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Late adolescent sexuality and contraception

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Title:
Late adolescent sexuality and contraception the influence of sex role orientation, locus of control, illusion of fertility control, and experience
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Zlokovich, Martha S
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English
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vi, 98 leaves : ; 29 cm.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Adolescents ( jstor )
Birth control ( jstor )
Contraception ( jstor )
Femininity ( jstor )
Gender roles ( jstor )
Locus of control ( jstor )
Masculinity ( jstor )
Pregnancy ( jstor )
Sexual intercourse ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
College students -- Sexual behavior ( lcsh )
Contraception -- Psychological aspects ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1992.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 61-63).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Martha S. Zlokovich.

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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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LATE ADOLESCENT SEXUALITY AND CONTRACEPTION: THE
INFLUENCE OF SEX ROLE ORIENTATION, LOCUS OF CONTROL,
ILLUSION OF FERTILITY CONTROL, AND EXPERIENCE



By

MARTHA S. ZLOKOVICH


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1992


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA tBRARIES





























This dissertation is dedicated to my children.













ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the entire faculty of the

developmental psychology department for their continued

support of my particular interests and my career..

My sincerest and warmest thanks go to Dr. Scott Miller

for his invaluable assistance and his never-ending

encouragement. I have greatly appreciated his unfailing

support for me during my graduate career.

Dr. Sharlene Simpson deserves special thanks for the

excitement, ideas, and expertise she so willingly shared.

I am indebted to my good friend Teri Davis, who

provided emotional support and practical assistance, as well

as to Dr. Leslee Pollina, who graciously provided invaluable

assistance with statistical analyses and interpretations.

I would also like to thank the other members of my

committee, Dr. Patricia Miller, who gave helpful advice on

all aspects of the research, Dr. Lawrence Severy, who

supported the development of my research interest in

adolescent contraception, and Dr. Monica Biernat.

My parents deserve special thanks for their unwavering

love, confidence, and assistance throughout my education.

Finally, I would like to thank my husband Neil, for his

love and boundless confidence in my abilities.














TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ... ....... iii

ABSTRACT .. .. .. .... V

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION .. 1

Locus of Control and Fertility Control 3
Sex Role Orientation and Fertility Control .. 8
Perceived versus Actual Risk of Pregnancy .. 12
The Illusion of Fertility Control. .. 14

II. METHOD .. 29

Subjects .. 29
Materials. .. 30
Procedure. ... 32

II. RESULTS 33

IV. DISCUSSION .. 50

Perceived Risk, Contraceptive Knowledge, and
Fertility Control .. 50
Illusion of Fertility Control. ... 52
Sex Roles and Locus of Control .. 54
Problems and Future Research .. 57

REFERENCES .. 61

APPENDICES

I. FEMALE QUESTIONNAIRE .. 64

II. MALE QUESTIONNAIRE .. 79

III. DEBRIEFING FORM .. ... 94

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ... 98


iv







Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy

LATE ADOLESCENT SEXUALITY AND CONTRACEPTION: THE
INFLUENCE OF SEX ROLE ORIENTATION, LOCUS OF CONTROL,
ILLUSION OF FERTILITY CONTROL, AND EXPERIENCE




By

Martha S. Zlokovich

May 1992

Chairman: Scott A. Miller
Major Department: Psychology

The contraceptive practices of college students,

primarily freshmen and sophomores, were examined in terms of

the influence of sex role orientation, locus of control,

contraceptive knowledge, sexual and contraceptive

experience, and illusion of fertility control. Illusion of

fertility control was measured with an original instrument

designed to apply Langer's (1975) finding that when elements

of a skill situation are introduced into a chance situation,

subjects approach the chance situation with a skill

orientation. The same elements, such as a sense of

competition, familiarity with the area, and active

involvement, were addressed by the IFC scale, referring

specifically to the subjects' last sexual encounter. Actual

risk of pregnancy and perceived risk of pregnancy at last

intercourse were used to place subjects into four groups

based on these dimensions. Actual risk for females was






determined using the dates of their last menstrual periods

and date of last intercourse; males gave the dates of their

last sexual partner's menstrual period. Sex role, IFC

scores, locus of control, contraceptive knowledge, and

sexual experience were then used as predictors of whether

subjects accurately perceived their risk as high or low,

mistakenly thought they were at high risk when their actual

risk was low, or mistakenly thought their risk was low when

their actual risk was high. Contraceptive efficacy was

determined for both males and females, allowing both sexes

to indicate methods which could have been used by their

opposite-sex partners. The results indicated that sex role

orientation and locus of control had no predictive power in

explaining either perceived-actual pregnancy risk group

membership or contraceptive efficacy, unlike the findings of

many previous studies. The IFC scores were negatively

correlated with age at first intercourse, suggesting that

familiarity with sexual activity does in fact increase the

illusion of fertility control. There also was a significant

positive correlation between percentage of time no birth

control was used in the last six months and IFC scores. In a

multiple regression analysis age at first intercourse and

masculinity scores were significant predictors of IFC

scores. The findings suggest that refinement of the IFC

scale and extension of the research to younger adolescents

are warranted.













CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

One of the most puzzling aspects of studying teenage

contraception and pregnancy is the discrepancy between

knowledge and action, between attitudes and behaviors. A

S19&6 Harris Poll (Louis Harris & Associates, 1986) revealed

that although the 1000 teenagers surveyed felt that the

ideal age to begin sexual intercourse was age 18, over half

of both males and females were already sexually experienced

by age 17. Adolescents tend to be misinformed about

reproductive physiology, and only slightly more

knowledgeable about contraception. They tend to base their

sexual and contraceptive decisions on misguided information

that enhances the likelihood of their not using

contraception (Morrison, 1985). For example, the belief that

if a girl does not want to become pregnant she won't, is not

likely to lead to effective birth control. In addition,

Morrison concludes that between age 15 and college age, the

proportion of young people who never use birth control

decreases, the proportion of those who sometimes use birth

control increases, but the proportion who always use birth

control changes little with age. The similarities between

younger and older adolescents occur despite the fact that


1







2

college students are presumably more mature than high school

or junior high school students, and have greater

independence, more education, and easier access to

contraception (Fox, 1977).

Previous studies of adolescent sexuality and

contraception have often included or focused on college

samples (Morrison, 1985). The present research was designed

for use with a college sample, with an eyetoward extending

the testing to younger adolescents in the future. This study

addressed personality, developmental, and situational

factors which all seem to influence the contraceptive

behaviors of both adolescents and single young adults.

One of the important determinants of effective

contraceptive behavior seems to be having an internal locus

of control (Fox, 1977; Hendricks, Montgomery, & Fullilove,

1984; MacDonald, 1970; Morrison, 1985). The strength of this

finding, however, often depends on exactly how contraceptive

use or nonuse was coded, the sex, race, and socioeconomic

status of the subjects, and whether the subjects describe

themselves as sex role traditional or sex role modern. In

addition to reconsidering locus of control and sex role

orientation, the present research also attempted to

determine whether a previously ignored aspect of teenagers'

thinking might influence their contraceptive behaviors. This

aspect is the illusion of fertility control, which was

measured with a newly devised scale based on Langer's (1975)









research on the illusion of control. The Illusion of

Fertility Control Scale attempts to measure the degree to

which people believe they are controlling their fertility

when they are in fact taking fertility risks.



Locus of Control and Fertility Control

Locus of control, originally formulated by Rotter

(1966), has been examined as an influence on various human

behaviors over recent years, including health and

contraceptive behaviors (Wallston & Wallston, 1978).

Rotter's Internal-External scale measures whether a given

person tends to believe in internal control or external

control. People who believe in internal control tend to

attribute reinforcements to their own actions--to perceive a

causal relationship between their own actions and a reward.

Externals tend to believe that their own actions have little

to do with reinforcements, and that rewards tend to come

about through luck, fate, chance, or the influence of

powerful others. This means, therefore, that the internal

person sees the world about her or him as controllable and

predictable, while the external person sees the world as

unpredictable and rewards as unrelated to her or his own

enduring characteristics.

Contraceptive technology requires users to plan, to be

prepared before sexual activity begins, and to be motivated

to contracept. People with strong feelings of personal


I _.








control and self-worth are more likely to both appreciate

the risks of unprotected intercourse and to take active

responsibility for their own fertility (Fox, 1977). Rotter's

(1966) conceptualization of internal and external locus of

control has been applied to the contraceptive behavior of

young men and women, although not always by explicitly using

the Rotter I-E scale, and not always with the expected

results. V < a;

In her review of the literature concerning adolescent

contraceptive behavior, for example, Morrison (1985)

concluded that locus of control was important only for

explaining certain aspects of contraceptive behavior.

Apparently conflicting findings between various studies seem

to indicate that locus of control is related to use versus

nonuse of contraceptives (when contraceptive use is

categorized dichotomously, users tend to be internals and

nonusers tend to be externals), but not to the specific

method chosen or the efficacy of contraceptive use. Morrison

also points out, however, that when pregnant and nonpregnant

subjects are compared, the unplanned pregnancy itself may

influence pregnant girls to view the world as less

controllable, inducing them to hold more external views.

Age is another influence on both contraception and

locus of control. Morrison found that belief in external

control is more likely to be correlated with unplanned

pregnancies with older samples, over 18 or 21 years of age.









Likewise, age has been shown to influence internality.

Cross-sectional and longitudinal data indicate that between

the ages of 8 and 13, children become increasingly internal,

with some children switching from an external to an internal

orientation by age 13 (Sherman, 1984). For the oldest

children in the sample, who were 13, there was a leveling

off of the tendency toward internality with age, or even a

-slight increase in externality, presumably related to the

often confusing physical and social changes accompanying

entry into puberty.

Among a sample of college-aged women, locus of control

influenced contraception in the expected direction

(MacDonald, 1970). Using the Rotter I-E scale and a

dichotomous coding for contraceptive use versus nonuse,

MacDonald reported that among his sample of unmarried

sexually active undergraduates, 62% of the internals

reported that they practiced some form of birth control,

while only 37% of the externals reported practicing some

form of birth control. There was no significant difference

in the percentage of internals and externals who reported

having engaged in premarital sexual intercourse.

MacDonald's findings were partially supported by a

study comparing pregnant and nonpregnant junior and senior

girls in an African-American lower-class school and a white

middle-class school (Segal & DuCette, 1973). Segal and

DuCette reported the expected relationship between pregnancy







6

and locus of control for the white girls, but the effect was

the opposite for the African-American girls. External,

middle-class white girls and internal, lower-class African-

American girls were most likely to be or have been pregnant.

Unlike other studies which have reported greater externality

among African-American populations than white populations

(Wallston & Wallston, 1978), Segal and DuCette did not find

any significant difference in mean.locus of control scores

between the two schools.

Segal and DuCette interpreted their findings as

reflecting very different meanings and consequences of

pregnancy for the two groups. For the lower-class African-

American girls, illegitimacy is common, but success is not

common--pregnancy and motherhood may be viewed by these

girls as an avenue for success. For the middle-class white

girls, pregnancy is unwanted and socially undesirable. Note

that this means the effect of locus of control is the same

for girls from both backgrounds: Regardless of SES, internal

girls reflected a sense of control by accurately

understanding their environments and behaving in ways that

were likely to maximize their chances of reinforcement.

Looking at African-American adolescent fathers and

nonfathers, Hendricks, Montgomery, and Fullilove (1984)

found that locus of control (measured by two questions

concerning perceived controllability of the environment) had

the same effect for these boys as for the white middle-class









girls in Segal and DuCette's (1973) study. The fathers were

more external than nonfathers, and nonfathers were more

academically successful. Even though the fathers had less

likelihood of achieving success through academics, they did

not seem to seek success by choosing parenthood as the

internal African-American girls in Segal and DuCette's study

seemed to do.

Not all studies have found locus of control useful in .

describing contraceptive behavior. Using the Children's

Nowicki-Strickland Internal-External Control Scale (Nowicki

& Strickland, 1973) with a sample of all African-American,

lower-SES 15-16 year old girls, Ralph, Lochman, and Thomas

(1984) found that locus of control did not distinguish

pregnant girls from those who never had been pregnant. Other

factors did distinguish between pregnant and nulliparous

girls: Pregnant girls had mothers with less education, more

brothers, later sex education, better family adjustment, and

poorer vocational-educational adjustment. This finding does

support Segal and DuCette's (1973) contention that some

girls may be in an environment where success is most likely

within a family setting rather than within a vocational

setting, even though Ralph et al. did not replicate their

findings concerning the influence of locus of control.









Sex Role Orientation and Fertility Control

Sex role has been defined as the outward, public

manifestation of maleness or femaleness; it is influenced by

cultural expectations of the behaviors, characteristics, and

social status of males versus females (Ruble, 1988). And why

might psychologists look to sex roles as an explanation of

contraceptive behaviors? As Mussen (1969) has stated, "No

other social role directs'more -of an individual's overt

behavior, emotional reactions, cognitive functioning, covert

attitudes, and general psychological and social adjustment"

(p. 707).

Many studies have looked at sex role traditionality

versus nontraditionality and its influence on contraceptive

behaviors. Typically women with a more traditional

perception of their role tend to be poor contraceptors,

while less traditional women are better contraceptors (Fox,

1977; Fox, Fox, & Frohardt-Lane, 1982; Ireson, 1984;

Scanzoni, 1976). This makes sense intuitively since the

traditional sex role for women has emphasized the importance

of being a wife and mother, as well as passivity and

emotionality. Research on the influence of sex roles on

men's contraceptive behavior is much rarer, and the few

studies that are available do not allow definitive

conclusions to be made because they tend to suffer from

methodological shortcomings.









Two points to keep in mind when examining the research

relating sex roles and contraception are that sex role

orientation of individuals has been measured by many diverse

methods across a variety of studies, and that valuation and

endorsement of traditional sex roles has changed over the

last 20 or 30 years (Bem, 1974; Fox, 1977; Grusec & Lytton,

1988; Scanzoni, 1976). Prior to the 1970s, healthy

psychological ajustment for females and males was generally

agreed to include a "feminine" orientation for females and a

"masculine" orientation for males. As this view fit well

with roles expected of adult females and males, it was not

considered controversial. Rather it seemed obvious, a given,

since femaleness was traditionally seen as representing

hearth, home, motherhood, gentility, submissiveness, and

virtue, while maleness was seen as representing rational

thought, competitive striving, independence, and involvement

in the world outside the home (Bem 1974, 1975; Scanzoni,

1976; Worell, 1989).

This view was challenged by Bem's (1974) conception of

masculinity and femininity as representing two independent

constructs, rather than a bipolar continuum. To test this

hypothesis, she developed the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI),

comprised of a series of descriptors. For each of the

descriptors the subject indicates the degree to which it

applies to her. The descriptors had been pilot tested so









that the only ones included in the BSRI were clearly

considered either more appropriate for males or more

appropriate for females.

Bem (1974, 1975) defined a masculine sex role

orientation as describing the self primarily in masculine

terms, rejecting feminine terms. Femininity is defined as

describing the self primarily in feminine terms, rejecting

masculine terms. An .androgynous orientation means that the

individual describes herself or himself as having many

masculine and feminine characteristics. Bem (1974) stated

explicitly that not only could femininity and masculinity

occur in the same person, but also that to the extent that

they did, she or he would be more psychologically healthy

than a feminine or masculine person.

A less traditional, androgynous orientation has been

endorsed more readily in recent years by males and females.

For example, in comparing two random samples of university

undergraduates, one in 1971 and another in 1974, Scanzoni

(1976) found that over time both women and men became less

sex role traditional. Traditionality of sex role orientation

was determined by a survey tapping support for women working

after marriage, as well as various spouse-parent roles

dividing work, childcare, and household responsibilities. In

addition to greater endorsement of nontraditional sex roles,

Scanzoni found that a traditional sex role orientation was






11

predictive of a larger intended family size. The strength of

this relationship increased between 1971 and 1974, although

the correlations for men were weaker than those for women.

Fox (1977) looked at sex role attitudes as predictors

of contraceptive use among unmarried university students.

Sex role attitudes were measured by a questionnaire which

determined respondents' attitudes toward traditional sex

roles for men and women. Locus of control was also measured,.

using the Personal Control subscale from the Rotter I-E

scale (Rotter, 1966). For females, the best contraceptors

were those with nontraditional sex role attitudes and an

internal locus of control. Unless internal females were also

nontraditional, however, internality was not likely to have

much impact on their contraceptive behavior. The results

were the opposite for males: Nontraditional internal males

were the poorest contraceptors. Men with traditional sex

role attitudes and a sense of external control were more

likely to use contraceptives (withdrawal or a condom). A

methodological weakness that probably influenced the

findings regarding males, however, is that those who did not

use the male methods of withdrawal or a condom were all

classified as nonusers--without determining if their

partners were using birth control.

Sex role attitudes seem to affect young adolescents'

contraceptive behavior as well as college students'

behavior. Ireson (1984) studied 13- to 18-year-old girls






12

seeking either a pregnancy test or birth control at clinics

in the Pacific Northwest. Although SES was the strongest

predictor of a positive pregnancy test, with low SES girls

most likely to be pregnant, sex role orientation also was

important. Compared to birth-control seeking teens, pregnant

teens perceived themselves as competent in more sex-typed

activities, had lower educational and occupational

aspirations*lQower grades, and less sense of personal

control. Ireson concluded that those girls who were pregnant

were also the ones with less to lose by becoming pregnant.

They were the girls with a traditionally feminine focus on

boys and their future domestic roles of wife and mother.



Perceived versus Actual Risk of Pregnancy

Elkind (1967) has proposed that adolescents suffer from

a particular type of egocentrism, which is related to

greater risk-taking behaviors by adolescents than adults.

According to Elkind, teenagers believe in the personal

fable, or the idea that one is uniquely invulnerable to

death or negative circumstances. Elkind states that "many

young girls become pregnant because, in part, their personal

fable convinces them that pregnancy will happen to others

but never to them and so they need not take precautions"

(p. 1032). He goes on to say that adolescent egocentrism is

only gradually overcome as the teenager begins to

differentiate her or his own perceptions and emotions froM









those of others. Corresponding to Elkind's view of

adolescent cognitive development, Lewis (1981) found that

when students at three grade levels (7-8, 10, and 12) were

asked to counsel an imaginary peer, the higher their grade

the more often they mentioned potential risks and potential

consequences of decisions.

Beliefs about the risk of pregnancy are apparently more

predictive of contraceptive behaviors than actual risk of .

pregnancy (Namerow, Lawton, & Philliber, 1987; Philliber,

Namerow, Kaye, & Kunkes, 1986). Namerow, Lawton, and

Philliber interviewed 425 young women aged 13 to 19 at a

multiservice center for youth in New York City. Subjects

estimated the risk of a pregnancy resulting from their last

sexual intercourse and indicated the dates of last menstrual

period and last intercourse in order to provide a comparison

of actual and perceived risk of pregnancy at last

intercourse. Looking at the subjects' perceptions of actual

and perceived risk, Namerow et al. divided the subjects into

four groups: 1) those who accurately perceived their risk as

high, 2) those who accurately perceived their risk as low,

3) those who inaccurately perceived their risk to be high

("worriers"), and 4) those who inaccurately perceived their

risk to be low ("dangerously misinformed").

Less than half of the girls were accurate in their

perception of their risk of pregnancy; 40% were "worriers"

(incorrectly thought they were at risk of pregnancy) and 14%









were "dangerously misinformed" (incorrectly thought they

were not at risk of pregnancy). Knowledge about ovulation

did not significantly affect perception of risk, although

the results were in the expected direction with more

knowledgeable girls more likely to estimate their risk

accurately. Overall therefore, the perceived probability of

pregnancy was not closely related to the actual probability

of pregnancy. Furthermore, contraceptive behavior was more

closely related to perceived risk of pregnancy than actual

risk of pregnancy. As Philliber et al. pointed out, it is

fortunate the the proportion of "dangerously misinformed" is

much lower than the proportion of "worriers."



The Illusion of Fertility Control

Both adolescents and college students suffer from

illusions about their vulnerability to risks related to

sexual intercourse--illusions which affect their

contraceptive behaviors. For example, in a survey of 588

University of Florida undergraduates (96% of whom identified

themselves as heterosexual), Cline, Engel, and Johnson

(1989) found that perception of AIDS risk was unrelated to

condom use. Weinstein (1984) reported that although college

students tend to have unbiased views of their susceptibility

to some risks, like hereditary risk factors, they tend to be

overly optimistic about any risk where they perceive

themselves to have some level of control.









Langer (1975) has identified several aspects of a

situation which are likely to induce the illusion of being

in control. When elements of skill situations, such as

competition, choice, familiarity, or involvement, were

introduced into a chance situation, people overestimated

their control--they suffered from an illusion of control.

Langer defines the illusion of control as "an expectancy of

a personal success probability inappropriately higher than

the objective probability would warrant" (p. 313). As

Langer's conceptualization of the illusion of control was

the basis for the Illusion of Fertility Control Scale

developed for this research, a detailed description of her

experiments follows.

Langer tested the hypothesis that competition enhances

the illusion of control by asking Yale undergraduates to bet

on a card game where two people draw a card, and the highest

card wins. All subjects played this chance game against the

same confederate, who behaved either in a very confident and

outgoing manner, or a shy, awkward, and nervous manner. In a

chance game the apparent competence of the confederate

should make no difference; however, even Yale undergraduates

fell into the trap of betting more if they were paired with

the confederate behaving awkwardly.

The influence of choice on the illusion of control was

demonstrated by either assigning a ticket to adult office

workers who agreed to play in a $1-per-ticket lottery or






16

letting them choose their own ticket. When approached later

about selling their lottery tickets, those who had chosen

their ticket required more money to give it up. Twice as

many in the choice condition as in the no-choice condition

initially said they would not even sell their ticket.

Langer also noted that even in a skill situation, being

unfamiliar with the object to be controlled will lessen the

feeling---fo being in-control. Familiarity, then, should

enhance the feeling of control; to test this she ac':n ue;.

lottery tickets, allowing half of the subjects to choose

their tickets. She gave some subjects tickets printed with

letters (familiar) and some tickets printed with novel

symbols (unfamiliar). Subjects were contacted later and

asked about exchanging their tickets for another lottery

drawing. The second drawing provided a 1 in 21 chance of

winning, while the original provided only a 1 in 26 chance

of winning. Even though the objective chances of winnii.j

were greater in the second lottery, both choice and stimulus

familiarity led to greater likelihood of subjects keeping

the original ticket.

In another experiment Langer used an Illusion of

Control Apparatus in a manipulation of stimulus response

familiarity, or practice, and active involvement. The

apparatus is a wooden box with an epoxy glass top on which

three interconnected paths are etched in copper. The subject

must guess which path to follow with a stylus which may








complete a circuit and ring a buzzer when on the randomly

selected path for that trial. In a 2 x 2 factorial design

half of the subjects were allowed to familiarize themselves

with the apparatus for two minutes while the experimenter

ostensibly fixed the plug before turning it on. In the high

involvement condition the subject manipulated the stylus

after the apparatus was explained; in the low involvement

condition the subject watched the experimenter. manipulate

the stylus. The dependent measure, taken before the trial,

was a 10-point rating of how confident the subjects were

they could select the correct path. Both high involvement

and response familiarity increased the confidence ratings.

Langer concluded from her series of experiments that

the more similar a chance situation is to a skill situation,

the more likely it is that a person will approach the chance

situation with a skill orientation. For the purposes of the

present research, the Illusion of Fertility Control Scale

(Appendices I and II) was devised to measure the extent to

which any of the skill situation components Langer

identified were present at the time of last intercourse.

Assuming either no birth control or ineffective birth

control was used at last intercourse, then elements of a

skill situation might influence people to believe they were

controlling their fertility rather than taking a fertility

risk.






18

The Illusion of Fertility Control Scale taps the aspect

of competition by statements such as "I personally know of

several people who have sex all the time without using birth

control, and they have never become pregnant or caused a

pregnancy," and "It is possible for a man to know his body

well enough to know when he should withdraw during sex so

that his partner will not become pregnant." Note that the

last two6pages of-the questionnaire, which make up the

Illusion of Fertility Control scale, were designed

specifically for females (Appendix I) or males (Appendix

II).

An example of a question designed to determine if

familiarity was a factor is "I feel I know quite alot about

sexuality." Level of active involvement was determined by

which descriptions of the last sexual encounter the subject

indicated were most accurate, for example, "The last time I

had sexual intercourse, we planned ahead of time to have sex

then." Points were assigned for all checked descriptors as

indicated on the last two pages of the questionnaire

(Appendices I and II).

Most items were assigned one point; however, four

questions regarding which partner initiated sex were

assigned one to four points based on a rank ordering of how

involving each situation presumably was. In addition, two

statements which indicated a lack of involvement were each








scored as -1. These statements were "I had no emotional

involvement with my last sexual partner" and "The last time

I had sex I did not think about birth control at all."



Rationale

Sexuality and contraception are two areas where people

can be in control of the situation; however, it may be that

to the degree that they perceive themselves -tQi be more ,in

control than they really are, people may place themselves at

greater risk for pregnancy and/or sexually transmitted

diseases. In other words, people may be contraceptive risk-

takers when they suffer from an illusion of fertility

control.

The current research attempts to address this question

using an original scale to measure the illusion of fertility

control. In addition, the Bem Sex Role Inventory is used as

a measure of sex role orientation, and the Rotter I-E scale

is used as a measure of locus of control. Sex role

orientation and locus of control are considered together

since studies addressing only one of these personality

constructs seem to be ignoring an important influence of the

other. Contraceptive use and knowledge are assessed in order

to compare this knowledge to contraceptive behavior,

illusion of fertility control, sex role orientation, locus

of control, and knowledge of own or partner's fertility

cycle. Both males and females were tested since males have









been largely neglected compared to the amount of research

effort expended on females. Information from males about

their partners' contraception was sought in order to more

accurately determine male contraceptive practices than have

studies in the past.



Hypotheses

Sex Roles and-Locus of Control

The BSRI scores were analyzed using both a variation of

Bem's original grouping assessment (Bem 1974, 1975) and

multiple regression as she later suggested (Bem, 1977). The

grouping classification was used to better compare current

results with past research findings, and multiple regression

was used in order to take advantage of what Bem considered a

more precise method of analysis.

Originally Bem (1974, 1975) used the absolute

difference between the masculine and feminine scores

(normalized with respect to the standard deviation of

masculine and feminine scores) to calculate androgyny.

Androgyny was then defined as describing the self about

equally in both masculine and feminine terms, masculinity

was defined as indicating a significantly greater mean self-

rating on the masculine items than on the feminine items,

and femininity was defined as indicating a significantly

greater mean self-rating on the feminine items than on the

masculine items.








Several researchers subsequently pointed out that a

problem with Bem's original definition of androgyny was that

it did not distinguish between people who score high in both

masculinity and femininity and those who score low in both

(Heilbrun, 1976; Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1975; Strahan,

1975). After determining that high-high and low-low scorers

did indeed differ in some respects, Bem did conclude that

this problem needed to be addressed (Bem,, 1927). However,

rather than take the suggestion made by Spence et al. that

four categories rather than three be used, Bem urged

investigators to use multiple regression techniques rather

than categorizing individual subjects in any way. She

indicated that categorizing results in the loss of valuable

information about subjects' actual masculinity and

femininity scores. Furthermore, multiple regression allows

for examination of the independent effects of both

masculinity and femininity; multiple regression allows for

the clarification of which dependent variables are a

function of subjects' femininity alone, which are a function

of subjects' masculinity alone, and which are a function of

both.

Using the four-group classification system suggested by

Spence et al., an interaction between locus of control and

sex role orientation was expected; these two variables were

expected to influence contraceptive use. Specifically,

traditional subjects (masculine males and feminine females)








were expected to be poor contraceptors, with traditional

externals being poorer contraceptors than traditional

internals. Males as well as females were expected to follow

this pattern because in the present study male contraception

was based on couple use of any birth control, rather than

male use of withdrawal or condoms. The results of this

study, therefore, were expected to differ from those

reported by Fox (1977),.who found this pattern for females

only.

The worst contraceptors were expected to be external

traditional males; external traditional females may be

slightly better than external traditional males since they

personally can control more types of contraceptives and they

have more to lose than males by becoming pregnant. By the

same token, internal nontraditional (androgynous) females

should be the best contraceptors, and internal

nontraditional males next best. Androgynous internals should

also have tried more different types of contraceptives,

because they presumably would feel both capable of exerting

control and less inhibited about acquiring contraception and

having premarital--nontraditional--sex. The low-low

androgynous group was expected to be too small to allow

comparison of the two types of androgyny, as Bem found only

1 percent of her subjects would have been labeled low-low

androgynous.









Compared to internal subjects, external subjects were

expected to report a higher percentage of time in the last

six months during which they used no birth control at all.

No differences in contraceptive knowledge were expected with

regard to sex role orientation or locus of control.

Traditional males and females were expected to have

begun sexual activity at a younger age than androgynous

subjects. Regardless of sex role orientation on-locus of

control, however, males were expected to have had first

intercourse at an earlier age than females and to have had

more partners than females.

Perceived Risk, Contraceptive Knowledge, and Actual
Risk of Pregnancy

For all subjects, perceived risk of pregnancy was

expected to be more of a determinant of contraceptive

behavior than actual risk of pregnancy. The four perceived-

actual pregnancy risk groups were determined by comparing

actual risk of pregnancy at last intercourse with perceived

risk at last intercourse. Actual risk was determined by

using the dates subjects provided for last intercourse and

last menstrual period. Subjects considered actually at risk

were those whose last coitus fell between 12 and 18 days

after the first day of (own or partner's) last menstrual

period, 11 to 17 days prior to last period, or more than 32

days after last period. Subjects indicated their perceived


I .,






24

risk of pregnancy at last intercourse on a scale of 1 to 10;

subjects who did use birth control were asked to judge their

risk had they not used birth control.

Subjects were coded as either objectively at risk or

objectively not at risk and as having either a low

perception of risk (1 to 6) or high perception of risk (7 to

10). Proportions of "accurate," "worrier," and "dangerously

misinformed" subjects were expected to be similar to those

found by Philliber et al. (1987) since college student

contraceptive behavior often is not markedly different from

high school student contraceptive behavior, and since

Philliber et al. tested subjects as old as nineteen. There

may be a trend toward greater proportions of accurate

assessments of risk with higher class standing. In addition,

perceived risk of pregnancy was expected to be a better

predictor of contraceptive efficacy, as well as use of any

contraceptive, than was contraceptive knowledge.

In accordance with past research findings, males and

females who became sexually active earlier should report

having had more sexual partners than those who became

sexually active later (Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn, & Chase-

Lansdale, 1989; Kantner & Zelnik, 1973; Morrison, 1985), and

males should report more partners than females (Cline,

Engel, & Johnson, 1989). "Accurate" and "worrier" groups

were expected to report fewer partners and later mean age of

sexual debut than the "dangerously misinformed" group.









Knowledge about contraception in general, however, was not

expected to predict contraceptive use or number of sexual

partners.

Females should be able to report the dates of their

last menstrual cycle much more often than males report the

dates of their partners' last menstrual cycle, simply due to

the fact that females were asked to report on their own

experience while males were asked to report on someone

else's experience.

Illusion of Fertility Control

The Illusion of Fertility Control scale was expected to

be a better predictor of sexual and contraceptive behaviors

than Rotter's (1966) I-E scale for two reasons. One reason

is that the I-E scale measures a generalized tendency to

explain events as internally or externally controlled, while

the IFC scale measures perceptions of control specifically

related to sexuality and contraception. A second reason is

that sex role orientation is not expected to interact with

the IFC scale as it does with the I-E scale. Langer (1975)

found that even very intelligent people, Yale

undergraduates, could easily be misled to react to a chance

situation as though it were a skill situation. Likewise,

traditional and nontraditioeanal subjects were expected to

be misled just as easily in their sexual and contraceptive

practices.








Illusion of Fertility Control scores should, however,

have a moderate positive correlation with locus of control

scores (higher scores represent a more external view),

because in both cases high scores indicate weaker actual

personal control. In other words, people who believe that

external forces greatly influence their lives may be more

likely to believe they are in control of their fertility

simply because they are misled by factors relating to-sexual

or contraceptive experience rather than because they are

actually in control of their fertility. Externals are less

likely to be in control of their environment than internals;

this behavioral difference, therefore, should be reflected

in a moderate positive correlation between IFC and locus of

control scores.

The IFC scores will be examined for noncontraceptors,

less effective contraceptors (defined as those using time of

the month, condoms, douche, foam, sponge, suppositories, or

withdrawal), and very effective contraceptors (defined as

those using birth control pills, IUD, diaphragm, cervical

cap, or Norplant). Noncontraceptors should have the highest

IFC scores, very effective contraceptors the lowest, and

less effective contraceptors should fall somewhere in

between.

People who have been pregnant or caused a pregnancy

should have low illusion of fertility control scores since

they have been confronted in a very meaningful way with the






27

reality of their contraceptive risk-taking. Presumably they

also should use more effective contraception and rarely if

ever have sex without birth control.

For those people who have not been pregnant or caused a

pregnancy, IFC scores should increase as the number of

months sexually active increases. The longer subjects have

been having sex without pregnancy as a consequence, the more

likely they are tombelieve that their birth control

practices are adequate, and that they are in control of

their fertility--regardless of their actual risk. This

should also be reflected by age at first intercourse, with

subjects who began coitus at earlier ages exhibiting higher

IFC scores. In addition, higher IFC scores should be

associated with being classified as "dangerously

misinformed" or as a "worrier," because both groups have

distorted perceptions of their actual risk.

Illusion of Fertility Control scores should also

correlate positively with number of sexual partners, since

exposing oneself to more partners is a form of risk-taking.

Subjects with higher IFC scores were also expected to have

used a condom at last intercourse less often than subjects

with lower IFC scores. A positive correlation is also

expected between IFC scores and how confident subjects are

that their last sexual encounter will not result in a

pregnancy.








Race

The influence of race is an important question;

however, in previous studies SES was often either a

confounding variable or a more important predictor. Race was

not expected to influence the results of this study because

the university population is fairly homogeneous compared to

a truly random sample of American young adults. Minority

groups were expected either to be represented by subsamples

too small to allow comparison or to lead to nonsignificant

differences. However, race was included as a variable in

some multiple analyses of variance and was used as a

predictor in some multiple regression analyses.













CHAPTER II
METHOD


Subjects

Sixty-six female and fifty-two male undergraduates at

the University of Florida in Gainesville, Florida, completed

questionnaires in return for two of eight required

psychology research credits. General descriptions of all

psychology department studies were posted in a central

location in the psychology building; subjects volunteered

for the present study by choosing to sign up for a test

time.

The subjects were predominantly white (89 white, 7

African American, 9 Asian-American, 11 Hispanic-American, 2

other). The average age was 18.81, with a range from 17 to

24 (female mean age was 18.70, male mean age was 18.94). The

majority of subjects were either freshmen or sophomores (64

freshmen, 36 sophomores, 14 juniors, 4 seniors). Most

subjects were single (116 single, 1 living with partner, 1

married). The majority of subjects identified themselves as

heterosexual (112 heterosexual, 3 bisexual, 0 homosexual, 3

no answer). Two bisexuals and two heterosexuals who





29







30

indicated that their last sexual encounter was with a person

of the same sex were dropped from all analyses, leaving a

total of 64 female and 50 male subjects.



Materials

A 13-page questionnaire was used. Females (Appendix I)

and males (Appendix II) received questionnaires which were

identical except for three pages. Theseaquestionruaimes

included questions about the subject's age, sex, race,

marital/relationship status, and class standing. Following

these demographic questions were the Bem Sex Role Inventory,

Rotter Locus of Control Scale, and a 12-question, true-

false, contraceptive myth questionnaire that was developed

for the present study.

Next, females were asked to indicate the dates of their

last menstrual period and last sexual intercourse, and to

indicate their perceived likelihood of becoming pregnant at

last intercourse if contraception was not used. If

contraception was used at last intercourse, subjects

indicated their perceived likelihood of becoming pregnant at

last intercourse had they not used contraception. In

addition, contraceptors indicated the method or methods used

at last intercourse. Males answered the same questions

except that they were asked to indicate the dates of their

partner's last menstrual period and their perceived

likelihood of their partner's becoming pregnant.


S...









Following this was a section concerning sexual and

contraceptive experience. Subjects indicated their age at

first intercourse, the month and year of first intercourse,

whether their most recent sexual partner was male or female,

and whether they considered themselves heterosexual,

homosexual, or bisexual. Subjects marked all birth control

methods they (or their partners) had ever used, which method

they'use most often now, whether they had ever been pregnant

or caused a pregnancy, and if so how it was resolved.

Subjects described their relationship with the person they

had sex with most recently, the length of time they had been

with that partner, their confidence that their last sexual

encounter will not result in pregnancy, and the percentage

of the time they use no birth control at all during sex.

The final section of the questionnaire was designed to

measure illusion of fertility control. This scale yielded

one number for each subject, calculated by adding the number

of points indicated (Appendices I and II) for each of the

statements the subject checked as applying to his or her

last sexual encounter.

In order to determine whether subjects understood the

questionnaire, it was pilot tested using undergraduates at a

small midwestern university. Pilot testing revealed that

students did not understand a series of questions which

asked them to indicate the percentage of time they typically

use each of several different birth control methods. These








questions were dropped and replaced by one question

regarding the percentage of time that no birth control was

used.



Procedure

Subjects reported to a medium-sized classroom at their

designated testing time. Subjects were tested in groups of

10 to 15 students. A white female upperclassman research

assistant administered the questionnaires. She first

explained that the questionnaire was completely anonymous.

Then she told subjects it should take about 30 or 40 minutes

but that they could take all the time they needed. She

indicated that they could raise their hands if they had any

questions while filling out the questionnaire. She gave each

of the subjects a blank piece of paper to cover up the

questionnaire so no one could see their answers. The chairs

in the room had already been as widely spaced as possible to

allow for greater privacy.

After finishing the questionnaire and turning it in,

each subject received a debriefing form consisting of the

answers, and explanations of the answers, to the

contraceptive myth questions (Appendix III).














CHAPTER III
RESULTS

Contraceptive and Sexual Behaviors

Of the 118 subjects, 106 (89.8%) indicated that they

were sexually experienced. Of the remaining 12 people, 10

indicated&that they were virgins and two gave no answer. The

mean age at first intercourse was 16.38 years, with a range

from 12 years to 20 years. Over 97% of the subjects said

that they were heterosexual--only three people said that

they were bisexual and none said that they were homosexual.

As mentioned above, four people whose last sexual encounter

was with a same-sex partner were dropped from the analyses;

two of these indicated they were heterosexual, two indicated

they were bisexual.

A one-way ANOVA revealed a significant difference

between males and females in number of sexual partners,

F(l, 112) = 4.24, E < .04. For the overall sample, males

averaged more partners than females; the mean number of

partners for males was 4.74, for females, 3.06. The number

of sexual partners ranged from 1 to 30. As expected, a

significant negative correlation was found between age at







34

first intercourse and number of sexual partners, (r = -.39),

indicating that the younger subjects were at first coitus,

the more people they had had sex with.

Subjects indicated that they had tried less than half

of the different birth control methods listed as choices.

All but four subjects had tried four or fewer different

methods, and the greatest number ever tried was six. Of the

14 possible methods listed as choices, .most had.been tried

by only a handful of subjects (see Table 3-1). When asked

about the method used most often now (by self or partner),

subjects indicated that the pill and condoms were the most

popular choices. Forty-five subjects chose the pill, 44

chose condoms, 1 chose rhythm, and 6 chose withdrawal. The

most frequently used methods at last intercourse also were

the pill and the condom; however, only nine subjects used

the pill and condom together at last intercourse. Thirty-

seven subjects used the pill alone and 37 used condoms alone

at last intercourse. Only 14 subjects indicated that they

had used no birth control at last intercourse, and only 6

subjects indicated that they regularly used no birth

control.

Birth control effectiveness was determined by placing

each subject in either a noncontraceptor, less effective

contraceptor, or very effective contraceptor group as

described above. However, as the majority of subjects had

used either the pill or condom at last intercourse, the less









Table 3-1

Percentages and Numbers of Subjects Who Had Ever Tried Each
Birth Control Method


Method Percentages N


Withdrawal 56.1% 64

Rhythm 26.3% 30

Pill 53.5% 61

Condom 87.7% 100

Foam 3.5% 4

Sponge 2.6% 3

Suppository 5.3% 6

IUD 0.0% 0

Diaphragm, with
Foam or Jelly 0.9% 1

Diaphram without
Foam or Jelly 0.9% 1

Cervical Cap 0.0% 0

Douching 1.8% 2

Surgical Implant 0.0% 0

Other 0.0% 0






effective group actually consisted of people who had used

condoms, withdrawal, rhythm, or douche at last intercourse,

while the very effective group consisted of those who had

used the pill at last intercourse.









A one-way ANOVA using number of birth control methods

ever tried as the dependent variable and birth control

effectiveness group as the independent variable revealed a

significant effect of group, F(2, 96) = 19.47, p < .00001.

Noncontraceptors (M = 2.79) and very effective contraceptors

(M = 3.24) had tried a greater number of different methods

than less effective contraceptors (M = 1.97).

The subjects proved to be fairlyknowLedgeable about

contraception. The lowest number of correct answers to the

12 true-false contraceptive myths (Appendices I and II) was

7, and the average number correct was 10.52. Most (96%) of

the subjects answered between 9 and 12 of the questions

correctly.

Two males had caused a pregnancy and two females had

been pregnant. One male and one female said the pregnancy

ended with an abortion; one male and one female said the

pregnancy ended with the birth of the baby.



Perceived Risk, Contraceptive Knowledge, and Actual
Risk of Pregnancy

The percentage of the time that subjects used no birth

control at all was significantly negatively correlated with

their confidence that their last sexual encounter would not

result in a pregnancy (r = -.29). This finding indicates

that the more confident subjects were that their last sexual

encounter would not result in a pregnancy, the less often

they used no birth control at all. Stated differently, the









more often subjects used some form of birth control, the

more confident they were that their last sexual encounter

would not result in a pregnancy.

Confidence was significantly positively correlated with

contraceptive effectiveness group, meaning that the more

confident subjects were that their last coitus would not

result in a pregnancy, the better their contraception was at

i last coitus (r = .36).

The hypothesis that perceived risk of pregnancy would

be a better predictor of both contraceptive use and

contraceptive effectiveness than contraceptive knowledge was

tested with multiple regression analyses. As expected,

contraceptive knowledge did not explain a significant amount

of the variance in contraceptive effectiveness group

membership; however, neither did perceived-actual group

membership (accurate high risk, accurate low risk,

"worrier," and "dangerously misinformed"). Together these

two variables explained merely 4% of the variance in

contraceptive effectiveness. Another multiple regression

using contraceptive effectiveness group as the criterion

variable and both contraceptive knowledge and perceived

probability of pregnancy at last intercourse as predictor

variables was also nonsignificant. In other analyses

contraceptive knowledge and number of sexual partners were








unable to explain any variance in either contraceptive

effectiveness group or percentage of the time that no birth

control was used in the last six months.

Knowledge did, however, account for a significant

amount of the variance in another multiple regression which

used knowledge (Beta = .26, t = 2.34, p < .02) and

perceived-actual group (Beta = .07, t = .61, E < .54) as

predictors of the number of contraceptive methods ever

tried. The overall variance accounted for, however, only

approached significance, F(2, 77) = 3.01, E < .055. A

separate multiple regression using number of birth control

methods ever tried as the dependent variable and

contraceptive knowledge and number of sexual partners as the

independent variables revealed that both knowledge (Beta =

.22, t = 2.47, p < .02) and partners (Beta = .28, t = 3.14,

E < .002) explained a significant amount of the variance in

number of methods ever tried, F(2, 111) = 7.97, p < .0006.

These results correspond to the significant positive

correlation found between contraceptive knowledge and number

of birth control methods ever tried (r = .33).

One-way ANOVAs revealed that people in the four

perceived-actual risk of pregnancy groups did not

significantly differ from one another in either the number

of partners they had ever had sex with or age at first

intercourse.









The hypothesis that subjects who engaged in first

coitus at younger ages would have had more sexual partners

than subjects whose sexual debut was later was examined

through both multiple regresssion and correlational

analyses. This hypothesis was supported by a significant

negative correlation between age at first intercourse and

number of partners, r = -.39. A multiple regression which

used age at first intercourse as a predictor of number of

partners only approached significance, F(1, 112) = 3.73,

S< .0561.

Although males were expected to be much more unlikely

to be able to report their partners' last menstrual cycle

dates than females to report on their own menstrual cycles,

the number of men able to do so was nevertheless close to

the number of women. As Table 3-2 shows, the numbers of

males and females in the perceived-actual pregnancy risk

categories (which could only be calculated if both last

menstrual dates and date of last intercourse were reported)

are approximately equal except for the "worrier" category.

An important point to keep in mind, however, is that errors

in recall of menstrual period dates are more likely to occur

among males than among females. In addition, there was no

attempt made to verify the recall accuracy of either males

or females.


I ..









A slightly greater proportion of subjects in the

current study than in the study by Namerow et al. (1987)

were labeled accurate in their perception of pregnancy risk

at last intercourse. For females, 52% were accurate in their

perception of high or low risk; for males 66% were accurate

in their perception of high or low risk. Namerow et al.

(1987) found that slightly less than half of their sample of

females were accurate, while.-the present study revealed that

59% of the sample, including both females and males, were

accurate.



Table 3-2

Sex x Perceived-Actual Pregnancy Risk Group Frequencies


Sex


Perceived-Actual Female Male


Accurate Low Risk 16 (36%) 16 (44%)

Worrier 18 (41%) 10 (28%)

Dangerously Misinformed 3 (7%) 2 (6%)

Accurate High Risk 7 (16%) 8 (22%)

Note: 10 subjects indicated that they were virgins and an
additional 24 subjects (14 males and 10 females) did not
provide enough information regarding last period and last
intercourse dates to place them into a Perceived-Actual Risk
Group.









Illusion of Fertility Control

The illusion of fertility control score was derived

from subject answers on the illusion of fertility control

scale, the last two pages of the questionnaire (Appendices I

and II). Subjects marked a check by each statement that

applied to their most recent sexual intercourse; each

statement had preassigned point values. The IFC score then

consisted of the point total of the values for the checked

statements. Point values are indicated in Appendices I and

II, appearing in the spaces which were blank for subjects

answering the questionnaire. The obtained IFC scores ranged

from 1 to 18, with a clustering between 5 and 8 (M = 6.83).

Higher scores on the IFC scale indicated a greater illusion

of fertility control. The IFC scores could possibly have

ranged from 1 to 22.

Although a positive correlation was expected between

IFC scores and confidence that last coitus would not result

in a pregnancy, this correlation was nonsignificant. The

correlation between IFC and number of sexual partners was

also nonsignificant, although in the expected direction,

r = .15.

People who had been pregnant or caused a pregnancy were

expected to have lower IFC scores and to be better

contraceptors. On the other hand, it must be acknowledged

that oftentimes past behavior is a good predictor of future

behavior. Since only four subjects had been pregnant or









caused a pregnancy, a comparison between these alternate

conceptions of the results of an unwanted pregnancy on

contraceptive beliefs and behaviors was not feasible.

The IFC score was expected to be a better predictor of

contraceptive efficacy than either locus of control or sex

role orientation. This hypothesis was tested in a multiple

regression analysis with IFC, locus of control, masculine

scores, and feminine scores entered.as predictors of

contraceptive efficacy group membership. None of these

variables accounted for a significant portion of the

variance in birth control efficacy group. There was,

however, a significant positive correlation between IFC

score and percentage of time subjects typically used no

birth control at all in the last six months, indicating that

the higher the illusion of fertility control, the more often

the subjects used no birth control (r = .30). In addition,

the percentage of subjects who used no birth control did not

differ by locus of control score, F(l, 76) = 1.93, p < .17.

Higher IFC scores were expected to be associated with

less effective methods of contraception. One-way ANOVAs

using IFC as the independent variable, however, revealed

that there were no significant differences in contraceptive

efficacy group membership with regard to IFC scores, as well

as that IFC scores did not vary significantly with the

number of contraceptives ever tried, or with contraceptive

knowledge.









Sexual experience was hypothesized to increase the

illusion of fertility control. In particular, having had a

greater number of sexual partners, and having begun sexual

activity at a younger age were predicted to increase an

individuals perceptions that they know what they are doing

sexually and are practicing adequate contraception. In a

separate multiple regression analysis, several variables--

locus of control, age at first intercourse, number of sexual,

partners, masculine scores, and feminine scores--were

entered as predictors, with IFC score as the dependent

variable. These variables accounted for 25% of the variance

in total IFC scores, F(5, 108) = 8.54, E < .00001. Within

this regression, feminine and locus of control scores did

not contribute to a significant amount of the variance;

however, number of sexual partners approached significance

(Beta = .16, t = 1.89, p < .061). The remaining variables

did contribute a significant amount to the variance:

masculine scores (Beta = .19, t = 2.26, p < .03), and age at

first intercourse (Beta = .38, t = 4.49, p < .00001).

Two separate one-way ANOVAs revealed no significant

findings for IFC scores as a function of sex role

orientation, or as a function of locus of control. Although

locus of control was expected to correlate positively with

IFC, the correlation was not significant.







44

A one-way ANOVA with IFC as the dependent variable and

perceived-actual pregnancy risk as the independent variable

revealed that pregnancy risk group was not significantly

related to IFC scores.

One unexpected finding was that significant sex

differences in illusion of fertility control were obtained.

A one-way ANOVA revealed a significant sex difference,

F(l, 112) = 8.78, g < .004. The mean IFC score for males

was higher (M = 7.38, SD = 3.77) than the mean IFC score for

females (M = 5.44, SD = 3.23).



Sex Roles and Locus of Control

For the purposes of multiple regression analyses,

answers on the BSRI were used to compute a masculine score

and a feminine score for each subject. The masculine score

was the mean rating for all twenty masculine items and the

feminine score was the mean rating for all twenty feminine

items. As the rating scale ranged from 1 to 7, the masculine

and feminine means could range only from 1 to 7 as well.

The BSRI was also used to derive four sex role groups.

An androgyny score was computed for each subject by

subtracting the mean masculine scores from the mean feminine

scores and multiplying by 2.322 for an approximation of a t

ratio (Bem, 1974). Androgynous subjects were those with t

ratios ranging from -1 to +1. The androgynous subjects were

subdivided by a median split into a high-high androgynous









group (i.e. those who rated themselves high on both

masculine and feminine items) and a low-low androgynous

group (i.e. those who rated themselves low on both masculine

and feminine items). The masculine group had androgyny

scores lower than -1 and the feminine group had androgyny

scores higher than +1.

Although Bem (1977) reported that only 1% of her

subjects were low-low androgynous, 12.3% of the subjects in

the present study were low-low, and 20.2% were high-high.

About one third of the subjects were feminine (32.5%) and

about one third masculine (35.1%).

There was a significant difference in sex role

orientation between sexes, Chi Square(3, N = 114) = 44.05,

E < .0001. As shown in Table 3-3, masculine subjects were

predominantly male, feminine subjects were predominantly

female, and androgynous subjects were about equally

represented by males and females.

External and internal locus of control orientations

were determined by selecting the upper third (external) and

lower third (internal) of the distribution of I-E scores.

Scores for internals ranged from 2 to 9; scores for

externals from 13 to 20; the possible range of scores was 0

through 24. In the ANOVAs the upper and lower thirds of the

I-E scores were used to operationalize the concepts of

internal and external locus of control; however, in the

multiple regression statistical procedures, the entire range









Table 3-3

Sex x Sex Role Androgyny Means and Frequencies


Sex


Sex Role Female Male


Mean N % Mean N %


Feminine 3i388 34 (53%) 1.78 3 (6%)

Masculine -2.75 7 (11%) -2.33 33 (66%)

Low-Low 0.37 9 (14%) -0.19 5 (10%)

High-High -0.04 14 (22%) -0.02 9 (18%)




of scores on this scale was used. Although an assumption of

regression analysis is that the variables are continuous,

the tests of significance for ANOVA and correlation are

relatively robust with regard to any violation of this

assumption (e.g., continuous variables that are

trichotomized). The restricted range of scores can, however,

affect the size of r (Havlicek & Peterson, 1977; Keppel &

Saufley, 1980).

An ANOVA using contraceptive effectiveness group as the

dependent variable and locus of control and sex role

orientation as the independent variables revealed

nonsignificant effects of both locus of control and sex

role. The influence of sex role orientation was examined in

multiple regression analyses by entering the masculine and









feminine scores as predictor variables, as Bem (1977)

recommended. Although Bem considered this method superior to

categorizing subjects, neither femininity nor masculinity,

nor locus of control, were significant predictors of

contraceptive effectiveness group membership in any multiple

regression analyses.

The hypothesis that external subjects would have used

no birth control at all a higher percentage of the time r

during the last six months than internal subjects was tested

with a one-way ANOVA. Locus of control was the independent

variable and percentage of the time no birth control was

used (ranging from 0% to 100% of the time) was the dependent

variable. This analysis revealed nonsignificant differences

between the internal and external locus of control groups;

both groups seldom used no birth control (internal M =

7.89%, external M = 15.75%). Contraceptive knowledge was

used as the dependent variable in a two-way ANOVA, which

revealed nonsignificant effects of both sex role and locus

of control.



Race

Race was nonsignificant in all but a few analyses. As

whites made up over 73% of the total sample, one must keep

in mind the possible distortions introduced by unequal cell

sizes when evaluating the results regarding race.


1 ..







48

Like Segal and Ducette (1973), the current study found

no significant differences in mean locus of control scores

among the races using a one-way ANOVA with locus of control

as the dependent variable and race as the independent

variable (African-American M = 11.86 white M = 11.40,

Asian-American M = 11.22, Hispanic-American M = 10.22, other

M = 8.00).

Since some researchers have found more external

orientations among African-American and Hispanic-American

populations than among whites, the influence of race was

examined in conjunction with IFC score. Some studies also

have reported earlier age at first coitus among African-

Americans than among other racial groups. However, in a

series of chi square analyses, the frequencies of different

racial groups were found to be randomly distributed with

regard to illusion of fertility control, locus of control,

months sexually active, and age at first intercourse.

In a separate multiple regression analysis, however,

race was a significant predictor of contraceptive

effectiveness group membership, Beta = -.27, t = -2.74,

E < .007. In this case, group membership was the criterion

variable, and race and illusion of fertility control were

used as predictors, as well as feminine and masculine

scores--as Bem (1977) suggested. These variables accounted

for 8% of the variance in group membership scores, F(4, 94)

= 3.03, p < .02.









A follow-up ANOVA with contraceptive effectiveness

group entered as the dependent variable and race as the

independent variable revealed a significant effect of race,

F(3, 95) = 4.64, E < .02. As shown in Table 3-4, the mean

contraceptive efficacy group scores indicate that African-

American and white subjects used more effective

contraception at last intercourse than did Asian-American or

Hispanic-American subjects.



Table 3-4

Race x Contraceptive Effectiveness Group Means


Race Contraceptive Effectiveness Group Means


African-
American 2.50

White 2.40

Asian-American 2.17

Hispanic-
American 1.67


Note: For contraceptive effectiveness, 1 = no birth control,
2 = withdrawal, rhythm, douche or condom, 3 = birth control
pills.


I "











CHAPTER IV
DISCUSSION

Perceived Risk, Contraceptive Knowledge, and
Fertility Control

The fact that males were able to report on their

partners' menstrual cycle more often than expected lends

support to the growing concern about including males in

studies of contraceptive and sexual practices. Of course,

there was no way to test the accuracy of the reports made by

males in the current study, but this might be rectified in

future research if established couples were used as

subjects. The accuracy of males with a steady partner would

at least give some basis for comparison with males in less

committed relationships.

The proportions of subjects in each of the four

perceived-actual pregnancy risk groups were very similar to

the proportions found by Namerow et al., (1987). These

proportions were very similar for males and females. There

were, however, slightly fewer subjects in the "dangerously

misinformed" category in the current study. Future work with

younger adolescents may reveal that this category is larger

the younger the population.

Slightly less than half of the subjects tested by

Namerow et al. were correct in their perception of their

risk of pregnancy at last intercourse. In the present study,

50









the percentage of subjects correct in their perception of

risk was 52% for females and 66% for males. The overall

accuracy rate was 59%. The greater accuracy of males may be

called into question, however, because they were reporting

on the experience of their female partners rather than on

their own experience. Including couples in future research

would help determine whether or not males were actually more

accurate in their perception of pregnancy risk thamnfemales,

or whether they simply showed a bias toward reporting less

risk than females reported.

Most subjects were knowledgeable about contraception,

and this knowledge did not predict to which perceived-actual

pregnancy risk group to which the subjects belonged, as

Namerow et al. (1987) also found. This finding provides

further support to the point made by other researchers--that

contraceptive knowledge does not guarantee effective use of

contraceptives (Cline, Engel, & Johnson, 1989; Morrison,

1985).

Contraceptive knowledge was somewhat important in

explaining the variance in number of birth control methods

ever tried, although this occurred in a regression that only

approached significance. This relationship is probably worth

exploring further, however, since contraceptive knowledge

and number of methods ever tried were significantly

positively correlated. If increasing contraceptive knowledge

at least results in adolescents trying a greater number of









different methods, increasing knowledge may help them to

eventually settle on a method that they are likely to use

consistently.

Contraceptive effectiveness was positively correlated

with confidence that last intercourse would not result in a

pregnancy. As the confidence rating relates to the most

recent sexual encounter rather than a general sense of

confidence, it-is likely that having used a more effective

contraceptive at last intercourse causes people to feel more

confident that a pregnancy will not occur.



Illusion of Fertility Control

Although the hypotheses concerning the illusion of

fertility control scale were not all supported, overall the

findings do seem to warrant future refinement and use of the

scale. IFC was significantly positively correlated with the

percentage of the time no birth control was used in the last

six months. This finding suggests that the IFC scale may be

particularly useful with younger adolescents, who tend to

use contraception less often, or to use less effective -

methods, than college students.

As expected, there were no differences in IFC scores by

sex role. With further consideration of reliability and

validity, the IFC scale may eventually be more useful than

sex role or locus of control in predicting contraceptive

use. One reason for this is that earlier studies have found


I ..







53

that locus of control and sex role interact with each other

in explaining contraceptive effectiveness. Revisions in the

IFC scale which would allow it to predict contraceptive

effectiveness as well as percentage of the time no birth

control was used would mean the IFC scale would provide a

simpler method of predicting contraceptive behavior.

Although IFC scores did not predict contraceptive efficacy

in the present study, neither did sex role nor locus>
control. That locus of control and sex role were not

predictors is surprising in light of past research;

nonsignificant findings for locus, sex role, and IFC might

have all been due to a smaller than optimal sample size.

Subjects did score over most of the range possible on

the IFC scale, which suggests that the items included were

valid in terms of describing typical sexual encounters. Both

masculinity and age at first intercourse account for 25% of

the variance in IFC scores. In part this finding was as

expected as having sex for a longer period of time without

experiencing a pregnancy was expected to contribute to the

illusion of fertility control. However, a difference between

masculinity and feminity was not expected. In addition, the

average IFC score for males was significantly higher than

for females, indicating that males had more of an illusion

of fertility control than females. It may be that the fact








that most contraceptive methods are female controlled

accounts for this difference; however, there might also be

some unexplained bias against males in the scale.

The higher IFC scores for males also might suggest that

males, who reported greater accuracy than females in

assessing the risk of pregnancy at last sexual encounter,

actually are susceptible to errors in remembering menstrual

and intercourse-dates such that they seem more accurate. In

other words, the higher IFC scores for males might indicate

that males believe themselves to be more accurate in

assessing the risk of pregnancy, thus reporting dates that

correspond to their belief rather than to the actual

situation. If so, then they may be less accurate than

females.



Sex Roles and Locus of Control

The current findings seem to point to a change in the

sex role orientations of college students. Bem (1977)

reported that only 1% of all the college undergraduates she

had tested with the BSRI fell below the midpoint on both the

masculinity and the femininity scales--in other words, were

low-low androgynous. In an earlier study, Bem (1975) found

that approximately one third of her subjects fell into each

of the three categories of feminine, masculine, and

androgynous. This also occurred in the present study,

grouping low-low and high-high androgynous subjects







55

together. A difference found in the present study, however,

was that over 12% of the subjects were low-low androgynous.

This means that the subjects in the current study were less

likely to highly endorse both masculine and feminine items

as descriptive of themselves. A difference between the

samples that must be kept in mind, however, is that Bem's

samples were from an exclusive private university in

California while the current sample was from a public

university in Florida.

In the nearly 20 years since Bem formulated her scale,

social change which weakened stereotypical conceptions of

male and female abilities and proclivities may have

influenced undergraduates in 1992 to define themselves in

in a more "androgynous" manner than may be tapped by the

BSRI. In other words, they may be less likely to describe

themselves as having both stereotypically male and

stereotypically female traits. Perhaps if they could choose

their own descriptors, their choices would include words

which people today would be less willing to say describe

only one sex. This conception of a shift toward acceptance

of nontraditional sex roles corresponds to Worrell's (1989)

description of change among high school students, who are,

she states, moving toward a more egalitarian view of

educational attainment, career development, and family

responsibilities as equally important for adult women and

men.


I .,







56

Bem (1974) reported that androgynous females scored on

the feminine side of zero (positive scores) while

androgynous males scored on the masculine side of zero

(negative scores). That is, when the masculine score was

subtracted from the feminine score, and the difference was

low enough (between -1 and +1) to classify the person as

androgynous, males had negative scores and females had

positive scores. Since a high negative score meant a person

had a masculine sex role orientation, and a high positive

score meant a person had a feminine sex role orientation,

this meant that Bem's androgynous subjects nevertheless

scored on the feminine (positive) side if they were female,

and scored on the masculine (negative) side if they were

male.

In the present study, however, high-high androgynous

females scored on the masculine side of zero. In addition,

the mean androgyny score for masculine females was more

masculine (more negative) than the mean androgyny score for

masculine males. These findings suggest that changes in

overall androgyny scores over the last 10 or 20 years may be

due more to changes among women than among men. The views

and behaviors of females may have changed more than those of

males due to differing reinforcements for nontraditional

attitudes and behaviors. In a recent review on sex roles,

Worrell (1989) concluded that traditional sex typing is more

advantageous for boys than for girls. Although boys and







57

girls who can call on either feminine or masculine traits in

the appropriate situation function more effectively across a

variety of domains, boys are more likely than girls to

suffer negative social consequences for cross-gender-typed

behavior.

The use of masculinity and femininity scores in

multiple regression analyses did not appear to be as useful

in the present study as the four sex role categoriizations..-

The caveat, however, is that the comparatively small number

of subjects may account for the failure of masculinity and

femininity to reach significance in most of the multiple

regression analyses. The same problem may also account for

locus of control not reaching significance in explaining

contraceptive effectiveness. In addition, a difference

between internals and externals was less likely since

subjects reported rarely using no birth control at all.



Problems and Future Research

The most significant problems with the current research

were probably the relatively small sample size, and a

restricted range of scores for some variables. Although the

sample was large enough to meet minimum requirements for the

statistical analyses, the large number of variables means

that a larger sample might have produced significant results

more often. Future research in this area should try to meet

the maximum number of recommended subjects. A larger sample









size would also offset the problem of dropping cell

frequencies below recommended numbers when classifying

subjects into internal-external, sex role, contraceptive use

or sexual activity groups so that nonparametric tests could

be used more often.

The restricted range of scores obtained on some

variables, together with a smaller than optimal sample size,

probably worked against finding significant results more

frequently. For example, the percentage of the time that

subjects said they use no birth control was less than 15% of

the time. Less than half of the birth control methods listed

had even been tried by the majority of subjects. The

contraceptive efficacy groups were coded as three levels of

effectiveness. Future research also might look at

effectiveness in terms of both pregnancy prevention and

prevention of the spread of sexually transmitted diseases.

Using the actual failure rates of the different

contraceptive methods, or the effectiveness rates of

different methods in preventing STDs, it would be possible

to construct continuous scales of birth control

effectiveness.

Even though race was not predicted to be a significant

influence on the results, the findings suggest that ethnic

group differences in contraceptive practices persist even

with relatively homogeneous samples. Future research might

focus on acquiring larger, more equal, samples of different







59

races in order to more fully pursue this possibility. For a

college sample, a measure of socioeconomic status would help

to eliminate a possible confound; for a younger sample, a

measure of socioeconomic status should be considered a must

since this has certainly been a confound with younger, more

heterogeneous samples.

Another provocative area for future research is the

exploration of differences in sex role orientation over the

last 10 to 20 years. The possibility that women have changed

more dramatically in the last decade or two than men might

be explored explicitly.

There were also sex differences with regard to the

illusion of fertility control scale, since males tended to

suffer a greater illusion than females. This particular

aspect of the IFC scale, as well as further establishing the

scale in terms of reliability and validity, would be

important concerns in carrying out further studies in this

area.

In terms of future research, the main goal of the

present study was to establish findings with a group of

college students for eventual comparison to younger samples.

The use of younger adolescents, however, means that with

younger ages, more subjects will be virgins. This means that

questions about the choices and attributes that have led

adolescents to wait to begin sexual activity would have to

be added to the questionnaire, rather than focusing mainly







60

on sexually experienced adolescents. This approach suggests,

then, that a longitudinal study which follows adolescents

from virginity through sexual debut and possibly into

college would provide the most revealing answers to

questions concerning choices adolescents make about

sexuality and contraception.

In looking at contraceptive methods ever tried, for

example, the current study does not account for which

methods were likely to be used by subjects when they were

younger rather than more recently. Based on the present

study, however, the range of scores obtained with younger

adolescents may be more restricted on variables such as

number of birth control methods ever tried or number of

sexual partners, but the range may be greater on variables

such as percentage of the time no birth control was used or

contraceptive knowledge. In considering these questions, the

findings of the present study have provided a foundation for

studying the sexual and contraceptive behaviors of both male

and female young adolescents.


I -.











REFERENCES


Bem, S. L. (1974). The measurement of psychological
androgyny. Journal of Consulting and Clinical
Psychology, 42, 155-162.

Bem, S. L. (1975). Sex role adaptability: One consequence of
psychological androgyny. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 31, 634-643.

Bem, S. L. (1977). On the utility of alternative procedures
for assessing psychological androgyny. Journal of
Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 45, 196-205.

Cline, R. J. W., Engel, J. L., & Johnson, S. J. (1989).
Practicing safer sex versus practicing sexual roulette:
A survey of college students' AIDS-related knowledge,
attitudes, and behaviors. Unpublished manuscript,
University of Florida, Department of Communication
Processes and Disorders, Communication Studies
Division, Gainesville.

Elkind, D. (1967). Egocentrism in adolescence. Child
Development, 38, 1025-1034.

Fox, G. L. (1977). Sex-role attitudes as predictors of
contraceptive use among unmarried university students.
Sex Roles, 3, 265-283.

Fox, G. L., Fox, B. R., & Frohardt-Lane, K. A. (1982).
Fertility socialization: The development of fertility
attitudes and behavior. In G. L. Fox (Ed.), The
childbearing decision (pp. 19-49). Beverly Hills, CA:
Sage Publications, Inc.

Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., Brooks-Gunn, J., &
Chase-Lansdale, L. (1989). Teenaged pregnancy and
childbearing. American Psychologist, 44, 313-320.

Grusec, J. E., & Lytton, H. (1988). Sex differences and sex
roles. In Social development: History, theory, and
research (pp. 363-408). New York: Springer Verlag.

Harris, L., & Associates. (1986). American teens speak: Sex,
myths, TV, and birth control. The Planned Parenthood
Poll. New York: Planned Parenthood Federation of
America.









Havlicek, L. L., & Peterson, N. L. (1977). Effect of the
violation of assumptions upon significance levels of
the Pearson r. Psychological Bulletin, 84, 373-377.

Heilbrun, A. B. (1976). Measurement of masculine and
feminine sex role identities as independent dimensions.
Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 44,
183-190.

Hendricks, L. E., Montgomery, T. A., & Fullilove, R. E.
(1984). Educational achievement and locus of control
among black adolescent fathers. Journal of Negro
Education, 53(2), 182-188.

Ireson, C. J. (1984). Adolescent pregnancy and sex roles.
Sex Roles, 11(3/4), 189-201.

Kantner, J.F., & Zelnik, M. (1973). Contraception and
pregnancy: Experience of young unmarried women in the
United States. Family Planning Perspectives, 5, 21-35.

Keppel, G., & Saufley, W. H., Jr. (1980). Introduction to
design and analysis. New York: W. H. Freeman.

Langer, E. J. (1975). The illusion of control. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 32(2), 311-328.

Lewis, C. C. (1981). How adolescents approach decisions:
Changes over grades seven to twelve and policy
implications. Child Development, 52, 538-544.

MacDonald, A. P., Jr. (1973). Internal-external locus of
control and the practice of birth control.
Psychological Reports, 27, 206.

Morrison, D. M. (1985). Adolescent contraceptive behavior: A
review. Psychological Bulletin, 98(3), 538-568.

Mussen, P. H. (1969). Early sex-role development. In D. A.
Goslin (Ed.), Handbook of socialization theory and
research (pp. 707-732). Chicago: Rand McNally.

Namerow, P. B., Lawton, A. I., & Philliber, S. G. (1987).
Teenagers' perceived and actual probabilities of
pregnancy. Adolescence, 22(86), 475-485.

Nowicki, S., & Strickland, B.R. (1973). A locus of control
scale for children. Journal of Consulting and Clinical
Psychology, 40, 148-154.









Philliber, S. G., Namerow, P. B., Kaye, J. W., & Kunkes,
C. H. (1986). Pregnancy risk taking among adolescents.
Journal of Adolescent Research, 1(4), 463-481.

Ralph, N., Lochman, J., & Thomas T. (1984). Psychosocial
characteristics of pregnant and nulliparous
adolescents. Adolescence, 19(74), 283-294.

Rotter, J. B. (1966). Generalized expectancies for internal
versus external control of reinforcement. Psychological
Monographs, 80(1, Whole No. 609).

Ruble, D. N. (1988). Sex role development. In M. H.
Bornstein & M. E. Lamb (Eds.) Developmental psychology:
An advanced textbook (2nd ed., pp. 411-460). Hillsdale,
NJ: Erlbaum.

Scanzoni, J. (1976). Sex role change and influence on birth
intentions. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 38,
43-58.

Segal, S. M., & DuCette, J. (1973). Locus of control and
pre-marital high school pregnancy. Psychological
Reports, 33, 887-890.

Sherman, L. W. (1984). Development of children's perceptions
of internal locus of control: A cross-sectional and
longitudinal analysis. Journal of Personality, 52(4),
338-354.

Spence, J. T., Helmreich, R., & Stapp, J. (1975). Ratings of
self and peers on sex role attributes and their
relationship to self-esteem and conceptions of
masculinity and femininity. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 32, 29-39.

Strahan, F. (1975). Remarks on Bem's measurement of
psychological androgyny: Alternatives, methods and a
supplementary analysis. Journal of Consulting and
Clinical Psychology, 43, 568-571.

Wallston, B. S., & Wallston, K. A. (1978). Locus of control
and health: A review of the literature. Health
Education Monographs, Spring, 107-117.

Weinstein, N.D. (1984). Why it won't happen to me:
Perceptions of risk factors and susceptibility. Health
Psychology, 3, 431-457.

Worell, J. (1989). Sex roles in transition. In J. Worell &
F. Danner (Eds.), The adolescent as decision maker
(pp. 245-280). San Diego, CA: Academic Press, Inc.


I -.














APPENDIX I
FEMALE QUESTIONNAIRE


Sex: Female


Male


Black
White
Oriental
Hispanic
Other


Relational Status:




Academic Status:


Single
Living with Partner
Married
Divorced

Freshman
Sophomore
Junior
Senior


Age:


Years


Race:









On the following page you will be shown a large number of
personality characteristics. We would like you to use those
characteristics to describe yourself. That is, we would like
you to indicate on a scale of 1 to 7 how true of you each of
these various characteristics is.
Please try not to leave any characteristics unmarked.


never or
almost never
true

Example: SLY


occasionally
true


always or
almost
true


Mark a 1
sly.


if it is never or almost never true that you are


Mark a 2 if it is usually not true that you are sly.


Mark a 3
are sly.


if it is sometimes but infrequently true that you


Mark a 4 if it is occasionally true that you are sly.

Mark a 5 if it is often true that you are sly.

Mark a 6 if it is usually true that you are sly.


Mark a 7
sly.


if it is always or almost always true that you are


Thus if you feel that it is sometimes but infrequently true
that you are sly, never or almost never true that you are
malicious, always or almost always true that you are
irresponsible, and often true that you are carefree, then
you would rate these characteristics as follows:


IRRESPONSIBLE 7
CAREFREE 5


SLY 3
MALICIOUS 1















never or
almost never
true


occasionally
true


always or
almost
true


ELPFlLL

DEFEDOS MN BELIES






SKY

COSCIENTOUS

ATHLETIC

AFFECTIONATE

TIHEATRICAL

ASSERTIVE

FLATIBPA3LE

HAPFf

STD:NI FERSOrITYIY

IBYAL

LC P-EICrT3LE

FO~RCE-L
.DR -- lS


A.'.L',TIC.L

SY'?ATr--TIC








TRUE'-'iUL

W11L.NG TO TAKE RISKS

S"r;Ci-ST..TC.
SECRT1VE

KyeS DECISIONS
EASIlY

CCtASSION AT

SINCERE

SEL?-SLUFCIE
EAcGR TO SOTIEE HURT
FEELINGS


CXCEIT-ED



SOFT-SPCKEN

LTKASB2

ySCmllE


SOLEt:

1LI-I"r TO ZI;E
A STALD




AGGClSSI\S




ACTS AS A
LEADER

CHILDLUE

AIDAPTABLE

TnDIVIDUALISTIC

DCES NT LUSE HARSH


LYSTEYMTIC

Ca=5ETITIE

IyiES CHILD?5<

.ACITUL

A.3ITIOUS

(ZE flOI T









The following questions are meant to find out the way
important events in our society affect different people. You
will find pairs of statements, lettered a or b. Please
select the one statement out of each pair which you more
strongly believe to be the case as far as you're concerned.
Please select only one statement from each pair and circle
the a or the b in front of the statement you choose.
Be sure to choose the one you actually believe to be
more true rather than the one you think you should choose or
the one you would like to be true. This is a measure of
personal belief; obviously there are no right or wrong
answers.
Please answer these items carefully but do not spend
too much time on any one item. Try to decide on an answer
for every choice. In some cases you may discover that you
believe both statements or neither one. In such cases, be
sure to select the one you more strongly believe to be the
case as far as you're concerned. Also try to respond to each
item independently when making your choice; do not be
influenced by your previous choices.

1 a. Children get into trouble because their parents punish
them too much.
b. The trouble with most children nowadays is that their
parents are too easy with them.

2 a. Many of the unhappy things in people's live are partly
due to bad luck.
b. People's misfortunes result from the mistakes they
make.

3 a. One of the major reasons why we have wars is because
people don't take enough interest in politics.
b. There will always be wars, no matter how hard people
try to prevent them.

4 a. In the long run people get the respect they deserve in
this world.
b. Unfortunately, an individual's worth often passes
unrecognized no matter how hard he or she tries.

5 a. The idea that teachers are unfair to students is
nonsense.
b. Most students don't realize the extent to which their
grades are influenced by accidental happenings.

6 a. Without the right breaks one cannot be an effective
leader.
b. Capable people who fail to become leaders have not
taken advantage of their opportunities.






68

7 a. No matter how hard you try some people just don't like
you.
b. People who can't get others to like them don't
understand how to get along with others.

8 a. Heredity plays the major role in determining one's
personality.
b. It is people's experiences in life which determine
what they are like.

9 a. I have often found that what is going to happen will
happen.
b. Trusting to fate has never turned out as well for me
as making a decision to take a definite course of
action.

10 a. In the case of the well-prepared student there is
rarely if ever such a thing as an unfair test.
b. Many times exam questions tend to be so unrelated to
course work that studying is really useless.

11 a. Becoming a success is a matter of hard work, luck has
little or nothing to do with it.
b. Getting a good job depends mainly on being in the
right place at the right time.

12 a. The average citizen can have an influence in
government decisions.
b. This world is run by the few people in power, and
there is not much the little guy can do about it.

13 a. When I make plans, I am almost certain that I can make
them work.
b. It is not always wise to plan too far ahead because
many things turn out to be a matter of good or bad
fortune anyhow.

14 a. There are certain people who are just no good.
b. There is some good in everybody.

15 a. In my case getting what I want has little or nothing
to do with luck.
b. Many times we might just as well decide what to do by
flipping a coin.

16 a. Who gets to be the boss often depends on who was lucky
enough to be in the right place first.
b. Getting people to do the right thing depends upon
ability; luck has little or nothing to do with it.







69

17 a. As far as world affairs are concerned, most of us are
the victims of forces we can neither understand, nor
control.
b. By taking an active part in political and social
affairs the people can control world events.

18 a. Most people don't realize the extent to which their
lives are controlled by accidental happenings.
b. There really is no such thing as "luck".

19 a. One should always be willing to admit mistakes.
b. It is usually best to cover up one's mistakes.

20 a. It is hard to know whether or not a person really
likes you.
b. How many friends you have depends on how nice a person
you are.

21 a. In the long run the bad things that happen to us are
balanced by the good ones.
b. Most misfortunes are the result of lack of ability,
ignorance, laziness, or all three.

22 a. With enough effort we can wipe out political
corruption.
b. It is difficult for people to have much control over
the things politicians do in office.

23 a. Sometimes I can't understand how teachers arrive at
the grades they give.
b. There is a direct connection between how hard I study
and the grades I get.

24 a. A good leader expects people to decide for themselves
what they should do.
b. A good leader makes it clear to everybody what their
jobs are.

25 a. Many times I feel that I have little influence over
the things that happen to me.
b. It is impossible for me to believe that chance or luck
plays an important role in my life.

26 a. People are lonely because they don't try to be
friendly.
b. There's not much use in trying too hard to please
people; if they like you, they like you.

27 a. There is too much emphasis on athletics in high
school.
b. Team sports are an excellent way to build character.


I -,







70

28 a. What happens to me is my own doing.
b. Sometimes I feel that I don't have enough control over
the direction my life is taking.

29 a. Most of the time I can't understand why politicians
behave the way they do.
b. In the long run the people are responsible for bad
government on a national as well as on a local level.









Read the following statements about birth control carefully.
For each statement circle T if you believe the statement is
true, or F if you believe the statement is false.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Period
8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30
T F Suppose a woman has her period on the first 7
days of the month. To use the "safe time of
the month" for birth control, she should not
have sex from about the 10th to the 17th.

T F Using condoms every single time you have sex
is a very effective way to avoid pregnancy.

T F There is no way a woman can become pregnant
if the man's penis only touches her on the
outside; in other words, there is no way she
can get pregnant unless he actually puts his
penis inside her.

T F If a woman does not experience sexual
pleasure, or have an orgasm, during sex she
can't get pregnant.

T F Using withdrawal (the man removes his penis
from the woman's vagina before he ejaculates,
or comes) is just as good as condoms in
preventing pregnancy.

T F A couple can keep from getting pregnant if
they only have sex while standing up.

T F A girl can become pregnant the first time she
ever has sexual intercourse.

T F Douching with coca-cola right after having
sex will prevent the woman from becoming
pregnant.

T F If a woman has not had sex for a while, then
she can stop taking her birth control pills;
she will be protected from pregnancy if she
starts the pills again the day she has sex
again.

T F The pill is one of the most effective methods
of birth control.







72

T F Birth control pills cause serious health
problems for most women who take them.

T F When inserting a diaphragm, a woman should
use contraceptive foam or jelly inside it.
She will then be protected from pregnancy if
she leaves the diaphragm inside for 6 to 8
hours after she has sex.









September 1991 October 1991
Sn M T W Th F S Sn M T W Th F S
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 4 5
8 9 10 11 12 13 14 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
15 16 17 18 19 20 21 13 14 15 16 17 18 19
22 23 24 25 26 27 28 20 21 22 23 24 25 26
29 30 27 28 29 30 31

November 1991
Sn M T W Th F S
1 2
3 4 5 6 7 8 9
10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23
24 25 26 27 28 29 30

Using the calendars above, circle the days of your most
recent menstrual period.

Now mark an X on the day of your most recent sexual
intercourse.


Answer the following question only if you and your partner
DID NOT use birth control the last time you had sex: In
thinking about it now, how likely do you think you were to
have gotten pregnant the last time you had sex? Use a scale
of 0-10. Ten means it was very likely and 0 means it was not
at all likely.
Circle your answer below.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
not at somewhat very
all likely likely likely

(go on to page 10 if you DID NOT use birth control the last
time you had sex)



Answer the following question only if you or your partner
DID use birth control the last time you had sex: In thinking
about it now, how likely do you think you were to have
gotten pregnant IF YOU HAD NOT used birth control? Use a
scale of 0-10. Ten means it was very likely and 0 means it
was not at all likely.
Circle your answer below.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
not at somewhat very
all likely likely likely









What birth control method or methods did you or your partner
use
the most recent time you had sexual intercourse?
Check as many as apply.

pulling out (withdrawal)
had sex at the safe time of the month (rhythm method)
birth control pills
condom
foam
sponge
suppositories
IUD
diaphragm, without contraceptive foam or jelly
diaphragm, with contraceptive foam or jelly
cervical cap
douching
norplant surgical implants
other


J -.









How old were you the first time you had sexual intercourse?
years old I have never had sexual intercourse

If you have had sexual intercourse, what was the month and
year you first had sexual intercourse?
19 I have never had sexual intercourse

If you have had sexual intercourse, how many different
partners have you had sexual intercourse with?
I have had ____ sexual partners.

Was the person you had sex with most recently male or
female?
male female I have never had sexual
intercourse

Do you consider yourself heterosexual or homosexual?
heterosexual homosexual bisexual

Which birth control methods have you or any of your sexual
partners) ever used? Check all that you or your partners)
have used at least once.
pulling out (withdrawal)
had sex at the safe time of the month (rhythm method)
birth control pills
condom
foam
sponge
suppositories
IUD
diaphragm, without contraceptive foam or jelly
diaphragm, with contraceptive foam or jelly
cervical cap
douching
norplant surgical implants
other

Look at the list of birth control methods above, and CIRCLE
the method that you (or your sexual partner) use most often
now.

Have you ever been pregnant or caused a pregnancy?
Yes No

If you answered "yes" to the last question, what happened to
the pregnancy?
baby was born
abortion
miscarriage









Which ONE statement best describes your relationship with
the person you had sex with most recently?
It was a one night stand.
We date each other but we also date other people.
We are a couple; we only date each other.
We are engaged.
We are married.


In the last six months, what percent of the time have you
had sexual intercourse using no birth control at all?
Circle your answer below.

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
never always
had sex had sex
without without
birth birth
control control



On a scale of 1 to 10, how confident are you that your last
sexual encounter WILL NOT result in a pregnancy?
1 means you have very little confidence that a pregnancy
will not result (in other words, you are confident a
pregnancy will occur) and 10 means you are very confident
that a pregnancy will not occur. Circle your answer below


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
not at moderately very
all confident confident
confident there there will
there will will NOT NOT be a
NOT be a be a pregnancy
pregnancy pregnancy

Think of the person who you had sexual intercourse with most
recently. How many months have you been together with that
person?

months

I have been with my most recent sexual partner for less
than one month.

I do not have an ongoing relationship with my last
sexual partner.









Check all of the following statements that are accurate
descriptions of the most recent time you had sexual
intercourse. Leave the space blank if the statement does not
apply to your most recent sexual encounter.

1_ I personally know of several people who have sex all
the time without using birth control, and they have
never become pregnant or caused a pregnancy.

1 It is possible for a woman to read her body well enough
to know when she can have sex without using birth
control and not risk getting pregnant.

1 It is possible for a man to read his body well enough
to know when he should withdraw during sex so that his
partner will not become pregnant.

1 The last time I had sex, my partner was very confident
and sure of himself.

1 The last time I had sex, I felt very confident and sure
of myself.

1 I have already decided exactly what I will do if I
become pregnant any time soon.

1 I have already decided exactly what I would like my
partner to do if I become pregnant any time soon.

1 The reason I had sex last time was that we were both in
love and both wanted to have sex.

1 The last time I had sexual intercourse, I just went
along with it because I didn't want to lose my partner.

1 The reason I had sex last time was that we both wanted
to because we both enjoy sex.

1_ The last time I had sexual intercourse, we planned
ahead of time to have sex then.

3 The most recent time I had sexual intercourse, I
initiated sex and my partner was very willing to
participate.

4 The most recent time I had sexual intercourse, I
initiated sex and my partner had to be convinced to go
along with it.








1 The most recent time I had sexual intercourse, my
partner initiated sex and I was very willing to
participate.

2 The most recent time I had sexual intercourse, my
partner initiated sex and I had to be convinced to go
along with it.

-1 I had no emotional involvement with my last sexual
partner.

1 I feel I know quite a lot about sexuality.

1 The partner I had sex with most recently is able to
keep from making me pregnant because he knows when to
withdraw so he doesn't come inside me.

1 I am able to keep from getting pregnant because I know
when my safe time of the month is.

1 My last sexual partner and I decided together not to
use birth control methods such as the pill, IUD,
condom, diaphragm, foam, sponge or suppository.

1 The most recent time I had sex, I decided not to use
birth control methods such as the pill, IUD, condom,
diaphragm, foam, sponge or suppository.

1 My last partner and I decided that we would use
withdrawal to keep me from becoming pregnant.

1 The last time I had sex we didn't use any other method
of birth control because we had sex during my safe time
of the month.

1 My last partner and I decided that we did not want to
use any contraception at all, not even withdrawal or
having sex only during the safe time of the month.

1 I decided that I did not want us to use any birth
control at all the last time I had sex.

-1 The last time I had sex I did not think about birth
control at all.


I -











APPENDIX II
MALE QUESTIONNAIRE


Age: years

Sex: Female


Male


Black
White
Oriental
_Hispanic
Other


Relational Status:




Academic Status:


_Single
Living with Partner
Married
Divorced

Freshman
Sophomore
Junior
Senior


Race:









On the following page you will be shown a large number of
personality characteristics. We would like you to use those
characteristics to describe yourself. That is, we would like
you to indicate on a scale of 1 to 7 how true of you each of
these various characteristics is.
Please try not to leave any characteristics unmarked.


never or
almost never
true --

Example: SLY


occasionally
true


always or
almost
true


Mark a 1
sly.


if it is never or almost never true that you are


Mark a 2 if it is usually not true that you are sly.


Mark a 3
are sly.


if it is sometimes but infrequently true that you


Mark a 4 if it is occasionally true that you are sly.

Mark a 5 if it is often true that you are sly.

Mark a 6 if it is usually true that you are sly.


Mark a 7
sly.


if it is always or almost always true that you are


Thus if you feel that it is sometimes but infrequently true
that you are sly, never or almost never true that you are
malicious, always or almost always true that you are
irresponsible, and often true that you are carefree, then
you would rate these characteristics as follows:


IRRESPONSIBLE 7
CAREFREE 5


SLY 3
MALICIOUS 1
















never or
almost never
true


occasionally
true


always or
almost
true


SELF RELLAT

YIELDDL

_ELPFL-L

DEFENDS ~,1N BELIES

C-IEERUL

I DDDY



SHY

oDCITIOUS

ATHIETlC

AF-FECIONATEE

'ITHEAIRICAL

ASSERTIVE

FIATITABI.E

HAPFf

STIRDC PERSOaRLITY

10/AL

I.UPHDICTIA3LE

FOR=CELL



RELIAE1L


ANALYTICAL

SYPATHiETIC

JEAlUJS

HAS 1ZADERHIP
ABLITIES

SENSITIVE TO TrF
NES OF OTHERS

TRUTnFUL

WIILNG TO TAKE RISKS

LE---STA'DING

SECRET IE

kAKES DECISIONS
EASILY

CM ?ASSICoNATE

SINCERE

SELF-SUFFICIE:r

EAG~~ TO SOOTir HURT
FEELINGS


CWCEITE



SOFn-SPC q

LIKl.31E

'ASCaZL.


HARM

SOLE-N

IWLfll TO TAKE
A S'Do



FRIE]DLY

AGGRESSIVE

GIIIIE

NE-FICTCIENT

ACTS AS A
LEADER

CHI1DLIK

AAPY LABLE

INDIVIDUAllSTIC

DCES NOT USE HARSH
IAROJACE

UNSYST-4ATIC

CQiPETI'TIE

I\ES ChIlDRE

TACTFUL

A*3ITIOUS

CE ITLE

ca 0m^


I .-








The following questions are meant to find out the way
important events in our society affect different people. You
will find pairs of statements, lettered a or b. Please
select the one statement out of each pair which you more
strongly believe to be the case as far as you're concerned.
Please select only one statement from each pair and circle
the a or the b in front of the statement you choose.
Be sure to choose the one you actually believe to be
more true rather than the one you think you should choose or
the one you would like to be true. This is a measure of
personal belief; obviously there are no right or wrong
answers.
Please answer these items carefully but do not spend
too much time on any one item. Try to decide on an answer
for every choice. In some cases you may discover that you
believe both statements or neither one. In such cases, be
sure to select the one you more strongly believe to be the
case as far as you're concerned. Also try to respond to each
item independently when making your choice; do not be
influenced by your previous choices.

1 a. Children get into trouble because their parents punish
them too much.
b. The trouble with most children nowadays is that their
parents are too easy with them.

2 a. Many of the unhappy things in people's live are partly
due to bad luck.
b. People's misfortunes result from the mistakes they
make.

3 a. One of the major reasons why we have wars is because
people don't take enough interest in politics.
b. There will always be wars, no matter how hard people
try to prevent them.

4 a. In the long run people get the respect they deserve in
this world.
b. Unfortunately, an individual's worth often passes
unrecognized no matter how hard he or she tries.

5 a. The idea that teachers are unfair to students is
nonsense.
b. Most students don't realize the extent to which their
grades are influenced by accidental happenings.

6 a. Without the right breaks one cannot be an effective
leader.
b. Capable people who fail to become leaders have not
taken advantage of their opportunities.







83

7 a. No matter how hard you try some people just don't like
you.
b. People who can't get others to like them don't
understand how to get along with others.

8 a. Heredity plays the major role in determining one's
personality.
b. It is people's experiences in life which determine
what they are like.

9 a. I have often found that what is going to happen will
happen.
b. Trusting to fate has never turned out as well for me
as making a decision to take a definite course of
action.

10 a. In the case of the well-prepared student there is
rarely if ever such a thing as an unfair test.
b. Many times exam questions tend to be so unrelated to
course work that studying is really useless.

11 a. Becoming a success is a matter of hard work, luck has
little or nothing to do with it.
b. Getting a good job depends mainly on being in the
right place at the right time.

12 a. The average citizen can have an influence in
government decisions.
b. This world is run by the few people in power, and
there is not much the little guy can do about it.

13 a. When I make plans, I am almost certain that I can make
them work.
b. It is not always wise to plan too far ahead because
many things turn out to be a matter of good or bad
fortune anyhow.

14 a. There are certain people who are just no good.
b. There is some good in everybody.

15 a. In my case getting what I want has little or nothing
to do with luck.
b. Many times we might just as well decide what to do by
flipping a coin.

16 a. Who gets to be the boss often depends on who was lucky
enough to be in the right place first.
b. Getting people to do the right thing depends upon
ability; luck has little or nothing to do with it.







84

17 a. As far as world affairs are concerned, most of us are
the victims of forces we can neither understand, nor
control.
b. By taking an active part in political and social
affairs the people can control world events.

18 a. Most people don't realize the extent to which their
lives are controlled by accidental happenings.
b. There really is no such thing as "luck".

19 a. One should always be willing to admit mistakes.
b. It is usually best to cover up one's mistakes.

20 a. It is hard to know whether or not a person really
likes you.
b. How many friends you have depends on how nice a person
you are.

21 a. In the long run the bad things that happen to us are
balanced by the good ones.
b. Most misfortunes are the result of lack of ability,
ignorance, laziness, or all three.

22 a. With enough effort we can wipe out political
corruption.
b. It is difficult for people to have much control over
the things politicians do in office.

23 a. Sometimes I can't understand how teachers arrive at
the grades they give.
b. There is a direct connection between how hard I study
and the grades I get.

24 a. A good leader expects people to decide for themselves
what they should do.
b. A good leader makes it clear to everybody what their
jobs are.

25 a. Many times I feel that I have little influence over
the things that happen to me.
b. It is impossible for me to believe that chance or luck
plays an important role in my life.

26 a. People are lonely because they don't try to be
friendly.
b. There's not much use in trying too hard to please
people; if they like you, they like you.

27 a. There is too much emphasis on athletics in high
school.
b. Team sports are an excellent way to build character.







85

28 a. What happens to me is my own doing.
b. Sometimes I feel that I don't have enough control over
the direction my life is taking.

29 a. Most of the time I can't understand why politicians
behave the way they do.
b. In the long run the people are responsible for bad
government on a national as well as on a local level.









Read the following statements about birth control carefully.
For each statement circle T if you believe the statement is
true, or F if you believe the statement is false.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Period
8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30
T F Suppose a woman has her period on the first 7
days of the month. To use the "safe time of
the month" for birth control, she should not
have sex from about the 10th to the 17th.

T F Using condoms every single time you have sex
is a very effective way to avoid pregnancy.

T F There is no way a woman can become pregnant
if the man's penis only touches her on the
outside; in other words, there is no way she
can get pregnant unless he actually puts his
penis inside her.

T F If a woman does not experience sexual
pleasure, or have an orgasm, during sex she
can't get pregnant.

T F Using withdrawal (the man removes his penis
from the woman's vagina before he ejaculates,
or comes) is just as good as condoms in
preventing pregnancy.

T F A couple can keep from getting pregnant if
they only have sex while standing up.

T F A girl can become pregnant the first time she
ever has sexual intercourse.

T F Douching with coca-cola right after having
sex will prevent the woman from becoming
pregnant.

T F If a woman has not had sex for a while, then
she can stop taking her birth control pills;
she will be protected from pregnancy if she
starts the pills again the day she has sex
again.

T F The pill is one of the most effective methods
of birth control.









T F Birth control pills cause serious health
problems for most women who take them.

T F When inserting a diaphragm, a woman should
use contraceptive foam or jelly inside it.
She will then be protected from pregnancy if
she leaves the diaphragm inside for 6 to 8
hours after she has sex.








September 1991 October 1991
Sn M T W Th F S Sn M T W Th F S
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 4 5
8 9 10 11 12 13 14 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
15 16 17 18 19 20 21 13 14 15 16 17 18 19
22 23 24 25 26 27 28 20 21 22 23 24 25 26
29 30 27 28 29 30 31

November 1991
Sn M T W Th F S
1 2
3 4 5 6 7 8 9
10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23
24 25 26 27 28 29.30

Think of your most recent sexual partner. If you know when
she had her last menstrual period, use the calendars above
to indicate when it was. Circle the days of your partner's
most recent menstrual period.

Now mark an X on the most recent day you had sexual
intercourse with her.

Answer the following question only if you and your partner
DID NOT use birth control the last time you had sex: In
thinking about it now, how likely do you think she was to
have gotten pregnant the last time you had sex? Use a scale
of 0-10. Ten means it was very likely and 0 means it was not
at all likely.
Circle your answer below.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
not at somewhat very
all likely likely likely

(go on to page 10 if you DID NOT use birth control the last
time you had sex)



Answer the following question only if you or your partner
DID use birth control the last time you had sex: how likely
do you think you were to have gotten pregnant IF YOU HAD NOT
used birth control? Use a scale of 0-10. Ten means it was
very likely and 0 means it was not at all likely.
Circle your answer below.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
not at somewhat very
all likely likely likely









What birth control method or methods did you or your partner
use the most recent time you had sexual intercourse?
Check as many as apply.
pulling out (withdrawal)
had sex at the safe time of the month (rhythm method)
birth control pills
condom
foam
sponge
suppositories
IUD
diaphragm, without contraceptive foam or jelly
diaphragm, with contraceptive foam or jelly
cervical cap
douching
norplant surgical implant
other









How old were you the first time you had sexual intercourse?
Years old ___ I have never had sexual intercourse

If you have had sexual intercourse, what was the month and
year you first had sexual intercourse?
19_ I have never had sexual intercourse

If you have had sexual intercourse, how many different
partners have you had sexual intercourse with?
I have had sexual partners.

Was the person you had sex with most recently male or
female?
male female I have never had sexual
-intercourse

Do you consider yourself heterosexual or homosexual?
heterosexual homosexual bisexual

Which birth control methods have you or any of your sexual
partners) ever used? Check all that you or your partners)
have used at least once.
pulling out (withdrawal)
had sex at the safe time of the month (rhythm method)
birth control pills
condom
foam
sponge
suppositories
IUD
diaphragm, without contraceptive foam or jelly
diaphragm, with contraceptive foam or jelly
cervical cap
douching
norplant surgical implants
other

Look at the list of birth control methods above, and CIRCLE
the method that you (or your sexual partner) use most often
now.

Have you ever been pregnant or caused a pregnancy?
Yes No

If you answered "yes" to the last question, what happened to
the pregnancy?
baby was born
abortion
miscarriage









Which ONE statement best describes your relationship with
the person you had sex with most recently?
It was a one night stand.
We date each other but we also date other people.
We are a couple; we only date each other.
We are engaged.
We are married.



In the last six months, what percent of the time have you
had sexual intercourse using no birth control at all?
Circle your answer below.

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% A100%
never always
had sex had sex
without without
birth birth
control control




On a scale of 1 to 10, how confident are you that your last
sexual encounter WILL NOT result in a pregnancy?
1 means you have very little confidence that a pregnancy
will not result (in other words, you are confident a
pregnancy will occur) and 10 means you are very confident
that a pregnancy will not occur. Circle your answer below


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
not at moderately very
all confident confident
confident there there will
there will will NOT NOT be a
NOT be a be a pregnancy
pregnancy pregnancy

Think of the person who you had sexual intercourse with most
recently. How many months have you been together with that
person?

months

I have been with my most recent sexual partner for less
than one month.

I do not have an ongoing relationship with my last
sexual partner.


I .,,








Check all of the following statements that are accurate
descriptions of the most recent time you had sexual
intercourse. Leave the space blank if the statement does not
apply to your most recent sexual encounter.

1 I personally know of several people who have sex all
the time without using birth control, and they have
never become pregnant or caused a pregnancy.

1 It is possible for a woman to read her body well enough
to know when she can have sex without using birth
control and not risk getting pregnant.

1 It is possible for a man to read his body well enough
to know when he should withdraw during sex so that his
partner will not become pregnant.

1 The last time I had sex, my partner was very confident
and sure of herself.

1 The last time I had sex, I felt very confident and sure
of myself.

1 I have already decided exactly what I will do if I
cause a pregnancy any time soon.

1 I have already decided exactly what I would like my
partner to do if she becomes pregnant any time soon.

1 The reason I had sex last time was that we were both in
love and both wanted to have sex.

1 The last time I had sexual intercourse, I just went
along with it because I didn't want to lose my partner.

1 The reason I had sex last time was that we both wanted
to because we both enjoy sex.

1 The last time I had sexual intercourse, we planned
ahead of time to have sex then.

3 The most recent time I had sexual intercourse, I
initiated sex and my partner was very willing to
participate.

4 The most recent time I had sexual intercourse, I
initiated sex and my partner had to be convinced to go
along with it.









1 The most recent time I had sexual intercourse, my
partner initiated sex and I was very willing to
participate.

2 The most recent time I had sexual intercourse, my
partner initiated sex and I had to be convinced to go
along with it.

-1 I had no emotional involvement with my last sexual
partner.

1 I feel I know quite a lot about sexuality.

1 I am able to keep from making my partner pregnant
because I know when to withdraw so that I don't come
inside her.

_l My last sexual partner is able to keep herself from
getting pregnant because she knows when her safe time
of the month is.

1 My last sexual partner and I decided together not to
use birth control methods such as the pill, IUD,
condom, diaphragm, foam, sponge or suppository.

1 My last sexual partner and I decided that we would use
withdrawal to keep her from becoming pregnant.

1 The most recent time I had sex, I decided to use
withdrawal to keep her from becoming pregnant.

1 The last time I had sex we didn't use any other method
of birth control because we had sex during her safe
time of the month.

1 My last partner and I decided that we did not want to
use any birth control at all, not even withdrawal or
having sex only during her safe time of the month.

1 I decided that I did not want us to use any birth
control at all the last time I had sex.

-1 The last time I had sex I did not think about birth
control at all.













APPENDIX III
DEBRIEFING FORM

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Period
8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30

TRUE Suppose a woman has her period on the first 7
days of the month. To use the "safe time of
the month" for birth control, she should not
have sex from about the 10th to the 17th.

To use the "safe time of the month" for birth control,
a woman should not have sex between 10 and 17 days from the
beginning of her period. The woman should ovulate (release
and egg) 14 days after the first day of her period. Eight
days of abstaining from sex are required since she may
ovulate between 13 and 15 days after beginning her period,
since sperm deposited before ovulation can live for 48 hours
or more, and since the egg may last for 24 hours or more
after being released. This method, however, assumes that the
woman has regular, 28 day cycles. Women who have irregular
cycles, or cycles that last longer than 28 days, cannot be
as sure when their fertile time is.

TRUE Using condoms every single time you have sex
is a very effective way to avoid pregnancy.

To be most effective, however, condoms must be used
properly during every single sex act. A new condom must be
used for every single sex act. It must be unrolled onto the
erect penis before the penis ever enters the vagina, not
just before ejaculation. The lubricating drops that are
emitted by the penis before ejaculation may contain a few
thousand sperm. When used properly every single time the
condom is about 98% effective, although as people typically
use them they are about 90% effective. The effectiveness of
condoms can be improved by using them with contraceptive
foam or suppositories. When used properly condoms are also
very effective in preventing the spread of diseases like
syphillis, gonorrhea or AIDS.




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