Cross-cultural analysis of language in the assessment of personality variables


Material Information

Cross-cultural analysis of language in the assessment of personality variables
Physical Description:
vii, 112 leaves : ; 28 cm.
Inclan, Albert F
Publication Date:


Subjects / Keywords:
Personality assessment   ( lcsh )
Psycholinguistics -- Cross-cultural studies   ( lcsh )
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )


Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1984.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-110).
Statement of Responsibility:
by Albert F. Inclan.
General Note:
General Note:

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
aleph - 000493708
notis - ACR2568
oclc - 11988704
System ID:

Full Text







Copyright 1984


Albert F. Inclan


I am eternally indebted to the loyalty and faith my Doctoral

Committee has had in me and in what I was attempting to do in this

study. I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Janet Larsen for

her total confidence in me and for not allowing me to turn back on

those occasions when I felt I had to; to Dr. Mary McCaulley for

making me fully realize the impact of what I was doing and for giving

me, not only support, but valuable information about the Myers-Briggs

Type Indicator that only a person of her calibre could offer; and to

Dr. Rod McDavis for many insightful suggestions for this study, and

for his support whenever it was needed. The success of this research

was also made possible by the backtranslators and the many subjects

who gave so freely of their time. Without them this study would not

have been possible.

I would also like to express a sincere 'thank you' to my mother

who has been patiently waiting for this day to arrive and who never

once doubted that it would; and to those I have lived with and gotten

close to over the years for their patience when I had none.

This dissertation is a product of many hearts and minds working

together. It is my sincere hope that the results will be of benefit

to many more.




ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................iii

ABSTRACT ....................................................... vi

ONE INTRODUCTION .................................... 1

The Problem ..................................... 4
Purpose of the Study ............................ 7
Need for the Study .............................. 7
Definition of Terms ............................. 13
Organization of the Study ....................... 13

TWO REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ....................... 15

Theories and Methods of Translations.............. 15
Emic and Etic Analysis ...................... 17
Associative Method .......................... 18
Cultural subjectivity ..................... 20
Implications for communication
and bilingualism......................... 22
Implications of theory for
translations ........................... 24
Transformational Generative Theory
of Language .............................. 24
Universal Patterns of Human Thought ............. 25
Cultural Difference Issues in Translations.... 26
Theoretical Base.............................. 31
Strategies for Insuring Equivalence of
Translation ............................... 34
Assessment of Equivalence ................... 40
Culture Fairness ............................... 41
Myers-Briggs Type Indicator ..................... 50
Construction................................. 51
Intercorrelation of MBTI Scores............... 53
Reliability.................................. 53
Validity ...................................... 56


Introduction ................................... 60
Research Questions .............................. 60
Procedures ..................................... 61
Phase I: The Translation ..................... 61
Phase II: The Administration................... 65
Population.. .............................. 65
Collection of data......................... 67
Phase III: Data Analysis...................... 68

FOUR ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS ............................70

Research Question 1 ................................72
Research Question 2 ................................75
Research Question 3 ................................77
Research Question 4 ..................................78


Discussion .........................................81
Limitations of the Study ............................82
Conclusions .......................................84

A JUNGIAN TYPES ......................................87
MEDICAL STUDENT SAMPLES .......................... 91
F COVER LETTER FOR TEST PACKET......................100

REFERENCES................... ...... ... .............. ...............104

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...............................................111

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



Albert F. Inclan

December, 1984

Chairman: Dr. Janet Larsen
Major Department: Counselor Education

The purpose of this study was to develop and validate a Spanish

version of an English language personality questionnaire that would

be faithful to the original while taking into account differences in

values and attitudes of the two cultures. Specifically, the study

translated and acculturated the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator into

the Spanish language within the intent of the authors of the Myers-

Briggs Type Indicator and Jung's theory of personality.

It was most important to address the intent of the written

message in the questionnaire. This aspect had to be considered in

order to help in the selection of the words being used in the target

version of the instrument.

The translation was conducted in several phases and combined

several theories of translation. Analyses of the deep meaning of

language were used, as opposed to simply a linguistic analysis of

the instrument.

The Spanish version was given to a sample of 209 bilingual

adult men and women. The results indicate that the instrument is

very comparable in what it measures in the original English version.

By all indications the instrument is measuring the same universal

characteristics and in very much the same way as the original MBTI.



"From a psychological point of view, communicating is largely

a matter of knowing what themes are important to people and addressing

those themes in ways that are in accord with the subjective meaning

people attach to them" (Szalay & Deese, 1978, p. vii).

Differences among people were noted almost 2,000 years ago by

the Greek physician, Galen. He made the first clear distinctions

among four temperaments in man, and coined them: sanguine, phlegmatic,

choleric, and melancholic (Fordham, 1979). Although the terms are

commonly used, they are not widely recognized within the present day

psychological interpretations. It was because of a need to understand

human differences that, years later, C. G. Jung analyzed people in

a novel way and postulated that they habitually take either an ex-

traverted or introverted attitude depending on whether their flow

of interests is directed outwardly or inwardly, respectively

(Jung, 1923/1971). These distinctions helped pave the way for an

entirely unique outlook on personality. Jung felt that the flow of

interests, which he saw as being universal in nature, was expressed,

subjectively, by means of language. If his theory is accepted, the

manner in which people perceive and make their perceptions known to

others is the basis of communication.

Persons' concepts of the world often color their perceptions

and determine their reactions to the environment. The way people


perceive the world around them determines what words they choose in

order to verbally express their attitudes and experiences. Words,

then, become the medium which transfer the message from the person

having the experience to the realm of recognition of those with whom

they are communicating. The proper choice of words is, therefore,

crucial to convey the exact interpretation of messages given to

others. They represent a medium through which the listener or reader

can identify with the experiences being shared. By looking at words

in this perspective it is possible to recognize that the deep struc-

ture of language is within the inner recesses of the person. Feelings

and emotions are really being tapped by the spoken or written word.

The way each person responds, internally, to stimuli before putting

the response into words is affected by many variables such as age, sex,

educational background, experience and health. Also, the cultural

background will be reflected in the way an individual responds to

certain stimuli, whether they are written, oral, or visual. Conse-

quently, it is important to consider the element of culture in construc-

ting any test that evaluates attitudes and values, and personality


The problem of culture is compounded in the translation and/or

adaptation of any psychological measure from one language into another.

Not only must the original version reflect the culture as accurately

as possible in the language in which it was developed, but subse-

quently the new version must give full attention to the culture, as

well as the language, of the countries where it will be used.

A translation is not merely a linguistic undertaking with only

words being viewed and analyzed; it is a part of a much larger domain,

namely, that of communication (Neubert, 1969). This concept points

out that words in any language are something more than just written

symbols which represent an entity or idea; they are conveyors of

images which are in turn, reflections of each person's subjective

world. And, in order to tap into each person's world, a translator

must keep in mind as many of the cultural and social aspects, not

only of the work being translated but also of the person who will be

interpreting the translated work.

In order to bridge the gaps between one language and its trans-

lated form it becomes necessary to tap into what has been coined

"Grand Theory," which is a form of linguistic meta-theory or universal

grammar of human language. This language is the very basis of human

nature, that which knows no cultural boundaries (Werner & Campbell,1970).

In an attempt to bring forth the importance of the true, complete

meaning of language and to attempt to determine specifically what a

native speaker knows about his language, the transformational "Generative

Theory of Language" came into light (Chomsky, 1965). In this method

the translator uses projection in order to paraphrase the meanings

of the statements in question. By doing so, it becomes possible to

explore, not just superficial characteristics, but the inner, deep

structure of language.

Recent comparative studies in psycholinguistics are making it

clear that although languages do exhibit a uniqueness in superficial

phonology, grammar and semantics which render them mutually unintel-

ligible, at a deeper level they exhibit certain universal charac-

teristics which render them mutually translatable (Osgood, May, &

Miron, 1975). It is important, therefore, to understand the intent

of the communication, as opposed to simply the words that comprise

it, in order to obtain a test which can be validated or standardized

in a second culture.

Assertions have been made that many tests are unfair to culturally

different persons (Anastasi, 1968). It is because of this criticism

that the long-term concern to develop "culture-fair" tests has become

an increasingly important topic in the field of measurement. Culture

fairness and all its implications are topics of heated debate in the

field of measurement today. For some there will never be a perfectly

culture-fair test. For others there is still the hope that by per-

fecting the existing instruments and becoming more aware of what is

involved in culture fairness, that ideal situation may someday be


The Problem

Because the United States traditionally has been a melting pot

nation which absorbs people from all parts of the world, there is a

critical need to understand differences in persons from many different

cultures. When any specific group increases dramatically, American

institutions and governmental agencies must be in a position to react

adequately to the needs of the newcomers.

One group of immigrants to the United States has been increasing

rapidly. According to the 1980 census (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1981)

there has been a 61% increase of Hispanic people moving to the United

States over the past 10 years, bringing the total Hispanic population

to 14.6 million people (Olmedo, 1981). Coupled with these augmenting

figures, there is evidence that the Hispanic population is increasing

at a faster rate than its American counterpart (Macias, 1977). The

Mexican-American population has been increasing steadily over the

years, many entering illegally as farm workers. This group of people

has experienced many problems, especially in the area of employment.

Mexican-Americans have been exploited and many Chicanos have gained

entry into the American labor force only because of their willingness

to work for substandard wages.

Many of the Cuban immigrants of the 50's and 60's have come from

the upper class strata of Cuban society. Now, and without warning, they

find themselves fighting for a place on the lower echelons of the American

social system. As if leaving one's homeland as an adult is not crucial

enough in itself, there is the added adjustment to a new social system

as well. As a result of these and many other situations involving

cross-cultural adaptation, a wave of new and diverse problems is

emerging in many phases of education and industry with their repercussions

being felt across many fields, including mental health.

In helping immigrants make the transition from their country to

the United States, agencies find themselves coping with people who

have personality disturbances, lack of education, physical illness,

and possible criminal behavior. For these reasons, it is important

to find expedient and effective ways of identifying problems as early

as possible so that prevention or intervention can be implemented.

When immigrants seek counseling it is not only because of the

problems that cause their American counterparts to seek help, but

also because of adaptation problems. These problems can center

around environmental issues, changes in careers, language problems,

and changes in values and mores. It becomes apparent that American

counselors working with immigrants must take into account complex

patterns of differences.

The first set of differences are cultural in nature, i.e., those

aspects which set immigrants, in general, apart from their American

counterparts. These areas would include such aspects as social class

structure, value systems, work habits, and more basically, living


The second set relates to interpersonal differences. These are

the nuances which make some people compatible with some and not

others, with some types of work and not others. It is in this second

area of differences that counseling can be especially useful, for it

is here that counselors can exercise their expertise in helping people

to become more effective and fulfilled people, regardless of their

culture. To do so, it would be necessary to identify those differ-

ences which are universal in nature, those traits which are typical

of each specific culture, and those traits specific to the individual.

A counselor would need to understand the immigrant's cultural, universal,

and unique attitudes and values through an evaluation of personality.

A questionnaire such as the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) might

help in the process of understanding the dynamics of personality in-

cluding the values, preferences, and interests of the immigrant.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of the study was to develop and validate a Spanish

version of an English language personality questionnaire that would

be faithful to the original while taking into account differences

in values and attitudes of the two cultures. Specifically, the study

translated the MBTI into Spanish within the intent of the authors of

the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator and Jung's theory of personality.

Need for the Study

Basing his concepts on the premise that people prefer one of two

attitudes, either extraversion (E) or introversion (I), Carl G. Jung

(1923/1971) postulated that persons operate within these attitudes

using their most developed function. Other differences between extra-

verts and introverts were attributed to what Jung (1923/1971) called

"four functions of consciousness." These functions were a matter of

personal choice, one person may prefer thinking as a means of making

a judgment while someone else may choose feeling; one person may want

to experience his surroundings through his senses while another may

look into the deeper series of possibilities in his surroundings

thereby relying more heavily on his intuitive processes.

Sensing and intuition (S and N) are the basic functions of perception

and thinking and feeling (T and F) are the functions of judgment and

evaluation. If one of the perceptive functions (S or N) takes control

as the primary or dominant function, one of the judgment functions

(thinking or feeling) will be secondary or auxiliary; or if one of

the judgment functions (thinking or feeling) becomes dominant, then

the secondary or auxiliary will be one of the perceptive functions,

namely sensing or intuition (Jung, 1923/1971). Preferences of these

attitudes and functions are the basis of Jung's Typology, thus, the

term preference type, or simply type.

The attitudes of E and I, and the functions S, N, T and F are

assumed in the theory to be universal. The reference is to life, in

general, and in its broadest sense. This includes every aspect of

what makes a person's life an entity in itself, i.e., what makes it

the individualized subject it is. Thus, the very essence of a person

is being considered when these functions are experienced but they

are relating to more general, universal, aspects of life. Perception,

then, marks the universal aspect of this theory, but how a person

perceives marks the intimate, subjective way people experience things.

This combination allows for a theory so universal in nature that

people from every culture are touched and evaluated in the same ways.

It is the difference in perception and judgment among peoples that

provides the diversity of culture throughout the world. The theory

postulates 16 dynamic combinations of perception and judgment, called

the 16 types. All 16 are expected to appear in all cultures, but the

proportions of each type are expected to vary from culture to culture.

Jung's original premise, and his definition of function was: "It is

a particular form of psychic activity that remains the same in principle

under varying conditions. From the energy standpoint a function is

a manifestation of LIBIDO (q.v.), which remains constant in principle,

in much the same way as physical force can be considered a specific form

or manifestation of physical energy" (Jung, 1923/1971, p. 436).

This initial manifestation, according to Jung, is directed

outwardly extravertedd) or inwardly, into oneself (introverted).

These two general attitudes are then subdivided with a four-fold

classification of the functions of thinking (T), feeling (F), sen-

sation (S), and intuition (N). This allows for a total of eight

variants, namely, thinking, feeling, sensation and intuition in

either the extraverted or introverted form. Every person uses all

four functions, but the relative importance of each function, and

the attitude in which each function is used is different for each of

the types which comprise the Jungian typology (McCaulley, 1978).

By definition in the theory, one of the four major functions

(S,N,T,or F) becomes dominant in the person. This dominance is inborn

and as reenforcement takes place this dominant function becomes more

rewarding to the person. As the person matures, an auxiliary function

begins to emerge which complements the dominant function. For example,

if the dominant function provides mature perception (if it is S or

N), the auxiliary will provide mature judgement (T or F). When both

the dominant and auxiliary functions become differentiated, the

person achieves a balance (McCaulley, 1981).

It was through an interest in personality differences and the

development of her own typology from biographies that Katherine

C. Briggs first came in contact with Jung's "Psychological Types"

(Myers, 1979). Realizing that her ideas and Jung's were channeled

in the same direction, she and her daughter, Isabel Briggs Myers, did

further studies on Jung's work on psychological types. Ultimately

these led to the development of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator

(MBTI), a questionnaire designed to permit a person to indicate

preferences in a non-threatening manner.

The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, hereafter referred to as the

MBTI, was published solely as a research tool in 1962 after 20 years

of development and research. Many studies were conducted in order

to establish its validity and reliability. These studies led to

its publication, for general use, in 1975.

The MBTI can enter people's lives when they are still in high

school,for the purpose of helping them determine a preference for

a college education or for a business or vocational course upon

graduation (Myers, 1962). If persons choose to go to college, their

choice of major could be influenced by MBTI results. Having a

better understanding of themselves and where their preferences lie

could serve a useful function in determining which careers are com-

patible with those choices. As adults, people often experience

mid-life career changes and in this area the Indicator is also useful

in helping people match their preferences at that stage of their

development with career choices.

In education the most obvious preferences are between sensing

and intuition. Sensing persons focus their attention on the world

as it can be perceived through the concrete reality of the five

senses. They are "doers" and would rather engage in doing something

than listen to another person speak. Intuitive people, however,

rather assimilate as much as possible through language, either oral

or written, and incorporate these ideas into the subconscious process

(Myers, 1979).

In the world of work the Indicator is serving as an instrument

which facilitates decisions regarding the matching of successful

proven types with vocational goals. Also, if there are communication

problems between two people on a job, a knowledge of their type can

often assist in pinpointing the possible reasons for the difficulties.

As an example, extraverts generally prefer variety and action in

their work while introverts prefer a quiet setting and the opportunity

to concentrate. A thinking type may often hurt other's feelings

without knowing it whereas the corresponding feeling type is generally

aware of this and will do whatever possible to please others. A sensing

person is usually patient with routine details while an intuitive

person often becomes impatient under these circumstances. If these

differences are known to the employee and/or employer they can lead

to constructive uses of differences instead of their being a liability.

In the psychotherapeutic realm the Indicator is finding wide

usage. In individual counseling, people's understanding of their

basic preferences can often help clarify goals and reasons for problems

with other people. It might also help individuals discover preferences

in others that compliment their own, thus affording them a source

from which to further their own growth and development. In marriage

counseling, identifying the type needs of both partners is useful

in helping to resolve marital conflicts. A clearer understanding of

type preferences can help each person bring about those changes that

are necessary to live in better agreement with the immediate environment

(Myers, 1962).

The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator can be especially useful for

people from other cultures who are experiencing a cross-cultural

transition. It may point out their needs and desires in a very non-

threatening manner. This will involve an understanding of the process

required to adapt to their new environment. In order to accomplish

this in an ideal manner, the Indicator should be available in the

subject's native tongue.

Growing demands on the American society by the Spanish-speaking

immigrants to this country, make it necessary to find more effective

ways of helping this population. In order to bridge the gap between

cultures and be in a better position to empathize as well as understand

their points of reference, American counselors need to develop ways

of making their communications with their counselees as universal

as possible, so that in discussing problems and issues with them

they can genuinely say "our" problems because of the common element

of "humanness" which they share, and not alienate the counselee

by referring to "your" problem as a Hispanic. It is hoped that this

study will help move the counseling profession in that direction,

for the appreciation of differences among cultures of the world can

provide a valuable source of information for constructive progress

in the ways people relate to each other.

Definition of Terms

Typology is the description of personality wherein people's

behavior is described on the basis of differences in the way they

prefer to use perception and judgment (Jung, 1923/1971).

Personality tests are tests which measure the emotional, motivational,

interpersonal, and attitudinal characteristics of people as distinguished

from their abilities (Anastasi, 1968).

Immigrant is any person born and raised in a country other than the

United States who is presently living in this country.

Language facility in this study will be interpreted as the ability

of a bilingual person to read at the 6th grade level in the English

language as well as in his/her native tongue.

English form is the original standardized version of the Myers-Briggs

Type Indicator, Form G.

Spanish form is the Spanish version of the Myers-Briggs Type

Indicator, Form G. The development of this version will be the focus

of this study.

Organization of the Study

The remainder of this study will be presented in four Chapters.

Chapter Two, the review of the literature, will be subdivided into

three sections and will pertain to translation theories and some of

the problems encountered in translations. The methods and procedures

used in the study will be presented in Chapter Three. The findings of

the study will be presented in Chapter Four. This will incorporate

the intercorrelational results as well as the split-half reliabili-

ties and the results of the item analysis.


A summary, discussion of the results, recommendations and

conclusions will be presented in Chapter Five. Included within

the discussion section will be incorporated the limitations of

the study.


This chapter will present a review of the literature. There will

be three major areas considered. In the first there will be a review

of the theories and methods of translation. This section will be

followed by an overview of culture-fairness as an important element

of any assessment tool. The third, and last section, will consist

of a brief review of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, a personality

questionnaire based on Jungian theory.

Theories and Methods of Translations

In expressing ourselves in a language other than our own it

becomes very apparent that language has many nuances which can either

help or hinder the expression of our ideas at any given point in

time. When a person says, I am at a loss for words," he or she is

expressing that at that point in time there are concepts or feelings

present that cannot be put into words. They may be feelings which

are overwhelming, not understood, or simply, abstractions. Likewise,

when persons express themselves in their native tongue the repertoire of

words to express these feelings always seems greater than when

they are trying to express the same feelings in a foreign language.

Sometimes a person finds words to express those feelings which do

not translate linguistically, but do translate emotionally into the

target language.

There is no one correct translation of a sentence into another

language. For every sentence in the source language there are many

possible appropriate sentences in the-target language (Quine, 1964).

This is why translations are something more than linguistic interpre-

tations in another language. The transfer from one language into

another is something more than a transfer of words. Instead, it

represents a transfer of feelings, ideas, emotions, and values which

are all determined by the reference point of the reader and which is

influenced by the person's individual world. Because of this, literal

translations of written words are not truly translations of the in-

tended message.

The person perceiving a certain verbal stimulus is doing so

from a very unique reference point which is affected by variables

such as his sex, race, cultural background, upbringing, i.e., his

individuality. The immediate environment is seen as something which

is either close and intimate ( a person's ingroup), or something

which is more distant (outgroup). For different people in diverse

cultures these ingroups and outgroups take on different meanings.

In the United States, for example, an ingroup consists of family,

close friends, and fellow countrymen. In Greece, however, the

ingroup consists of family, close friends and visitors, but excludes

other Greeks, who, in that culture, are considered members of the


These concepts are important to consider because they not only

help explain the degree of social distance which a person allows

others but it also affects the way a person would respond to a

subjective word-stimulus (Triandis, Vassiliou, & Nassiakou, 1968).

In translations, then, those terms which are influenced by the

person's culture will be responded to differently from culture to

culture. Only when these cultural nuances can be bridged will the

responses have the universality so desirable in most instruments

of measurement.

Emic and Etic Analysis

In order to gain this understanding across cultures it becomes

necessary to identify those aspects of the language which are related

to a specific culture as opposed to those other aspects which are

more universal in nature. Emic analysis refers to those variables

which are reflective of any one given culture, being meaningful,

therefore, to the members of that culture; etic analysis, on the

other hand, deals with the analysis of these variables in such a

way that generalizations across cultures can be made (Brislin, 1980).

Emic and etic data, therefore, do not constitute a rigid dichotomy

of bits of data, but often present the same data from two points

of view (Pike, 1966).

A summary of the two approaches and the distinctions between

the two was provided by Berry (1980):

Emic Approach Etic Approach

Studies behavior from within Studies behavior from outsic
the system. the system.

Examines only one culture. Examines many cultures,


Structure discovered by the

Criteria are relative to
internal characteristics.

comparing them.

Structure created by the

Criteria are considered
absolute or universal.

Etics, then, refer to culture-free items such as fire, moon, and

sun. Emics are those terms which are more abstract, and more sub-

jective in their definitions such as love, fairness, and honesty.

By definition, it is impossible to translate perfectly an emic

concept (Triandis, 1976).

It is possible, however, to define an emic concept in terms

of etic attributes. There is considerable evidence now that some

basic dimensions of social and cognitive behavior are universal.

These can be thought of as the etic dimensions that can be used

to define emic concepts. The great advantage of discovering such

universal, etic dimensions, is that it is possible to use them as

the framework for comparisons. The emic dimensions that are related

in reliable ways to etic dimensions can be compared using the etic

dimensions as a bridge (Triandis, 1976). These concepts are found

among several theories of translation, among them the theory of

association and the transformational theory of language.

Associative Method

A linguist will look at a word and define its meaning. The pro-

ponents of the associative theory, however, will describe a word in

a Gestalt way, its meaning embedded in a matrix of ideas, and not as

an isolated element in itself (Szalay & Deese, 1978).

Galton (1890) was the first to analyze associations empirically

and years later, in 1924, Freud also came to the conclusion that the

association method reveals the content of minds in a way that proposi-

tional language does not (Szalay & Deese, 1978).

In associative data we derive a better understanding of certain

concepts because of their association with other concepts. Citizens

of Colombia who are likely to say "polite" for "educated" are telling

us something about their attitudes toward education, perhaps that

only educated people are polite. In so doing, they incidentally

reveal a great deal about their culture that they might otherwise

have been unable to express (Szalay & Oeese, 1978).

The associative theory revolves around the concept of psycholog-

ical meaning, or the person's subjective perception and affective

reactions to segments of language. In analyzing groups of words

from an associative standpoint the assumption is never made that

the stimulus words are always exact translations (Kluckhohn, 1954).

This research theory focuses on equivalents; i.e., stimuli

that do not necessarily mean exactly the same but that allow the

tapping of English and foreign responses at comparable places in

the two representational systems. When exact translations are

lacking, selections are made of words closest in meaning, namely

the same topic (Szalay & Deese, 1978).

The content of the associations are also reflected in the

accuracy of the corresponding interpretation. Studies have been

conducted comparing the associations in English to English stimuli,

associations in a speaker's native language to English stimuli,

native words as responses to native stimuli, and English responses

to native stimuli. The results reflected that words referring to

concrete, manipulatable objects were more likely to be more alike

than words referring to abstract states or emotions (Kolers, 1963).

Not only is the content important in the associative method;

it is also relevant to know the order of response to the original

stimulus. Generally speaking, the earlier the response, the more

salient the component of meaning revealed by the response (Szalay

& Deese, 1978). The interpretation of these associations is not

a fixed, concise procedure. Due to its subjectivity it is important

that the researcher be familiar with the culture or realm from

which the responses are coming. The boundaries of a foreign lan-

guage must also be recognized and accepted, for usually, when responding

in a secondary language, the person's repertoire of responses will

be more restricted than if it were his native tongue ( Szalay

& Deese, 1978).

In order to penetrate the system from which a person is responding,

methods of free association have often proven useful. The system in

question is not a linguistic one; rather it is a means through

which the world is translated into an internalized subjective rep-

resentation (Szalay & Deese, 1978).

Cultural subjectivity

Among psychologists, Osgood (1964) and Triandis and his colleagues

(Triandis, 1964; Triandis, Vassiliou & Nassiakou, 1968) have been

concerned with the idea of "subjective culture."

Osgood defines "meaning" as "that process or state in the behavior

of a sign-using organism which is assumed to be a necessary conse-

quence of the reception of sign-stimuli and a necessary antecedent

for the production of sign-responses (Osgood, 1964, p. 9). Therefore,

meaning, like emotion, is a relational or process concept (Osgood,

Suci,& Tannenbaum, 1975).

Among linguists and philosophers many would say that two people

must first agree on the meaning of a sign before they are in a

position to disagree on their diverse reactions to it. As an ex-

ample, a person may find thunder (object) challenging and exciting

while someone else may see it as something extremely frightening,

but before they can communicate about this state of affairs they

must first agree on the referent of the linguistic sign "thunder"

in their common language (Osgood, Suci,& Tannenbaum, 1975).

In like manner,the pattern of stimulation which is a sign or

indicator is never identical with the behavior pattern which is the

significate. The word "hammer" is not the same stimulus as the

object it represents. The former is a pattern of sound waves; the

latter, depending on its mode of contact with the organism, is a

combination of visual, tactual, proprioreceptive and other stimula-

tions. In spite of this, the sign (hammer) does come to elicit

behaviors which are in some manner relevant to the significate

(hammer), something which is not shared by an infinite number of

other stimulus patterns that are not signs of this object (Osgood,

Suci,& Tannenbaum, 1975).

In dealing with abstractions in this manner the cultural milieu

often plays an important role in the deep meaning which the stimulus

elicits. For example, the American politician who uses the concept

'future' with his own connotations of good, strong, and active,

might fail to communicate this intention when he addresses a Finnish

audience, where "future" is seen as being both good and strong, but

also passive in nature (Osgood, May,& Miron, 1975).

These observations suggest that it may be difficult, or impossible,

to bridge cultural gaps in analyzing the written word. However, recent

comparative studies in psycholinguistics are making it clear that

although languages do exhibit a uniqueness in superficial phonology,

grammar and semantics which render them mutually unintelligible, at

a deeper level they exhibit certain universal characteristics which

render them mutually translatable (Osgood, May, & Miron, 1975).

It is important, therefore, to analyze the meaning of the

ideas, as opposed to simply the words that comprise it, in order to

develop a test which can be validated or standardized in a second

culture. In the process of standardization across diverse cultures

it may be necessary, purposefully, to modify the instructions and

procedures, whereas in within-culture research the instructions and

procedures may be identical (Osgood, May, & Miron, 1975).

Implications for communication and bilingualism

A basic misconception applicable to bilinguals is that in

speaking a second language it is assumed they can also be tested

in a second language (Padilla, 1979). In timed tests, the reading,

writing, and speaking fluency of persons taking the test is of utmost

importance. Experimentally, fluency has been studied in the ana-

lysis of reaction times. The results indicate that, in the case of

bilinguals, a delayed reaction time is an indication of less fluency

in the second language for it indicates a translation back into

the native tongue may be occurring before the response is provided

(Osgood, May, & Miron, 1975).

Bilingualism may tend to present problems of complete compre-

hension because of language differences that may not be recognized

in the second language. However, recent research indicates that

bilinguals possess what researchers are coining "cognitive flexibility,"

namely the problem-solving ability to see the problem and its possible

solutions from more than one viewpoint, thus, developing richer,

more creative ways of analyzing and solving the problem. The research

also implies that these bilinguals then have at least two ways of

looking at their world, enhancing their awareness and understanding

of their surroundings (Lambert, 1974].

From the standpoint of understanding, bilingualism presents

persons with a more ample repertoire of envisioning their surroundings.

However, in translating into a second language this asset may become

a liability; the translator must be aware of these differences in

perception. In order to develop an adequate translation he/she must

go deeper into the original language, probing not the linguistic

equivalents of the material in question, but rather the true meaning

being conveyed by the author Of the statement. Nida refers to the

term "dynamic equivalence" and defines it as the translation of a

culture symbol in the source language into a culture symbol in the

target language which elicits the same functional response (Nida, 1964).

Implications of theory for translations

The awareness of this problem has led to an analysis of language

in a more complete way. The surface structure is still very important

but without an understanding of its deep structure the translation

of an instrument into an equivalent in a second language would be

meaningless. In the case of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, for

example, the questions being asked are the elements of the surface

structure which are intended to measure Jung's theory which is the

deep structure.

Transformational Generative Theory of Language

In an attempt to bring forth the importance of the true, complete

meaning of language and in an attempt to determine specifically what

a native speaker knows about his/her language, the Transformational

Generative Theory of Language came into being (Chomsky, 1965]. In

this method the translator uses projection in order to paraphrase

the meanings of the statements in question. By doing this it becomes

possible to explore, not just superficial characteristics, but the

inner, deep structure of the language, which specifies the unique

shared structure closest to the semantics of a set of sentences which

are syntactic paraphrases of each other (Werner & Campbell, 1970).

These syntactic paraphrases are those which retain the same

lexical items rather than substituting synonyms and are essential in

the decomposition of complex sentences into their constituent simple

sentences (Chomsky, 1966). In addition to syntactic paraphrasing,

transformational theory recognizes lexical paraphrasing, whereby

synonyms become the medium through which one component is broken

down into its parts. This latter method is of primary importance

in componential semantic analysis, and it is based on the native

speaker's knowledge that certain words are indeed equivalent in

meaning to certain other words or phrases. This type of paraphrasing

is also of importance in translations. The longer paraphrase of

a term (e.g., "devoid of moisture" for "dry"), is more readily

translatable because of its specificity (Goodenough, 1956).

Sometimes this form of paraphrasing is only partial. In such

cases a more generic term of the source language is lacking in the

target language and a more specific term of the target language has

to be substituted. Conversely, often a more general term has to be

used in lieu of a specific term in the source language (Werner &

Campbell, 1970). In order to bridge the gaps between one language

and its translated form it becomes necessary to tap into what has

been coined "Grand Theory", i.e., a form of linguistic meta-theory

or universal grammar of human language. This language is the very

basis of human nature, that which knows no cultural boundaries

(Werner & Campbell, 1970).

Universal Patterns of Human Thought

There are also some basic thinking patterns which are universal

in nature. For example, the disposition of human beings to think

in contrasts or opposites is recognized (Deese, 1965; Lyons, 1963;

Ogden, 1967). The act of contrasting is something which is primitive

in man's thinking processes, and as Greenberg (1966) pointed out,

the pairing of adjectives into opposites is universal among languages.

Cultural Difference Issues in Translations

In spite of the fact that there are some universals among lan-

guages there are still cultural differences among cultures which

need to be recognized when translating into a target language.

Research has been conducted in the area of social psychology to de-

termine the social distance factor across cultures. These studies

analyze the relationship between characteristics such as race, na-

tionality, or religion, and the way typical members of different

cultures react to them (Triandis, 1976).

Although the concept of "social distance" is an abstract one,

studies by Thurstone in the 1930's developed strategies for obtaining

a value for each statement along the social distance scale, thus a

numerical value which was measurable could be given to the concept

(Triandis, 1976). Attempts to translate the Edwards Preference

Scale, for example, have met with difficulties which are culturally

related. Berrien (1966) first looked at the preferences on the test

and had them scaled for social desirability in Japan. Using this

method he reassembled these new values into paired items unlike the

original ones used. If the purpose was to make differentiations

among the Japanese, this procedure would have been correct, but in

comparing the United States and Japan, it was wrong. If the procedure

had been executed flawlessly, there would have been no value or

need differences between the cultures and within each culture, the

mean of each value or need would have been the same (Kikuchi & Gordon,


Another researcher faced further complications when trans-

lating the instrument into Japanese. The items pertaining to

heterosexual interest were too crude for Japanese sensibilities.

These items had to be reworded in order to make them more acceptable

in that culture. Under these circumstances the question arises

once again: Is it fair to compare the Japanese results with those

of Americans? In the extended answer to this question, the re-

searcher suggested using a bicultural construct validation technique

but failed to consider collecting new data in the United States using

the new Japanese version (Berrien, 1967).

Other methodological problems may arise in translating tests

into target languages. For example, direct translations do not or-

dinarily yield technically equivalent forms because the domains

sampled by the different language versions may have little in common

with each other, and the translated items may exhibit psychometric

projectives substantially different from those of the original

instrument. Additionally, since often the test remains culture-

bound, the interpretation of the resulting scores may be inaccurate

(Samuda, 1975).

Verbal test items are usually more independent of culture than those

which are nonverbal. In the Thematic Apperception Test, for example, the

pictorial content of the instrument is very culture-bound. Although

efforts to remedy this have been attempted in the form of new pictures

which are more culture-specific, they have not proven successful, for

the possibility remains that the differences in responses are due to

the differences in the pictures ODoob, 1965; Lindzey, 1961).

These differences on either end of the translation, regardless

of whether the original stimulus is verbal or nonverbal, have been

recognized. If the aim of the translation is loyalty of meaning and

equal familiarity and colloquialness in both languages, the translation

is said to be symmetrical or decentered; if there is dominance in

one language, and it is usually in the source language, the translation

has been coined asymmetrical or unicentered; in this instance, a

product which may have been colloquial or familiar in its original

language is translated, approximately, into something unnatural,

even exotic, in the investigator's language (Werner & Campbell,


Other ways of looking at translations have been reported, focusing

more on the cultures in question than with language itself. In

"culturally ipsatized measures" the same instrument is used in the

societies being studied. The recording and interpretation of the

resulting samples of behavior are judged relative to others in that

society, rather than relative to some universal standard of inter-

pretation. If the recording of the responses are completed in an

identical manner with identical stimuli, the measurements are said

to be culturally universal. Sometimes the indicators are altered

to make them culturally appropriate but the-original scoring is

retained. These have been coined "culturally modified instruments."

In the last instance, or "culturally specific measures," the maximum

phenomenal variability is attained, with the objective of achieving

the maximum conceptual uniformity (Straus, 1969).

One of the most dynamic classifications of translations, however,

is one which combines the elements just considered with the element

of feeling tone of the message being conveyed. The first division

considered in this classification is known as "pragmatic translation,"

in which the message is translated with an interest in the accuracy

of the information that was meant to be conveyed in the source lan-

guage form. The "aesthetic-poetic" translation takes into account

the affect, emotions and feelings of an original language version as

well as any information contained in the message. In "ethnographic

translations," the cultural context of the source and second lan-

guage versions is considered. This would be similar to the "culturally

modified instruments" of the previous classification. Lastly, the

"linguistic translation" concerns itself with the equivalent meanings

of the constituent morphemes of the second language (Casagrande, 1954).

In addition to the above considerations, other cultural nuances

must be kept in mind in completing any translation. For example,

in Spanish there are five ways of saying "you"--the familiar singular

form "td"; the familiar plural "vosotros" (masculine) and "vosotras"

(feminine); and the formal "usted" and "ustedes". "Usted" comes from

the archaic construction "vuestra merced," meaning "your grace."

The feeling tone of the material being translated must be kept present

for with one form of "you" the mode of addressing the reader is an

informal tone whereas in the other it is a most formal one (Berlitz,


The Spanish language also faces the problem of being composed

of many dialects. Sometimes the translation may be adequate but

because of a diversity of dialects in the target language it might

not be understood (Padilla & Ruiz, 1973). Regardless of culture

or language, an important aspect of any translation is whether the

word being translated is a single entity in itself, or whether it

is part of a more complex structure. Researchers seem to agree on

the fact that in order to achieve a translation which is thorough,

the word being translated must be offered in context and not as a

single word (Chapanis, 1965; Osgood, May, & Miron, 1975; Seleskovitch,


Often, emphasis has been placed upon "situation context," i.e.,

that translation is not merely a linguistic undertaking with only

words being viewed and analyzed; it is a part of a much larger domain,

namely, that of communication (Neubert, 1969). This concept points

out, once again, that words in any language are something more than

just written symbols which represent an entity or idea. They are

conveyors of images which are in turn, reflections of each person's

subjective world. And, in order to tap into each person's world,

a translator must keep in mind as many of the cultural and social

aspects, not only of the work being translated, but also of the

person who will be interpreting the translated work. By doing this

it is then possible to tap into the intent of the message and not

just into the words that comprise it.

Situation context then leads to another area of concern,

namely problems of content. In translating the Greek classics, for

example, the translator must decide whether to preserve as much as

possible of the unique features of ancient Greece and thus attempt

to transport the reader back in time to the place or places where

the communication originally took place, or to provide a new cultural

setting for the corresponding cognitive content (Nida, 1976).

This concept also has its limitations as posed in the Sapir-

Whorf Hypothesis; namely that human beings who are speaking different

languages do not live in the same "real" world with different labels

attached. In actuality they live in different worlds altogether.

Language, in this instance, is nothing more than a filter of reality,

molding our perceptions of the universe around us (Werner & Campbell,

1970). It is important, therefore, for the researcher to have adequate

training in understanding a social system that is alien, complex,

and culturally different in order to collect valid data (Irvine, 1968).

Theoretical Base

In a recent work Nida presents a classification of theories

of translation which addresses a majority of these concerns, and

bases it on the focus of attention of the translation. First, philo-

logical theory concerns itself with literary texts. In this approach,

instead of just treating the form in which the text was first composed,

consideration is given to the structures in the source and receptor

languages and an attempt is made to evaluate their equivalences.

This includes, to a certain extent, a concern for deep structures.

Levy is recognized as a pioneer in this field for his concern over

sound linguistic principles was a major element in the foundation

of his literary translating theory. As early as 1931 comparative

studies of literary tests were being formulated but these were

attempts at comparisons and nothing else (Belloc, 1931).

In 1958 protests were voiced against this theory. Language

was not being considered strongly and it was felt that it should

be. That marked the beginning of a shift towards a concern for

the language which comprised the literary texts in question, and not

just over the texts themselves (Fedorov, 1958, 1968).

Although traditionally it was the philosophers and logicians

who were concerned with the nature of meaning, growing interest by

linguists over these issues led to the birth of what Nida has coined

"linguistic theories of translation" (Nida, 1964). The shift in

focus was also prompted, in part, by Fedorov's protests. As a

result, instead of looking at literacy genres and stylistic features,

the emphasis was to analyze the linguistic structures of source and

receptor texts. This shift in focus also brought with it a more

pronounced interest in the deep structure of language because

language cannot be discussed as though verbal communication occurs

in a cultural vacuum.

The last category recognized by Nida is called "sociolinguistic

theories of translation." In this model the translator is compelled

to take language performance as seriously as language competence.

This theory also recognizes the individual's changing emotional

state and needs (Nida, 1976). Due to the nature of this theory and

because it tends to be more explicit than the rest it has been de-

termined that in any good translation there will be approximately

50% redundancy in language. Therefore the results will be somewhat

longer than the original (Colby, 1958).

In spite of this seemingly thorough classification, there are

still some concepts that cannot be directly translated: puns, meta-

language, certain types of literary allusions, and some sociolin-

guistic dialects. At best, the resulting translation of items such

as these would only be paraphrases of the original text (House, 1973).

A further extension of the classification would include the process

of interpretation: the focus of attention in this case is directed

toward the ideas expressed in live utterances and the language

equivalents are not even attempted. In this respect the functions

of interpretation and code-switching are absolute opposites:the

former deals with ideas, while in the latter case words are regrouped

and analyzed, shifting the emphasis to the language itself.

Since interpretation deals with ideas, this introduces a new

element into, and becomes a part of, the code-switching chain. Lan-

guage X symbols lead to an interpretation of their intended meaning,

which in turn leads to a conveyance of the intended meaning (as

perceived by the interpreter) in language Y symbols. Therefore,

translation is seen as an attempt to introduce linguistic equiva-

lents, whereas interpretation aims at integral communication of

meaning (Seleskovitch, 1976). The translator is the person who

will determine which theory or theories are applicable to the trans-

lation in question. Thus, in a way, it becomes a very subjective


Strategies for Insuring Equivalence of Translation

Among the methods of translation, Brislin's (1976) classification

seems to be thorough and well accepted. He recognizes four distinct

approaches to any translation effort, and recommends using, not

one, but a combination of the approaches, depending on the need.

In the first, or back translation, the researcher prepares

material in one language and asks a bilingual to translate into a

second, or target, language. A second bilingual then translates

the material back into the original, or source language indepen-

dently. At that point the researcher has two source language

forms and even if he/she does not know the target language, can

make a sound judgement about the quality of the translation.

Studies report that in order for the back translation to be

optimally effective the passages in the source language should be:

1) simple sentences; 2) repeated nouns as opposed to the use of

pronouns; 3) devoid of metaphors and colloquialisms; 4) devoid of

passive tense; 5) devoid of hypothetical phrasings or subjunctive

mood (Werner & Campbell, 1970).

In back translation a limitation must be recognized. In order

for the translated form to be effective the source language may have

to be revised, based on informal comparisons of the meanings of

the source and back-translated versions (Werner & Campbell, 1970;

Fink, 1963). Research conducted in translations of European lan-

guages supports this concept (Bass, 1968; Jacobson, 1954).

Another consideration in the use of this method is that a perfect

translation, as evidenced by a sound back translation, is not always

a good adaptation. Sometimes the problems are as much bicultural

as they are bilingual, and only bilingual informants would be in a

position to notice bicultural differences (Osgood, May, & Miron, 1975).

Generally speaking, however, the back translation technique

seems capable of bridging cultural gaps, as evidenced by successful

research using this method in a diversity of cultural settings: in

Laos in an attitude survey (Fink, 1963); with the Navaho Indians in

the United States (Werner & Campbell, 1970); and in a French study

relating to governmental work (Sinaiko, 1963). Although it has been

strongly recommended that back translation methodology be used in

research that requires instruments in more than one language (Cortese

& Smyth, 1979), it has also been recognized by Brislin and others

that a researcher cannot depend solely on this technique (Gough,1968).

Brislin outlines seven steps in the use of this technique:

1) Write an English form which is translatable.

2) Secure competent translators.

3) Instruct one bilingual person to translate from the source

to the target language.

4) Have several raters examine the original, target, and/or

back-translated versions for errors that lend to differences

in meaning. If errors are found, step three must be repeated,

changing the original English when necessary, the process

known as "decentering" (Brislin, 1970).

5) When no meaning errors are found, pretest the translated

materials on target language speaking people.

6) Administer the materials to bilingual subjects, some who see

the English version, some who see the translation, and some

who see both. The responses should be similar across groups,

as assessed by means, standard deviations, and correlation


7) Report experience using the different criteria for equivalence

(Brislin, 1970).

The most important step in this procedure is the decentering

process. In this process the source and target languages are equally

important in the translation procedure, i.e., they both contribute

to the final set of questions, and both are open for revision. It

should be noted, however, that in the case of translated tests, if

the original version is revised, this would indicate a need for a

restandardization of the original instrument. As a result, in the

case of measurements it would seem more advisable to revise the target

version and not the source whenever possible.

The decentering process is related to emics and etics. Those

concepts that "survive" the translation-backtranslation procedure

would be etic concepts since in order for them to survive the terms

must be readily available in both languages. By the same token,

those concepts which do not have equivalents in the second language

would be "lost"; those would be the emic concepts. The emic and etic

concepts would then be interrelated through statistical techniques

(Brislin, 1970).

The second method of translation recognized by Brislin in his

classification is the "bilingual technique," whereby bilinguals take

the same test, or different groups take different halves of a test,

in the two languages that they know. Items in which there is a

discrepancy in the responses are easily identifiable. This technique

is advisable because of its precision and for the potential use of

sophisticated statistical analysis of the results, such as split-half

reliability assessment. The major criticism of this method, however,

is that the respondents, i.e., bilinguals, comprise an atypical

group within the population.

For some researchers this method represents an optimal way of

achieving equivalence of translation (Schachter, 1954). Used as a

formal statistical approach, the goal of this procedure should not

be to achieve identity on the item-by-item level, but rather equi-

valence of the Gestalt, i.e., of the means and variances, plus

appropriate correlations between scores on the two forms (Werner &

Campbell, 1970).

If the bilingual technique is used, careful consideration must

be given to the content of the source version. Chapanis suggests

three rules to follow in writing the material to be translated.

First, use as small a vocabulary as possible and make sure

that the vocabulary being used is known to all the communicators.

Secondly, the use of familiar, as opposed to unfamiliar, words should

be encouraged. The reason for this is that, generally speaking,

familiar words have a wider choice of target versions than those

that are not. Studies by Nida (1964) and Spilka (1968) stressed this

aspect of the translations, stating that the familiar usage of words

provided an easier access to the appropriate choice in the target

language than those words which, because of their less frequent

usage, were more difficult to interpret. Third, use as much context

as possible in the interpretation of the translated forms. Whenever

there are difficult words under consideration they should appear

in sentences, if at all possible (Chapanis, 1965).

In an investigation of the bilingual technique, Prince and

Mombour recommended a five-step procedure for obtaining optimal

results with this method (Prince & Mombour, 1967).

The primary consideration under this approach is a careful

a priori translation; it is suggested that words be chosen that would

even have the same frequency of usage in both languages. The obtained

translation is then tested on bilingual individuals; the researcher

randomly assigns bilinguals to two groups. One group is asked the

first half of the questions in the source language, and the second

half in the target language; this order is then reversed for the

second group. Next, the translation of items eliciting discrepant

response frequencies should be segregated and revisions of these

translated items should be attempted. The trial runs should be

continued until comparable frequencies are obtained. Only then

will operational equivalence have been achieved.

In the fourth step the authors recommend discarding those test

items which continue to have discrepancies in the responses. Finally,

a survey should be carried out in order to rule out any possibility

that any salient differences between the two instruments are not

due to any faulty translation procedures (Prince & Mombour, 1967).

A final method of translation, as outlined by Brislin, is what

is commonly referred to as the "committee technique." In this

approach the translation is carried out by a group of people, and

errors in the translation are caught by other committee members. This

approach has been criticized because in the event that members are

not open with each other the ultimate result of the translation would

be useless. In spite of the problem, this approach coupled with

one or more of the others has proven successful in a number of

studies (Bass, 1968; Hudson, Barakat, & LaForge, 1959; Jacobson, 1954).

In conducting pretest procedures, the translated form should be

field tested to insure tht people will understand the material

which they will be expected to respond (Brislin, 1970).

In the "random probe technique" the interviewer selects a random

sample of items on a questionnaire: and asks a probing question about

each of them, such as: "What do you mean?" If the response to the

question is bizarre, suspicions would arise concerning the conveyance

of the intent of the question (Schuman, 1966).

In a study conducted in Nigeria the interviewees were asked to

rate the 27 items of the questionnaire, the purpose of which was to

determine the clarity of the question to the people. It was added

that questions highest in rated clarity were highest in question

reliability as measured by two interviewers questioning the res-

pondent (Mitchell, 1966).

The protesting technique has also been successfully used in

conjunction with other methods (Hudson, et al., 1959; Kandel, Lesser,

Roberts, & Weiss, 1968).

Assessment of Equivalence

A difficulty present in the assessment of translation studies

is the lack of an ultimate criterion of translation quality (Spilka,

1968). This problem may have been suggested four years earlier when

Nida stated that one of the requirements of translation is to pro-

duce a similar response on the part of readers of a source and target

version of the material in question (Brislin, 1970). Other problem

areas have dealt with the difficulty of source language materials

and the negative effects they produce in translation (Treisman, 1965).

For most researchers, equivalence of meaning is regarded as

the most crucial element of any translation (Catford, 1965; Nida,

1964). Some criteria for translation equivalence has been suggested

by Miller and Beebe-Center (1956) and by Macnamara (1967). The former

research team reasoned that if people could perform bodily movements

after having heard either source or target language instructions,

and if the results of those bodily movements criterion were similar

across all people, then the source and its translation must be

equivalent (Miller & Beebe-Center, 1956).

Brislin also showed concerns regarding equivalence, and offered

several criteria for equivalence. First, he suggested that mono-

lingual raters examine the original and the back-translated forms

of a passage. As they do this they are instructed to write down

any errors they feel would lead to differences in meaning if the

two forms were administered. The same procedure is then held, en-

couraging the use of bilingual raters who look at both sides of the

translation, and write down errors as outlined in the first procedure.

The last consideration offered by Brislin is that the subjects should

be able to answer questions about the target language version and

back-translated version equally well (Brislin, 1970).

The theories and methods of translation are numerous. The under-

lying common thread, however, is the accuracy of the interpretation.

If the person doing the interpretation or interviewing is not adept

at what he/she is doing, the most thorough translation could prove

to be useless.

Culture Fairness

Psychological testing has been endorsed by many, yet refuted

by many others. From its early beginnings, many saw testing as an

aid to classify people in order to give them the treatment and/or

training which would best suit their particular situation. To others,

however, tests were used as labeling devices and, as such, were

instruments which could be used to prevent access to educational

opportunities or jobs. The responsibility assumed by the tester

was great and as years passed there was more resentment towards

those who used them and toward the field in general. Beginning

in the early 1950's this unrest seems to have escalated due, partly,

to the fact that testing itself has expanded dramatically since

that time.

The criticisms against testing stem from one of four sources;

first, there has been mounting concern regarding invasion of privacy

and confidentiality of test results. A second source of criticism

is the misuse of tests, either as diagnostic tools or as a placement

agent. A third source is derived from misinterpretation of test

results and misconceptions about the nature and purpose of tests

(Anastasi, 1968). The fourth source refers to the assertions being

made that tests are unfair to culturally disadvantaged persons.

It is because of this criticism and because of fairly recent legis-

lation, that the long term concern to develop culture-fair tests

has become increasingly important in the field of measurement.

A major reason for the increased interest in culture-fair

tests is the noticeable change in foreign population distribution

in the United States. A shift began in the early 1960's with the

heavy migration of Cubans to southern Florida, and more recently

there has been a migration of Haitians to this country. The use of

tests with these populations could be of great importance to coun-

selors and mental health workers.

Tyler and Wolf (1974) have defined culture-fair:

Fair use states that a common qualifying score may
be used with two groups if the regression line based
on one group does not systematically over or under-
predict criterion performance in the other. However,
it is shown that when the two groups differ appreciably
in mean test score, the above procedure, which is
"fair" to individual members of the group scoring
lower on the test, is "unfair" to the lower group
as a whole in the sense that the proportion qualified
on the test will be smaller, relative to the higher
scoring groups, than the proportion that will reach
any specified level of criterion performance. (p. 35)

This means, in essence, that when test results of two culturally

different populations are compared, the results of both should fall

along a common slope on a regression line, and any differences or

deviations from this norm should not be significant. If the two

groups are culturally different and the differences are indeed sig-

nificant, the cultural bias could be the reason for the discrepancy.

Summarizing, thus far, if a test is indeed culturally fair, the

results obtained from a testing situation with a group of Germans,

for example, would be as valid as the results obtained for a group

of native Americans who have taken the same test.

As early as 1923 there were documented situations where ethnic

groups form southern Europe were being unfairly characterized as

subaverage on the basis of test results. Researchers, in the belief

that these discrepancies were due to cultural influences and not

intellectual differences, began analyzing the cultural influences

on test results. Although the undertaking was unsurmountable for

the period and the efforts were discontinued, it marked the beginning

of a new area of concern for mental measurements (Eells, Davis,

Havighurst, Herrick, & Tyler, 1951).

As the years went by, more discrepancies in test scores between

populations were observed. One area of concern that was being

documented heavily was the area of mental retardation. The number

of children classified as mentally retarded and being placed in

special education programs was growing at a rapid pace. Initially,

the distinction was not being made, but after some time it was

determined that in many of the cases those children who were clas-

sified as mentally retarded were only culturally different and the

measures of their intelligence were not taking into consideration

those cultural differences (Anastasi, 1968).

As the incidents increased, several of them were handled in the

courts. As a result, and because of growing concern over tests

and their uses, P.L.94-142 was enacted. This law clearly mandated

that tests and other evaluational procedures would be non-discriminatory

in nature (Bailey & Hardin, 1980). As a result of P.L. 94-142 a

new concentrated effort to eliminate as much of the cultural bias

from testing as possible began to take place. This effort and concern

has grown in importance over the years and is still a major factor

of concern today in the area of measurement.

The process of eliminating culturally biased questions was not

an easy one. As an example, a question dealing with tying one's

shoe laces would be culturally loaded for it may be presented in

a society where shoes are more of a luxury item than a necessity.

The issue in question then would be to deal -with something as universal

as possible. Cattell (1979) explained it well: Sun, moon, and stars

belong to everyone across the earth, and if we could pose sufficiently

complex relational puzzles among them we could approach culture fair

conditions" (p. 7).

Since it is virtually impossible to deal with absolutes in

such situations, attention has been turned to eliminate as many of

the cultural parameters as possible. This meant eliminating and/or

changing elements in tests that would be definite marks of any one

given culture. The first such element that was considered a definite

bias in testing was language. It was felt that the person taking

the test would be greatly influenced in his reaction to the written

word by past experiences, including the cultural milieu in which

he/she was raised.

Although the Army Alpha and Army Beta had been published for

years, it took some time before a surge of interest in nonverbal

instruments took place. This added interest seemed to grow as a

result of the introduction of the nonverbal elements in the Army

Beta. In some instances it was possible for the tests to be cons-

tructed in a non-verbal manner and still measure what they were

intended to measure, but in other cases this ideal could not be

achieved, and has not been achieved to this day (Anastasi, 1968).

There are three important nonverbal tools in use today. The

first of these came into existence when the mandates of P.L. 94-142

were still very new, and at the time of its inception was seen as

the perfect instrument to carry out the mandates of that law. It

was called SOMPA (System of Multi-Pluralistic Assessment), and as

the name implies, this is not one but a series of nine tests which

is intended for children ages five through eleven. The test is

non-language in nature and attempts to determine estimated learning

potential (ELP) (Figueroa, 1979).

The SOMPA was seen as a new way of conceptualizing the assessment

process while at the same time taking into account underlying social

and political assumptions. It was also a tool which combined liberal

and humanistic values with factual empiricism. As such, the system

made it possible to see children form a biological, social, cultural,

and educational perspective (Nuttall, 1979).

The SOMPA was standardized on a sample comprised of 700 blacks,

700 English-speaking caucasians, and 700 Spanish surnamed individuals.

The sampling procedure appeared accurate but the drawback, and one

for which SOMPA has been criticized, was that the Hispanic group was

made up entirely of Mexicans. Other Hispanic subcultures such as

Puerto Ricans and Cubans were not included in the sample. In spite

of this criticism, however, the instrument has shown great potential

and the introduction of the estimated learning potential concept

into the field has been widely acclaimed (Nuttall, 1979).

Another intelligence test which is also considered culture-

fair and which is an individual performance test is the Leiter

International Performance Scale. This test was developed through

several years of use with different ethnic groups in Hawaii, and

included groups of elementary and high school students. The test

was later tested in Africa and further testing and revisions were

made in the United States (Anastasi, 1968]. In the Leiter test there

is an almost complete elimination of instructions, either spoken

or pantomine. The test consists of a response frame and cards

containing printed pictures which are then placed appropriately

within the response frame (Anastasi, 1968).

A third instrument which has the distinction of being consi-

dered culture-fair is the Culture-Fair Intelligence Test developed

by Cattell and published by the Institute for Personality and

Ability Testing (IPAT). This test is based on the idea that general

intelligence is a matter of seeing relationships in the things

with which we have to deal, and that this ability to see relationships

is measurable by means of simple diagrams. For a test to be usable

in different cultures the pictures or forms represented should be

of fairly universal objects (Thorndike & Hagen, 1955).

Although all three of the above mentioned tests are widely

used in spite of some criticisms, they still take into account that

the results are measuring intelligence and nothing else. This in

itself does not necessarily indicate that a person may need special

services in his/her education.

In order to further substantiate proper school placement in

as fair a way as possible, adaptive behavior scales are being used

with increasing frequency. These scales attempt to measure the

individual's ability to cope with the natural and social demands of

the environment. They are being advocated frequently by educators

today and it appears that their use tends to reduce the placement

of minority children in special classes. The use of dual criteria

(intelligence tests and adaptive behavior scales) is assumed to

result in a more valid diagnosis of mental retardation (Bailey

& Hardin, 1980).

Among the measurements of adaptive behavior can be found the

Vineland Social Maturity Scale which was designed to identify ab-

normal behavior and development as measured by sets of age related

developmental milestones. Unfortunately, however, this instrument

was normed on white, middle class populations, ignoring the varia-

tions of a culturally diverse population. As a result, the instru-

ment is not considered culture-fair and is not widely used (Bailey

& Hardin, 1980).

The Adaptive Behavior Inventory for Children (ABIC), however,

took into consideration cultural variations in its standardization

and is therefore, more widely accepted than the Vineland. Research

has also shown that the use of the ABIC has eliminated the over

representation of minority children in some school systems (Bailey

& Hardin, 1980).

There is another aspect to be considered in analyzing culture-

fair tests. In many instances an instrument cannot be nonverbal

in its presentation. It must be presented in such a way that its

interpretation across cultures is also fair even though it is being

presented verbally. In these instances the task at hand is much

more complex, for word interpretations across cultures vary greatly.

The problem becomes one of being able to somehow measure the affective

qualities of human communication, something which is much more sub-

jective. Charles Osgood in his Measurement of Meaning stresses the

need to be able to determine what the word means to the reader of

the written word in order to make objective evaluations of his/her

performance on the test.

In a more recent work, Szalay and Deese introduce the idea of the

associative theory of word analysis. In this theory they present the

idea that word associations often tap deep into a person's belief

system, regardless of culture. These associations are important

tools in looking at the person's world perception and how it affects

his/her behavior (Szalay & Deese, 1978).

The associative theory will hopefully be of significance as

an attempt is made to not only translate the Myers-Briggs Type In-

dicator into the Spanish language, but to construct a Spanish version

of the tool. In the proposed research, the instrument being adapted

is the MBTI. Because of cultural possibilities found in the Spanish

language, and keeping in mind that this new form will also have to

be as culture-fair as its original counterpart, it will be important

to focus on those items which tend to be culture-specific in making

the adaptation.

Culture-fair and all its implications are topics of heated

debate in the field of measurements today. For some there will

never be a perfectly culture-fair test. For others there is still

the hope that by perfecting the existing instruments and becoming

more aware of what is involved in culture-fairness that ideal test

may someday be achieved.

Myers-Briggs Type Indicator

The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, or MBTI as it is more commonly

known, is an instrument which came into existence out of a need to

measure the personality preferences advocated in Jungian Typology.

At the beginning of this century, Katherine C. Briggs developed,

based on her own interests in the area of personality differences,

her own typology. In 1921, however, with the publication of Jung's

"Psychological Types," Briggs became very aware that Jung's ideas

and her own were very compatible except for the fact that Jung's

thoughts seemed more complete and complex than her own.

Briggs studied the Jungian text thoroughly and then taught the

obtained information to her daughter, Isabel Briggs Myers. For the

subsequent twenty years Myers and Briggs were involved in "type

watching," and became convinced of the strength and credibility to

Jung's theory in understanding and predicting human behavior.Observation

of the American people during and after World War II led Isabel

Myers to feel that it was both unfortunate and unnecessary for many

Americans to be working at jobs which did not lend themselves to

the preference of the employee.

In order to help those who were in such positions and to help

prevent the further spread of such incidents, Myers felt the need

to develop some method by which the. Jungian preferences could be

indicated and then acted upon. As a result, in 1942, she began to

develop the first questions that would, years later, lead to the

Myers-Briggs Type Indicator.

For fifteen years Myers developed and tested questions and

scales. Large samples of subjects took the preliminary forms of

the questionnaire, and by 1962 Form F of the MBTI was made available

through the Educational Testing Service. This version was published

for research purposes only, and consisted of a total of 166 questions,

many of which would not enter in the determination of the ultimate

profile but, instead, were part of the questionnaire for use in future


By 1975 the instrument had been tested widely enough to warrant

publication of the final form of the instrument for professional

use. In 1977, however, a shorter form (Form G), consisting of 126

questions was developed and instituted. This form eliminated a

great many of the research items presented in Form F.


The MBTI derives from Jung's three basic variables, namely,

extraversion-introversion (EI), sensing-intuition (SN), and thinking-

feeling (TF). To these variables is added a fourth one, implicit in

Jung's theory but only made explicit by Isabel Myers, judgment-

perception (JP).

According to the Manual, the distinctions among the four are as follows:

Index Preference as between Affects individual's choices as to

El Extraversion or Intro- Whether to direct perception and
version judgment upon environment or world
of ideas.

SN Sensing or Intuition Which of these two kinds of per-
ception to rely on.

TF Thinking or Feeling Which of these two kinds of
judgment to rely on.

JP Judgment or Perception Whether to use judging or per-
ceptive functions for dealing with
the environment.

These four indices, explains Myers (1962), are indices of direc-

tion of preferences and not scales to measure traits. The dynamic

interrelationship of the four indices result in a total of 16 Jungian

types, which Myers described (Appendix A). The items of each index

offer "forced" choices involving the preference at issue. Responses

pointing in opposite directions bear separate weights of 0, 1 or 2,

enabling the evidence in each direction to be separately summed. This

device permits (a) control of the effect of omission, and (b) an

item-by-item correction for social desirability, undistorted by


Persons with more points for E than for I, for example, are

classified as extraverts. MBTI scoring transforms points for each

preference into a preference score. The preference score is made

up of a letter to denote direction of the preference and a number

to denote strength of preference. For example, E29, N15, etc.

Since the score is always the difference between the two directions,

the result will always be shown in terms of one or the other, not

both. Preference scores may be converted by a linear transformation

into continuous scores which run in both directions from the center.

For preferences of E, S, T or J, the numerical portion of the pre-

ference score is subtracted from 100; for I, N, F or P the numerical

portion is added to 100. Thus, E 29 is expressed as a continuous

score of 71; N 15 is expressed as a continuous score of 115. Myers

(1962) attempted to make the division points on each preference as

accurate as possible in order to a) classify people with maximum

accuracy, and b) using these classifications, to obtain evidence

as to whether the preferences are indeed dichotomous in nature (Myers,

1962, p. 89).

Intercorrelations of MBTI Scores

The intercorrelation of the type categories as well as of the

continuous scores have been explored. The results of these studies

indicate that the type categories as well as the continuous scores

are independent of each other with the exception of the S-N and J-P

indices which tend to be correlated (Appendix B) (Carlyn, 1977;

McCaulley, 1978; Myers, 1962; Stricker & Ross, 1963; Webb, 1964).


As was the case with the studies of intercorrelation, the relia-

bility studies regarding the Indicator have also been conducted per-

taining to the type-category as well as the continuous scores. In

separate studies, Myers (1962) and Webb (1964) estimated split-half

reliabilities by calculating phi correlation coefficients and

applying the Spearman-Brown formula. The shortcoming of this type

of research, however, lies in the fact that it is known for under-

estimating factors fairly frequently (Carlyn, 1977).

The recommendation of the author (Myers, 1962) was to calculate

tetrachoric correlation coefficients and estimate split-half relia-

bilities based on those figures. The results would then be used in

the Spearman-Brown prophecy formula. The use of the tetrachoric

correlation assumes a normal distribution of scores. The distribution

of the Indicator scores, however, tend to be platykurtic (Myers, 1962).

A compromise between these two estimates has been achieved, and for

any given sample it is reasonably certain that the actual category-

type reliabilities will fall somewhere between the lower underestimated

estimates derived with the phi coefficients, and the higher often over-

estimated estimates derived by means of the tetraphoric r.

Studies conducted by Hoffman (1974), Myers (1962), and Webb

(1964), have reported phi coefficients ranging from .55 to .65

(E-I), .64 to .73 (S-N), .43 to .75 (T-F), and .58 to .84 (J-P).

The reports of the tetrachoric r system for determining the internal

consistency figures yield coefficients of .70 to .81 (E-I), .82 to

.92 (S-N), .66 to .90 (T-F), and .76 to .84 (J-P) (Carlyn, 1977).

The research to determine the internal consistency of the continuous

scores has been less diversified and because of this, has yielded

ranges of scores which are not as broad. Myers (1962) developed

a split-half procedure involving Pearson product-moment correlations;

Webb (1964) used a similar procedure in his studies and Stricker

and Ross (1963) used Cronbach's Coefficient Alpha. The ranges

resulting from these studies were: .76 to .82 (EI), .75 to .87 (SN),

.69 to .86 (TF) and .80 to .84 (JP).

Several methods have been explored to help explain the internal

consistency of type-category scores. Stricker and Ross (1963) and

Webb (1964) computed lower-bound estimates of reliability. These

estimates, however, do not have much meaning to further researchers

without corresponding upper limits. Test-retest data were computed

by Levy, Murphy and Carlson (1972), Stalcup (1968), and Stricker and

Ross (1964a) using college students as subjects, and by Wright (1966)

using a sample of elementary school teachers. The results of these

studies were presented as percentage of agreement figures and ranged

from a low of 0% change in 4 areas to a high of 90% 'no change' in

T-F and J-P typing in the Wright study. These last figures may help

confirm the theory that type seems to become more stable as a person

grows older and becomes stabilized in his/her occupation (Carlyn,

1977; McCaulley, 1978).

The continuous scores have also yielded high correlation

coefficients when testing for stability. In studies by Levy, Murphy

and Carlson (1972), and Stricker and Ross (1964a), these coefficients

ranged from .48 on the T-F scale to .83 on the E-I scale. Additional

recent research results are presented in Appendix B. These results

are all consistent with the results of earlier research on the subject.

Research has also been conducted to determine the correlations

between type and scholastic achievement. The results of this re-

search indicated that there were low correlatons between type and

cases where the subject being tested was an underachiever (Myers, 1962).


The purpose of the research done in this area has been to

determine how well the MBTI measures its intended target, namely,

Jung's typology. The most extensive research done to date on the

content validity of the Indicator was done by Myers (1962) in de-

vising the instrument. Stricker and Ross (1964a) concluded that the

S-N and T-F scales seem largely consistent with their conceptual

definitions but the E-I and J-P scales may not be consistent with

what Myers postulated in the manual.

Self-report studies were conducted by Bradway (1964) using 28

Jungian analysts as her subjects. In her study Bradway asked the

subjects to classify themselves in each of three dichotomies: E-I,

S-N, and T-F. Comparisons were taken made with MBTI typing. There

was a remarkable 100% agreement on E-I typing, 68% agreement on

S-N, 61% agreement on the T-F scale, and 43% agreement on all

three dimensions.

In another study, Stricker and Ross (1964b) compared continuous

scores on the MBTI with scores obtained on the Gray-Wheelwright

Questionnaire, another measure of Jungian type. The sample for

this study was comprised of 47 male college students. The resulting

correlations were as follows: E-I scales exhibited a .79 correlation,

S-N scales were .58, and the T-F scales were .60. The Gray-Wheelwright

does not recognize the J-P dichotomy.

The ability to predict major choice in college with success has

been researched in several studies. In a study in 1967, Goldschmid

was able to predict college majors for two groups of undergraduates,

finding that the Indicator scales had moderate predictive validity.

Using a sample of 1709 entering freshmen, Conary (1966) speculated

that certain personality types within his sample would be more likely

to choose certain college curricula in their freshman year and would

be more likely than certain other types to make good grades. These

predictions were later substantiated.

In an attempt to measure its construct validity, the MBTI has

been correlated with the constructs of a variety of other instruments.

Saunders (1960) made a comparison between the constructs of the

Indicator and those of the Allport-Vernon-Lindzey Study of Values

(AVL), another instrument concerned with the measurement of types.

Using factor analysis the results indicated that both instruments

were measuring similar constructs. In further research, in a study

conducted with 507 freshmen engineering students at Cornell, and using

the Personality Research Inventory for comparative purposes, all

25 scales of the PRI correlated significantly with one or more of the

type indices, with 49 of the r's being significant at the .01 level

(Myers, 1962).

Extensive research has been conducted with the MBTI in order to

determine preference in aptitude, achievement and career choice

and the manner in which these preferences correlate with the scales

of other instruments, such as the 16 Personality Factor Test, the

Omnibus Personality Inventory, the Opinion, Attitude and Interest

Survey, to cite a few. The Myers Longitudinal Medical Sample was

conducted over a 12-year period and tested the predictive validity

of the instrument by offering the MBTI, a second time, to a group

of people who had taken the Indicator twelve years earlier, as

freshmen in medical school. The results of these studies are shown

in Appendix C (McCaulley, 1978).

Summarizing, the levels of internal consistency and test-retest

reliability have proven adequate in the MBTI. The research associated

with its validity indicates that the instrument is significantly

correlated regarding type preferences and those characteristics

which are similarly measured by other instruments; there is also

significance in the correlation of type with career choices, indica-

ting that certain types seem better suited for certain careers.

The MBTI is becoming widely accepted as a helping tool in coun-

seling. It is an aid for those who work in the helping professions

to better understand the direction and many facets of their client's

life. The self-report questionnaire helps people understand them-

selves better as well. It also promotes a better understanding of

a person's relationship to others, thus leading to increased well-

being and advancement in daily activities. The differences which

the MBTI measures are those found in all persons, and it does not

concern itself with pathological issues.

The reasons for choosing the MBTI as the instrument to be trans-

lated in this study are both theoretical and practical. In his theory,

Jung postulated that these preferences are universal in nature. As

such, they are found in all cultures. The MBTI, as a tool which

measures these universal characteristics, has been found to have a

wide range of practical applications which are of value in this

culture. When faced with the problem and challenge of helping

Spanish-American immigrants find a new beginning in the United States,

the Spanish version of the instrument should be of special value.

In summary, a number of theories of translation have been explored

prior to embarking on this study. Several methods of translation

were then analyzed as a way to help determine which ones would be

relevant for this study. An analysis of culture-fairness followed

as a way of illustrating some of the cultural nuances which could

possibly affect the outcome of the study. The final section of the

chapter dealt with an overview of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator

with special emphasis being placed on its validity and reliability

and the reasons it was chosen as the instrument to be translated

in this particular study.



The research questions will be presented in the first section

of this Chapter. In the second section the three phases that comprised

the study will be presented, namely, the translation, the administration

which will include a description of the sample, and the data analysis.

Research Questions

1. Is the Spanish translation of the MBTI an adequate representation

of the original English version?

a. Are intercorrelations of continuous scores for EI, SN, TF

and JP preferences comparable to those reported for the

English version?

b. Are the statistics for the English-Spanish administration

comparable to test-retest data in the literature for

English-English testing, in

1) Percentage of agreement in assignment to categories

EI, SN, TF or JP?

2) Percentage of persons agreeing on 4, 3, 2, 1, or 0


2. Are modifications in the psychometrics of the MBTI necessary

for the Spanish version to represent the intent of the English

version? Specifically, how do item weights for responses of the

subjects of this study reporting both English and Spanish compare

to the published item weights of the English version?

3. Are differences between responses to the English and Spanish

forms in the directions expected from actual differences in

the two cultures?


The study was conducted in three phases. Phase I included the

development and pilot study of the Spanish form of the MBTI, Form G;

Phase II consisted of the administration of a reading sample, followed

by the administration of the MBTI, Form G, in English and Spanish;

and Phase III consisted of scoring and analyzing the items as well

as the resulting data.

Phase I: The Translation

Phase I included the development of a translation of the MBTI

which took into consideration not only the language, but also the

cultural and social values of Spanish-speaking cultures. For the

purposes of this study, the English version of the Myers-Briggs

Type Indicator, Form G, was used. This form was chosen over the

older Form F because it is shorter, newer, and the only differences

between the two instruments are to be found in the unscored items,

i.e., those that are included in the test strictly for research

purposes, and the order in which the items are presented. (Permission

was secured from Consulting Psychologists Press in Palo Alto, CA,

to develop a translation of Form G of the instrument, Appendix D).

A first consideration in completing the translation was the form

of address to be used in the Spanish form. In the Spanish language

"you" can be interpreted as "tii", in the case of the informal way

of addressing someone, or as "usted" in the event the approach is

more formal. For the sake of eliminating a possible insult or dis-

comfort to elders in a Spanish culture, the formal "usted" was used

for the purposes of this study.

A second consideration taken into account was that within the

Spanish language there are many dialects. Most, if not all, of the

dialects share similarities with the other dialects. For the purposes

of this study a concentrated effort was made to use the Latin American

dialects, avoiding regionalisms which may be typical of any group.

A third consideration taken into account was the use of sexist

language. In English, the adjectives used in the word pairs section

of the MBTI are non-sexist. In the translation, however, this feature

is lost, and in Spanish, most adjectives will have either an 'o' or

an 'a' ending depending on whether the noun they modify is masculine

or feminine. For the purposes of this study, an accepted rule in

Spanish grammar was used, namely, that in such situations, the male

gender will apply.

A fourth consideration came from the fact that responses to the

questions are the result of self-evaluations. Due to the subjectivity

of the questions, the responses encompass not only the general factors

to be considered across cultures, but also the factors which apply

to the way each person reacts to those elements. For example, regardless

of a person's nationality--Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, German, French,

or English--the reaction to a greeting or salutation is usually a

corresponding 'hello' in the appropriate language. As the salutation

and reaction are merely conventional responses and the response

itself is fairly universal in nature, the response is not affected

by the person's emotions to any great extent.

But what happens to people, internally, when they hear the

word 'affection'? The reaction to this word is a very subjective

one. In some cultures, 'affection' is openly discussed; in others,

it is something which is only discussed under a given set of

circumstances; and in still other cultures, it is a word which

men avoid lest their masculinity come under attack.

In the first step of Phase I, the researcher made an informal

linguistic translation of the MBTI and the translation was self-

administered. It was discovered that there were many linguistic

and cultural nuances which seemed to have been overlooked. Secondly,

the translated form was given to two bilingual subjects for their

review. The same questions arose again concerning the interpre-

tation of some of the test items. It became apparent that the

translation was merely a linguistic one and did not measure the

feelings and emotions intended by the authors of the instrument.

At this point it was determined that further analysis of the

instrument and its intent would be in order.

Phase I included the development of a translation of the MBTI

which took into consideration not only the language, but also the

cultural and social values of Spanish-speaking cultures.

The next step consisted of an analysis of the English version

of the instrument. The purpose of this was to determine the di-

chotomies which the author of the Indicator intended to tap in

each of the 126 questionnaire items. This facilitated the selection

of the Spanish word/words which approximated the same dichotomy in

the Spanish language.

Then, the Indicator was translated into Spanish, with a deliberate

attempt being made to preserve the format of the English version as

much as possible. The original draft of the Spanish form incorporated

as many word choices as possible for those items where there might

be more than one choice in the translation. On completion, the

translated version was compared to the English version. Based upon

the dichotomy being tapped in the original form, the word or words

in Spanish which best tapped that dichotomy, in Spanish, were chosen.

Next, the Spanish version was presented to a linguist. The

purpose of this was to determine the reading level of the new version

being introduced.

In the following step, the Spanish version was presented to

three bilingual people for any reactions that they may have had to

the choice of words, the nature of the questions, and to determine

if there were any questions that may have been offensive, because of

cultural differences. The people chosen for this step were adults

who were not familiar with the Indicator, who were fluent in both

languages, and who were from three different Spanish-speaking cultures.

An informal interview followed, the purpose of which was to

determine the person's affective reaction to some of the questions

that could have been seen as being culturally laden or which could

have been interpreted in more than one way.

The completion of this step led to additional necessary refine-

ments. As an example, a concentrated effort was made to create a

more informal tone in some of the items which one of the interviewees

indicated she found to be very personal. Some other suggestions could

not be followed for they would have involved the use of regionalisms

of the culture in question, something the author has made a deliberate

attempt to avoid.

Once these refinements were made, the Spanish version was sent

to five bilingual people in five different Spanish-speaking cultures:

Puerto Rico, Cuba, Uruguay, Mexico, and Peri. These people were

asked to back-translate the Spanish version into the English language

of the original version of the MBTI. The back-translations were then

compiled and further revisions were made on the basis of the comments

received. Once these refinements were made, the Spanish form was

ready for reproduction.

Phase II: The Administration


The population for this study was a sample of bilingual subjects, who

had a minimum of a sixth grade reading level in both English and Spanish.

The length of stay in the United States for the members of the sample

varied, but a concentrated effort was made to obtain representative

samples from diversified cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds as

well as a variety of residence time in this country. The sample also

consisted of members of several Hispanic subgroups. The sample was

obtained from several resource areas: Hyattsville, MD; Orlando, FL;

West Palm Beach, FL; Jacksonville, FL; and Gainesville, FL.

Groups of bilingual subjects were gathered with the assistance

of key people who were contacted in order to help with the project.

The sample consisted of 209 subjects who met the outlined criteria

for participation.

The second phase of the study included the administration of a

sample reading passage, at approximately the sixth grade reading

level in English and in Spanish in order to assess reading competency.

Next, both forms of the MBTI were administered to the sample population.

Administration of the reading evaluation and of the MBTI was

done in an alternate fashion, namely, giving the English form first

to half the sample, and last to the second half and performing the

same procedure with the Spanish form. In order to avoid placing any

of the subjects in an embarrassing situation, the English and

Spanish forms of the MBTI were administered to all the subjects

and only at the time of scoring and recording the data were those

subjects eliminated from the study who did not achieve the required

sixth grade reading level on either or both the reading tests.

A letter was sent to the directors of prospective organizations

from which samples for the study were obtained (Appendix E). In the

case of individuals, a letter or telephone contact was made in order

to document the subject's willingness to participate in the study.

A packet of the tests was given or mailed to each participant.

Each packet consisted of a brief cover letter (Appendix F), a demo-

graphic questionnaire, and an English and Spanish form of the

reading sample and the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, Form G. In addition,

for those being mailed, a stamped, self-addressed envelope was

included for the return of the materials to the researcher.

Collection of data

Because all directions were given on the instruments, the ad-

ministration of the forms did not require supervision. Demographic

data such as race, sex, age, and time in the United States were

obtained in the form of a short questionnaire that was stapled to

the front page of the instrument. These forms were numbered consecu-

tively and corresponded with the numbers assigned to each packet,

thus assuring confidentiality after the questionnaires had been ad-

ministered. In order to alternate the administration format, the

odd numbered packets had the English form of the reading sample first,

followed by the Spanish form. Next was the English form of the MBTI,

ending with the Spanish form of the MBTI. The even numbered packets

began with the Spanish form of the reading sample, followed by the

English form of the reading sample. Next was the Spanish form of the

MBTI, ending with the English form of the Indicator. The accompanying

instructions encouraged the participants to take the instruments in

the order in which they were presented.

The reading samples which were given took no more than 20 minutes

to complete. The two forms of the Indicator could be completed in

approximately one hour. The completed forms were computer-scored

at the Center for Applications of Psychological Type, Inc., in

Gainesville, FL.

Prior to beginning Phase III of the study, the reading samples

were scored. Those who had not scored at least at the 6th grade reading

level on both reading samples, were eliminated from the study. In

order for a person to have passed this reading test, they must have

scored correctly on three out of the four questions being presented

at the end of each reading sample.

Phase III: Data Analysis

The next step consisted in scoring the MBTI. An optical scanning

procedure was used by a recognized scoring program at the Center for

Application for Psychological Type, Inc., in Gainesville, Florida.

In the next step, using a correlation matrix of all recorded

scores, the full scores as well as the scores of the phrase questions

and word pairs were analyzed. This procedure yielded the continuous

scores, but also helped analyze those scores with the greatest

similarities and differences. This procedure was done for the total

sample, as well as for males and females, separately.

The next step in Phase III was a tabulation of the numbers and

percentage of the subjects remaining the same in their reports of

El, SN, TF, and JP for English and Spanish. Closely associated,

the next step was a tabulation of numbers and percentages of the

sample which remained the same on all four, three, two, one, or

no preferences in the English and Spanish forms. This tabulation

also broke down the changes by strength of preference.

In the final step, an item analysis was conducted, first on the

English form, then on the Spanish form. The formula used by Myers (1962)

was applied to both forms. This formula takes into account social

desirability of items and their ability to predict total score for

each preference. The item analysis was done separately for males and

females, and for A and B answers on each item. The goal of the item

analysis was to lead to an index of prediction for each response.

The items which resulted in a O, 1 or 2 weight were then

compared with Myers' published scoring keys for Americans taking the

questionnaire in English, i.e., the normative population. This indicated

whether the sample bilingual population were answering the questions

in the same way as the norm.

The final step consisted of a comparison of those items where

there had been a shift in the item weights between the two versions.

This was conducted in an attempt to determine whether any cultural

factors or differences in social desirability between the two cultures

could have affected the results.


The purpose of this study was to develop and validate a Spanish

version of an English language personality questionnaire that would

remain faithful to the original version, while at the same time

taking into account cultural differences between the populations in

question. More specifically, the study was an attempt to develop

a Spanish version of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (Form G) that

would consider the intent of the authors of the English form and of

Jung's theory of personality. The development of the Spanish version

of the MBTI which was used in this study was conducted in several


Initially, a translation was done by the researcher. It was

noted, however, during a self-administration of the questionnaire,

that the questionnaire being analyzed was simply a linguistic trans-

lation and nothing else.

Several revisions were made to the instrument, each one keeping

in mind the target population of the translation as well as the

source from where it was being derived.It was then sent to three

bilingual people who were asked to read it and react to it, i.e.,

to the degree of intimacy incurred in any.of the questions, any

word or words which were either offensive or unclear, etc.

Informal interviews were then conducted with the three people,

and based on their suggestions and recommendations, another revision

was completed. The revision was then sent to five bilingual people

from five different Spanish cultures. They were asked to back-translate

the instrument into English, and were given the freedom to add any

suggestions they would like to make to improve the way in which the

ideas were being conveyed. Once the back-translations were received,

another revision took place and the final instrument was reproduced

and made ready for sampling.

Table 1 presents the distribution of the sample for this study

which was comprised of 209 bilingual men and women who had successfully

completed a reading test which determined their ability to read and

understand the English and Spanish languages at a sixth grade level

or higher.

N = 209

Sex N %

Males 84 40.19
Females 125 59.81

Country of Origin

Caribbean Countries
Central American Countries
South American Countries
United States
European Countries
Not given

Time Lived in the United States

10 years or less
11-20 years
Over 20 years



Occupation N %

Student (High School) 44 21.1
Student (College) 41 19.6
Blue collar worker 13 6.2
White collar/Professional 66 31.6
Housewife 13 6.2
Self-employed 1 0.5
Unemployed 2 1.0
Clerical worker 16 7.7
Retired 7 3.3
Not given 6 2.9

The type distribution that resulted from this sample is presented in

Appendix G.

An analysis of this distribution indicates that the number of

extraverts and introverts in the sample was almost equal, a fact

which is common among the college population of the United States.

The Sensing/Intuitive ratio for the sample is approximately 2:1

which is slightly below the expected ratio in the United States (3:1).

The Thinking/Feeling ratio was also approximately 2:1. There was an

unusually large number of Thinking females in the sample, something

which is not usually expected in the sample distributions in the United

States. The Judging/Perceiving ratio was approximately 55/45, which

is typical of the distribution of American samples.

Research Question 1

Is the Spanish translation of the MBTI an adequate representation

of the original English version?

a. Are intercorrelations of continuous scores for EI, SN,

TF and JP preferences comparable to those reported for the

English version?

Table 2 indicates the intercorrelations obtained when the English and

Spanish versions of the MBTI, Form G, were administered to 209 adults.


English -.17 -.19 -.10 .17 .56 .31
Spanish -.22 -.20 -.13 .14 .54 .25


English -.10 -.13 -.14 .03 .54 .33
Spanish -.08 -.08 -.09 .11 .54 .37


English -.23 -.19 -.00 .21 .43 .30
Spanish -.32 -.25 -.08 .19 .38 .18

Table 3 presents the intercorrelations for data compiled in the

literature. These data were made available by the Center for Applications

of Psychological Type. They include 21 samples from the MBTI Data Bank;

15 samples of 8-12th grade students; 14 samples of college students,

and-10 samples of students in professional programs.


Low -.27 -.26 -.21 -.20 -.03 -.15
Median -.03 -.04 .01 .06 .30 .14
High .17 .20 .18 .25 .60 .34


Males -.03 -.03 .02 .08 .20 .15
Females -.05 -.02 -.03 .01 .28 .11

b. Are the statistics for the English-Spanish administration

comparable to test-retest data in the literature for English-English

testing, in

1) Percentage of agreement in assignment to categories EI,

SN, TF or JP?

2) Percentage of persons agreeing on 4, 3, 2, 1, or 0 preferences?

For purposes of comparison the administration of the second form

(the Spanish form in half of the questionnaire packets, and the

English form in the alternating half) was considered the retest situa-

tion in this study. The scoring of these questionnaires was based

on the 1977 weights, the ones presently in use with the English form.

Table 4 illustrates the results obtained in this study. Table 5 pre-

sents comparative data from the literature for changes in test-retest

situations. These data were compiled and supplied by the Center for

Applications of Psychological Type in Gainesville, Florida.

In the present study the T-F scales showed the greatest number

of changes (12%). This was also the index where 1977 weights changed

toward T in comparison with 1962 weights.

The category labeled "All 4 Preferences the Same" shows that 157

of the subjects or 75% of the sample taking the Indicator did not

deviate in the retest situation in any of the four dichotomies. It was

suspected that it was possible that some of the subjects had simply

duplicated the answers onto the second answer sheet and, therefore,

had only answered the questionnaire once. An analysis was done of

the continuous scores of all those subjects who were in that category.

This analysis showed that most of the scores were not alike, as had

been suspected, but had simply not shifted enough to change the resulting


Table 6 illustrates the correlations of the continuous scores

between the English and Spanish versions of the MBTI. The correlations

were obtained for the total sample, as well as for males and females



Agreement on E-I Typing
Agreement on S-N Typing
Agreement on T-F Typing
Agreement on J-P Typing
All 4 Preferences the Same
Change in 1 Preference
Change in 2 Preferences
Change in 3 Preferences
Change in 4 Preferences


Agreement on E-I Typing
Agreement on S-N Typing
Agreement on T-F Typing
Agreement on J-P Typing
All 4 Preferences the Same
Change in 1 Preference
Change in 2 Preferences
Change in 3 Preferences
Change in 4 Preferences

N %
68 89
66 92
68 90
66 90
24 61
33 44
2 29
2 8


Total Sample





Research Question 2

Are modifications in the psychometrics of the MBTI necessary

for the Spanish version to represent the intent of the English version?

In all but one instance the percentages of agreement were higher than

those reported in the literature. Therefore, no modifications were


The internal consistency of the instrument was determined by

the split-half method, and was within acceptable limits. The results

of that analysis are presented in Table 7.


Sex N El SN

English Form M 84 .81 .84
F 125 .74 .83
Total 209 .77 .83

Spanish Form M 84 .83 .83
F 125 .79 .81
Total 209 .81 .81


15 High School M Low .43 .51
Samples High .85 .86
F Low .70 .41
High .87 .85

10 College M Low .56 .75
Samples High .87 .90
F Low .78 .80
High .86 .87


.90 .82
.81 .88
.87 .86

.91 .86
.80 .88
.86 .88


.57 .63
.88 .89
.47 .66
.84 .94

.74 .77
.90 .87
.71 .81
.85 .87

A comparison of the split-half scores between the results

obtained in the study with the results as shown in the literature

indicate that on the Spanish administration of the instrument all

the split-half correlations were in accord with those reported in

the literature. Most of these correlations approximated the highest

recorded correlation in the literature. In the English administration

there was only one category that was not in accord with the literature.

Research Question 3

How do item weights for responses of the subjects of this study

reporting both English and Spanish compare to the published item

weights of the English version?

One of the elements that must be considered in weighting responses

in this instrument is expected social response in any culture. The

social desirability of any question can vary greatly from culture to

culture. MBTI item weights were designed to take social desirability

into account. For this reason, item weights for the translation

were compared with published item weights.

All the items of the Indicator are forced choice questions. The

item analyses are separate for males and females, and each choice is

analyzed separately. During the development of the instrument, each

choice discriminated. As cultural changes have affected social desira-

bility of choices, some choices on the Indicator do not carry weights

at the present time.

The prediction formula used to calculate item weights leads to

a decrease in weights if there are too many subjects who answer a

question which was not intended for their preference, e.g., if too

many E's give the I answer to a question, the item weight is decreased,

making the response less discriminating between E's and I's.

In this study, some answers which are not now weighted in the

current scoring for the English version discriminated at a 1-point or

even a 2-point level. Some 1-point items discriminated at the 2-point

level in the Spanish version, and some 2-point items discriminated at the

1-point level or not al all. These distinctions are presented in Table 8.


1 2 3 4
N % N % N %
El 41 22 54 8 20 11 27
SN 51 27 53 15 29 9 18
TF 44 22 50 11 25 11 25
JP 48 21 44 21 44 6 13


EI 41 19 46 13 32 9 22
SN 51 28 55 14 27 9 18
TF 45 24 53 11 24 10 22
JP 48 30 63 14 29 4 8


EI 82 41 50 31 26 20 24
SN 102 55 54 29 28 18 18
TF 89 46 52 22 25 21 24
JP 96 51 53 35 36 10 10

Column 1 Number of possible responses
Column 2 Item weights equal to published weights
Column 3 Item weights greater than published weights
Column 4 Item weights less than published weights

A review of Table 8 indicates that in the great majority of the

cases, the weights which resulted in the administration of the

Spanish version in this study were as discriminating, if not more so,

than those weights in the literature for the English version. This

statement is reflected in an analysis of Columns 2 and 3 of the table.

Column 4 represents the percentage of items which are less discriminating

in the Spanish version than in the original English form.

Research Question 4

Are differences between responses to the English and Spanish

forms in the directions expected from actual differences in the two


A review of the previous data indicates that in this study items

discriminated, as in English, on all four scales and for both sexes.

However, there were a number of items which discriminated better in

this study while others did not discriminate quite so well as the

original English version. For approximately half of the total sample

the published weights as they are being used at the present time with

the English version are consistent with those found in the study for

the Spanish-speaking subjects.

On the J-P scale there seems to be an indication that the English

weights are much more discriminating than are the obtained ones in the

Spanish version of the questionnaire. One possible explanation for

this could be that Latin Americans living in this country are either

striving for more order in their lives or are being forced into this

form of behavior in this society. This would hold especially true

for those who have been born and raised outside the United States and

have recently come to this country to live.

There have also been differences on the T-F scales in this study.

This may be due to the fact that there were an unusually large number

of thinking types among the females in the sample. In order to

either substantiate or negate this premise, the study should be re-

plicated with a larger sample. Also, Latin American men find it very

difficult to either discuss or admit to personal feelings. This may

have been a factor in choosing the opposite choice as a way of

avoiding dealing with the issue while they were answering the question-


There was also a shift of the E-I scale in the sense that the

English weights were not discriminating on the Spanish form in 21 out

of the possible'82 responses on that scale. According to the statistics

that have been presented, the predominant way to live in the United

States is toward the extravertive end of the scale. It is conceivable,

from a cultural standpoint, that many Latin Americans who have come

to this country have not totally adapted to this preferred way of


In summarizing, the percentage of agreement of preference scores

as well as the percentage of agreement of types were high. The internal

consistency scores are congruent with what is indicated in the literature

for the English version; and the test-retest data are equal if not

better, in some cases, that what is reported in the literature.

As a result, it is felt that the translation is indeed a valid

one which, when administered and scored using existing keys, would

yield fairly accurate results. It is recommended, once again, that

the study be replicated with a larger sample in order to make even

finer discrimination which may in turn lead to a different set of

weights for the Spanish version.



The purpose of this study was to develop a Spanish version of

an English language questionnaire that would remain faithful to the

original version, while at the same time taking into account cul-

tural differences between the populations in question.

In this study and due, possibly, to the universality of the

original instrument, the weights which are presently in effect for

the original English version of the MBTI are fairly accurate in

the determination of type in the Spanish version. There are some

discriminating factors, however, between the two instruments. Because

of differences in social desirability between the two cultures, re-

weighting the scales to account for this in Spanish cultures should

yield even stronger correlations between the two instruments.

In addition to high intercorrelations, there is added support

to the universality of what is being assessed. This is based on the

fact that the split-half reliabilities obtained in this study are as

high, if not higher, than those offered in the literature on the

English version.

The ideas, feelings, and emotions being tapped are consistent

with the original form. Therefore, the same questions are being

posed to both populations. The discrepancies being presented as a

result of the research lie in the weight of the items themselves.

It is in this area that culture is playing a most important role. As

has been noted earlier, several of the "feeling" questions are being

responded to consistently and in accord with the present published

weights by the females in the sample, but in the case of the males

there seem to be elements of the "machismo" in Latin American countries

which are affecting the weights of those same responses by the men

in the sample.

In other instances, especially on the El scale, there seems to

be an indication that because of an incomplete acculturation process,

some of the native Spanish-speaking subjects are tending toward an

introverted way of thinking in a culture alien to their own, while

showing tendencies toward extraversion when assessed within their

own culture.

Limitations of the Study

There are diverse cultures in Spanish-speaking countries. The

research sample for this study did not include large enough numbers

in each culture to enable the researcher to arrive at any definite

conclusions about each of the cultures in question. The next step

in this study would be to enlarge the size and diversification of

the samples within each subculture. In other words, it would be

necessary to increase the sample in each country being assessed in

order to arrive at any definite conclusions about that particular

country. In doing this, a conscious attempt should be made to con-

tinue in the heterogeneous vein of the original study sothat

people from as many walks of life as possible can be represented in

the study.

Secondly, and as a result of the item analysis of the first

study, refinements in the instrument should be considered. These

refinements could be, primarily, in two areas.

In the first, a careful analysis of those items where the

weights are in discrepancy with the published weights in the original

version should be studied. The purpose of this will be to identify

any need for improvements in the translation.

The second type of refinement to be considered would be in the

realm of the weights themselves. The discriminatory weights may

indeed be different in Spanish cultures in which case a new scale

of weights may be indicated for the Spanish version. Furthermore, it

may be discovered that within the Spanish version there may be a

need for several weighting systems, depending on the subculture in

question. By increasing the size of the sample the determination

could be made as to whether the weights of the original instrument

must be changed or not. Also, and due to the diversity of subcultures,

further research is encouraged in order to determine whether norms

for members of each subculture living in this country, as opposed

to their own, are necessary.

Another recommendation is that the study be conducted using a

more informal "tl" form of the Spanish version. This would indicate

if the formal approach of the original Spanish form used in the study

had any effects on the end results.

Additionally, while the above mentioned studies are taking place,

the translation of accompanying literature should be undertaken. In

addition to the MBTI Manual, translations of Myers' "Introduction

to Type," as well as her more recent book, "Gifts Differing," would

be valuable to the user of the Spanish version of the questionnaire.


This study has helped prove that although the languages and

cultures of the world are indeed different, there are still some

very basic elements of being human which people from all walks of

life share. The abilities to love, fear, hate, feel compassion, and

perceive, in general, are common to us all. Language is the bridge

between those elements of the human mind and how the people in the

environment react to them. The importance, therefore, lies not in

the fact that these are universal elements, but rather in how they

are expressed and perceived so that the underlying message of the

emotion can be perceived by the recipient in the manner intended

by the provider.

The importance of the clarity of the message's intent can be

seen in many areas. In assessments, for example, a misinterpretation

of an intended message could lead to a missed diagnosis of a problem,

barring the client from receiving proper services. In counseling,

if the therapist cannot empathize with the feeling behind the message

being conveyed by clients, it can be very difficult to help them deal

with their problems. On a more basic level, individuals must be in

tune to their own feelings so that they can be in a better position

to act and react to those around them.

It cannot be stressed enough that what is important are not

the words conveying the message, but the conglomerate of feelings

that led to the development of those words. It is only through a

deeper, more universal system of analyzing man's behavior, that

language may someday be seen as a more complete way of describing

ourselves and what we are feeling to those around us.

It is hoped that through this study the reader can now feel

that with the proper choice of words messages can be perceived in

the manner in which they were intended. This is why translations must

be seen in a much broader scope--it is necessary to go below the

surface of words into the deeper, more complex realm of meaning

before complete and accurate translations can ever be achieved.



, .- Ih I-
6 1

6.J 1d
e e

-- --%
ww C1

-I I.&

C C- h0I Cii
6W 6W-






u- ~n=

* "* C s i

+ @



2 orI
0 0

- 0`

- 'a
= 0ar

* 0e

.4 C

o I

,, r
a -~
a. 4.'aC 1
a -a 4.

C ~' -J a C -
a. J
'a '-e

2 as 0.34.



4 -

2 o

2 =s

o 0
Co -

- L 0
'a no
2' -




MBTI Type Categories

422 Freshmen at
Emory (Webb, 1964) 0.04 -0.03 -.01 -.05 .99** .08

300 Male Freshmen at
L.I.U. (Stricker & Ross,
1963) .08 -0.04 .14* .07 .23** .09

184 Female Freshmen at
(Stricker & Ross, 1963) .03 .05 .13 .02 .31** .05

NOTE: All reported correlation coefficients in this table are phi
coefficients, which tend to yield low estimates of true values

*p .05
**p .01



Table 2
Product-Moment Correlations of MBTI Continuous Scores and Oth



Primary Factors
A. Outgoing
(fAt ectochauia)

B. Intelligent

C. Stable, faces reality
(ligh rgo Streith)

E. Assertive

F. Happy-Go-Lucky

G. Proper, Rule-Bound
(Strongqr Superegoj

H. Venturesome

I. Tender-Minded
(Premia )

L. Suspicious

N. Imaginative

N. Shrewd, Worldly

0. Apprehensive
(Guile Pronenues)





er Personality Tests in Medical Student Samples



-18 -24 01 -22 -
-43"* -07 -05 -13 E -
-22" -01 31"' -02 E F
-40"* -08 16"* -18" E F J
-35"* -01 19"* -07 E F
04 35" 22 19 N -
01 25" -02 -05 N
-01 10 -07 01 -
05 14" 08 03 .- I
00 10* -01 02 -
-30* -22 -12 -14 .
-23" -17 -18 -11 E -
-32-* -16* 00 -12 E -
-28-" -11 -06 -08 E -
-31*' 02 -06 09* E -
-18 -18 -18 22 -
-08 25" -06 32*" N P
-12 25" -06 10 N -
-21"* 23** -06 20"* E N P
-32"' 29"' -18"* 18*** E N F P
-30* 09 03 10 -
-36-' 33"' 28"* 34" E K F P
.50"* 03 17 13 -
-56"' 12* 20"* 21-- E- F P
-59"* 13"* 05 14" E N P
-11 -39"* -22 -54"'- S J
-12 -44-* -24" -50*** S T J
-22" -32"* -22" -57"*' E S T J
-17** -36-" -11* -48** E S J
-11* -38"* -06 -55- S J
-53"* 03 -09 01 E -
-67-* 09 -09 01 E -
-63"* 03 00 -14 ( -
-64"* 13"* 03 04 E N -
-76"* 13-" -03 00 E N -
05 17 29* -01 .
-04 25" 30"' 08 N F -
20* 31"' 36"* 33"' N F P
06 31"' 37"* 25- N F P
-01 33** 25ZS 19"* N F P
01 12 -08 09 -
19* 09 04 24** p
17* 01 -19 00 -
13" 03 06 09 I -
09* 04 -02 09* P
06 31* 18 21 -
09 30'- 19* 20" N P
25" 34"* 17* 40"** N P
26"* 37"* 07 21"' I N P
02 36"* -03 15" N P
22 -16 -06 -31 -
01 -31"* -29" -32 S T J
-03 -1; -25" -28 T J
-09 -10* -19"* -13" -S T -
14** -27** -07 24" I S P
27* 22 11 21 -
33"* -06 22* 06 I -
25" -10 06 02 I -
20** -11 12 -10 -
23"* -07 16" -03 I F

Table 2 continued



Primary Factors (Continued)
Q1 Expeimenting

q0 Self-Sufficient

Q Controlled
(ug9 Selif-Conept)

4 Tense
(figh trgic Tension

Second-Order Traits

(MIgh Anxlev>)

Alert Poise
(o crertia


Criterion Predictions
Neurotic Trend
(mare reuroec Trendl

(lore Le derhip Potencial)

(CrmCaive personal ew)



66 -02 32" -23 22
122 00 25* -40~ 12
149 -13 28'* -10 13
484 09 31** -15** 15-
645 02 27" -25m 21"**
66 41** 02 -03 12
122 52* 00 00 12
149 44"* 22" -03 21"
484 41- 11* -06 12*
645 41"* 14** -11* 12"
66 -05 -43** -21 -41"
122 -11 -19* -19* -36"M
149 -01 -16* -24** 41"*
484 -10* -15"* -17"* -27*"
64! -07 -29*** -17** -40***
66 32" 26* 17 21
122 22* 02 30** 06
149 28** -03 04 02
484 23"' -03 14" -02
645 26** -02 09* 00

66 -51" 03 -OS 00
484 -70M 13" 12* 10*
645 -74** 12" 03 05
66 35" 23 16 17
484 35"* -01 15"** 04
645 34"- -04 14** 06
66 -18 13 -17 23
484 -17"' -21"' -34"' -08
645 -30- -06 -28"* OI
66 -10 33". -12 32"
484 29"* 45*" -10* 36"'
645 -10* 46** -23** 35"*

66 37" 16 22 12
484 44*** -01 15** -04
645 48** -04 18"* 00
66 -44** -35" -26* -37"
484 -54** -09 -13" -15*-
645 -58** -15"- -16"* -26-
66 12 50o" 19 39"
484 43** 37"* 02 25"*
645 16"* 41** -09* 25"*


TI Thinking Introversion
(Academic IZnerests)
TO Theoretical Orientation
(Theoretical. logical)
Es Estheticism
(Artise c seanicivity)
Co Complexity
(XIperiuncal, flexible)
Au Autonomy
(L beral, needs indepsodence)
RO Religious Orientation
(Skeptical, reject orthodoxy)

484 -10* 53"' 10* 11*
648 -06 59"' 04 12"
484 05 41"* -16** 07
648 -04 49"' -15*** 10
484 -05 46"* 29- 21-*
648 -11* 48*" 22** 17"*
484 03 .60" 13" 57***
648 -08 62"' 12" 53"*
484 11' 48*' 09 37"**
648 08 47* 01 33*
484 16** 20m" -15"* 26-*
648 09* 19"* -15** 25"*'

- NT -
N -

I -
1 P


- ST J

- F


- -

I N -

I F -

E N -
E -

I- F
I- F


E S -
E T -

- N P
I -



N -

- F P
- N F P
- N F P

- N P


Table 2 continued

SE Social Extraversion 0 484 -75"m 10* 06 -02 E -
(Lke being wlth people) E 648 -77"' 07 01 -02 E -
IE Impulse Expression 0 484 -08 33** 07 42* N P
(lapulaJiv, Ia-inativ.) E 648 -20"* 29-" -06 34"* E N P
PI Personal Integration D 484 -38** -10' -08 -15* E J
(Not alienaetd or dAsturbed) E 648 -37"* -0S -09' -16"* E J
AL Anxiety Level D 484 -20** -07 -19** -06 E T -
S(Dnial of aniety or worry) E 648 -23-* -02 -19" -02 E T -
Am Altruism D 484 -44** 21m 25"* -06 EN F -
(Affillaive. care for others) E 648 -39"* 27**" 29"m 01 E N F .
PC Practical Outlook 0 484 -06 -67- -21** -41* S T J
(LUke applied, concrete) E 648 -03 -64"** -12" -32"' S T J
MF Masculir ty-Femininity D 484 10* -31' -35 -12* S T
(masculine, less social E 648 15** -32"* -36-"' 11 I S T
RI Response bias D 484 -26** 00 -11* -30"' E J
(Good iapression) E 648 -26"* 06 -09* -32"' E J
IOC Intellectual Disposition D 484 -03 -65* -11* -32"* S J
(Ierning is for practical use) E 648 07 -65- -04 -27"** S J


Interest Scales


Social Sciences

Physical Sciences

Biological Sciences

Opinion and Attitude Scales
Achiever Personality

Intellectual Quality

Creative Personality

Social Adjustment

Emotional Adjustment

Masculine Orientation

Response Style
Set for True

Infrequent Response

Social Undesirability








484 -34** -36-" -05
658 -30** -42"- -05
46 00 -29* -04
484 06 30." 14"
658 01 35"' 04
46 09 36* 07
484 -49*** 26** 15**
658 -53"' 26*- 05
46 -55** 03 -01
484 48** -04 -25**
658 49** -04 -21"*
46 25 13 -25
484 05 -18** -02
658 11* -18** 08
46 20 -04 02

41 *

484 17*** 03 05 -25"*
658 14** -02 04 -36"*
46 17 12 21 -28Z
484 18** 35** 05 30**
658 20"* 27'* -06 27"'
46 03 33* -04 46***
484 -22"* 43"* 00 33***
658 -27" 46*** -08 32'*
46 -27 33* 10 36*
484 -44"** -12* 14"* -13"
658 -37*** -15"' 23** -13**'
46 -43" 06 24 -03
484 -47** 01 -18-* -12*
658 -47"** 01 -15*" -12**
46 -54"* -04 -20 -24
484 03 -09 -35" 09
658 04 -03 -33"* 02
46 09 -13 -56" -15

484 06 -14" 01 -10*
658 08 -12" 02 -05
46 08 19 -11 -11
484 32"' 05 -08 12*
658 25"* 08 -05 14-
46 21 06 -01 -14
484 23*' -02 02 17"'
658 26** -03 01 21*
46 -01 04 -14 45"

E S -

E -
I T -


I. J



E T -
E -

- T -


E- P