The relationship between selected factors and the participation in political activities by teachers in a selected Florid...

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The relationship between selected factors and the participation in political activities by teachers in a selected Florida school district
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Eldridge, Linda Burney
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Teachers -- Political activity -- Florida -- Alachua County   ( lcsh )
Education -- Political aspects -- Florida -- Alachua County   ( lcsh )
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Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1982.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-147).
Statement of Responsibility:
by Linda Burney Eldridge.
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Typescript.
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Vita.

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Full Text












THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SELECTED FACTORS AND THE
PARTICIPATION IN POLITICAL ACTIVITIES BY TEACHERS
IN A SELECTED FLORIDA SCHOOL DISTRICT






BY

LINDA BURNEY ELDRIDGE


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY






UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1982















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


The author recognizes with gratitude the support given by those

who contributed to this study.

Sincere appreciation goes to the members of the supervisory

committee, Dr. Ralph B. Kimbrough, chairman, without whose support

and guidance the completion of this project would not have been

possible, and to the other members, Dr. James W. Longstreth and

Dr. William D. Wolking,for their advice and suggestions.

Special personal thanks and appreciation are due to my family

for their continuing encouragement and support.














TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . ii

LIST OF TABLES . . ... .. v

ABSTRACT . . . viii

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION . . 1

Statement of the Problem . 2
Justification for the Study . 3
Delimitations . . 5
Limitations . . 6
Definition of Terms . 6
Procedures . . 8
Selection of the Sample Population 8
Instrumentation . 10
Collection of the Data . .. 11
Treatment of the Data . .. 12
Organization of the Dissertation .. 13

CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . .. 14

Issues Concerning the Control of Education 14
Legal Issues Relating to Teacher Participation
in Political Activities . 21
Collective Bargaining in Education .. 26
Regulation of Political Campaigns .. 30
Politics in Education 31
The Educational Power Structure .. ..... 34
The Florida Educational Power Structure 36
Milbrath's Hierarchy of Political Involvement 40
School Board Elections . .. 46
Chapter Summary . .. 48

CHAPTER THREE PRESENTATION OF THE DATA .. ...... 49

The Level of Participation in Political
Activities by Teachers . .. 50
The Level of Political Awareness of Teachers
in Alachua County . 59
Chapter Summary . 100










CHAPTER FOUR








CHAPTER FIVE


APPENDIX A

APPENDIX B

APPENDIX C


DISCUSSION OF THE DATA . .

The Political Participation of the Selected
Teachers . . .
The Level of Political Awareness .. .
Factors Which Are Related to the Politiciza-
tion of Teachers . .
Comparison of Data with Milbrath's Model .
Chapter Summary . .

SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS, AND SUGGESTIONS FOR
FUTURE RESEARCH . .

Summary . . .
Findings . . .
Conclusions . . .
Implications of the Study . .

INTERVIEW GUIDE . .

COVER LETTER TO SELECTED TEACHERS .

SECOND COVER LETTER TO SELECTED TEACHERS .


REFERENCES . . .

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . .


Page

102

103
106

108
117
119

121

121
122
128
129

132

138

140

141

148


: :















LIST OF TABLES


Table Page


1 Pattern of Political Participation of Selected
Teachers, Building Representatives, and ACEA
Officers . .. .52

2 Pattern of Teacher, Building Representative, and
ACEA Officer Participation in Political Activities 53

3 Grade Level Representation of 100 Randomly Selected
Teachers and ACEA Officers . .... 55

4 Pattern of Elementary, Middle School, and High
School Teacher Participation in Political
Activities. . . ... .. 57

5 Pattern of Male and Female Teacher Participation in
Political Activities. . .58

6 Identification of Local School Board Members ... .60

7 Identification of Individual Board Members .. 62

8 Identification of State Legislators Representing
Alachua County . .... 64

9 Identification of Individual State Legislators .. 65

10 Identification of Alachua County Commissioners .. 67

11 Identification of Individual Alachua County
Commissioners. . .. 69

12 Identification of National Legislators
Representing Alachua County . .... 70

13 Identification of Individual National Legislators
Representing Alahcua County . ... 72

14 Number of Years Residency in Alachua County for
Interviewed Teachers and ACEA Officers ...... 73








Table Page


15 Participation in Political Activities by Teachers
Length of Residence in Alachua County ... 74

16 Ages of Interviewed Teachers and ACEA Officers .. 76

17 Pattern of Participation in Political Activities
by Age Bracket . . 77

18 Racial Composition of Interviewed Teachers and
ACEA Officers . ... 79

19 Pattern of Political Participation of Sample by Race 80

20 Marital Status of Teachers and ACEA Officers ... .81

21 Pattern of Political Participation of Teachers by
Marital Status . . ... 82

22 Highest Degree Earned by 100 Randomly Selected
Teachers and ACEA Officers . .... 83

23 Pattern of Political Participation of Teachers with
the Bachelors, Masters, Specialist/Doctorate
Degree . .... .... .85

24 Organizational Membership of 100 Randomly Selected
Teachers and ACEA Officers. . ... 86

25 Pattern of Political Participation by Teachers Who
Are Members or Nonmembers of a Civic Organization
and/or Who Are Members of a Church ... 87

26 Pattern of Political Participation by Teachers Who
Are Members or Nonmembers of ACEA ... 90

27 Teacher Political Party Identification ... 91

28 Influences on Voting Behaviors as Stated by Teachers 93

29 Factors Selected by Respondents as Influencing
Their Voting Decisions . .. 95

30 Sources of Information Regarding Elections,
Candidates, and Issues Selected by Respondents 96

31 Factors Motivating Participation in Political
Activities. . . ... .. 98








Table Page


32 Political Issues Supported or Opposed by Teachers 99

33 Identification of Local School Board Members,
County Commissioners, State Legislators, and
Members of the Congress . .. 109















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SELECTED FACTORS AND THE
PARTICIPATION IN POLITICAL ACTIVITIES BY TEACHERS
IN A SELECTED FLORIDA SCHOOL DISTRICT

By

Linda Burney Eldridge

December 1982

Chairman: Dr. Ralph B. Kimbrough

Major Department: Educational Administration and Supervision


The purpose of this study was to discover how the teachers of a

selected Florida School District participated in the political process

and to see whether certain factors were associated with the levels of

participation. Specifically, the objectives of this research were


1. to describe the political participation of teachers
in a selected district;

2. to determine the level of political awareness as
indicated by their ability to identify selected
local elected officials;

3. to determine whether there was a relationship among
identifiable factors and the politicization of
teachers; and

4. to compare the results of this study with
Milbrath's Hierarchy of Political Involvement.


viii








A descriptive study of heuristic design provided a framework for

in-depth exploration. Interviews were conducted with a random sample

of 100 teachers and seven officers of the Alachua County Education

Association (ACEA).

This study supported the conclusions reached by other writers that

teachers have become politically active. A chi-square test of independence

showed a relationship between level of participation in political activities

and the following at the .05 level of confidence:

1. type of respondent, i.e., teacher, building
representative, or ACEA officer;
2. teachers' length of residence in Alachua County; and
3. membership in civic organizations.

The relationship between level of participation in political

activities and grade level, sex, age, race, marital status, highest

degree earned, church membership, and ACEA membership was not found to

be significant at the .05 level of confidence for respondents as

determined by the chi-square test of independence.

The chi-square test of independence showed a relationship between

the level of participation in the teachers' organization and the following:

1. identification of school board members;
2. identification of county commissioners, and
3. identification of national legislators.

Identification of state legislators representing Alachua County was

not found to be related to the respondent's level of participation. Data

were presented related to political party identification, influences on

voting behavior, ACEA influence, sources of information regarding

election issues, factors motivating participation in political activities,

political issues supported or opposed by teachers, and candidates

teachers have worked hard to support.















CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION

The traditional separation of professional educators, administrators,

and their governing board has its origin in the concept of lay control

of the schools. There has been an historic reluctance to allow the

formulation of educational policy by professionals (Gilland, 1935).

However, many fear that traditional lay control has eroded in recent

years. Increased teacher militancy and financial involvement in local

and national elections may have created changes in the traditional

control of education.

Increased participation of teachers in the political process has

been advocated by many leaders in the field. Commenting on this,

Shanker (1979) suggested that teachers, empowered by collective bar-

gaining, have entered the political arena in large numbers and should

have a significant impact in future elections. Moreover, an apparent

increase in the number of educators serving in state legislatures and

in some cases on local boards of education has been noted (Kimbrough &

Nunnery, 1976, p. 303).

The Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 which permitted the

establishment, administration, and solicitation of contributions to

a fund to be used for political purposes by a corporation or labor

organization may have given teacher organizations a way to participate

more effectively in the political process. Consequently, the teachers'









special capacity for organizing and motivating people has been recognized

in states such as Michigan where the National Educational Association's

Political Action Committees funneled an estimated $3 million into

state and local campaign coffers in 1976 with notable effect (Methrin,

1978).

In Florida such funds are collected by the American Federation of

Teachers' political funding arm, A-TIGER, and the Florida Teaching

Profession which is affiliated with the National Education Association.

These funds have become potent political war chests.

Milbrath (1965) stated that clarity in social science is facilitated

by specifying a level of analysis. Individual (micro) political behavior

affects the behavior of the larger political system (macro). Therefore,

the kinds of questions developed by the analyst determine the level

of inquiry. The questions developed by this study concern the nature

of the political participation, political awareness, and factors

contributing to the politicization of teachers in a selected Florida

school district.






Statement of the Problem


The problem of this study was to discover how the teachers of

a selected Florida school district participated in the political process

and to see whether certain factors are associated with the levels of

participation.









The objectives of this research were (a) to describe the political

participation of teachers in a selected county; (b) to determine the

level of political awareness as indicated by their ability to identify

local school board members, county commissioners, state and national

legislators; (c) to determine whether there were any identifiable

factors which contribute significantly to the politicization of

teachers; and (d) to compare the results of this study with Milbrath's

hierarchy of political involvement (Milbrath, 1965, p. 18).






Justification for the Study


The impact of litigation and legislation extending or establishing

the right of teachers to participate in political activities changed

rapidly after World War II with the influx of veterans aided by the

GI Bill. Teaching changed from a field which attracted mainly women

to a more competitive field which challenged the paternalistic

administration of the past. Court decisions established the constitu-

tional right of teachers to participate in politics, the right to

bargain collectively, and the right to collect monies from individual

teachers to be used for political donations. This enabled teachers

to achieve a voice at local, state, and national levels in matters

which affect educators and the education of children. With the move

of teacher organizations to a more militant posture of teacher

advocacy, the administrators and school boards developed their own

organizations to represent them before the state legislature.









Changes in the Florida Legislature during the late 1960s resulted

in the development of a more professional, better staffed organization.

The legislators, with specialists of their own, no longer were

dependent on the teachers' association for research and expertise.

The teacher organization became one of a number of contending groups

in the Capital lobbies. Teachers felt that one way to influence

legislation was to influence the elections themselves.

Teachers' organizations became increasingly involved in political

activities, both at the local and state levels, by encouraging the

development of pro-education candidates and the removal of representa-

tives identified as hostile to issues important to the teachers.

Teachers, who had previously tended to refrain from active political

participation, were increasingly urged by the teachers' association

to increase their lobbying and political activities. Teachers were

urged to get involved in their local elections and to make their

political power support their local negotiations with their school

boards. By training teachers in techniques for election victory and

encouraging grass-roots political involvement, teacher associations

have urged teachers to take a significant role in state and local

politics.

However, the important questions involve how effectively the

leaders have motivated the rank-and-file teachers to participate

actively in the political process. Duffy (1975) observed that few

studies have been made of how teachers participate in the political

process. How well are the teachers involved, what factors appear

to be associated with levels of participation, and how does the









profile of teacher participation compare with that developed from the

general population studied by Milbrath? This study was needed to

provide some answers to this question and will become part of the

growing body of knowledge available in the analysis of teacher activism.






Delimitations

The following confinements were observed in the investigation:


(a) The study was limited to a random selection of

100 teachers employed by the School Board of

Alachua County, Florida, during the school year

1981-1982 and seven officers of the Alachua

County Education Association (ACEA).

(b) Sources were limited to summaries of the in-depth

interviews with the 100 teachers and seven

officers of the Alachua County Education

Association and information provided by the

Supervisor of Elections for Alachua County on

voter registration/participation.









Limitations

This study was conducted in a school district with a pluralistic

power structure. External validity was claimed for only those Florida

school districts with pluralistic power structures (McQuown, Hamilton &

Schneider, 1964; True, 1974) where there was viable, widespread

participation of the citizens of the school district in decision-making

and whose teachers have been represented during collective bargaining by

teacher associations. Most of the results of the study depended upon the

self-reports of the selected respondents in an interview; and may

possibly be at variance with an empirical description of teacher

participation. Yet, some of the recall data collected may serve as a

check on whether the participants over-estimated their extent of

participation.






Definition of Terms

Check-off rights. The employer at the request of the employee

union member deducts the dues from employee wages and turns them over

to the organization.


Collective bargaining. Collective bargaining is a system of

teacher organization/school board negotiations in which the board is

obligated by law to meet, confer, negotiate, and discuss in good faith

with execution of a binding written document with regard to salary,

hours, terms of conditions of employment if requested by either party.









Community power structure. The community power structure is the

systematic, relative distribution of social power among the citizens in

determining the kind of community they want.


Pluralistic power structure. A pluralistic power structure is

characterized by several competing bases of power. The influentials

tend to change as the issues and decisions change and the decision-

making process is consistent with democratic ideals.


Political system. A political system is any persistent pattern

of human relationships that involves, to a significant extent, power,

rule, or authority.


Politics of education. Politics of education is the political

activity which is defined as that legal activity intended to influence

educational processes or decisions at the local or state level.


School board. The term "school board" is used to refer to that

lay body in which the state has vested legal responsibility for

administering the public school district. The term includes such

common references as "board of education," "board of trustees," and

"government board."


Teacher activism. Teacher activism is the active involvement of

teachers or teacher associations in support of candidates for election

to school boards in the attempt to influence board members and the

board's position on issues through whatever methods appear necessary to

gain the desired result.









Procedures

The purpose of this study was to collect and analyze in-depth

information relative to the participation in political activities of

selected teachers in a selected county. It was designed as a descrip-

tive study, of heuristic nature, providing a conceptual framework for

in-depth exploration, discovery, and refinement in order to generate

hypotheses.

Interviews were conducted with a random sample of teachers in

Alachua County, Florida, and officers in the Alachua County Education

Association and summarized for this report. The interviews were

completed during the 1981/1982 school year.




Selection of the Sample Population


Alachua County, Florida, was selected as representative of a

pluralistic power structure with wide-spread participation of residents

in various levels of political activities. The School Board of Alachua

County and the teachers, represented by the Alachua County Education

Association, have participated in collective bargaining activities

since 1975. The educators of Alachua County have long been politically

active. Prior to collective bargaining Alachua County was represented

by key persons involved in educational activities. Phil Constans, Jr.,

who was a teacher and school administrator in Alachua County, was a

central figure in the 1968 Florida teachers' strike, which was the only

state-wide teachers' strike in the history of the United States.









Dr. Constans was Executive Secretary of the Florida Education Association

at the time of the strike and had previously served as president of the

organization (Fergusson, 1982).

Alachua County is located in the north central section of the

Florida pennisula, roughly halfway between the Atlantic and the Gulf

Coasts. Chamber of Commerce figures show a total population of

151,348 (April, 1981). The total labor force was estimated at 67,100

with 64,900 employed and 4.5% unemployed as outlined in the Economic

Data Summary Brochure printed by the Committee of 100--Gainesville

Area Chamber of Commerce in April, 1981. The major role accorded

government employment and the relative stability of its economy

make the Gainesville Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA)

similar to other northern Florida metropolitan areas, particularly

Tallahassee and Pennsacola as cited in the Florida Statistical Abstract:

1978, published by the Bureau of Economic and Business Research at the

University of Florida. The Gainesville SMSA is geographically identical

with Alachua County.

The target population has been defined as all certificated classroom

teachers employed in the 30 high schools, middle schools, and elementary

schools in Alachua County, Florida. The School Board of Alachua County

Personnel printout was used to select a systematic sample of teachers.

There were 1166 teachers employed. Using a table of random numbers,

a sample of 100 teachers was selected. A few alternates were

selected for interviews in case someone refused to be interviewed or

could not be contacted. Seven officers of the Alachua County Educational

Association were also interviewed. Three of the seven officers were

included in the sample of 100 teachers selected at random.









Borg and Gall (1979) discussed the sample size required for

studies employing in-depth interviews in Educational Research. They

suggested that small samples with in-depth interviews are preferable

to collecting shallow information on a large sample. The sample

interviewed in this study represented 8.6 percent of the total

population.

The interviews were conducted over a period of one month. A

response sheet was completed for each teacher interviewed. Questions

were prepared in advance and answers were recorded on the response

sheet by the writer.




Instrumentation


An interview guide was developed which reflected the review of

the literature (see Appendix A). An initial list of interview

questions was tested on four persons, and then reviewed with the

chairman of the writer's doctoral committee. The result was a list

of 33 items relating to participation in political activities, member-

ship in organizations and identification of selected local, state and

nationally elected representatives.

Kerlinger (1973) described the personal interview as a powerful

tool for obtaining factual information, opinions and attitudes and

the reasons for such opinions and attitudes. Teachers were interviewed

by the author with the help of the interview guide to structure the

interview and assist in data analysis.









Collection of the Data


Data sources consisted of the review of literature related to

teacher activism from the perspectives of litigation, federal and

state statutory provisions, rights of teachers, and the involvement

of teachers in elections. A computer search was made to locate

relevant literature in the Educational Resources Information Center

File. Published books in the university library were also used in the

compilation of literature.

The collection of data through in-depth interviews with 100

teachers and seven officers of the Alachua County Education Association

concerned their participation in political activities and ability to

identify local school board members, County Commissioners, state and

national legislators. The interviews were arranged first through

introductory letters from the chairman of the writer's doctoral

committee and the writer. The introductory letters were very helpful

in the initiation of interviews. Follow-up telephone calls were made

by the writer to arrange interviews. Often several calls were

necessary to contract and arrange a suitable time for interviews.

Most of the respondents indicated that it was more convenient for

them to use the telephone for interviews rather than arrange time for

personal interviews. The length of time for the interviews generally

was in the 20 to 45 minute range. Four respondents were interviewed

in person. In all cases respondents who agreed to be interviewed were

very cooperative. Three respondents politely declined to participate

in the interviews. Respondents who chose to participate in the inter-

view process were open and appeared happy to provide answers to the









questions. Many volunteered information regarding their plans for

future participation in local elections. A significant number, 40

respondents, volunteered their opinions of the outcome of the September

1982 School Board Primary Election.

The cooperation by telephone was probably helped significantly

by the introductory letters. The interviewer was always careful to

inform the respondents that the interview would be held at the conven-

ience of the respondent. This often meant scheduling the interview

at a later time but in all cases resulted in a cooperative interview

when the interview did take place. The responses to the interviews

appeared to be genuine and uninhibited, lacking tentativeness and

caution.




Treatment of the Data


Content analysis of the data collected was for the purpose of

determining salient features and to explore relationships between

different variables and what factors contribute to the politicization

of teachers. Correlations between selected factors such as age,

sex, race, number of years experience, grade level, level of degree,

union membership, participation in civic groups, church membership,

and levels of participation in political activities were determined by

use of procedures designed to synthesize the information in a format

which would be helpful to practicioners in the field of educational

administration. The Chi-square Test of Independence was used for









statistical analysis. The results of the study were discussed in

relationship to the conclusions developed from the review of the liter-

ature and Milbrath's (1965) hierarchy of political involvement.






Organization of the Dissertation

Chapter One contains the introduction, statement of the problem,

justification for the study, delimitations, and limitations, definition

of terms, and procedures.

A review of the literature related to teacher participation in

political activities is provided in Chapter Two.

Chapter Three will present the research findings resulting from

the interview study with their appropriate analysis.

Chapter Four contains an interpretation and discussion of the

data.

Chapter Five will present a summary of the findings, the con-

clusions based on the data, and recommendations based on the findings

and the conclusions. Appendices and references will conclude the

report.














CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

The body of literature which has been written about teacher

activism has increased in the past ten years. Authors have approached

the subject from the perspectives of litigation, federal and state

statutory provisions, rights of teachers and the involvement of

teachers in elections. A computer search was made to locate relevant

literature in the Educational Resources Information Center file.

Published books in the university library were also used in the compila-

tion of literature. This review focuses on the historical evolution

of the rights of teachers to participate in political activities. The

review is organized in the following sections: Issues Concerning

Control of Education, Legal Issues Relating to Teacher Participation

in Political Activities, Politics in Education, The Educational Power

Structure, The Florida Educational Power Structure, Milbrath's Hierarchy

of Political Involvement, and School Board Elections.






Issues Concerning the Control of Education


State courts have repeatedly held that public education is a

function of the state. The system of public education which exists

within each of the states is the result of the historical interpretation









of the Tenth Amendment. Control of the schools and school affairs is

vested in the law-making power of the state.

The 1647 Act of Massachusetts General Court required towns to

establish schools. The development of the nationwide network of public

schools which replaced the church and home as the primary institution

for formal schooling began with the local school district. Formal state

governance systems developed much later (Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976,

p. 252).

The local school district is the basic administrative unit for

public education in the United States devised for the purpose of

assisting in maintaining a system of schools. The county local school

district with boundaries coterminous with county lines is found in

approximately one third of the states, mostly in the Southeast (Kimbrough

& Nunnery, 1976). The county districts administer all schools within

the county in the state of Florida.

The Governmental Reform Movement of the early part of this century

led to the creation of structures to separate education from politics.

The model school government called for nonpartisan election of school

boards and the appointment of professionally trained school administra-

tors. Educational administrators had to strive for political influence

(Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976).

Counts (1927) indicated that the "nature and functions of the

school board have emerged out of a long history of the endeavor of

local areas to manage their own affairs and maintain some independence

from central government" (p. 2).









Traditional theory advocated a separation between policy formulation

and execution. The public school enterprise of our nation had its origin

in grassroots lay control, and the concept of lay control by means of

citizens' committees at various levels. Gilland (1935) stated that

there had been an historic "reluctance to relinquish the formulation

of educational policy to professionals" (p. 271). The traditional

separation of professional teachers, administrators and their lay

overseers has remained fairly stable since its establishment although

many fear that traditional lay control has eroded in recent decades

(Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976).

Historically, most board members were white, middle class, Anglo

Saxon, Protestant males (Nystrand & Cunningham, 1973). The language

used in the literature to describe school board members was elitist.

Board membership was a "sacred trust" and those who served on the board

were public spirited, intelligent, dedicated statesmen. Goldhammer

(1964) reported that board members tended to come from sociologically

higher occupational positions with higher than average incomes.

Newer patterns of board membership began to appear in the 1970's.

Nystrand and Cunningham (1973) noted, "More women, more minorities,

more socioeconomic heterogeneity, and greater breadth of perspective

are there" (p. 22).

In his-earlier studies, Kimbrough (1964) stated that school

board decisions tended to be representative of the desires of community

influentials. School board members were influenced by individuals

outside the board in the informal power structure of the community.

Lutz (1975) felt that a board member should support values of a









homogeneous culture rather than reflect the special interest he or

she represents. Iannaconne (1975) advocated democracy in the educational

process as a first priority.

The emergence of diverse sectors of interest in education resulted

in an increase in pluralism and mechanisms intended to provide for

wider participation in educational decision making. Kimbrough and

Nunnery (1976) stated more women, members of minorities, teachers, etc.

are seeking election to general and educational governing bodies.

The apparent increase in the number of educators serving in

state legislatures and in a few cases on local boards of education

has been noted (Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976, p. 303). Expanded judicial

and legislative activity are indicated as affecting the traditional

power of school boards and influence of citizens' committees.

Professional educators are seen as both policy makers and the executors

of policy. Government-in-the-sunshine laws have curtailed executive

sessions of school boards and other governmental policy-making bodies.

In some locations more freedom has been provided at the local school

level in program, financial, and personnel matters. Continuation of

the conflicts regarding who governs the educational enterprise and

the power and role of each interest sector has been predicted for the

foreseeable future.

Usdan (1975) wrote that school boards must broaden their base of

support to remain viable as influential public bodies. He stated that

the insulation of many boards of education from the political mainstream

made them vulnerable to the claimed expertise of the superintendent

and the educational bureaucracy (p. 28).









Morphet and Ryan (1969) stated that organizations need central

coordination. They noted there is no longer a single center of

authority within the school system. They recommended leadership, as

opposed to domination, obedience, and alienation, participation and

involvement in dealing with the public relevant to the schools (p. 238).

The 1970's witnessed a shrinkage of board authority as the rights

of students and teachers came into focus. Collective bargaining and

teacher activism became areas of concern for lay control.

The increase of teacher militancy and financial involvement in

local and national elections and the increase in activity of teacher

and other community special interest groups, created changes in the

traditional control of education. The lay board is no longer granted

unchallenged power to make policy and control the schools.

Usdan (1975) recommended local boards broaden their base of lay

support in the increasingly politicized educational environment by

expanding meaningful citizen participation in the shaping of educational

policy (p. 275). Usdan suggested that the local school board, if

responsible to changes in society, can be effective in protecting the

public interest against increasingly influential professional organi-

zations and bureaucracies (p. 273).

Drucker (1969) also emphasized the importance of lay control of

education. He felt that education was too important to be left to

educators alone as it controls access to careers and opportunity

(p. 313).

Gross (1958) in his book, Who Runs Our Schools?, analyzed the

reasons school board members seek election to the board. He stated









a board member elected to represent a certain group or element in the

community will probably not make decisions in the best interest of

all the children (p. 15). The studies conducted by Gross indicated

that superintendents who are exposed to fewer pressures are less

likely to be associated with a school board whose members usually

vote as representatives of special interest blocs or factions than

superintendents who are exposed to more pressures (p. 62). Gross

also noted the higher the proportion of board members motivated to

represent some group the less consensus the board members will have

(p. 86). If we accept the argument that the degree of consensus among

a group of people who must work together is important for the efficiency

and effectiveness of their work, then clearly, whether or not board

members are well or poorly motivated has significant effect on the

functioning of their school board (p. 86). Gross concluded the higher

the proportion of board members motivated to represent some group,

the less the board adheres to professional standards (p. 87).

White (1974) also discussed the issue of outside influence on a

school board. He concluded that, "outside influence was expressed most

often and had the greatest effect on changing board decisions on finance

issues, followed by considerably less, but still considerable, attempted

and actual effect on curriculum and desegregation" (p. 191).

White (1974) stated in his findings concerning negative influences

that they generally "related with the district from outside of the

district and school related structures, as an individual or group leader

or representative, or from within as a board member backed by some

outside group or interest" (p. 187).









Recent literature indicates that teacher organizations are making

diligent efforts to place teachers and other persons who share the

teacher point of view on school boards. In a dissertation entitled

School Board Member Perceptions Associated with Teacher Activism in

School Board Elections, Rankin and Wheeler (1977) discussed the efforts

in California to place teacher-supported candidates on school boards.

Scully (1975) wrote that he was in favor of teachers as board

members because teachers serving as board members would help narrow

the serious ideological gap between teacher unions and the boards.

Duffy (1975), in a dissertation entitled Teacher Involvement in

School Board Elections: A Description and Evaluation of a Political

Education Program by the California Teachers Association, assumed

that school boards in general are not adequately sensitive to the

needs of teachers. Instead of heeding teacher counsel on educational

aims, strategies, or decisions, board members have been accustomed

to almost total reliance on information filtered through district

administrators. It was further assumed that boards would benefit in

every educational and professional respect from a closer direct

relationship with teachers.

Freeborn (1968) found that the defeat of an incumbent board member

is usually followed by a power struggle on the board, which in turn

is followed by the selection of a new superintendent from the outside.

This phenomenon is usually accomplished within a period of three

years. Iannaccone and Cistone (1974) suggested that incumbent defeat

is usually a sign of political instability within a school district

and that there is a power struggle between the existing power group

and an emerging one.









In summary, the control of the local school district has tradi-

tionally been in the hands of white, middle class, Protestant males

who served on the school board often as representatives of the

community influentials. Increased participation of teachers and other

community special interest groups has created change in the traditional

control of education. Researchers have voiced concern over special

interest board members and outside influence on the school board.

However, a broader base of lay support with increased citizen partici-

pation has been cited as a means of protecting the public interest.

Political instability of the school board has been suggested as a

result of the power struggle between existing and emerging forces.






Legal Issues Relating to Teacher
Participation in Political Activities

The 1970-1980 decade saw much litigation involving the rights of

teachers and students under constitutional and civil rights acts

provisions. The purpose of this section is to review some of this

litigation.

Wise (1973), a past president of the National Education Association,

described the status of the teacher as "no longer the quiescent,

compliant teacher of thirty or even twenty years ago" (p. 3). Recent

decisions have granted the right for teachers to be considered common

citizens. Behaviors once thought to be inconceivable for teachers









by the courts as permissible include such things as posing in the nude

in national magazines (Shanker, 1975) and homosexuality (Ostrander,

1975).

Alexander (1980) discussed the way public employment was viewed

as a privilege and not a right at an earlier point in our nation's

constitutional development. Public employees are no longer expected

to shed their rights upon taking positions in public institutions

today. The First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Consti-

tution secure the rights of freedom of association against governmental

intrusion. Schools must have a compelling reason to overcome a

teacher's constitutional presumption of freedom of speech and association.

The political activity of teachers has been given a high degree

of protection by the courts (Alexander, 1980). In the leading case,

Pickering v. Board of Education (1968) the courts upheld the right of

a teacher to write and publish a letter in a newspaper criticizing

the boards allocation of school funds between educational and athletic

programs and the board's and superintendent's methods of informing, or

preventing the informing of, the school district's taxpayers of the

real reasons why additional tax revenues were being sought for the

schools. The court ruled that the letter was protected by the First

and Fourteenth Amendments. The U.S. Supreme Court found that, even

though free speech is not an "absolute right," it is sufficiently

strong to require a "compelling state interest" on the part of the

state to overcome a teacher's right to speak out against a school

board's handling of fiscal matters (Pickering v. Board of Education,

391 U.S. 563, 88 S. Ct. 1731 (1968)).









This key decision is related to the issue of criticism of

superiors in schools. Pickering was dismissed from his teaching

position after writing a letter to a local paper attacking a proposed

bond issue and accusing the superintendent of attempting to muzzle

teachers. The court ruled a teacher's exercise of his right to speak

on issues of public importance may not furnish the basis for his

dismissal from public employment if there is no evidence of impairment

in the performance of his teaching duties, or the regular operation

of the school.

The Supreme Court clarified the Pickering interpretation of

First Amendment rights in Tinker v. Des Moines Community School District.

The court noted that in order for school officials to justify prohibi-

tion of a particular expression of opinion, they must be able to show

that their action was caused by something other than a desire to

avoid the unpleasantness that may accompany an unpopular viewpoint.

The court spelled out the rule that First Amendment rights in the

context of a school may be curtailed only when they threaten to

substantially disrupt the work and discipline of a school (Tinker v.

Des Moines Community School District, 393 U.S. 503 (1969)).

The right of teachers to engage in political activity is clear,

as long as there is no interference with normal duties. That right

is guaranteed by the First Amendment to the Constitution with its

guarantee of freedom of speech, assembly, and the redress of grievances,

and by the Fourteenth, which defines the privilege and immunities of

citizenship and establishes the doctrine of due process and equal

protection under the law. Further protection has been claimed under








the residual powers retained by the people, as expressed by the Ninth

and Tenth Amendments.

Unless there is some illegal intent, an individual's right to

form and join a union is protected by the First Amendment. Several

United States Courts of Appeals have held that the right of teachers

to form and join unions is within the scope of this protection

(McLaughlin v. Tilendis, 398 F.2d 287 (1968); Orr v. Thorpe,427 F.2d

1129 (5th Cir. 1970); American Federation of State, County, and

Municipal Employees, AFL-CIO v. Woodward, 406 F.2d 137 (8th Cir. 1969)).

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Keyishian v. Board of Regents in

1967 that the theory that public employment may be denied or subject

to any conditions regardless of how unreasonable, has been uniformly

rejected (Kevishian v. Board of Regents, 385 U.S. 589 (1967)). Garrity

v. New Jersey (1967) said public employees cannot be relegated to a

"watered-down version of constitutional rights" solely because they

are public employees (Garrity v. New Jersey, 385 U.S. 493, 500 (1967)).

The case of Montgomery v. White, Civ. Action No. 4933, Slip op.

(U.S.D.C. E.D. Tex. October 24, 1969) was a landmark decision. A

Federal District Court ruled that denying a teacher a job because of his

participation in political activities is inconsistent with the First

Amendment guarantees of freedom of speech, press, assembly, and

petition. Depriving the community of the political participation

of some of the most influential citizens was seen as harmful

by the court. It was made clear that a balance must be sought

between the interests of the teacher and the interests of the employing

district. The case was decided because the ban against political









activity was total and not limited to acts which damage the essential

activities of the employing district.

Chanin (1970) suggested that limits on the use of.official

influence by teachers or administrators during working hours would

be permissible (p. 19). The state or school district must demonstrate

the need for any restrictions which diminish the constitutional rights

of the teachers and also define those restrictions in the narrowest

way capable of meeting such needs. Proving the existence of such a

threat is a burden left to the state. Use of the classroom to air

opinions not germane to the work and neglect of duty have caused courts

to sustain dismissals (Duffy, 1975, p. 28).

The court held that the nonrenewal of teachers' contracts in

retaliation for their public comments regarding teacher's salaries and

affiliation with a teacher's association violated their First Amendment

right of freedom of speech and association (Greminger v. Seaborne,

84 F.2d 275 (8th Cir. 1978)).

The Hatch Act passed by the U.S. Congress in 1939 for the purpose

of curtailing corruption in electoral politics restricted political

activity of federal employees but was never applied to corporations.

The act was extended to state and local employees who were employed

in connection with any activity financed in part or as a whole by

loans or grants made by the U.S. government, or any department or

agency of the government in 1940 (Rankin & Wheeler, 1977). The Hatch

Act was amended in 1942 to delete this facet. Today the Hatch Act

applies to teachers in regard to several specific acts with which few

teachers are likely to be concerned (Remmlein, 1962). State-enacted









versions of the Hatch Act tend only to restrict teachers from political

activity during school hours (Rankin & Wheeler, 1977, p. 36).

The Federal Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations

urged that all states adopt legislation recognizing the right of

public employees, including teachers, to join employee organizations

and to confer collectively with government employees (Alexander, Corns,

& McCann, 1975, p. 140).

An executive order by President Kennedy in 1962 gave federal

employees a limited version of the rights that private employees had

received 30 years before. Over 30 American states have granted some

form of collective bargaining rights to some or all of their public

employees (Alexander, 1980).






Collective Bargaining in Education


Collective bargaining has resulted in increased pluralism in

regard to educational affairs in many school districts. The advent

of collective bargaining was considered by Donley (1976) to be of

more significance in the long run than the strikes of the 1960's and

1970's.

Teacher candidates for places on school boards have been success-

fully supported. In some school districts this has resulted in a new

group of power elites (Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976). Teacher organizations

in coalition with emerging power groups in other sectors of the community









have been successful in challenging the previously existing groups.

Lieberman (1979) wrote of the important role teachers often play in

determining who is management. In some instances, teacher organizations

have a decisive influence on school board elections.

In an article entitled "Eggs I Have Laid" published in the Phi

Delta Kappan in 1979, Lieberman pointed out that political activity

at the state level pays the teacher larger dividends than it does other

workers. For example, governors and state legislators play an important

role in educational funding decisions.

Richardson (1975) reported in the American School Board Journal

his concern that the advent of collective bargaining signaled an

end to the school board as we know it because teachers are not likely

to waste their time bargaining with a group that does not hold the

purse strings. He feared that negotiations would move to the state

capitals and all real decisions would be made there. Gothold (1974)

found that participants in negotiations saw the process as producing

wins and losses. Teachers often felt that they had won while admin-

istrators seldom felt that they had won or lost. Herndon (1969) stated

that teachers will become more militant and more aggressive in asserting

their right to have some measure of partnership in deciding upon the

new directions of educational planning.

Lieberman (1981) insisted that collective bargaining was inconsistent

with democratic government and "intellectually, it was already dead" (p. 231).

He offered the opinion that collective bargaining contributed to the

erosion of public support for education. Lieberman stated that the

power struggle between school boards and teacher unions often resulted








in excessive protective measures for teachers. Teachers seeking special

protections became more active in the union and the negotiating process

in order to realize their special needs. Lieberman asserted that these

special interest groups were typically more active than the public-at-

large on the issues of special concern to the group. Divers (1981)

found that dissatisfied teachers were most active in the union.

Stoll (1977) asserted that teachers should be more concerned

about the quality of their cohorts; school boards should better inform

the public about school finance and governance; and the public should

have a direct role in bargaining.

Shanker (1979) noted a lack of confidence in the public schools

by the American people, coupled with growing expectations about increased

standards regarding basic skills, academic enhancement, and student

discipline and behavior. He suggested that teachers, empowered by

collective bargaining, have entered the political arena in large numbers

and should have a significant impact in future elections.

Collective bargaining is a political process because it involves

the use of power in decision-making. One must have political power

to bargain effectively. Movements toward collective bargaining

expedited realignments and power exchanges among education groups.

The power of well-organized interest groups has been noticeable in

state legislatures.

The American Federation of Teachers (AFT), established in Chicago

in 1916 and affiliated with the AFL, was the prime mover of teacher

unionism (Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976). The AFT used aggressive bargaining

to achieve important gains for teachers in some of the largest cities








in the nation and has grown in power to rival the National Education

Association (NEA) for the control of teachers. Predictions of a

merger of the NEA and AFT organizations have failed to materialize

but if teachers decide to put together a national union, a war chest,

and political influence, control of the schools may be affected

(Damerell & Hillson, 1974).

Private sector labor relations laid the groundwork for present

statutory and judicial regulation of union activity. This is reflected

in many ways in state statutes governing public employee collective

bargaining. Scope of bargaining, representation procedures, impasse

redress, all are representative of the private experience (Alexander,

1980). An area that differs from the private sector is the restraint

against strikes which is most often forbidden by state legislation.

However, the employee in the private sector has no control over his

management unless by union contract. In the public sector, the

employee can remove his or her employer from office. "In short, the

strict dichotomy between employer and employee in the private sector

has no exact counterpoint in the public sector" (Werne, 1974, p. 11).

President Nixon's Executive Order 11491 recognized the right of

federal employees to join labor organizations for the purpose of

dealing with grievances, but that order expressly defined strikes,

work stoppages and slow-downs as unfair labor practices (Alexander,

Corns, & McCann, 1975). The Supreme Court of Florida ruled in

Pinellas County Classroom Teachers Association v. Board of Public

Instruction of Pinellas County (1968) that teachers had contracted

with the government and,if they wished, could terminate the contract









legally or illegally and suffer the results thereof. However, they

could not strike against the government and retain the benefits of

their contract positions (Alexander, Corns, & McCann, 1975).

Donald Hill, President of the Minnesota Education Association,

an NEA affiliate, reported in "Newsfront," Phi Delta Kappan (1981),

that contracts produced salary increases of 25 to 45 percent over the

two years since Minnesota enacted a new state law that permits teacher

unions to strike if mediation efforts fail. Minnesota had more

teacher strikes in 1981 than in the past nine years combined.






Regulation of Political Campaigns

The area of legal concern regarding regulation of political

campaigns is contained in the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971.

The 1971 Act prohibits direct or indirect contributions by a corporation

or labor organization to any candidate or political committee but

permits the establishment, administration, and solicitation of contri-

butions to a separate segregated fund to be used for political purposes

by a corporation or labor organization. Such a fund may not be raised

by coercion, dues, fees, or other monies required as a condition of

membership. U.S. Attorney General William French Smith (1972) prepared

a summary of the law which stated that the new law authorized the

promotion and maintenance of a separate and voluntary political fund

which may be given to selected campaigns subject only to the reporting









and bookkeeping requirements of state and federal governments. In

Florida funds are collected by the AFT political funding arm, A-TIGER,

and the Florida Teaching Profession (FTP). These funds have become

potent political war chests.






Politics in Education

The editor of the Phi Delta Kappan (1968) stated in an editorial

that, "If politics is defined as the attainment and utilization of power,

and if power is the potential for influence, it is obvious that politics

and education are inseparable" (p. 289). Martin (1962) pointed out,


Politics may be taken to concern (1) the process of
governance within the schools, (2) the process by
which the schools are controlled by and held responsi-
ble to people, or (3) the process of decision-making
as it relates to other governments. (p. 53-54)

Historically, public education has been assumed to be outside of

the normal political arenas. School elections according to Nystrand

and Cunningham (1973) had been non-partisan. This naive attitude began

to change in the 1950's. Corey (1968) stated that no segment of

American government was so thoroughly political as the schools.

Campbell, Cunningham, McPhee, and Nystrand (1970) found that

educational policy making at all levels was immersed in politics.

Bailey (1962) stated that, "Education is one of the most thoroughly

political enterprises in American life" (p. 8). Lutz emphasized,









The policies established by a school board are the
result of political processes, and not simply those
by which board members are elected or appointed by
elected officials, but also those which mobilize
the social power of organizations and groups to
influence the behavior of school boards.
(lannaccone & Lutz, 1970, p. 13)

There have been very few serious studies in the area of teacher

involvement in politics or which address themselves directly to teacher

participation in actual campaigns (Duffy, 1975, p. 16). In the past

teachers as an occupational group have tended to remain passive, or

at least to refrain from active participation in the electoral processes

which underly policy formation or change. lannaccone and Cistone

(1974) encouraged educational leaders, lay and professional alike,

to become politicians. They pointed out, "rising teacher militancy

may be the most critical factor leading to a new political world in

education" (p. 104). Brunetti (1974) stated that educators must

become politically sophisticated. They must be able to recognize the

source and force of political resistance and how to manipulate situations

to achieve their objectives.

There is evidence of a growing proportion of teachers using their

professional teachers' organizations as a vehicle for extending

political preferences into group action. However, some association

leaders maintain the view that their organizations are best fulfilled

independent from political parties. Many authors have noted the rise

of teacher militancy (Corwin, 1975; Donley, 1976; lannaccone & Cistone,

1974; Reeves, 1973; Shanker, 1975).









World War II has been seen as a watershed, with the post-war

period, bringing in more males, and especially more aggressive males

into the ranks of the classroom teachers. By the mid-1960's the

number of men teaching in elementary schools had increased significantly

and men made up a majority of the teachers in senior high schools. The

educational level rose, the turnover rate dropped, and the feeling of

professionalism grew (Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976, p. 411).

By the year, 1974, most teachers (72.4%) were members of the

National Educational Association or the American Federation of Teachers

(Rankin & Wheeler, 1977, p. 44). The journals of these organizations

maintained a steady stream of pleading for greater activism on the

part of their members. The journal of the school boards, on the other

hand, often contained articles pointing out the evils of teacher

involvement in politics.

Corey (1968) encouraged the professions to show as much interest

in improving education as they had shown in improving salaries if they

want a voice in determining educational policies. The American School

Board Journal examined the purpose behind teacher power. "Its aim is

simple--to put enough pressure on enough elected officials at local,

state, and national levels to marshal their support for teacher union

causes" (1975, p. 42). Increasing numbers of articles indicated the

level of interest in this subject.

Groups of teachers, organized in their own behalf, constituted a

new force to contend with in the electoral process. Hess (1981) linked

electoral power to legislative influence. She stated the strength of

a lobby is a function of the political sophistication and activity of

its constituency.









The Educational Power Structure


The quality of schools has been influenced by educational

politics and the political leadership of educators. Agger and Goldstein

(1971) wrote that the public schools are political systems that are

influenced by and, in turn, influence other political systems. Schools

are influenced by policy decisions concerning planning, population

control, economics, and energy. Educational politics involves knowledge

of the local board of education, local school district, the community,

the state, and the federal government (Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976, p. 333).

Although the schools are technically under the board of education, they

are also a subsystem of the larger political system and are influenced

by the exercise of political power in the larger system.

Studies describing the political power structure of local communities,

such as the research of Warner (1949) in Democracy in Jonesville and Lynd and

Lynd (1937) in Middletown in Transition, provided information about

political power in selected communities.

Studies of community power structures during the 1950's were heavily

influenced by the idea that the power structure of one large city was

similar to the power structure of most large cities (Kimbrough &

Nunnery, 1976). Results of the studies established that power structures

were different among communities. Generalizations could not be made

from one city to most other cities. Although similar patterns could

be found among districts of similar types of control, each power structure

had unique characteristics (Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976, p. 338).









Johns and Kimbrough (1968) indicated that at least four types of

power structures may be found in school districts. They classified

power structures according to the structure of power groups, competition

on issues and participation of citizens, etc. The monopolistic power

structure was controlled by a single group of leaders who stifled

conflicts and resulted in little citizen participation. The multigroup

noncompetitive power structure was controlled by several important power

groups who basically agreed concerning policy directions of the district.

The competitive elite structure was open to debate upon politics but

participation of the general public was weak. Pluralism was held up

as the ideal power structure of democracy (Kimbrough & Nunnery, 1976).

There was widespread participation of the citizens of the school

district in decision-making. The citizens often formed voluntary

associations to make their views felt in decisions. The organized

interest groups provided means for expressing the will of the citizens.

This system was open to the emergence of new leaders. Citizen partici-

pation was effective as a large percentage of the people in the community

participated, and those who governed were responsive to the will of the

people.

In her dissertation, True (1974) described the political structure

of Alachua County, Florida (the setting of this study), as pluralistic

since the early 1960's when professionals on the university staff waged

a successful campaign to change the university policy which prohibited

university staff from participating in local and state politics. This

began a period of active civic involvement on the part of faculty

members and leaders from other interest sectors of the area.









McQuown, Hamilton, and Scheider (1964) discussed the change from

a monopolistic to a pluralistic political structure which occurred

during the 1963 city elections in The Political Restructuring of a

Community (p. 58). Affiliates of nationwide business organizations

and university personnel combined forces to elect candidates to office

(True, 1974, p. 34). Citizen participation in organized interest

groups and voluntary associations continued into the present year

in the Alachua County School district.






The Florida Educational Power Structure


One of the major developments in Florida political life was the

urbanization of the legislature through reapportionment. A reappor-

tionment plan developed by Manning J. Dauer, Professor at the University

of Florida, was adopted in 1967. The 1885 Constitution was revised

in 1968 providing for reapportionment after each decennial census with

the State Supreme Court automatically reviewing the plan.

The 1968 constitution reorganized state government by allowing

annual sessions, increasing legislative pay to $12,000, and providing

standing committees, assigned secretarial help and permanent staffs.

The transition from the "old order" to a "new order" saw the emergence

of the legislature as an initiator of educational legislation.

Prior to these sweeping changes during the late 1960's the Florida

Department of Education exercised great influence upon the legislature.









The success of the Department of Education in adapting to a legislature

that was capable of initiating educational proposals and formulating

alternatives to Department of Education proposals is still undecided.

The transition from "old order" to "new order" was not without

bitterness. The rising teacher militancy in the early 1960's culminated

in a statewide teacher strike in February 1968. The Florida Education

Association, which had spearheaded the strike, lost much of its power

when the support from the public failed to materialize and teachers

returned to work in county after county. DePalma (1973) noted, "The

organizational effectiveness of the FEA was destroyed following the

failure of militant action" (p. 58).

In describing the relationship of teacher lobby groups to state

legislatures, lannaccone (1967) proposed four types of state power

structures. These four types were (a) a locally-based disparate

structure; (b) a state-wide monolithic structure; (c) a state-wide

fragmented structure; and (d) a state-wide syndical structure. The

lannaccone Model description of a state-wide fragmented type inter-

action between the state legislature and a pluralization of educational

interest groups unable to agree and work together (lannaccone, 1967)

appears to describe the current situation in the state of Florida.

Campbell and Mazzoni (1974) pointed out that teachers' associations

and school board groups, often with conflicting views, were ranked

as being most influential among educational interest groups in the

legislature.

However, there is some evidence that labor unions are not presently

very influential in Florida. Dauer (1980) discussed the influence of









labor unions in Florida. He cited the public employee sector, the

building trades and transportation as areas where labor unions were

strongest. The comparative shortage of manufacturing meant that many

of the traditional unions did not play the role they did in the

industrialized states of the North.

Various authors have argued that pluralism best explained and

described the functions of the governmental process in democratic

countries with free press, open political parties, and equality before

the law and that the U.S. government and Florida's government fell in

this category (Dauer, 1980). Although every citizen may not have

equal impact, access is provided, and there is a commitment to the

principle of equality before the law. The impact of lobbies and

campaign contributions is evidence of a pluralistic government (Dauer,

1980, p. 494). Lobbyists influence the process of legislation as

well as the work of executive agencies. Public interest lobbies like

Common Cause and the League of Women Voters have an impact on many

issues. These lobbies indicate that the citizen, when he organizes

with others, has an impact on policy decisions. Dauer (1980) cited

the adoption of the fiscal disclosure amendmentto the Florida Constitution

as an excellent example of direct impact by organized voters after

three sessions of the Florida legislature had refused to enact a

stringent fiscal disclosure law.

Yet, ideologically speaking, Florida is moderately conservative.

Since World War II the state has gone Democratic in three presidential

elections (for Truman in 1948, Johnson in 1964, and Carter in 1976)

and Republican in six (Eisenhower in 1952 and 1956 and Nixon in 1960,









1968, and 1972 and Reagan in 1980 (Dauer, 1980)). In state politics,

Republicans have held only 35 percent of the seats in the legislature,

and this figure had fallen to just under 30 percent of the total at the

beginning of the eighties. Democrats, building on a long tradition

of one-party dominion, have stronger party organizations at the state

and county levels and offer candidates in local elections in almost

all counties (Dauer, 1980).

Dauer (1980) ranked the state as the eighth most populous with

a rapid growth pattern. He cited the comparatively low level of

taxation and support for social services and public education (p. 496)

as evidence of ideological conservatism. During the early 1980's

Governor Graham pushed for increased state support for education

(Dauer, 1980). However, this has not proved to be successful because

recently released data indicate that the state has slipped to 37th

in salaries for school teachers.

Dauer (1980) stated the belief that Florida is entering another

period of change. Dauer feels that the moderate-conservative social

and economic basis of most of the state is not likely to be modified;

however, there is no sign that problems such as the energy issue,

inflation, growth, etc. will decrease. Under these circumstances, he

suggested, the citizen is best advised to give serious attention to

elections and to the political process as such citizen impact is

vital in the democratic process (Dauer, 1980).









Milbrath's Hierarchy of Political Involvement


The question of how and why persons become involved in politics

and the manner in which citizens participate in their political process

affects the way the system functions.

In his book, Political Participation: How and Why Do People Get

Involved in Politics, Milbrath (1965) noted that numerous studies

indicate a relationship between organizational membership and partici-

pation in political activity. Persons active in organized interest groups

aremore likely to exercise their influence in politics as organizations

tend to stimulate political participation. Generally, the more political

stimuli received by a person, the more likely he is to be active in

politics (Milbrath, 1965, p. 22). In addition to political stimuli

from organizational membership, friends may play an important role

in political participation. A study of political elites in two

communities showed that the urging of friends was a very important

factor in getting persons involved in community decision-making, much

more important than family influences (Jennings, 1964).

Based on his study of citizen participation Milbrath (1965)

proposed a hierarchy of political involvement, in that persons at a

given level of involvement tend to perform many of the same acts,

including those acts performed by persons at lower levels of involve-

ment (p. 16). An analysis of data on the American citizenry suggests

that persons cluster into three general types or roles along the active-

inactive dimension as shown in Figure 1. One group participates

passively in the political process; they do not engage in any of the

political acts shown in Figure 1. The second group participates in











Holding public and party office
Being a candidate for office
Soliciting political funds
Attending a caucus or a strategy
meeting
Becoming an active member in a
political party
Contributing time in a political
campaign

Attending a political meeting or rally
Making a monetary contribution to a
party or candidate
Contacting a public official or a
political leader

Wearing a button or putting a sticker on
the car
Attempting to talk another into voting
a certain way
Initiating a political discussion
Voting
Exposing oneself to political stimuli


Gladiatorial
Activities
(5 7%)







Transitional
Activities





Spectator
Activities
(60%)


Apathetics
(33%)






Figure 1. Hierarchy of Political Involvement.





Source: Lester W. Milbrath, Political Participation (Chicago:
Rand McNally & Co., 1965), p. 18









some or all of the first five activities in the hierarchy. The third

very small group participates actively by attending meetings,

campaigning, becoming active in a political party, soliciting money,

and running for office.

The ranking shown in Figure 1 is based on percentages of Americans

who engage in the behavior.


Probably less than 1 percent of the American adult
population engage in the top two or three behaviors.
Only about 4 or 5 percent are active in a party,
campaign, and attend meetings. About 10 percent
make monetary contributions, about 13 percent contact
public officials, and about 15 percent display a
button or sticker. Around 25 or 30 percent try to
proselyte others to vote a certain way, and from 40
to 75 percent perceive political messages and vote
in any given election. (Milbrath, 1965, p. 19)

The hierarchy constitutes a natural progression of involvement

in active politics. Minimally involved persons confine their acts to

those acts low in the hierarchy. Persons participate in a wider

repertoire of political acts moving upward in the hierarchy as they

become more involved in politics. Milbrath relates the groups to a

Roman gladiatorial context. Those who do not bother to view the

contest are called "apathetics." "Spectators" cheer, provide encour-

agement and vote to decide who has won the battle. "Gladiators"

solicit money and battle to please the spectators (Milbrath, 1965).

Personality and environmental factors encourage persons to stay

in their roles. Milbrath wrote that a person needed a strong push or

to feel very strongly about an issue before he would change from

spectator to political combatant (Milbrath, 1965, p. 21). Persons









with intense preferences were especially likely to proselytize others,

but they were more likely than those with weak preferences to carry out

other political activities as well. Campbell and Valen (1961) found

older persons tended to have stronger party preferences than younger.

About one-third of the adult population can be classified apathetic.

Approximately 60 percent play the spectator role and five to seven

percent can be classified as gladiators (Milbrath, 1965, p. 21). The

proportions apply to elections for the President of the United States.

The proportions for state and local elections of apathetics are larger.

This also applies to the American South.

Transitions occurred at two points on Milbrath's hierarchy.

Transition from apathetic to spectator would involve seeking information

as a way of orienting a person as spectator and voter. Transition from

spectator to gladiator would probably involve attending meetings, and

making monetary contributions as first steps to becoming a gladiator

(Milbrath, 1965).

A general proposition relating stimuli and participation in

politics appeared repeatedly in the research findings: the more

political stimuli a person receives, the more likely he will participate

in politics (Almond & Verba, 1963; Marvick & Nixon, 1961; Rokkan &

Campbell, 1960).

Some studies have shown that members of labor unions, especially

those who identify strongly with the union, are more interested in

politics than nonmembers or weakly identified members (Benny, Gray, &

Pear, 1956; Kornhauser, Mayer, & Sheppard, 1956). Studies show that

labor union members are more likely to have stronger stands on issues,









and to vote than are nonunion laboring persons (Campbell, Gurin, &

Miller, 1954; Campbell, Converse, Miller, & Stokes, 1960; Campbell &

Kahn, 1952; McPhee & Glaser, 1962).

General group activity is highly related to participation in

politics because groups are important mobilizers of political action

by their members. Organizations that desire to mobilize their member-

ship politically facilitate turnout, recruit candidates, and boost

party membership (Lane, 1959; Lipset, 1960).

U.S. labor unions have some success in mobilizing their members

for political action but there have been exceptions. Miller (1952)

in a study of Waukegan of voter turnout prediction showed no differ-

ences in voting turnout between union and nonunion members. Milbrath

(1965) indicated labor union success has not been impressive. Dahl

(1961) concluded from his study of New Haven that "only the citizens

who expect current decisions to have important and immediate conse-

quences tend to be very active, and they are generally few in number"

(p. 297).

Persons belonging to more than one group may find their groups

pulling in different directions which may cause them to be cross-

pressured (Benny et al., 1956; Fuchs, 1955; Kimbrough, 1964; Lipset,

1960). This frequently results in persons staying away from the polls.

Agger, Goldrich and Swanson (1964) suggested the longer a person

resides in a given community, the greater the likelihood of his partici-

pation in politics. Although length of residence correlates with

voting turnout, it seems especially relevant to gladiatorial activities

(Milbrath, 1965). Age, sex and race have all been related to political









participation. Milbrath stated that participation rises gradually

with advancing age leveling off at about age 35 or 40 (p. 135). Men

are more likely to participate in politics than women with data

supporting this proposition coming from at least nine countries

(Milbrath, 1965, p. 135).

Several writers found that blacks in the United States participate

in politics at a much lower rate than whites (Campbell et al., 1954;

Woodward & Roper, 1950). However Jensen found no significant differ-

ence in political participation between whites and blacks in a survey

in Evanston, Illinois (1960). Agger, Goldrich, and Swanson suggested

that racial and ethnic minorities are not always on the periphery in

certain communities. They may be at the center or have very good

access to it (1964, p. 269). A study of blacks in Florida politics

found a significant amount of bloc voting which can tip the balance

in close races (Price, 1955).

A study of participation rates and of the factors stimulating

participation suggested that intense political involvement had little

likelihood of developing as long as government functioned adequately,

allowing citizens to keep politics as a peripheral concern in their

lives (Milbrath, 1965).

Societies which had large numbers of people intensely interested

and active in politics tended to have wide and deep cleavages that

were very difficult to bridge. Intense feelings on both sides of an

issue stimulate political involvement which makes consensus remote

between contending forces (Milbrath, 1965).









School Board Elections


lannaccone and Lutz (1969) indicated teachers have become an

important factor in the politics of the local school board. Pellathy

(1971) noted an increasing political socialization and activism on the

part of teachers.

Fadem and Duffy (1973) wrote that 68 percent of teacher-supported

candidates for school board in the 1975 California elections won elec-

tions while only 50 percent of independent candidates were successful.

Duffy (1975) found that teacher involvement in school board elections

resulted in an increased chance for successful election. Visibility of

teacher support appeared to be no disadvantage to a candidate, but the

indirect evidence suggested the single-issue, or single-constituency

candidate could not compete successfully.

Rankin and Wheeler (1977) analyzed the impact which teacher

participation in school board elections had on education in California.

They concluded that the traditional balance of control of education

through community elected lay officials had been influenced by

professional associations. Substantial sums of money given by thousands

of teachers presented in a single check increased the importance of the

contribution on the candidate's views on school issues.

Corwin (1975) was concerned with the possible change in the

autonomy and discretionary power of the local school board. Rankin

and Wheeler's (1977) study revealed numerous attempts by teachers'

organizations to directly influence board members through unofficial

channels. Board members supported by the California Teachers Associa-

tion reported they had received more incidences of pressure from groups









outside the district than did non-supported board members. A majority

of the board members expressed an unfavorable opinion toward this

concept. Supported board members were perceived by school board

presidents as having more often supported or recommended administra-

tive personnel changes and favored a teacher point of view in conflict

situations (Rankin & Wheeler, 1977).

Political activity at the national level by teacher organizations

is on the increase. Reeves (1973) reported that more than $3,000,000

collected from teachers in small amounts was distributed to candidates

in 1972.

The Okland Tribune in a column entitled "Teachers get more power

on boards" (1975, p. 3) quoted William Barton, legislative executive for

the California School Boards, as stating that "it is doubtful the public

knows how extensive the teachers' political contributions are." He

stated that amounts were given ranging from $250 to an assemblyman to

$25,000 for Governor Edmund G. Brown, Jr. Most assembly and senate

contributions ranged from $1,000 to $5,000, with a top of $10,000.

Organized teachers, trained by experts and supplied with how-to-

do-it materials, may constitute a new force to contend with in the

electoral process. School boards, legislative candidates and political

leaders in general should be concerned with evaluating the future

impact of such an approach.









Chapter Summary

The literature concerning the control of education and the

participation of teachers in the political process was discussed in

this chapter. Since the early 1950's the nation has witnessed a

growth in teacher militancy, in collective bargaining by teachers,

and in teacher participation in the political process. This was

attended by numerous court decisions facilitating the civil rights of

teachers and other public employees. Several questions remain concerning

how effectively the rank-and-file teacher participates. Milbrath's

(1965) model for participation was presented and discussed.














CHAPTER THREE
PRESENTATION OF THE DATA


Responses to the items in the interview guide are presented in

this chapter. In some cases respondents gave more than one answer to

the question. Not all respondents answered all items. For example, in

selecting an election, issue or problem "with which you have been

concerned," a respondent might decline to answer or mention that he

or she was actively involved in many recent elections.

As noted previously, interview data were collected from a sample

of 100 teachers. Seven officers of the Alachua County Education

Association were also interviewed including the Past President,

President, First Vice President, Second Vice President, Secretary,

Treasurer, and Collective Bargaining Committee Chairman. Three of the

seven officers were included in the sample of 100 teachers selected

at random. Respondents were first contacted by letters from the

writer's advisor and the writer and then telephoned by the writer to

arrange interviews. Most interviews were conducted by telephone;

however, personal interviews were arranged with four respondents.

The first phase of this study was concerned with the level of

teacher participation in political activities. A model depicting

a hierarchy of citizen involvement was developed from which

this pattern was discerned. This was shown as Figure 1 and discussed

in Chapter Two, pages 40 through 45.









According to the model of the hierarchy of citizen involvement,

citizens participating are classified into one of three categories:

gladiatorial, transitional and spectator participation. Citizens

who do not participate in political activities at all are classified

as apathetics. The questions are developed from the hierarchy of

political involvement developed by Milbrath (1965).

Exposing oneself to political stimuli by listening to political

talk was considered the lowest form of citizen participation and

holding a political or party office was considered the highest.

Question number 23 on the interview guide presented the hierarchy of

political involvement items a through n (See Appendix A).






The Level of Participation in
Political Activities by Teachers


Item 23 of the interview guide was designed to collect data

relative to the level of participation in political activities.

Teachers were asked to respond to the following statement. How have

you participated in the following ways during the most recent local,

state, or national elections?


a. Listening to political talk

b. Voting

c. Initiating a political discussion

d. Attempting to talk another into voting
a certain way









e. Wearing a button or putting a sticker on the car

f. Contacting a public official or a political
leader

g. Making a monetary contribution to a party or
candidate

h. Attending a political meeting or rally

i. Contributing time in a political campaign

j. Becoming an active member in a political party

k. Attending a caucus or a strategy meeting

1. Soliciting political funds

m. Becoming a candidate for public office

n. Holding public and/or party office


The following tables present frequencies of teacher responses to

this question. The patterns of participation reported by the 100

randomly selected teachers employed by the School Board of Alachua

County and the seven Alachua County Education Association officers

are summarized in Table 1 and Table 2. At the time of the interviews,

seven teachers reported they were building representatives, serving

as liaison between the faculty and principal; however, an additional

21 teachers stated that they had served as a building representative

at some time in the past. The data are presented in four categories:

total group, teachers, building representatives, and ACEA officers.

The category for building representatives includes the 28 teachers

who are or have been building representatives.

When analyzing Table 1 and Table 2, one is aware that people

respond to their community political systems in varied ways. Table 1

shows the levels of participation reported by the selected teachers
















Table 1

Pattern of Political Participation of Selected
Teachers, Building Representatives, and ACEA Officers


Level of Total Teachers Building ACEA
Participation Group Representatives Officers



Apathetics 3 3 0 0

Spectators 7 7 0 0

Transitional 35 28 7 0

Gladiators 59 31 21 7

n = 104 69 28 7
















Table 2

Pattern of Teacher, Building Representative, and
ACEA Officer Participation in Political Activities


Level of Total Teachers Building ACEA
Participation Group Representatives Officers



Apathetics 3 3 0 0

Spectators 7 7 0 0

Transitional 35 28 7 0

Gladiators 32 22 9 1

Pure Gladiators 27 9 12 6

n = 104 69 28 7









in the study. Fifty-nine of the respondents reported that they

participated at the gladiatorial level, whereas only three gave

responses placing them in the apathetic level. This is at consider-

able variance with Milbrath (1965). However, Milbrath (1965) identified

gladiators in the purest sense of the word as those who participate

in the top three steps of the Hierarchy of Political Involvement by

soliciting political funds, being a candidate for office, or holding

public and party office. He stated that only one or two percent of

the American adult population could be called gladiators. Based on

this restricted definition of gladiator, Table 2 has been enlarged

to include "pure gladiators".

ACEA officers and teachers who had been building representatives

participated in political activities at a higher level than teachers

who had never been in a leadership role in the ACEA. A chi-square

test of independence shows that the relationship between level of

participation in political activities and type of respondent is

significant at the .05 level.

Table 2 shows that only 27 of the sample reported patterns of

political participation at the "pure gladiator" level, leaving 32 at

the Gladiator level. A chi-square test of independence shows that

the relationship between level of participation in political

activities and type of respondent is significant at the .05 level.

ACEA officers and teachers who had been building representatives

participated in political activities at higher levels than teachers

who had never held leadership roles in the teachers' union.

Table 3 presents the grade level representation of the teachers

and ACEA officers interviewed for this study.

















Table 3

Grade Level Representation of 100 Randomly
Selected Teachers and ACEA Officers


Frequency
Grade Level
Teachers ACEA Officers


Elementary 59 3

Middle School 17 3

High School 24 1

n= 100 7









Table 4 shows the reported patterns of participation by teachers by

elementary,middle, and secondary schools. The reader will note that

the middle school teachers reported greater pure gladiator and gladiator

participation than did the elementary school and secondary school

teachers. This is at some variance with the generally held idea that

secondary school teachers may be more participative in the higher

levels. Only five out of 24 or 21 percent of the secondary school

teachers reported pure gladiatorial participation compared to 6 out

of 13 or 35 percent of the middle school teachers. No teacher at the

middle school level reported participation at the spectator or apathetic

levels. However, a chi-square test of independence shows that the

relationship between level of participation in political activities

and grade level of respondent is not significant at the .05 level. There

is no significant difference between elementary, middle school, and high

school respondents regarding the reported level of participation in

political activities.

Table 5 shows the reported patterns of participation by male and

female teachers. The number of male teachers and female teachers

who participated at or above the gladiatorial level of political

participation was nearly identical.

A chi-square test of independence shows that the relationship

between level of participation in political activities and sex of

respondents is not significant at the .05 level. Therefore, there is

no significant difference between male and female respondents

regarding the level of participation in political activities.
















Table 4
Pattern of Elementary, Middle School, and High School
Teacher Participation in Political Activities


Levels of Elementary Middle High
Participation Elementary School School


Apathetics 2 0 1

Spectators 2 0 5

Transitional 25 5 5

Gladiators 17 6 8

Pure Gladiators 13 6 5

n= 59 17 24
















Table 5

Pattern of Male and Female Teacher
Participation in Political Activities


Levels of Participation Male Female


Apathetics 0 3

Spectators 4 3

Transitional 6 29

Gladiators 4 27

Pure Gladiators 7 17

n= 21 79









As requested by the writer, the Supervisor of Elections for

Alachua County, Florida, compared the voters' registrations and

voting records during the past two years of the randomly selected

teachers and Alachua County Education Association officers. The

records indicated the majority of the respondents were registered to

vote and had participated by voting in the primary and general

elections since 1980.

Of the 97 teachers who had indicated they were registered

voters, six were not registered to vote and two who were registered

had not voted. The seven ACEA officers were registered and had

voted in recent elections.






The Level of Political Awareness
of Teachers in Alachua County

The second phase of the study was conducted to determine the

respondent's level of political awareness as indicated by his or her

ability to identify local school board members, county commissioners,

state and national legislators. The writer asked the respondent to

name selected public officials in questions 29 through 33 of the inter-

view guide.

Table 6 depicts identification of local school board members

by the teachers, building representatives, and ACEA officers inter-

viewed for this study. The mean number of school board members

identified by the teachers equaled 3.8. ACEA officers identified













Table 6

Identification of Local School Board Members


Number of
rd Member Total Building ACEA
Identified Group Teachers Representatives Officers



5 53 30 16 7

4 18 10 8

3 14 10 4

2 7 7

1 5 5

0 7 7

n = 104 69 28 7

S= 3.8 3.5 4.4 5









the seven school board members without exception. Only 53 of the

teachers could name all five school board members and seven teachers

were unable to name any school board members.

The relationship between the number of school board members

identified and the level of participation in the teachers' organiza-

tion was significant at the .05 level. Teachers who had served in

a leadership role in the teachers' organization identified more

school board members than did teachers who had not held leadership

roles in the union.

Identification of individual school board members is shown in

Table 7. Charles Chestnut was the most frequently identified school

board member with 84 percent of the teachers interviewed for this

study able to provide his name when asked to name all the current

school board members. Chestnut is the only black member of the board

and the current Chairman of the School Board. ACEA officers were

able to name all the current school board members. Of some interest

is the fact that Bob Howe had served on the board for many years and had

received much visibility during this time as President of the Florida

School Boards Association and as Vice President of the National School

Boards Association. Yet, he was named by only 64 percent of the

respondents. At the time of the interviews, the teachers' union had

targeted the three incumbent board members for defeat in the 1982

school board elections. Using the slogan, "Three new in 82", the

union supported selected candidates in each of the three races with

donations and endorsements. Two of the incumbents, Ann Muga and Bob

Howe, declined to seek re-election; however, Shelton Boyles sought a












Table 7

Identification of Individual Board Members


Frequency
School Board Members
Teacher ACEA Officers


Charles Chestnut 84 7

Shelton Boyles 78 7

Ann Muga 78 7

Barbara Gallant 76 7

Bob Howe 64 7









third term of office. Boyles and Muga were identified by 78 of the

respondents. Gallant, a retired teacher and former officer in the

ACEA, was identified by 76 teachers.

The chi-square test of independence shows the relationship between

the number of school board members identified and the level of

participation in the teachers' organization was significant at the

.05 level. Teachers who had served in a leadership role in the

teachers' organization identified more school board members than

teachers who had not held leadership roles in the union.

Table 8 depicts identification of Alachua County's four state

legislators by the teachers and ACEA officers interviewed for this

study. At the time of the study, the Alachua County delegation to

the legislature included four legislators of which there were two

members of the state senate and two members of the house of represen-

tatives.

The mean number of state legislators identified by the teachers

equaled 2.2. The mean number of state legislators identified by

the ACEA officers equaled 3.3. Again, these data are not indicative

of a high degree of sophistication in political participation by

most of the participants. Only 19 of the teachers could name all

members of the delegation. Furthermore, a chi-square test of indepen-

dence shows no significant difference in the identification of state

legislators representing Alachua County by teachers, building

representatives, and ACEA officers at the .05 level of confidence.

Identification of individual state legislators is shown in

Table 9. State Senator George Kirkpatrick was the most frequently
















Table 8

Identification of State Legislators
Representing Alachua County


Number of Total Teachers Building ACEA
Legislators Group Representatives Officers



4 19 10 6 3

3 27 18 6 3

2 25 15 9 1

1 18 12 6

0 15 14 1

n = 104 69 28 7

x = 2.2 2.0 2.4 3.3













Table 9

Identification of Individual State Legislators


Frequency
Legislators
Teachers ACEA Officers



George Kirkpatrick 76 6

Pete Skinner 29 3

Sid Martin 62 7

Jon Mills 46 6









identified state legislator identified by the teachers with 76 percent

able to name him. State Representative Sid Martin was most frequently

identified by the ACEA officers with 100 percent able to name him.

Interestingly, George Kirkpatrick was a member of the Education Committee

of the senate, whereas neither Mills nor Martin served on the education

committee of the house. Whether Kirkpatrick's visibility was a result

of several highly visible controversies concerning his stand on the

Equal Rights Amendment or to his position on the education committee

is not known. Less than a third of the teachers could name Pete

Skinner and less than half named Jon Mills.

Table 10 depicts identification of Alachua County Commissioners

by the teachers, building representatives, and ACEA officers interviewed

for this study. The mean number of county commissioners identified

by the teachers equaled 1.0. Building representatives identified a

mean of 1.2 commissioners, and ACEA officers identified a mean of 3.0

county commissioners. Alachua County has a total of five county

commissioners and operates under a County Executive Form of government

with the five county commissioners serving as the legislative body.

A county administrator is appointed for administration of all the

affairs of the county. Candidates for the County Commission run on

a party ticket and must reside in the resident district they seek to

represent although they are elected by the county at large for a four

year term, terms staggered with no limit on the number of terms they

may serve.

A chi-square test of independence shows a significant difference

between teachers, building representatives, and ACEA officers in












Table 10

Identification of Alachua County Commissioners


Number Commissioners Total Building ACEA
Identified Group Teachers Representatives Officers



5 4 2 0 2

4 5 3 1 1

3 10 5 3 2

2 15 8 7 0

1 26 19 6 1

0 44 32 11 1

n = 104 69 28 7

x = 1.2 1.0 1.2 3.0









the identification of Alachua County Commissioners at the .05 level

of confidence.

Identification of individual Alachua County Commissioners is

outlined in Table 11.

Tom Coward was the most frequently identified county commissioner

with 26 percent of the teachers interviewed for this study able to

provide his name when asked to name all the current county commissioners.

Mr. Coward is the only black member of the county commission. John

Schroepfer was most frequently identified by the ACEA officers with

six of the seven officers able to name him. Of some interest is the

fact that Jack Durrance has just completed over 28 years in office

and has been a highly visible member and chairman of the board of

commissioners. Moreover, both Tom Coward and Ed Turlington are

teachers and, prior to transferring to community college teaching,

Mr. Turlington was an administrator in the central office of Alachua

County.

Alachua County is represented in the Congress by one representa-

tive and the two U.S. Senators. In order to gauge teacher sensitivity

to political participation, each respondent was asked to name these

persons. Table 12 depicts identification of the three national

legislators who represent Alachua County by the teachers and ACEA

officers interviewed for this study. These included the two senators

and one representative. The mean number of national legislators

identified by the teachers equaled 1.3. The mean number of national

legislators identified by building representatives equaled 1.5 and

ACEA officers equaled 2.7. Almost one-fourth of the teachers could
















Table 11

Identification of Individual
Alachua County Commissioners


Frequency
Commissioners
Teacher ACEA Officers


Tom Coward 26 5

John Schroepfer 24 6

Sonny Lee 23 3

Ed Turlington 21 4

Jack Durrance 20 3
















Table 12
Identification of National Legislators
Representing Alachua County


Number of Total Teachers Building ACEA
Legislators Group Representatives Officers
Identified


3 21 10 6 5

2 32 21 9 2

1 27 21 6

0 24 17 7

n = 104 69 28 7

x = 1.5 1.3 1.5 2.7









not name one of the three national politicians representing the area.

However, the ACEA officers were able to name two or more of these

persons.

A chi-square test of independence shows there is a significant

difference in the ability to identify national legislators representing

Alachua County by teachers, building representatives, and ACEA officers

at the .05 level of confidence.

Identification of the individual national legislators representing

Alachua County is outlined in Table 13. Senator Lawton Chiles was

the most frequently identified national legislator with 58 percent of

the teachers interviewed for this study able to provide his name when

asked to name the national legislators. Senator Chiles and Congressman

Don Fuqua were most frequently identified by the ACEA officers with 100

percent able to identify them. Only 35 percent of the teacher sample

could name Paula Hawkins even though she has for the past decade

been highly visible in Florida politics. Congressman Fuqua has served

Alachua County for almost two decades, since 1962, in the U.S. House

of Representatives.

In order to look at teacher participation in political activities

along with the number of years residency in Alachua County, the following

tables are included. Table 14 depicts the number of years residency in

Alachua County for teachers and ACEA officers. Table 15 outlines

levels of participation in political activities for teachers residing

in Alachua County for less than five years, less than ten years, less

than 20 years, and more than 20 years.

Teachers with more than 20 years residency had the largest number

of "pure gladiators" at 39 percent with 14 out of a possible 36. The
















Table 13

Identification of Individual National Legislators
Representing Alachua County


Frequency
Legislators
Teachers ACEA Officers


Senator Lawton Chiles 58 7

Senator Paula Hawkins 35 5

Congressman Don Fuqua 51 7
















Table 14

Number of Years Residency in Alachua County
for Interviewed Teachers and ACEA Officers


Frequency
Years
Teachers ACEA Officers


0-5 10 0

5 10 15 0

10 20 37 4

20 plus 36 3

n= 98* 7


* Two teachers live in another county.
















Table 15

Participation in Political Activities by Teachers'
Length of Residence in Alachua County


Level of 20 Years
5 Years 10 Years 20 Years
Participation Plus


Apathetics 2 0 0 1

Spectators 1 2 3 0

Transitional 3 4 14 14

Gladiators 4 5 15 7

Pure Gladiators 0 4 5 14

n= 10 15 37 36









opposite was true for teachers with less than five years residency in

Alachua County as there were no "pure gladiators" in that category. A

chi-square test of independence shows the relationship between level

of participation in political activities and respondents' number of

years residency in Alachua County is significant at the .05 level.

The discrepancy between (E) expected frequency and (0) observed

frequency is most evident at the "pure gladiatorial" level with

teachers who have been residents of Alachua County more than 20

years. (E) = 8.4 and (0) + 14.

The ages of the teachers and ACEA officers interviewed were

analyzed with the level of participation in political activities.

Table 16 displays the pattern of ages represented among the teachers

and ACEA officers. The levels of participation in political activities

for teachers ages 21-30, 31-40, 41-50, 51-60, and 60 plus are displayed

in Table 17.

The pattern of participation indicates an increase in the number

of persons reporting themselves "pure gladiators" as age increases

with the largest number at 60 plus with two out of three describing

themselves as "pure gladiators." Only two out of eleven teachers in

the 21-30 age bracket reported themselves as "pure gladiators."

Moreover, there were more apathetic and spectator responses in the

21-30 and 31-40 age brackets. The chi-square test of independence,

however, shows that the relationship between level of participation

in political activities and age of respondent is not significant at

the .05 level of confidence.












Table 16

Ages of Interviewed Teachers and ACEA Officers


Frequency
Age Range
Teachers ACEA Officers


21 30 11 0

31 40 56 4

41 50 22 2

51 60 8 1

60 plus 3 0

n = 100 7

















Table 17

Pattern of Participation in Political
Activities by Age Bracket


Level of 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 60 plus
Participation



Apathetics 1 2 0 0 0

Spectators 0 7 0 0 0

Transitional 3 19 8 4 1

Gladiators 5 19 6 1 0

Pure Gladiators 2 9 8 3 2

n= 11 56 22 8 3









Analysis of the race of the sample is provided in Table 18.

Black teachers constituted 15 percent of the sample.

Table 19 displays the level of participation in political

activities related to race. According to their reported activities,

the greatest number of white teachers participate at the transitional

level (38 percent) while the greatest number of black teachers

participate at the gladiator level (40 percent). Five out of 15

(33 percent) black teachers reported data placing them in the "pure

gladiatorial" level. However, a chi-square test of independence

shows that the relationship between level of participation in political

activities and race of respondents is not significant at the .05 level

of confidence.

The marital status of the teachers and ACEA officers interviewed

is presented in Table 20. The table shows that an overwhelming majority

of the sample of teachers was married. Only 13 percent were single

and only eight were divorced.

Table 21 presents data relating participation in political

activities to marital status of interviewed teachers. The single,

divorced, and widowed teachers reported higher percentages of

gladiatorial activities than married teachers. However, the

difference in levels of participation in political activities was not

significant as determined by a chi-square test of independence at the

.05 level of confidence.

In order to examine teacher participation in political activities

along with the highest degree earned by the interviewed teachers and

ACEA officers, the following tables are included. Table 22 depicts

















Table 18

Racial Composition of Interviewed
Teachers and ACEA Officers


Frequency
Race
Teachers ACEA Officers


Black 15 1

White 85 6

n 100 7

















Table 19

Pattern of Political Participation
of Sample by Race


Frequency
Level of Participation
Black White


Apathetics 0 3

Spectators 1 6

Transitional 3 32

Gladiators 6 25

Pure Gladiators 5 19

n = 15 85












Table 20

Marital Status of Teachers and ACEA Officers


Frequency
Marital Status
Teachers ACEA Officers



Married 77 2

Single 13 2

Divorced 8 3

Widowed 2 0

n= 100 7
















Table 21

Pattern of Political Participation of
Teachers by Marital Status


Level of
Participation Married Single Divorced Widowed



Apathetics 1 1 1 0

Spectators 7 0 0 0

Transitional 29 4 1 1

Gladiators 24 4 3 0

Pure Gladiators 16 4 3 1

n = 77 13 8 2

















Table 22

Highest Degree Earned by 100 Randomly Selected
Teachers and ACEA Officers


Frequency
Degree
Teachers ACEA Officers


Bachelors 43 1

Masters 49 5

Specialist 7 1

Doctorate 1 0

n= 100 7









the number of teachers and ACEA officers with the bachelors, masters,

specialist, or doctorate as the highest degree earned.

Table 23 outlines levels of participation in political activities

for teachers with the bachelors, masters, specialist/doctorate as the

highest earned degree. Thirty-one percent of the teachers with

master's degrees were listed as at the "pure gladiatorial" level,

whereas only 7 out of 43 teachers at the bachelor'slevel or 16 percent

reported themselves at this level. Of some interest is that most of

those holding degrees beyond the master's reported activities at the

spectator and transitional level.

The chi-square test of independence shows there is no significant

difference in the level of participation by teachers with the bachelors,

masters, or specialist/doctorate at the .05 level of confidence.

In order to look at teacher participation in political activities

along with organizational membership of the 100 randomly selected

teachers and the ACEA officers, the following tables are included.

Table 24 presents data related to teachers and ACEA officers who are

members of a civic organization and/or who are members of a church.

It is interesting to note that less than half of the teachers,

46 percent, are members of a civic organization and even fewer are

church members with 39 percent in that category.

Table 25 outlines levels of participation in political activities

by teachers who are members or nonmembers of a civic organization or

a church.

The highest percentage, 30 percent, of teachers who are "pure

gladiators" occurs among teachers who are members of at least one

















Table 23

Pattern of Political Participation of Teachers With
The Bachelors, Masters, Specialist/Doctorate Degree


Level of Bachelors Masters Specialist/
Participation Doctorate


Apathetics 2 1 0

Spectators 3 3 1

Transitional 18 14 3

Gladiators 13 16 2

Pure Gladiators 7 15 2

n= 43 49 8
















Table 24

Organizational Membership of 100 Randomly
Selected Teachers and ACEA Officers


Civic Organization Church
Membership
Teachers Officers Teachers Officers


Member 46 2 39 2

Nonmember 54 5 61 5

n = 100 7 100 7
















Table 25

Pattern of Political Participation by Teachers Who Are
Members or Nonmembers of a Civic Organization
and/or Who Are Members of A Church


Levels of Civic Organization Church
Participation Members Nonmembers Members Nonmembers



Apathetics 2 1 1 2

Spectators 1 6 4 3

Transitional 9 26 12 23

Gladiators 20 11 11 20

Pure Gladiators 14 10 11 13

n = 46 54 39 61









civic organization with 14 out of 46 teachers in that category.

Thirty-four out of 46 or 74 percent of the teachers who were members

of a civic organization reported that they participated at the

gladiatorial level. Only 21 out of 54 or 39 percent of the nonmembers

participated at the gladiatorial level. A chi-square test of inde-

pendence shows that the relationship between level of participation

in political activities and respondents' membership in civic organiza-

tions is significant at the .05 level of confidence. This did not

prove to be true in the case of church membership. A chi-square test

of independence shows that the relationship between level of participa-

tion in political activities and respondents' church membership is not

significant at the .05 level of confidence. Church members partici-

pated at the gladiatorial level or above with 22 out of 39 or 56

percent in that category while nonmembers participated at the

gladiatorial level or above with 33 out of 61 or 54 percent.

Data collected during the in-depth interviews with the 100 randomly

selected teachers provided information in regard to membership in the

Alachua County Education Association. Seventy-four teachers inter-

viewed were members of the teachers' union. At the time of the inter-

views, seven teachers reported they were building representatives,

serving as liaison between the faculty and principal. The sample

figures correlate with the actual number of teachers who are building

representatives according to the Director of the Alachua County

Education Association with approximately 7.7 percent of the teachers

currently serving as building representatives. However, an additional









21 teachers reported they had served as a building representative at

some time in the past.

Table 26 presents information related to the level of participation

in political activities by teachers who are members of the Alachua

County Education Association and nonmembers.

A greater number of ACEA members, 45 out of 74 or 61 percent,

participated at the gladiatorial levels than nonmembers with 10 out

of 26 or 38 percent. However, the chi-square test of independence

shows no significant difference in the level of participation in

political activities and membership or nonmembership in the ACEA. This

analysis of the data in Table 26 included building representatives and

ACEA officers in the ACEA member category.

When asked if they were registered to vote, 97 percent of the

interviewed teachers indicated that they were registered. One hundred

percent of the ACEA officers were registered to vote.

Table 27 presents information related to party identification of

the 100 interviewed teachers and ACEA officers.

Approximately 70 percent of the teachers state they identify with

the Democratic political party. Thirteen percent of the teachers say

they are registered Democrats but vote independent. Among the inter-

viewed teachers only 7 percent say they are registered Republicans and

10 percent claim to be registered Independents. Republicans and

Independents often have limited participation in primary elections in

Alachua County, Florida, due to a lack of Republican and Independent

candidates.
















Table 26

Pattern of Political Participation by Teachers
Who Are Members or Nonmembers of ACEA


Levels of Participation ACEA Members Nonmembers



Apathetics 2 1

Spectators 4 3

Transitional 23 12

Gladiators 26 5

Pure Gladiators 19 5

n = 74 26












Table 27

Teacher Political Party


Identification


Political Party Teacher Building Rep. ACEA Officer



Democrat 49 17 6

Democrat/Independent 8 5 1

Republican 6 1 0

Independent 6 5 0

69 28 7