below.)

It seems at first puzzling that Turner's analysis of the windigo-

which is one of the most involuted ever written-was produced by an

anthropologist who has actually done fieldwork (albeit of brief dura-

tion) among the Northern Cree. The lesson to be learned here is that

exposure to primary data source opportunities does not often lead to

valid conclusions when inadequate research strategies are employed.

Turner's contribution reveals the most serious weakness of struc-

turalism: its ahistorical and antievolutionary synchrony. He contends

that Cree social organization is one of at least two hunter-gatherer

production group types that probably survive without modification in









pre-contact form (1978:195). Windigo myths, in turn, provide "clues to

the kinds of social structures possessed by the Algonkians, both in the

recent past and in the more distant past-perhaps even in the pre-

Cartier past" (Turner 1977:71). A growing literature addresses the

issue of possible post-contact changes in the social structures of

various Algonkian groups, but that is beyond the scope of this review.

More to the point is the question of whether Algonkian religion, espe-

cially the windigo belief complex as expressed in the Cree oral tradi-

tion, has undergone temporal change. As we have seen in the previous

section, Fogelson's work gives a strong indication that it has changed,

and that the Windigo figure was probably not associated with anthro-

pophagy until the end of the 18th century (1965:76-77). And for

Algonkian groups to the south, ethnohistorian Charles Bishop tells us:

Nowhere in the early Jesuit accounts relating to the Ojibwa
and Ottawa is there a specific devil form recognizable as
the Windigo, a rather remarkable fact considering the
apparent preoccupation in the nineteenth century with the
phenomenon. (1975:244)

This is especially remarkable considering the Jesuits' natural interest

in religious matters.

The stories on which Turner bases his analysis were collected

circa 1970 at Sandy Lake, Ontario (Ray and Stevens 1971). As will be

shown in Chapters III and IV, the Sandy Lake "Cree" (actually a

Northern Ojibwa group) underwent a severe nutritional and demographic

crisis in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. A materialist analy-

sis predicts that this situation would be reflected in their folklore

(Marx and Engels 1977 [1846]:47). This proves to be the case. One of

the stories, "The Death of Pecequan," is the mythologized form of an









actual windigo execution and its aftermath that took place in 1906 (AAR

1907 [1908]; PAC 1907-08 [RG 13, cl, vol. 1452]; PAC 1907-09 [RG 18, vol.

3229, file HQ-681-G1). A close examination of the archival data strongly

indicates that the story as collected by Ray and Stevens (1971:128-129)

and cited by Turner (1977:68) is one of the most recent-and perhaps one

of the final--manifestations in the process identified by Fogelson (1965:

76-77).

A more ingenuous use of the structuralist paradigm is Harold

Franklin McGee's "The Windigo Down-East or the Taming of the Windigo"

(1975). McGee does a structural analysis of an unusual Micmac myth

collected in 1859 (Rand 1894:190-199). In this myth (briefly sum-

marized) "Cheenoo"-the Micmac homologue of Windigo-is found in a

distant northwestern forest by a family, the members of which treat him

with care and affection rather than with fear and revulsion. Through

their nurturance Cheenoo gradually becomes more human and less monstrous.

After killing an enemy Cheenoo with the aid of his new "son-in-law,"

Cheenoo accompanies the family southeast to Micmacland (McGee 1975:

113-117).

The farther south they go the weaker Cheenoo becomes. When
they reach their village he is nearly dead. He has been
transformed to look like an old but whole man. He has be-
come human but he is not a Christian. A priest is sent for
and he instructs Cheenoo. Cheenoo listens, is baptised, then
dies in the Catholic faith. (1975:117)

McGee's central contention is that "the windigo myth functioned

to define the concept of human personness for the northeastern Algon-

kians" (1975:113). (A similar thought is expressed by Fogelson [1980:

148].) This is an entirely reasonable suggestion, but McGee does not

follow up on his own insights. McGee believes that "what is needed is









an attempt to understand the windigo with respect to the mentally

balanced, rather than to the psychotic" (1975:112). With this I

heartily concur, but from an etic-behavioral perspective we cannot

assign as high a priority to the effort of understanding how cultures

transform monsters into humans as we must to the more urgent problem

of understanding how cultures transform humans into social monsters.

When, why, and under what circumstances are human beings socially

redefined as non-persons, thus legitimizing their persecution and pos-

sible execution? How is the Northern Algonkian process of divesting

individuals of their humanity similar to or different from those of

other groups? Can predictive or retrodictive generalizations be made

cross-culturally? I will return to these questions in Chapter V.

Culturological treatments of the windigo complex are often sup-

ported by the claim that the Northern Athapaskan Indians who share the

boreal forest with their Northern Algonkian neighbors lack a cultural

configuration comparable to the windigo (e.g. Parker 1960:618-619).

This claim is used to counter ecological and historical explorations

into the windigo curiosity. Robin Ridington of the University of

British Columbia has written a thoughtful and thought-provoking paper

entitled "Wechuge and Windigo: A Comparison of Cannibal Belief Among

Boreal Forest Athapaskans and Algonkians" (1976). In his paper

Ridington shows that the belief systems of these two macrogroups of

Subarctic Indians are not as different as they may seem, and that the

windigo as we have come to know it may be an artifact of our own pro-

jections (a point also made by Preston [1980:117-118]) as well as the

result of the unique culture history of the Northern Algonkians since

the 16th century.









The Athapaskan Beaver Indians (Dunne-za)of the Peace River dis-

trict believe in a personage they call Wechuge. Wechuge, like Windigo,

is an invincible, ice-gutted cannibal who eats his own lips as a pre-

liminary to more substantial fare. In Dunne-za cosmology Wechuge is

associated with giant animals who hunted people in the mythic past, but

now "it is these giant People-eaters who confer supernatural power to

the child on his or her vision quest. Contact with this power gives a

person the ability to find and tranform animals into food" (Ridington

1976:109). Wechuge exists as a legendary figure who tracks people

down, kills them and eats them (1976:110-114), but ordinary people too

can "become Wechuge" (1976:114-123). Unlike becoming windigo, where

the victim is possessed by an entity alien to him or her (sometimes as

the result of an enemy's curse), becoming Wechuge occurs when one loses

control of one's own supernatural power from the violation of a taboo.

(For example, people with "Frog power" cannot eat flyblown meat; people

with "Spider power" cannot hear any sound made by a stretched string.)

Becoming Wechuge, then, means becoming "too strong." People in

the transformation phase are "cured" by the application of their own

"medicine" and the "medicine" of others. If a person is not cured the

mythological precedent is for the victim to be killed and the body

burned in order to melt the visceral ice and to prevent the body from

returning to life. To Ridington's knowledge, things have never come to

such a pass among the Dunne-za. As for actual "Wechuge cannibalism,"

Ridington heard of one case that was supposed to have happened late in

the 19th century (1976:115). We do not know how much credence to give

this or, if it did in fact happen itwas a case of starvation cannibalism.









Assuming for the time being that these correspondences between

Northern Athapaskan and Northern Algonkian belief systems are not the

result of diffusion, what can we make of them? Ridington has observed:

The diagnosis of Windigo behavior as psychotic has not been
seriously questioned in the literature even though all authors
recognize that in none of the reported cases has there been
first-hand information on individual case histories let alone
analysis of subject's lives by observers with experience in
psychiatric diagnosis (1976:107-108). Our labelling system
when applied to the windigo phenomenon breaks down on close
examination. We label the behavior of windigo actor as psy-
chotic but not the beliefs of those who accept his role as real.
(1976:128)

These are good insights and Ridington follows up on them. While

taking note of other possibilities he suggests that the belief systems of

these two groups of boreal forest Indians on the cannibal theme may have

started out similarly, and then diverged in historic times. "In

general the Algonkians have experienced a longer period of disruptive

influence from contact with Europeans than the Dunne-za" (1976:126.).

"It seems significant that the story of Tsekute, the only actual person

said to have become a cannibal Wechuge, occurred at a time of maximum

social upheaval and was linked to the elaboration of the Plateau Prophet

Dance as described by Spier (1935) among the Dunne-za" (1976:125).

Ridington's paper is a valuable preliminary to Chapters III and IV.

which testify to this long period of disruptive influence on the

Northern Algonkians, and provide documentary evidence that challenges

the etic/behavioral existence of windigo as a cannibalistic psychosis.

He is also to be commended for pointing out that witch-fear (including

the belief in cannibal monsters) is symptomatic of societies under

stress; a theme to which we will return shortly.








To the best of my knowledge the only Algonkianist to have bene-

fitted directly from Honigmann's scholarship on the subject of the

windigo is his former student, Richard J. Preston of McMaster Univer-

sity. Preston, who also had the advantage of being Honigmann's re-

search assistant when Personality in Culture was in preparation

(Honigmann 1967:xii), has written a stimulating and engaging paper

entitled "The Witiko: Algonkian Knowledge and Whiteman Knowledge"

(1980). Preston's main point is that

the Witiko psychosis in the literature is not a very adequate
approximation to the Algonkian emotional dynamics or to the
great variability in Algonkian oral tradition on this topic.
(1980:128)

Preston believes it to be manifestly clear that in both Algonkian and

western cultures, the experts fail to agree on the nature of the

windigo phenomenon (1980:127).

Apparently while some Algonkians are prepared to accept the pos-
sibility of the monstrous, some Algonkianists prefer to tacitly
assert the necessity of fantasy and then to exaggerate with
false concreteness some aspects of symbolic implication they have
culled for this purpose from a variety of narratives (1980:127).
I concur with Honigmann and Ridington that, on the evidence, the
case has not been made for Witiko belief and behaviour being
diagnosed as a psychosis, although particular aspects of Witiko
may be components of some individuals' psychological dysfunction.
Nor can [Witiko] be realistically accepted as a category of per-
sons, unless we can specify a category with boundaries allowing
frequent realignment and with a content allowing great variance
and transformative potential. (Preston 1980:128)

About the "psychosis" Preston writes:

We have made the diagnosis without seeing the patient. Some
kind of compulsion and transformation is believed in by Northern
Algonkians, but their words are too often taken as literal (rather
than imagic or symbolic) representations of events, which we then
use to construct our definition of a Witiko psychopathology
(1980:112). It seems that we have taken an exotic notion out
of its native context of the images of terror, and with much
seriousness we have overinterpreted the meagre data. (1980:114)









Referring to Cooper (1933), Hallowell (1936), and Landes (1938a),

Preston writes: "One has the sense that these scholars (and later ones)

in treating of the Witiko, suspended their normal standards of critical

and judicious interpretation, being for some reason drawn to make imagi-

native suggestions without a positive factual basis" (1980:114). Preston

asks if transplanted Europeans have been "simply finding the familiar in

exotic settings [for] the Wild Man of the wilderness, often a

hairy and solitary being who lurks just out of sight, is one of the

oldest and most persistent folk beliefs in Western culture" (1980:117).

In an attempt to account for Euro-North American fascination with

a very poorly documented windigo, Preston constructs a satirical model

that parodies psychiatric and structural explanations, and calls it

"Witiko and Psychic Unity" (1980:118).

The Witiko psychosis is an Algonkian re-enactment of Freud's
primal parricide. Freud has told us that what began in rela-
tion to the father is completed in relation to the group, and to
the extent that the primal parricide is psychologically real,
the lure of the Witiko for our psyche is simply our search for
our lost, primal selves lurking just out of sight of society and
waiting for an unguarded moment when they may snatch a recapitu-
lation of the Oedipal fete. We imagine the Witiko, lost in
space and time, in the boreal wilderness, waiting to grab the
next hapless Algonkian that he can get his brutish hands on.
Where has the Witiko come from? Why, he was from humans to be-
gin with, but became separated, and liminal, and then .
Ooops! Witiko has inverted the [Victor] Turner-Gennep sequence
and is reincorporating human society, victim by victim.

Freud's ghost should be smiling at the scene, to see old
repressive society being eaten by the young-primeval natural
man; Oedipus wins again. But the Indians lose again. The plot
is absurd, if rationally plausible, and leaves us where this
paper began, wondering why we write so much and make such a mess,
on a topic about which we know so little.

Preston (1980:127-128) concludes his argument with a quote from

Evans-Pritchard, that reads in part: "If the specificity of a fact is









lost, the generalization about it becomes so general as to be valueless"

(1962:175). This is a basic principle of science and a piece of plain

common sense that is all too often overlooked in anthropology. I am in

emphatic agreement with Preston that this truism has been for the most

part ignored by analysts of the windigo phenomenon.

Preston's paper has many strengths, but its weakness lies in the

fact that he is unable to explain why the Algonkian "ecology of mind"

(1980:117; italics Preston's)-poorly understood as it may be-should

have evolved the belief in a cannibal spirit-monster capable of taking

possession of ordinary humans, thereby necessitating the execution of

those so "possessed." In his critique of Charles Bishop's (1973)

observation that reports of windigo cannibalism are positively corre-

lated with starvation and ecological degradation on the Canadian Shield

in the 1800s, Preston astutely points out that "we are not here faced

with a simple task of filling empty stomachs, but rather with the elabo-

ration of an implicitly symbolic system of belief" (1980:116-117).

Preston is quite correct in contending that starvation and other infra-

structural crises cannot account for the existence of windigo cannibal-

ism as distinguished from "lifeboat" cannibalism, but this is not the

problem that confronts us. Preston himself believes the evidence for

psychotic windigo cannibalism to be insufficient (1980:128). His be-

lief is confirmed by my investigations into archival sources which indi-

cate that windigo cannibalism probably never occurred in an etic/

behavioral sense. The task remaining before us then is to answer the

question, why are the windigo accusations and executions positively

correlated with starvation, ecological degradation, and other crises









in the material sphere? How, in other words, can we account for the

elaboration of Preston's implicitly symbolic system of belief?

This is a task that lends itself very well to the research

strategy of cultural materialism, which grants as a matter of theoreti-

cal principle research priority to the study of infrastructural

variables as determinative (Harris 1979:46-76). Honigmann's compari-

son of windigo executions to Euro-American witch hunting was a shrewd

one (1967:401). Marvin Harris has been foremost among those who have

shown that fluctuations in the frequency and severity of witchcraft

accusations are not capricious, but are the results of practical and

mundane causes (1974:207-266; 1980:404-405). Preston's inability to

deal with the issue of the evolution of the windigo belief complex il-

lustrates the limitations of phenomenology and other ideographic

strategies.

Ridington's paper (1976:126) has given us important clues toward

an understanding of why Northern Algonkian religion might have diverged

in important ways from the symbolic belief systems of their Subarctic

neighbors. My own ethnohistorical inquiries are congruent with

Bishop's (1974, 1976), and the following chapter will show how the spe-

cific culture history of the Northern Algonkian peoples since the 1500s

is compatible with the evolution of the windigo belief system.

In a recent issue of the popular journal Science Digest, Charles

Lindholm, who "has a Ph.D. in anthropology" and who "taught at Barnard

College," collaborated with Cherry Lindholm, who "has an M.A. in

psychology," to write an article entitled "World's Strangest Mental

Illnesses" (1981:42-53). Windigo leads off the paper accompanied by a









lurid illustration. The Lindholms invent a fictional Indian named Red

Bear who

sits up wild-eyed, his body drenched in sweat, every muscle
tensed. He has dreamed of the windigo-the monster with a
heart of ice-and the dream sealed his doom. Coldness gripped
his own heart. The ice monster had entered his body and pos-
sessed him. He himself had become a windigo, and he could do
nothing to avert his fate.

Suddenly, the form of Red Bear's sleeping wife begins to
change. He no longer sees a women, but a deer. His eyes flame.
Silently he draws his knife from under the blanket and moves
stealthily toward the motionless figure. Saliva drips from the
corners of his mouth, and a terrible hunger twists his intes-
tines. A powerful desire to eat raw flesh consumes him. (1981:
52)

How much longer will anthropology lend itself to this kind of

vilification? In a review article on the subject of psychiatric anthro-

pology, John G. Kennedy concludes his summary of the windigo question

with these thoughts (1973:1158-1159):

What is so exasperating about the windigo literature, as about
all the discussions of the "exotic disorders," is the vast
amount of interesting speculation on the basis of such a slender
evidence. Since Fogelson [1965], Linton [1956:64-67], Parker
[1960], Roehrl [sic; 1970, 1972], Teicher [1960], Wallace [1961:
175], and Yap [195T, 1969] have never reported observing an
actual case of windigo, and have made their diagnoses, classifi-
cations, and analyses from fragmentary accounts, most of the
discussion amounts only to speculative hypotheses that may now
be untestable.

I hold Kennedy to be right on the first count, but wrong on the

second. Relatively hard data are recoverable from archival sources.

These data in combination with a thorough ethnographic grounding and

cross-cultural evolutionary perspective yield a uniformitarian solu-

tion to the windigo puzzle of high plausibility and likelihood; a solu-

tion that confirms the suspicions expressed by John Honigmann in

1967.









Notes

For reasons of space I make almost no mention of the scores of
passive references to "windigo psychosis" by authors who claim no
special competence on the subject, and whose comments are obviously
based on the work of others.

Translated from the French by Kimberly Head.

3Wing (1978:98-139 passim) confines his discussion to the diag-
nosis of schizophrenia.

4The senior author of this paper gives as his address the Depart-
ment of Psychiatry, University of Wisconsin Medical School, Madison,
Wisconsin. It should be noted in passing that in that part of the
United States a car trunk serves as a good deep freezer for many months
of the year, and that it is used as such by many completely normal
and rational people.

5In a later paper McGee states that "the reason fat was used a[s]
a cure for the windigo psychosis is that it is the most human of foods
[in a structural sense], and not because it contains vitamin B12. The
motivation was to rehumanize the psychotic-not "cure" him. Anyone who
rejected fat had surely ceased to be human and should be destroyed; as
long as fat was taken, there was hope for transformation" (1975:124).

I do not deny the fact that Northern Algonkians are likely to
attribute the development of a food crisis to the sorcery of an enemy,
but they are also quite capable of recognizing the urgency of metabolic
necessity.

The fact that the Jesuits' Indian deputies were accused of having
been overcome by cannibal-madness by the Lake St. John Indians could be
taken as evidence for the belief in windigo insanity among the mid-
17th-century Algonkians even if the accusation was false and the de-
puties were murdered for purely mundane reasons. This militates against
my argument that the belief is a relatively recent one. I believe,
however, that since boreal forest subsistence is etically precarious-
particularly after the fur-trade period, which began very early in
Quebec-the taboo against cannibalism was elaborated at an early junc-
ture and antedates the belief in windigo possession. Therefore it
would not be surprising to find those seeking to justify murder doing
so by accusing their victims of having been on the verge of violating
the strongest taboo.

8The prototype for the Australian form appears to be the Aranda
(Turner 1978:196).













CHAPTER III
WINDIGO'S ECOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL SETTING


The purpose of this chapter is to show how the culture history of

the Northern Algonkian peoples-particularly the Northern Ojibwa-led to

the belief in cannibal-monsters, the institutionalization of triage homi-

cide,and the development of a witch-fear complex in which the weak and

the marginal were the most likely candidates for execution. What I will

endeavor to persuade the reader is that the weight of evidence indicates

that "windigo" was the specific response of the Northern Algonkian

peoples to a specific set of demo-techno-econo-environmental determi-

nants, and that this response shows general similarities to the responses

of other peoples exposed to similar infrastructural conditions. First

I will critically review the culture histories of the north-central

Algonkians among whom the windigo complex seems first to have developed.

I will make the case that the windigo belief system initially arose

among those Cree who were impelled by the fur trade to eke out a pre-

carious year-round existence in the Hudson Bay Lowland. Later the com-

plex was to diffuse to an expanding Ojibwa population attracted to the

boreal forest between about 1680-1780 by the development of the fur

trade. The Northern Ojibwa will be singled out as a special example to

be examined in detail. It will be shown that by the 1820s the boreal

forest Algonkians found themselves in dire straits and responded to this

situation by a shift in their mode of production and reproduction. But








with environmental degradation and the elimination of competition from

the fur trade after 1821, migration was no longer a feasible solution to

their problems. In fact, once in place, the monopolistic Hudson's Bay

Company did what it could to prevent emigration and readjustment, reluc-

tant as it was to lose its pool of cheap native labor.

On this point the testimony of missionary sources becomes impor-

tant, especially that of the Rev. Frederick George Stevens (1869-1946),

a man of courage, dedication, pugnacity, and above all moral integrity,

who did not shrink from conflict with the Hudson's Bay Company, the

Dominion Government, or his own superiors in the Methodist Church. The

data provided by Stevens show that the situation in which the boreal

forest Algonkians found themselves late in the 19th and early in the 20th

centuries was one of incredible hardship.

Yet the Hudson's Bay Company, with the active complicity of at

least some missionary leaders and government officials, perpetuated this

situation. The foregoing sounds deceptively simple, but it is far from

trivial. The prevailing misconception about native North Americans is

that they always and everywhere were "at one with nature," "in harmony

with their environment," and that it was only in reservation times

(usually associated with the extermination of the buffalo) that Indians

were subject to starvation due to the misdeeds of corrupt agents. This

myth of pre-conquest homeostasis is believed in and promulgated by many

educated Indians today, and in fact the more acculturated the Indian,

the more likely it is that s(he) will believe it. This chapter docu-

ments the fact that the period from about 1820 to 1920 was a period of

ecological, economic, epidemiological, demographic, and nutritional








catastrophe for the Northern Algonkians; that windigo witch-fear was a

social manifestation of this series of calamities; and that far from

being fully satisfied with the Subarctic environment,the Indians sought

to escape it whenever good opportunities arose to do so (cf. Preston

1975).

Among Amerindian language families the "Algonquian stock is the

largest, comprising about thirty-four living and extinct languages, and

geographically the most widely distributed in North America, extending

from Labrador to California and from Hudson Bay to Georgia, except for

some interrupting enclaves of other stocks" (Siebert 1967:13). In his

landmark work "The Original Home of the Proto-Algonquian People,"

Frank T. Siebert, Jr. (1967) used bird, mammal, fish, and tree names

reconstructed from the Proto-Algonkian language to determine the Urheimat

of this group as it existed some 3,000 years ago. Making an inter-

section of the original ranges of the considered species (those having

cognates in the eastern and central Algonkian languages), Siebert was

able to determine that, as of about 1,200 B.C., "the original home of

the Algonquian peoples lay in the region between Lake Huron and Georgian

Bay [on the west] and the middle course of the Ottawa River [on the

east], bounded on the north by Lake Nipissing and the Mattawa River and

on the south by the northern shore of Lake Ontario, the headwaters of

the Grand River, and the Saugeen River" (1967:40).

If Siebert is correct, and assuming that the members of this

speech community were also members of the same sociocultural community,

we can see immediately that even three millenia ago the ancestors of

historic Algonkian populations were exploiting more than one ecological









and climatic environment. The southern and southwestern part of

Siebert's Proto-Algonkian homeland is today a corn and fruit belt. De-

ciduous forests predominated in pre-European times, interspersed with

stands of pine and hemlock. But the bulk of the Urheimat is on the

Laurentian Uplands including what is today Algonquin Provincial Park

and the Madawaska Highlands. This is a mixed forest region, but with

conifers predominating, characterized by high seasonal temperature varia-

tion, and is quite distinct from the much smaller Ontario Lowland zone

to the south (Kroeber 1939:91-92, 96-98, 193-195). Were the varied re-

sources of the Urheimat exploited seasonally, or were there Algonkian

populations with distinct ecological adaptations even in.1,200 B.C.? So

far there is insufficient archaeological evidence to answer this ques-

tion.

By the time of European contact, much of the Ontario Lowland

region came to be occupied by the Huron and other Iroqoian-speaking

agriculturalists. At this juncture, Algonkian-speaking groups had ex-

panded far and wide. But the Ojibwa-the northern populations of which

are the focus of this study-may not have moved much in 2,800 years.

According to ethnohistorian Charles Bishop, Ojibwa home area at contact

was just west of and almost contiguous with Siebert's Proto-Algonkian

homeland. Bishop believes that 350 years ago "there were no groups .

which could properly be called 'Northern' Ojibwa,since aboriginal groups

were confined to the area near the north shore of Lake Huron and the

east end of Lake Superior"(1976:39).

Although there are those who disagree with Bishop's position, it

is an intriguing one and merits detailed exposition. His studies have








convinced him that when the French first contacted the Ojibwa during the

1620s they were confined to about 20 villages,

each numbering from about 100 to 300 persons, giving an overall
population of perhaps 5,000 persons (1976:39). During the
historic period, the Ojibwa were dispersed over an area at least
ten times as large as their ancestors had occupied at contact,
including the northern part of the border states southwest of
Lake Superior and portions of the northeastern Plains as well as
most of northern Ontario and eastern Manitoba. Numerically the
population grew from about 5,000 persons to nearly 60,000 persons,
who are at present living in two countries (1976:40).

Bishop points out that "the proto-historic Ojibwa did not live in

isolation within a Subarctic ecozone but rather were marginal to it"

(1976:39) and that "the early literature indicates that there was

a comparatively rich variety of foods available, including fish, deer,

moose, and beaver" (1976:39). We may also assume that maple and birch

sugar provided a storable year-round carbohydrate complement to the foods

of animal origin. The best wild rice beds lay just to the west of this

territory, but this nourishing grain may also have been available at

times. "These relatively reliable and stable resources," writes Bishop,

"permitted an elaborate and varied ceremonial and social life" (1976:

39).

New post-contact conditions induced the Ojibwa and other tribes

"to congregate near Sault Ste. Marie during the summer months to engage

in intertribal trade ." (Bishop 1976:43). From 1640 to 1680 Bishop

believes that there was a florescence of Central Great Lakes Algonkian

culture brought about by these summer congregations, and keynoted by an

elaboration of the Feast of the Dead (possibly borrowed from a Huron

prototype) (Bishop 1976:40, 43). The early part of this period coincides

with the disintegration of the important Huron-French fur trade network








and the destruction of Huronia by smallpox and Iroquois raids. In the

late 1650s "the Ottawa and various Ojibwa groups began to assume the

role of middlemen" in the French St. Lawrence-Great Lakes fur trade

previously dominated by the Huron (Heidenreich and Ray 1976:31).

As we have seen in the previous chapter, Bishop's research yields

an unequivocal finding on the issue of the existence of cannibal-

monsters in the religion of the 17th-century Ojibwa: "Nowhere in the

early Jesuit accounts relating to the Ojibwa and Ottawa is there a

specific devil form recognizable as the Windigo, a rather remarkable

fact considering the apparent preoccupation in the nineteenth century

with the phenomenon" (1975:244). Bishop did find evidence for the

existence of female cannibal-beings in Montagnais mythology, but these

ogresses were not associated in any way with deviant desires among

humans (1975:241-242, 244). The Jesuits, of course, were quite pains-

taking in their observations of native religious beliefs and practices.

It is beyond my competence to provide culture histories of all

Northern Algonkian groups. The windigo cannibal-complex has been most

closely associated with the Ojibwa and the Cree (including the

Montagnais-Naskapi). J. G. E. Smith's discovery of an entry into the

York Fort post journal by Captain James Knight in 1741 (HBC-A B. 239/a/1

cited by Smith 1976:21) is probably the earliest known reference to the

creature by name, suggesting the possibility of a coastal Cree origin

which may have diffused to the Ojibwa (cf. Bishop 1975:243).

There are at least three ecological zones in which windigo belief

is associated with the idea of cannibalism: the Hudson Bay Lowland,

boreal forest, and to a lesser extent the mixed deciduous forests south








and southwest of the Subarctic zones. Among Cree and Ojibwa outside

these zones windigo belief takes an entirely different form, indicat-

ing that ethnic considerations are less important than environmental

ones in understanding windigo witch-fear, and suggesting that compara-

tive culture history may be more important still.

J. Anthony Paredes was the first to point out that "the horrible

cannibal monster is terminologically identified with the ludicrous

clown-shamans of the Plains Ojibwa and Plains Cree" (1972:113). Paredes'

sources are Skinner (1914:500-505, 528-529) and Mandelbaum (1940:274-

275). From these works we can see that the Plains Ojibwa and Plains

Cree transmuted the windigo figure into a harmless, even beneficent

personage. The evidence that the change was in this direction and not

the reverse comes from linguistics. The Plains figure is called

"Windigokan." The suffix/- kan/ in the Ojibwa and Cree languages

carries the meaning "fabrication" or "surrogate." Skinner called the

Windigokanuk "cannibal dancers" (1914:500), but the social function of

those Plains Ojibwa whose dreams entitled them to act as Windigokan was

that of healers of the sick and exorcisers of demons (1914:501). They

also used inverted speech like the "Contraries" celebrated in other

Plains tribes, and like the Contraries were known for their antic

military exploits (1914:501-502). The Ojibwa and Cree were latecomers

to the Plains. Referring to the Plains Cree, Mandelbaum writes that the

Wehtikokan dance

was a masked performance often given during the Sun dance period.
The wehtiko was a cannibalistic character in the folklore of the
Wood Cree. Tales concerning this spirit power were sometimes
told among the Plains Cree, but the spirit was never seen in the
prairie country and imbued only the forest inhabitants with man-
eating desires. Except for the name, this character does not
figure in the dance. (1940:274)









Plains Cree and Plains Ojibwa society passed through many crises, but

they were not bound to the trading posts and they were not faced by the

specter of starvation as long as bison were abundant. It is my opinion

that these factors were incongruent with the development of windigo

witch-fear on the Plains (and indeed witchcraft and witch-fear were

minimal among them), hence the benign and comical windigokan of the

buffalo range.

While the cannibal witch-fear complex may have had antecedents

among the Montagnais of Quebec (Teicher 1960:76-77, 107), a group whose

"subsistence base .had been drastically disrupted by trade and

environmental depletion" since the 1530s (Bishop 1975:239-240), it

seems first to have crystallized around the Windigo giant among the

Cree of the Hudson Bay Lowland (see Figure 1). This stark area accord-

ing to archaeologist Kenneth Dawson appears[] to have been virtually

unoccupied in prehistoric times" (1981:13). It is Bishop's (1975:242-

243) belief that

the Cree who became attached to the coastal Hudson's Bay Company
posts during the late seventeenth century exhibited a rela-
tively poor ecological adjustment from the beginning. There
large trading posts such as Fort Albany, York Fort and Moose
Factory represented points of convergence for large numbers of
Indians. Thus, game which was hunted for both traders and
Indians alike, dwindled rapidly near these centers within a few
years after their establishment. The relative poverty of the
coastal area except for the goose-hunting seasons, and the de-
pendence of the Cree on trade goods and store foods in winter
kept many Indians in an area where food was scarce and which
may have been adandoned in the winter in aboriginal times. Starv-
ing Indians who resorted to the post in winter had to be main-
tained in oatmeal, peas, or surplus geese and fish. For example,
according to Anthony Beale in March 1706, many Indians "are all
so hungry that they are ready to Eate one another, so that now
heare are 20 that wholely lies on the Factory" (Hudson's Bay
Company Archives, B 3/a/l). Cases of death by starvation are
also fairly numerous. In 1707, Beale wrote that "3 or four
family of Indians .has perrished this Winter by Reason
there was but Fuew Beasts." (B 3/a/2)







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On this point anthropologist Marshall G. Hurlich appears to concur.

"Indians were forced to adjust to the rigors of the coastal winter .

as much to the fur trader's manipulations as to the Indian's desire for

European trade goods. Many perished from starvation as a result"

(Hurlich 1981:8). Hurlich cites a statement by Douglas and Wallace

(1926:40) based on Jeremie's account of his twenty years' experience

at York Factory during the French occupation of 1694-1714. "When at

the point of starvation," wrote Douglas and Wallace, "the father and

mother kill their children and eat them, and then the stronger of the

two eats the other" (1926:40, cited in Hurlich 1981:8).

Edward S. Rogers, an Algonkianist and ecologist with much experi-

ence in the Subarctic, believes that reports of starvation have been

exaggerated, and that the Indians often claimed to be "starving" in

order to manipulate the traders into providing handouts for them

(personal communication). Nevertheless Roger's extensive and meticu-

lous ethnohistorical research has uncovered instances of starvation

and cannibalism both on the Hudson Bay Lowlands and the interior

forests in the 18th century (1981:29). "At Fort Albany during the winter

of 1764-5, six children are reported to have been killed and eaten

[HBC-A B. 3/a/57: fo. 19] and in 1785-86 it was reported at Gloucester

House that one family of Northward Indians had been driven to eat two of

their children [HBC-A B. 78/a/13: fo. 17]. Rogers cites several other

famine accounts (1981:28-30), and notes that "cases of hunger are often

mentioned by the traders and even the occasional death by starvation"

(1981:28). Still he believes that death by starvation occurred "rather

infrequently considering the harsh conditions under which the Northern

Ojibwa lived" (1981:29).









Yet Rogers' own research, as well as that of Bishop and Hurlich,

indicates to me that the food crisis among the Northern Algonkians was

serious, and that it was felt most keenly first among the Cree in the

Hudson Bay Lowlands shortly after the establishment of the HBC coastal

forts in the years following 1670. Later, hunger was to come to the

boreal forest Ojibwa, reaching famine proportions in the third decade of

the 19th century (Bishop 1974, 1976, 1978). I contend that the windigo

complex followed in the tracks of starvation.

The reconstruction of Cree culture history is difficult. Although

it appears that they occupied the Hudson Bay Lowland only seasonally-if

at all-under aboriginal conditions, there is general agreement that the

Cree inhabited the boreal forest in pre-contact times, and that they

are represented there archaeologically by the Selkirk tool and pottery

tradition (Dawson 1981:31). The exact nature of their ecological adap-

tation is unknown, but a high degree of mobility and seasonal exploita-

tion of resources is assumed. Mandelbaum cites early sources that put

the Cree at contact all the way from the shores of Hudson Bay to the

wild rice beds near Lake of the Woods and on to the northwest shore of

Lake Superior (1940:159-172). This is a huge range for one group to

exploit seasonally, and we do not know how many local-group micro-

adaptations might have been present.

But what of the Ojibwa? Here the experts disagree. As we have

seen above, Bishop maintains that the proto-historic Ojibwa lived in a

relatively small mixed-forest belt along the northeast shore of Lake

Superior and the north shore of Lake Huron, and that it was not until

the 1680s that a major separation of the Ojibwa began (1976:43).









Bishop believes that the Ojibwa were drawn north by trade conditions

resulting from the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1670.

This broke the Ojibwa middleman monopoly in the St. Lawrence-Great

Lakes fur trade system operating from Quebec. As a result of the

English competition from the Bay, the French established posts north of

Lake Superior drawing with them Ojibwa who sought to preserve their

middleman monopoly by intercepting the boreal forest Indians and preventing

them by intimidation from trading their furs at the HBC posts on James

Bay (Bishop 1976:44). "About this time, the Cree who had occupied the

Shield country north of Lake Superior began gradually to shift to the

west, while in their place came roving bands of Ojibwa and other

Algonkian-speakers from the southeast" (Bishop 1976:44). If Bishop is

correct in this-and a westward vdlkerwanderung of the Cree is generally

accepted (e.g. Mandelbaum [1940:165-187; Ray 1974:98-102])-then it

seems reasonable to assume that the Cree migration was made possible by

the acquisition of firearms from the English, and motivated in part by

the Cree desire to promote their middleman position in the English trade

system (Heidenreich and Ray 1976:39).

In a paper co-authored with his wife, anthropologist M. Estellie

Smith, Bishop states that "there is absolutely no historic evidence

prior to the 1700s that the Ojibwa resided west of Lake Superior. .

Cree groups inhabited the remaining portion of northern Ontario and

down into southeastern Manitoba at contact" (1975:61). Bishop and Smith

support their position by means of historical evidence summarized on

pp. 56-58 of their paper, and go on to challenge the widely held

archaeological belief that the Blackduck pottery tradition represents








Proto-Ojibwa populations (1975:58-61). The Blackduck tradition, which

"has its core south of the height of land in the transitional Lake forest

in Ontario [and] also occurs] throughout the Boreal Forest in

Ontario" (Dawson 1981:31) is attributed by Bishop and Smith to the

Proto-Assiniboin (1975:58-61). Archaeologists whose work is cited by

Bishop and Smith in support of their position are Wilford (1945, 1955),

Vickers (1948a,b), MacNeish (1958), and Hlady (1964, 1970). Archaeolo-

gists whose work is cited in opposition to the Blackduck Assiniboin

hypothesis are Wright (1963, 1965, 1968a,b) and Evans (1961) (Bishop and

Smith 1975:55). Since the publication of the Bishop-Smith paper,

Syms (1977) has attributed Blackduck to the Northern Ojibwa, as has

Dawson in a paper in press (1981:31-33).

All of this becomes important in the reconstruction of Ojibwa cul-
ture history. Were the Ojibwa indigenous to the boreal forest or were

they not? Was windigo witch-fear absent from Ojibwa life in the 17th

century as Bishop indicates (1975:244), or were there Northern Ojibwa

groups on the Shield of whom the Jesuits were ignorant? Is it true, as

Bishop states, that there were no "Northern Ojibwa" until after 1680?

(1976:43).

The principal opposition to Bishop's position comes from Edward S.
Rogers, Curator of Ethnology at the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto.

Rogers does not see sharp ethnic discontinuities among the Northern
Algonkian peoples, but believes that groups grade into one another.

Correspondingly he believes that northern variants of Ojibwa popula-

tions have lived in the Shield Subarctic since ancient times, where

they have been intermediate manifestations on the sociocultural









continuum between groups called "Cree" and those called "Ojibwa" (per-

sonal communication and following references). Rogers has in the past

termed these populations "Cree-Ojibwa" (1963, 1965, 1966, 1969), but

seems to have abandoned the neologism in recent years (Rogers and Black

1976; Rogers and Rogers 1978; Rogers 1981).

Bishop (1974:340-344, 1976:45), building on the work of Hickerson

(1970:42-50), holds that Northern Ojibwa groups that have been known by

animal names are the remnants of patrilineages or clan segments that

broke away from the Ojibwa proper after 1680 and moved north to exploit

the Shield Subarctic. Rogers, on the other hand, takes the absence of

clan organization among the speakers of the Severn Dialect of Ojibwa as

evidence for a sociocultural continuity between these people and their

Cree neighbors, who also lack clans or totemic affiliations. Rogers

believes that a more likely explanation for Northern Ojibwa group

zoonyms is that they were designations applied to the followers of power-

ful Indian leaders. Hence the Crane Indians are not for Rogers a

northern offshoot of the Crane clan of the Ojibwa proper. (The Cranes

are the first of 21 clans listed by Ojibwa author William W. Warren,

writing ca. 1852 [1957:44-45].) Rogers believes that the name may have
v
originally meant no more than the followers of Ojicak or "the Crane,"

a northern leader who died around 1805. Later the name came to be
v
generalized to all of Ojicak's descendents (Rogers 1981:3).

Bishop's work emphasizes process, change, movement, the clash of

conflicting interests, and is characterized by venturesome attempts at

generalization. His time in the field is limited, and he works almost

exclusively from documentary sources. Rogers too calls attention to the









importance of historical and environmental transitions, but he stresses

sociocultural continuities in time and in space, and the over-arching

importance of ethnographic fieldwork. Rogers' writings are character-

ized by a cautious particularism that is wary of conjectural generali-

zation. For example, after presenting several documentary accounts

supporting Bishop's theory of the recency of Northern Ojibwa habitation

of the boreal forest, Rogers concludes: "The evidence for a southern

origin of the Northern Ojibwa is open to close scrutiny and certainly an

alternative interpretation of the facts is possible. The occupation of

northern Ontario by Ojibwa may have taken place considerably earlier

than the first half of the 18th century"(1981:7).

Both Rogers and Bishop have devoted their professional lives to

the study of the Northern Ojibwa, the group with which I have been inti-

mately connected and the group around which I will build a demo-techno-

environmental explanation for the windigo phenomenon. But windigo

witch-fear also occurred in other Northern Algonkian groups. How can

we be sure that the Northern Ojibwa provide a normative example of

windigo? Conclusive proof for the representativeness of the Northern

Ojibwa on this issue is lacking, but strong inference is present. The

Ojibwa of northwestern Ontario and northeastern Manitoba are geographi-

cally central to the windigo phenomenon. My working assumption is that

there is more to be gained from an in-depth knowledge of the phenomenon

in one area than there is from a cursory survey of decontextualized and

unverified anecdotes from the entire range. (Archival material pre-

sented in Chapter IV is from the western Woods Cree as well as from the

Northern Ojibwa.)








Bishop and Rogers disagree on many points, but one thing they agree

on is, in Roger's words (1981:47), the fact that

for the Northern Ojibwa, the year 1821 marked the end of an era.
In that year the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West
Company amalgamated. .. No longer could the Indians play one
trader off against another as they had done in the past. Fur-
thermore, the Subarctic, always a harsh environment, had become
even more so during the past few decades by the over-exploita-
tion of the country that had been encouraged by the competition
between the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company.
Fur-bearing animals and big game had become greatly reduced in
numbers. Accordingly the Northern Ojibwa, due to the changing
circumstances, slowly settled into an altered way of life.

The "altered way of life" of which Rogers speaks is nothing less

than a shift to different modes of production and reproduction. Rogers

was in the vanguard of those who have identified this shift from big

game hunting to a reliance on fish and hare (1966). (Moose were vir-

tually exterminated from the boreal forests of northwestern Ontario early

in the 19th century, not to reappear in any numbers for three generations.

The woodland caribou population was severely reduced.) But Rogers re-

jects the notion of a new mode of reproduction. The issue is an impor-

tant one and will be examined in some detail.

My thesis is that windigo witch-fear is the consequence of a series

of crises in Northern Algonkian life. Some that have already been men-

tioned are disruptions and dispersions caused by the fur trade, food

shortages caused by faunal depletions, and entrapment in a monopolistic

trade situation with an increased dependence on the HBC posts. Not to

be overlooked is the scourge of European diseases: smallpox, measles,

tuberculosis, pneumonia, influenza, and respiratory illnesses of all

sorts. A counterintuitive corollary was a dramatic increase in popula-

tion.









One of the most important data sets in this study is the Fiddler

case, which involved four windigo executions among the Sandy Lake-Deer

Lake Indians (see Chapter IV). My archival research yielded an HBC

report for the years 1822-23 giving the totals of 124 Indians affilia-

ted with the Island Lake post, 106 trading at Sandy Lake, and 81 at

Merry's House, for a grand total of 311 (HBC-A, B. 93/z/l folios I and 2).

A prose report of the Island Lake District for the year 1824 indicates

that 211 Indians traded at the Island Lake post that year, and 77 had

been attached to Merry's House.

The Post of Sandy Lake was abandoned in Autumn '23 in conse-
quence of the means of subsistence being too difficult to
[illegible] and the Indians, consisting of 22 Families, resorted
14 to Island Lake and the remainder to Trout Lake, Severn dis-
trict. Merry's Hours was likewise abandoned in May '24, The
returns of that Post not being sufficient to pay the expense of
either a Boat or Canoe it was judged more advantageous to divide
the Indians between Island Lake, York Factory, and Trout Lake,
as their hunting grounds lay nearly in the centre-between these
Establishments. (HBC-A B. /93/e/3)

So, having received an influx of immigrants from Sandy Lake and

Merry's House, the population at Island Lake stood at 211 in 1824. (An

1838 census numbered them at 353 [HBC-A B. 239/z/10].) By 1924 the

Island Lake population had jumped to 625. On what was to become the

Ontario side, the increase was no less dramatic. The population stood

at 106 in 1823 and presumably many, but not all, of these people emi-

grated closer to Island Lake on the west or Big Trout Lake on the east

when the post at Sandy Lake closed in 1823. But by 1924 there were 255

people on the government rolls from the encampments at Sandy Lake,

Deer Lake, and North Spirit Lake (Canada 1924). In other words, the

total population of the district jumped from 311 in 1823 to 880 in 1924

during what was certainly a century of privation.









At first, I was surprised by these findings. On the one hand the

statistics bespoke a situation even more grave than I envisioned.

Ecological catastrophy, economic bondage, and devastation by alien

diseases are bad enough. It seemed to me that a skyrocketing popula-

tion in the face of all these misfortunes would serve to aggravate them

and put tremendous strain on the social fabric. But how could it be

that there would be a demographic increase rather than depopulation under

such conditions? In checking my findings against those of the two

Northern Ojibwa specialists I have again found an interesting dichotomy.

Bishop's work, as it turned out, is completely in keeping with my own

(1978:225):

One biological consequence of the shift from large game hunting
to the intensification of efforts on small nonmigratory fauna
[after 1821] was an evident population growth during the nine-
teenth century. In the face of recurring episodes of extreme
deprivation, this, at first, would seem to be contradictory.
Nevertheless, demographic materials from all trading post
records throughout the Ojibwa area attest to it.

Bishop goes on to give examples from Lac Seul and Osnaburgh House (1978:

225).

Rogers, however, takes the opposite position. He believes theOjibwa

population was fairly constant, and that disease cycles caused fairly

uniform fluctuations in population on the order of plus or minus 30% of

the median. He believes that my early 19th century figures from the

records pertaining to Island Lake and Sandy Lake are artificially low

(personal communication). In a paper in press, Rogers offers these HBC-A

quotes in support of his position (1981:4. Emphasis in the original;

parenthetical question marks presumably Rogers').

The Cranes are said to be increasing. Any computation regarding
their number is difficult owing to the fact that when they visit








the Post leave their families behind them and further having (?)
superstitious ideas regarding the number of their people-are very
reticent and (would misunderstand any inquiries?). The number of
Indian hunters on the Company's books including Crin (Cree?) and
Cranes amount to 152. (HBC-A B. 220/z/2)

"Previously when a census was taken," writes Rogers (1981:4), "there had

been trouble. On July 1, 1882, Fortesque, in charge at York Factory,

wrote his subordinate in charge at Trout Lake as follows:"

In taking your Indian census, which I wish you had estimated, do it
quietly without attracting notice as last time the Indians got
an absurd idea into their heads and there was trouble all over the
District. (HBC-A B. 220/b/2: fo. 17d)

Rogers' admonitions must be taken seriously, but I believe that my

statistical findings are genuine, and see no reason to question Bishop's.

What can then explain the population take-off? My first inclination was

to look for a bio-physiological solution to the puzzle. A theory that

exposure to new European foods, such as flour and oatmeal, may have had

an effect on ovulatory cycles or weaning practices proved unrewarding

(Marano 1979; cf. Frisch and McArthur 1974; Van Ginneken 1974). On the

other hand, the "paradoxical" population increase of the 19th-century

Ojibwa is far from unprecedented. As Harris (personal communication

1979) pointed out,following Ben White (1973, 1975), Mamdani (1973), and

Nag, White, and Peet (1978), "the cost/benefits of child-rearing can

be used to explain [the] paradox of rising population in development

contexts where standard of living, health, and life expectancy are

deteriorating." Harris went on to ask if there had been a shift in .the

role of child labor among the Northern Ojibwa in the changed conditions

of the 19th century.

There was in fact a change in the value of child labor which

accompanied the Northern Ojibwa shift from a big-game hunting mode of








production to one based on diversified small game, especially fish and

hare. An economy based on big game hunting is dependent on the labor

inputs of adult and adolescent males. In an economy based on the

extraction of fish, hare, small game, and the trapping of furbearers,

children of both sexes become net producers of food (and sometimes

furs) at an early age. In this respect the value of Northern Ojibwa

child labor parallels the patterns found in rural India (Mamdani 1973),

colonial Java (White 1973), and contemporary Java and Nepal (White 1975;

Nag, White, and Peet 1978). In all of these cases high population

growth was found to be a consequence of the fact that parents could

enjoy a higher standard of living by having more, rather than fewer

children. This is true despite the long-run environmental, social, and

demographic penalties involved in such a pattern. When confronted by

the "bio-psychological constants" (Harris 1979:62-64) of human exis-

tence, people rarely choose options on the basis of what will be good

for future generations. People usually choose options with the hope

that benefits will be reaped in their own lifetimes.

In the case of the Northern Ojibwa it is easy to visualize how a

change in their mode of production would be accompanied by a change in

their mode of reproduction. Hunting moose or caribou, especially in

deep snow, is an exhausting activity that has traditionally devolved to

men (see Marano 1981). Whether or not it is an activity that could be

just as well assigned to women is an interesting question beyond the

scope of this dissertation, but it is an activity clearly beyond the

physical capacities of children. On the other hand, children are just

as adept at the capture of small game as are men. A young girl tending




Full Text
148
"They are lying when they say I struck the first blow," said Payoo.
"They are all related to one another and I am alone among them. When
I went in the man was dead, and no one was holding him" (p. 131). In
his manipulation of events Entominahoo was very nearly able to score a
shamanistic grand slam. An outsider was the victim of his witch-hunt,
and an outsider almost took the blame.
On the surface the Moostoos affair appears to be a textbook case
of "windigo psychosis." All the symptoms are present: depression,
anorexia, disoriented behavior, a preoccupation with cannibalistic
thoughts and a concomitant horror engendered by those thoughts, the
expression of the desire to be killed before the evil within him caused
him to destroy his companions, and finally the executionthe execution
that flows from community consensus or sometimes, as in this case, is
a community activity.
But beneath the surface we can see another story emerging. It is
the story of a group of Woods Cree who are terrified by an epidemic; who
are reduced to immobility by the necessity to tend to their sick, includ
ing half of their mature hunters; who are completely unprepared to deal
with the ravings of a delirious man; who in their frightened state are
increasingly amenable to the suggestion of their shaman that it is an
outsider who is at the root of their problems. As a means of coping with
their fear they employed a variant of the Algonkian windigo myth as a
convenient vehicle for scapegoating and triage homicide. They turned
on and killed a Beaver Indian whose Cree name was Moostoos (Bison),
who was himself sick and delirious, and who happened to be living
among them.


70
Assuming for the time being that these correspondences between
Northern Athapaskan and Northern Algonkian belief systems are not the
result of diffusion, what can we make of them? Ridington has observed:
The diagnosis of Windigo behavior as psychotic has not been
seriously questioned in the literature even though all authors
recognize that in none of the reported cases has there been
first-hand information on individual case histories let alone
analysis of subject's lives by observers with experience in
psychiatric diagnosis (1976:107-108). Our labelling system
when applied to the windigo phenomenon breaks down on close
examination. We label the behavior of windigo actor as psy
chotic but not the beliefs of those who accept his role as real.
(1976:128)
These are good insights and Ridington follows up on them. While
taking note of other possibilities he suggests that the belief systems of
these two groups of boreal forest Indians on the cannibal theme may have
started out similarly, and then diverged in historic times. "In
general the Algonkians have experienced a longer period of disruptive
influence from contact with Europeans than the Dunne-za" (1976:126).
"It seems significant that the story of Tsekute, the only actual person
said to have become a cannibal Wechuge, occurred at a time of maximum
social upheaval and was linked to the elaboration of the Plateau Prophet
Dance as described by Spier (1935) among the Dunne-za" (1976:125).
Ridington's paper is a valuable preliminary to Chapters III and IV
which testify to this long period of disruptive influence on the
Northern Algonkians, and provide documentary evidence that challenges
the etic/behavioral existence of windigo as a cannibalistic psychosis.
He is also to be commended for pointing out that witch-fear (including
the belief in cannibal monsters) is symptomatic of societies under
stress; a theme to which we will return shortly.


33
Cree would sometimes eat the bodies of those who had perished,
or, more rarely, would even kill the living and partake of the
flesh. This solution, however, of the conflict between hunger
and the rigid tribal taboo often left, as its aftermath, an
"unnatural" craving for human flesh, or a psychosis that took
the form of such a craving. More rarely such a psychosis
developed in men or women who had not themselves previously
passed through famine experience.
That "cannibalism was resorted to by the Cree only in cases where
starvation threatened" seems to me to be a perfectly reasonable state
ment, but that crisis cannibalism should result in a psychotic craving
for human flesh is a contention that demands specific verification. It
has never resulted in an obsessive psychosis in any other part of the
world. Survivors of the Donner party did not stalk the California gold
fields searching for unsuspecting prospectors to eat (McGlashan 1947:
236-261; Stewart 1960:280-293). It is probably true that breaking a
taboo on one occasion lowers the threshold for breaking it on subse
quent occasions. For this reason the Indians doubtless tried to avoid
getting themselves into a food crisis with those who had already broken
Contrast Cooper's statement with those of Hudson's Bay Company
officer and explorer Samuel Hearne, who lived for twenty years among
the Cree. In reporting the extreme hunger he and his party experi
enced on his second expedition in search of the Coppermine River and
Northwest Passage, he wrote:
The relation of such uncommon hardships may perhaps gain little
credit in Europe; while those who are conversant with the his
tory of Hudson's Bay, and who are thoroughly acquainted with the
distress which the natives of the country about it frequently
endure, may consider them as no more than the common occurrences
of an Indian life, in which they are frequently driven to the
necessity of eating one another. (1971 [1795]: 34).


19
not a psychological anthropologist. Beginning in 1975, my work among
the Northern Algonkians came to be more of an applied, interventionist
nature involving the delivery of educational services. And perhaps, I
thought, the disjunction between the contemporary Algonkian and the
classical anthropological windigo was the result of acculturation.
Whenever the opportunity arose during the three years I worked
for Brandon University in northern Manitoba, I would come in to the
University of Winnipeg to use the library. I would use the resources
of the library to prepare lectures for my classes, to keep myself
current on developments in anthropology, and to pursue my own intel
lectual interests.
It was at the University of Winnipeg that I met Robert Fraser,
a laboratory demonstrator in the Department of Anthropology. Richard
Preston of McMaster University had delivered a guest lecture on the sub
ject of windigo at the University of Winnipeg in the winter of 1978-79.
I was unable to attend the lecture and asked Bob what it had been about.
Fraser gave me a brief overview of Preston's talk (see Preston 1980) and
then came up with a fascinating idea of his own. Fie told me that in the
rare book room of the University library was the manuscript autobiography
of a missionary by the name of Frederick Stevens (n.d.). Stevens, he
said, had visited Sandy Lake in the years before the infamous windigo
killings by the Fiddler brothers. According to Fraser, Stevens had
reported that most of the "windigos" killed were nursing mothers
(Stevens n.d.:43). Stevens also stressed the starvation conditions
under which the Sandy Lake Ojibwa lived at the time of his visits (1943:
4-9, n.d.:42-43). It would be hard to imagine, said Fraser, a more


112
scattered through that enormous country, and doubtless the Government
will examine the whole ground before committing itself to a policy that
may involve heavy expenditure." While conceding to Stevens that his
mission was to both the bodies and the souls of the people, so long as
the resources of the Missionary Society remained limited, Sutherland's
instructions were that "the care of their souls takes precedence"
(1897a).
On December 15, Sutherland wrote to the Superintendent General of
Indian Affairs in Ottawa requesting that the migration play be given
consideration by the Government. He wrote that Stevens' letters re
ferred to a state of affairs of which he was not previously aware. "In
the course of years," wrote Sutherland, "hunting and trapping has become
such a very precarious mode of securing a living that the Indians dis-
pair of being able much longer to keep absolute starvation from their
homes" (1897b). Whatever other misgivings Sutherland may have had about
Stevens, he appears to have had complete confidence in the young mis
sionary's veracity. I do not think he would have written the Govern
ment stating that the Indians were on the verge of starvation if he did
not have good reason to believe it was true.
On June 30,1898, Sutherland wrote to Stevens informing him that
the plan had been rejected by the Government, but before passing on
this piece of news Sutherland saw fit again to take Stevens to task
for attacking the policy of the Hudson's Bay Company, and criticizing
the management of the Canadian missions (Sutherland 1898a). In light
of the government's refusal to set aside a reserve for emigrating
Indians on Lake Winnipeg, Sutherland warned that any Indians who might


Figure 2. Lesser Slave Lake and Vicinity, 1879-99.


122
and tried to escape them when they could. It will be argued in the
following chapter that it was the conscious and unconscious recognition
of their slim margin for error that resulted in windigo executions, and
not cannibalistic obsession or behavior on the part of the executed
victims.


121
reported the matter to the department of Indian Affairs. . .
I then went to Winnipeg. There the Indian Commissioner,
the Hon. David Laird, and the Hon. James Smart, Deputy Minister
of the Interior, were concerned and angry about the whole affair.
The H.B.C. rightly blamed their failure on Whiteway who had sent
in false reports. It was harder to fix the blame on anyone in
the Methodist Church. (Stevens, n.d.: 31)
The controversy raged on, even reaching the halls of Parliament
(Christian Guardian, Oct. 16, 1901:5), but Stevens eventually held the
day. He returned to the Indian work in 1907 to spend many years at
Fisher River where his mission to the natives of Canada had begun in
1894. The Rev. J. Ernest Nix, Deputy Archivist of the United Church
of Canada, assures me that he would never have been allowed back into
the Indian work unless he had been completely exonerated (personal com
munication), yet there was little he could actually do to meet the mate
rial needs of the Indians of the north. He died at Norway House in 1946.
Stevens' personal biases aside, I think he proved that conditions
around Sandy Lake were often desperate late in the 19th and early in
the present centuries. For people living so close to the brink of di
saster, nursing a hopelessly sick person was an extravagance they could
hardly afford. The delirious especially, because of the disruptive
nature of their behavior, and because they required the constant atten
tion of the able-bodied, must have strained the social fabric to the
absolute limit.
Stevens' observations set the ecological and historical stage for
an examination of the forensic windigo case materials. In this chapter
we have seen that in the 19th and early 20th centuries the Northern
Algonkians were not living under conditions of aboriginal equilibrium,
but the reverse. They recognized the seriousness of their circumstances


140
time of Moostoos1 execution (AAR 1903 [1904]:132), but we do not know
the date of his death. Was it Napaysis whom Phillips and Warren guarded
on the night of March 30-31, or someone else? If it was someone else,
then three of the eleven adult males in the group (27%) were accused of
windigo possession in less than a week.
The next morning Phillips and his party with Napaysosus and
Chuckachuck set out by horse-drawn sleigh for the police post at Lesser
Slave Lake. They arrived at the barracks around midnight. Payoo was
presumably arrested at Lesser Slave Lake soon thereafter. On April 5
Phillips and his prisoners set out for Fort Saskatchewan, but Chucka
chuck, his principal witness, took sick on the way. Phillips was forced
to leave Chuckachuck with others at Athabaska Landing, and proceeded to
Fort Saskatchewan with his two prisoners. A team was dispatched from
Fort Saskatchewan to bring in Chuckachuck, but he died at Athabaska
Landing on April 16 (ECF 1899; PAC 1899).
The death of Chuckachuck was a serious setback to the government's
case. Phillips left again for Lesser Slave Lake in May, presumably
having waited until the snow cover melted and the ice "came up" on the
lakes. He returned to Fort Saskatchewan on July 14 with nine witnesses.
This time he was taking no chances, and both the prosecution and the
defense had requested that certain witnesses be brought in (PAC 1899).
A preliminary hearing was held at Fort Saskatchewan on July 25,
and the trial was held at Edmonton at the beginning of the second week
in August 1899. Payoo was acquitted; Napaysosus was found guilty of
manslaughter and sentenced to two months imprisonment (AAR 1903 [1904]:
138). I will now analyze the Moostoos case making a series of


106
ability to accept the evidence of his own senses, and with the courage
to act on his convictions no matter what the opposition.
Frederick and Frances Stevens arrived at Oxford House late in
June 1897. By July 12 he had assessed the living conditions of the
native inhabitants and pronounced them untenable. Oxford House was
Stevens' first independent assignment in the Methodist Indian service,
but he had for more than two years previously assisted the minister at
the Fisher River Reserve, about 110 miles north of the city of
Winnipeg, and began his study of the Cree language there. When the
Queen's representatives negotiated Treaty 5 with the Norway House
Indians in the 1870s, some members of that band petitioned the govern
ment to set aside a reserve for them on arable land off the Shield
where they could support themselves mainly by farming. This was done,
and while the colony at Fisher River has never been the new Elysium, no
one has ever starved to death there either. (I lived on the adjacent
Peguis Reserve a few miles south of Fisher River in 1978-79.) It did
not take Stevens long to decide that his new congregation would like
wise be better off in more favorable circumstances. This goal at once
became the highest priority of his ministry, and he never wavered from
it no matter what the cost to himself.
While yet enroute from Norway House with an HBC boat brigade
freighting supplies to Oxford House, Stevens was deeply affected by the
conditions under which the Indians had to live and work. On July 12,
1897, Stevens penned a letter to the Methodists of Canada from which I
now quote.
What hard lives [the Indians] lead! Such hard work at the oar,
and especially on the portages do they struggle under their


182
were living a miserable existence with endemic malnutrition and
periodic food shortages. Worse yet was the condition of the Sandy
Lake Ojibwa to the east, who, in the winter of 1899-1900 lost twenty-
one people (out of about 200) to starvation. It was from these same
Sandy Lake Ojibwa that four of Teicher's (1960) seventy windigo cases
are drawn, and these cases occurred ca. 1835-1906. Stevens tried
valiantly to get the Canadian government and the Methodist Church to
underwrite a relocation plan, but ultimately failed.
Stevens was not an impartial observer, but I believe him to be
a generally reliable one. When his report of the Sandy Lake starva
tion deaths was challenged in southern Manitoba, he and his wife and
small child traveled by canoe to Sandy Lake, undergoing great hard
ship, to bring back witnesses. The witnesses swore to seeing fourteen
starvation deaths. Another family of seven had simply disappeared,
bringing the total to twenty-one. It is hard to ask for better veri
fication of a claim than this.
Chapter IV synthesizes and analyzes windigo materials found in
legal archives case by case. Two of these cases--those involving
Ahwahsahkahmig and Mapaninare my discoveries (with the assistance of
helpful archivists [see Chapter I]) and have not been previously
reported. The remainder, which constitute six out of Teicher's (1960)
compendium of seventy windigo cases, are reexamined in the light of
new materials recovered from the archives and my protracted and
intense interaction with the Northern Ojibwa.
If my interpretations are correct, the most dramatic regularity
in these cases is the complete absence of psychotic cannibalism. In


208
Van Ginneken, Jeroen K. 1974. Prolonged breastfeeding as a birth
spacing method. Studies in Family Planning 5:201-206.
Vickers, Chris. 1948. The historical approach and the Headwaters
Lake aspect. Plains Archaeological Conference Newsletter 1(3):
8-11.
. 1948b. Cultural affinity in the Minnesota-Manitoba region.
Minnesota Archaeologist 14:38-41.
Waisberg, Leo G. 1975. Boreal forest subsistence and the windigo:
Fluctuation of animal populations. Anthropologica 17:169-185.
Wallace, Anthony F. C. 1961. Culture and personality. New York:
Random House.
Warren, William W. 1957 (1852). History of the Ojibwav nation.
Minneapolis: Ross and Haines.
Wells, Garrn. Personal communication, 1979, letter to author dated
May 29, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Winnipeg.
West, John. 1824. The substance of a journal during a residence at
the Red River Colony. London: L. B. Seeley and Sons. Reprinted
1966 by the Johnson Reprint Company, New York.
White, Benjamin. 1973. Demand for labor and population growth in
Colonial Java. Human Ecology 1:217-236.
. 1975. "The economic importance of children in a
Javanese village," in Population and social organization. Moni
Nag, ed., pp. 127-146. The Hague: Mouton.
Wilford, Lloyd A. 1945. The prehistoric Indians of Minnesota. Minne
apolis: Minnesota History.
. 1955. A revised classification of the prehistoric cultures
of Minnesota. American Antiquity 21:130-142.
Wing, J. K. 1978. Reasoning about madness. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Winterhalder, Bruce, and Eric Alden Smith, eds. 1981. Hunter-gatherer
foraging strategies: Ethnographic and archaeological analyses.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Wright, James V. 1963. An archeological survey along the north shore
of Lake Superior. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada.
. 1965. A regional examination of Ojibwa culture history.
Anthropologica 7:189-227.


200
Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archives of Manitoba. 1741.
B. 42/a/22. Entry in Post Journal of Fort Churchill.
. 1823. B. 93/z/l, folios 1 and 2. List of the Native
population trading at Island lake, 1822-23.
. 1824. B. 93/e/3. Report of the Island Lake District, 1824.
. 1838. B. 239/z/10. York Factory miscellaneous papers
listing Indian population belonging to the Honorable Hudson's
Bay Company's posts in Island Lake District, June 1, 1838.
. 1882-1884. B, 220/6/2, folios 18d, 25d, and 26d. Exchange
of correspondence between Joseph Fortesque (York Factory) and
James Todd (Big Trout Lake), Winnipeg: Provincial Archives of
Manitoba.
Hurlich, Marshall G. 1981. "Historical and recent demography of the
Algonkians of Northern Ontario," manuscript prepared for Boreal
forest adaptations: The Algonkians of Northern Ontario. A. T.
Steegmann, Jr., ed. New York: Plenum.
Hurlich, Marshall G., and A. T. Steegmann, Jr. 1979. Hand immersion
in cold water at 5C in sub-Arctic Algonkian Indian males from
two villages: A European admixture effect? Human Biology 51:
255-278.
Hutchinson, Gerald M. 1977. "Introduction" to The Rundle Journals.
Huqh A. Dempsey, ed. Calgary: Historical Society of Alberta.
James, Bernard. 1954. Some critical observations concerning analyses
of Chippewa "atomism" and Chippewa personality. American Anthro
pologist 56:283-286.
. 1970. Continuity and emergence in Indian poverty culture.
Current Anthropology 11:435-452.
Kardiner, Abram. 1939. The individual and his society. New York:
Columbia University Press.
. 1953. "The relation of culture to mental disorder," in
Current problems in psychiatric diagnosis. Paul H. Hoch and
and Joseph Zubin, eds. pp. 157-179. New York: Grue and
Stratton.
Keesing, Roger M. 1981. Cultural anthropology: A contemporary per
spective. Second edition. New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston.
Kennedy, John G. 1973. "Cultural psychiatry," in Handbook of social
and cultural anthropology. John J. Honigmann, ed. Chicago:
Rand McNally and Co., pp. 1119-1198.


194
combined with an increased dependence on the trading posts, caused
a shift in the basic mode of production away from big game hunting
toward the capture of fish, small game, and whatever fur-bearers were
available (cf, Rogers 1966; Rogers and Black 1976), This new mode of
production put a premium on the labor of children, who could become
net producers at an early age (cf. Mamdani 1973; White 1973, 1975;
Nag, White and Peet 1978). Consequently there was a substantial rise
in population among the Northern Ojibwa throughout the 19th century
in the face of a deteriorating resource base (Bishop 1976:48; 1978:
225-226). This apparent paradox put even more strain on Northern
Ojibwa society as the new mode of production and reproduction was
intensified past the point of diminishing returns (cf, Boserup 1965;
Harris 1977, 1980:188-192). European diseases took a terrible toll,
and imposed special hardships on a semi-nomadic people who could not
provide protracted nursing care to their sick. I contend that the
windigo belief complex was the Northern Algonkian manifestation of
collective witch-fear that is predictable in traumatized societies,
and not an obsessive cannibalistic psychosis of individuals. Anthro
pology is obligated to contemporary and future Northern Algonkians,
and to those committed to a science of history, to set the record
straight.
Note
"4n his textbook, Cultural Athropology, Roger M. Keesing
reproduces a photograph of a Fore man who is apparently unconscious.
The caption reads (1981:165; italics added):
Fore vegeance. A Foreman lies brutally beaten by the rela
tives of kuru victim who have accused him of sorcery. Often
fatal vengence against men suspected of sorcery compounds
the catastrophic demographic consequences of kuru.


73
lost, the generalization about it becomes so general as to be valueless"
(1962:175). This is a basic principle of science and a piece of plain
common sense that is all too often overlooked in anthropology. I am in
emphatic agreement with Preston that this truism has been for the most
part ignored by analysts of the windigo phenomenon.
Preston's paper has many strengths, but its weakness lies in the
fact that he is unable to explain why the Algonkian "ecology of mind"
(1980:117; italics Preston's) poorly understood as it may beshould
have evolved the belief in a cannibal spirit-monster capable of taking
possession of ordinary humans, thereby necessitating the execution of
those so "possessed." In his critique of Charles Bishop's (1973)
observation that reports of windigo cannibalism are positively corre
lated with starvation and ecological degradation on the Canadian Shield
in the 1800s, Preston astutely points out that "we are not here faced
with a simple task of filling empty stomachs, but rather with the elabo
ration of an implicitly symbolic system of belief" (1980:116-117).
Preston is quite correct in contending that starvation and other infra
structural crises cannot account for the existence of windigo cannibal
ism as distinguished from "lifeboat" cannibalism, but this is not the
problem that confronts us. Preston himself believes the evidence for
psychotic windigo cannibalism to be insufficient (1980:128). His be
lief is confirmed by my investigations into archival sources which indi
cate that windigo cannibalism probably never occurred in an etic/
behavioral sense. The task remaining before us then is to answer the
question, why are the windigo accusations and executions positively
correlated with starvation, ecological degradation, and other crises


103
which had been more or less successfully implemented by Catholic mis
sionaries in previous centuries. The Jesuits had worked assiduously to
sedentarize the Indians of New France in the 17th century (Bailey 1969:
88-90), and the work of the Franciscans in California is well known.
Spanish priests in Paraguay also have worked to relocate nomadic Indians
to protected agricultural enclaves (Hawkes and Hill n.d.: 5) where
the indigenous peoples could be more effectively missionized, and where
a constant supply of domestic foodstuffs is available.
But there was a critical difference between these sedentarization
schemes and the ones proposed for the 19th century boreal forest Algon-
kians. The activities of the Jesuits had often been "at variance with
the interests of the French fur-traders" (Bailey 1969:88), but there
was more going on in New France than the fur trade, and countervailing
powers in the colony allowed the Jesuits to proceed with their activi
ties without serious impediment from other Frenchmen. But until well
into the present century English Canadians took very little interest
in what was going on among the Subarctic Algonkians apart from the
fur trade, and for many years after 1821 the Canadian fur trade and
the Hudson's Bay Company monopoly were virtually isomorphic.
Although the Hudson's Bay Company sold its vast holdings to the
Dominion of Canada in 1869, its influence in Ottawa remained powerful
for many decades. The company stood in clear opposition to Indian
migration and relocation from ca. 1830 on. It was not in their in
terest to lose their source of cheap native labor, and they were success
ful in retaining it. High-ranking church leaders sometimes identified
with the company and the Federal Government on this issue at the


Table 1 (continued)
Date
PI ace
Activity
Population
Oct. 1 974-
June 1975
Round Lake,
Ontario
Worked for Hooker Air. Total immersion into
Ojibwa life. Hunting and fishing supplement to
store food. Increase in language proficiency.
Fully functioning member of kinship system
Northern Ojibwa
July-Aug.
1975
North
Caribou Lake,
Ontario
Subsistence forager with small family group.
Northern Ojibwa
Sept. 1 975-
April 1976
Round Lake,
Ontario
Teacher of mathematics and English to adult
Indian students. Continued intense interaction
with Round Lake Ojibwa.
Northern Ojibwa
Aug. 1976-
March 1977
Cross Lake,
Manitoba, and
Island Lake,
Manitoba
Traveling Professor, Brandon University,
Northern Teacher Education Project
Cree and Northern
0jibwa
Apr.-May
1977
N. Caribou Lake
and Round Lake,
Ontario
Spring trapping
Northern Ojibwa
Summer
1977
Dauphin and
Swan River,
Manitoba
Traveling Professor, Brandon University
Ojibwa, Cree,
Metis
Sept. 1977
June 1978
Island Lake,
Manitoba
Centre Coordinator, Brandon University
Northern Ojibwa


76
Notes
For reasons of space I make almost no mention of the scores of
passive references to "windigo psychosis" by authors who claim no
special competence on the subject, and whose comments are obviously
based on the work of others.
2
Translated from the French by Kimberly Head.
^Wing (1978:98-139 passim)
nosis of schizophrenia.
confines his discussion to
the diag-
4
The senior author of this paper gives as his address
ment of Psychiatry, University of Wisconsin Medical School,
Wisconsin. It should be noted in passing that in that part
United States a car trunk serves as a good deep freezer for
of the year, and that it is used as such by many completely
and rational people.
the Depart-
Madison,
of the
many months
normal
5
In a later paper McGee states that "the reason fat was used a[s]
a cure for the windigo psychosis is that it is the most human of foods
[in a structural sense], and not because it contains vitamin Bi2- The
motivation was to rehumanize the psychoticnot "cure" him. Anyone who
rejected fat had surely ceased to be human and should be destroyed; as
long as fat was taken, there was hope for transformation" (1975:124).
g
I do not deny the fact that Northern Algonkians are likely to
attribute the development of a food crisis to the sorcery of an enemy,
but they are also quite capable of recognizing the urgency of metabolic
necessity.
^The fact that the Jesuits' Indian deputies were accused of having
been overcome by cannibal-madness by the Lake St. John Indians could be
taken as evidence for the belief in windigo insanity among the mid-
17th-century Algonkians even if the accusation was false and the de
puties were murdered for purely mundane reasons. This militates against
my argument that the belief is a relatively recent one. I believe,
however, that since boreal forest subsistence is etically precarious-
parti cularly after the fur-trade period, which began very early in
Quebecthe taboo against cannibalism was elaborated at an early junc
ture and antedates the belief in windigo possession. Therefore it
would not be surprising to find those seeking to justify murder doing
so by accusing their victims of having been on the verge of violating
the strongest taboo.
g
The prototype for the Australian form appears to be the Aranda
(Turner 1978:196).


13
Steegmann and I arrived in Round Lake early in January 1974
and completed the work in less time than anticipated (see Steegmann
1974; Hurlich and Steegmann 1979; Steegmann [ed.] 1981). In addition
to acting as Steegmann's research assistant, I did some research of my
own into the behavioral strategies employed by the Northern Ojibwa in
their hunting and trapping activities. This workwhich was mostly
interviews supplemented by some personal observationwas used as the
basis of my M.A. thesis in anthropology (Marao 1974).
When Steegmann returned to Buffalo in mid-February 1974 I
elected to remain in the village for reasons that are still not com
pletely clear to me. Like many Vietnam veterans I had experienced re
entry problems into my own society. This was not an issue when I was
with the Indians. I had met a young Ojibwa woman of whom I was fond.
Moreover, I felt relaxed and comfortable my first year with the Round
Lake Ojibwa; more so than in my hometown of Buffalo.
I returned to Buffalo in March 1974 but was back in Round Lake
in April. My Ojibwa friend and her father had promised to take me
"spring trapping," and I did not want to miss this opportunity. In
early May, as the ice was breaking up along the Caribou River, we
trapped muskrat, beaver, and otter, and hunted ducks.
In Buffalo during the summer of 1974 I wrote up my master's pro
ject and negotiated with a bush-plane company to work as their agent in
Round Lake. Eva and I were married in August 1974, and I began work
ing for Hooker Air Service in September, first in Pickle Lake,
Ontario, then on to Round Lake when the airport opened in October. With
the aid of my affines I built a small log house. October 1974 to June
1975 were spent looking after the concerns of Hooker Air Service and


60
Leo Waisberg's (1975) attempt to refute an earlier paper by
Bishop (1973) on the grounds that starvation could occur under pre
contact conditions is unsuccessful because Bishop's position (and mine,
which is not identical) does not hinge on the existence of an aborigi
nal Algic arcadia, but on the fact that conditions grew appreciably
more difficult and unstable for these Indians as the fur-trade period
progressed. I speak here not only of nutrition, but also of epidemiology
and demography.
James G. E. Smith's paper, "Notes on the Wittiko" (1976) presents
a more serious challenge to the historical interpretations favored by
Bishop and me. Smith, who worked among the Rocky Cree of northern
Manitoba and Saskatchewan (1976:25), argues that "the ecological dy
namics of the aboriginal Subarctic environment west of Hudson Bay
offered the necessary preconditions for the entire Wittiko complex of
cannibal giant and psychosis" (1976:28). My major point is that the
Northern Algonkians have used the Windigo cannibal theme to scapegoat
or otherwise divest themselves of the sick, the weak, the marginal, and
the disruptive under trying circumstances. Whether they have been doing
this since time immemorial or only in the post-contact period is of
secondary importance.
Much more threatening to my thesis is Smith's contention that
psychotic windigo cannibalism can be documented "amidst abundant game"
(1976:22; italics Smith's). Because this is such a serious challenge
to my position I feel compelled to quote Smith's documentation in full,
which comes from the Hudson's Bay Company "post journal of Fort Churchill
in February 1741 (HBC Archives B 43/a/22)" (ibid.):


99
Some qualifying comments must be added to Bishop's statements.
Firstly, large game never completely disappeared; a few caribou re
mained. Secondly, there is some question about whether fish nets were
ever in general use until recent times (Rogers 1981:43). A third
quibble: Bishop is never explicit on the subject of Northern Ojibwa
rationality. He states that the population rose in response to a
demand for increased labor inputs into the new economy, but he does not
specify what alternatives would be selectively rewarded or penalized
under conditions of the new mode of production. In my opinion, members
of larger families were rewarded with a higher and less precarious
standard of living than members of smaller families. The mechanism for
the population increase probably was, as Harris suggests, a relaxed
selection on traditional methods of population control such as infanti
cide and neglect (personal communication 1979).
But hair-splitting aside, Bishop's work is an important corpus of
material that tends to corroborate my interpretation of the windigo
witch-fear complex. For if it is true, as Bishop writes, that by the
end of the 1820s it became necessary for "every capable Indian regard
less of age and sex [to be] employed in the food quest" (1978:
225), then a crucial corollary is that every ijncapable Indian imposed a
severe tax on the domestic economy. This was true not only because
these people could not work, but more importantly because providing
protracted nursing care for them diverted precious manpower and woman-
power away from subsistence activities from which it could not be
spared. The maintenance of incapacitated individuals virtually elimi
nated group mobility, especially during open-water seasons (including


196
Bishop, Charles A. 1975. Northern Agonkian cannibalism and windigo
psychosis,in Psychological Anthropology. Thomas R. Williams, ed.,
pp. 237-248. The Hague: Mouton.
1976. The emergence of the Northern Ojibwa: Social and
economic consequences. American Ethnologist 3:39-54.
. 1978. "Cultural and biological adaptations to deprivation:
The Northern Ojibwa case," in Extinction and survival in human
populations. Charles D. Laughlin, Jr., and Ivan A. Brady, eds.,
pp. 208-230. New York: Columbia University Press.
Bishop, Charles, and M. Estellie Smith. 1975. Early historic popula
tions in northwestern Ontario: Archaeological and ethnohistorical
interpretations. American Antiquity 40:50-63.
Bloomfield, Leonard. 1934. "Cannibal-possession," in Plains Cree texts,
pp. 152-155. Publications of the American Ethnological Society,
Vol. 16. New York: G. E. Stechert.
Bolman, William M., and Alan S. Katz. 1966. Hamburger hoarding:
A case of symbolic cannibalism resembling whitico psychosis. Jour
nal of Nervous and Mental Disease 142:424-428.
Boserup, Ester. 1965. The condition of agricultural growth: The
economics of agrarian change under population pressure. Chicago:
Aldine.
Boyd, William, and Huntington Sheldon. 1977. An introduction to the
study of disease. Seventh edition. Philadelphia: Lea and
Febiger.
Boyer, Paul, and Stephen Nissenbaum. 1974. Salem possessed: The
social origins of witchcraft. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
University Press.
Brown, Jennifer. 1971. The care and feeding of windigos: A critique.
American Anthropologist 73:20-22.
. 1980. Strangers in blood: Fur trade company families in
Indian country. Vancouver: University of British Columbia
Press.
Brown, Lome, and Caroline Brown. 1973. An unauthorized history of the
RCMP. Toronto: James Lewis and Samuel.
Campbell, William, n.d. The diary of "Big Bill" Campbell. Manuscript.
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Canada. 1924. Quinquenial census of Indians and Eskimos in Canada.
Department of Indian Affairs. Ottawa: King's Printer.


131
fire-bag, and a kettle he had hidden in the bush, and proposed that the
party proceed to the grave he had described near Egg Lake. Inspector
Gagnon had to refuse his request because the party did not have enough
provisions for that purpose.
A short time after Swift Runner was committed for trial, he re
quested to see Supt. Jarvis for the purpose of making a statement. He
began by making a statement Jarvis took to be untrue, so the Superinten
dent sent him back to his cell. On the next day, June 15, Jarvis was
again told that Swift Runner wanted to see him. Through Brazeau and in
the presence of Jarvis and a Cree-speaking farmer named William Borwick,
Swift Runner made and put his mark on the following declaration:
I am going to tell the truthI have done a great deal of
harm. That is the reason I was backward with telling about it.
I did not kill anybody else's children, only my own. I told you
an awful lie. First I shot my son the next to the eldest. The
eldest died. At the camp where your men found the bones, I
killed all the rest except my youngest son which [sic] I killed
near Egg Lake. I shot him through the back of the head. I shot
my wife through the breast. The two little girls I knocked in
the head with an axe. I choked the baby girl with a line. I
know nothing about my brother and mother. My second boy I shot
at a camp I did not show. A few days after my eldest boy died
of starvation, I shot my woman and killed all the rest except my
last boy at the same camp the same dayAfter eating my last boy
I came on to Egg Lake where I stayed a little while, then I came
on to St. Albert. My wife said nothing when I killed my second
boy. I never threatened before to kill and eat my wifeI told
you everything I know I have done.
Signed
Ka ki si kut chin
his
X
mark
On August 6, 1879, Swift Runner was tried for murder before
Stipendiary Magistrate Hugh Richardson, Esq. (Richardson was later to
preside at the trial of, and pass the sentence of death upon, the Metis'*
leader Louis Riel. Riel had been charged with "high treason" for his


206
Starkey, Marion L. 1949. The devil in Massachusetts: A modern
enquiry into the Salem witch trials. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Steegmann, A. T., Jr. 1977. Finger temperatures during work in natural
cold: The Northern Ojibwa. Human Biology 49:349-362.
, ed. 1981. Boreal forest adaptations: The Algonkians of
Northern Ontario. New York: Plenum.
Stevens, Frederick George. 1897a. The Indian work, Manitoba confer
ence. The missionary outlook of the Methodist Church of Canada
16:150-151.
. 1897b. Letter dated Oxford House, July 27, 1897, to Alexander
Sutherland, Toronto. Indian Missions letterbooks of Alexander
Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of Canada, Victoria
University in the University of Toronto.
. 1899. Letter dated May 30, 1899, Oxford House to A.
Sutherland, Toronto. Indian Missions letterbooks of Alexander
Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of Canada. Victoria
University in the University of Toronto.
. 1900. Among the Sandy Lake Indians. Christian Guardian,
May 2, 1900, pp. 4-5.
. 1943. Sandy Lake. Manuscript transcribed by Mrs. Betty
Barnes, United Church House, 120 Maryland, Winnipeg, Manitoba.
Draft copy in Archives of the United Church of Canada, Victoria
University in the University of Toronto.
. n.d. The autobiography of the Reverend Frederick George
Stevens, Indian missionary and Cree scholar, 1869-1946. Uni
versity of Winnipeg Rare Book Room, United Church Collection.
Copy in Archives of the United Church of Canada, Victoria
University in the University of Toronto.
Stewart, George R. 1960. Ordeal by hunger: The story of the Conner
Party. New edition (orig. 1936). Cambridge, Massachusetts:
The Riverside Press.
Sutherland, Alexander. 1897a. Letter dated December 10, 1897,
Toronto to F. G. Stevens, Oxford House. Indian Missions letter-
books of Alexander Sutherland. Archives of the United Church
of Canada, Victoria University in the University of Toronto.
. 1897b. Letter dated December 15, 1897, Toronto, to the
Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, Ottawa. Indian
Missions letterbooks of Alexander Sutherland. Archives of
the United Church of Canada, Victoria University in the Univer
sity of Toronto.


97
a line of rabbit snares is likely to be just as productive as a man in
his prime engaged in the same activity. And while male labor was doubt
less very important in the construction of autumn fish weirs, once the
wiers were built women and children could and did help harvest the
catch (Rogers 1981:42). But it was after the lakes were frozen that the
labor of children in fishing became especially important. A child can
jig through the ice for fish as easily as a man, and at a lower nutri
tional cost. Children are also capable of becoming productive fur
trappers at an earlier age than they can become proficient moose hunters.
Then, too, big game hunting is a more nomadic adaptation than the
fish and fur, hare and grouse economy. Generally speaking nomadism
causes children to be spaced farther apart, while a more sedentary
existence relaxes the pressures for birth spacing. Bishop makes a
related point (1978:226):
Trapping and hare snaring . demanded less mobility and hence
less territory than big game hunting. While livelihood on
moose and caribou required that hunting groups move frequently
and over extensive regions, the exploitation of small fauna meant
that a greater number of smaller units could survive provided
that they were scattered over the country. Thus, for example, a
territory of 3,000 square miles might support a group of 30
persons, 10 of whom are, as big game hunters, the food getters.
In contrast, that same 3,000 square miles would be capable of
supporting, say, three extended family units of 15 persons
each (about 45 people altogether) if subsistence is on small non-
mi gratory fauna such as hare and fish.
As Ester Boserup (1965) has shown, modes of production normally
shift after being intensified past the point of diminishing returns.
In the Northern Ojibwa case the mode of production based on hunting
large cervids was intensified with novel technology under fur-trade
conditions not only past the point where people were working harder to
get less in return, but almost past the carrying capacity of their


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
3 1262 08553 7297


39
More precisely, their work also suffered from the failure to distinguish
the emics of thought from the etics of behavior (Harris 1979:27-45).
Further evidence for the necessity of making these distinctions can be
found in the following passage (Landes 1938b:217; italics added, quo
tation marks and parenthetical comments in the original):
An infant son of the great shaman Great Mallard Duck was
viewed by his mother's co-wife and by his half-sisters and
brothers as a windigo, and was therefore killed. This happened
during a period of starvation, when seven out of Duck's family
of sixteen person's died of hunger. "The baby that was nursing
was just crazy. He was eating his fingers up (this is con
sidered cannibalistic) and biting off the nipples of his (dead)
mother's breasts. They knew he was to become a little windigo.
His eyes were blazing and his teeth rattling (windigo symptoms
indicating fever, privation, and neurotic fury), so the old
woman killed the baby boy."
So strong was Landes' commitment to a psychological interpretation of
windigo that she failed to see that there might be reasons other than
the belief in cannibal monsters for killing an infant in a family in
which seven out of sixteen people had already died of starvation. Can
a starving baby be etically categorized as being in a "neurotic fury"?
(1938b:217). Is there any scientific basis for diagnosing infants as
psychotic?
Referring to Landes' (1938a:25) two-stage progression from
melancholia to obsessive murder-cannibalism, John Honigmann wrote: "It
does not appear that Landes ever directly observed the progressive
deterioration about which she writes" (1954:380). It would have been
better for anthropology as well as for the global reputation of the
Cree and Ojibwa Indians if Honigmann had shown less restraint in his
commentary. As we have seen above, by the time he pursued this line of
thought to its logical conclusion thirteen years later, no one was
listening (Honigmann 1967:401).


Figure 2. Lesser Slave Lake and Vicinity, 1879-99.


180
pre-Columbian times (Dawson 1981). In all likelihood the complex
diffused to the inland Ojibwa after 1821, a time when starvation became
a serious problem for these Indians because of the virtual extinction
of the moose, severe depletion of the woodland caribou, and inter
mittent scarcity of beaver. It was in 1821 that the Hudson's Bay
Company absorbed the Northwest Company, thereby eliminating competition
from the fur trade, much to the detriment of the Northern Algonkians.
These novel developments resulted in a shift in mode of produc
tion and mode of reproduction in most Northern Algonkian groups. By
necessity the Indians turned away from the pursuit of large game to
the exploitation of fish, hare, grouse, other small game, and to furs
for trade. This mode of production put a premium on the labor of
children, and Northern Algonkian populations rose throughout the 19th
century in the face of a severely diminished food supply and periodic
epidemics of European diseases.
The burgeoning population put an even greater strain on the
resource base. A situation arose where the labor of every capable
person had to be employed in the food quest (Bishop 1978:225). The
other side of this coin was that the existence of every incapable
person imposed a severe tax on the domestic economy. It did not
matter if the person was rendered incapable through disease, senility,
or psychological dysfunction; the result was the same. The existence
of such individuals in the social unit brought everyone that much
closer to starvation, and the specter of famine cannibalism would
materialize as a real possibility. It is my opinion that the modal
anxieties of the group were focused and projected onto the


207
Sutherland, Alexander. 1898a. Letter dated June 30, 1898, Toronto,
to F. G. Stevens, Oxford House. Indian Missions letterbooks
of Alexander Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of
Canada, Victoria University in the University of Toronto.
. 1898b. Letter dated December 12, 1898, Toronto, to
F.G. Stevens, Oxford House. Indian Missions letterbooks of
Alexander Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of Canada,
Victoria University in the University of Toronto.
. 1899a. Letter dated July 7, 1899, Toronto, to John
McDougall, West Selkirk, Manitoba. Indian Missions letterbooks
of Alexander Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of Cariada.
Victoria University in the University of Toronto.
. 1899b. Letter dated August 30, 1899, Toronto, to F. G.
Stevens, Oxford House. Indian Missions letterbooks of Alexander
Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of Canada, Victoria
University in the University of Toronto.
Syms, E. Leigh. 1977. Cultural ecology and ecological dynamics of
the ceramic period in Southeastern Manitoba. Lincoln, Nebraska:
Plains Anthropologist Memoir 12.
Teicher, Morton I. 1960. Hindi go psychosis: A study of a relation
ship between belief and behavior among the Indians of North
eastern Canada. Proceedings of the 1960 Annual Sprinq Meetings
of the American Ethnological Society. Seattle: University of
Washington Press.
)
Thompson, Arthur. 1962. The expansion of the Church of England in
Rupert's land from 1820-39 under the Hudson's Bay Company and
the Church Missionary Society. Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Cambridge.
Turnbull, Colin. 1972. The Mountain people. New York: Simon and
Schuster.
. 1978. "Rethinking the Ik: A functional non-social system,"
in Extinction and survival in human populations. Charles D.
Laughlin, Jr., and Ivan A. Brady, eds., pp. 49-75. New York:
Columbia University Press.
Turner, David H. 1977. Windigo mythology and the analysis of Cree
social structure. Anthropologica 19:63-73.
. 1978. "Hunting and gathering: Cree and Australian," in
Challenging anthropology. David H. Turner and Gavin A. Smith,
eds., pp. 195-213. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson.
Turner, David H., and Paul Wertman. 1977. Shamattawa: The structure
of social relations in a Northern Algonkian Band: Ottawa:
National Museums of Man Mercury Series.


15
two Algonkian reserves in northern Manitoba. Table 1 shows the dates and
nature of my experiences with the Northern Algonkians from 1972 to 1980.
Although I did not go to the boreal forest to study windigo, I was able
to learn something about the concept as it is currently used among the
Northern Ojibwa. My report on this emic category is given in Chapter
II.
But what has been even more important to my understanding of
windigo is the feeling for Northern Algonkian life I acquired during my
protracted interaction with them in their Subarctic environment. Many
of the stories in Morton Teicher's (1960) compendium of windigo cases
simply did not ring true to me, and this impelled me to search for
original sources whenever there was a hint that such might still be
extant. The interpretations I give to these sources in Chapter IV
could have been made only by someone with intimate knowledge of
Northern Algonkian life.
How I Got Interested in and Carried Out the
Study of Windigo
Of course, like every Algonkianist, I was aware of "windigo psy
chosis." I had read Parker (1960), Hay (1971), and Rohrl (1970) in my
graduate school days, and found these explications unsatisfying. The
accounts in Landes (1937b, 1938b) and Hallowell (1955) seemed to be
much closer to the spirit of Ojibwa life, but they did not in my opinion
do much to advance our scientific understanding of the windigo phenome
non. As my life among the Northern Algonkians progressed, I began to be
aware that their conception of windigo was not a very close approxima
tion to the "psychosis" in the anthropological literature. But I was


CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE WINDIGO LITERATURE
Introduction
"Windigo psychosis" has been the most celebrated culture trait
of the Northern Algonkian peoples for almost half a century. As a
classic example of "culture-bound psychopathology" its capacity to
inspire theorization in anthropology and the related disciplines seems
inexhaustible. This chapter is a review of the voluminous windigo
literature enlightened by five years' field experience among the
Northern Ojibwa and the Cree, as well as extensive archival research on
the subject.
The review which follows focuses on published explications of the
"psychosis,"^ and shows that there is insufficient evidence for the
etic behavioral existence of the mania in this literature. A full
analysis of the ethnohistoric and ethnographic data is presented in
subsequent chapters, but a brief summary is in order here.
Seventy-odd "cases of windigo psychosis" can be tabulated.
(Seventy have been summarized in Teicher's anthology alone [I960].)
None of these "cases" provide first-hand accounts of cannibalism, and
some are so far removed from the events they purport to describe
that they can be classified most charitably as rumor. In other words
data are almost all emic inputs from informants who were not them
selves involved in, or witnesses to, the events at issue; etic
26


109
preach in Cree at that time (1897a:150). (He soon began to do so and
quickly became fluent.) How could he have transcribed a long letter
supposedly representing the innermost sentiments and aspirations of a
group of people with whom he could communicate only with difficulty?
He states that the letter was "read to some" (1897b). Why only some?
who read it? and in what language? There is no mention of an inter
preter. Was Stevens simply imposing what h£ thought was good for the
Indians onto the situation, and representing his ideas as theirs? Was
his just an ethnocentric overreaction to an uncontrolled case of cul
ture shock because Northern Algonkian lifestyle did not conform to the
dictates of his middle-class Victorian sensibilities? After all,
phenomenologically oriented anthropologists like Richard Preston (1975)
maintain that even though the boreal forest may seem like a harsh and
relentless environment to outsiders, it does not present itself as such
to the Cree who call it home.
Stevens was certainly impetuous, headstrong, and politically
naive. His religious faith gave him the sincere if unrealistic belief
that if he could only make other Christians understand the seriousness
of the Northern Algonkian situation, they, as he, would have no re
course but to work to change it. He had courage and determination, but
his most exceptional gift was his ability to see things as they were and
not allow himself to be dissuaded by anyone. Stevens could see imme
diately that the situation at Oxford House was not a viable one. And
if conditions at Oxford House were bad, the circumstances under which
the Sandy Lake Ojibwa lived were appalling. It was among these Indians
that four known windigo executions occurred (Teicher 1960:63ff).


47
But Rohr! never specifies the missing nutrient or nutrients that
bear fat might supply. In addition to the fat itself she suggests that
"at least some proteins and B vitamins including thiamine" might be in
volved (1970:99). She goes on to state that "bear fat is believed to
contain vitamin C, or ascorbic acid, probably derived from berries and
other foods in their diets" (ibid.; italics added). Vitamin C is a
water-soluble vitamin the inability of which to be stored in fat is the
reason why humans and other primates need a constant supply. Vitamin C
deficiency disease in humans is well known. It is called scurvy, not
windigo psychosis. While victims of scurvy sometimes do show signs of
psychological deterioration, compulsive murder-cannibalism is not one
of the symptoms.
Rohrl never questions the reality of the assumption of a culture-
specific, etic behavioral psychopathology. As H. F. McGee wrote:
"That the . windigo melancholy may be caused by the absence of this
enzyme or that vitamin is accepted. But why do these black-Irish fits
manifest themselves as the windigo psychosis among the Northern
Algonkians and not among their Dene, Siouan, Iroquoian, and Eskimo neigh
bors when the latter undergo similar nutritional deprivation?"(1972:
244).5
Why indeed? What neither Rohrl, McGee, nor anyone but Honigmann
has suggested to date is if the windigo "psychosis" does not exist
among these contiguous groups of people, perhaps it does not exist among
the Northern Algonkians either. McGee of course deserves credit for
pointing out the anomaly, but he tries to resolve it by positing the
existence of a Windigo-like being in Northern Athapaskan mythology.


133
In a private letter to Prime Minister Sir John A. MacDonald him
self, one A. Campbell (the Minister of Justice?) concurred with
Richardson's assessment of the evidence. "There seems no doubt that
the murder was committed by the prisoner, and not under pressure of
starvation but to rid himself of the trouble of providing for his
family."
But the most damning piece of testimony comes from Swift Runner's
own father-in-law. "Prisoner and his family were never so far away
that they or the children could not readily have got into the Hudson's
Bay Post at the River Landing without risk of starvation even if no game
could be found." An easy answer to Richardson's question "What could
have led him to the commission of the outrage?" is windigo psychosis,
of course, and the case exists in the literature as a windigo incident
(Teicher 1960:85-88).
As tempting as it is to dismiss the metabolic motive for the
murders and the cannibalism in favor of an explanation relying on cul
turally patterned psychopathology, this option must not be taken over-
hastily. The trial testimony and Swift Runner's confession raise al
most as many questions as they answer. I will argue here that, although
we will now probably never know the full circumstances of the case,
starvation was the primary motive for the killings and cannibalism. It
should be noted that nowhere in the Department of Justice file is there
any mention of windigo, nor of insanity, save Richardson's express
denial of it.
In an account otherwise full of lies, Swift Runner first told
interpreter Brazeau that starvation came to his family because "he was


177
Having so unreliable a data base, it is small wonder that Seymour
Parker's (1960) neo-Freudian "mean-mommy" analysis of the etiology of
"windigo psychosis" has not aged well. Morton Teicher's unsupported
assertion that cannibalistic behavior is inevitable once the windigo
label has been applied to a person "regardless of the ailment he may
actually have" (1960:109), is another analysis that appears weak after
two decades. As I remarked in an earlier paper (Marao 1979:8), "A
person in a delirium from advanced tuberculosis, cancer of the liver,
or kidney failure is in no condition to kill or eat anyone, even ifby
some remote chance--he or she should feel so inclined."
Several of Raymond Fogelson's (1965) contributions continue to
enhance our knowledge of the windigo complex, although I have questioned
the utility of his "N-U-P model." On the other hand, Bolman and Katz's
unfortunate (1966) attempt to link their "Hamburger Hoarder" to any
aspect of Northern Algonkian ethnology does a disservice to both
their patient and the Indians in question.
In my opinion, the controversy surrounding Vivian Rohrl's (1970)
suggestion that "windigo psychosis" is a nutritional deficiency disease
curable by an ingestion of bear fat has not significantly advanced the
debate. It is, however, a benign diversion compared to Thomas Hay's
(1971) assertion that "windigo psychosis" is the Northern Algonkian
manifestation of a "cannibalistic impulse" they are somehow unable to
discharge through symbolic activities.
J. Anthony Paredes' (1972) paper stands as a challenge to Teicher's
(1960:13) contention that "belief stands in respect to behavior as does
cause to effect," because his informant, the "normal windigo," believed


WINDIGO PSYCHOSIS: THE ANATOMY OF AN EMIC-ETIC CONFUSION
BY
LOUIS MARAO
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1981


130
to which he replied that it did somewhat, but if it was, nothing would be
found as the bears would have eaten the bodies. Swift Runner suggested
that they go to where he had buried the last child. They went on a
little space and came to a spot where Swift Runner said he had camped.
There the prisoner said, "I told you the bears would spoil the bodies."
He pointed out a spot where his wife was buried, with three of the
children buried at her feet and another buried near a tree. Swift
Runner was removed out of sight, and the police proceeded to search the
area.
Human bones and pieces of intestine were found in the campfire
ashes. An examination of the spot Swift Runner pointed out as the
burial place of his wife and youngest child revealed no indication of any
grave. On scraping away some sticks and leaves, Staff Sgt. Herchmer
found some bones and hair, and about two feet to the left a piece of
cloth, evidently from an article of woman's clothing. Pieces of two
human skulls were found. Another campfire place about 100 yards away
yielded more human bones, including several skulls. The skulls and
bones had all been boiled, and the long bones broken, apparently so the
marrow could be extracted. The bones were in small piles all around the
camp. Some of the nearby (birch? poplar?) trees were smeared with
greasy finger marks. Staff Sgt. Herchmer's testimony reads:
The bones found were those of children and at least one female
"middle aged." Of the skulls all save one were those of
children [,] one of quite an infant. The other skull is of an
adult but I can't say if a male or female. My impression was
strongly that it was of a female.
All the bones and skulls were collected and brought to the police
station at Fort Saskatchewan. The prisoner produced some traps, a


Table 1
Chronology and Nature of Author's Experience with Northern Algonkian Indians of Canada
Date
Place
Activity
Population
June-July
1972
Bearskin Lake,
Ontario; via
Sioux Lookout
and Red Lake,
Ontario
Preliminary ethnographic fieldwork
Northern Ojibwa
Jan.-Mar.
1974
Weagamow
(Round)
Lake,
Ontario
Assistant in human biology experiments. Conduc
ted uncontrolled field experiments determining
hand temperatures under normal winter working
conditions. Taped interviews of senior men.
Learned to snowshoe and fish through ice. Went
on first winter moose hunt.
Northern Ojibwa
Apr.-June
1974
Round Lake
and North
Caribou River,
Ontario
Much deeper immersion into Ojibwa life. Spring
hunting and trapping expedition; lakes frozen,
rivers breaking up. Canoe and toboggan handling.
Spring snow-crust moose hunting. More inter
viewing and taping. Beginnings of language
skills. Partial mastery of kinship system.
Northern Ojibwa
Aug. 1974
Round Lake
More of above; summer conditions
Northern Ojibwa
Sept.-Oct.
1974
Pickle Lake,
Ontario
Made up loads for bush planes going north.
Worked with Indian crews loading planes.
Ojibwa and Cree
cr>


72
Referring to Cooper (1933), Hallowell (1936), and Landes (1938a),
Preston writes: "One has the sense that these scholars (and later ones)
in treating of the Witiko, suspended their normal standards of critical
and judicious interpretation, being for some reason drawn to make imagi
native suggestions without a positive factual basis" (1980:114). Preston
asks if transplanted Europeans have been "simply finding the familiar in
exotic settings [for] the Wild Man of the wilderness, often a
hairy and solitary being who lurks just out of sight, is one of the
oldest and most persistent folk beliefs in Western culture" (1980:117).
In an attempt to account for Euro-North American fascination with
a very poorly documented windigo, Preston constructs a satirical model
that parodies psychiatric and structural explanations, and calls it
"Witiko and Psychic Unity" (1980:118).
The Witiko psychosis is an Algonkian re-enactment of Freud's
primal parricide. Freud has told us that what began in rela
tion to the father is completed in relation to the group, and to
the extent that the primal parricide is psychologically real,
the lure of the Witiko for our psyche is simply our search for
our lost, primal selves lurking just out of sight of society and
waiting for an unguarded moment when they may snatch a recapitu
lation of the Oedipal fet§. We imagine the Witiko, lost in
space and time, in the boreal wilderness, waiting to grab the
next hapless Algonkian that he can get his brutish hands on.
Where has the Witiko come from? Why, he was from humans to be
gin with, but became separated, and liminal, and then .
Ooops! Witiko has inverted the [Victor] Turner-Gennep sequence
and is reincorporating human society, victim by victim.
Freud's ghost should be smiling at the scene, to see old
repressive society being eaten by the young-primeval natural
man; Oedipus wins again. But the Indians lose again. The plot
is absurd, if rationally plausible, and leaves us where this
paper began, wondering why we write so much and make such a mess,
on a topic about which we know so little.
Preston (1980:127-128) concludes his argument with a quote from
Evans-Pritchard, that reads in part: "If the specificity of a fact is


35
Psychologically oriented anthropologists will recognize in this
account an example of the human tendency to condemn most vigorously in
others that which is most feared in oneself, as well as the propensity
to project those fears onto vulnerable others. It is suggested here
that the windigo belief complex evolved among the Northern Algonkians
as a way to help minimize the chances of getting caught in a famine with
those who had already broken the taboo against cannibalism, to minimize
the liabilities imposed by the incapacitated, and as a way of focusing
group anxieties and aggressions onto individuals adjudged socially ex
pendable. It is not central to my argument whether this cultural con
figuration was aboriginal, or whether it was a post-contact elaboration
of pre-Columbian cosmology which developed in response to deteriorating
infrastructural conditions. My judgment is that there is more evidence
for the latter position, but in either case we need not accept the emic
categories and concepts of our native informants as our own. A lowered
threshold to breaking a taboo against cannibalism in a crisis is a far
cry from an obsessive cannibalistic compulsion.
Cooper's last statement in the quoted paragraph that "more rarely
such a psychosis developed in men or women who had not themselves pre
viously passed through famine experience" is one that if taken seri
ously directly contradicts his first sentence, which affirms the exclu
sively nutritional impetus for Cree cannibalism (1933:21). While
Saindon's informants told him that the windigo sickness was "a strange
malady that is rare today, but was formerly more frequent" (1933:11),
Cooper asserts in the same issue of Primitive Man that it is "a common
psychosis among the eastern Cree and kindred tribes show[ing] two


193
Among the social stresses that appears to be the most deter
minative of witch-fear, the inability to control one's destiny in vital
matters seems especially important. By 1825 the Northern Algonkians
had lost control over their lives. Unlike other groups of Native
Americans who were able to channel their aggression outward against
the European interlopers, the Northern Algonkians directed it inward.
The works of Honigmann (1947), Carpenter (1953), Boyer and Nissenbaum
(1974), and Leininger (1981), have shown us that witch hunting is not
only a tool of the strong against the weak (cf. Harris 1974:178-207),
but can also be an instrument of the weak against the weaker. Although
the Northern Algonkian windigo complex falls into the latter category,
it must be remembered that those executed as possessed by the windigo
monster were not killed whimsically, but in order to increase the
physical security of the executioners and the remaining members of the
social group.
Although the particular manifestations of the Northern Algonkian
stress response are specific to them alone, I maintain that windigo
witch-fear has much in common with that of the Navaho, the Kaska, the
Avilik, the Fore, the Salem outbreak, and Leininger's American cases.
By the time windigo accusations reached their peak, the Northern
Algonkians had been involved in the fur trade for more than two cen
turies. Trapping began as a supplementary activity that provided
luxury European goods, but by this time most of these Indians were
bound to the trading post by a system of debt peonage. Regional and
episodic depletions of such important animals as the moose and the
beaver results in widespread suffering (Bishop 1974, 1976, 1978).
For the group I know bestthe Northern Ojibwathese depletions,


Table 1 (continued)
Date
PI ace
Activity
Population
Oct. 1 974-
June 1975
Round Lake,
Ontario
Worked for Hooker Air. Total immersion into
Ojibwa life. Hunting and fishing supplement to
store food. Increase in language proficiency.
Fully functioning member of kinship system
Northern Ojibwa
July-Aug.
1975
North
Caribou Lake,
Ontario
Subsistence forager with small family group.
Northern Ojibwa
Sept. 1 975-
April 1976
Round Lake,
Ontario
Teacher of mathematics and English to adult
Indian students. Continued intense interaction
with Round Lake Ojibwa.
Northern Ojibwa
Aug. 1976-
March 1977
Cross Lake,
Manitoba, and
Island Lake,
Manitoba
Traveling Professor, Brandon University,
Northern Teacher Education Project
Cree and Northern
0jibwa
Apr.-May
1977
N. Caribou Lake
and Round Lake,
Ontario
Spring trapping
Northern Ojibwa
Summer
1977
Dauphin and
Swan River,
Manitoba
Traveling Professor, Brandon University
Ojibwa, Cree,
Metis
Sept. 1977
June 1978
Island Lake,
Manitoba
Centre Coordinator, Brandon University
Northern Ojibwa


190
from Starkey's book, was an allegory that used the Salem incident
as a means to condemn the evils of McCarthyism.
As well-meaning as these humanitarian and libertarian interpre
tations might be, the work of historians Paul Boyer and Stephen
Nissenbaum (1974) has showed them to be inadequate to a full under
standing of what went on in Salem Village in 1692. These men have
defined for themselves an historical research strategy the principles
of which parallel some of the most important tenets of cultural mate
rialism. Boyer and Nissenbaum have discovered "the richness of the
ordinary" (1974:xii).
It is only as we come to sense how deeply the witchcraft
outbreak was rooted in the prosaic, everyday lives of obscure
and inarticulate men and women, and how profoundly those
lives were being shaped by powerful forces of historical
change, that melodrama begins to take on the harsher con
tours of tragedy. (1974:xii)
Boyer and Nissenbaum found that the roots of the tragedy lay in
the long-standing conflict between Salem Town, one of the most
important commercial ports in New England, and Salem Village (later
Danvers, Massachusetts), a rural farming hinterland (1974:35-59). More
specifically, the witch craze was a product of the factionalism arising
from the bitter rivalry between two area families: the Porters and
the Putnams. The Porters were Town-oriented, with diversified
interests in agriculture and commerce. Their faction opposed the
ministry of Samuel Parris, the Village preacher in whose home the
delusion originated. The Putnams were back-country farmers who found
themselves out-maneuvered by the Porters in a series of legal con
flicts that both antedated and followed the witch craze. The Putnams


191
were avid supporters of Samuel Parris, and their ^intense, almost
passionate, involvement ... in pushing the trials forward is all too
well known" (1974:115). The Porters were successfully adapting to the
age of mercantile capitalism; the Putnams were failing to adapt, and
the "witches" they indicted were found by Boyer and Nissenbaum to be
those who were either on their way up, or on their way down the social
ladder (1974:179-216). Most of those accused were "outsiders" in
the sense that they lived beyond the bounds of Salem Village (1974:
190). Porter allies were imprisoned and killed during the witch mania,
but the Porters themselves were too wealthy and respectable to be
touched directly by it. The Porters weathered the storm, cut their
losses, and prevailed.
All our reading about the events of 1692 had prepared us to view
the witch-hunters as a dominant and ruthless group that had
taken the offensive against a set of weak and powerless out
casts. What we actually found, as the trials fell into a
longer historical perspective, was something quite different:
the witch-hunters may have been on the offensive in 1692, but
it was a fleeting offensivecounter-offensive reallyin the
midst of a general and sustained retreat. Reading about the
witchcraft trials without being aware of their pre- and post
history, as we came to realize, was somewhat like reading about
the "Battle of the Bulge" of late 1944 without knowing that it
was a desperate German counter-thrust in the face of a sweeping
Allied advance~an advance which had begun half a year earlier
and which would end a few months later in total German defeat.
Similarly, the men and women who have gone down in history as
the witch-hunters of 1692 were already in retreat by that time,
and though it was a matter of years rather than months, they, too,
would soon be defeated. (Boyer and Nissenbaum 1974:xiii)
As novel as these insights are in the exegesis of the Salem
outbreak, they tend to confirm rather than challenge the interpretation
I have given to witch-fear in general and windigo in particular in
this dissertation. For defeat is terribly stressful, and it is to


14
the needs of my new extended family. I hunted (mostly small game) and
fished with a net.
By the time I was laid off work in June 1975, my wife was preg
nant. I applied for the job of an adult education teacher of math and
English for the 1975-76 school year and then my wife, her parents,
younger sister, and I went to the family hunting territory at North
Caribou Lake and lived off the land in the summer of 1975. This was ac
complished with the aid of guns, ammunition, a fishnet, some flour, oats,
tea, sugar, and salt.
My son Ronald was born in December 1975, when I was working as an
adult education teacher. When my contract expired in April 1976, I
took my wife and son and our belongings, flew to Sioux Lookout, and got
on the next westbound train. After three months of searching for a job
in British Columbia and Washington State, I received two offers at about
the same time. One was a CETA job in Pierce County, Washington, and the
other was that of lecturer in anthropology in the Brandon University
Northern Teacher Education Program.
Brandon University, a small institution in western Manitoba, had
received governmental funding to train native peoples in the northern
part of the province. The goal was to allow the students to study for
their Manitoba teacher's certificates on their own reserves. My first
assignment was that of a "traveling professor" who would maintain a
residence in Winnipeg and spend four days a week teaching in the north.
This usually meant flying out early Monday morning and returning on
Thursday evening. I did this the first year I worked for Brandon, and
the following two years were spent as a resident "centre coordinator" at


32
a victim of Wiitiko disorder" (1967:400). But Honigmann here missed the
main point. Of course it would have been desirable to have more back
ground information on F., but the most diagnostic symptom of all in the
case was the fact that the patient was cured (or at least went into
indefinite remission) by a suggestion from an authority figure. That
is not behavior characteristic of a psychotic. If psychoses were that
easy to cure our mental hospitals would be empty. We must also consider
the possibility that F.'s symptoms were nothing more or less than the
ones Saindon reported. F. appears to have been phobic and neurotic, but
showed no sign of acting in a homicidal or cannibalistic manner.
From this narrow data base has come a torrent of interpretive
elaboration. Saindon was urged to publish his observations by his friend
and fellow priest, anthropologist John M. Cooper (Saindon 1933:1). In
the same issue of Primitive Man in which Saindon's modest reports ap
peared, Cooper published his blood-curdling paper "The Cree Witiko
Psychosis" (1933). It was in this brief and phantasmagoric communica
tion that the word "psychosis" was first applied to the windigo phenome
non. Although it was Cooper's contention that "the factual data here
given are, except where otherwise stated from the present writer's field
notes taken among the eastern and western Cree and other Algonquian-
speaking peoples" (1933:20), Cooper does not present a single specific
instance of windigo psychosis nor any evidence of first-hand observa
tion of such behavior. Cooper's initial description of the "psychosis"
is worth quoting at some length, for it set the tone for two generations
of scholarship on the subject (1933:21).
Cannibalism was resorted to by the Cree only in cases where actual
starvation threatened. Driven to desperation by prolonged famine
and often suffering from mental breakdown as a result thereof, the


175
this consensus does not necessarily conform to an empirical and intersub-
jectively verifiable analysis of the same. The thesis of the present
work is that "windigo psychosis" is an artifact of the failure to
distinguish the emics of thought from the etics of behavior. This
shortcoming has resulted in a double error, for the windigo of anthro
pological reknown conforms neither to the emic phenomenological category
of the Northern Algonkians nor to their etic behavioral history.
I contend that the windigo phenomenon must be understood in terms
of group sociodynamics rather than from individual psychodynamics.
From this point of view we must try to understand the evolution of
witch-fear, and why certain individuals have been singled out by their
societies as having been bewitched, or possessed by the spirit of a
cannibal-monster, and very often killed. The conclusion reached is
that an important element of the Northern Algonkian windigo complex
has been a witch-fear that shows general similarities to the witch-fear
typically found in other highly stressed societies. Specifically, the
accusation of cannibal-possession was determined by the uncertainty
of the food resource base during the fur-trade period; a situation in
which famine cannibalism periodically became the only alternative to
starvation. In an environmental context that allowed for a very slim
margin for error, it became impossible to nurse the critically or
chronically ill. In this way elements of the Algonkian windigo myth
came to be used as a rationale for triage homicide, especially when the
victim was suffering greatly, or in a delirium.
Chapter II reviews the voluminous literature on windigo with the
assumption that for almost fifty years, anthropologists have been


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Louis Marao was born in Buffalo, New York, in 1943. After
graduating from Canisius College in 1966, he served three years with
the U.S. Navy Seabees. He attended graduate school at the State
University of New York at Buffalo from 1970 to 1973 and earned master's
degrees in social science (interdisciplinary) and anthropology. In
January, 1974, he began fieldwork among the Northern Ojibwa of Canada,
and from 1975 to 1979 was involved in programs that delivered educa
tional services to Northern Algonkian peoples on Subarctic reserves.
From 1976 to 1979 he was lecturer in anthropology and native studies in
the Brandon University Northern Teacher Education Project. After study
ing for a year at the University of Toronto, Marao came to the
University of Florida, where he earned a Ph.D. in anthropology.
210


CHAPTER I
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM, BACKGROUND TO RESEARCH, AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
If a visitor from an advanced civilization had begun ethnographic
fieldwork in Massachusetts late in the year 1692, he or she would cer
tainly have been told about the witch trials and executions that had
taken place in Salem. Many informants would doubtless have claimed
that the executions were necessary; the diabolism of the witches pre
sented an intolerable threat to the commonweal. If the fieldworker did
not believe in the interaction between demons and people, he or she would
be faced with making an interpretive choice. Either the "witches" were
executed because they were dangerously deviant (barn-burners, well-
poisoners, or worse), or the "witches" were themselves the victims of a
socio-historical process neither they nor their executioners fully under
stood.
From the light of the late 20th century most North Americans would
choose the second interpretation. Evidence for malevolence on the part
of the Salem witches is unconvincing. The phrase "witch-hunt" has be
come an epithet in modern English, and is used to denote the victimiza
tion of the weak and the vulnerable by established interest groups.
Those hanged, tortured, and crushed with weights at Salem in 1692 have
been exonerated. Similarly absolved is Dorcas Good, who as a four-
year-old child not only lost her mother to the gallows, but was herself
kept in heavy irons in Boston prison for nine months (Boyer and
Nissenbaum 1974:5).
1


188
the environment, and to differences in rank requiring the coercion
of others in order to maintain an elevated position" (1979:7). The
ubiquitous sorcerers, then, are considered by the superordinate to
be those who "might willfully use their private technology to up-end
the social order" (1979:143). Fore Big Men "seek to discredit politi
cal rivals both in their own community and in a more general sense" by
accusing them of sorcery and calling them "rubbish men" (1979:126).
In a masterly illusion projected by an egalitarian ethic,
the dispossessed are characterized as a threat, a causistic
line of argument we share with the Fore. People in marginal
positions are portrayed as a danger to the establishment. If
kuru becomes the prototype for studies of slow virus infections,
Fore beliefs about mystical danger may contribute to our under
standing of the emergence of social inequality. (1979:146)'
In Cows, Pigs, Wars and Witches, Marvin Harris (1974) charts the
emergence of witch mania in a society that was already highly strati
fied. Harris has shown that in the year 1000 A.D. ecclesiastical and
social authorities proscribed the belief that witches could ride
through the air, and little importance was placed on the identifica
tion and destruction of "witches." Yet "after 1480, it was forbidden
to believe that [the ride of the witches] did not take place" (1974:
184), and for over 200 years European "witches" were tortured and
killed by the tens of thousands. Most of the victims were women, and
almost all were from the lower range of the social pyramid (1974:206).
Harris believes that the witch craze in Europe was occasioned by
stresses emanating from the passing of feudalism, the emergence of
strong national monarchies, the breakdown of Christian unity, the dis
possession of the feudal serfs, and by shifts in population from the


87
Yet Rogers' own research, as well as that of Bishop and Hurlich,
indicates to me that the food crisis among the Northern Algonkians was
serious, and that it was felt most keenly first among the Cree in the
Hudson Bay Lowlands shortly after the establishment of the HBC coastal
forts in the years following 1670. Later, hunger was to come to the
boreal forest Ojibwa, reaching famine proportions in the third decade of
the 19th century (Bishop 1974, 1976, 1978). I contend that the windigo
complex followed in the tracks of starvation.
The reconstruction of Cree culture history is difficult. Although
it appears that they occupied the Hudson Bay Lowland only seasonallyif
at allunder aboriginal conditions, there is general agreement that the
Cree inhabited the boreal forest in pre-contact times, and that they
are represented there archaeologically by the Selkirk tool and pottery
tradition (Dawson 1981:31). The exact nature of their ecological adap
tation is unknown, but a high degree of mobility and seasonal exploita
tion of resources is assumed. Mandelbaum cites early sources that put
the Cree at contact all the way from the shores of Hudson Bay to the
wild rice beds near Lake of the Woods and on to the northwest shore of
Lake Superior (1940:159-172). This is a huge range for one group to
exploit seasonally, and we do not know how many local-group micro
adaptations might have been present.
But what of the Ojibwa? Here the experts disagree. As we have
seen above, Bishop maintains that the proto-historic Ojibwa lived in a
relatively small mixed-forest belt along the northeast shore of Lake
Superior and the north shore of Lake Huron, and that it was not until
the 1680s that a major separation of the Ojibwa began (1976:43).


REFERENCES
Adams, Howard. 1975. Prison of grass: Canada from the native point
of view. Don Mills, Ontario: New Press.
Annual Archaeological Report 1903. 1904. The killing of Moostoos the
Wehtigoo. (Summary of lenal proceedings held at Fort Saskatche
wan and Edmonton, July-August 1899.) Appendix to the Report of
the Minister of Education, Ontario, pp. 126-138. Toronto: King's
Printer.
Annual Archaeological Report 1907. 1908. The killing of Wa-sak-apee-
quay by Pe-se-quan, and others. (Transcript of trial held at
Norway House, October 7, 1907.) Appendix to the Report of the
Minister of Education, Ontario, pp. 91-121. Toronto: King's
Printer.
Arieti, Silvano, and Johannes M. Meth. 1959. "Rare, unclassifiable,
collective, and exotic psychiatric syndromes," in The American
Handbook of Psychiatry. Silvano Arieti, ed. pp. 546-563.
Armstrong, Harvey, and Paul Patterson. 1975. Seizures in Canadian
Indian children: Individual, family and community approaches.
Canadian Psychiatric Association Journal20:247-255.
Bailey, Alfred Goldsworthy. 1969. The conflict of European and
Eastern Algonkian cultures, 1504-1700. Second Edition. Toronto
and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.
Ballantyne, Robert M. 1848. Hudson's Bay. Edinburgh: William
Blackwood and Sons.
Barnouw, Victor. 1961. Chippewa Social Atomism. American Anthro
pologist 63:1006-1013.
. 1979. Culture and personality. Third edition. Homewood,
Illinois: The Dorsey Press.
Bishop, Charles A. 1973. Ojibwa cannibalism. Chicago: Ninth
International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological
Scienees.
. 1974. The Northern Ojibwa and the fur trade: An histori
cal and ecological study. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston
of Canada.
195


4
etic behavioral history is an invitation to ethnological disaster (Harris
1979:31-41). It is the central point of this dissertation that such a
confusion has been made systematically in anthropological writings on
the windigo complex. This confusion has resulted in a double error,
for the windigo "psychosis" of anthropological renown conforms neither
to the emic phenomenological category of the Northern Algonkians nor
to their etic behavioral history.
Epistemological and Personal Biases
As will be documented in the following chapter, we owe the exis
tence of windigo as a "psychosis" to the ethnographic investigations of
three anthropologists who wereto a greater or lesser extentinflu-
enced by the synthesis of anthropology and neo-Freudian psychology in
the 1920s and 1930s: John M. Cooper, A. Irving Hallowell, and Ruth
Landes. Of the three, Hallowell has most explicitly expressed a com
mitment to the emics of Ojibwa life at the expense of the etics. He
was not primarily concerned with what shamans, sorcerers, and windigo-
killers did, but what they said or thought they did. For example, in
recounting an informant's story of a sorcerer disguised as a bear,
Hallowell professes no interest in the question of whether sorcerers
actually did sometimes don bear costumes to frighten and intimidate
their campmates. Here is the informant's story:
The soul of a living person, too, after it leaves the body
can look like an animal. A powerful medicine man can do a lot
of harm because he can go about secretly at night. But you can
see his body lying there in his wigwam all the time. A long
time ago a friend of mine told me what he had seen. He and
his wife were living with an old man suspected of being a sor
cerer. One night he thought the sorcerer was up to something.
The latter lit his pipe and covered himself up completely with
his blanket. My friend kept watch. After a long, long time
had gone by, all of a sudden the sorcerer threw off the blanket


CHAPTER III
WINDIGO'S ECOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL SETTING
The purpose of this chapter is to show how the culture history of
the Northern Algonkian peoples particularly the Northern Ojibwaled to
the belief in cannibal-monsters, the institutionalization of triage homi
cide, and the development of a witch-fear complex in which the weak and
the marginal were the most likely candidates for execution. What I will
endeavor to persuade the reader is that the weight of evidence indicates
that "windigo" was the specific response of the Northern Algonkian
peoples to a specific set of demo-techno-econo-environmental determi
nants, and that this response shows general similarities to the responses
of other peoples exposed to similar infrastructural conditions. First
I will critically review the culture histories of the north-central
Algonkians among whom the windigo complex seems first to have developed.
I will make the case that the windigo belief system initially arose
among those Cree who were impelled by the fur trade to eke out a pre
carious year-round existence in the Hudson Bay Lowland. Later the com
plex was to diffuse to an expanding Ojibwa population attracted to the
boreal forest between about 1680-1780 by the development of the fur
trade. The Northern Ojibwa will be singled out as a special example to
be examined in detail. It will be shown that by the 1820s the boreal
forest Algonkians found themselves in dire straits and responded to this
situation by a shift in their mode of production and reproduction. But
77


115
Not surprisingly, Sutherland chose the latter option and wrote to
Stevens on August 30, 1899, notifying the young missionary of his termi
nation (Sutherland 1899b). He warned Stevens: "I should be exceedingly
sorry to discredit you but on the other hand I am equally averse
to having the Church discredited by an unwise course of action by a
single missionary" (Sutherland 1899b). He also wrote: "Your proposal
to bring out such Indians as will follow your lead, and dump them down
at Fisher River, without the consent of the people on that Reserve,
of the Government under whose control they are, must surely strike you
. as an unwise thing to do" (Sutherland 1899b).
Stevens probably anticipated his dismissal, but what he did not
foresee was Sutherland and McDougall working behind the scenes to sabo
tage his migration project, which he was now determined to implement as
a private citizen. He had challenged Sutherland to "act" (Stevens 1899;
emphasis in the original), and act Sutherland did. Quite literally.
Stevens probably never knew what hit him. Sutherland's letter to
McDougall of July 7, 1899, reads in part (Sutherland 1899a): "This
project of [Stevens'] to bring out the Indians and dump them down on
poor Steinhauer at Fisher River, stamps the brother as somewhat worse
than visionary. If you can do anything to prevent the carrying out of
this project by all means do so" (emphasis added).
Sutherland's conferral of carte blanche to McDougall with respect
to Stevens' plan was not empty rhetoric. McDougall was the senior
member of one of the most powerful families in western Canada at that
time. As noted above, McDougall had very strong connections with the
Hudson's Bay Company. In his typescript "Autobiography" Stevens blames


22
speculative explications of "windigo psychosis" in the anthropological
literature. To me there was nothing bizarre or sensational about
Ojibwa life. They were ordinary people with ordinary human problems
who tried to deal with their problems in much the same way that other
people with similar sets of problems dealt with theirs. A nomothetic
explanation for windigo executions suggested itself. In the Sandy Lake
cases sick people were "put out of [their] misery" (AAR 1907 [1908:104]).
Moostoos was almost certainly the victim of a witch-hunt. It seemed
very likely that these well documented cases were representative of the
windigo universe. Further archival and ethnohistoric research has re
vealed nothing to cause me to reject my theory.
Acknowledgments
Through the very professional assistance of Ms. Joanne A. Frodsham,
state and military archivist at the Public Archives of Canada in Ottawa,
I was able to obtain the 48-page Department of Justice capital case
file on the case of Swift Runner (PAC 1879). As set forth in Chapter
IV, the Swift Runner case is the only windigo incident for which archival
data exist that involve cannibalism, and I believe this to be an in
stance of famine cannibalism. Ms. Frodsham also provided me with
additional unpublished materials on the Fiddler (Wasakapeequay) case
(PAC 1907-08, 1907-09), the Moostoos case (PAC 1899), and all the mate
rial I have on a long forgotten incident, the mysterious Mapanin exe
cution (PAC 1896). I am extemely grateful to her for this invaluable
primary source information.
Robert Fraser not only rekindled my interest in windigo in the
manner noted above, but he shared his copy of the Campbell diary (n.d.)


139
him who had done the killing. Entominahoo hesitated, then asked Phillips
if he had met anyone on the road. Phillips answered that he had met
Payoo seven miles from Lesser Slave Lake. (This puts Payoo at a great
distance from the main party in a relatively short time, for Phillips
reported this camp to be fifty-four miles away from the police bar
racks at Lesser Slave Lake [PAC 1899].) Entominahoo then said, "That's
the man that killed Moostoos," and Napaysosus cut the head off
the body (ECF 1899). Phillips arrested Napaysosus, detained Chucha-
chuck as a witness, and went to examine the body. After investigating
the scene of the killing, Phillips buried Moostoos' remains near the
shack on the bank of the Smoky River (ECF 1899).
The police patrol returned the same day to the Indian camp to find
the "natives wildly excited" over another cannibal scare (ECF 1899). It
was Phillips' opinion "that had we not returned another murder would
have been added to the list" (ECF 1899). According to Phillips, "An
other of this camp wish[ed] to become Cannibal" and "we were employed
watching this man all night, keeping the prisoners also in close view,
and not one individual in that camp closed his or her eyes owing to
the fear they entertain 're these cannibals'" (ECF 1899).
But Corporal Phillips does not identify the man who "wished to
become a cannibal" on the night of March 30, 1890. He does not give any
evidence that this man actually expressed cannibalistic inclinations in
words or actions. He seems to accept the native point of view at face
value in this instance. According to testimony given at the trial, yet
another manNapaysiswas suspected of turning windigo before Moostoos'
execution (AAR 1903 [1904]:130, 132, 133). Napaysis was dying at the


11
Although my primary interest at the time was in human biology and
subsistence activities, I also had a keen interest in ethnology and gen
eral anthropology. I received from the accumulated works of Hallowell
and Landes the vicarious thrills one might expect from good adventure
novels. The work of Dunning (1959) and Rogers (1962) seemed quite a bit
more sedate, and I was not sure how to account for this discrepancy. The
prospect of the 1972 summer field trip filled me with excitement, for it
would give me the chance to see the Northern Algonkians and their culture
first hand.
The purpose of the trip for me was to familiarize myself with the
area, find a suitable community in which to do doctoral research, and get
permission from the local leaders to conduct the research after explaining
to them what I wanted to do. For my traveling companions Ted Steegmann
(now chairman of the anthropology department at the State University of
New York at Buffalo) and Marshall Hurlich (now assistant professor of
anthropology at the University of Washington) the trip was to be more
structured; they were to proceed to Fort Severn, Ontario, to administer a
series of anthropometric protocols. Fort Severn, the most far-flung
community in the province, is situated near the shores of Hudson Bay and
was to be the site of Hurlich's doctoral research in 1973-74.
Twenty-four hours on the train from Toronto brought us to Sioux
Lookout, the jumping-off point for northwestern Ontario. After Steegmann
and Hurlich caught a plane to Fort Severn the weather deteriorated, mak
ing flying impossible but giving me extra time to decide on the village
to visit. After ruling out the larger communities I settled on Bearskin
Lake, probably for its rustic name.


101
group feels somewhat more secure as a result of this execution, and
this feeling is taken as confirmation of the correctness of the diag
nosis.
But how can we be sure that conditions were bad enough to warrant
this interpretation, and assuming conditions were that bad, why didn't
the Indians get themselves out of it? If groups of Ojibwa marched onto
the Shield Subarctic late in the 17th and early in the 18th centuries
in search of a better life, why didn't they march out in the 19th
century when the situation became almost untenable? If large numbers
of Cree vacated the boreal forest in historic times to follow the fur
trade onto the plains, why didn't they all leave? What kept so many of
them in the muskeg country?
The answer is that when given half a chance, the Indians did try
to leave the north and this tendency was actively opposed by the
Hudson's Bay Company. The evidence for this statement comes from
missionary sources, particularly the writings of Frederick George
Stevens, and it is his story to which we now turn.
A revisionist tendency in Canadian historiography, exemplified by
Adams (1975), holds that missionaries were the spiritual arm in a
church-state-business alliance, the purpose of which was to exploit the
labor and resources of Native Canadian peoples. I have found this
approach to be inadequate. (In this I have been preceded by Czuboka
[I960].) My research indicates that men of the cloth were often at
odds with the mercantile-monopolist fur-traders over the Indian issue.
As I will show below, some Hudson's Bay Company people clearly wanted
to preserve the status quo by retaining the Indians as a source of


149
The Four Sandy Lake Area Cases
The killing of Wasakapeequay (Mrs. Thomas Fiddler) at Sandy Lake
late in the summer of 1906 is the best documented windigo execution
extant. David Boyle this time resisted the temptation to excerpt frag
ments of court testimony and reproduce them out of sequence in the
Annual Archaeological Report as he did four years before the Moostoos
case. Almost the entire transcript of the trial held at Norway House on
October 7, 1907, appears to be reprinted in the Annual Archaeological
Report for that year (1908:91-121).
In the course of this trial, testimony was given concerning three
other windigo executions that had taken place in the Sandy Lake area.
Together these cases constitute four of Teicher's (1960) compendium of
seventy cases. While information on the other three cases is sketchy,
they seem to conform generally with the pattern of the Wasakapeequay
execution, and differ strongly from the pattern of panic and collective
suggestibility evident in the events surrounding the Moostoos killings.
The ecological context and ethohistorical background of the
Sandy Lake Ojibwa were presented in Chapter III, along with F. G. Stevens'
observations of these people made about five years before the killing of
Mrs. Fiddler. Additional background information comes from the diary of
William "Big Bill" Campbell (n.d.), a Scot who entered the service of
the Hudsons Bay Company as a very young man, and served in the fur
trade in northern Manitoba for many years. Campbell spoke Cree and the
Severn Ojibwa dialect as well as English and Gaelic.
As was shown in the last chapter, the HBC post at Sandy Lake was
closed in 1823, two years following the absorption of the Northwest


148
"They are lying when they say I struck the first blow," said Payoo.
"They are all related to one another and I am alone among them. When
I went in the man was dead, and no one was holding him" (p. 131). In
his manipulation of events Entominahoo was very nearly able to score a
shamanistic grand slam. An outsider was the victim of his witch-hunt,
and an outsider almost took the blame.
On the surface the Moostoos affair appears to be a textbook case
of "windigo psychosis." All the symptoms are present: depression,
anorexia, disoriented behavior, a preoccupation with cannibalistic
thoughts and a concomitant horror engendered by those thoughts, the
expression of the desire to be killed before the evil within him caused
him to destroy his companions, and finally the executionthe execution
that flows from community consensus or sometimes, as in this case, is
a community activity.
But beneath the surface we can see another story emerging. It is
the story of a group of Woods Cree who are terrified by an epidemic; who
are reduced to immobility by the necessity to tend to their sick, includ
ing half of their mature hunters; who are completely unprepared to deal
with the ravings of a delirious man; who in their frightened state are
increasingly amenable to the suggestion of their shaman that it is an
outsider who is at the root of their problems. As a means of coping with
their fear they employed a variant of the Algonkian windigo myth as a
convenient vehicle for scapegoating and triage homicide. They turned
on and killed a Beaver Indian whose Cree name was Moostoos (Bison),
who was himself sick and delirious, and who happened to be living
among them.


32
a victim of Wiitiko disorder" (1967:400). But Honigmann here missed the
main point. Of course it would have been desirable to have more back
ground information on F., but the most diagnostic symptom of all in the
case was the fact that the patient was cured (or at least went into
indefinite remission) by a suggestion from an authority figure. That
is not behavior characteristic of a psychotic. If psychoses were that
easy to cure our mental hospitals would be empty. We must also consider
the possibility that F.'s symptoms were nothing more or less than the
ones Saindon reported. F. appears to have been phobic and neurotic, but
showed no sign of acting in a homicidal or cannibalistic manner.
From this narrow data base has come a torrent of interpretive
elaboration. Saindon was urged to publish his observations by his friend
and fellow priest, anthropologist John M. Cooper (Saindon 1933:1). In
the same issue of Primitive Man in which Saindon's modest reports ap
peared, Cooper published his blood-curdling paper "The Cree Witiko
Psychosis" (1933). It was in this brief and phantasmagoric communica
tion that the word "psychosis" was first applied to the windigo phenome
non. Although it was Cooper's contention that "the factual data here
given are, except where otherwise stated from the present writer's field
notes taken among the eastern and western Cree and other Algonquian-
speaking peoples" (1933:20), Cooper does not present a single specific
instance of windigo psychosis nor any evidence of first-hand observa
tion of such behavior. Cooper's initial description of the "psychosis"
is worth quoting at some length, for it set the tone for two generations
of scholarship on the subject (1933:21).
Cannibalism was resorted to by the Cree only in cases where actual
starvation threatened. Driven to desperation by prolonged famine
and often suffering from mental breakdown as a result thereof, the


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Marvin Harris, Chairman
Graduate Research Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Anthony P?
Professor o1
edes
Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and qualrty, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Jepald Milanich
sociate Professor of Anthropology


24
Deputy Archivist of the United Church of Canada in Toronto. Mr. Nix
spent weeks helping me to investigate a crucial element in this disser
tation: the issue of the veracity and reliability of the missionary
Frederick George Stevens (see Chapter III). Mr. Nix took a personal
interest in the story of his brother minister, and devoted a great deal
of his energy to the retrieval of the Stevens material, and to other
aspects of the windigo puzzle. I am extremely thankful to him for all
his help and support.
I am also grateful to Charles Wagley for his comments on an
earlier version of Chapter II. It was he who pointed out the signifi
cance of Kluckhohn's Navaho Witchcraft (1944) to my study. J. Anthony
Parades' response to an earlier draft of Chapter II was most gracious,
and I thank him for bringing J. G. E. Smith's "Notes on the Wittiko"
(1976) to my attention. In a meticulous critique of an earlier paper
(Marao 1979), Jean Briggs made me aware of Edmund Carpenter's "Witch-
Fear among the Ai.vi.lik Eskimos" (1953).
Both Edward S. Rogers and Richard J. Preston read my 1979 manu
script and offered useful suggestions. Rogers has shared some of his
archival notes with me, including the exchange of correspondence
between Fortesque and Todd found earlier in this chapter. I very much
appreciate this, and other favors.
My special thanks go to Marvin Harris, whose analysis of the
European witch-craze (1974) helped me while still in the field make
the mental connections from which this dissertation grew. Professor
Harris' comments and criticisms have greatly improved this disserta
tion. It is difficult to express the value of the intellectual


170
But nothing on the record was heard from Beatton. On February 20,
1896, B. B. Lariviere, the Justice of the Peace at Lesser Slave Lake,
wrote to Northwest Mounted Police Inspector Synder at Edmonton:
Sir,
In connection with tragedy of which I have informed you, and
on occasion of your sending the Police, I wish you to send up
with your men six, or seven pair of hand-cuffs, as about seven
men are implicated and will have to be put under close arrest.
I also wish that your men would come in civilian clothes, as I am
afraid the Indians will run away, on seeing your men in uniform,
and it will cause needless trouble. (PAC 1896)
The incident was also reported by Charles R. Weaver, the Anglican mis
sionary in charge at Wapuskow (PAC 1896). The matter was referred to
Supt. A. H. Griesbach, then commanding at Fort Saskatchewan, who waited
for a full report from Mr. Lariviere. But no report was ever received
from Lariviere because he "died at Slave Lake shortly after saying he
would send a report down" (PAC 1896). Correspondence on the matter went
back and forth for over two years when Inspector (Snyder?) wrote:
The men who killed the Indian are still, I believe, living
at Trout Lake, but the incident has been nearly forgotten by
the residents of that section of the country. (PAC 1896)
As far as can be ascertained, this is one case in which the Moun-
ties failed to "get their man." It appears that the incident was
quietly dropped. This was the period when the Force was preoccupied
with the celebrated "Charcoal" and "Almighty Voice" cases. These man
hunts involved police fatalities, and they rank in RCMP history some-
2
thing like Tarawa and Iwo Jima do in USMC history.
What was wrong with Mapanin? In addition to (or in conjunction
with) any psychiatric problems he may have had, I believe he had an
organic disorder. The only clue as to what this might have been is the
statement that he was "terribly swollen on the body and face" (PAC 1896),


151
he reported it to Lieut' Governor Schultz who wrote that while
he regretted to hear of the murder he hoped there would not be
any expense incurred in connection with it. (n.d.: 36)
There is not enough information here to offer a "functional" ex
planation for this killing, but in Campbell's account we get no hint of
cannibalistic desires or actions. Indians do tend to develop high
fevers and delirium from measles, as can be confirmed by information
from my informants and by other observations dating back to the 17th
century. And as Boyd and Sheldon have written, "in aboriginal communi
ties where the disease has been unknown, it behaves with the fury of
smallpox, and the mortality rate is high" (1977:144). It is possible
that the Indians realized the quality of contagion present in a person
infected with measles, etc., and a contributing factor in the decision
to execute the sick was to halt the spread of epidemics.
Senilicide was apparently the motive for an incipient windigo exe
cution Campbell was able to forestall in 1893, and the potential executioner
was none other than Jack Fiddler ("Masenawenenew"), one of the Wasaka-
appeeguay's executioners thirteen years later.
In March two Indians coming in from Nootin (Windy [Favour
able]) Lake one hundred and eighty miles away in five days
travel. [Favourable Lake is about 30 miles southeast of Sandy
Lake.] The old chief of the Little Sucker band (Masenawenenew)
sent them to report to me that his mother was very sick and
appeared to be turning Weetigoo. He wanted my advice as to what
action he should take. I knew he wanted my sanction for her
effacement in the usual Indian manner. I had some good Scotch
Whiskey and sent him about sixteen ounces. Instruct that she
was to be given several doses and it would effect a cure.
When a great fleet of canoes comprising the Crane and Little
Sucker bands arrived in June with their furs, Masenawenenew:
who was in charge of his band, came to me with a broad smile on
as he said:Ha; Ogemaw, Kagat ne ge nisaw nenga, "Master I
nearly had to kill my mother." The medicine you sent me was very
powerful. I gave some to my mother, and put some in the fire for


31
eat human flesh. The first two are Northern Algonkian categories and
concepts; the third is a child of 20th-century anthropology.
Windigo was first identified as a "sickness" by J. E. Saindon,
an Oblate missionary who worked among the Cree of western James Bay in
the early part of this century. Father Saindon has the singular distinc
tion of being the first and only individual to observe a windigo vic
tim and report those observations in print (1928:28, 1933:11-12). The
experience was quite unspectacular and corresponds very closely to my
own interactions with Northern Algonkians who "feel-like-a-windigo."
F., the victim in Saindon's account, showed no inclination whatever that
she wanted to eat anyone. Her symptoms were that she did not wish to see
anyone outside her immediate family because strangers looked like wild
animals to her and she experienced urges to kill them in self-defense.
It is interesting that Saindon makes no mention at all of cannibalism in
relation to windigo, but calls it a "psychoneurosis" which is "in cer
tain cases an obsession and in others hysteria . characterized by
an unbalanced imagination and an excessive impressionability" (Saindon
o
1928:27; emphasis added). It appears that F. was the only windigo
victim Saindon ever observed.
Saindon assured F. that she would get well and she responded
immediately to the suggestion (1933:12). John Honigmann, a scant page
away from his unique contribution, nevertheless overlooked the most
valuable piece of information now recoverable from Saindon's account
when he wrote: "Unfortunately, when the priest entered her tent he
didn't give her a chance to describe her symptoms; so there went a rare
opportunity for an inquirer with a good knowledge of Cree to interview


171
Moostoos too had shown edema in the legs (ECF 1899:8-9). The delirium
in combination with the swelling leads me to believe that these men were
suffering from kidney failure. I have seen a case of delirium from
kidney failure in an urban hospital, and it is terrible to behold. It
frightened me even though the victim was a stranger to me, and I under
stood what was causing the symptoms. It is easy to understand how a
group of people off in the bush would have become unnerved by exposure
to a case like this, and used an element of their cultural belief system
to justify triage homicide.
Notes
Metis are Canadians of mixed European and Indian descent and
culture, who have existed as a distinct ethnic entity since the 18th
century, and have figured prominently in Canadian history since that
time. Many contemporary Metis speak English or French and an Indian
language, but some are monolingual in either a native language (usually
Cree or Ojibwa) or a European language (usually English). Today the
term has largely come to mean a native person who does not appear on
government treaty lists. Of all the jurisdictions in Canada, only
Alberta has official guidelines that attempt to operationalize the
category. Anyone for whom at least one quarter Indian ancestry can
be demonstrated is officially considered a Metis in that province.
For background see Adams (1975) and Brown (1980).
2
Charcoal was a Blood Indian suffering from tuberculosis who,
on September 30, 1896, at a place southwest of Lethbridge, Alberta,
shot and killed his wife's paramour while the couple was in f1agrante
delicto. On several occasions Charcoal had warned the young man to
stop the affair, the last time only moments before the killing, but he
was mocked by the lothario. There is reason to believe that the homi
cide was motivated less by sexual jealousy than by the fact that his
wife was involved with her own cousin, making the affair an incestuous
one (Dempsey 1978:18-20).
According to Dempsey, Charcoal firmly believed he would be hanged
for the killing, and decided that it was necessary for a prominent
personIndi an or whiteto precede him in death to "ensure him a
satisfactory entry into the spirit world" (1978:34). Accordingly, he
soon thereafter attempted to kill Edward McNeil, a farm instructor,
by shooting into his home, but only succeeded in wounding him (1978:
39).


130
to which he replied that it did somewhat, but if it was, nothing would be
found as the bears would have eaten the bodies. Swift Runner suggested
that they go to where he had buried the last child. They went on a
little space and came to a spot where Swift Runner said he had camped.
There the prisoner said, "I told you the bears would spoil the bodies."
He pointed out a spot where his wife was buried, with three of the
children buried at her feet and another buried near a tree. Swift
Runner was removed out of sight, and the police proceeded to search the
area.
Human bones and pieces of intestine were found in the campfire
ashes. An examination of the spot Swift Runner pointed out as the
burial place of his wife and youngest child revealed no indication of any
grave. On scraping away some sticks and leaves, Staff Sgt. Herchmer
found some bones and hair, and about two feet to the left a piece of
cloth, evidently from an article of woman's clothing. Pieces of two
human skulls were found. Another campfire place about 100 yards away
yielded more human bones, including several skulls. The skulls and
bones had all been boiled, and the long bones broken, apparently so the
marrow could be extracted. The bones were in small piles all around the
camp. Some of the nearby (birch? poplar?) trees were smeared with
greasy finger marks. Staff Sgt. Herchmer's testimony reads:
The bones found were those of children and at least one female
"middle aged." Of the skulls all save one were those of
children [,] one of quite an infant. The other skull is of an
adult but I can't say if a male or female. My impression was
strongly that it was of a female.
All the bones and skulls were collected and brought to the police
station at Fort Saskatchewan. The prisoner produced some traps, a


74
in the material sphere? How, in other words, can we account for the
elaboration of Preston's implicitly symbolic system of belief?
This is a task that lends itself very well to the research
strategy of cultural materialism, which grants as a matter of theoreti
cal principle research priority to the study of infrastructural
variables as determinative (Harris 1979:46-76). Honigmann's compari
son of windigo executions to Euro-American witch hunting was a shrewd
one (1967:401). Marvin Harris has been foremost among those who have
shown that fluctuations in the frequency and severity of witchcraft
accusations are not capricious, but are the results of practical and
mundane causes (1974:207-266; 1980:404-405). Preston's inability to
deal with the issue of the evolution of the windigo belief complex il
lustrates the limitations of phenomenology and other ideographic
strategies.
Ridington's paper (1976:126) has given us important clues toward
an understanding of why Northern Algonkian religion might have diverged
in important ways from the symbolic belief systems of their Subarctic
neighbors. My own ethnohistorical inquiries are congruent with
Bishop's (1974, 1976), and the following chapter will show how the spe
cific culture history of the Northern Algonkian peoples since the 1500s
is compatible with the evolution of the windigo belief system.
In a recent issue of the popular journal Science Digest, Charles
Lindholm, who "has a Ph.D. in anthropology" and who "taught at Barnard
College," collaborated with Cherry Lindholm, who "has an M.A. in
psychology," to write an article entitled "World's Strangest Mental
Illnesses" (1981:42-53). Windigo leads off the paper accompanied by a


66
pre-contact form (1978:195). Windigo myths, in turn, provide "clues to
the kinds of social structures possessed by the Algonkians, both in the
recent past and in the more distant pastperhaps even in the pre-
Cartier past" (Turner 1977:71). A growing literature addresses the
issue of possible post-contact changes in the social structures of
various Algonkian groups, but that is beyond the scope of this review.
More to the point is the question of whether Algonkian religion, espe
cially the windigo belief complex as expressed in the Cree oral tradi
tion, has undergone temporal change. As we have seen in the previous
section, Fogelson's work gives a strong indication that it has changed,
and that the Windigo figure was probably not associated with anthro
pophagy until the end of the 18th century (1965:76-77). And for
Algonkian groups to the south, ethnohistorian Charles Bishop tells us:
Nowhere in the early Jesuit accounts relating to the Ojibwa
and Ottawa is there a specific devil form recognizable as
the Windigo, a rather remarkable fact considering the
apparent preoccupation in the nineteenth century with the
phenomenon. (1975:244)
This is especially remarkable considering the Jesuits' natural interest
in religious matters.
The stories on which Turner bases his analysis were collected
circa 1970 at Sandy Lake, Ontario (Ray and Stevens 1971). As will be
shown in Chapters III and IV, the Sandy Lake "Cree" (actually a
Northern Ojibwa group) underwent a severe nutritional and demographic
crisis in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. A materialist analy
sis predicts that this situation would be reflected in their folklore
(Marx and Engels 1977 [1846]:47). This proves to be the case. One of
the stories, "The Death of Pecequan," is the mythologized form of an


192
societal stress that I have maintained we should look for the origins
of witch-fear. It should come as no surprise, then, that witch-fear
has developed among defeated segments of contemporary, urban American
culture,
Madeline Leininger, a medical anthropologist and registered nurse,
has received reports of nearly 200 U.S. witchcraft cases in a three-
year period (1981:246). Leininger's studies focused primarily on
four Hispanic U.S. families and two Anglo-American families (1980:
247,259), who had "shifted from a rural to an urban way of life," and
experienced "economic stresses related to maintaining an adequate
income to live in the city" (1981:248).
Leininger distinguished three phases in the course of a typical
witch-fear cycle. Phase one was a period of "intense interpersonal
conflicts which arose from identifiable social, economic, and accul-
turational problems" (1981:248). In phase two the family became
"increasingly angry with and distrustful of one another and finally
displaced their feelings and problems to a known outgroup" (1981:249).
This "outgroup" was always composed of distant kinspeople or former
friends with whom the "ingroup" had been on terms of social and
economic interdependence before the displacement, but now felt was
not helping them enough with their most urgent needs. "The third
phase was characterized by intense ingroup-outgroup antagonisms and
by identification of the bewitched victim, the witches, and the witch
mediums" (1981:249), In this phase a scapegoat was chosen who was
believed to have been bewitched, and who was held responsible for
the existence of unresolved problems and conflicts facing the family
(1981:248).


124
Swift Runner
The first case considered is the oldest for which documentary
evidence exists and also the only one in which cannibalism took place.
The source is the Canadian Department of Justice capital case file no.
1731 for the year 1879, the Queen vs. Ka-ki-si-kutchun "The Swift
Runner" (unpaginated). The file can be found in the Public Archives of
Canada cataloged CR.G.13, C-l, Vol. 1417. The Swift Runner affair is
one of Teicher's seventy cataloged windigo cases (1960:85-88), but
Teicher did not have access to primary sources.
The facts in the case as revealed by the Department of Justice file
are these: In the autumn of 1878, a Cree Indian named Kisickoway was
camped with his extended family at a place called "the Long Lake," near
the Athabaska River about four short days travel north of what is now
the city of Edmonton, Alberta (see Figure 2). Camped with him was his
daughter, Charlotte, her husband Kakisikuchin (also and hereafter
known as Swift Runner), and their six children. There were three boys
and three girls in the family. The eldest son, at about 15 years of
age, was already a hunter. The youngest, a girl, was an infant only a
few months old.
Late in the season, after the snow commenced to fall, Kisickoway's
group broke camp at which time Swift Runner, his wife, and children
forked off by themselves in a different direction from the others.
Swift Runner's mother and brother also accompanied his family group.
If there was any underlying tension motivating this parting of the
ways, there is no indication of it in the court record. On the Shield
Subarctic such fissioning to winter camps would be routine. It is un
known what Swift Runner's group had with them in the way of


162
Of course Angus Rae testified that Menewascum was strangled and buried,
not burned alive. But I think it is interesting to note that in
Campbell's account Robert Fiddler does not use incipient cannibalism or
spirit-possession as a justification for the killing, but dysentary!
Further indication of an arrangement, or pretrial agreement be
tween the Crown and Angus Rae comes from the fact that,although Angus
Rae admits to have taken an active part in the strangulation of
Menowascum, he does not appear to have been charged. Norman Rae, on
the other hand, who played only a passive role in the Wasakapeequay
execution, was listed as one of those indicted for murder in 1908.
Rex vs. Norman Rae (Indian). Awaiting trial. Evidence in Fiddler
case showed that he was implicated in a similar crime. Patrol is
being sent to fetch further witnesses, and also to arrest
brother of the accused [John Rae?] who, it appears, is equally
implicated. (Perry 1908:2; italics in the original)
In February, 1908, Angus Rae accompanied Inspector E. A. Pelletier on
his patrol from Norway House to Sandy Lake, where the Inspector found it
necessary to warn the Suckers "that Angus was now a friend of ours and if
they molested him in any way they would feel very sorry for it after
wards" (1909:161 ).
"Justifiable-homicide-on-the-grounds-we-were-about-to-be-eaten-
by-a-monster" was quite a successful defense in the Moostoos trial, when
one man received a sentence of only two months imprisonment. But no
such case was made for Pesequan. He was found guilty and sentenced to
be hanged. The strong recommendation for mercy that accompanied the
jury's verdict was considered to be a matter for executive clemency by
Commissioner Perry in imposing sentence (p. 118). The sentence was com
muted, but the old man had less than two years to live. In June, 1908,


188
the environment, and to differences in rank requiring the coercion
of others in order to maintain an elevated position" (1979:7). The
ubiquitous sorcerers, then, are considered by the superordinate to
be those who "might willfully use their private technology to up-end
the social order" (1979:143). Fore Big Men "seek to discredit politi
cal rivals both in their own community and in a more general sense" by
accusing them of sorcery and calling them "rubbish men" (1979:126).
In a masterly illusion projected by an egalitarian ethic,
the dispossessed are characterized as a threat, a causistic
line of argument we share with the Fore. People in marginal
positions are portrayed as a danger to the establishment. If
kuru becomes the prototype for studies of slow virus infections,
Fore beliefs about mystical danger may contribute to our under
standing of the emergence of social inequality. (1979:146)'
In Cows, Pigs, Wars and Witches, Marvin Harris (1974) charts the
emergence of witch mania in a society that was already highly strati
fied. Harris has shown that in the year 1000 A.D. ecclesiastical and
social authorities proscribed the belief that witches could ride
through the air, and little importance was placed on the identifica
tion and destruction of "witches." Yet "after 1480, it was forbidden
to believe that [the ride of the witches] did not take place" (1974:
184), and for over 200 years European "witches" were tortured and
killed by the tens of thousands. Most of the victims were women, and
almost all were from the lower range of the social pyramid (1974:206).
Harris believes that the witch craze in Europe was occasioned by
stresses emanating from the passing of feudalism, the emergence of
strong national monarchies, the breakdown of Christian unity, the dis
possession of the feudal serfs, and by shifts in population from the


207
Sutherland, Alexander. 1898a. Letter dated June 30, 1898, Toronto,
to F. G. Stevens, Oxford House. Indian Missions letterbooks
of Alexander Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of
Canada, Victoria University in the University of Toronto.
. 1898b. Letter dated December 12, 1898, Toronto, to
F.G. Stevens, Oxford House. Indian Missions letterbooks of
Alexander Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of Canada,
Victoria University in the University of Toronto.
. 1899a. Letter dated July 7, 1899, Toronto, to John
McDougall, West Selkirk, Manitoba. Indian Missions letterbooks
of Alexander Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of Cariada.
Victoria University in the University of Toronto.
. 1899b. Letter dated August 30, 1899, Toronto, to F. G.
Stevens, Oxford House. Indian Missions letterbooks of Alexander
Sutherland. Archives of the United Church of Canada, Victoria
University in the University of Toronto.
Syms, E. Leigh. 1977. Cultural ecology and ecological dynamics of
the ceramic period in Southeastern Manitoba. Lincoln, Nebraska:
Plains Anthropologist Memoir 12.
Teicher, Morton I. 1960. Hindi go psychosis: A study of a relation
ship between belief and behavior among the Indians of North
eastern Canada. Proceedings of the 1960 Annual Sprinq Meetings
of the American Ethnological Society. Seattle: University of
Washington Press.
)
Thompson, Arthur. 1962. The expansion of the Church of England in
Rupert's land from 1820-39 under the Hudson's Bay Company and
the Church Missionary Society. Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Cambridge.
Turnbull, Colin. 1972. The Mountain people. New York: Simon and
Schuster.
. 1978. "Rethinking the Ik: A functional non-social system,"
in Extinction and survival in human populations. Charles D.
Laughlin, Jr., and Ivan A. Brady, eds., pp. 49-75. New York:
Columbia University Press.
Turner, David H. 1977. Windigo mythology and the analysis of Cree
social structure. Anthropologica 19:63-73.
. 1978. "Hunting and gathering: Cree and Australian," in
Challenging anthropology. David H. Turner and Gavin A. Smith,
eds., pp. 195-213. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson.
Turner, David H., and Paul Wertman. 1977. Shamattawa: The structure
of social relations in a Northern Algonkian Band: Ottawa:
National Museums of Man Mercury Series.


44
windigo disorder may be a relatively rare phenomenon, notable more for
its spectacular features than for its chronicity" (ibid.:88).
In making these discerning statements Fogelson comes very close
to scoring a major breakthrough in our understanding of the windigo
phenomenon. In point of fact most of Teicher's cases are very poorly
authenticated, and the few that are well documented Teicher systemati
cally misinterprets. And, as we have seen above, in over 35% of
Teicher's "cases" no cannabalism occurred even if we take the Indian
acccounts at face value.
Unfortunately Fogelson chose not to pursue this line of thought and
elected instead to psychologize and typologize. Expanding on a model
developed by A. F. C. Wallace, himself, and unnamed others at the
Eastern Pennsylvania Psychiatric Institute in 1959 (1965:89), Fogelson
arranges the tenuous windigo data base into five conceptual slots. "The
analytic technique has been labeled the N-U-P-modeV" (1965:89) where
N stands for "Normality," U for "Upset," and P for "Psychosis" (ibid.).
Type 1 is the "Classic Three-Stage" windigo where the victim degener
ates from a normal Indian to a brooding melancholic, to a cannibalistic
killer (1965:90-91). Type 2 is the "Two-Stage" variety in which the
sufferer is killed while "Upset" (1965:91-92). In Type 3 we get a
"Nonmelancholic Two-Stage" in which the crafty cannibal does in his
unsuspecting relatives and has them turning over a slow fire before
they even have time to know that they have an Upset person on their
hands (1965:93). In Type 4 the victim begins a transformation into a
windigo as the result of a shaman's curse, but is cured through the
ministrations of relatives (1965:94-96). In Type 5 a shaman begins to


40
If it can be said that Saindon knew the windigo at the first level
of abstraction and Cooper, Hallowell, and Landes knew it at the second,
then successive writers have typically known it at ever more remote
levels of abstraction. Cooper, Landes, and especially Hallowell were
accomplished fieldworkers, even if none of them ever observed a case of
the ghoulish psychosis about which they wrote so confidently. Subsequent
analysts have tended to be those who have either worked among highly
acculturated reservation Indians, or, more commonly, have never seen a
bush Indian in their lives.
Seymour Parker is an anthropologist at the University of Utah whose
work has shown a strong psychiatric orientation. His paper "The Wiitiko
Psychosis in the Context of Ojibwa Personality and Culture" (1960) is a
prime example of windigo analysis at a third level of abstraction. Re
ferring to the accounts of Hallowell, Landes, and Cooper, he writes:
"Unfortunately, none of these investigators had an opportunity to obtain
detailed or reliable life history data about an actual wiitiko victim"
(1960:603). Neither did they obtain reliable case history data, as we
have already seen. Having made his caveat, Parker embarks at once on a
long, convoluted, neo-Freudian fishing trip. Accepting one of Landes'
statements that windigo psychosis is confined mainly to men (Landes 1938a
31), Parker ultimately concluded that windigo is an obsessive cannibal
istic psychosis which is the result of frustrated dependency cravings
of little Ojibwa boys for their stern and rejecting mothers. Following
the ideas of Abram Kardiner (1939, 1953), he suggests that with frus
tration comes the transformation of the nurturing object into the
persecuting object. Thus the prototype for the cannibal giant is the


139
him who had done the killing. Entominahoo hesitated, then asked Phillips
if he had met anyone on the road. Phillips answered that he had met
Payoo seven miles from Lesser Slave Lake. (This puts Payoo at a great
distance from the main party in a relatively short time, for Phillips
reported this camp to be fifty-four miles away from the police bar
racks at Lesser Slave Lake [PAC 1899].) Entominahoo then said, "That's
the man that . killed Moostoos," and Napaysosus cut the head off
the body (ECF 1899). Phillips arrested Napaysosus, detained Chucha-
chuck as a witness, and went to examine the body. After investigating
the scene of the killing, Phillips buried Moostoos' remains near the
shack on the bank of the Smoky River (ECF 1899).
The police patrol returned the same day to the Indian camp to find
the "natives wildly excited" over another cannibal scare (ECF 1899). It
was Phillips' opinion "that had we not returned another murder would
have been added to the list" (ECF 1899). According to Phillips, "An
other of this camp wish[ed] to become Cannibal" and "we were employed
watching this man all night, keeping the prisoners also in close view,
and not one individual in that camp closed his or her eyes owing to
the fear they entertain 're these cannibals'" (ECF 1899).
But Corporal Phillips does not identify the man who "wished to
become a cannibal" on the night of March 30, 1890. He does not give any
evidence that this man actually expressed cannibalistic inclinations in
words or actions. He seems to accept the native point of view at face
value in this instance. According to testimony given at the trial, yet
another manNapaysiswas suspected of turning windigo before Moostoos'
execution (AAR 1903 [1904]:130, 132, 133). Napaysis was dying at the


173
the Indians' position, resulting in the deaths of a Mountie and a
postmaster, and the wounding of four others. Field artillery was
finally called in and the three Indians were killed in the protracted
bombardment. It is easy to see why, with all this going on in the
northwest, the Mapanin incident was given such a low priority.


100
freeze-up and break-up) when one false move could spell disaster for
all. An inability to move could precipitate a more gradual calamity,
since some resources were exploited seasonally and mobility was neces
sary to exploit the environment in an optimal way (Winterhalder and
Smith [eds.] 1981). For these reasons I hold the belief complex sur
rounding possession by the Windigo monsterevolved to provide a struc
tural and superstructural framework supporting a system of triage homi
cide.
But why windigo? Why specifically the cannibal motif? It is
suggested that in a society living this close to the bone one would
learn to fear both starvation and cannibalism. Under such conditions
it is perceptible to all that the continued existence in the social
group of the senile, the chronically ill, the mentally disturbed, and
the delirious brings everyone several steps closer to the dreaded
possibilities. It is rationally discerned that the lives of the im
paired may cause deaths among the healthy. To make matters worse, the
drain of energies and resources on the group imposed by the sick in
creases the threat of famine cannibalism among the healthy. A simple
overlay of projection onto these realistic fears might result in a
composite where the sick person's existence is seen as dangerous because
he or she is perceived to be preoccupied by thoughts of cannibalism
rather than the accuser. The danger, therefore, presented by the im
paired person to the accuser is seen by the latter to be more imme
diate than that of the accuser's possible starvation. The accuser
believes that the afflicted person will eat him (her). For this reason
it is believed necessary that the "windigo victim" be destroyed. The


158
informants that Wasakapeequay could not eat and that she vomited every
thing. He was also told that she begged to be killed since she was
firmly convinced that she was turning into a cannibal" (Teicher 1960:74;
based on Hallowell's unpublished field notes).
The desire to put a hopelessly sick person out of his or her
misery transcends cultural boundaries. Thomas Fiddler believed that his
wife would not recover (p. 103). We do not know how long she had been
ill. It could have been for some time. But in this case there were
compelling contextual reasons for euthanasia. Until about thirty years
ago, the Northern Ojibwa were simply not equipped to deal with a pro
tracted illness, especially one that involved impaired mental function.
Consider the scene at Sandy Lake at the end of the summer, 1906.
In those days Sandy Lake was only the site of a summer encampment. Soon
the band would be splitting into small, family winter hunting groups.
Collective survival depended on this seminomadic round of winter dis
persal. Game and fish in the immediate areas of the large summer gather
ings would be quickly depleted if the band remained stationary. It
would not be long before it would be time to pack everyone and every-
think into the birch-bark canoes and depart. The various families would
be traveling many miles over lakes, rivers, and portages. Some of the
smaller rapids would be run. What could be done with Wasakapeequay?
Contrary to popular opinion, the most serious environmental hazard in
the boreal forest is not the cold, but drowning (Marao 1981). A de
lirious or mentally impaired person cannot be taken on a canoe trip.
A false move in a canoe will spell disaster. This woman was rolling on
the ground and waving her arms around; an impossible situation. She


83
and southwest of the Subarctic zones. Among Cree and Ojibwa outside
these zones windigo belief takes an entirely different form, indicat
ing that ethnic considerations are less important than environmental
ones in understanding windigo witch-fear, and suggesting that compara
tive culture history may be more important still.
J. Anthony Paredes was the first to point out that "the horrible
cannibal monster is terminologically identified with the ludicrous
clown-shamans of the Plains Ojibwa and Plains Cree" (1972:113). Paredes'
sources are Skinner (1914:500-505, 528-529) and Mandelbaum (1940:274-
275). From these works we can see that the Plains Ojibwa and Plains
Cree transmuted the windigo figure into a harmless, even beneficent
personage. The evidence that the change was in this direction and not
the reverse comes from linguistics. The Plains figure is called
"Windigokan." The suffix/ kan/ in the Ojibwa and Cree languages
carries the meaning "fabrication" or "surrogate." Skinner called the
Windigokanuk "cannibal dancers" (1914:500), but the social function of
those Plains Ojibwa whose dreams entitled them to act as Windigokan was
that of healers of the sick and exorcisers of demons (1914:501). They
also used inverted speech like the "Contraries" celebrated in other
Plains tribes, and like the Contraries were known for their antic
military exploits (1914:501-502). The Ojibwa and Cree were latecomers
to the Plains. Referring to the Plains Cree, Mandelbaum writes that the
Wehtikokan dance
was a masked performance often given during the Sun dance period.
The wehtiko was a cannibalistic character in the folklore of the
Wood Cree. Tales concerning this spirit power were sometimes
told among the Plains Cree, but the spirit was never seen in the
prairie country and imbued only the forest inhabitants with man-
eating desires. Except for the name, this character does not
figure in the dance. (1940:274)


137
to have been marginal to the rest of the group. In fact I will argue
that an attempt was made to "frame" Payoo into taking sole legal re
sponsibility for the killing. At the trial, the weight of evidence
seems to have shifted and it was determined that Payoo did not strike
Moostoos until after the unfortunate man was dead.
The facts of the matter, as they can be pieced together, are
these. In the winter of 1898-99 a band of Cree trappers was camped on
the Smoky River west of Lesser Slave Lake. There were approximately
thirty-three people in the group, about eleven of whom were adult men.
Moostoos, the executed man, joined the group in mid-winter, coming
from Sturgeon Lake. Moostoos and his family lived in a shack with his
two brothers-in-law, Chuckachuck and Apishchickisaynis. Both of these
men were married and each had a child. Moostoos and his wife, Julie,
apparently had four children since Napaysosus testified there were
"three men, three women and six children in the house" (AAR 1903 [1904]:
129). One other shack and a few tents completed the camp.
Late in the winter several of the band became sick. Among those
stricken was Moostoos who, according to the others, became obsessed by
the idea of killing and eating his companions. According to the testi
mony given, Moostoos begged to be killed so that he would not become
the instrument of death for the others. He spoke words such as, "You
will all die tonight unless you kill me first" (ECF:3) and "How would it
do if I should eat the little ones, and especially their noses?" (AAR
103 [1904]:130). Moostoos "floated right off the ground" and it was a
hard job to reach up and bring him back down to earth (1903:130).
He struggled a bit, but his teeth only tore clothing. A blanket was


23
with me, and assisted me in finding the 1838 census figures for the
Island Lake District. I am in his debt, and may his orchards thrive.
My thanks go out to Mrs. Shirlee Smith, Ms. Garrn Wells, and
Mr. Alex Ross, archivists for the Hudson's Bay Company collection in
Winnipeg. They have never failed to be helpful and cooperative and
made it possible for me to make the most of the limited periods of time
I had to work in the HBC Archives. Their assistance has provided me
with much valuable background information, including census figures for
northern Ontario and northern Manitoba in the 19th century. I am also
indebted to Mrs. Betty Barnes of the United Church House in Winnipeg
for kindly providing me with a copy of Stevens' account, "Sandy Lake"
(1943).
I would also like to thank Mr. Keith Stotyne, archivist at the
Alberta Archives, and Mr. Joseph Doyle, Clerk of the Edmonton Court,
for their courtesy and helpfulness. These men assisted me in getting
additional information on the Moostoos case (ECF 1899). I am grateful
to J. R. Wright for the prompt reply to my request to the Department of
Indian Affairs for official census figures. Mr. B. Moroz, Deputy
Prothonotary of the Manitoba Court of Queen's Bench, has gone out of his
way to help me obtain the original court records for the fascinating
Ahwahsahkahmig case, and has my sincere thanks. Both gratitude and
apologies must go out to Mrs. Marion Gregory of the Department of Indian
Affairs in Winnipeg, who helped me with census figures when I turned up
unexpectedly on an extremely busy working day.
But of all the archivists who assisted me in my search for the
historical windigo, none was so helpful as the Rev. J. Ernest Nix,


79
catastrophe for the Northern Algonkians; that windigo witch-fear was a
social manifestation of this series of calamities; and that far from
being fully satisfied with the Subarctic environment,the Indians sought
to escape it whenever good opportunities arose to do so (cf. Preston
1975).
Among Amerindian language families the "Algonquian stock is the
largest, comprising about thirty-four living and extinct languages, and
geographically the most widely distributed in North America, extending
from Labrador to California and from Hudson Bay to Georgia, except for
some interrupting enclaves of other stocks" (Siebert 1967:13). In his
landmark work "The Original Home of the Proto-Algonquian People,"
Frank T. Siebert, Jr. (1967) used bird, mammal, fish, and tree names
reconstructed from the Proto-Algonkian language to determine the Urheimat
of this group as it existed some 3,000 years ago. Making an inter
section of the original ranges of the considered species (those having
cognates in the eastern and central Algonkian languages), Siebert was
able to determine that, as of about 1,200 B.C., "the original home of
the Algonquian peoples lay in the region between Lake Huron and Georgian
Bay [on the west] and the middle course of the Ottawa River [on the
east], bounded on the north by Lake Nipissing and the Mattawa River and
on the south by the northern shore of Lake Ontario, the headwaters of
the Grand River, and the Saugeen River" (1967:40).
If Siebert is correct, and assuming that the members of this
speech community were also members of the same sociocultural community,
we can see immediately that even three millenia ago the ancestors of
historic Algonkian populations were exploiting more than one ecological


32
a victim of Wiitiko disorder" (1967:400). But Honigmann here missed the
main point. Of course it would have been desirable to have more back
ground information on F., but the most diagnostic symptom of all in the
case was the fact that the patient was cured (or at least went into
indefinite remission) by a suggestion from an authority figure. That
is not behavior characteristic of a psychotic. If psychoses were that
easy to cure our mental hospitals would be empty. We must also consider
the possibility that F.'s symptoms were nothing more or less than the
ones Saindon reported. F. appears to have been phobic and neurotic, but
showed no sign of acting in a homicidal or cannibalistic manner.
From this narrow data base has come a torrent of interpretive
elaboration. Saindon was urged to publish his observations by his friend
and fellow priest, anthropologist John M. Cooper (Saindon 1933:1). In
the same issue of Primitive Man in which Saindon's modest reports ap
peared, Cooper published his blood-curdling paper "The Cree Witiko
Psychosis" (1933). It was in this brief and phantasmagoric communica
tion that the word "psychosis" was first applied to the windigo phenome
non. Although it was Cooper's contention that "the factual data here
given are, except where otherwise stated from the present writer's field
notes taken among the eastern and western Cree and other Algonquian-
speaking peoples" (1933:20), Cooper does not present a single specific
instance of windigo psychosis nor any evidence of first-hand observa
tion of such behavior. Cooper's initial description of the "psychosis"
is worth quoting at some length, for it set the tone for two generations
of scholarship on the subject (1933:21).
Cannibalism was resorted to by the Cree only in cases where actual
starvation threatened. Driven to desperation by prolonged famine
and often suffering from mental breakdown as a result thereof, the


178
in the Windigo giant, and dreamed she was being chased by him, and yet
remained normal. This paper also calls Fogelson's (1965) "N-U-P" model
into question, since Mrs. F. passes through the "Normal" and "Upset"
stages of windigo immersion, yet never becomes psychotic, nor does she
report having thoughts of cannibalism.
Next reviewed were three recent papers that have made important
contributions to the windigo question by showing consistent critical
skepticism in their analysis. Charles Bishop (1975) documents the
fact that reports of windigo cannibalism, and a cultural preoccupation
with the fear of windigo monsters, is positively correlated with
environmental degradation and the development of a trade monopoly
unfavorable to the Northern Algonkians in the 19th century. Robin
Ridington (1976) questions the diagnosis of "psychosis" with respect
to the windigo complex, and shows that the religion of the Athapaskan
Dunne-za of the boreal forest is not as different from that of the
Northern Algonkians as has been thought. Ridington suggests that what
might account for the peculiar configuration of cannibal witch-fear
among the Northern Algonkians when compared to the Northern Athapaskans
is the "longer period of disruptive influence from contact with
Europeans" among the former (1976:126). And Richard J. Preston
(1980) has followed up on the ideas of his late professor John J.
Honigmann (1967) and the lessons of his own fieldwork (1975), to argue
that the windigo of anthropology "is not a very adequate approximation
to the Algonkian emotional dynamics or to the great variability in
Algonkian and oral tradition on this topic" (1980:128).




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Louis Marao was born in Buffalo, New York, in 1943. After
graduating from Canisius College in 1966, he served three years with
the U.S. Navy Seabees. He attended graduate school at the State
University of New York at Buffalo from 1970 to 1973 and earned master's
degrees in social science (interdisciplinary) and anthropology. In
January, 1974, he began fieldwork among the Northern Ojibwa of Canada,
and from 1975 to 1979 was involved in programs that delivered educa
tional services to Northern Algonkian peoples on Subarctic reserves.
From 1976 to 1979 he was lecturer in anthropology and native studies in
the Brandon University Northern Teacher Education Project. After study
ing for a year at the University of Toronto, Marao came to the
University of Florida, where he earned a Ph.D. in anthropology.
210


20
effective means of population control than the elimination of nursing
mothers. Not only would it remove reproductive women from the society,
but the nursing infants would also have a slim chance of survival.
I was very excited by Fraser's idea. Since Sandy Lake is only 80
miles west of Round Lake, and since the Sandy Lakers are closely re
lated to the people at Island Lake where I had lived in 1977-78, I had
heard of the Fiddler killings (see Chapter IV) but did not know what to
make of them. Here was a chance to test a demo-environmental theory of
windigo executions by means of an etic report. I told Fraser that I was
interested in pursuing the subject in a serious way, and asked if he
wished to exercise prior claim to the topic. No, he replied. He was
discouraged with anthropology and was going to British Columbia to grow
apples. The way was clear.
Stevens' autobiography proved to be an intriguing document in many
respects, but disappointing as far as Fraser's theory was concerned. It
was true that he wrote "in six years, eight persons had been killed [as
windigo], most of them nursing mothers" (n.d. : 43) but in this he was
not reporting first-hand observation, but hearsay. Stevens wrote these
words from Fisher River in the Manitoba interlake district. By this
time he had been out of touch with the Sandy Lakers for six years. But
a cursory review of the windigo literature brought me to Teicher (1960).
Teicher's source for the Sandy Lake killings was the Annual Archaeologi
cal Report (hereafter AAR) 1907, which was an appendix to the report of
the Ontario Minister of Education (1908:91-121). This fascinating docu
ment was available at the Manitoba Legislative Library in Winnipeg, and
turned out to be a transcript of Joseph Fiddler's trial at Norway House


143
Then sickness strikes the camp. Five of the hunters and an un
known number of women and children are taken ill. At least one man
(Napaysis) is dying and needs constant attention (AAR 1903[1904]:132).
But what is worse is that another man (Moostoos) is delirious and raving,
and requires the efforts of several peopleincluding almost all the
able-bodied mento hold him. According to Entominahoo the sickness
had so weakened the party that "Napaysos[us], Chuckachuck and Kunuksoos
were the only three men strong enough to be of any use to hold him"
(1903:133). If conditions in central Alberta around the turn of the
century were anything like those of contemporary northern Manitoba and
Ontario, this would have to be a very serious, stressful, and frighten
ing experience for the people involved. There is no way they could
have provided intensive nursing care for perhaps half their number
especially if one was delirious and violentand have retained the
mobility and flexibility it takes to survive in a harsh environment.
They were afraid and they had good reason to be afraid. Fear sets the
stage for hysteria, but it also is an inducement to triage homicide.
The following quotes from the Annual Archaeological Report 1903
(1904) give stark testimony to the terror the people experienced at the
time: "I was so afraid I did not know whether I was alive or dead"
(p. 139). "I believed we all had to die" (p. 132). "Everyone called
out, 'We are dead'" (p. 136). "There was no person in the house in his
right senses" (p. 137).
Inference 4: The generalized fear caused by the epidemic was,
by means of the windigo belief complex, focused onto Moostoos, the most
disruptive of the sick people.


43
"Psychological Theories of Windigo 'Psychosis' and a Preliminary Applica
tion of Models Approach" (Fogelson 1965). This paper is a more cautious,
and at the same time more ambitious,attempt to extrapolate on the windigo
phenomenon at the third level of abstraction. Fogelson begins by saying
that the windigo syndrome may have an organic etiology, but because there
is insufficient data to generate, let alone test, specific physiological
and genetic hypotheses, his report concentrates on psychological aspects
of windigo (1965:74-75).
In referring to some early sources cited by Cooper (1934b),
Fogelson makes a valuable contribution by pointing out that among the 18th-
century Cree of Hudson Bay, Wiitiko appears to have been an Algonkian
deity of evil principle. This malign god and his minions were a source
of menace and danger to humans, and had always to be propitiated.
Manitou, on the other hand, was a benign deity, but rather uninterested
in human affairs (Fogelson 1965:76-77). Fogelson's paper is important
in that he was the first to suggest that the windigo complex had
changed over time. "Interesting to note is the absence in these early
accounts of characteristics which were later associated with the Windigo
being: as his gigantic stature, his anthropophageous propensities, and
his symbolic connection with the north, winter, and starvation" (1965:
77; emphasis added). (Note also that Hearne makes no mention of the
term in association with Cree beliefs surrounding cannibalism in the
1770s [1795:34-35]). Moreover, Fogelson points out that "the fact that
only seventy fairly wel1-authenticated cases of windigo disorder have
found their way into the 1 iteraturefrom a population of over thirty
thousand over a period of three centuriessuggests strongly that


118
Island Lake since 1894 (Campbell n.d.: 36-37). Kirkness was to let the
minister know when he was going to make his winter trip to Sandy Lake
in time for Stevens to travel from Oxford House to Island Lake to join
him. Stevens sent fish nets to Sandy Lake and Beaver Hill Lake (north
of Island Lake) with requests that fish be caught and preserved to pro
vide dog food for his forthcoming winter journey.
Stevens and his family were visiting God's Lake around February 1,
1900, when Kirkness1 letter arrived. "I am leaving for Sandy Lake on
February 8th" (Stevens 1943:4). After much hard traveling, Stevens and
a companion caught up with Kirkness and a young HBC apprentice about
three days out from Sandy Lake, arriving at their destination about
February 13th. Once again Stevens found great hunger and destitution.
According to him the Indians were reduced to eating boiled jackpine bark.
The minister also took a keen interest in the trading. "A very little
goods given in exchange for much valuable fur was one reason why
Whiteway did not want me to contact these Indians" (1943:5). In an
account written just after his journey, the missionary gave a somewhat
different report (1900b:4).
Saturday was spent by the Indians in trading their furs.
This did not take long as fur is very scarce. I could not but
remark the pitiableness of the thing when I saw men trading their
fur in exchange for deer-skin, which had been imported from the
"farther north." Things are come to a queer pass when the pro
duce of the hunt has to be exchanged for what the hunt ought to
produce in abundance.
The "deer-skin" was probably that of barren-ground caribou from
the Company's posts above the tree line. In 1900 moose had not yet
reestablished themselves in any number in the Sandy Lake area, and wood
land caribou were few. Cervid hides were of great value to the Indians


135
under the circumstances? By no means. Cree Indians are just as sus
ceptible to psychological dysfunction as anyone else, and it is quite
possible that the horrible situation in which Swift Runner found him
self drove him to an at least temporary insanity. But neither should we
conclude that Swift Runner killed and ate his family because of a
culturally conditioned predisposition that filled him with a compulsive
obsession to eat human flesh. I argue that if he had any other food to
eat, he would have eaten it. His actions may have been reprehensible,
but they were not evidence of an etic, behavioral, culture-specific
psychopathology.
Moostoos
The Moostoos case is one of the most fascinating and perplexing of
the documented windigo cases. It involved the killing of an Athapaskan
Beaver Indian who was married into a Cree band. According to the Cree,
Moostoos (sometimes called Louis or Louison) proclaimed his intention to
turn cannibal on a night in March 1899 at a place called Bald Hill on the
Smoky River, some distance west of Lesser Slave Lake. The Cree account
has it that Moostoos begged to be killed and was finally accommodated.
Corporal Charles Phillips, the investigating RNWM police officer
stationed at Lesser Slave Lake, drafted a report to his superior at Fort
Saskatchewan on April 3, 1899. A copy of this report is preserved in
the Public Archives of Canada (1899) in Ottawa (unpaginated). Deposi
tions of witnesses, including those of Corp. Phillips, were taken at
Fort Saskatchewan on April 24 and July 25, 1899. These have been
recovered from the files of the court at Edmonton, Alberta (EFC 1899)
(partially paginated). The trial itself was held at Edmonton around


CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS OF THE ARCHIVAL CASE MATERIALS
This chapter presents analyses of case materials found in archival
sources. Two of these sourcesthe Moostoos case and the Sandy Lake
area caseshave been available to anthropologists for many years, but I
disagree with traditional interpretations given them and offer my own.
To the best of my knowledge, the remaining cases have never been analyzed
by anthropologists and constitute a new body of evidence on the subject
of windigo.
The materials contained in this chapter are not comprehensive. Un
limited time and money would doubtless enable me to track down intriguing
leads and tie down loose ends. It is also possible that there are
windigo cases documented in long-forgotten files of which I am com
pletely unaware. This chapter will make it easier for subsequent in
vestigators to research the historic, behavioral windigo.
Then, too, differences in interpretation are possible. I make no
claim that my interpretations of these cases are the only ones that can
legitimately be given them. But neither should my interpretations be
dismissed lightly, for they are based on long-term associations with
the Northern Ojibwa people, and a knowledge of that society from the
inside and from without (see Chapter I). Using Hallowell's (1963)
application of the term, I am perhaps the first "transcultural" pro
fessional anthropologist to have written on Algonkian matters since
Schoolcraft.
123


127
Starvation had come to his family because he was sick and could
not move. He lost two of his children to starvation at the Muskeg
River. He buried these children and then sent his wife and the rest
of the children off to Egg Lake. His wife returned alone two days later.
He and his wife then went to the place in the woods where she had left
the children, and found them all dead from starvation except one little
boy. He covered the bodies with leaves under a tree, left the place
with his wife and little boy, and camped a short distance off. It was
then that his wife shot herself because of the children dying. The
little boy died near Smoking Lake. Swift Runner stated that there were
four different places where the members of his family were buried, and
he made a rough pencil sketch indicating where the graves could be
found. He offered to go and point out the places.
RNWMP Superintendent William D. Jarvis acceded to this suggestion
and dispatched Inspector Severe Gagnon, Staff Sergeant George Herchmer,
and interpreter Brazeau to escort the prisoner to the gravesites. The
party started out on June 4, 1879, and proceeded along the Athabaska
Road from Fort Saskatchewan for about 40 miles. On the morning of the
5th, at the prisoner's guidance,the party forked off to the left and
struck into the woods. After a few miles, they were forced to leave
their carts and proceed by horseback.
The prisoner pointed out a course which he followed for some two
miles. He diverged from this course at a place called Open Hill Creek.
After a while he led the party to a muskeg, the edge of which was
followed until late in the day. The party stopped and Brazeau asked
Swift Runner if he knew where he was. The prisoner replied that he did


107
loads. Up at 3 a.m., and working until darkness set in [sic];
all this with poor food, and scant measure at that. Imagine men
working so hard on flour, pork and tea; the flour mixed with
water and half cooked in the fire. (1897a:150)
It must be remembered that when Stevens speaks of "pork" he is not talk
ing about ham or suckling pig, but salt pork, almost all fat, sometimes
with the skin and even the bristles still on it.
They spend their winters in the woods hunting fur; during this
time they live in lodges composed of poles and moss. For two
or three months of summer they congregate here [at Oxford House]
and live in bark wigwams. Now they have a hard struggle for
existence, and not from any fault of their own, but owing to
the hard country they live in. It is not because our men
are too lazy to work; they are hard workers, and when they are
given work they are very grateful. It is very sad to see the
rivalry that exists among them when a job offers; they are all
eager to get it. (Stevens 1397a: 151)
Stevens was a keen observer, and there was an intensely practical side
to his spirituality.
Since my arrival I have been more and more convinced that
something ought to be done to help our people to a better way of
living. I am convinced of their need spiritual and tem
poral. And while I am more especially interested in their souls,
I am convinced that as soul and body have such close affinity
the conditions of one must needs affect the other. (1897a:151 -
152)
They are willing to settle down if a place can be found
where they can make a living; they do not ask for charity, but
for a chance to work, and others earn their own living [sic].
Can we not help them to do so? I think we can. Having observed
the success that has attended the colony of Indians who removed
from Norway House and settled at Fisher River twenty years ago,
I am convinced that another colony would be successful. There is
on the west shore of Fisher Bay a beautiful site for such a
colony; I went over the ground a year ago, and it is good for
farming and for grazing; fish and game are fairly abundant. My
plan is this: Let us persuade our people here to go there and
settle, and have a mission established there. The people might
settle on lots of their own and would build houses and clear
land the first year, and next year plant potatoes, etc.; these
are always a sure crop, and they would furnish food with fish,
etc., for the people. There our people could live, and being
established in permanent homes, be trained and educated. Work




149
The Four Sandy Lake Area Cases
The killing of Wasakapeequay (Mrs. Thomas Fiddler) at Sandy Lake
late in the summer of 1906 is the best documented windigo execution
extant. David Boyle this time resisted the temptation to excerpt frag
ments of court testimony and reproduce them out of sequence in the
Annual Archaeological Report as he did four years before the Moostoos
case. Almost the entire transcript of the trial held at Norway House on
October 7, 1907, appears to be reprinted in the Annual Archaeological
Report for that year (1908:91-121).
In the course of this trial, testimony was given concerning three
other windigo executions that had taken place in the Sandy Lake area.
Together these cases constitute four of Teicher's (1960) compendium of
seventy cases. While information on the other three cases is sketchy,
they seem to conform generally with the pattern of the Wasakapeequay
execution, and differ strongly from the pattern of panic and collective
suggestibility evident in the events surrounding the Moostoos killings.
The ecological context and ethohistorical background of the
Sandy Lake Ojibwa were presented in Chapter III, along with F. G. Stevens'
observations of these people made about five years before the killing of
Mrs. Fiddler. Additional background information comes from the diary of
William "Big Bill" Campbell (n.d.), a Scot who entered the service of
the Hudsons Bay Company as a very young man, and served in the fur
trade in northern Manitoba for many years. Campbell spoke Cree and the
Severn Ojibwa dialect as well as English and Gaelic.
As was shown in the last chapter, the HBC post at Sandy Lake was
closed in 1823, two years following the absorption of the Northwest


132
part in the Northwest Rebellion of 1885. His trial and execution have
become the most controversial legal proceedings in Canadian history
[Brown and Brown 1973:18].) Swift Runner's jury was composed of six men
from leading Metis families in the Edmonton area. Every portion of the
proceedings was translated into Cree, and the prisoner was assigned the
services of William Rowland, a leading Cree-English scholar of the
period, to ensure that he understood everything that transpired.
But Swift Runner had no legal counsel. He asked no questions of
any of the witnesses, called no witnesses of his own, offered no state
ments of mitigating or extenuating circumstances, and when asked if he
had anything to say to the jury replied simply,"No. I did it." Swift
Runner was found guilty and was sentenced to death. The case was re
viewed by the Department of Justice in Ottawa, which could find no
reason why the law should not be allowed to take its course. Swift
Runner was hanged at Fort Saskatchewan on December 20, 1879.
It is possible, as Teicher (1960:85-88) has done, to interpret
this case as strong evidence for the existence of windigo psychosis,
although Richardson, corresponding with his superior in Ottawa, wrote:
"That he is possessed of intelligence rather above the ordinary Indian
seemed clear. Neither was there any apparent symptom of insanity."
But Richardson continued: "The wonder of all who knew the man and there
are many such in and around Edmonton that being [sic], what could have
led him to the commission of the outrage bearing in mind the readiness
of access (even if reduced to starvation point) to where food supplies
are always to be had in such cases."


30
ebb. Having lost a large segment of the anthropological market to his
torical vicissitude, Honigmann doubtless lost a quite different group of
readers by his explicit rejection of nomothetic research strategies and
his espousal of the principles of existential phenomenology (1967:xi-
xii). In spite of our theoretical differences, Honigmann1s mature
thoughts on the windigo correspond to mine almost exactly, but I did not
read them until seven years after beginning fieldwork among the Northern
Algonkians and a year and a half after I became interested in the
windigo as an intellectual problem. I can only wish that I had read
Personality in Culture in 1973.
This review critically traces the development of the "windigo psy
chosis" from its inception to the present. It will be shown that by
the time Honigmann published his insightful reflections in 1967, "windigo
psychosis" had achieved such a reified status in anthropology that it
was easy to ignore his signal contribution through the inertia of re
ceived wisdom. Nevertheless, those who published on the subject after
1967 without reference to Honigmann's work must ultimately bear the
responsibility for their omission.
Windigo Psychosis, 1933-67
When speaking of the windigo, we may draw at least three categori
cal distinctions. The first is Windigo as superhuman monster(s) who
may or may not have had human antecedents. (For a stylized portrayal
see Guinard [1930].) The second is a category of persons, the members of
which may or may not be considered to have been possessed by the spirit
of a cannibal-monster. The third is a culture-specific psychotic
syndrome, the victims of which are obsessed by a compulsive desire to


7
and environmental context and enshrined it in anthropological clich
(cf. Bishop 1975:237; Preston 1980:114; 127-128). This procedure has
done justice neither to the Algonkian folk model nor to attempts at a
science of history. These studies imply that if we are in the company
of a Northern Algonkian we need be concerned lest he or she, for no
apparent reason, be seized by the overpowering urge to dismember and
eat us. Yet in the more than 300 years Europeans have been traveling
about the north with Algonkian guides, canoeists, dog drivers, and
freighters, not one of them has found it necessary to kill an Indian
on the grounds that his companion had turned into a cannibalistic
madman. Algonkians, on the other hand, have killed large numbers of
their fellows on just such justification,and anthropologists accept this
emic rationale without question.
If psychotic cannibalism existed in an etic/behavioral sense, it
seems unlikely that it would have escaped the attention of the "old
northern hands" with millenia of accumulated experience only to be
"discovered" by a few psychological anthropologists in the early 1930s.
Fur traders, missionaries, government officials, etc., have often been
more rigorously scientific than anthropologists on the windigo issue in
that they have been more careful to distinguish the emics of Northern
Algonkian thought from the etics of Algonkian behavior. For example,
consider the following exchange of correspondence between Hudson's Bay
Company officer James Todd writing from Big Trout Lake (located in
what is now northwestern Ontario) to his superior Joseph Fortesque at
York Factory (located in what is now northern Manitoba) (Hudson's
Bay Company Archives B. 220/6/2, 12 July 1882 Todd to Fortesque [folio
18d]):


163
a group of Methodist missionaries, Hudson's Bay men, and others peti
tioned the Minister of Justice for Pesequan's pardon, stating that his
actions were the result of his cultural beliefs rather than malicious
ness. Some of the petitioners had visited him in prison and reported
to the Minister that the old man's health was too poor for him to sur
vive prison life much longer (PAC 1907-08). The pardon was not granted,
and Pesequan, also known as Joseph Fiddler, died "of consumption" in the
penitentiary hospital on September 1, 1909 (PAC 1907-09).
The Ahwahsahkahmig Case
Two months before Moostoos met his death more than 1,000 miles to
the westward, a strange incident occurred at Cat Lake, now in the province
of Ontario about 60 miles south of Round Lake and about 100 miles south
east of Sandy Lake. As of this writing there is no trial report avail
able for this case, but there are extensive sworn statements (of wit
nesses) taken at Police Headquarters in Winnipeg on October 28, 1899
(Manitoba Court of Queen's Bench 1899). The statements are remarkably
consistent. The facts as they can be pieced together from the state
ments are as follows.
About June 10, 1899, a Mr. Andrew R. J. Bannatyne, school teacher
and Indian agent at Lac Seul, Ontario, was approached by a man named
Umbash, who had information to relate concerning the death of his
brother. (The name is now represented as Ombash in Cat Lake and
Round Lake. Lac Seul is about ninety miles south of Cat Lake. The
term "brother" in Ojibwa includes not only relatives we would classify
as "brother" in English kin terminology, but means "male parallel of my
generation.") As a consequence of this conversation, Bannatyne wrote


94
At first, I was surprised by these findings. On the one hand the
statistics bespoke a situation even more grave than I envisioned.
Ecological catastrophy, economic bondage, and devastation by alien
diseases are bad enough. It seemed to me that a skyrocketing popula
tion in the face of all these misfortunes would serve to aggravate them
and put tremendous strain on the social fabric. But how could it be
that there would be a demographic increase rather than depopulation under
such conditions? In checking my findings against those of the two
Northern Ojibwa specialists I have again found an interesting dichotomy.
Bishop's work, as it turned out, is completely in keeping with my own
(1978:225):
One biological consequence of the shift from large game hunting
to the intensification of efforts on small nonmigratory fauna
[after 1821] was an evident population growth during the nine
teenth century. In the face of recurring episodes of extreme
deprivation, this, at first, would seem to be contradictory.
Nevertheless, demographic materials from all trading post
records throughout the Ojibwa area attest to it.
Bishop goes on to give examples from Lac Seul and Osnaburgh House (1978:
225).
Rogers, however, takes the opposite position. He believes the Ojibwa
population was fairly constant, and that disease cycles caused fairly
uniform fluctuations in population on the order of plus or minus 30% of
the median. He believes that my early 19th century figures from the
records pertaining to Island Lake and Sandy Lake are artificially low
(personal communication). In a paper in press, Rogers offers these HBC-A
quotes in support of his position (1981:4. Emphasis in the original;
parenthetical question marks presumably Rogers').
The Cranes are said to be increasing. Any computation regarding
their number is difficult owing to the fact that when they visit


129
there was no trail and he could not find the way. Brazeau asked if
there had been a camp between the grave of his eldest son and that of
the others. The prisoner replied he had camped once. Brazeau told him
that they had better go and see that camp. Swift Runner said there was
no use since there was nothing there, but pointed out the direction in
which the other graves lay.
The party started out, but both Brazeau and Gagnon noticed that
the prisoner did not travel straight, but backtracked and periodically
changed course. As Gagnon later testified, "He seemed disinclined to go
to the place he had indicated." Brazeau also noticed that their wander
ings took them to a place that answered the description Swift Runner
had given as the location of the graves. When this was put to Swift
Runner, he replied that it was not the place; that the party was lost
and would not be able to find the graves. But when the prisoner was
asked if he knew of any open places nearby fit to camp for the night,
he said a good place would be found 500 yards off and led the party
immediately to it. At this campsite Inspector Gagnon observed a well-
beaten Indian trail.
On stopping for the night Swift Runner proposed to Brazeau that
the party search for his mother and brother, as the other graves could
not be found. Brazeau told him that they must find the graves of the
children and his wife, and if these bodies were found as he described
them he would doubtless be allowed to go free.
Early on the morning of June 6, 1879, the party started out and
quickly reached the spot where they had been the previous evening. Here
Brazeau again remarked that it answered Swift Runer's first description,


63
By thus failing to distinguish the emics of thought from the etics of
behavior, Smith opens a veritable Pandora's box. Are the diagnostic
features of windigo "psychosis" to be found in equal measure in the
behavior of the "psychotics" and the minds of the social authorities?
Is there any scientific justification for classifying people as they
appear in the nightmares and fantasies of their accusers? (cf. Harris
1974:214, 221, 235, 251).
Anthropologist David H. Turner of the University of Toronto is a
structuralist who has made a very curious addition to the windigo litera
ture. From his observations at Shamattawa, Manitoba, Turner correctly
concludes that Cree social organization is "incorporative" (Turner and
Wertman 1977; Turner 1978). For Turner the incorporation of individuals
into Cree social groupings is symbolically analogous to the incorpora
tion of individuals cannibalistically (Turner 1977).
Turner contrasts Cree social organization with that of the
g
Australian aboriginies, and in doing so he constructs a typological
dichotomy that describes, according to Turner, "two hunter and gatherer
ways of life as they probably existed prior to modification by
Europeans" (Turner 1978:195; italics Turner's). The Australians group
themselves into totemic, exogamous clans on the exclusionary principle:
a person cannot belong to more than one clan and remains in the birth
clan throughout the life cycle. With the Cree, however, "outsiders
could be incorporated into the band through residence and work associa
tion, and required no prior kinship, marriage, or symbolic ties to be
acceptable as in Australia" (Turner 1978:202). Space does not permit
a full treatment here of Turner's binary model, the components of which


CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE WINDIGO LITERATURE
Introduction
"Windigo psychosis" has been the most celebrated culture trait
of the Northern Algonkian peoples for almost half a century. As a
classic example of "culture-bound psychopathology" its capacity to
inspire theorization in anthropology and the related disciplines seems
inexhaustible. This chapter is a review of the voluminous windigo
literature enlightened by five years' field experience among the
Northern Ojibwa and the Cree, as well as extensive archival research on
the subject.
The review which follows focuses on published explications of the
"psychosis,"^ and shows that there is insufficient evidence for the
etic behavioral existence of the mania in this literature. A full
analysis of the ethnohistoric and ethnographic data is presented in
subsequent chapters, but a brief summary is in order here.
Seventy-odd "cases of windigo psychosis" can be tabulated.
(Seventy have been summarized in Teicher's anthology alone [I960].)
None of these "cases" provide first-hand accounts of cannibalism, and
some are so far removed from the events they purport to describe
that they can be classified most charitably as rumor. In other words
data are almost all emic inputs from informants who were not them
selves involved in, or witnesses to, the events at issue; etic
26


103
which had been more or less successfully implemented by Catholic mis
sionaries in previous centuries. The Jesuits had worked assiduously to
sedentarize the Indians of New France in the 17th century (Bailey 1969:
88-90), and the work of the Franciscans in California is well known.
Spanish priests in Paraguay also have worked to relocate nomadic Indians
to protected agricultural enclaves (Hawkes and Hill n.d.: 5) where
the indigenous peoples could be more effectively missionized, and where
a constant supply of domestic foodstuffs is available.
But there was a critical difference between these sedentarization
schemes and the ones proposed for the 19th century boreal forest Algon-
kians. The activities of the Jesuits had often been "at variance with
the interests of the French fur-traders" (Bailey 1969:88), but there
was more going on in New France than the fur trade, and countervailing
powers in the colony allowed the Jesuits to proceed with their activi
ties without serious impediment from other Frenchmen. But until well
into the present century English Canadians took very little interest
in what was going on among the Subarctic Algonkians apart from the
fur trade, and for many years after 1821 the Canadian fur trade and
the Hudson's Bay Company monopoly were virtually isomorphic.
Although the Hudson's Bay Company sold its vast holdings to the
Dominion of Canada in 1869, its influence in Ottawa remained powerful
for many decades. The company stood in clear opposition to Indian
migration and relocation from ca. 1830 on. It was not in their in
terest to lose their source of cheap native labor, and they were success
ful in retaining it. High-ranking church leaders sometimes identified
with the company and the Federal Government on this issue at the


205
Rogers, Edward S., and Mary B. Black. 1976. Subsistence strategy in
the fish and hare period, Northern Ontario: The Weagamow Ojibwa,
1890-1920. Journal of Anthropological Research 32:1-43.
Rogers, Edward S., and Mary Black Rogers. 1978. Method for recon
structing patterns of change: Surname adoption by the Weagamow
Ojibwa, 1870-1950. Ethnohistory 25:319-345.
Rohrl, Vivian J. 1970. A nutritional factor in windigo psychosis.
American Anthropologist 72:97-101.
. 1972. Comment on "the cure and feeding of windigos: A
critique." American Anthropologist 74:242-244.
Ross, Alex. Personal communication, 1981. Letter to author dated
September 16, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Winnipeg.
Saindon, J. mile, O.M.I. 1928. En missionnant: Essai sur les
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. 1933. Mental disorders among the James Bay Cree. Primitive
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127
Starvation had come to his family because he was sick and could
not move. He lost two of his children to starvation at the Muskeg
River. He buried these children and then sent his wife and the rest
of the children off to Egg Lake. His wife returned alone two days later.
He and his wife then went to the place in the woods where she had left
the children, and found them all dead from starvation except one little
boy. He covered the bodies with leaves under a tree, left the place
with his wife and little boy, and camped a short distance off. It was
then that his wife shot herself because of the children dying. The
little boy died near Smoking Lake. Swift Runner stated that there were
four different places where the members of his family were buried, and
he made a rough pencil sketch indicating where the graves could be
found. He offered to go and point out the places.
RNWMP Superintendent William D. Jarvis acceded to this suggestion
and dispatched Inspector Severe Gagnon, Staff Sergeant George Herchmer,
and interpreter Brazeau to escort the prisoner to the gravesites. The
party started out on June 4, 1879, and proceeded along the Athabaska
Road from Fort Saskatchewan for about 40 miles. On the morning of the
5th, at the prisoner's guidance,the party forked off to the left and
struck into the woods. After a few miles, they were forced to leave
their carts and proceed by horseback.
The prisoner pointed out a course which he followed for some two
miles. He diverged from this course at a place called Open Hill Creek.
After a while he led the party to a muskeg, the edge of which was
followed until late in the day. The party stopped and Brazeau asked
Swift Runner if he knew where he was. The prisoner replied that he did


189
countryside to the towns where a pauperized and alienated peasantry
had to compete for employment in a wage-market economy (1974:193-194).
Harris's conclusion is that the witch craze was created and perpetuated
by Europe's ruling elites as a means of distracting the pauperized
masses from focusing their collective attention to the actual sources
of their problems, and diverting them from militant revolutionary activ
ities (1974:202-207). By identifying diabolical "witches" as the
cause of every conceivable evil and ill fortune, a corrupt clergy
and rapacious nobility were made indispensable to the common good,
and "emerged as the great protectors of mankind against an enemy who
was omnipresent but difficult to detect" (1974:205).
But the following two American examples illustrate the fact that
we must be wary of jumping to the conclusion that witch-fear is always
a weapon of the strong to be used against the weak in stratified soci
eties. Most Americans are aware of the Salem "delusion" of 1692. The
mainstream "1 ibera!" interpretation of this event has been that in Salem
the strong and the powerful turned on the weak and the peripheral.
This is the conclusion one could draw from reading Marion L. Starkey's
carefully researched and well-written The Devil in Massachusetts
(1949), although Starkey herself renounces moral indignation and
embraces neo-Freudian psychology (1949:17). Even so, The Devil in
Massachusetts shows evidence of having been written in reaction to the
Nazi scapegoating of ethnic minorities, and ultimately to the genocide
of World War II, in which conflict Starkey served as a member of the
Women's Army Corps. The Crucible, Arthur Miller's (1953) play adapted


204
Public Archives of Canada. 1879. The Queen vs. Ka-ki-si-kutchun,
"the Swift Runner." Department of Justice File CR. G. 13, C-l,
Vol. 1417.
. 1899. NWMP investigation and arrest file, Moostoos case.
File R. G. 18, Vol. 1442, no. 166.
1907-08. Department of Justice capital case file on Joseph
Fiddler. File R. G. 13, Cl, Vol. 1452.
. 1907-09. NWMP investigation into the homicide by Jack and
Joseph Fiddler. NWMP inquiry into the escape and suicide of
Jack Fiddler. File R. G. 18, Vol. 3229, HQ-781-G-1.
Rand, Silas T. 1894. Legends of the Micmacs. Mew York: Longmans,
Green and Co. (Reprinted 1971 by Johnson Reprint Co., New York.)
Ray, Arthur J. 1974. Indians in the fur trade. Toronto and Buffalo:
University of Toronto Press.
Ray, Carl, and James Stevens. 1971. Sacred legends of the Sandy Lake
Cree. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.
Ridington, Robin. 1976. Wechuge and windigo: A comparison of canni
bal belief among boreal forest Athapaskans and Algonkians.
Anthropologica 18:107-129.
Rogers, Edward S. 1962. The Round Lake Ojibwa. Occasional Paper
5, Art and Archaeology Division. Toronto: Royal Ontario
Museum.
. 1963. Changing settlement patterns of the Cree-Ojibwa of
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. 1965. Leadership among the Indians of Eastern Subarctic
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Museums of Canada Bulletin 228.
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man, Jr., ed. New York: Plenum.


142
executioners said he was. They also said that he was levitating above
their heads (AAR 1903 [1904]:130). If they could be wrong about that
they could also be wrong about the substance of his delirious speech.
Moostoos was said to have predicted his transformation into a
windigo, both immediately before his metamorphosis and as far back as
the previous summer (AAR 1903 [1904]:130, 132). But in five years
among the Northern Algonkians it was rare that a person was not said
to have predicted his or her own death or other disasters. The cultural
pattern among these people is for stories of this sort to begin after
the fact. I never heard it said that X predicted his death when the
death of X followed. But many times I observed the case where a person
would die, and then in a matter days the story would begin that the
deceased had predicted his or her own death. Almost all tragedies are
"predicted" in this way.
Inference 3: The group was under severe stress, and may have been
strained to the limit.
Evidence: The group was composed of thirty-three people, most of
whom had been encamped at the same spot all winter. It was March, late
winter at that latitude. The deceased and his family had recently joined
the group, coming from Sturgeon Lake shortly after the new year. (Had
they brought the pathogen with them? It is an interesting possibility.)
The thirty-three persons in the camp are supported by the exertions of
from eight to eleven hunters, and probably about the same number of
women. The headman is hard of hearing and probably past his prime as a
hunter ("Note. The witness is deaf" [ECF 1899:12]).


201
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Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University,
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Landes, Ruth. 1937a. The personality of the Ojibwa. Character and
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95
the Post leave their families behind them and further having (?)
superstitious ideas regarding the number of their people-are very
reticent and (would misunderstand any inquiries?). The number of
Indian hunters on the Company's books including Crin (Cree?) and
Cranes amount to 152. (HBC-A B. 220/z/2)
"Previously when a census was taken," writes Rogers (1981:4), "there had
been trouble. On July 1, 1882, Fortesque, in charge at York Factory,
wrote his subordinate in charge at Trout Lake as follows:"
In taking your Indian census, which I wish you had estimated, do it
quietly without attracting notice as last time the Indians got
an absurd idea into their heads and there was trouble all over the
District. (HBC-A B. 220/b/2: fo. 17d)
Rogers' admonitions must be taken seriously, but I believe that my
statistical findings are genuine, and see no reason to question Bishop's.
What can then explain the population take-off? My first inclination was
to look for a bio-physiological solution to the puzzle. A theory that
exposure to new European foods, such as flour and oatmeal, may have had
an effect on ovulatory cycles or weaning practices proved unrewarding
(Marao 1979; cf. Frisch and McArthur 1974; Van Ginneken 1974). On the
other hand, the "paradoxical" population increase of the 19th-century
Ojibwa is far from unprecedented. As Harris (personal communication
1979) pointed out, following Ben White (1973, 1 975), Mamdani (1973), and
Nag, White, and Peet (1978), "the cost/benefits of child-rearing can
be used to explain [the] paradox of rising population in development
contexts where standard of living, health, and life expectancy are
deteriorating." Harris went on to ask if there had beenashift in the
role of child labor among the Northern Ojibwa in the changed conditions
of the 19th century.
There was in fact a change in the value of child labor which
accompanied the Northern Ojibwa shift from a big-game hunting mode of


203
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Mounted Police, pp. 159-161. Sessional Paper 28, Vol. XLII,
No. 14. Fourth Session of the Tenth Parliament, Dominion of
Canada.
Paredes, J. Anthony. 1972. A case study of a "normal" windigo.
Anthropologica 14:97-116.
. Personal communication, 1981, letter to author dated
March 9.
Parker, Seymour. 1960. The wiitiko psychosis in the context of
Ojibwa personality and culture. American Anthropologist 62:603-
623.
Pelletier, E. A. 1909. "Report on patrol Norway House to Sandy Lake."
Appendix 0 to report of the commissioner, Royal Northwest
Mounted Police, pp.. 158-162. Sessional Paper 28, Vol. XL 111, No.
IS. First Session of the Eleventh Parliament, Dominion of Canada
Perry, A. Bowen. 1908. Report of the commissioner, Royal Northwest
Mounted Police. Sessional Paper 28, Vol. XLII, No. 14. Fourth
Session of the Tenth Parliament, Dominion of Canada.
Peterson, Randolph L. 1955. North American moose. Toronto and
Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.
Pettipas, Katherine. 1974. The diary of the Reverend Henry Budd,
1870-1875. Volume IV, Manitoba Record Society Publications.
Winnipeg: Hignell Printing.
Preston, Richard J. 1975. Cree narrative: Expressing the personal
meanings of events. National Museum of Man Mercury Series.
Canadian Ethnology Service Paper No. 30. Ottawa: National
Museums of Canada.
. 1980. "The witiko: Algonkian knowledge and white-man
knowledge," in Manlike monsters on trial: Early records and
modern evidence. Marjorie M. Hal pin and Michael M. Ames, eds.
pp. 111-131. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.


71
To the best of my knowledge the only Algonkianist to have bene-
fitted directly from Honigmann's scholarship on the subject of the
windigo is his former student, Richard J. Preston of McMaster Univer
sity. Preston, who also had the advantage of being Honigmann's re
search assistant when Personality in Culture was in preparation
(Honigmann 1967:xii), has written a stimulating and engaging paper
entitled "The Witiko: Algonkian Knowledge and Whiteman Knowledge"
(1980). Preston's main point is that
the Witiko psychosis in the literature is not a very adequate
approximation to the Algonkian emotional dynamics or to the
great variability in Algonkian oral tradition on this topic.
(1980:128)
Preston believes it to be manifestly clear that in both Algonkian and
western cultures, the experts fail to agree on the nature of the
windigo phenomenon (1980:127).
Apparently while some Algonkians are prepared to accept the pos
sibility of the monstrous, some A1gonkianists prefer to tacitly
assert the necessity of fantasy and then to exaggerate with
false concreteness some aspects of symbolic implication they have
culled for this purpose from a variety of narratives (1980:127).
I concur with Honigmann and Ridington that, on the evidence, the
case has not been made for Witiko belief and behaviour being
diagnosed as a psychosis, although particular aspects of Witiko
may be components of some individuals' psychological dysfunction.
Nor can [Witiko] be realistically accepted as a category of per
sons, unless we can specify a category with boundaries allowing
frequent realignment and with a content allowing great variance
and transformative potential. (Preston 1980:128)
About the "psychosis" Preston writes:
We have made the diagnosis without seeing the patient. . Some
kind of compulsion and transformation is believed in by Northern
Algonkians, but their words are too often taken as literal (rather
than imagic or symbolic) representations of events, which we then
use to construct our definition of a Witiko psychopathology
(1980:112). ... It seems that we have taken an exotic notion out
of its native context of the images of terror, and with much
seriousness we have overinterpreted the meagre data. (1980:114)


142
executioners said he was. They also said that he was levitating above
their heads (AAR 1903 [1904]:130). If they could be wrong about that
they could also be wrong about the substance of his delirious speech.
Moostoos was said to have predicted his transformation into a
windigo, both immediately before his metamorphosis and as far back as
the previous summer (AAR 1903 [1904]:130, 132). But in five years
among the Northern Algonkians it was rare that a person was not said
to have predicted his or her own death or other disasters. The cultural
pattern among these people is for stories of this sort to begin after
the fact. I never heard it said that X predicted his death when the
death of X followed. But many times I observed the case where a person
would die, and then in a matter days the story would begin that the
deceased had predicted his or her own death. Almost all tragedies are
"predicted" in this way.
Inference 3: The group was under severe stress, and may have been
strained to the limit.
Evidence: The group was composed of thirty-three people, most of
whom had been encamped at the same spot all winter. It was March, late
winter at that latitude. The deceased and his family had recently joined
the group, coming from Sturgeon Lake shortly after the new year. (Had
they brought the pathogen with them? It is an interesting possibility.)
The thirty-three persons in the camp are supported by the exertions of
from eight to eleven hunters, and probably about the same number of
women. The headman is hard of hearing and probably past his prime as a
hunter ("Note. The witness is deaf" [ECF 1899:12]).


28
evidence for cannibalistic yearnings. It was also patently clear that
the Northern Algonkian windigo is a much more inclusive folk taxon than
the windigo of anthropology. I contend that there is no good documenta
tion for windigo psychosis, and argue that the hearsay reports and folk
tales that have served as points of departure for contrary conclusions
do not constitute a reliable body of evidence.
Background to the Literature Review
Having arrived at this determination via the intellecutal pere
grination outlined above, I set out to research this review comprehen
sively. Much to my surprise I discovered that John Honigmann reached
essentially the same conclusion and published his analysis in 1967!
(p. 401). How could the work of such a distinguished psychological an
thropologist and northernist have been ignored by the discipline for so
long after he questioned in print the authenticity of one of the most
precious jewels in the crown of culture-and-personality? A historical
reconstruction may help answer this question.
Honigmann was generally cautious and temperate in his treatment of
the windigo in his text Culture and Personality (1954:379-382). By
1967 his thoughts on the subject had matured to the point where he was
able to generate this noteworthy passage. Referring to Morton Teicher's
(1960) assemblage of windigo accounts, he wrote:
Some of [Teicher's] cases describe individuals whom famine had
driven to cannibalism, but who felt no emotional compulsion to eat
human flesh and came away from their desperate act without suffer
ing any notable personality disorder. They can hardly be con
sidered victims of Wiitiko disorder, regardless of what their
neighbors darkly suspected. As for the other cases, I can't find
one that satisfactorily attests to someone being seriously ob
sessed by the idea of committing cannibalism. By "satisfactory"
I mean a trustworthy observer's eyewitness report of a person who


Ill
Stevens' migration initiative. These records come from the letter books
of the Reverend Alexander Sutherland,and are preserved in the archives
of the United Church of Canada, Toronto. Unfortunately, they consist
only of Sutherland's outgoing correspondence. With certain exceptions
incoming letters have not been preserved, but the 1etter books are none
theless very instructive. Sutherland was not at first opposed to
Stevens' plan, but he immediately took exception to the Stevens style.
Excerpts from a letter of December 10, 1897, are reproduced below
(Sutherland 1397a):
There are some sentences, and even paragraphs in your letters
that I would prefer to pass over in silence, only for the fear
that silence might be misunderstood. To speak frankly, I do not
like the tone of your references to the H.B. Co., or the men in
its employ. The conduct of individuals may be just as you de
scribe it, but that is no reason why we should court opposition
and difficulty, or needlessly stir up enmity by strong denuncia
tions. That is not the way to bring men to repentance, and to a
better life. I am quite aware that the Company does not possess
the autocratic power it once did, but among a large number of the
Indians they have still greater influence than any other power, and
while there is no call for any "fawning" on our part, there is
just as little on the other for reckless censure. You may depend
on it that in negotiations with the Government for the removal of
the Indians of Oxford House or God's Lake to another part of the
country, where their services will be lost to the H.B. Co., the
opinions of that Company will have considerable weight, more
especially as some of the officials are in close touch with the
Government, and very influential in its councils.
Sutherland laid Stevens' letters before the Methodist General
Board in Halifax, which instructed Sutherland to put the matter before
the Government. Sutherland wrote to the Superintendent General of
Indian Affairs requesting that some way be devised to carry out the
project. But as Sutherland (1897a) reminded Stevens, "such a move in
the case of the Oxford House, God's Lake, and Island Lake Indians might
have to be followed by repeating the same in regard to other Bands


121
reported the matter to the department of Indian Affairs. .
I then went to Winnipeg. There the Indian Commissioner,
the Hon. David Laird, and the Hon. James Smart, Deputy Minister
of the Interior, were concerned and angry about the whole affair.
The H.B.C. rightly blamed their failure on Whiteway who had sent
in false reports. It was harder to fix the blame on anyone in
the Methodist Church. (Stevens, n.d.: 31)
The controversy raged on, even reaching the halls of Parliament
(Christian Guardian, Oct. 16, 1901:5), but Stevens eventually held the
day. He returned to the Indian work in 1907 to spend many years at
Fisher River where his mission to the natives of Canada had begun in
1894. The Rev. J. Ernest Nix, Deputy Archivist of the United Church
of Canada, assures me that he would never have been allowed back into
the Indian work unless he had been completely exonerated (personal com
munication), yet there was little he could actually do to meet the mate
rial needs of the Indians of the north. He died at Norway House in 1946.
Stevens' personal biases aside, I think he proved that conditions
around Sandy Lake were often desperate late in the 19th and early in
the present centuries. For people living so close to the brink of di
saster, nursing a hopelessly sick person was an extravagance they could
hardly afford. The delirious especially, because of the disruptive
nature of their behavior, and because they required the constant atten
tion of the able-bodied, must have strained the social fabric to the
absolute limit.
Stevens' observations set the ecological and historical stage for
an examination of the forensic windigo case materials. In this chapter
we have seen that in the 19th and early 20th centuries the Northern
Algonkians were not living under conditions of aboriginal equilibrium,
but the reverse. They recognized the seriousness of their circumstances


152
a burnt offering to the spirits. The medicine blazed up so I
knew that it would effect a cure. Twice I gave her some more,
then she fell asleep. After many hours she woke up and wanted to
smoke, she was cured. The old woman must have got very drunk
but it saved her from being burnt or strangled, (n.d.: 35).
Campbell's concern about the homicides in his district continued
to grow, and in 1906 he decided to ask the police in Norway House to
visit the Northern Ojibwa and make them aware of Canadian law. This
led indirectly to the arrests in the Wasakapeequay execution.
I went to Norway House in March and met Sergant [sic]
(Daisy) Smith of the R.N.W.M. Police. I asked him to send out one
of his Constables to Island Lake to interview and instruct the
natives. Murders were committed every year but I did not mention
any late cases. Constable O'Neil [the man's name was J. A. W.
O'Neill was sent out with me when I returned to my Post. Shortly
after our arrival the servants talked of some of the murders that
had been committed lately. O'Neil, hearing the news, sent word
to Sergant Smith that he was proceeding to arrest two Murderers
out at Sandy Lake. Smith sent Constable Cashman out to assist.
They both went out with my spring trading expedition for Sandy
Lake. I gave them Kirkness as their interpreter. O'Neil and
Cashman returned in July bringing two of the Little Sucker Band;
Misinawinenew, and his half brother, Pesequan who had strangled a
woman. The former was the Indian I had sent the Whiskey to, to
cure his mother when she was becoming Weetigo in 1893. (Campbell
n.d.: 44; cf. O'Neill 1908:159-161)
The suspects and two witnesses were brought to Norway House in
June, 1907, to await trial. As the summer passed into fall, prisoners
and witnesses became more and more homesick, and according to Sgt. D. B.
Smith, the NCOIC of the detachment, "They have not been in good health
and know nothing of white men and their ways" (PAC 1907-09). On the
morning of September 30, 1907, Misinawinenew, also known as Jack
Fiddler, wandered away from the breakfast campfire and was seen to be
loosening his sash. His escort, thinking the old man was going to
answer a call of nature, let him go. When he did not return after ten
minutes, the alarm was sounded. About 3:00 p.m. Fiddler's body was


144
Evidence: The evidence in the Moostoos case that gives strongest
support to my thesis, that the windigo phenomenon is not a psychosis of
individuals but a function of group dynamics, is the unequivocal state
ments in the legal record that it was not Moostoos who was first sus
pected of being a windigo, but the dying man Napaysis. Entominahoo:
"We thought Napaysis was going Wehtigoo" (AAR 1903 [1904]:133). Payoo:
"Napaysis was going to turn Wehtigoo first"(p. 132). And Napaysosus:
"The other man, Napaysis, was going that way too, but he was sick weak,
and it was not hard to subdue him, but we could not do anything with
Moostoos" (p. 130).
I contend that the group was ready for a windigo, but who would
it be? At first it looked as if it would be Napaysis, but Napaysis was
very weak. It was more to the group's advantage to focus their fears
on the most troublesome of the sick men and subject him to triage homi
cide. When they asserted that Moostoos, had he been allowed to live,
would nave been the cause of death to them all, they may very well have
been correct in an etic and behavioral sense. But it was not because
Moostoos was a cannibal. It was because he was critically disruptive to
group functioning. Why, by the group's own account, were they ready to
charge Naypasis with windigo possession? Was he, too, threatening to
kill and eat them all? We have no indication of it. The reason that
no such "evidence" exists is that no rationalization after the fact was
necessary. Napaysis died on his own. A few days later, according to
Corporal Phillips' report, they were ready to execute another man as
a windigo cannibal (PAC 1899). This could have beenNapaysisagain, or
it may have been someone else.


7
and environmental context and enshrined it in anthropological clich
(cf. Bishop 1975:237; Preston 1980:114; 127-128). This procedure has
done justice neither to the Algonkian folk model nor to attempts at a
science of history. These studies imply that if we are in the company
of a Northern Algonkian we need be concerned lest he or she, for no
apparent reason, be seized by the overpowering urge to dismember and
eat us. Yet in the more than 300 years Europeans have been traveling
about the north with Algonkian guides, canoeists, dog drivers, and
freighters, not one of them has found it necessary to kill an Indian
on the grounds that his companion had turned into a cannibalistic
madman. Algonkians, on the other hand, have killed large numbers of
their fellows on just such justification,and anthropologists accept this
emic rationale without question.
If psychotic cannibalism existed in an etic/behavioral sense, it
seems unlikely that it would have escaped the attention of the "old
northern hands" with millenia of accumulated experience only to be
"discovered" by a few psychological anthropologists in the early 1930s.
Fur traders, missionaries, government officials, etc., have often been
more rigorously scientific than anthropologists on the windigo issue in
that they have been more careful to distinguish the emics of Northern
Algonkian thought from the etics of Algonkian behavior. For example,
consider the following exchange of correspondence between Hudson's Bay
Company officer James Todd writing from Big Trout Lake (located in
what is now northwestern Ontario) to his superior Joseph Fortesque at
York Factory (located in what is now northern Manitoba) (Hudson's
Bay Company Archives B. 220/6/2, 12 July 1882 Todd to Fortesque [folio
18d]):


98
boreal environment. As Harris emphasizes, "we must distinguish between
the effects of exceeding carrying capacity and the effect of exceeding
the point of diminishing returns. When carrying capacity is exceeded,
the total annual energy flow will begin to decline as a result of
irreversible damage to the ecosystem" (1980:191; italics in the origi
nal). The damage to the northern environment may not have been irrevers
ible, but it took the best part of a century for moose to recover to
anything like their former numbers (Peterson 1955), and Rogers believes
that the caribou have never returned to their pre-depletion levels
(1981:60). It seems likely that the Northern Ojibwa and related
Algonkian groups must have felt the pinch of diminishing returns from
the progressive intensification of the big-game hunting mode of produc
tion long before the crisis of the 1820s.
Bishop reaches similar conclusions, which he illustrates from his
rich fund of archival material (1978:225).
It is an accepted principle that "equilibrium systems regu
late population density below the carrying capacity of the
environment" (Binford 1968:328). Equilibrium, it should be
stressed, does not refer to a constancy in the numbers of per
sons, but rather to a balanced relationship between the popula
tion and its basic resources. Population growth can be caused
by a number of factors. In the case of the Northern Ojibwa,
demographic changes seem to have been primarily due to an in
crease in labor input and to social reorganization for subsis
tence ends. With respect to the labor input, there can be
no question that more effort had to be put into survival activi
ties as large game diminished in numbers and eventually dis
appeared. Traders like McKenzie were aware of the marked contrast
with earlier conditions: "The Indian life is become a most miser
able life. the procuring of the means of existence keeps
the very best Indian in constant employment every day of the
year & not to live as Indians were want [sic] to live 20 years
ago but merely to exist" (McKenzie 1831; HBC-A B. 107/e/4).
Every capable Indian regardless of age and sex was now employed
in the food quest rather than merely the adult hunters and the
women who set nets and snares prior to the disaster. The labor
input was thus considerably higher in relation to the productive
results.


163
a group of Methodist missionaries, Hudson's Bay men, and others peti
tioned the Minister of Justice for Pesequan's pardon, stating that his
actions were the result of his cultural beliefs rather than malicious
ness. Some of the petitioners had visited him in prison and reported
to the Minister that the old man's health was too poor for him to sur
vive prison life much longer (PAC 1907-08). The pardon was not granted,
and Pesequan, also known as Joseph Fiddler, died "of consumption" in the
penitentiary hospital on September 1, 1909 (PAC 1907-09).
The Ahwahsahkahmig Case
Two months before Moostoos met his death more than 1,000 miles to
the westward, a strange incident occurred at Cat Lake, now in the province
of Ontario about 60 miles south of Round Lake and about 100 miles south
east of Sandy Lake. As of this writing there is no trial report avail
able for this case, but there are extensive sworn statements (of wit
nesses) taken at Police Headquarters in Winnipeg on October 28, 1899
(Manitoba Court of Queen's Bench 1899). The statements are remarkably
consistent. The facts as they can be pieced together from the state
ments are as follows.
About June 10, 1899, a Mr. Andrew R. J. Bannatyne, school teacher
and Indian agent at Lac Seul, Ontario, was approached by a man named
Umbash, who had information to relate concerning the death of his
brother. (The name is now represented as Ombash in Cat Lake and
Round Lake. Lac Seul is about ninety miles south of Cat Lake. The
term "brother" in Ojibwa includes not only relatives we would classify
as "brother" in English kin terminology, but means "male parallel of my
generation.") As a consequence of this conversation, Bannatyne wrote


189
countryside to the towns where a pauperized and alienated peasantry
had to compete for employment in a wage-market economy (1974:193-194).
Harris's conclusion is that the witch craze was created and perpetuated
by Europe's ruling elites as a means of distracting the pauperized
masses from focusing their collective attention to the actual sources
of their problems, and diverting them from militant revolutionary activ
ities (1974:202-207). By identifying diabolical "witches" as the
cause of every conceivable evil and ill fortune, a corrupt clergy
and rapacious nobility were made indispensable to the common good,
and "emerged as the great protectors of mankind against an enemy who
was omnipresent but difficult to detect" (1974:205).
But the following two American examples illustrate the fact that
we must be wary of jumping to the conclusion that witch-fear is always
a weapon of the strong to be used against the weak in stratified soci
eties. Most Americans are aware of the Salem "delusion" of 1692. The
mainstream "1 ibera!" interpretation of this event has been that in Salem
the strong and the powerful turned on the weak and the peripheral.
This is the conclusion one could draw from reading Marion L. Starkey's
carefully researched and well-written The Devil in Massachusetts
(1949), although Starkey herself renounces moral indignation and
embraces neo-Freudian psychology (1949:17). Even so, The Devil in
Massachusetts shows evidence of having been written in reaction to the
Nazi scapegoating of ethnic minorities, and ultimately to the genocide
of World War II, in which conflict Starkey served as a member of the
Women's Army Corps. The Crucible, Arthur Miller's (1953) play adapted



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PAGE 217

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53
Hay (1971:5) cites Teicher (1960:91) who in turn refers to
Ballantyne (1848:50-55) who recounts a story in which a starving mother
kills her child and eats it. The data base for this tale is extremely
poor, and Hay's interpretation of the available data is questionable,
but let us for the moment assume that the facts of the case were as h£
assumes them to be. Does this justify the following conclusion? "It
seems probable that this act was motivated at least as much by the de
sire to keep the relationship with the child as by hunger. If not, why
should the woman not have begun with someone less dear?" (Hay 1971:5).
Hay writes from the comfortable perspective of someone who has never
faced a food crisis. The assumption that children are the most "dear"
under such circumstances is an ethnocentric prejudice not supported by
anthropological evidence (see Turnbull 1972, 1978 for an extreme
example; also West 1824:128). An ethnographic grounding indicates that
if the child were eaten at all it was because he or she was most help
less and least able to resist, or because it was most expendable in
terms of group survival, and not because it was most dear. Hay's
thesis that the Cree and Ojibwa kill and eat their loved ones in order
to preserve a relationship or to eliminate frustrating interpersonal
feelings demeans and belittles the privations these people had to
endure, their sufferings being in part the result of the fur trade and
other European disruptions.
An interesting paper based on original interviews is J. Anthony
Paredes' "A Case Study of a 'Normal' Windigo" (1972). In 1966 Paredes,
now at Florida State University, set about taping the life history of
an elderly Minnesota woman of mixed Chippewa and Euro-American ancestry


68
an attempt to understand the windigo with respect to the mentally
balanced, rather than to the psychotic" (1975:112). With this I
heartily concur, but from an etic-behavioral perspective we cannot
assign as high a priority to the effort of understanding how cultures
transform monsters into humans as we must to the more urgent problem
of understanding how cultures transform humans into social monsters.
When, why, and under what circumstances are human beings socially
redefined as non-persons, thus legitimizing their persecution and pos
sible execution? How is the Northern Algonkian process of divesting
individuals of their humanity similar to or different from those of
other groups? Can predictive or retrodictive generalizations be made
cross-culturally? I will return to these questions in Chapter V.
Culturological treatments of the windigo complex are often sup
ported by the claim that the Northern Athapaskan Indians who share the
boreal forest with their Northern Algonkian neighbors lack a cultural
configuration comparable to the windigo (e.g. Parker 1960:618-619).
This claim is used to counter ecological and historical explorations
into the windigo curiosity. Robin Ridington of the University of
British Columbia has written a thoughtful and thought-provoking paper
entitled "Wechuge and Windigo: A Comparison of Cannibal Belief Among
Boreal Forest Athapaskans and Algonkians" (1976). In his paper
Ridington shows that the belief systems of these two macrogroups of
Subarctic Indians are not as different as they may seem, and that the
windigo as we have come to know it may be an artifact of our own pro
jections (a point also made by Preston [1980:117-118]) as well as the
result of the unique culture history of the Northern Algonkians since
the 16th century.


115
Not surprisingly, Sutherland chose the latter option and wrote to
Stevens on August 30, 1899, notifying the young missionary of his termi
nation (Sutherland 1899b). He warned Stevens: "I should be exceedingly
sorry to discredit you but on the other hand I am equally averse
to having the Church discredited by an unwise course of action by a
single missionary" (Sutherland 1899b). He also wrote: "Your proposal
to bring out such Indians as will follow your lead, and dump them down
at Fisher River, without the consent of the people on that Reserve,
of the Government under whose control they are, must surely strike you
. as an unwise thing to do" (Sutherland 1899b).
Stevens probably anticipated his dismissal, but what he did not
foresee was Sutherland and McDougall working behind the scenes to sabo
tage his migration project, which he was now determined to implement as
a private citizen. He had challenged Sutherland to "act" (Stevens 1899;
emphasis in the original), and act Sutherland did. Quite literally.
Stevens probably never knew what hit him. Sutherland's letter to
McDougall of July 7, 1899, reads in part (Sutherland 1899a): "This
project of [Stevens'] to bring out the Indians and dump them down on
poor Steinhauer at Fisher River, stamps the brother as somewhat worse
than visionary. If you can do anything to prevent the carrying out of
this project by all means do so" (emphasis added).
Sutherland's conferral of carte blanche to McDougall with respect
to Stevens' plan was not empty rhetoric. McDougall was the senior
member of one of the most powerful families in western Canada at that
time. As noted above, McDougall had very strong connections with the
Hudson's Bay Company. In his typescript "Autobiography" Stevens blames


88
Bishop believes that the Ojibwa were drawn north by trade conditions
resulting from the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1670.
This broke the Ojibwa middleman monopoly in the St. Lawrence-Great
Lakes fur trade system operating from Quebec. As a result of the
English competition from the Bay, the French established posts north of
Lake Superior drawing with them Ojibwa who sought to preserve their
middleman monopoly by intercepting the boreal forest Indians and preventing
them by intimidation from trading their furs at the HBC posts on James
Bay (Bishop 1976:44). "About this time, the Cree who had occupied the
Shield country north of Lake Superior began gradually to shift to the
west, while in their place came roving bands of Ojibwa and other
Algonkian-speakers from the southeast" (Bishop 1976:44). If Bishop is
correct in thisand a westward volkerwanderung of the Cree is generally
accepted (e.g. Mandelbaum [1940:165-187; Ray 1974:98-102])then it
seems reasonable to assume that the Cree migration was made possible by
the acquisition of firearms from the English, and motivated in part by
the Cree desire to promote their middleman position in the English trade
system (Heidenreich and Ray 1976:39).
In a paper co-authored with his wife, anthropologist M. Estellie
Smith, Bishop states that "there is absolutely no historic evidence
prior to the 1700s that the Ojibwa resided west of Lake Superior. . .
Cree groups inhabited the remaining portion of northern Ontario and
down into southeastern Manitoba at contact" (1975:61). Bishop and Smith
support their position by means of historical evidence summarized on
pp. 56-58 of their paper, and go on to challenge the widely held
archaeological belief that the Blackduck pottery tradition represents


96
production to one based on diversified small game, especially fish and
hare. An economy based on big game hunting is dependent on the labor
inputs of adult and adolescent males. In an economy based on the
extraction of fish, hare, small game, and the trapping of furbearers,
children of both sexes become net producers of food (and sometimes
furs) at an early age. In this respect the value of Northern Ojibwa
child labor parallels the patterns found in rural India (Mamdani 1973),
colonial Java (White 1973), and contemporary Java and Nepal (White 1975;
Nag, White, and Peet 1978). In all of these cases high population
growth was found to be a consequence of the fact that parents could
enjoy a higher standard of living by having more, rather than fewer
children. This is true despite the long-run environmental, social, and
demographic penalities involved in such a pattern. When confronted by
the "bio-psychological constants" (Harris 1979:62-64) of human exis
tence, people rarely choose options on the basis of what will be good
for future generations. People usually choose options with the hope
that benefits will be reaped in their own lifetimes.
In the case of the Northern Ojibwa it is easy to visualize how a
change in their mode of production would be accompanied by a change in
their mode of reproduction. Hunting moose or caribou, especially in
deep snow, is an exhausting activity that has traditionally devolved to
men (see Marao 1981). Whether or not it is an activity that could be
just as well assigned to women is an interesting question beyond the
scope of this dissertation, but it is an activity clearly beyond the
physical capacities of children. On the other hand, children are just
as adept at the capture of small game as are men. A young girl tending


126
provisions, but they had ammunition and guns. Three of the party of ten
Swift Runner, his brother, and his eldest sonwere able to hunt. All
were said to have been in good health when they started. On leaving,
Swift Runner stated that his destination was toward the landing on the
Athabaska River.
No more was seen or heard of the party until early in the spring
of 1879 when Swift Runner came into the Egg Lake Indian settlement alone
and told his father-in-law that the older man could not expect to see
any of the family again as he, Swift Runner, was the only one left. He
went on to say that his wife had shot herself, that two of the children
had died, and he had buried their bodies as well as he could, and that
the rest of his family had left him. He stated that his wife had shot
two rabbits, after which time he was lying with his back toward her and
she then shot herself. Then, he said, he started out for Egg Lake with
his youngest boy and tried to make a fire in the woods so people would
see it, but the fire would not burn. He tried to walk in carrying his
boy on his back, but could not manage it and "had to give out." Accord
ing to his father-in-law, Swift Runner did not look very poor or thin,
as if he had been starving, when he arrived at Egg Lake in the spring.
The exact date of Swift Runner's vernal materialization is not
known, but by the time interpreter George Washington Brazeau first saw
him on May 27, he was in police custody. Brazeau and a Mounted Police
constable took the prisoner to Edmonton where he was questioned on
June first. Through Brazeau, Swift Runner told the Mounties that he was
being kept in jail for nothing; that his wife shot herself and some of
his family starved to death and he buried them. The story he told the
police was this.


65
For these reasons we are fortunate to have the critique of phenome-
nologist Richard J. Preston of McMaster University. Professor Preston
has done extensive fieldwork among the James Bay Cree and has special
ized in studying the emics of Northern Algonkian mental life. Preston
writes:
[Turner's] use of the structural theory and the metaphorically
extended notion of incorporation highlights, in my opinion, our
tendency to overpower a very poorly known Witiko phenomenon
with our own intellectual creations. The problems of translat
ing the Algonkian idiom of experience into terms that are under
standable and worthwhile within our own tradition of urbane
intellectual inquiry is poorly served by psychodynamic and
structuralist theories, unless the effort includes the judicious
use of Algonkian phenomena. Both Hay and Turner, in my opinion,
have created intellectual monstrosities in imposing elegant argu
ments upon dubious data. (Preston 1980:120)
Again it must be stressed that the data to which Preston refers are the
emic/mental Algonkian data. When etic/behavioral and historical data
are added to this, the case against conventional interpretations of the
windigo phenomenon is overwhelming. (We will hear from Preston again
below.)
It seems at first puzzling that Turner's analysis of the windigo
which is one of the most involuted ever writtenwas produced by an
anthropologist who has actually done fieldwork (albeit of brief dura
tion) among the Northern Cree. The lesson to be learned here is that
exposure to primary data source opportunities does not often lead to
valid conclusions when inadequate research strategies are employed.
Turner's contribution reveals the most serious weakness of struc
turalism: its ahistorical and antievolutionary synchrony. He contends
that Cree social organization is one of at least two hunter-gatherer
production group types that probably survive without modification in


185
Unfortunately, I can do little more than identify the existence
of these two patterns in windigo executions. I cannot offer a cogent
explanation for the differences. Descriptively I can say that the
Ontario cases occurred among Northern Ojibwa populations (the Sandy
Lakers and Cat Lakers speak different dialects of Ojibwa). The people
involved (especially the Sandy Lakers) had been relatively isolated
from contact with Europeans for most of the 19th century, and missionary
influence was slight to nil. The northern Alberta cases occurred
among the western Woods Cree whose contact with Europeans seems to have
been significantly greater than the Ojibwa of northern Ontario. Many
or most of the Indians involved appear to have been at least nominal
Christians and, according to reports of the Mapanin case, the Christian
devil figures prominently in the etiology of his illness.
I believe that the emergence of cultural patterns is not capri
cious, but probabilistically determined by circumstances that can be
observed and measured by the scientific community (cf. Harris 1968,
1979). In Chapters II and III, I argued that windigo witch-fear
probably emerged (or was elaborated) among the Northern Algonkians
during the fur-trade epoch, but the origins of the configuration
remain obscure. Fortunately, the de novo appearance of other witch-
fear complexes have been observed, and documented in the literature.
While every culture history--like every life history--is unique,
recurrent patterns can be identified and it is the business of social
science to make generalizations based on those patterns. A generaliza
tion we can make with some confidence is that witch-fear (as differen
tiated from shamanism) is characteristic of traumatized societies. In


133
In a private letter to Prime Minister Sir John A. MacDonald him
self, one A. Campbell (the Minister of Justice?) concurred with
Richardson's assessment of the evidence. "There seems no doubt that
the murder was committed by the prisoner, and not under pressure of
starvation but to rid himself of the trouble of providing for his
family."
But the most damning piece of testimony comes from Swift Runner's
own father-in-law. "Prisoner and his family were never so far away
that they or the children could not readily have got into the Hudson's
Bay Post at the River Landing without risk of starvation even if no game
could be found." An easy answer to Richardson's question "What could
have led him to the commission of the outrage?" is windigo psychosis,
of course, and the case exists in the literature as a windigo incident
(Teicher 1960:85-88).
As tempting as it is to dismiss the metabolic motive for the
murders and the cannibalism in favor of an explanation relying on cul
turally patterned psychopathology, this option must not be taken over-
hastily. The trial testimony and Swift Runner's confession raise al
most as many questions as they answer. I will argue here that, although
we will now probably never know the full circumstances of the case,
starvation was the primary motive for the killings and cannibalism. It
should be noted that nowhere in the Department of Justice file is there
any mention of windigo, nor of insanity, save Richardson's express
denial of it.
In an account otherwise full of lies, Swift Runner first told
interpreter Brazeau that starvation came to his family because "he was


79
catastrophe for the Northern Algonkians; that windigo witch-fear was a
social manifestation of this series of calamities; and that far from
being fully satisfied with the Subarctic environment,the Indians sought
to escape it whenever good opportunities arose to do so (cf. Preston
1975).
Among Amerindian language families the "Algonquian stock is the
largest, comprising about thirty-four living and extinct languages, and
geographically the most widely distributed in North America, extending
from Labrador to California and from Hudson Bay to Georgia, except for
some interrupting enclaves of other stocks" (Siebert 1967:13). In his
landmark work "The Original Home of the Proto-Algonquian People,"
Frank T. Siebert, Jr. (1967) used bird, mammal, fish, and tree names
reconstructed from the Proto-Algonkian language to determine the Urheimat
of this group as it existed some 3,000 years ago. Making an inter
section of the original ranges of the considered species (those having
cognates in the eastern and central Algonkian languages), Siebert was
able to determine that, as of about 1,200 B.C., "the original home of
the Algonquian peoples lay in the region between Lake Huron and Georgian
Bay [on the west] and the middle course of the Ottawa River [on the
east], bounded on the north by Lake Nipissing and the Mattawa River and
on the south by the northern shore of Lake Ontario, the headwaters of
the Grand River, and the Saugeen River" (1967:40).
If Siebert is correct, and assuming that the members of this
speech community were also members of the same sociocultural community,
we can see immediately that even three millenia ago the ancestors of
historic Algonkian populations were exploiting more than one ecological


41
mother figure. When "the victim feels that he has been possessed by
the spirit of a cannibalistic wiitiko monster ... he must serve the
appetite of the wiitiko as his own" (Parker 1960:619). Parker stresses
dependency as the salient feature of the Ojibwa modal personality. This
presumably constitutes a predisposition to windigo insanity because
"dependent and aggressive phantasies are often two sides of the same
coin" (1960:612). At the same time he characterizes the Ojibwa as hav
ing excessive dependency needs, Parker calls our attention to Ojibwa
individualism, apathy, passivity, and paranoia; traits that have been
debated elsewhere under the category of Northern Algonkian social
"atomism" (James 1954, 1970; Hickerson 1960, 1967; Barnouw 1963;
Smith 1979).
In his 1957 doctoral dissertation in anthropology at the University
of Toronto, Morton Teicher made an heroic attempt to compile all the
available source material on windigo "psychosis." In addition to pub
lished sources he apparently had access to Hallowell's ethnographic
field notes (Teicher 1960:74). Teicher1s dissertation was later pub
lished by the American Ethnological Society (1960). The title of his
monograph is "Windigo Psychosis: A Study of a Relationship between
Belief and Behavior among the Indians of Northeastern Canada." The
questionable assumption throughout is that there is a direct one-to-one
causal connection between belief and behavior. "Belief stands in re
spect to behavior as does cause to effect" (1960:13).
In the seventy cases Teicher catalogues, acts of cannibalism
were allegedly performed in forty-four, leaving twenty-six cases of
"windigo" where, by the Indians' own accounts, no cannibalism took


4
etic behavioral history is an invitation to ethnological disaster (Harris
1979:31-41). It is the central point of this dissertation that such a
confusion has been made systematically in anthropological writings on
the windigo complex. This confusion has resulted in a double error,
for the windigo "psychosis" of anthropological renown conforms neither
to the emic phenomenological category of the Northern Algonkians nor
to their etic behavioral history.
Epistemological and Personal Biases
As will be documented in the following chapter, we owe the exis
tence of windigo as a "psychosis" to the ethnographic investigations of
three anthropologists who wereto a greater or lesser extentinflu-
enced by the synthesis of anthropology and neo-Freudian psychology in
the 1920s and 1930s: John M. Cooper, A. Irving Hallowell, and Ruth
Landes. Of the three, Hallowell has most explicitly expressed a com
mitment to the emics of Ojibwa life at the expense of the etics. He
was not primarily concerned with what shamans, sorcerers, and windigo-
killers did, but what they said or thought they did. For example, in
recounting an informant's story of a sorcerer disguised as a bear,
Hallowell professes no interest in the question of whether sorcerers
actually did sometimes don bear costumes to frighten and intimidate
their campmates. Here is the informant's story:
The soul of a living person, too, after it leaves the body
can look like an animal. A powerful medicine man can do a lot
of harm because he can go about secretly at night. But you can
see his body lying there in his wigwam all the time. A long
time ago a friend of mine told me what he had seen. He and
his wife were living with an old man suspected of being a sor
cerer. One night he thought the sorcerer was up to something.
The latter lit his pipe and covered himself up completely with
his blanket. My friend kept watch. After a long, long time
had gone by, all of a sudden the sorcerer threw off the blanket


49
are Young's comments that follow. "Poor boy, he was only a lunatic, and
perhaps a few months in an asylum would have restored reason to its throne.
I took my canoe and went and visited the family. [They had since come in
to the settlement.] They are now in deep sorrow at what they have so
rashly done" (1871:37).
The reader is entitled to an interpretation of the quoted passages
different from the one I am about to make, but what it says to me is that
a mentally ill boy was killed by his family. The story has a ring of im-
plausibility to it. Note the phrase "tried hard to bite," implying that
the boy was unsuccessful in his attempt to bite his father. How is is pos
sible for a crazed 15-year-old male to fail at least to get in a nip while
"attacking?" The Northern Algonkians are not immune to mental illness. No
one disputes the fact that they fall victim to psychiatric disorders at at
least the rate of other populations. The question is, what are the options
open to a small family hunting group in the vast boreal hinterland in deal
ing with a disruptive or burdensome individual? Young was one of many
early observers who never doubted what seemed to them to be an obvious
fact: The windigo belief complex was an ideological and superstructural
rationalization for homicide; i.e., the execution of the alleged "windigo."
It was not until the anthropological writings of the early 1930s that the
balance shifted in favor of an explanation that held the executed parties
responsible for having brought death upon themselves through their canni
balistic frenzy.
An example of the numerous references that can be cited in support
of this fact is a letter written by John Kennedy McDonald (1907), a re
tired chief trader with the Hudson's Bay Company, to the editor of the
Manitoba Free Press regarding the windigo execution of Wasakapeequay by
the Fiddler brothers:


52
of the Northern Algonkians is such that most people should be expected
to have deeply hidden cannibalistic impulses, the presence of which
would tend to produce fear in the presence of a person struggling to
control his own heightened cannibalistic tendencies" (1971:14).
Why should we expect the Northern A1gonkians to be especially
endowed with "cannibalistic impulses"? Hay does not enlighten us on
this subject, although he begins his paper with the statement "to the
Indians, the desire to eat human flesh was incomprehensible except as
the result of sorcery or possession by the mythical windigo spirit"
(1971:1). This is simply untrue. The Indians comprehend crisis canni-
g
balism very well, Hay's condescension notwithstanding. Hay believes
that European chroniclers of the windigo phenomenon skewed their reports
in such a way as to overemphasize the importance of starvation.
The importance of the patterns of cannibalistic behavior avail
able to the folklore of a society is indicated by the apparent
distortions of events in the reports of the windigo cases by
the Whites who recorded them. In our folklore, cannibalism is
a last resort in famine and is used minimally to sustain life
until other sources of food can be found. This pattern in
Western folklore is so strong that the Whites who recorded these
cases attributed second and later acts of cannibalism to starva
tion although no indication is given of any effort to obtain any
food but human flesh and one recorded case even reports waste of
some parts of one victim. (1971:10)
Hay believes that while we practice cannibalism only as a last
resort, Algonkian Indians do it as the fulfillment of a basic "impulse";
an impulse they have especially strongly either as a racial character
istic or because they lack the wit to invent symbolic safety valves
that would enable them to vent their cannibalistic impulses harmlessly.
And not only are the Northern Algonkians inveterate people-eaters,
according to Hay, but he hints that they are sloppy and wasteful about
it in the bargain.


3
belief complex may have been "components in some individuals' psycho
logical dysfunction" (1980:128), I argue that windigo psychosis as an
etic/behavioral form of anthropophagy is an artifact of research which
failed to distinguish the emics of thought from the etics of behavior.
Looking at the windigo phenomenon from the point of view of group
sociodynamics rather than from individual psychodynamics reveals that
the crucial question to be asked is not "what causes a person to become
a cannibalistic maniac?" but rather "under what circumstances is a
Northern Algonkian likely to be accused of having become a cannibalistic
maniac and thus run the risk of being executed as such?" Upon close
scrutiny the windigo curiosity discloses itself to be not a culture-
specific anthropophagic obsession, but instead a rather predictable
though culturally conditionedvariant of triage homicide and witch-
hunting that is typical of societies under stress. In this process, as
in all witch-hunts, the victims of aggression are socially redefined as
aggressors. In this case the specific form of redefinition was deter
mined by the constant threat of starvation; a situation in which canni
balism has proved to be a tempting recourse for persons of all cultures
throughout history. By attributing society's most salient fear to the
scapegoat, the group was able to project its modal anxiety onto the
individual, thus generating a rationale for homicide with which anyone
could identify.
It is this recurrent transmogrificationonce an emic reality of
Northern Algonkian mental lifethat anthropology has seized upon and
reified. The importance of understanding the mental emics of sub
ject populations cannot be overstated, but to confuse these with their


153
found lying on its back on a large flat rock between two trees. He had
fastened his sash around his neck in a slip knot, tied the end to one of
the trees, and strangled himself (PAC 1907-09).
The surviving prisoner was tried a week later in the council
chamber of the Hudson's Bay Company post at Norway House before a spe
cially empaneled jury of six men. The presiding judge was "Colonel
A. Bowen Perry, Commissioner of the Royal Northwest Mounted Police,
having all the jurisdiction, powers, and authority of a stipendiary
magistrate" (AAR 1907[1908:91]). A stenographer was present and what
appears to be a verbatim account was sent to David Boyle,who reproduced
it "in extenso" in the Annual Archaeological Report 1908 (pp. 91-121).
The defendant never took the stand on his own behalf. This was
his choice, and presumably he made it without duress and with the under
standing that it was his right to testify (p. 114). Indeed, he first
"pleaded guilty, and the Crown Counsel requested that a plea of not
guilty be entered, considering the exegencies of the case; whereupon
the Commissioner directed that a plea of not guilty be entered accord
ingly" (p. 91). Although Pesequen was not defended by counsel, an
indication that the trial was as fair and just as could be expected
under the circumstances comes from Commissioner Perry's mild rebuke to
the prosecutor, Mr. McKerchan, in the judge's charge to the jury (p. 114).
Council for the Crown has been hampered in dealing with this case
because of his desire to treat the accused fairly. The Crown
Council, while performing his duty to the public, has endeavored
to represent the prisoner's side, and you are able to judge how
far he has succeeded in carrying out these duties.
Pesequen asked that someone speak for him, and Commissioner Perry
appointed a Mr. C. Crompton Calverly, a representative of the Indian


89
Proto-Ojibwa populations (1975:58-61). The Blackduck tradition, which
"has its core south of the height of land in the transitional Lake forest
in Ontario [and] . .also occur[s] throughout the Boreal Forest in
Ontario" (Dawson 1981:31) is attributed by Bishop and Smith to the
Proto-Assiniboin (1975:58-61). Archaeologists whose work is cited by
Bishop and Smith in support of their position are Wilford (1945, 1955),
Vickers (1948a,b), MacNeish (1958), and Hlady (1964, 1970). Archaeolo
gists whose work is cited in opposition to the Blackduck Assiniboin
hypothesis are Wright (1963, 1965, 1968a,b) and Evans (1961) (Bishop and
Smith 1975:55). Since the publication of the Bishop-Smith paper,
Syms (1977) has attributed Blackduck to the Northern Ojibwa, as has
Dawson in a paper in press (1981:31-33).
All of this becomes important in the reconstruction of Ojibwa cul
ture history. Were the Ojibwa indigenous to the boreal forest or were
they not? Was windigo witch-fear absent from Ojibwa life in the 17th
century as Bishop indicates (1975:244), or were there Northern Ojibwa
groups on the Shield of whom the Jesuits were ignorant? Is it true, as
Bishop states, that there were no "Northern Ojibwa" until after 1680?
(1976:43).
The principal opposition to Bishop's position comes from Edward S.
Rogers, Curator of Ethnology at the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto.
Rogers does not see sharp ethnic discontinuities among the Northern
Algonkian peoples, but believes that groups grade into one another.
Correspondingly he believes that northern variants of Ojibwa popula
tions have lived in the Shield Subarctic since ancient times, where
they have been intermediate manifestations on the sociocultural


CHAPTER V
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
This chapter summarizes the arguments presented in the disser
tation. Conclusions are also drawn that aspire to be nomothetic
contributions toward a uniformitarian social science.
In Chapter I, I argued that an emic/mentalist bias limited the
abilities of anthropologists adequately to analyze the Algonkian windigo
complex. As expressed most explicitly by Hallowell, a distinguished
student of Ojibwa culture, all we need to know about certain puzzling
situations is what these situations mean to the Ojibwa themselves.
Once we understand the native's point of view, writes Hallowell,
these situations are "as humanly intelligible to us as [they are] to
the Ojibwa" (1955:177).
Of course, anthropologists must take pains to understand the
cultural continuities of the people we study, but an emphasis on the
emics of mental life is insufficient in two important ways. In the
first place this approach ignores or minimizes diversity within cul
tures. This is especially important in the study of stratified
societies, but it is also crucial in the study of egalitarian societies
where certain individuals are singled out for persecution and death.
Secondly, this approach typically fails to distinguish between the
emics of thought from the etics of behavior. Even if there were
unanimous consensus within a society as to values, goals, and events,
174


CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS OF THE ARCHIVAL CASE MATERIALS
This chapter presents analyses of case materials found in archival
sources. Two of these sourcesthe Moostoos case and the Sandy Lake
area caseshave been available to anthropologists for many years, but I
disagree with traditional interpretations given them and offer my own.
To the best of my knowledge, the remaining cases have never been analyzed
by anthropologists and constitute a new body of evidence on the subject
of windigo.
The materials contained in this chapter are not comprehensive. Un
limited time and money would doubtless enable me to track down intriguing
leads and tie down loose ends. It is also possible that there are
windigo cases documented in long-forgotten files of which I am com
pletely unaware. This chapter will make it easier for subsequent in
vestigators to research the historic, behavioral windigo.
Then, too, differences in interpretation are possible. I make no
claim that my interpretations of these cases are the only ones that can
legitimately be given them. But neither should my interpretations be
dismissed lightly, for they are based on long-term associations with
the Northern Ojibwa people, and a knowledge of that society from the
inside and from without (see Chapter I). Using Hallowell's (1963)
application of the term, I am perhaps the first "transcultural" pro
fessional anthropologist to have written on Algonkian matters since
Schoolcraft.
123


142
executioners said he was. They also said that he was levitating above
their heads (AAR 1903 [1904]:130). If they could be wrong about that
they could also be wrong about the substance of his delirious speech.
Moostoos was said to have predicted his transformation into a
windigo, both immediately before his metamorphosis and as far back as
the previous summer (AAR 1903 [1904]:130, 132). But in five years
among the Northern Algonkians it was rare that a person was not said
to have predicted his or her own death or other disasters. The cultural
pattern among these people is for stories of this sort to begin after
the fact. I never heard it said that X predicted his death when the
death of X followed. But many times I observed the case where a person
would die, and then in a matter days the story would begin that the
deceased had predicted his or her own death. Almost all tragedies are
"predicted" in this way.
Inference 3: The group was under severe stress, and may have been
strained to the limit.
Evidence: The group was composed of thirty-three people, most of
whom had been encamped at the same spot all winter. It was March, late
winter at that latitude. The deceased and his family had recently joined
the group, coming from Sturgeon Lake shortly after the new year. (Had
they brought the pathogen with them? It is an interesting possibility.)
The thirty-three persons in the camp are supported by the exertions of
from eight to eleven hunters, and probably about the same number of
women. The headman is hard of hearing and probably past his prime as a
hunter ("Note. The witness is deaf" [ECF 1899:12]).


62
to hunt the abundant caribou, being preoccupied with thoughts of mayhem
and cannibalism. But Smith himself makes the case that the ecological
dynamics of the Subarctic were such that famine was an ever-present
danger, even in pre-contact times (1976:27-31).
I think it is possible that starvation conditions developed in
this situation because the man had a run of bad luck. A hunter can go
into a "slump" for many reasons: an injury, an illness, scarcity of
game, or simple misfortune. It is suspicious to me that the women were
only able to overpower and kill the man after he had allegedly throttled
the third child in the arms of its mother, especially si neeaccording
to themhe had been living on flesh while they had been making do on
dissolved caribou dung. If the women were lying, the following scenario
suggests itself: Starvation conditions developed because, for what
ever reasons, the man was unsuccessful in the hunt. The womenmother
and daughterwere the initiators of the homicides and the cannibalism.
They survived to tell the tale and their version was accepted. Here
again, as in so many cases, it is the story of the killers of the
alleged windigo that is handed down. The stories of the executed par
ties are lost to posterity. We will probably never be certain of the
facts in this case, but what is certain is that the conceptualization
Smith employed to analyze the data needs to be refined. For Smith
"the Wittiko 'psychosis' or disorder involved an individual be
lieving that he or she is or is becoming a Wittiko, or the belief
of others that he or she is exhibiting characteristic Wittiko and
non-human behavior. In extreme form, the individual actually becomes
a cannibal, killing and eating his victims" (1976:20; italics added).


200
Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archives of Manitoba. 1741.
B. 42/a/22. Entry in Post Journal of Fort Churchill.
. 1823. B. 93/z/l, folios 1 and 2. List of the Native
population trading at Island lake, 1822-23.
. 1824. B. 93/e/3. Report of the Island Lake District, 1824.
. 1838. B. 239/z/10. York Factory miscellaneous papers
listing Indian population belonging to the Honorable Hudson's
Bay Company's posts in Island Lake District, June 1, 1838.
. 1882-1884. B, 220/6/2, folios 18d, 25d, and 26d. Exchange
of correspondence between Joseph Fortesque (York Factory) and
James Todd (Big Trout Lake), Winnipeg: Provincial Archives of
Manitoba.
Hurlich, Marshall G. 1981. "Historical and recent demography of the
Algonkians of Northern Ontario," manuscript prepared for Boreal
forest adaptations: The Algonkians of Northern Ontario. A. T.
Steegmann, Jr., ed. New York: Plenum.
Hurlich, Marshall G., and A. T. Steegmann, Jr. 1979. Hand immersion
in cold water at 5C in sub-Arctic Algonkian Indian males from
two villages: A European admixture effect? Human Biology 51:
255-278.
Hutchinson, Gerald M. 1977. "Introduction" to The Rundle Journals.
Huqh A. Dempsey, ed. Calgary: Historical Society of Alberta.
James, Bernard. 1954. Some critical observations concerning analyses
of Chippewa "atomism" and Chippewa personality. American Anthro
pologist 56:283-286.
. 1970. Continuity and emergence in Indian poverty culture.
Current Anthropology 11:435-452.
Kardiner, Abram. 1939. The individual and his society. New York:
Columbia University Press.
. 1953. "The relation of culture to mental disorder," in
Current problems in psychiatric diagnosis. Paul H. Hoch and
and Joseph Zubin, eds. pp. 157-179. New York: Grue and
Stratton.
Keesing, Roger M. 1981. Cultural anthropology: A contemporary per
spective. Second edition. New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston.
Kennedy, John G. 1973. "Cultural psychiatry," in Handbook of social
and cultural anthropology. John J. Honigmann, ed. Chicago:
Rand McNally and Co., pp. 1119-1198.


27
inputs are absent. But some of these casesabout 10% can be studied
both emically and etically by reading court records, trial tran
scripts, and police investigation reports. In these documents the
words of the principals are recorded, as well as the reports of out
side investigators whose business it was to determine the behavioral
facts as best they could. The value of these cases is far superior
to that of the others for two reasons: The emic inputs come from those
personally involved, and etic inputs are also present.
In only one of the documentary cases did cannibalism occur, and
this was a case of murder-cannibalism under starvation conditions.
This is hardly evidence of psychosis, nor is such behavior culture-
specific. The man in this case was not confronted by his fellow
Indians, but was arrested by the Mounted Police and executed by the
Dominion Government (Public Archives of Canada [hereafter PAC] 1879).
The remaining executions of windigo "psychotics" were carried out by
Indians and appear to be thinly disguised rationalizations for triage
homicide (AAR 1907 [1908]: PAC 1907-08, Edmonton Court Files [hereafter
ECF] 1899), and another appears to be the case of a man who, for
reasons of his own, engineered his own death (Manitoba Court of Queen's
Bench 1899).
It seems likely that the 10% sample these documented cases consti
tute is representative of the "windigo" universe. This statistical find
ing is reenforced by my ethnographic observations. In five years in
the boreal forest I saw frequent instances of scapegoating, and heard
countless witchcraft accusations, but never encountered one shred of


60
Leo Waisberg's (1975) attempt to refute an earlier paper by
Bishop (1973) on the grounds that starvation could occur under pre
contact conditions is unsuccessful because Bishop's position (and mine,
which is not identical) does not hinge on the existence of an aborigi
nal Algic arcadia, but on the fact that conditions grew appreciably
more difficult and unstable for these Indians as the fur-trade period
progressed. I speak here not only of nutrition, but also of epidemiology
and demography.
James G. E. Smith's paper, "Notes on the Wittiko" (1976) presents
a more serious challenge to the historical interpretations favored by
Bishop and me. Smith, who worked among the Rocky Cree of northern
Manitoba and Saskatchewan (1976:25), argues that "the ecological dy
namics of the aboriginal Subarctic environment west of Hudson Bay
offered the necessary preconditions for the entire Wittiko complex of
cannibal giant and psychosis" (1976:28). My major point is that the
Northern Algonkians have used the Windigo cannibal theme to scapegoat
or otherwise divest themselves of the sick, the weak, the marginal, and
the disruptive under trying circumstances. Whether they have been doing
this since time immemorial or only in the post-contact period is of
secondary importance.
Much more threatening to my thesis is Smith's contention that
psychotic windigo cannibalism can be documented "amidst abundant game"
(1976:22; italics Smith's). Because this is such a serious challenge
to my position I feel compelled to quote Smith's documentation in full,
which comes from the Hudson's Bay Company "post journal of Fort Churchill
in February 1741 (HBC Archives B 43/a/22)" (ibid.):


150
Company by the Hudson's Bay Company. The HBC was more powerful than
ever and now enjoyed a monopoly situation. After amalgamation, the
Sandy Lake Indians had a long way to go to trade. The Island Lake post
was not operated consistently until 1865 (Wei 1s, personal communication,
1979), but by the end of the 19th century, most of the Sandy Lake
Indians were coming into Island Lake at least once a year to trade.
The Island Lake and Sandy Lake peoples are closely related, and the
language of the two groups is virtually identical. Campbell was in
charge of the Island Lake post on and off late in the 19th and early in
the 20th centuries. In 1894 Campbell established a winter outpost at
Sandy Lake as a satellite of the Island Lake post, and put Jimmie
Kirknessa native HBC employee in whom he had little confidence as a
businessmanin charge of it. In Campbell's words, "The Crane and Little
Sucker Bands would now be able to visit Sandy Lake and buy supplies dur
ing the winter. Thus enabling them to trap and hunt [furs] throughout
the season instead of the spring only as formerly" (n.d.: 36-37).
For many years before the Wasakspeequay killing, Campbell had been
concerned about the homicides in the Island LakeSandy Lake district.
Two 1893 incidents serve to illustrate his concern.
Using three canoes I returned to Island Lake, arriving on the
tenth of October. There were a few Indians camped around the
post and measles had got amongst them. A few deaths occurred.
In November an Indian hunter from Gull Harbour thirty miles
south on the Lake came in to the post with a small collection of
furs. He reported that measles got amongst the camp and one
young newly married man became delirious which to the native is
turning into a Weetigo or Cannibal. His mother and relations
advised that he should be destroyed. One of the members of the
camp not being related was told to shoot him which he did. I
was vexed at hearing of the murder of this promising young man.
I reported this murder to J. K. McDonald who was a Magistrate,


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
WINDIGO PSYCHOSIS: THE ANATOMY OF AN EMIC-ETIC CONFUSION
By
Louis Marao
December 1981
Chairman: Marvin Harris
Major Department: Anthropology
Although "windigo psychosis" has served anthropology as a classic
example of "culture-bound psychopathology" for almost half a century,
five years' field experience among the Northern Algonkian peoples of
Canada, extensive archival research, and a critical examination of the
voluminous literature on windigo, all indicate that there probably never
were any windigo psychotics in an etic and behavioral sense. It is
argued that an emic and mentalist bias has limited the abilities of
anthropologists to adequately analyze the Algonkian windigo complex.
The dissertation proceeds on the assumption that for almost fifty
years the wrong question has been asked. Looking at the windigo phe
nomenon from the point of view of group sociodynamics rather than from
individual psychodynamics reveals that the crucial question is not
"what causes a person to become a cannibalistic maniac?" but rather


Bound by DOBBS BROS. LIBRARY BINDING CO., INC., St. Augustine, Florida
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT i i i
CHAPTER
ISTATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM, BACKGROUND TO RESEARCH, AND
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 1
Epistemological and Personal Biases 4
My Life and Research with the Ojibwa 10
How I Got Interested in and Carried Out the Study of
Windigo 15
Acknowledgments 22
Note 25
II REVIEW OF THE WINDIGO LITERATURE 26
Introduction 26
Background to the Literature Review 28
Windigo Psychosis, 1933-67 30
Windigo Psychosis, 1967-81 46
Notes 76
III WINDIGO'S ECOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL SETTING 77
IV ANALYSIS OF THE ARCHIVAL CASE MATERIALS 123
Notes 171
V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 174
Note 194
REFERENCES 195
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 210
i i


157
A. The prisoner says: It's all right.
Q. Did John Fiddler, the chief, say anything else beyond that
they were going to strangle her to put her out of her
misery?
A. No, he did not say anything else.
Later in his testimony (p. 109) Angus Rae repeats his statement
that the reason why sick people are put to death is to put them out of
their misery, and he knew of no other reason for doing so. But under
prompting from the Crown Counsel, Angus Rae reversed himself and said
that he had heard the Chief, the prisoner, and other men say that if a
person died in a delirium he or she would turn into a cannibal.
It is difficult to know what to make of this after so many years.
It is tempting to try to read too much into it, to make an interpretation
unwarranted by the facts still available to us. This much seems clear:
the cannibal rationale for the killing was not foremost in the minds of
either Angus or Norman Rae, and from Angus' report it seems reasonable
to assume that euthanasia was the main thing John and Joseph Fiddler set
out to achieve. If the deed could also be rationalized, either before
or after the fact, as an ounce of windigo prevention, then so much the
better.
But once the execution occurred the process of windigo mythologiza
tion was almost inevitable. From the testimony of Angus Rae:
Q. Do you know why the woman was put to death?
A. My wife told me that the people were saying that the woman
was going to turn into a cannibal. The people in the wig
wam were saying this.
Q. Was it before or after the death that your wife told you
this?
A. Two days after the death.
(pp. 106, 107; italics added)
By the time Hallowell did his fieldwork, about thirty years later, the
mythologization process had moved inexorably along. "He was told by his


166
witnesses reported that the chief had been "acting strangely for some
days," but this is not surprising under the circumstances of the suicide,
nor is it evidence for a culture-specific cannibalistic psychosis.
From an etic/behavioral perspective Ahwahsahkahmig showed no evidence
of mental illness. It is also possible that the attribution of "strange
behavior" was an ex post facto addendum. He may have been sick or de
pressed for any number of reasons.
The Ahwahsahkahmig case provides good evidence for windigo belief,
but it is not windigo belief that is being challenged in this disserta
tion, rather windigo cannibalistic behavior. And we have here one im
portant fly in the ointment in the universal acceptance of windigo posses
sion in Northern Algonkian belief as a rationale for homicide: the
actions of the deceased's brother, Umbash. My opinion is that Umbash
did not approve of the killing of his brother. I believe it to be un
likely that he made the long trip to Lac Seul for other reasons, and
mentioned the execution to Mr. Bannatyne in passing. I believe that he
made the trip specifically to report the matter to the Indian agent,
knowing full well that the official would take some action. There is at
least one other side to the story of Ahwahsahkahmig1s execution, but it
may now be irretrievably lost.
Mapanin: A Pisconfirming Case
There is one windigo execution on record that might have been wit
nessed by white men. The etic inputs in the Mapanin case tend to dis-
confirm the thesis defended in this dissertation, and support conven
tional analyses of the windigo phenomenon. For reasons that are not yet
clear, the Mapanin case was never investigated by the RNWMP despite the


22
speculative explications of "windigo psychosis" in the anthropological
literature. To me there was nothing bizarre or sensational about
Ojibwa life. They were ordinary people with ordinary human problems
who tried to deal with their problems in much the same way that other
people with similar sets of problems dealt with theirs. A nomothetic
explanation for windigo executions suggested itself. In the Sandy Lake
cases sick people were "put out of [their] misery" (AAR 1907 [1908:104]).
Moostoos was almost certainly the victim of a witch-hunt. It seemed
very likely that these well documented cases were representative of the
windigo universe. Further archival and ethnohistoric research has re
vealed nothing to cause me to reject my theory.
Acknowledgments
Through the very professional assistance of Ms. Joanne A. Frodsham,
state and military archivist at the Public Archives of Canada in Ottawa,
I was able to obtain the 48-page Department of Justice capital case
file on the case of Swift Runner (PAC 1879). As set forth in Chapter
IV, the Swift Runner case is the only windigo incident for which archival
data exist that involve cannibalism, and I believe this to be an in
stance of famine cannibalism. Ms. Frodsham also provided me with
additional unpublished materials on the Fiddler (Wasakapeequay) case
(PAC 1907-08, 1907-09), the Moostoos case (PAC 1899), and all the mate
rial I have on a long forgotten incident, the mysterious Mapanin exe
cution (PAC 1896). I am extemely grateful to her for this invaluable
primary source information.
Robert Fraser not only rekindled my interest in windigo in the
manner noted above, but he shared his copy of the Campbell diary (n.d.)


117
at least partly in English, since Stevens probably could not speak fluent
Cree nor write easily in syllabics at this time. The Island Lakers,
not being able to read the date in the message, could not tell the Sandy
Lakers what it said, so they took the note to the Island Lake HBC post
manager, Robert Whiteway. According to Stevens, Whiteway deliberately
misread the note, changing the meeting date to August 17 (1943:1, 3).
Stevens got along well with some of the HBC men, but between him
and Whiteway there was to be bitter enmity. Any expedition to Sandy
Lake from Oxford House would have to be mounted through Island Lake
where Whiteway held sway. Stevens claims that Whiteway threatened to
shoot him (1943:6), and had knocked down one of Stevens' guides and
threatened the life of another after Stevens' expedition of 1899 (1943:
3). By the turn of the century the Company had given up the practice
of retaining assassins to enforce its will (Godsell 1939:73-75; Campbell
n.d.: 36), but it would be long before they would cease intimidating the
Indians.
Stevens' 1899 trip met with almost as little success as his
1897 venture. By careful planning and logistics, Stevens managed to
circumvent Whiteway and reached Sandy Lake, but missed the main body of
the Indians. He and his guides managed to meet a group of about fifty
starving people between Island Lake and Sandy Lake. "That night my
man from Oxford House could not sleep so badly shaken was he by the
wretched condition of these Indians. He had never seen the like before"
(1943:2).
Stevens made secret arrangements with Jimmie Kirkness, the native
HBC employee who had operated the Sandy Lake outpost as a satellite of


58
The windigo and the infrastructure were closely linked in a
splendid paper by Charles Bishop of the State University of New York at
Oswego, an Algonkianist ethnohistorian working in the theoretical tradi
tion of Stewardian cultural ecology, and former student of the Marxist
ethnohistorian Harold Hickerson. Bishop (1975) suggests that while
belief in an evil deity called Windigo may have been aboriginal (cf.
Fogelson 1965:76-77), the emergence of the windigo complex as we have
come to know it is the result of disruptions and depletions caused by
the fur trade.
"Teicher (1960:107) cites two incidents occurring during the
17th century among the Montagnais as conclusive evidence of the ab
original existence of Windigo psychosis" (Bishop 1975:239). For the
first case Bishop shows that "by the 1630's the subsistence base of
the Montagnais near Tadoussac and Three Rivers [Quebec] had been dras
tically disrupted by trade and environmental depletion, processes that
had been going on for at least 100 years" (1975:239-240). The second
case was reputed to have occurred near Lake St. John in the winter of
1660-61. "There the Indian deputies of the Jesuits were supposedly
seized with madness and a desire for human flesh for which they were
put to death by others" (1975:242). Bishop notes that the Jesuits
expressed doubt about the veracity of the report at the time, and con
tinued with their missionary activities undeterred (1975:242). He
also points out that "the deputies had gone to summon Indians who re
sided near James Bay. This would threaten the trade monopoly of the
Lake St. John Indians. They may have spread the rumor to prevent the
Jesuits from continuing on their journey; or they may actually have


30
ebb. Having lost a large segment of the anthropological market to his
torical vicissitude, Honigmann doubtless lost a quite different group of
readers by his explicit rejection of nomothetic research strategies and
his espousal of the principles of existential phenomenology (1967:xi-
xii). In spite of our theoretical differences, Honigmann1s mature
thoughts on the windigo correspond to mine almost exactly, but I did not
read them until seven years after beginning fieldwork among the Northern
Algonkians and a year and a half after I became interested in the
windigo as an intellectual problem. I can only wish that I had read
Personality in Culture in 1973.
This review critically traces the development of the "windigo psy
chosis" from its inception to the present. It will be shown that by
the time Honigmann published his insightful reflections in 1967, "windigo
psychosis" had achieved such a reified status in anthropology that it
was easy to ignore his signal contribution through the inertia of re
ceived wisdom. Nevertheless, those who published on the subject after
1967 without reference to Honigmann's work must ultimately bear the
responsibility for their omission.
Windigo Psychosis, 1933-67
When speaking of the windigo, we may draw at least three categori
cal distinctions. The first is Windigo as superhuman monster(s) who
may or may not have had human antecedents. (For a stylized portrayal
see Guinard [1930].) The second is a category of persons, the members of
which may or may not be considered to have been possessed by the spirit
of a cannibal-monster. The third is a culture-specific psychotic
syndrome, the victims of which are obsessed by a compulsive desire to


6
we should aspire. Of course these will not be the explanations favored
by most of our informants. There is no reason to expect this to be so.
We must certainly do our best to enter into the emic thought world of
the people we study, but that is only the first leg of the journey. We
must take care lest we, like Dorothy, get swept away to the land of Oz
and are unable to return to Kansas. We must be able to interpret our
findings in ways that are consistent with what we know about the mate
rial world. As Hallowell points out, John Tannerwho was captured by
the Indians at the age of nine and lived with them night and day for
thirty yearstells us that shamans sometimes prowled the villages at
night dressed in bear skins, and by some pyrotechnic device made it ap
pear as if fire were coming from their mouths and eyes. Should an
anthropologist minimize the importance of this etic datum simply because
it would not necessarily be meaningful to the average Ojibwa? (Not all
Ojibwa would have found Tanner's statement meaningless; the shamans
themselves come immediately to mind. Also, culturally and psychologi
cally Tanner himself was more Indian than white.)
Hallowell's claim that "all we need to say is that the self of the
sorcerer was in Pindndakwan1s camp," that this "is the meaningful core
of the whole situation," and that "in these terms the situation is as
humanly intelligible to us as it is to the Ojibwa" prematurely closes
the book on the question of the relationship between meaning and causal
ity in Ojibwa studies. As will be shown in the following chapter, many
other contributors to the literature on windigo "psychosis" are con
strained by the same emic and mentalistic biases.
With some exceptions, those who have studied windigo thus far have
extracted one aspect of Northern Algonkian folk belief from its cultural


62
to hunt the abundant caribou, being preoccupied with thoughts of mayhem
and cannibalism. But Smith himself makes the case that the ecological
dynamics of the Subarctic were such that famine was an ever-present
danger, even in pre-contact times (1976:27-31).
I think it is possible that starvation conditions developed in
this situation because the man had a run of bad luck. A hunter can go
into a "slump" for many reasons: an injury, an illness, scarcity of
game, or simple misfortune. It is suspicious to me that the women were
only able to overpower and kill the man after he had allegedly throttled
the third child in the arms of its mother, especially si neeaccording
to themhe had been living on flesh while they had been making do on
dissolved caribou dung. If the women were lying, the following scenario
suggests itself: Starvation conditions developed because, for what
ever reasons, the man was unsuccessful in the hunt. The womenmother
and daughterwere the initiators of the homicides and the cannibalism.
They survived to tell the tale and their version was accepted. Here
again, as in so many cases, it is the story of the killers of the
alleged windigo that is handed down. The stories of the executed par
ties are lost to posterity. We will probably never be certain of the
facts in this case, but what is certain is that the conceptualization
Smith employed to analyze the data needs to be refined. For Smith
"the Wittiko 'psychosis' or disorder involved an individual be
lieving that he or she is or is becoming a Wittiko, or the belief
of others that he or she is exhibiting characteristic Wittiko and
non-human behavior. In extreme form, the individual actually becomes
a cannibal, killing and eating his victims" (1976:20; italics added).


104
expense of their own field missionaries. Foremost among those in the
Methodist Church was the McDougall family, as well as Alexander
Sutherland, the General Secretary of all Canadian Methodist missions.
But to set the stage for this controversy we must return to a considera
tion of the material circumstances of the Northern Algonkians early in
the 19th century.
The crisis of the 1820s is best documented ethnohistorically for
the Northern Ojibwa of boreal forest Ontario (Bishop 1974, 1976, 1978),
but there is reason to believe that it was also experienced by the Cree
who inhabited the Nelson and upper Saskatchewan River drainages to the
west. In fact historian Katherine Petti pas' research has convinced her
that there was general and protracted famine in those regions in the
1830s (personal communication). The result was an
increase of native migrations from York Fort, Norway House, and
Cumberland House districts to the Red River Settlement [area of
present-day Winnipeg, Manitoba]. In 1832, the Reverent William
Cochran, incumbent at the Lower Church, reported that Northern
Swampy Cree had been drifting in ". from year to year till
the Settlement is really full of them" [Cochran 1832]. Attracted
to the colony by the presence of their relatives, the availability
of a relatively stable food supply, and the opportunity for employ
ment, the immigrants, particularly those from Cumberland House,
continued to move south. Native Christians residing at Red River
had encouraged this movement by urging their relatives to come
and share in the "better life." (Pettipas 1974:x)
Writing in 1844 to Hudson's Bay Company Governor Sir George
Simpson, Chief Factor Donald Ross of Norway House called the Saskatchewan
District "a thoroughly ruined country" (Hutchinson 1977:xv). Hutchinson
goes on to say that "Chief Factor Ross had been asking for a missionary
teacher at Norway House to stop the flow of natives towards Red River
because of the missions there" (1977:xvi).


126
provisions, but they had ammunition and guns. Three of the party of ten
Swift Runner, his brother, and his eldest sonwere able to hunt. All
were said to have been in good health when they started. On leaving,
Swift Runner stated that his destination was toward the landing on the
Athabaska River.
No more was seen or heard of the party until early in the spring
of 1879 when Swift Runner came into the Egg Lake Indian settlement alone
and told his father-in-law that the older man could not expect to see
any of the family again as he, Swift Runner, was the only one left. He
went on to say that his wife had shot herself, that two of the children
had died, and he had buried their bodies as well as he could, and that
the rest of his family had left him. He stated that his wife had shot
two rabbits, after which time he was lying with his back toward her and
she then shot herself. Then, he said, he started out for Egg Lake with
his youngest boy and tried to make a fire in the woods so people would
see it, but the fire would not burn. He tried to walk in carrying his
boy on his back, but could not manage it and "had to give out." Accord
ing to his father-in-law, Swift Runner did not look very poor or thin,
as if he had been starving, when he arrived at Egg Lake in the spring.
The exact date of Swift Runner's vernal materialization is not
known, but by the time interpreter George Washington Brazeau first saw
him on May 27, he was in police custody. Brazeau and a Mounted Police
constable took the prisoner to Edmonton where he was questioned on
June first. Through Brazeau, Swift Runner told the Mounties that he was
being kept in jail for nothing; that his wife shot herself and some of
his family starved to death and he buried them. The story he told the
police was this.


48
This has merit (cf. Ridington 1976), but sheds light only indirectly on
the issue of the existence or nonexistence of culture-bound etic be
havioral psychopathologies.
Brown (1971) rejects RohrTs suggestion on the grounds that the
attempt to cure windigos by feeding them fat was rare, and that when it
was undertaken it was not done nutritively but emetically, in order for
the victim to be able to disgorge the intrusive heart of ice (cf.
Bloomfield 1934:155; McGee 1975:114). Although Brown questions the idea
of a nutritive cure for windigo, her main quarrel with Rohr! turns out
to be over the issue of Northern Algonkian rationality. Rohrl believes
the Indians subliminally grasped the importance of fat as a remedy while
Brown holds that they were attempting to administer a psychological
cathartic when they bothered with the bear fat at all. But like Rohrl,
Brown never questions the etic behavioral reality of windigo psychosis.
Brown has made a valuable contribution to the windigo question
in her discovery of a letter by the Methodist missionary Egerton
Ryerson Young, dated Rossville, Norway House, July 29, 1971 (Brown 1871:
21). Young wrote of an event that occurred about 100 miles away from
the post. A 15-year-old Cree boy was alleged to have gone crazy
"and his ravings kept asking for flesh to eat. At last he said, 'I will
surely kill somebody and eat them if I can!1 One day he attacked his
father and tried hard to bite him. The father and an elder brother of
the crazy one then deliberately strangled him and burnt the body to
ashes" (E. R. Young 1871:37, quoted in Brown 1971:21). Brown cites
Young to make the point that the "windigo" victim was strangled and
cremated rather than fed hot bear grease, but more important than this


109
preach in Cree at that time (1897a:150). (He soon began to do so and
quickly became fluent.) How could he have transcribed a long letter
supposedly representing the innermost sentiments and aspirations of a
group of people with whom he could communicate only with difficulty?
He states that the letter was "read to some" (1897b). Why only some?
who read it? and in what language? There is no mention of an inter
preter. Was Stevens simply imposing what h£ thought was good for the
Indians onto the situation, and representing his ideas as theirs? Was
his just an ethnocentric overreaction to an uncontrolled case of cul
ture shock because Northern Algonkian lifestyle did not conform to the
dictates of his middle-class Victorian sensibilities? After all,
phenomenologically oriented anthropologists like Richard Preston (1975)
maintain that even though the boreal forest may seem like a harsh and
relentless environment to outsiders, it does not present itself as such
to the Cree who call it home.
Stevens was certainly impetuous, headstrong, and politically
naive. His religious faith gave him the sincere if unrealistic belief
that if he could only make other Christians understand the seriousness
of the Northern Algonkian situation, they, as he, would have no re
course but to work to change it. He had courage and determination, but
his most exceptional gift was his ability to see things as they were and
not allow himself to be dissuaded by anyone. Stevens could see imme
diately that the situation at Oxford House was not a viable one. And
if conditions at Oxford House were bad, the circumstances under which
the Sandy Lake Ojibwa lived were appalling. It was among these Indians
that four known windigo executions occurred (Teicher 1960:63ff).


65
For these reasons we are fortunate to have the critique of phenome-
nologist Richard J. Preston of McMaster University. Professor Preston
has done extensive fieldwork among the James Bay Cree and has special
ized in studying the emics of Northern Algonkian mental life. Preston
writes:
[Turner's] use of the structural theory and the metaphorically
extended notion of incorporation highlights, in my opinion, our
tendency to overpower a very poorly known Witiko phenomenon
with our own intellectual creations. The problems of translat
ing the Algonkian idiom of experience into terms that are under
standable and worthwhile within our own tradition of urbane
intellectual inquiry is poorly served by psychodynamic and
structuralist theories, unless the effort includes the judicious
use of Algonkian phenomena. Both Hay and Turner, in my opinion,
have created intellectual monstrosities in imposing elegant argu
ments upon dubious data. (Preston 1980:120)
Again it must be stressed that the data to which Preston refers are the
emic/mental Algonkian data. When etic/behavioral and historical data
are added to this, the case against conventional interpretations of the
windigo phenomenon is overwhelming. (We will hear from Preston again
below.)
It seems at first puzzling that Turner's analysis of the windigo
which is one of the most involuted ever writtenwas produced by an
anthropologist who has actually done fieldwork (albeit of brief dura
tion) among the Northern Cree. The lesson to be learned here is that
exposure to primary data source opportunities does not often lead to
valid conclusions when inadequate research strategies are employed.
Turner's contribution reveals the most serious weakness of struc
turalism: its ahistorical and antievolutionary synchrony. He contends
that Cree social organization is one of at least two hunter-gatherer
production group types that probably survive without modification in


38
greater than spirit-possession on the one hand versus psychosis on the
other. The difference is that the Indians apply the term to cases where
no cannibalism or murder is suspected or anticipated, and the anthro
pologists do not. If anthropologists had taken this aspect of Landes'
work seriously, we would have been forced to conclude that emically
speaking "windigo" is a very inclusive term. In my own experience, in
the vast majority of cases in which the Indians employ the term there is
no psychosis by either Algonkian or European criteria, much less a psy
chosis involving murder and cannibalism. Unfortunately, anthropologists
zeroed in on the bizarre, the grotesque, and the macabre in Landes'
reports rather than on the inconsistencies and their second-hand nature.
This bias toward the exotic in anthropology has been identified and
criticized in other contexts by Naroll and Naroll (1963).
While Landes' identification of the broad nature of the Algonkian
windigo concept is most praiseworthy, her description of the phenomenon
is problematic in other respects. In one paper she writes that the
disorder is pretty much confined to males with shamanistic power who
attribute failure in the hunt to the curses of rival shamans; women being
relatively free from the condition (1938a:31). But in a book appearing
in the same year (1936b:213-226) she not only recounts tales of many
female windigowak, but also states that babies and even dogs are con
sidered to be susceptible to the affliction.
The windigo literature got to be the way it is because early 20th-
century ethnologists in general and A1gonkianists in particular failed
to make explicit the distinction between data about which the observer
is the ultimate judge of the adequacy of categories and concepts (etics)
and data about which the informant is the ultimate judge of same (emics).


9
notes; the emic reality of the executed is buried with them (cf. Harris
1979:324).
My conviction that the distinction between the emics of thought
and the etics of behavior is a necessary precondition for a science of
culture corresponds to the basic epistemological principles of cul
tural materialism (Harris 1979: 29ff). The study of an intersubjectively
defined behavior stream is the key to understanding what happened in
human history, and what is likely to happen in the future. Having made
explicit my epistemological predelictions, let me do the same for my
personal biases.
James G. E. Smith believes that cases of windigo psychosis have
been underreported because of "the tendency of some writers to conceal
or understate cannibalistic events, including H. R. Schoolcraft (who was
married to an Ojibwa), and acculturated, literate Ojibwa such as
[William W.] Warren, [Peter] Jones, and [George] Copway" (1976:31). I
too am vulnerable to this charge (although Smith offers no evidence to
substantiate his indictment of these men other than their racial origins
or conjugal affiliation). I was married to an Ojibwa woman and have
two bicultural, bilingual children of mixed European and North American
ancestry. Obviously I am not a disinterested observer, and have a per
sonal as well as academic interest in the outcome of the debate my work
is sure to engender. Personally, I do not want my children to grow up
believing that their peoplefor reasons peculiar to their culture
were or are subject to a ghoulish form of insanity wherein those af
flicted kill and eat their neighbors in order to satisfy an obsessive
cannibalistic craving. I would much rather have them believe that


no
Stevens was not a dispassionate or impartial observer, but I be
lieve him to be a generally reliable one. During the weeks I spent
studying materials pertaining to Stevens in the United Church Archives
in Toronto, nowhere was there the slightest suggestion that he went to
Oxford House with any intention other than to be a conventional
northern missionary. Looking with the benefit of 80 years' hindsight
at the controversies in which Stevens was embroiled, I can say con
fidently that Stevens' observations have never been proved wrong. (He
did, however, occasionally misinterpret information supplied by others.)
As noted below, his successor at Oxford House saw the situation in essen
tially the same terms as Stevens did, and went on record saying so
(McNeil 1904:x). And as we shall see, when the veracity of Stevens'
report of starvation at Sandy Lake was challenged, he undertook a great
canoe odyssey with his wife and son in order to bring back eyewitnesses
to the disaster. This is not the sort of man to take liberties with
the truth.
When Stevens penetrated into the Sandy Lake area in 1899, 1900,
and 1901, he was one of the only serious observers to have visited the
district since the departure of the Nor'westers in 1821, and the abandon
ing of the HBC post in 1823.
In 1897 I was stationed at Oxford House and had God's Lake,
Island Lake and unknown regions beyond [i.e. to the east] under
my care. Church officials in Toronto and Winnipeg knew as much
about these places as they did about central Africa, and even
on Lake Winnipeg little was known beyond Oxford House. (Stevens
1943:1)
Stevens' recorded observations of the Sandy Lake Ojibwa are of crucial
importance, and we will return to them after examining an illuminating
exchange of correspondence between Stevens and Dr. Sutherland regarding


119
in the manufacture of moccasins, mittens, and snowshoe webbing. Was
the Company providing an essential service to the Northern Ojibwa, or
gouging them as Stevens suggests? Further research is needed to answer
this question. As to the issue of food, Stevens reported that "famine
reigns through this whole region, both summer and winter" (1900:5).
After several days at Sandy Lake, Stevens and his party began the long
trip back to Oxford House.
Between February and spring word drifted in by moccasin
telegraph of deaths from starvation at Sandy Lake. That next
June we went to [the Methodist] Conference in Brandon [in south
west Manitoba]. There I told of destitution and starvation,
but I was not believed. When I arrived back at Norway House
there was awaiting me there news of somewhat extensive starva
tion at Sandy Lake especially among the Little Cranes. It was
late before I was able to get to Island Lake, too late to go
to Sandy Lake. On making enquiries I was satisfied of the truth
of the reports. I sent out to the [Manitoba] Free Press a news
item"At Sandy Lake which is a tributary to Island Lake, it is
reported that over twenty people died of starvation in the
winter of 1899-1900." (Stevens 1943:6)
After that, said Stevens in his autobiography, "the fat was in the
fire" (n.d.: 25). The Indian Department asked the Hudson's Bay Company
if they knew anything about it. The Honourable Company denied any
knowledge, and in fairness it must be said that those responding probably
did not have any such information. Efforts were made to discredit
Stevens, apparently by enlisting the aid of his enemies within the
Methodist Church.
An attempt was made by the census taker to give my story
of the starvation the lie. Presuming on the fact that he had
reported that he had taken census at Sandy Lake, he published
a statement that my report was untrue. When I was able to prove
that he had not been near either Sandy Lake or Island Lake he
was nearly charged with putting in fraudulent census figures.
Rev. Dr. McDougall also, had placed a letter in the Free
Press defaming my reputation. This had been challenged by the
Conference Special Committee. Conference met at Portage


173
the Indians' position, resulting in the deaths of a Mountie and a
postmaster, and the wounding of four others. Field artillery was
finally called in and the three Indians were killed in the protracted
bombardment. It is easy to see why, with all this going on in the
northwest, the Mapanin incident was given such a low priority.


140
time of Moostoos1 execution (AAR 1903 [1904]:132), but we do not know
the date of his death. Was it Napaysis whom Phillips and Warren guarded
on the night of March 30-31, or someone else? If it was someone else,
then three of the eleven adult males in the group (27%) were accused of
windigo possession in less than a week.
The next morning Phillips and his party with Napaysosus and
Chuckachuck set out by horse-drawn sleigh for the police post at Lesser
Slave Lake. They arrived at the barracks around midnight. Payoo was
presumably arrested at Lesser Slave Lake soon thereafter. On April 5
Phillips and his prisoners set out for Fort Saskatchewan, but Chucka
chuck, his principal witness, took sick on the way. Phillips was forced
to leave Chuckachuck with others at Athabaska Landing, and proceeded to
Fort Saskatchewan with his two prisoners. A team was dispatched from
Fort Saskatchewan to bring in Chuckachuck, but he died at Athabaska
Landing on April 16 (ECF 1899; PAC 1899).
The death of Chuckachuck was a serious setback to the government's
case. Phillips left again for Lesser Slave Lake in May, presumably
having waited until the snow cover melted and the ice "came up" on the
lakes. He returned to Fort Saskatchewan on July 14 with nine witnesses.
This time he was taking no chances, and both the prosecution and the
defense had requested that certain witnesses be brought in (PAC 1899).
A preliminary hearing was held at Fort Saskatchewan on July 25,
and the trial was held at Edmonton at the beginning of the second week
in August 1899. Payoo was acquitted; Napaysosus was found guilty of
manslaughter and sentenced to two months imprisonment (AAR 1903 [1904]:
138). I will now analyze the Moostoos case making a series of


114
Society because it was part of Sutherland's outgoing correspondence to
John McDougall of Calgary. McDougall was at this time Superintendent
of the Methodist Indian Missions in the Northwest, and Stevens' imme
diate superior. McDougall came from an old missionary family with strong
secular connections. He had taught school at Norway House, learned to
speak Cree, and then went west with his father, the influential George
McDougall. The McDougalls were exceptional among working Methodist
missionaries in their close identification with the interests and
leadership of the Hudson's Bay Company. It was almost inevitable that
John McDougall and Stevens should become antagonists. The combined
opposition of Sutherland and McDougall undid the plans of the head
strong Stevens. Although Stevens probably never learned how these two
men worked in concert against him, the story becomes evident by fitting
together pieces of information retrievable from the United Church
archives.
On May 30, 1899, Stevens wrote from Oxford House to Sutherland
in Toronto. The young missionary charged that "for months back [the
Indians] have been nearly starved right here at the doors of the Fort"
(Stevens 1899). He went on to say that the Indians were not even ad
hering to their usual practice of large summer-long encampments at
Oxford House, but were dispersing after only a few weeks. "This
change," he wrote,"comes from the increasing poverty of the people"
(Stevens 1899). Stevens accused his superior of discrediting him in
the eyes of the people, stated his intention of carrying out his migra
tion plan without church approval or assistance, and challenged
Sutherland to either support him or dismiss him (Stevens 1899).


Figure 1. Map of Northwestern Ontario and Manitoba.
00
cn


175
this consensus does not necessarily conform to an empirical and intersub-
jectively verifiable analysis of the same. The thesis of the present
work is that "windigo psychosis" is an artifact of the failure to
distinguish the emics of thought from the etics of behavior. This
shortcoming has resulted in a double error, for the windigo of anthro
pological reknown conforms neither to the emic phenomenological category
of the Northern Algonkians nor to their etic behavioral history.
I contend that the windigo phenomenon must be understood in terms
of group sociodynamics rather than from individual psychodynamics.
From this point of view we must try to understand the evolution of
witch-fear, and why certain individuals have been singled out by their
societies as having been bewitched, or possessed by the spirit of a
cannibal-monster, and very often killed. The conclusion reached is
that an important element of the Northern Algonkian windigo complex
has been a witch-fear that shows general similarities to the witch-fear
typically found in other highly stressed societies. Specifically, the
accusation of cannibal-possession was determined by the uncertainty
of the food resource base during the fur-trade period; a situation in
which famine cannibalism periodically became the only alternative to
starvation. In an environmental context that allowed for a very slim
margin for error, it became impossible to nurse the critically or
chronically ill. In this way elements of the Algonkian windigo myth
came to be used as a rationale for triage homicide, especially when the
victim was suffering greatly, or in a delirium.
Chapter II reviews the voluminous literature on windigo with the
assumption that for almost fifty years, anthropologists have been


176
asking the wrong question with regard to the windigo phenomenon.
Rather than asking the question, "what causes a person to become a
cannibalistic maniac?" we should address ourselves to the question
"under what circumstances is a Northern Algonkian likely to be accused
of having become a cannibalistic maniac and thus run the risk of being
executed as such?" My reading of the literature agrees with John J.
Honigmann's, who, after eliminating the instances of famine cannibal
ism, reported: "I can't find one [case] that satisfactorily attests
to someone being seriously obsessed by the idea of committing canni
balism" (1967:401). This conclusion of Honigmann's has been supported
by my five years of intimate association with the Northern Ojibwa, and
my study of the archival windigo case materials.
We have seen that of the more than 70 cases of "windigo psychosis"
reported in the literature, only one was observed by the reporter
(Saindon 1928, 1933), and this v/oman was neither cannibalistic nor
psychotic. I have argued that the "psychosis" was a creation of
Father John M. Cooper (1933) whose interpretation of this aspect of
Northern Algonkian culture was followed over-hastily by A. Irving
Hallowell (1934) and Ruth Landes (1937a,b; 1938a,b). These
fieldworkers accepted informants' stories at face value, and never
questioned the accuracy of accounts of cannibalistic obsession, or of
reputed requests by the victims to be killed. The ramifications of
Landes' salutary observation"All [Ojibwa] insanities are generically
termed windigo" (1937a:46)--have been apparently overlooked by anthro
pologists, no less by Landes herself than by others.


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75
lurid illustration. The Lindholms invent a fictional Indian named Red
Bear who
sits up wild-eyed, his body drenched in sweat, every muscle
tensed. ... He has dreamed of the windigothe monster with a
heart of iceand the dream sealed his doom. Coldness gripped
his own heart. The ice monster had entered his body and pos
sessed him. He himself had become a windigo, and he could do
nothing to avert his fate.
Suddenly, the form of Red Bear's sleeping wife begins to
change. He no longer sees a women, but a deer. His eyes flame.
Silently he draws his knife from under the blanket and moves
stealthily toward the motionless figure. Saliva drips from the
corners of his mouth, and a terrible hunger twists his intes
tines. A powerful desire to eat raw flesh consumes him. (1981:
52)
How much longer will anthropology lend itself to this kind of
vilification? In a review article on the subject of psychiatric anthro
pology, John G. Kennedy concludes his summary of the windigo question
with these thoughts (1973:1158-1159):
What is so exasperating about the windigo literature, as about
all the discussions of the "exotic disorders," is the vast
amount of interesting speculation on the basis of such a slender
evidence. Since Fogelson [1965], Linton [1956:64-67], Parker
[1960], Roehrl [sic; 1970, 1972], Teicher [1960], Wallace [1961:
175], and Yap [1951, 1969] have never reported observing an
actual case of windigo, and have made their diagnoses, classifi
cations, and analyses from fragmentary accounts, most of the
discussion amounts only to speculative hypotheses that may now
be untestable.
I hold Kennedy to be right on the first count, but wrong on the
second. Relatively hard data are recoverable from archival sources.
These data in combination with a thorough ethnographic grounding and
cross-cultural evolutionary perspective yield a uniformitarian solu
tion to the windigo puzzle of high plausibility and likelihood; a solu
tion that confirms the suspicions expressed by John Honigmann in
1967.


147
since the headman was obviously not totally deaf. It is very curious
that Moostoos' initial threats of murder and cannibalism were first
heard only by a man who was partially deaf. As Harris points out,
"Shamans are usually personalities who are psychologically predisposed
toward hallucinatory experiences" (1975:527). This is consistent with
my observations of Cree and Ojibwa shamans. I believe that, because the
group was experiencing so much fear as a consequence of the epidemic,
they were in a state of heightened suggestibility and were more amenable
than ever to Entominahoos1 spiritual and secular leadership.
"The practice has been to kill Wehtigoos," testified Entominahoo,
"but it is not everyone who can kill a Wehtigoo. It took the strongest
medicine men to kill a Wehtigoo" (AAR 1903 [1904]:134). As in any
witch-hunt the person who identifies the "evil" and contributes to its
destruction, gains correspondingly in prestige.
When Corporal Phillips met Entominahoos1 band on March 30, 1899,
only a few days after Moostoos' killing, Payoo was already almost 50
miles east of the others. At this time Entominahoo identified Payoo as
the killer (ECF 1899:17-18). At the inquiry of July 25 Entominahoo
(p. 3), his wife Marie (p. 14), and Eliza the belt scourger (p. 2) all
swore that Payoo struck the first, or death-dealing blow. This was
refuted by subsequent testimony at the trial. Napaysosus said:
"Cannot understand why the others swear that Payoo struck the first blow.
It is not true" (AAR 1903 [1904]:130). Entominahoo changed his story at
the trial (p. 133). It was finally agreed that Payoo was not even in
the shack when the first two axe blows smashed in Moostoos1 head, al
though he was urged to strike when he entered and he did strike.


203
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Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.
Pettipas, Katherine. 1974. The diary of the Reverend Henry Budd,
1870-1875. Volume IV, Manitoba Record Society Publications.
Winnipeg: Hignell Printing.
Preston, Richard J. 1975. Cree narrative: Expressing the personal
meanings of events. National Museum of Man Mercury Series.
Canadian Ethnology Service Paper No. 30. Ottawa: National
Museums of Canada.
. 1980. "The witiko: Algonkian knowledge and white-man
knowledge," in Manlike monsters on trial: Early records and
modern evidence. Marjorie M. Hal pin and Michael M. Ames, eds.
pp. 111-131. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.


50
I lived among these people for 35 years and never locked my door
unless when going on a distant trip. I have again to say that
had there been an asylum or doctor near by that the band would
have been only too glad to hand over the unfortunate woman, as
once off their hands the men could leave to hunt and provide
for their families, which they could not do when they had to
watch her.
A demented or delirious person cannot be loaded into a birchbark canoe,
and is a distinct liability on hunting trips.
Rohrl's (1972) rejoinder to Brown deepens the confusion. She cau
tions "Jennifer Brown who quotes Young (1871) ... to consider the
source" (1972:243). It is not clear if by this statement Rohrl means
to impeach the reliability of missionary sources in general or that of
Egerton Ryerson Young in particular. Assuming the latter it must be
noted that Young wrote a series of popular books that contain obvious
exaggerations and a fair amount of 19th-century sensationalism. But
what is Rohrl's point? Is it that the boy was not killed, or that he
was fed hot bear fat as a specific for windigo possession and Young
failed to report the treatment? Her statement that "cultural phenomena,
including windigo psychosis, are multifactorial" (1972: 243) is a truism
that accepts the existence of the culture-bound psychopathology as a
demonstrated fact. Five years earlier John Honigmann had suggested
strongly that this is an unwarranted assumption (1967:401). Close
scrutiny of the archives yields evidence of an etic and behavioral
nature that documents the correctness of Honigmann's suggestion.
Almost as distant from the etic behavioral data base as Bolman and
Katz (1966) is Thomas Hay's paper, "The Windigo Psychosis: Psycho
dynamic, Cultural, and Social Factors in Aberrant Behavior" (1971).
Hay, a psychological anthropologist at the University of Missouri at


138
thrown over his head and one of the women whipped him in the face with
a plaited cord until the blood soaked through.
The statements made in the witnesses depositions and later in
court are sometimes contradictory, and the sequence of events is not
completely clear, but it seems certain that Moostoos was struck on the
head with an axe by his brother-in-law Chuckachuck, as well as by
Napaysosus and Payoo. Other members of the band also participated in
the execution. He was struck on the chest with an axe and a knife
driven into his bowels. One of the women may have stabbed him in the
chest with a file. Later, the woman who had whipped him ran a two
pronged iron instrument into his leg. The dead man's legs were tied
with trap-chains and tethered to a stake. At some point, he was dis
emboweled. A vigil was kept over the body all night to see if it would
come to life with the dawn. Before daybreak hot tea was poured into
the thoracic cavity to melt the ice that was thought to be growing
there and was believed to be the source of the evil. In the morning
the body was beheaded and a stake was driven through the chest wound,
pinning the body to the ground. A knife was driven through the ab
dominal cavity into the mud floor of the shack (ECF 1899; PAC 1899;
AAR 1903 [1904]:126-138).
Soon after the killing, Moostoos' erstwhile friends and relatives
set out for Lesser Slave Lake. News of the execution preceded them,
and Corporal Phillips met them enroute on March 30. The party of
Indians was camped in the bush. They hailed Phillips, Constable Warren,
and Interpreter Plante, and said that they were the Indians the police
were looking for. Phillips questioned Entominahoo, the headman, asking


88
Bishop believes that the Ojibwa were drawn north by trade conditions
resulting from the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1670.
This broke the Ojibwa middleman monopoly in the St. Lawrence-Great
Lakes fur trade system operating from Quebec. As a result of the
English competition from the Bay, the French established posts north of
Lake Superior drawing with them Ojibwa who sought to preserve their
middleman monopoly by intercepting the boreal forest Indians and preventing
them by intimidation from trading their furs at the HBC posts on James
Bay (Bishop 1976:44). "About this time, the Cree who had occupied the
Shield country north of Lake Superior began gradually to shift to the
west, while in their place came roving bands of Ojibwa and other
Algonkian-speakers from the southeast" (Bishop 1976:44). If Bishop is
correct in thisand a westward volkerwanderung of the Cree is generally
accepted (e.g. Mandelbaum [1940:165-187; Ray 1974:98-102])then it
seems reasonable to assume that the Cree migration was made possible by
the acquisition of firearms from the English, and motivated in part by
the Cree desire to promote their middleman position in the English trade
system (Heidenreich and Ray 1976:39).
In a paper co-authored with his wife, anthropologist M. Estellie
Smith, Bishop states that "there is absolutely no historic evidence
prior to the 1700s that the Ojibwa resided west of Lake Superior. .
Cree groups inhabited the remaining portion of northern Ontario and
down into southeastern Manitoba at contact" (1975:61). Bishop and Smith
support their position by means of historical evidence summarized on
pp. 56-58 of their paper, and go on to challenge the widely held
archaeological belief that the Blackduck pottery tradition represents


97
a line of rabbit snares is likely to be just as productive as a man in
his prime engaged in the same activity. And while male labor was doubt
less very important in the construction of autumn fish weirs, once the
wiers were built women and children could and did help harvest the
catch (Rogers 1981:42). But it was after the lakes were frozen that the
labor of children in fishing became especially important. A child can
jig through the ice for fish as easily as a man, and at a lower nutri
tional cost. Children are also capable of becoming productive fur
trappers at an earlier age than they can become proficient moose hunters.
Then, too, big game hunting is a more nomadic adaptation than the
fish and fur, hare and grouse economy. Generally speaking nomadism
causes children to be spaced farther apart, while a more sedentary
existence relaxes the pressures for birth spacing. Bishop makes a
related point (1978:226):
Trapping and hare snaring demanded less mobility and hence
less territory than big game hunting. While livelihood on
moose and caribou required that hunting groups move frequently
and over extensive regions, the exploitation of small fauna meant
that a greater number of smaller units could survive provided
that they were scattered over the country. Thus, for example, a
territory of 3,000 square miles might support a group of 30
persons, 10 of whom are, as big game hunters, the food getters.
In contrast, that same 3,000 square miles would be capable of
supporting, say, three extended family units of 15 persons
each (about 45 people altogether) if subsistence is on small non-
mi gratory fauna such as hare and fish.
As Ester Boserup (1965) has shown, modes of production normally
shift after being intensified past the point of diminishing returns.
In the Northern Ojibwa case the mode of production based on hunting
large cervids was intensified with novel technology under fur-trade
conditions not only past the point where people were working harder to
get less in return, but almost past the carrying capacity of their


116
HBC personnel for sabotaging his migration project by withholding his
mail from the Indians, but what he would not know is that it is probable
that they did so at the instigation of McDougall and Sutherland.
Yet for all of Sutherland's castigation of Stevens as a visionary
eccentric, in the annual report of the Methodist Missionary Society for
the year 1903-04 Stevens' successor, The Rev. A. McNeil, echoed one of
Stevens' main objectives (1904:x).
[The well-being of the Indians], I think, could be greatly aided if
some definite line of policy in settling the people could be agreed
upon between the Missionary Society and the fur companies trading
with the Indians. These latter do not look with much favor upon
the settlement of the Indian, fearing, I suppose, that in the [fur]
hunt being neglected [sic].
Stevens had criticized Sutherland and the Missionary Society for
having no definite policy with regard to the Indian work (Sutherland
1898a), and Sutherland reacted strongly against Stevens for it. Yet
here was McNeil saying the same thing. Could both men have been wrong?
According to the Rev. James Ernest Nix, Deputy Archivist of the United
Church of Canada and historian, the Indian work held a low priority for
Sutherland at this time. He was far more concerned with the success of
the more glamorous overseas missions, particularly those in China and
Japan (Nix 1977:299-230 and personal communication). My research leads
me to the conclusion that Stevens was a reliable and articulatethough
certainly partisanobserver.
Stevens' observations of the Sandy Lake Indians are of special
importance to this study. His first attempt to contact these people came
at their request in 1897. A message was sent to Stevens via the Island
Lake Indians and Stevens responded with a note suggesting a rendezvous
at Island Lake on August 12 (Stevens 1943:1). The note was probably


11
Although my primary interest at the time was in human biology and
subsistence activities, I also had a keen interest in ethnology and gen
eral anthropology. I received from the accumulated works of Hallowell
and Landes the vicarious thrills one might expect from good adventure
novels. The work of Dunning (1959) and Rogers (1962) seemed quite a bit
more sedate, and I was not sure how to account for this discrepancy. The
prospect of the 1972 summer field trip filled me with excitement, for it
would give me the chance to see the Northern Algonkians and their culture
first hand.
The purpose of the trip for me was to familiarize myself with the
area, find a suitable community in which to do doctoral research, and get
permission from the local leaders to conduct the research after explaining
to them what I wanted to do. For my traveling companions Ted Steegmann
(now chairman of the anthropology department at the State University of
New York at Buffalo) and Marshall Hurlich (now assistant professor of
anthropology at the University of Washington) the trip was to be more
structured; they were to proceed to Fort Severn, Ontario, to administer a
series of anthropometric protocols. Fort Severn, the most far-flung
community in the province, is situated near the shores of Hudson Bay and
was to be the site of Hurlich's doctoral research in 1973-74.
Twenty-four hours on the train from Toronto brought us to Sioux
Lookout, the jumping-off point for northwestern Ontario. After Steegmann
and Hurlich caught a plane to Fort Severn the weather deteriorated, mak
ing flying impossible but giving me extra time to decide on the village
to visit. After ruling out the larger communities I settled on Bearskin
Lake, probably for its rustic name.


158
informants that Wasakapeequay could not eat and that she vomited every
thing. He was also told that she begged to be killed since she was
firmly convinced that she was turning into a cannibal" (Teicher 1960:74;
based on Hallowell's unpublished field notes).
The desire to put a hopelessly sick person out of his or her
misery transcends cultural boundaries. Thomas Fiddler believed that his
wife would not recover (p. 103). We do not know how long she had been
ill. It could have been for some time. But in this case there were
compelling contextual reasons for euthanasia. Until about thirty years
ago, the Northern Ojibwa were simply not equipped to deal with a pro
tracted illness, especially one that involved impaired mental function.
Consider the scene at Sandy Lake at the end of the summer, 1906.
In those days Sandy Lake was only the site of a summer encampment. Soon
the band would be splitting into small, family winter hunting groups.
Collective survival depended on this seminomadic round of winter dis
persal. Game and fish in the immediate areas of the large summer gather
ings would be quickly depleted if the band remained stationary. It
would not be long before it would be time to pack everyone and every-
think into the birch-bark canoes and depart. The various families would
be traveling many miles over lakes, rivers, and portages. Some of the
smaller rapids would be run. What could be done with Wasakapeequay?
Contrary to popular opinion, the most serious environmental hazard in
the boreal forest is not the cold, but drowning (Marao 1981). A de
lirious or mentally impaired person cannot be taken on a canoe trip.
A false move in a canoe will spell disaster. This woman was rolling on
the ground and waving her arms around; an impossible situation. She


99
Some qualifying comments must be added to Bishop's statements.
Firstly, large game never completely disappeared; a few caribou re
mained. Secondly, there is some question about whether fish nets were
ever in general use until recent times (Rogers 1981:43). A third
quibble: Bishop is never explicit on the subject of Northern Ojibwa
rationality. He states that the population rose in response to a
demand for increased labor inputs into the new economy, but he does not
specify what alternatives would be selectively rewarded or penalized
under conditions of the new mode of production. In my opinion, members
of larger families were rewarded with a higher and less precarious
standard of living than members of smaller families. The mechanism for
the population increase probably was, as Harris suggests, a relaxed
selection on traditional methods of population control such as infanti
cide and neglect (personal communication 1979).
But hair-splitting aside, Bishop's work is an important corpus of
material that tends to corroborate my interpretation of the windigo
witch-fear complex. For if it is true, as Bishop writes, that by the
end of the 1820s it became necessary for "every capable Indian regard
less of age and sex [to be] employed in the food quest" (1978:
225), then a crucial corollary is that every ijncapable Indian imposed a
severe tax on the domestic economy. This was true not only because
these people could not work, but more importantly because providing
protracted nursing care for them diverted precious manpower and woman-
power away from subsistence activities from which it could not be
spared. The maintenance of incapacitated individuals virtually elimi
nated group mobility, especially during open-water seasons (including


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Todd L. Savitt
A^strmt- Professor of History
i? ^er=/,
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the
Department of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences
and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
December 1981
Dean for Graduate Studies and Research


43
"Psychological Theories of Windigo 'Psychosis' and a Preliminary Applica
tion of Models Approach" (Fogelson 1965). This paper is a more cautious,
and at the same time more ambitious,attempt to extrapolate on the windigo
phenomenon at the third level of abstraction. Fogelson begins by saying
that the windigo syndrome may have an organic etiology, but because there
is insufficient data to generate, let alone test, specific physiological
and genetic hypotheses, his report concentrates on psychological aspects
of windigo (1965:74-75).
In referring to some early sources cited by Cooper (1934b),
Fogelson makes a valuable contribution by pointing out that among the 18th-
century Cree of Hudson Bay, Wiitiko appears to have been an Algonkian
deity of evil principle. This malign god and his minions were a source
of menace and danger to humans, and had always to be propitiated.
Manitou, on the other hand, was a benign deity, but rather uninterested
in human affairs (Fogelson 1965:76-77). Fogelson's paper is important
in that he was the first to suggest that the windigo complex had
changed over time. "Interesting to note is the absence in these early
accounts of characteristics which were later associated with the Windigo
being: as his gigantic stature, his anthropophageous propensities, and
his symbolic connection with the north, winter, and starvation" (1965:
77; emphasis added). (Note also that Hearne makes no mention of the
term in association with Cree beliefs surrounding cannibalism in the
1770s [1795:34-35]). Moreover, Fogelson points out that "the fact that
only seventy fairly wel1-authenticated cases of windigo disorder have
found their way into the 1 iteraturefrom a population of over thirty
thousand over a period of three centuriessuggests strongly that


under what circumstances is a Northern Algonkian likely to be accused
of having become a cannibalistic maniac and thus run the risk of being
executed as such?" It is held that the conditions that produced the
windigo complex were created or exacerbated by the fur trade. These
include faunal depletions, population dislocations, a progressively
increasing bondage to a mercantile monopoly, devastations by European
diseases, and a counterintuitive population explosion caused by a shift
to a mode of production that put a premium on child labor. Under these
straitened circumstances the aged, the infirm, and the mentally dis
turbed imposed a severe tax on the domestic economy, and it is held
that the Algonkian windigo myth was elaborated in historic times to
provide a rationale for the execution of these persons.
It is argued, then, that those killed as having been possessed by
the spirit of the Windigo monster were in fact victims of triage homi
cide or witch-hunts; events common in societies under stress. It is
shown that there is no reliable evidence for psychotic cannibalism,
either in the windigo literature or in the archives. Furthermore, the
failure of anthropologists to distinguish the emics of thought from the
etics of behavior has resulted in a double error, for "windigo psychosis"
of anthropological renown conforms neither to the emic phenomenological
category of the Northern Algonkians nor to their etic behavioral
history.
iv


88
Bishop believes that the Ojibwa were drawn north by trade conditions
resulting from the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1670.
This broke the Ojibwa middleman monopoly in the St. Lawrence-Great
Lakes fur trade system operating from Quebec. As a result of the
English competition from the Bay, the French established posts north of
Lake Superior drawing with them Ojibwa who sought to preserve their
middleman monopoly by intercepting the boreal forest Indians and preventing
them by intimidation from trading their furs at the HBC posts on James
Bay (Bishop 1976:44). "About this time, the Cree who had occupied the
Shield country north of Lake Superior began gradually to shift to the
west, while in their place came roving bands of Ojibwa and other
Algonkian-speakers from the southeast" (Bishop 1976:44). If Bishop is
correct in thisand a westward volkerwanderung of the Cree is generally
accepted (e.g. Mandelbaum [1940:165-187; Ray 1974:98-102])then it
seems reasonable to assume that the Cree migration was made possible by
the acquisition of firearms from the English, and motivated in part by
the Cree desire to promote their middleman position in the English trade
system (Heidenreich and Ray 1976:39).
In a paper co-authored with his wife, anthropologist M. Estellie
Smith, Bishop states that "there is absolutely no historic evidence
prior to the 1700s that the Ojibwa resided west of Lake Superior. .
Cree groups inhabited the remaining portion of northern Ontario and
down into southeastern Manitoba at contact" (1975:61). Bishop and Smith
support their position by means of historical evidence summarized on
pp. 56-58 of their paper, and go on to challenge the widely held
archaeological belief that the Blackduck pottery tradition represents


84
Plains Cree and Plains Ojibwa society passed through many crises, but
they were not bound to the trading posts and they were not faced by the
specter of starvation as long as bison were abundant. It is my opinion
that these factors were incongruent with the development of windigo
witch-fear on the Plains (and indeed witchcraft and witch-fear were
minimal among them), hence the benign and comical windigokan of the
buffalo range.
While the cannibal witch-fear complex may have had antecedents
among the Montagnais of Quebec (Teicher 1960:76-77, 107), a group whose
"subsistence base had been drastically disrupted by trade and
environmental depletion" since the 1530s (Bishop 1975:239-240), it
seems first to have crystallized around the Windigo giant among the
Cree of the Hudson Bay Lowland (see Figure 1). This stark area accord
ing to archaeol ogist Kenneth Dawson "appear[s] to have been virtually
unoccupied in prehistoric times" (1981:13). It is Bishop's (1975:242-
243) belief that
the Cree who became attached to the coastal Hudson's Bay Company
posts during the late seventeenth century exhibited a rela
tively poor ecological adjustment from the beginning. There
large trading posts such as Fort Albany, York Fort and Moose
Factory represented points of convergence for large numbers of
Indians. Thus, game which was hunted for both traders and
Indians alike, dwindled rapidly near these centers within a few
years after their establishment. The relative poverty of the
coastal area except for the goose-hunting seasons, and the de
pendence of the Cree on trade goods and store foods in winter
kept many Indians in an area where food was scarce and which
may have been adandoned in the winter in aboriginal times. Starv
ing Indians who resorted to the post in winter had to be main
tained in oatmeal, peas, or surplus geese and fish. For example,
according to Anthony Beale in March 1706, many Indians "are all
so hungry that they are ready to Eate one another, so that now
heare are 20 that wholely lies on the Factory" (Hudson's Bay
Company Archives, B 3/a/l). Cases of death by starvation are
also fairly numerous. In 1707, Beale wrote that "3 or four
familys of Indians has perrished this Winter by Reason
there was but Fuew Beasts." (B 3/a/2)


146
And if someone is to be accused of witchcraft or spirit possession, the
shaman does well to choose someone without strong kinship backing.
(Usually this backing comes through one's father or brothers rather
than from affinal relatives.)
Moostoos, as an outsider, fits into this category of potential
accusee. He was an Athapaskan Beaver Indian accused by a group of
Algonkian Crees of having succumbed to a Cree malady. Although he was
married into the Cree group and spoke Cree, and several people made a
point of mentioning how well-liked he had been, the fact remains that
he was an outsider. If scapegoats are required, minorities and out
siders always make prime candidates.
It seems certain that Entominahoo made the diagnosis in the
Moostoos case, or at least confirmed it. "It is only my own husband who
knows anything about Wehtigoos," testified Entominahoo's wife, Marie
(AAR 1903 [1904]:134). Entominahoo himself said, "Then in the evening
we saw he was thinking something wrong about us" (ECF 1899:7; AAR,
p. 128). We saw he was thinking something was wrong about us! How
could Entominahoo "see" what Moostoos was thinking?
Referring to Moostoos' alleged threat, "If I get up from here,
I'll kill you all," Entominahoo testified:
It was only I that heard him say that before they got hold of him
[italics added]. He and I were alone in the morning. I then
tried to cure him with the medicine. It was late at night that we
commenced to hold him down. Nothing was wrong with him in the
daytime lying asleep. By his movements, we took hold of him
[italics in original]. He was going to jump up. (ARR 1903
[1904]: 133)
But Justice of the Peace A. Ross Cuthbert notes that Entominahoo
was "deaf" (ECF 1899:12). We can interpret this to mean hard of hearing,


150
Company by the Hudson's Bay Company. The HBC was more powerful than
ever and now enjoyed a monopoly situation. After amalgamation, the
Sandy Lake Indians had a long way to go to trade. The Island Lake post
was not operated consistently until 1865 (Wei 1s, personal communication,
1979), but by the end of the 19th century, most of the Sandy Lake
Indians were coming into Island Lake at least once a year to trade.
The Island Lake and Sandy Lake peoples are closely related, and the
language of the two groups is virtually identical. Campbell was in
charge of the Island Lake post on and off late in the 19th and early in
the 20th centuries. In 1894 Campbell established a winter outpost at
Sandy Lake as a satellite of the Island Lake post, and put Jimmie
Kirknessa native HBC employee in whom he had little confidence as a
businessmanin charge of it. In Campbell's words, "The Crane and Little
Sucker Bands would now be able to visit Sandy Lake and buy supplies dur
ing the winter. Thus enabling them to trap and hunt [furs] throughout
the season instead of the spring only as formerly" (n.d.: 36-37).
For many years before the Wasakspeequay killing, Campbell had been
concerned about the homicides in the Island LakeSandy Lake district.
Two 1893 incidents serve to illustrate his concern.
Using three canoes I returned to Island Lake, arriving on the
tenth of October. There were a few Indians camped around the
post and measles had got amongst them. A few deaths occurred.
In November an Indian hunter from Gull Harbour thirty miles
south on the Lake came in to the post with a small collection of
furs. He reported that measles got amongst the camp and one
young newly married man became delirious which to the native is
turning into a Weetigo or Cannibal. His mother and relations
advised that he should be destroyed. One of the members of the
camp not being related was told to shoot him which he did. I
was vexed at hearing of the murder of this promising young man.
I reported this murder to J. K. McDonald who was a Magistrate,


188
the environment, and to differences in rank requiring the coercion
of others in order to maintain an elevated position" (1979:7). The
ubiquitous sorcerers, then, are considered by the superordinate to
be those who "might willfully use their private technology to up-end
the social order" (1979:143). Fore Big Men "seek to discredit politi
cal rivals both in their own community and in a more general sense" by
accusing them of sorcery and calling them "rubbish men" (1979:126).
In a masterly illusion projected by an egalitarian ethic,
the dispossessed are characterized as a threat, a causistic
line of argument we share with the Fore. People in marginal
positions are portrayed as a danger to the establishment. If
kuru becomes the prototype for studies of slow virus infections,
Fore beliefs about mystical danger may contribute to our under
standing of the emergence of social inequality. (1979:146)'
In Cows, Pigs, Wars and Witches, Marvin Harris (1974) charts the
emergence of witch mania in a society that was already highly strati
fied. Harris has shown that in the year 1000 A.D. ecclesiastical and
social authorities proscribed the belief that witches could ride
through the air, and little importance was placed on the identifica
tion and destruction of "witches." Yet "after 1480, it was forbidden
to believe that [the ride of the witches] did not take place" (1974:
184), and for over 200 years European "witches" were tortured and
killed by the tens of thousands. Most of the victims were women, and
almost all were from the lower range of the social pyramid (1974:206).
Harris believes that the witch craze in Europe was occasioned by
stresses emanating from the passing of feudalism, the emergence of
strong national monarchies, the breakdown of Christian unity, the dis
possession of the feudal serfs, and by shifts in population from the


19
not a psychological anthropologist. Beginning in 1975, my work among
the Northern Algonkians came to be more of an applied, interventionist
nature involving the delivery of educational services. And perhaps, I
thought, the disjunction between the contemporary Algonkian and the
classical anthropological windigo was the result of acculturation.
Whenever the opportunity arose during the three years I worked
for Brandon University in northern Manitoba, I would come in to the
University of Winnipeg to use the library. I would use the resources
of the library to prepare lectures for my classes, to keep myself
current on developments in anthropology, and to pursue my own intel
lectual interests.
It was at the University of Winnipeg that I met Robert Fraser,
a laboratory demonstrator in the Department of Anthropology. Richard
Preston of McMaster University had delivered a guest lecture on the sub
ject of windigo at the University of Winnipeg in the winter of 1978-79.
I was unable to attend the lecture and asked Bob what it had been about.
Fraser gave me a brief overview of Preston's talk (see Preston 1980) and
then came up with a fascinating idea of his own. Fie told me that in the
rare book room of the University library was the manuscript autobiography
of a missionary by the name of Frederick Stevens (n.d.). Stevens, he
said, had visited Sandy Lake in the years before the infamous windigo
killings by the Fiddler brothers. According to Fraser, Stevens had
reported that most of the "windigos" killed were nursing mothers
(Stevens n.d.:43). Stevens also stressed the starvation conditions
under which the Sandy Lake Ojibwa lived at the time of his visits (1943:
4-9, n.d.:42-43). It would be hard to imagine, said Fraser, a more


24
Deputy Archivist of the United Church of Canada in Toronto. Mr. Nix
spent weeks helping me to investigate a crucial element in this disser
tation: the issue of the veracity and reliability of the missionary
Frederick George Stevens (see Chapter III). Mr. Nix took a personal
interest in the story of his brother minister, and devoted a great deal
of his energy to the retrieval of the Stevens material, and to other
aspects of the windigo puzzle. I am extremely thankful to him for all
his help and support.
I am also grateful to Charles Wagley for his comments on an
earlier version of Chapter II. It was he who pointed out the signifi
cance of Kluckhohn's Navaho Witchcraft (1944) to my study. J. Anthony
Parades' response to an earlier draft of Chapter II was most gracious,
and I thank him for bringing J. G. E. Smith's "Notes on the Wittiko"
(1976) to my attention. In a meticulous critique of an earlier paper
(Marao 1979), Jean Briggs made me aware of Edmund Carpenter's "Witch-
Fear among the Ai.vi.lik Eskimos" (1953).
Both Edward S. Rogers and Richard J. Preston read my 1979 manu
script and offered useful suggestions. Rogers has shared some of his
archival notes with me, including the exchange of correspondence
between Fortesque and Todd found earlier in this chapter. I very much
appreciate this, and other favors.
My special thanks go to Marvin Harris, whose analysis of the
European witch-craze (1974) helped me while still in the field make
the mental connections from which this dissertation grew. Professor
Harris' comments and criticisms have greatly improved this disserta
tion. It is difficult to express the value of the intellectual


117
at least partly in English, since Stevens probably could not speak fluent
Cree nor write easily in syllabics at this time. The Island Lakers,
not being able to read the date in the message, could not tell the Sandy
Lakers what it said, so they took the note to the Island Lake HBC post
manager, Robert Whiteway. According to Stevens, Whiteway deliberately
misread the note, changing the meeting date to August 17 (1943:1, 3).
Stevens got along well with some of the HBC men, but between him
and Whiteway there was to be bitter enmity. Any expedition to Sandy
Lake from Oxford House would have to be mounted through Island Lake
where Whiteway held sway. Stevens claims that Whiteway threatened to
shoot him (1943:6), and had knocked down one of Stevens' guides and
threatened the life of another after Stevens' expedition of 1899 (1943:
3). By the turn of the century the Company had given up the practice
of retaining assassins to enforce its will (Godsell 1939:73-75; Campbell
n.d.: 36), but it would be long before they would cease intimidating the
Indians.
Stevens' 1899 trip met with almost as little success as his
1897 venture. By careful planning and logistics, Stevens managed to
circumvent Whiteway and reached Sandy Lake, but missed the main body of
the Indians. He and his guides managed to meet a group of about fifty
starving people between Island Lake and Sandy Lake. "That night my
man from Oxford House could not sleep so badly shaken was he by the
wretched condition of these Indians. He had never seen the like before"
(1943:2).
Stevens made secret arrangements with Jimmie Kirkness, the native
HBC employee who had operated the Sandy Lake outpost as a satellite of


171
Moostoos too had shown edema in the legs (ECF 1899:8-9). The delirium
in combination with the swelling leads me to believe that these men were
suffering from kidney failure. I have seen a case of delirium from
kidney failure in an urban hospital, and it is terrible to behold. It
frightened me even though the victim was a stranger to me, and I under
stood what was causing the symptoms. It is easy to understand how a
group of people off in the bush would have become unnerved by exposure
to a case like this, and used an element of their cultural belief system
to justify triage homicide.
Notes
Metis are Canadians of mixed European and Indian descent and
culture, who have existed as a distinct ethnic entity since the 18th
century, and have figured prominently in Canadian history since that
time. Many contemporary Metis speak English or French and an Indian
language, but some are monolingual in either a native language (usually
Cree or Ojibwa) or a European language (usually English). Today the
term has largely come to mean a native person who does not appear on
government treaty lists. Of all the jurisdictions in Canada, only
Alberta has official guidelines that attempt to operationalize the
category. Anyone for whom at least one quarter Indian ancestry can
be demonstrated is officially considered a Metis in that province.
For background see Adams (1975) and Brown (1980).
2
Charcoal was a Blood Indian suffering from tuberculosis who,
on September 30, 1896, at a place southwest of Lethbridge, Alberta,
shot and killed his wife's paramour while the couple was in f1agrante
delicto. On several occasions Charcoal had warned the young man to
stop the affair, the last time only moments before the killing, but he
was mocked by the lothario. There is reason to believe that the homi
cide was motivated less by sexual jealousy than by the fact that his
wife was involved with her own cousin, making the affair an incestuous
one (Dempsey 1978:18-20).
According to Dempsey, Charcoal firmly believed he would be hanged
for the killing, and decided that it was necessary for a prominent
personIndi an or whiteto precede him in death to "ensure him a
satisfactory entry into the spirit world" (1978:34). Accordingly, he
soon thereafter attempted to kill Edward McNeil, a farm instructor,
by shooting into his home, but only succeeded in wounding him (1978:
39).


131
fire-bag, and a kettle he had hidden in the bush, and proposed that the
party proceed to the grave he had described near Egg Lake. Inspector
Gagnon had to refuse his request because the party did not have enough
provisions for that purpose.
A short time after Swift Runner was committed for trial, he re
quested to see Supt. Jarvis for the purpose of making a statement. He
began by making a statement Jarvis took to be untrue, so the Superinten
dent sent him back to his cell. On the next day, June 15, Jarvis was
again told that Swift Runner wanted to see him. Through Brazeau and in
the presence of Jarvis and a Cree-speaking farmer named William Borwick,
Swift Runner made and put his mark on the following declaration:
I am going to tell the truthI have done a great deal of
harm. That is the reason I was backward with telling about it.
I did not kill anybody else's children, only my own. I told you
an awful lie. First I shot my son the next to the eldest. The
eldest died. At the camp where your men found the bones, I
killed all the rest except my youngest son which [sic] I killed
near Egg Lake. I shot him through the back of the head. I shot
my wife through the breast. The two little girls I knocked in
the head with an axe. I choked the baby girl with a line. I
know nothing about my brother and mother. My second boy I shot
at a camp I did not show. A few days after my eldest boy died
of starvation, I shot my woman and killed all the rest except my
last boy at the same camp the same dayAfter eating my last boy
I came on to Egg Lake where I stayed a little while, then I came
on to St. Albert. My wife said nothing when I killed my second
boy. I never threatened before to kill and eat my wifeI told
you everything I know I have done.
Signed
Ka ki si kut chin
his
X
mark
On August 6, 1879, Swift Runner was tried for murder before
Stipendiary Magistrate Hugh Richardson, Esq. (Richardson was later to
preside at the trial of, and pass the sentence of death upon, the Metis'*
leader Louis Riel. Riel had been charged with "high treason" for his


2
But the memory of another group of people killed for having con
gress with demons remains beclouded. With beginnings that may antedate
the Salem trials and continuing almost until World War I, a number of
Algonkian Indians (no one knows just have many) were killed by their
fellows on the grounds that they had been possessed by the spirit of a
cannibal monster. Professional anthropologists have concerned them
selves with this issue since shortly after 1930, a time when an
"'atomistic' structure of Algonkian personality . and other person
ality theories developed as a result of interest in Gestalt psychology
and psychoanalysis in the post-World War I period" (Hickerson 1967:
313). Beginning with the work of Father John M. Cooper (1933) anthro
pologists have explicated this phenomenon in the following way: The
cultural constellation of the Northern Algonkian peoples is such that
it predisposes certain individuals to fall victim to a psychosis in
which state they are obsessed by a compulsive craving to eat human
flesh. According to this theory these victims of "windigo psychosis"^
are often quite willing to kill in order to satisfy their ghoulish
mania. Small wonder, then, that the preemptive execution of those so
afflicted has frequently been necessary.
I reject this interpretation of Cooper and his followers
(Hallowell 1934, 1936; Landes 1937a,b, 1938a,b), and contend that al
though "windigo psychosis" has been the most celebrated culture trait
of the Northern Algonkian peoples for almost half a century there prob
ably never were any windigo psychotics in the sense that cannibalism or
murder was ever committed in order to satisfy an obsessive craving for
human flesh. While I agree with Preston that aspects of the windigo


47
But Rohr! never specifies the missing nutrient or nutrients that
bear fat might supply. In addition to the fat itself she suggests that
"at least some proteins and B vitamins including thiamine" might be in
volved (1970:99). She goes on to state that "bear fat is believed to
contain vitamin C, or ascorbic acid, probably derived from berries and
other foods in their diets" (ibid.; italics added). Vitamin C is a
water-soluble vitamin the inability of which to be stored in fat is the
reason why humans and other primates need a constant supply. Vitamin C
deficiency disease in humans is well known. It is called scurvy, not
windigo psychosis. While victims of scurvy sometimes do show signs of
psychological deterioration, compulsive murder-cannibalism is not one
of the symptoms.
Rohrl never questions the reality of the assumption of a culture-
specific, etic behavioral psychopathology. As H. F. McGee wrote:
"That the windigo melancholy may be caused by the absence of this
enzyme or that vitamin is accepted. But why do these black-Irish fits
manifest themselves as the windigo psychosis among the Northern
Algonkians and not among their Dene, Siouan, Iroquoian, and Eskimo neigh
bors when the latter undergo similar nutritional deprivation?"(1972:
244).5
Why indeed? What neither Rohrl, McGee, nor anyone but Honigmann
has suggested to date is if the windigo "psychosis" does not exist
among these contiguous groups of people, perhaps it does not exist among
the Northern Algonkians either. McGee of course deserves credit for
pointing out the anomaly, but he tries to resolve it by positing the
existence of a Windigo-like being in Northern Athapaskan mythology.


27
inputs are absent. But some of these casesabout 10% can be studied
both emically and etically by reading court records, trial tran
scripts, and police investigation reports. In these documents the
words of the principals are recorded, as well as the reports of out
side investigators whose business it was to determine the behavioral
facts as best they could. The value of these cases is far superior
to that of the others for two reasons: The emic inputs come from those
personally involved, and etic inputs are also present.
In only one of the documentary cases did cannibalism occur, and
this was a case of murder-cannibalism under starvation conditions.
This is hardly evidence of psychosis, nor is such behavior culture-
specific. The man in this case was not confronted by his fellow
Indians, but was arrested by the Mounted Police and executed by the
Dominion Government (Public Archives of Canada [hereafter PAC] 1879).
The remaining executions of windigo "psychotics" were carried out by
Indians and appear to be thinly disguised rationalizations for triage
homicide (AAR 1907 [1908]: PAC 1907-08, Edmonton Court Files [hereafter
ECF] 1899), and another appears to be the case of a man who, for
reasons of his own, engineered his own death (Manitoba Court of Queen's
Bench 1899).
It seems likely that the 10% sample these documented cases consti
tute is representative of the "windigo" universe. This statistical find
ing is reenforced by my ethnographic observations. In five years in
the boreal forest I saw frequent instances of scapegoating, and heard
countless witchcraft accusations, but never encountered one shred of


49
are Young's comments that follow. "Poor boy, he was only a lunatic, and
perhaps a few months in an asylum would have restored reason to its throne.
I took my canoe and went and visited the family. [They had since come in
to the settlement.] They are now in deep sorrow at what they have so
rashly done" (1871:37).
The reader is entitled to an interpretation of the quoted passages
different from the one I am about to make, but what it says to me is that
a mentally ill boy was killed by his family. The story has a ring of im-
plausibility to it. Note the phrase "tried hard to bite," implying that
the boy was unsuccessful in his attempt to bite his father. How is is pos
sible for a crazed 15-year-old male to fail at least to get in a nip while
"attacking?" The Northern Algonkians are not immune to mental illness. No
one disputes the fact that they fall victim to psychiatric disorders at at
least the rate of other populations. The question is, what are the options
open to a small family hunting group in the vast boreal hinterland in deal
ing with a disruptive or burdensome individual? Young was one of many
early observers who never doubted what seemed to them to be an obvious
fact: The windigo belief complex was an ideological and superstructural
rationalization for homicide; i.e., the execution of the alleged "windigo."
It was not until the anthropological writings of the early 1930s that the
balance shifted in favor of an explanation that held the executed parties
responsible for having brought death upon themselves through their canni
balistic frenzy.
An example of the numerous references that can be cited in support
of this fact is a letter written by John Kennedy McDonald (1907), a re
tired chief trader with the Hudson's Bay Company, to the editor of the
Manitoba Free Press regarding the windigo execution of Wasakapeequay by
the Fiddler brothers:


139
him who had done the killing. Entominahoo hesitated, then asked Phillips
if he had met anyone on the road. Phillips answered that he had met
Payoo seven miles from Lesser Slave Lake. (This puts Payoo at a great
distance from the main party in a relatively short time, for Phillips
reported this camp to be fifty-four miles away from the police bar
racks at Lesser Slave Lake [PAC 1899].) Entominahoo then said, "That's
the man that killed Moostoos," and Napaysosus cut the head off
the body (ECF 1899). Phillips arrested Napaysosus, detained Chucha-
chuck as a witness, and went to examine the body. After investigating
the scene of the killing, Phillips buried Moostoos' remains near the
shack on the bank of the Smoky River (ECF 1899).
The police patrol returned the same day to the Indian camp to find
the "natives wildly excited" over another cannibal scare (ECF 1899). It
was Phillips' opinion "that had we not returned another murder would
have been added to the list" (ECF 1899). According to Phillips, "An
other of this camp wish[ed] to become Cannibal" and "we were employed
watching this man all night, keeping the prisoners also in close view,
and not one individual in that camp closed his or her eyes owing to
the fear they entertain 're these cannibals'" (ECF 1899).
But Corporal Phillips does not identify the man who "wished to
become a cannibal" on the night of March 30, 1890. He does not give any
evidence that this man actually expressed cannibalistic inclinations in
words or actions. He seems to accept the native point of view at face
value in this instance. According to testimony given at the trial, yet
another manNapaysiswas suspected of turning windigo before Moostoos'
execution (AAR 1903 [1904]:130, 132, 133). Napaysis was dying at the


WINDIGO PSYCHOSIS: THE ANATOMY OF AN EMIC-ETIC CONFUSION
BY
LOUIS MARAO
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1981


208
Van Ginneken, Jeroen K. 1974. Prolonged breastfeeding as a birth
spacing method. Studies in Family Planning 5:201-206.
Vickers, Chris. 1948. The historical approach and the Headwaters
Lake aspect. Plains Archaeological Conference Newsletter 1(3):
8-11.
. 1948b. Cultural affinity in the Minnesota-Manitoba region.
Minnesota Archaeologist 14:38-41.
Waisberg, Leo G. 1975. Boreal forest subsistence and the windigo:
Fluctuation of animal populations. Anthropologica 17:169-185.
Wallace, Anthony F. C. 1961. Culture and personality. New York:
Random House.
Warren, William W. 1957 (1852). History of the Ojibwav nation.
Minneapolis: Ross and Haines.
Wells, Garrn. Personal communication, 1979, letter to author dated
May 29, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Winnipeg.
West, John. 1824. The substance of a journal during a residence at
the Red River Colony. London: L. B. Seeley and Sons. Reprinted
1966 by the Johnson Reprint Company, New York.
White, Benjamin. 1973. Demand for labor and population growth in
Colonial Java. Human Ecology 1:217-236.
. 1975. "The economic importance of children in a
Javanese village," in Population and social organization. Moni
Nag, ed., pp. 127-146. The Hague: Mouton.
Wilford, Lloyd A. 1945. The prehistoric Indians of Minnesota. Minne
apolis: Minnesota History.
. 1955. A revised classification of the prehistoric cultures
of Minnesota. American Antiquity 21:130-142.
Wing, J. K. 1978. Reasoning about madness. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Winterhalder, Bruce, and Eric Alden Smith, eds. 1981. Hunter-gatherer
foraging strategies: Ethnographic and archaeological analyses.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Wright, James V. 1963. An archeological survey along the north shore
of Lake Superior. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada.
. 1965. A regional examination of Ojibwa culture history.
Anthropologica 7:189-227.


133
In a private letter to Prime Minister Sir John A. MacDonald him
self, one A. Campbell (the Minister of Justice?) concurred with
Richardson's assessment of the evidence. "There seems no doubt that
the murder was committed by the prisoner, and not under pressure of
starvation but to rid himself of the trouble of providing for his
family."
But the most damning piece of testimony comes from Swift Runner's
own father-in-law. "Prisoner and his family were never so far away
that they or the children could not readily have got into the Hudson's
Bay Post at the River Landing without risk of starvation even if no game
could be found." An easy answer to Richardson's question "What could
have led him to the commission of the outrage?" is windigo psychosis,
of course, and the case exists in the literature as a windigo incident
(Teicher 1960:85-88).
As tempting as it is to dismiss the metabolic motive for the
murders and the cannibalism in favor of an explanation relying on cul
turally patterned psychopathology, this option must not be taken over-
hastily. The trial testimony and Swift Runner's confession raise al
most as many questions as they answer. I will argue here that, although
we will now probably never know the full circumstances of the case,
starvation was the primary motive for the killings and cannibalism. It
should be noted that nowhere in the Department of Justice file is there
any mention of windigo, nor of insanity, save Richardson's express
denial of it.
In an account otherwise full of lies, Swift Runner first told
interpreter Brazeau that starvation came to his family because "he was


154
Department, to act in this capacity. Mr. Calverly evidently made a good
job of it, and almost persuaded the jury to reduce the charge from murder
to manslaughter on the grounds of the mitigating circumstances of what
we would today call cultural differences (pp. 114, 118). The jury
finally returned a verdict of "guilty, with a strong recommendation for
mercy on account of the prisoner's ignorance and superstition" (p. 118).
Unfortunately Mr. Calverly's statement has not been preserved.
Our information on the Sandy Lake area windigo killings comes to us
from the testimony of two young Indians who were detained along with the
Fiddler brothers and held as witnesses. They were Norman "Owl" Rae,
also known as Napoquanias, also known as Minowapawin, and Angus Rae,
also known as Manwapait, and yet another undisclosed Indian name. We
do not know what "deal," if any, was made with these men in exchange for
their testimony. We do not know if they felt it was in their best inter
ests to lie, or tell the truth, or artfully combine the two. Certainly
their testimony at times seems evasive and equivocal; at other times
almost impossibly naive. But theirs is the best account of what really
happens at a windigo execution that we are ever likely to get.
The facts, as related by Norman and Angus Rae, are rather prosaic
and almost dull. Sometime around the first of September, 1906, an
Indian woman, Wasakapeequay, also known as Mrs. Thomas Fiddler, was
brought in to the encampment at Sandy Lake by her husband and her father-
in-law, Pesequan. She was sick and would not lie quiet. She was very
weak; too weak to have hurt anyone. Her speech was incoherent. She
moaned and waved her arms. At first she rolled on the ground and people
held her down. Later she was not held and appears to have grown weaker.


87
Yet Rogers' own research, as well as that of Bishop and Hurlich,
indicates to me that the food crisis among the Northern Algonkians was
serious, and that it was felt most keenly first among the Cree in the
Hudson Bay Lowlands shortly after the establishment of the HBC coastal
forts in the years following 1670. Later, hunger was to come to the
boreal forest Ojibwa, reaching famine proportions in the third decade of
the 19th century (Bishop 1974, 1976, 1978). I contend that the windigo
complex followed in the tracks of starvation.
The reconstruction of Cree culture history is difficult. Although
it appears that they occupied the Hudson Bay Lowland only seasonallyif
at allunder aboriginal conditions, there is general agreement that the
Cree inhabited the boreal forest in pre-contact times, and that they
are represented there archaeologically by the Selkirk tool and pottery
tradition (Dawson 1981:31). The exact nature of their ecological adap
tation is unknown, but a high degree of mobility and seasonal exploita
tion of resources is assumed. Mandelbaum cites early sources that put
the Cree at contact all the way from the shores of Hudson Bay to the
wild rice beds near Lake of the Woods and on to the northwest shore of
Lake Superior (1940:159-172). This is a huge range for one group to
exploit seasonally, and we do not know how many local-group micro
adaptations might have been present.
But what of the Ojibwa? Here the experts disagree. As we have
seen above, Bishop maintains that the proto-historic Ojibwa lived in a
relatively small mixed-forest belt along the northeast shore of Lake
Superior and the north shore of Lake Huron, and that it was not until
the 1680s that a major separation of the Ojibwa began (1976:43).


208
Van Ginneken, Jeroen K. 1974. Prolonged breastfeeding as a birth
spacing method. Studies in Family Planning 5:201-206.
Vickers, Chris. 1948. The historical approach and the Headwaters
Lake aspect. Plains Archaeological Conference Newsletter 1(3):
8-11.
. 1948b. Cultural affinity in the Minnesota-Manitoba region.
Minnesota Archaeologist 14:38-41.
Waisberg, Leo G. 1975. Boreal forest subsistence and the windigo:
Fluctuation of animal populations. Anthropologica 17:169-185.
Wallace, Anthony F. C. 1961. Culture and personality. New York:
Random House.
Warren, William W. 1957 (1852). History of the Ojibwav nation.
Minneapolis: Ross and Haines.
Wells, Garrn. Personal communication, 1979, letter to author dated
May 29, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Winnipeg.
West, John. 1824. The substance of a journal during a residence at
the Red River Colony. London: L. B. Seeley and Sons. Reprinted
1966 by the Johnson Reprint Company, New York.
White, Benjamin. 1973. Demand for labor and population growth in
Colonial Java. Human Ecology 1:217-236.
. 1975. "The economic importance of children in a
Javanese village," in Population and social organization. Moni
Nag, ed., pp. 127-146. The Hague: Mouton.
Wilford, Lloyd A. 1945. The prehistoric Indians of Minnesota. Minne
apolis: Minnesota History.
. 1955. A revised classification of the prehistoric cultures
of Minnesota. American Antiquity 21:130-142.
Wing, J. K. 1978. Reasoning about madness. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Winterhalder, Bruce, and Eric Alden Smith, eds. 1981. Hunter-gatherer
foraging strategies: Ethnographic and archaeological analyses.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Wright, James V. 1963. An archeological survey along the north shore
of Lake Superior. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada.
. 1965. A regional examination of Ojibwa culture history.
Anthropologica 7:189-227.


187
Edmond Carpenter has demonstrated how the introduction of deadly
diseases, the decimation of game herds, an economy based more and more
on an uncertain fox-fur trade, and competition with hostile Inuit
groups for women and an ever-decreasing food supply, caused the Avilik
Inuit to become preoccupied by witch-fear (1961 [1953]:509). By
1950 the aboriginal pattern of magic for controlling game, disease,
weather, etc., had been almost completely replaced by the constant
fear of malevolent witchcraft where "every man's hand was suspected
of being against every nonrelative" (1961:508).
Shirley Lindenbaum has shown in her book Kuru Sorcery (1979)
how the mounting importance of sorcery in the ideology of the South
Fore of New Guinea "simultaneously registered and aggravated the
social inequalities and demographic imbalances" occurring in their
area in the 1950s and 1960s (1979:vi ii). "Between 1957 and 1968.
over 1,100 kuru deaths occurred in a South Fore population of 8,000.
. . Since kuru is primarily a disease of adult women--the child-
bearers, hog tenders, and gardenersits effects on Fore society have
been particularly deranging. When the incidence of kuru reached a peak,
in the 1960s, the South Fore believed their society was coming to an
end" (1979:6). "To this day, Fore universally believe that kuru is
caused by malicious sorcerers in their midst" (1979:28).
The ethnographic record indicates that the ideology of sorcery
among the Fore became elaborated in a brief period between 1951 and
the 1960s (1979:74). This situation is complicated by novel social
relations that resulted from three decades of exposure to Australian
authorities, "A new way of life gave rise to greater manipulation of


147
since the headman was obviously not totally deaf. It is very curious
that Moostoos' initial threats of murder and cannibalism were first
heard only by a man who was partially deaf. As Harris points out,
"Shamans are usually personalities who are psychologically predisposed
toward hallucinatory experiences" (1975:527). This is consistent with
my observations of Cree and Ojibwa shamans. I believe that, because the
group was experiencing so much fear as a consequence of the epidemic,
they were in a state of heightened suggestibility and were more amenable
than ever to Entominahoos1 spiritual and secular leadership.
"The practice has been to kill Wehtigoos," testified Entominahoo,
"but it is not everyone who can kill a Wehtigoo. It took the strongest
medicine men to kill a Wehtigoo" (AAR 1903 [1904]:134). As in any
witch-hunt the person who identifies the "evil" and contributes to its
destruction, gains correspondingly in prestige.
When Corporal Phillips met Entominahoos1 band on March 30, 1899,
only a few days after Moostoos' killing, Payoo was already almost 50
miles east of the others. At this time Entominahoo identified Payoo as
the killer (ECF 1899:17-18). At the inquiry of July 25 Entominahoo
(p. 3), his wife Marie (p. 14), and Eliza the belt scourger (p. 2) all
swore that Payoo struck the first, or death-dealing blow. This was
refuted by subsequent testimony at the trial. Napaysosus said:
"Cannot understand why the others swear that Payoo struck the first blow.
It is not true" (AAR 1903 [1904]:130). Entominahoo changed his story at
the trial (p. 133). It was finally agreed that Payoo was not even in
the shack when the first two axe blows smashed in Moostoos1 head, al
though he was urged to strike when he entered and he did strike.


105
William Cochran, who was one of West's successors, devoted prodi
gious efforts throughout his lifetime toward the establishment of an
agricultural mission among the Cree and Ojibwa of the Red River area.
Initially the Reverend William Cochran had received support for
the establishment of the Indian settlement at Netley Creek from
[HBC Governor George] Simpson. The Governor viewed the Indian
village as a means whereby the native population would be at
tracted away from the Red River Colony. More crucial to the
direct interests of the Hudson's Bay Company was Simpson's
argument that a concentration of natives about Netley Creek would
effectively isolate native traders [probably meaning Indians
with salable furs] from the growing competition offered by the
free trader and the American trader. (Pettipas 1974:x, who
cites Thompson [1962] as her source)
But as the village grew Simpson became increasingly concerned as it con
tinued to attract trappers and their families from off the Shield
where many of the Indians "were in fact starving" (Pettipas 1974:xii).
In 1834 he withdrew permission for the project that he had given two
years earlier. Cochran asked Simpson to put the order to vacate the
settlement in writing, which Simpson refused to do. Cochran then ig
nored the order, but the machinations of the Hudsons Bay Company against
Cochran's mission and all efforts involving Indian relocation were just
beginning (Czuboka 1960:39, 50, 51). "This repressive policy of the
Company continued until the end of its rule [in 1870] and it was a
large factor in the failure of St. Peters" (Czuboka 1960:iii).
Hudson's Bay Company rule may have ended on the prairies in 1870,
but it persisted de facto in the Arctic and Subarctic until well after
the turn of the present century. The Company had not loosened its hold
in the Oxford House district when an earnest young Methodist missionary
named Frederick George Stevens was posted there with his bride in 1897.
Stevens was one of those rare people blessed (or cursed) with the


197
Carpenter, Edmond S. 1961 (1953). "Witch-fear among the Avilik
Eskimos," in Social structure and personality: A casebook.
Yehudi A. Cohen, ed., pp. 508-516. New York: Holt, Rinehart
and Winston. (Reprinted from American Journal of Psychiatry
110:194-199.)
Christian Guardian. 1901. Stevens of Oxford House. News item,
October 16, p. 5.
Cooper, John M. 1933. The Cree witiko psychosis. Primitive Man
(now Anthropological Quarterly) 6:20-24.
. 1934a. Mental disease situations in certain cultures--A
new field for research. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychol
ogy 29:10-17.
. 1934b. The Northern Alqonquian Supreme Being. Washington,
D.C.: The Catholic University of America.
Czuboka, Michael Peter. 1960. St. Peter's: A historical study with
anthropological observations on the Christian Aborigines of Red
River. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of History, Univer
sity of Manitoba. Copy in Legislative Library, Provincial
Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg.
Dawson, Kenneth C. A. 1981. "Pre-history of the interior forest of
northern Ontario," manuscript prepared for Boreal forest adap
tations: The Algonkians of northern Ontario. A. T. Steegmann,
Jr., ed. New York: Plenum Press.
Dempsey, Hugh A. 1978. Charcoal's world. Scarborough, Ontario:
Signet.
Douglas, R., and J. N. Wallace. 1926. Twenty years of York Factory,
1694-1714. Ottawa: Thorburn and Abbott.
Dunning, R. William. 1959. Social and economic change among the
northern Ojibwa. Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto
Press.
Edmonton Court Files. 1899. The Oueen vs. Pay-i-uu and Nap-i-so-sis.
Cr. 157 (Old Series).
Evans, Edward G. 1961. Prehistoric Blackduck-Historic Assiniboine:
A reassessment. Plains Anthropologist 6:271-275.
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. 1962. Social anthropology and other essays.
New York: The Free Press.
Fogelson, Raymond D. 1965. "Psychological theories of windigo
'psychosis' and a preliminary application of a models approach,"
in Context and meaning in cultural anthropology: Essays in honor


34
By the time Hearne wrote these words in 1770, the Hudson's Bay Company
was already celebrating its first centenary. Whether or not eating one
another was a frequent necessity for the Cree before the fur-trade epoch
is a matter for further research, but in a footnote added later to the
quoted passage, Hearne continued:
It is the general opinion of the Southern [i.e., Cree]
Indians, that when any of their tribe have been driven to the
necessity of eating human flesh, they become so fond of it, that
no person is safe in their company. And though it is well known
they are never guilty of making this horrid repast but when driven
to it by necessity, yet those who have made it are not only
shunned, but so universally detested by all who know them, that
no Indians will tent with them, and they are frequently murdered
slily [sic]. I have seen several of those poor wretches who,
unfortunately for them, have come under the above description, and
though they were persons much esteemed before hunger had driven
them to this act, were afterward so universally despised and
neglected, that a smile never graced their countenances: deep
melancholy has been seated on their brows, while the eye most
expressively spoke the dictates of the heart, and seemed to say,
"Why do you despise me for my misfortunes? The period is prob
ably not far distant, when you may be driven to the like neces
sity!"
In the Spring of the year 1775, when I was building Cumber
land House an Indian, whose name was Wapoos [Hare], came to the
settlement, at a time when fifteen tents of Indians were on the
plantations [sic!]: they examined him very minutely, and found
he had come a considerable way by himself, without a gun or
ammunition. This made many of them conjecture he had met with,
and killed, some person by the way, and this was the more easily
credited, from the care he took to conceal a bag of provisions,
which he had brought with him, in a lofty pine-tree near the
house.
Being a stranger, I invited him in, though I saw he had
nothing for trade; and during that interview, some of the Indian
women examined his bag; and gave it as their opinion that the
meat it contained was human flesh: in consequence it was not with
out the interference of some principal Indians, whose liberality
of sentiment was more extensive than in the others, the poor
creature saved his life. Many of the men cleaned and loaded their
guns; others had their bows and arrows ready; and even the women
took possession of the hatchets, to kill this poor inoffensive
wretch, for no crime but that of travelling about two hundred
miles by himself, unassisted by fire-arms for support in his
journey. (1971 [1795]: 34-35)


REFERENCES
Adams, Howard. 1975. Prison of grass: Canada from the native point
of view. Don Mills, Ontario: New Press.
Annual Archaeological Report 1903. 1904. The killing of Moostoos the
Wehtigoo. (Summary of lenal proceedings held at Fort Saskatche
wan and Edmonton, July-August 1899.) Appendix to the Report of
the Minister of Education, Ontario, pp. 126-138. Toronto: King's
Printer.
Annual Archaeological Report 1907. 1908. The killing of Wa-sak-apee-
quay by Pe-se-quan, and others. (Transcript of trial held at
Norway House, October 7, 1907.) Appendix to the Report of the
Minister of Education, Ontario, pp. 91-121. Toronto: King's
Printer.
Arieti, Silvano, and Johannes M. Meth. 1959. "Rare, unclassifiable,
collective, and exotic psychiatric syndromes," in The American
Handbook of Psychiatry. Silvano Arieti, ed. pp. 546-563.
Armstrong, Harvey, and Paul Patterson. 1975. Seizures in Canadian
Indian children: Individual, family and community approaches.
Canadian Psychiatric Association Journal20:247-255.
Bailey, Alfred Goldsworthy. 1969. The conflict of European and
Eastern Algonkian cultures, 1504-1700. Second Edition. Toronto
and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.
Ballantyne, Robert M. 1848. Hudson's Bay. Edinburgh: William
Blackwood and Sons.
Barnouw, Victor. 1961. Chippewa Social Atomism. American Anthro
pologist 63:1006-1013.
. 1979. Culture and personality. Third edition. Homewood,
Illinois: The Dorsey Press.
Bishop, Charles A. 1973. Ojibwa cannibalism. Chicago: Ninth
International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological
Scienees.
. 1974. The Northern Ojibwa and the fur trade: An histori
cal and ecological study. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston
of Canada.
195


151
he reported it to Lieut' Governor Schultz who wrote that while
he regretted to hear of the murder he hoped there would not be
any expense incurred in connection with it. (n.d.: 36)
There is not enough information here to offer a "functional" ex
planation for this killing, but in Campbell's account we get no hint of
cannibalistic desires or actions. Indians do tend to develop high
fevers and delirium from measles, as can be confirmed by information
from my informants and by other observations dating back to the 17th
century. And as Boyd and Sheldon have written, "in aboriginal communi
ties where the disease has been unknown, it behaves with the fury of
smallpox, and the mortality rate is high" (1977:144). It is possible
that the Indians realized the quality of contagion present in a person
infected with measles, etc., and a contributing factor in the decision
to execute the sick was to halt the spread of epidemics.
Senilicide was apparently the motive for an incipient windigo exe
cution Campbell was able to forestall in 1893, and the potential executioner
was none other than Jack Fiddler ("Masenawenenew"), one of the Wasaka-
appeeguay's executioners thirteen years later.
In March two Indians coming in from Nootin (Windy [Favour
able]) Lake one hundred and eighty miles away in five days
travel. [Favourable Lake is about 30 miles southeast of Sandy
Lake.] The old chief of the Little Sucker band (Masenawenenew)
sent them to report to me that his mother was very sick and
appeared to be turning Weetigoo. He wanted my advice as to what
action he should take. I knew he wanted my sanction for her
effacement in the usual Indian manner. I had some good Scotch
Whiskey and sent him about sixteen ounces. Instruct that she
was to be given several doses and it would effect a cure.
When a great fleet of canoes comprising the Crane and Little
Sucker bands arrived in June with their furs, Masenawenenew:
who was in charge of his band, came to me with a broad smile on
as he said:Ha; Ogemaw, Kagat ne ge nisaw nenga, "Master I
nearly had to kill my mother." The medicine you sent me was very
powerful. I gave some to my mother, and put some in the fire for


155
She was described as delirious by the witnesses. There was a "wigwam"
at the encampment in which several families were residing, but she was
not taken into it. The first night she was left outside and a shelter
was erected to cover her. Her father-in-law and all his family camped
near her outside the wigwam.
The following evening the woman was taken to a campfire a short dis
tance away. Present were Chief Jack Fiddler (Misinawinenew), the accused
Joseph Fiddler (Pesequan), witness Norman Rae, and John Rae. Witness
Angus Rae left just before the execution. When Norman Rae arrived,
Wasakapeequay was lying on a piece of cotton cloth that had been spread
on the ground. Jack Fiddler drew up the end of the cloth and placed it
around the woman's neck. A slip knot was tied in a length of line and
Joseph and Jack Fiddler fixed it over her neck outside the cotton. They
then told Norman and John Rae to hold the sick woman's arms. This they
did. Wasakapeequay tried to move her arms, but apparently with no more
vigor than she had been moving them all along. Jack Fiddler took one
end of the line, and Joseph Fiddler took the other end. They pulled in
opposite directions until the woman was dead. Sometime during the night
or early the next morning the body was sewn up in the cotton cloth.
Norman Rae, who worked part-time for the Hudson's Bay Company, was
ordered to "take the body over to the Company's place and bury it there"
(p. 95). He did this with the help of an unnamed boy.
Norman Rae testified that he did not know why the woman was
strangled and in fact never heard anything about it until he saw the
string around her neck (p. 96). On the other hand,he did not object to
the execution and admitted that he had heard of others being put to
death in the same way.


36
peculiar characteristics: the victim develops an 'unnatural' craving for
human flesh; he turns into an ice-hearted Witiko" (1933:24).
From these beginnings the misunderstandings snowballed. It could
even be argued that the windigo phenomenon is more of an example of mass
suggestibility among anthropologists than it was among Northern
Algonkian Indians. A. Irving Hallowell (1934) quickly confirmed the
existence of the disorder among the Berens River Saulteaux, a Northern
Ojibwa group. Taking the information provided by his informants at face
value, Hallowell identified the physical symptoms of the disease:
a distaste for ordinary foods, nausea, vomiting. He reported that "if
there were no improvement the afflicted one would often ask to be killed
and this desire was usually gratified" (1934:8). Hallowell also dis
tinguished between early and late stages of the disorder even though he
had no first-hand knowledge of either stage. If in the first state the
victim was depressed and nauseous, "in these later cases (of which I
have no specific records) the individual does not merely develop a fear
of becoming cannibalistic but may exhibit a positive desire for human
flesh, or even take steps to satisfy this desire. But the cases
of which I have knowledge were only in the initial anxiety stage and the
persons affected were either killed or they recovered" (1934:8; italics
added). Since Hallowell's informants could give him no specific in
stances of the second, or cannibal-psychotic, stage of the disorder, it
would have been appropriate for him to have been more skeptical of its
existence. Moreover, Hallowell did not attempt to ascertain the condi
tions under which anxious and anorexic Ojibwa were killed, and those
under which they were allowed to recover. The statement that they


67
actual windigo execution and its aftermath that took place in 1906 (AAR
1907 [1908]; PAC 1907-08 [RG 13, cl, vol. 1452]; PAC 1907-09 [RG 18, vol.
3229, file HQ-681 -G1). A close examination of the archival data strongly
indicates that the story as collected by Ray and Stevens (1971:128-129)
and cited by Turner (1977:68) is one of the most recentand perhaps one
of the finalmanifestations in the process identified by Fogelson (1965:
76-77).
A more ingenuous use of the structuralist paradigm is Harold
Franklin McGee's "The Windigo Down-East or the Taming of the Windigo"
(1975).