Citation
Cultural adaptation to the effects of migration and agricultural change in a rural Spanish community

Material Information

Title:
Cultural adaptation to the effects of migration and agricultural change in a rural Spanish community
Creator:
Reddy, David de la Peña, 1950-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xiv, 196 leaves : ill., maps ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Agricultural land ( jstor )
Agriculture ( jstor )
Civil wars ( jstor )
Farms ( jstor )
Labor ( jstor )
Milk ( jstor )
Milk production ( jstor )
Peasant class ( jstor )
Tourism ( jstor )
Valleys ( jstor )
Peasants -- Spain -- Liébana ( lcsh )
Rural conditions -- Spain ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1986.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-195).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by David de la Peña Reddy.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000892223 ( ALEPH )
AEK0700 ( NOTIS )
15266684 ( OCLC )

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:


Full Text












CULTURAL ADAPTATION
TO THE EFFECTS OF MIGRATION AND AGRICULTURAL CHANGE
IN A RURAL SPANISH COMMUNITY






By


David de la Peta Reddy


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1986

























A la communidad de Li6bana















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I owe a special debt of gratitude to Kathleen Anne

Cook Reddy and our child Emily, who accompanied and aided

me in my fieldwork and bore with me in the production of

this dissertation. So many people helped us in Li6bana,

putting up with my questions, letting me tag along in their

everyday pursuits, explaining the obvious and giving me

time to figure out the next question, it is impossible to

mention more than a few: "Los Rodriguez," whom we stayed

with in Liebana, provided us not only with shelter, but

with an introduction to a close-knit extended family and

its life in Li6bana. Angel, T6aas and Francis were the

first to take on the onerous task of educating the Yanqui

with tin ears. Gonzalo taught me that Lebaniegos are more

likely to be the ones moving the pieces, than the pawns.

Daniel, Ana and Teresa lent me another perspective on life

in the valleys. Quino and Lines helped me to see the

continuity in a changing community.

I would also like to acknowledge the help of Profesor

Carmelo Lison-Tolosana of the Departamento de Antropologia

Social, Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociologia,

Universidad Complutense de Madrid, and of Don Fernando

Gomarin Guirado of the Libreria Estudio, Padre Echegaray of


iii









the Museo Etnografico Velarde and local historian Profesor

Tom6s Martinez Vara, in Santander. Their help in choosing a

field site and support during my fieldwork was invaluable.

I am indebted to the members of my committee for the

intellectual stimulation they have given me and the

patience they have shown over the years. Anthony Oliver-

Smith, Robert Lawless and James Amelang would never let me

overlook the philosophical and historical bases to anthro-

pological understanding. Terry McCoy graciously stepped in

to take over Dr. Amelang's position when he could no longer

participate in the committee. Paul Doughty and Allan Burns

emphasised the interconnections within the community and

between the community and the outside world. Allan, my

chair, besides spending many hours on my work, was also

instrumental in seeing that my problem orientation did not

make me lose sight of the people who make up the community.

Each of these people and many others showed me

different facets to the understanding of what it is to be a

Lebaniego. If there is anything of value in this work, it

is largely through their patience and frankness. Its errors

are mine.















PREFACE

Que dura es la vida (How hard is life) were the words

an old woman used over and over again to comfort a friend

of mine as he cried openly from too little sleep, too much

wine and the uncertainty he felt because he could not make

up his mind whether to leave his home or stay there. Que

dura es la vida is a phrase you seldom heard in Li6bana,

Spain, the site of my fieldwork*. Everyone knows that life

is hard there and expects it to be. The woman who comforted

my friend never said things would get easier and neither of

them seemed to expect that they would.

This work is a community study of Liebana, a peasant

community of about 7,000 inhabitants, in the province of

Cantabria (Santander) in northern Spain. The study examines

Lebaniego cultural adaptation to the effects of migration,

agricultural change and market intrusion during the period

1950 to 1983.


*Fieldwork for this study was carried out from February
1983 to January 1984. I gratefully acknowledge the major
support for my fieldwork which came from an exchange pro-
gram between the the Department of Anthropology of the
University of Florida and the Departamento de Antropologia
Social, Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociologia,
Universidad Complutense of Madrid, coupled with the
Institute Iberoamericano de Cooperacicn.








Libbana is situated in a reserve area, the mountains

which stretch across northern Spain and continue on into

the Pyrennes of France. This area is most famous for shel-

tering the Basques, with their unique language and separat-

ist factions, but the Basques, the Galicians, the Asturians

and the Cantabrians, have all developed strong cultural

identities in their geographical isolation and stout

resistance to invaders.

Liebana, completely encircled by mountains, is known

as La antigua provincia de Liebana (the ancient province of

Liebana) and Lebaniegos have considered themselves, and

have been considered by outsiders, to be a discrete

cultural and political unit with their own strongly devel-

oped cultural identity since at least Roman times. While

Basque cultural identity has led to Basque separatism,

Lidbana participated in the Asturian and Cantabrian resist-

ance to the Moors and the formation of the kingdom of

Pelayo, which began the reconquest, effectively tying the

loyalty of Lebaniegos to the Spanish state.

This is not a pueblo study. Li6bana is not a pueblo,

but a small region containing slightly over one hundred

settlements. However, as in the southern county in the

United States (Arensberg and Kimball 1965), the web of

interrelations between outlying population centers and the

county seat/market center make each an integral part of the

other. Lebaniegos recognize this, having no term for








residents of a particular pueblo, only for the people of

the region as a whole. The weekly visits of most Lebaniegos

to the Monday mercado (market) in Potes, the central town

of the region, set the rhythm of life in the valleys. I

found the often-used study of a town or pueblo was

insufficient for understanding life in Li6bana. An under-

standing of life in a particular pueblo is impossible

without an understanding of the part which Potes plays in

that life and vice versa. The mercado marks the gathering

and regathering of what must be considered one community

(Arensberg and Kimball 1965:26), the valleys of Liebana.

Like many other rural communities in Spain, Liebana

suffered tremendous population loss and increasing market

intrusion between 1950 and 1983. Its population declined by

44% during this period. Unlike many of these communities,

Liabana seems to have maintained its cultural identity and

to remain a functioning community despite the profound

change which it has undergone. While much of the reason for

the durability of the community of Liebana can be traced to

the accident of geography, Lebaniego's peasant extended

family survival strategy and identification of the entire

system of three mountain valleys in which they live as one

community have provided a strong and resilient basis for

their very active response to change.

In this dissertation, I examine the mechanisms through

which Lebaniegos have maintained their community and the


vii








pressures for change which the community has undergone. In

order to understand the community today, it is necessary to

understand its history and development. Thus I begin the

dissertation by describing the traditional life of the

community and the evolution of Lebaniego community

identity, then go on to describe the change which has

occurred in Li6bana since 1950 and Lebaniego response to

that change. Chapters II and V attempt to put this change

into theoretical perspective.

In preparing for my fieldwork in Libana, I found the

dominant theme of studies of the peasants of Spain and

Europe to be the inevitable demise their way of life.

Historical-structural economic theories of change, followed

by many theorists and ethnographers, seemed to assume the

insignificance of the individual person, community or group

in the clash of monolithic economic and social forces. I

found the idea of peasants as helpless pawns in the grip of

a capitalistic system difficult to accept and found support

for my view in a growing body of literature on the house-

hold economy, which illustrated the durability of peasants

and other groups on the margins of the market economy.

Nevertheless, the literature for Europe and Spain clearly

showed a rapid deterioration and depopulation occurring in

many peasant communities. Thus I came to Libana expecting

to study a community in the process of being transformed by


viii








outside forces. A community whose people had lost control

of their lives.

The people of Li6bana did not let me maintain this

view for long. They were well aware that population loss

had occurred and that it threatened to destroy their

community. They knew that they had had to respond to many

changes imposed from outside of the valleys. Their

herding/agriculture had changed from production for use to

production for sale under the encouragement of state pro-

grams. They knew that market mechanisms had replaced many

of their previous forms of economic interaction. Yet

Lebaniegos also knew that the community and traditional

family life remained strong and they felt themselves to be,

and appeared to be, very much in control of their own

lives.

This Lebaniego response to change seemed much better

described by Chayanov's (1966) theory of peasant economy

and current theories of the household economy than by

historical-structural interpretations. Yet many of the

forces posited by historical-structural theories were

certainly causing change in the valleys and the built in

inequality in exchange relations between Lebaniego pro-

ducers and outside consumers of that production was

certainly present. In Chapters II and V I attempt to show

ways in which these two theoretical viewpoints might be

reconciled with the reality I found in Lidbana.








The community studies method which I followed was

instrumental in highlighting both the effect of outside

forces on Li&ana and Lebaniego participation in the change

which occurred in the valleys. By examining the networks of

relations between Lebaniegos and between Lebaniegos and the

outside world, the tremendous pressures for change and

Lebaniego channeling of that change through community

institutions both became apparent. This dissertation shows

the efficacy of applying community study methods and

theories, which have fallen into disuse, but have never

been adequately replaced, to contemporary problems.












TABLE OF CONTENTS



Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................. iii

PREFACE ............... ......................... v

ABSTRACT ....................................... xiii

C CHAPTERS

I LA ANTIGUA PROVINCIA DE LIEBANA ........ 1

Introduction ..... ...................... 1
Research Plan ..... ..... ...... .... .......... 4
The Physical Environment ............... 8
The Social Environment .................. 22
The Yearly Round ...................... 25
The Evolution of Lebaniego Identity .... 34
Social Forms ...... ......... .......... .. 43
Europe and Spain ...................... 44
Cantabria, Las Montafas and Santander 45
Termino and Pueblo .................... 46
Social Class .... .................... 51
Church and Parish ..................... 54
La Familia ........................... 58
The Individual and His/Her Group ..... 61
Generational Cycles ................... 63
Conclusion ........ ....................... 66

II PRESSURES FOR CHANGE
AND THEIR THEORETICAL INTERPRETATION 68

The Modernization of Agriculture ....... 69
Migration ............................... 70
Peasants: Pawns or Actors? .............. 73
Peasant Generalists ..................... 78
Structures For Dealing With Change ..... 83












III THE RETURN FROM AUTARKY: 1950 TO 1973 .. 87

1930-1950: Depression, Democracy,
Civil War and Reconstruction .......... 90
1950-1973: Peace, Prosperity and
Migration ............................ 94
Agricultural Modernization:
Dairying and the Market Economy .... 95
Mechanized Agriculture ................ 99
Silvaculture ......................... 103
Tourism .............................. 105
Migration ............................ 107
Conclusion ............................. 124

IV RECESSION AND CLOSING
BORDERS: 1974 THROUGH 1983 ........... 126

Population Change ....................... 128
Social Change in Remote Pueblos ........ 130
Social Change in More Centrally
Located Pueblos in Li6bana ........... 136
Return Migration ....................... 142
Conclusion ......... ..................... 152

V QUE DURA ES LA VIDA ..................... 154

Theoretical and Ethnological
Perspectives ......................... 154
The Survival of Peasant Relations
of Production in Liebana ............. 159
Entry into
the European Economic Community ...... 166
Li6bana's Future ....................... 173

APPENDIX: SPANISH TEXTS ....................... 177

BIBLIOGRAPHY .. ................................. 179

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................... 196


xii











Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy




CULTURAL ADAPTATION
TO THE EFFECTS OF MIGRATION AND AGRICULTURAL CHANGE
IN A RURAL SPANISH COMMUNITY


By


David de la Peha Reddy


August, 1986



Chairman: Dr. Allan F. Burns
Major Department: Anthropology


This dissertation is an analysis of cultural adapta-

tion to the effects of migration and agricultural change in

the community of Liebana, a mountain valley system in

northern Spain, between 1950 and 1983. It examines press-

ures and opportunities thrust on Liebana during this period

and the mechanisms through which the people of Liebana have

actively responded to maintain the integrity of their

community and its prospects for continued survival.

Population in Liebana held at about 12,000 for many

years, then declined precipitately from 1950-73 due to

migration. A new plateau of about 7,000 seems to have

become established in the 1980's. The same period witnessed


xiii








a shift from a subsistence oriented survival strategy to a

market orientation in the form of dairying. Tourism became

a major industry during the 1970's and now provides the

largest flow of cash into the valleys.

Following community study methods, seven major factors

affecting Lidbana's survival as a community are identified:

migration, terrain, agricultural change, tourism,

Lebaniego's strong positive identification with all of

Liebana, a peasant, extended family survival strategy and

the worldwide recession of 1973-84.

Surprisingly, it was found that, based on a peasant,

extended family survival strategy and a strong cultural

identity, Lebaniegos have been able to deal with depopula-

tion and rapid change, maintaining the integrity of their

community through active participation in the process of

change.


xiv















CHAPTER I
LA ANTIGUA PROVINCIA DE LIEBANA

Introduction

Over the last 30 years much of rural Spain has con-

tributed to a stream of migrants, leaving, whether tempo-

rarily or permanently, for the cities of Spain, Europe and

the Americas. Fueled by agricultural modernization and the

traditional lure of the cities, a similar movement can be

found, to a lesser or greater extent, in much of the devel-

oping world and it echos the draining of rural areas

already experienced by the industrialized countries of the

west. This dissertation is a study of a sending area, the

effects of migration and agricultural modernization on it

and the responses of its people as a community to these

forces.

The only way to understand the change experienced by a

community is first to understand the community, to under-

stand the processes of stability and change through which

its members maintain its continuity through the genera-

tions. The best way of understanding the community is

through a community study, placing the community in its

physical, social, and cultural contexts (Arensberg 1961,

1968; Arensberg and Kimball 1965, 1968, 1969; Kimball and

Pearsall 1955; Kimball and Partridge 1979; Burns 1978;










Lison-Tolosana 1966, 1976; Vidich and Bensman 1960; Doughty

1968; Joly 1981). Thus, in my fieldwork, I set out first to

understand the community, only then attempting to examine

further the particular aspects of migration and agri-

cultural modernization.

From an understanding of a particular community, care-

ful generalizations to the classes of communities to which

it belongs are possible. In undertaking my community study

as the basis for investigating particular phenomena in

Spain, I am building on the work of a long tradition in

Spanish ethnography and ethnology (Caro Baroja 1943, 1946,

1963, 1966; Pitt-Rivers 1968, 1971; Lison-Tolosana 1966,

1976; Kenny 1969; Freeman 1968, 1970, 1979; Douglass 1969,

1971, 1975, 1976; P6rez-Dfaz 1966, 1969, 1971, 1976;

Greenwood 1976; Aceves 1971; Aceves and Bailey 1967;

Brandes 1973a, 1973b, 1975a, 1975b, 1976; CAtedra 1976;

Christian 1972; Harding 1975, 1976, 1978, 1984; L6pez

Linage 1978; Barrett 1974). While the method of community

studies will be discussed more fully below and in Chapter

II, the contribution of these works to my understanding of

the community in Spain will be discussed in the context of

relevant areas of life in the community.

Migration is usually the result of a complex interplay

of forces in both the sending and receiving areas.

Voluntary migration, consciously decided on by the

individual and his/her family, but usually far from a








"free" choice, has immediate repercussions for both areas,

in this case, depopulating the countryside of Spain and

sending an eager labor force to the cities. In developing

my research proposal and field strategies, I followed an

historical-structural interpretation of migration which

holds that change at the local level is brought about by

forces in the international economic system, beyond the

control of those affected, a view especially prominent in

the works of Wallerstein (1974, 1983), Balan (1976), Portes

(1978), Sassen-Koob (1980), and others (Fligstein 1983;

Frank 1970; Myrdal 1957; Reddy 1983). An application of

this view to rural migration in Spain can be summarized in

these terms: The primary force behind migration has been

the industrialization/modernization of agriculture. In

areas favorable to industrialized agriculture, peasants

have been moved off their land and rural proletariats

rendered excess by large scale mechanized farming (Perez-

Diaz 1976; Naredo 1971; Martinez-Alier 1974; Mendras 1970;

Franklin 1969; Balan 1978; Barrett 1974; Harding 1984). In

areas unfavorable to industrialized agriculture, tradi-

tional, labor intensive, subsistence strategies have failed

or become increasingly uncompetitive with industrialized

agriculture (Brandes 1975a).

Below I will discuss the way I chose my fieldwork

site, then go on to describe in some detail the physical

setting and the social and cultural patterns forming






4

traditional life in Li6bana (the site chosen). Although

physically isolated, Liebana has been affected by and has

had some effect on the changing fortunes of its region and

Spain over the last two millenia. To understand what has

occurred in the last few decades, it will be necessary to

understand what the community of Li4bana was like when this

tumultuous period began. In Chapter II I will discuss at

greater length the theoretical and methodological problems

addressed by the dissertation, then in subsequent chapters

I will consider the change undergone by Liebana since 1950

and forces likely to affect the community in the future.


Research Plan

I had not chosen a site for my research when I came to

Spain. Rather I had chosen a configuration of circumstances

which I wished to explore and a general area: Santander

Province. The circumstances I was looking for included a

fairly isolated area, inhospitable to extensive agricul-

ture, containing a community which fulfilled/had fulfilled

most of the needs of the local population and which had

experienced significant migration. Much of the literature

led me to believe that wherever I looked in rural Spain I

would find a social system in the late stages of decline

and smaller central places rapidly losing their functions

to larger cities. I chose Santander Province because its

mountains and narrow coastal plain had to some degree

protected it from industrialized agriculture while it






5

still retained an essentially agricultural/herding economy

in its rural areas, and because I was most familiar with

the literature on northern Spain.

I had chosen the above set of circumstances in order

to explore the effects, on a fairly complete and bounded

community, of agricultural modernization and migration. By

complete I mean a community capable (or formerly capable)

of reproducing itself, of passing on its culture and social

forms from one generation to the next following Arensberg

and Kimball (1965, 1968, 1969) and others (Doughty 1968;

Lison-Tolosana 1966; Long and Roberts 1978, 1984; Arensberg

1968; and see Chapter II below).

Minimal institutional components of a community meet-

ing the needs of my inquiry included: primary and secondary

schools; local government functions performed and services

available in the community; availability of most forms of

goods and services (foodstuffs, fuel, work implements,

banks, restaurants, hotels, bars, etc.) in the community

and sufficient population to maintain these amenities.

As will become apparent in my description of Liebana,

the definition of community I used is not restricted to the

more common and traditional conception of a community as a

single village, town or city. Rather it follows that of

Arensberg who states

The community is the minimal unit table of organiza-
tion of the personnel who can carry and transmit this
culture. It is the minimal unit realizing the categor-
ies and offices of their social organization. It is
the minimal group capable of re-enacting in the






6

present and transmitting to the future the cultural
and institutional inventory of their distinctive and
historic tradition. And from it, in it the child
learns, from peers and the street as well as from
parents and teachers, the lore of his people and what
must be learned to become one of them. (Arensberg
1961:253 emphasis his).

One of the many advantages of this formulation of the

community is that it recognizes the existence of dispersed

communities such as the county in the southern United

States (Arensberg and Kimball 1965). Made up of scattered

homesteads or population centers, the southern county and

my fieldwork site, which I will be describing below, are

both united through regular cycles of community-wide inter-

action. Further implications of this definition and the

community studies method will be discussed below and in

Chapter II.

With a great deal of help, (See Acknowledgments) I was

able to narrow possible fieldwork sites in Santander Pro-

vince to three, centered around the towns of Cabez6n de la

Sal, Puente Nansa and Potes. On further investigation of

these towns and their regions, I found that each had been

strongly influenced by migration and modernization. Cabez6n

de la Sal was becoming a regional transport, bulking and

light industrial center as rail, highway and communication

links improved and allowed it to serve a larger hinterland.

Its population has more than doubled since the turn of the

century. Puente Nansa, on the other hand, had never really

been the center for its valley (Christian 1972) and was now

losing some of the functions it did have as improved roads









and transport allowed the consolidation of schools and

services into the developing regional center: Cabez&n de la

Sal. Potes, the center of a culture region known as

Liebana, whose people call themselves and are known as

Lebaniegos1, fell somewhere between these two. Isolation

had allowed it to retain its functions as a central place

while migration from the rest of Li6bana had replaced

migrants from the town. A short, hectic two month tourist

season had replaced agriculture as the area's biggest money

maker. Had Li6bana become a tourist area with a little

agriculture or was it an agricultural area with a little

tourism? I chose to study Potes and Li6bana despite this

worry because I felt that the boundaries of the region

centered on Cabez6n de la Sal were too extensive, while

those of Puente Nansa had been constricting for too long.

Thus I came to Liebana, a small traditionally agricul-

tural/herding region in northern Spain, expecting to study

the effects of migration on a culture in disarray. As I

expected, Li6bana had experienced tremendous population

loss with a decrease from 12,114 in 1950 to 6,791 in 1981,

a 44 percent loss (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1982),

and Lebaniego agriculture had been under intense competi-

tive pressure during this time as well. Despite this, I

came away with more of a study of the effects of the



1Lay-bahn-yay-guz in the distinctive local dialect, which
turns a final o into a u.






8

community on migration and cultural adaptation to change.

The contribution of this dissertation is that it illus-

trates the resilience and continuity of the community, even

under the pressure of heavy migration and rapid change.

Although I found the effects of many of the forces posited

in the historical-structural view, I found that the people

of Liebana have maintained the extended family survival

strategy of the peasant community, adapting it to a chang-

ing economic and social situation, without destroying the

basic patterns of community life. The growing cost of

mechanized agriculture, due to rising fossil fuel costs,

may also have eased the competitive pressure on Li6bana's

labor-intensive herding/agriculture allowing the poss-

ibility of its survival into the future.

The remainder of Chapter I provides an introduction to

the physical and social environment of Liebana and to the

institutions, behavior patterns and ways of dealing with

the physical and social environment traditional to Leban-

iegos and the identities which grew out of them. A clear

understanding of the development of the community will

provide a basis for discussing its responses to the change

experienced in recent years.


The Physical Environment

Li6bana forms the extreme western part of Santander

Province and is located on the southern side of the eastern

massif of the Picos de Europa (See Figure 1-1). The Picos






9

de Europa form part of the chain of mountains that extends

along the north coast of Spain into the Pyrennes and on up

the Atlantic coast of Europe including large parts of the

British Isles and Ireland. With a usually narrow coastal

plain, this area forms an ecological zone called the

Atlantic Fringe. The mountains of the Atlantic Fringe block

and precipitate the rain and this zone is generally charac-

terized by-high rainfall levels and lush vegetation.

The north coast of Spain is called the "Costa Verde"

(Green Coast) and Santander Province receives 1 to 1.5

meters of rain per year. The coastal plain is narrow and

hil ly, seldom more than 20 kilometers wide, and the moun-

tains rise abruptly behind it. Rainfall levels are general-

ly much higher along the coast and remain high in the

mountain river valleys which open onto the coast and run,

for the most part, directly south from it (See Figure 1-1).

Li&ana consists of the valleys of the river Deva and

its two major tributaries, the Quiviesa and Bul Ilon (See

Figure 1-2). The rivers join in the area of Potes, the

regional center, and flow north to the Cantabrian Sea (Bay

of Biscay) as the river Deva. Completely surrounded by

mountains which average around 2,000 meters above sea

level, access to the valleys is limited to two high passes

and a narrow defile, all of which are frequently closed by

snow in the winter.

Lidbana is shielded by the Picos to the north and this

reduces its average rainfall to .6145 meters, the lowest of















S





Lis




t ,


Ca .ndLS a acu rr |



... ,PIO --, i co.ioZT i -' ,er
la Ida S3 a sC


HARiA', Of[ ij K c C
aft*[ 0


ifr ai-A* if 0* *y l v II \
lou d 1 0 to es
is alld~afaka at' oill
,; *'I* > f -- ALTOXCAMPOO
O s0t' ,.c" *%ge Pasaguera o
1 1 rs; to &'V~sem
1 M \. I .- .J.. A S.pairn e.404

PROVINCIA .





Barr
Or S I
ICASLSiy
i ^*"wT^ -.f946,
.) 1 ^tzy
V!i6 fSg~~
Bar t-la fit


1 4i0 ae WCaW .


<-.l A
lnL i4i
*Lance


1, pof


















-~



-z ~w

~~L.ijL~t


PLAHO DELAPVCMIlCI
DE

ESCALA
i


5IGMIOS CO/IVE/4CIO/IALES
Canecerais e i'ly oraen........... ....-
id. ae '9 y principales......--.- ..
ferrocarriles yestLacones .................
Pueblos cmestaciones.......... ....Waa
CapsLalidades de parioos judaiciam--..... 4
id. de ayuntamlLntos ...----- g
Otros pubtlos.. ... ...............


---I


Figure 1-1: Map of the Province of Santander, courtesy of
La Direccicn General de Promocicn del Turismo, Gobierno de
Cantabria (The Office of Tourism, Government of Cantabria)
(1979).


--



































































0-





Io
N SW
I Md
r-4 0




-4?-









'WI
I Y
3,


!'2~~ B..~































Figure 1-3: Potes and The Picos De Europa.


Figure 1-4: La Feria de San Pedro (The Fair of St. Peter),
Potes, 6/29/83.





Now '"- 1J-._J

At \s S E 'i d

--0L1 1,


Figure 1-5: All Souls Day and the blessing of the graves.


Figure 1-6: The family gathers for First Communion.
















62 --
k t'" y'> -
*' ^ J


Figure 1-7: Everyone helps
Camacho 's.








I


out when they butcher a pig at


I.


" WV "
hi
A-0^ _J^


Figure 1-8: Amigos.






17

any reporting station in Santander Province (Fondo Para la

Investigaci6n Econ6iica y Social de la Confederaci6n

Espahola de Cajas de Ahorro 1972 Tomo 1:54). This is still

heavy rainfall, but it is enough reduced to allow the

growing of wheat in the area, a crop that rots in the field

from too much moisture in most of the Province.

The more than 100 population concentrations of Lidbana

range in altitude from about 245 meters above sea level

(Tama) to 1,108 meters (Caloca). The altitude of a particu-

lar pueblo went far in determining the contents of the

traditional yearly round in that pueblo, with those at high

altitudes tending to be more involved in purely herding

activities while pueblos at lower levels tended to maintain

more of a mix of herding and smal 1 farming. Despite these

differences, the tempo of life throughout the valleys was

largely determined by the seasons; spring bringing the

villagers out of their houses with its quickening pace,

summer with its long steady labor, fall with its harvests

giving way to time for games and fiestas and preparation

for the cold and isolation of winter.

Even the smallest pueblos2 of Li6bana are highly

nucleated, with most buildings butting directly against the


I use the term pueblo for the towns and hamlets of Li6b-
ana, including small geographically separate subsidiary
population concentrations referred to as barrios in several
other studies (Christian 1972; Freeman 1979). I use the
term barrio to refer only to neighborhoods within or close
to larger pueblos. This follows local usage and recognizes
the distance of some pueblos from their municipal center.






18

next in line. The only exceptions to this rule involve

recent construction for returning migrants or summer visi-

tors who have built a scattering of houses on their own

grounds around Potes. A local butcher who built his family

a new home less than a kilometer from the center of Potes

found out just how strong the desire to live in town can

be. He was forced to rent the dwelling when his wife

refused to live there because she would be too far from her

family and friends. Some school teachers from another pro-

vince were glad to get it.

Despite its long history as a trading center, in

Potes, as in most of the pueblos of Li6bana, the village

was built to be close to prime agricultural land and herd-

ing areas while removing as little land from production as

possible. For Potes this meant building on the south slope

of the valley, which is in the shade of the mountains from

three in the afternoon until nine in the morning during the

winter, to leave the north slope clear for vinyards. Dobar-

ganes, a small pueblo in the t6rmino of Vega de Liebana,

spills down a steep slope to leave more open land for

hierba (hay) and pasturage.

Li&ana covers an area of 55,800 hectares. However, of

that area, approximately 20,543 hectares have a slope of

thirty to fifty percent and 17,250 hectares have a slope of

greater than fifty percent, leaving only 18,007 hectares

with a slope under 30 percent and thus the potential to be

useful for more than grazing or timberland (Colegio Oficial









de Ingenieros Tecnicos Agricolas y Peritos Agricolas de

Santander 1980:25 & 33). Even this does not tell the full

story, however; two-thirds of this relatively flat land is

at an altitude of 700 meters or greater, further reducing

the uses to which it can be put (Colegio Oficial de

Ingenieros Tecnicos Agricolas y Peritos Agricolas de San-

tander 1980:33).

Land in Li6bana, according to its altitude, access-

ibility, slope and local custom, is usually devoted to one

of seven major uses: pasture/hay fields, cornfields,

gardens, monte, orchards, vinyards and tended forest. The

monte is mountain scrub land, owned in common and exploited

for firewood and grazing, but too remote and/or steep for

improvement. Pasture/hay fields are to be found at all

altitudes to take maximum advantage of the growing season

for grasses. Orchards, vinyards and cornfields, sites for

substantial investments of time and effort, are in favored

sheltered areas at lower altitudes. Until the 1950s wheat

was the major crop in these areas. Gardens, small in extent

but important in production, are again found in favored

sheltered areas, but this time close to the home for con-

stant tending. Tended forest "tree farms," most usually are

found in areas of high slope and limited accessibility, but

may appear anywhere, signaling the long-term investment of

a migrant from the valleys.






20

Garden crops include potatoes, beans and varied vege-

tables, especially cabbages, the most durable winter vege-

table. Corn is grown solely as a feed crop for cattle and

chickens. The wheat of earlier days has given way to the

need for more animal feed and the cheapness of wheat

brought in from the interior. Orchard crops include

cherries, guindas (a sour cherry), apples and pears as well

as the occasional nut tree, which may be anywhere, but is

always individually owned and tended. Vinyards, now rare in

Li6bana, provide grapes for wine and are the only legal

source for the leavings of wine making which are used to

make the local aguardiente orujo, which is probably

Liebana's most famous product.

Animals herded include cattle, sheep, goats and

horses. Traditionally cattle were raised for work animals

and meat and their ability to live outdoors for a good part

of the year with minimal care and no feed other than pas-

ture. Dairy cattle were kept only for the family's own

needs or, in the lower altitudes, to meet the needs of

nonagriculturalists in the larger pueblos. Sheep and goats

were and are kept for their meat and milk, mostly in the

higher pueblos where their owners have access to communal

lands for grazing. Horses for work and meat have also

traditionally been raised in the higher elevations of the

valleys. In addition to the animals herded, most agricul-

tural/herding families have also kept pigs enough to

slaughter two or three a year, preserving the meat for









family needs and cash or barter income. Small flocks of

chickens, maintained for their eggs and meat, also remain

common.

Dairying is now the main pursuit of almost all of the

agriculturalists of Liebana. Three kinds of cattle are

raised in the valleys today: The Tudanca, a small hardy

local breed which replaced Liebana's native cattle,

produces little milk and has meat of inferior quality.

Primarily a draft animal, it is often interbred with the

Suiza or Swiss.; The Swiss or Parda Alpina was brought into

northern Spain in the 1800s. It is superior to the Tudanca

in size, meat quality and milk production and is well

suited to high altitude and cold. However, local informants

feel that it is not so hardy as the Tudanca, so crosses

between the two have become the most popular cattle in

Li6bana today, and the Frisona or Dutch dairy cow which is

adapted to lower altitudes and a milder climate, but which

will produce greater quantities of higher quality milk on a

diet of pasture or hay supplemented with concentrated

feeds. Expensive to purchase and maintain, Frisona cattle

are found only in a few large dairies at the lowest

altitudes.

Lidbana has traditionally been a peasant area and has

been tied into the national economy for centuries. It has

had an overlord of some kind, extracting surpluses and

imposing structure, since at least Roman times. Thus the






22

needs and desires of the outside world have always had an

effect on the area, requiring that Lebaniegos balance their

subsistence needs with the necessity of producing a sur-

plus. Most of the above described subsistence crops are

durable for storage in subsistence and also were transport-

able to overlords or markets outside Liebana by available

means. In the last forty years production has continued to

respond to outside forces. As roads into the valleys and

transportation improved, dairying and wood production have

increased while wine and wheat production, which can be

more easily and cheaply carried out in other parts of

Spain, have decreased.


The Social Environment

The development of a community requires more than

simple propinquity. In this section I continue to explore

the factors which contributed to the development of a

community which encompasses all of LiAbana. These included

the perceptions of outsiders, especially in government, as

well as those of Lebaniegos as to the limits and political

composition of the area and the commonality of interests to

be found there.

Sparsely populated areas lying between the coast and

the interior of Spain, the mountain valleys of northern

Spain have historically been included into one province or

another, more on the basis of convenience for the ruling

class than that of valley residents. Some valleys were even






23

carved up for various overlords (Christian 1972). As far as

can be determined, Libana has been treated as one politi-

cal district at least since Roman times, although it has

had to answer to various capitals. Known as la antiaua

provincia de Liabana (the ancient province of Liebana), it

became part of the Province of Santander when the province

was created in 1827.

The three valleys of Liebana are divided on the basis

of geographical changes into 5 large terminos (see below).

A sixth termino, in the typical Spanish political fashion

of balancing the center against the parts, is composed

largely of the town of Potes, the strategic center, govern-

mental center and market center of the valleys.

A termino or municipio (the terms are used interchang-

ably), described by Christian (1972:4) as "a township or

vale," is usually defined by changes in geography rather

than population, with the proviso that it must contain at

least one town. A termino usually consists of a central

town and its rural hinterland, which may be quite extensive

and contain a number of smaller pueblos. This is the case

for all of the terminos of Liebana except Potes. All of the

land belongs to one tErmino or another, much like counties

in the U.S. However, terminos differ from U.S. counties in

that they are usually much smaller and have no judicial

functions and only rudimentary police powers. Most police

powers are reserved to the national police, the Guardia

Civil, who operate without regard to termino boundaries.









T4rminos are grouped into districts (Comarcas), usual-

ly on the basis of geographical unity, with a central court

for all local cases. Many provincial and national

government services such as agricultural extension and

social security are also provided at the Comarcal level

rather than that of the termino. All of Liebana forms one

Comarca, administered from Potes.

In this study, I have included six of the seven t6r-

minos which make up the Comarca of Liebana: Cabez6n de

Liebana, Camaleho, Cillorigo-Castro, Pesagdero, Potes and

Vega de Liebana. These conform to the area of the three

river valleys which meet in the vicinity of Potes (See

Figure 1-2).

Tresviso, the seventh t4rmino of the Comarca, consists

of one town and has a population of 91 (Instituto Nacional

de Estadistica, 1982). It is located in the high valley of

the Rio Urd6n, a tributary of the Deva, which enters the

river approximately 16 kilometers from Potes, near La

Hermida, a t&rmino considered outside of Liebana. Separated

by impassable mountains, Tresvisinos must come through La

Hermida to reach the rest of the Comarca. A Villa (country

seat) in its own right in former days, Tresviso's major

connection with Li6bana is that it was included in the

district by the provincial government. It is now in the

process of being transferred to the jurisdiction of San

Vicente de la Barquera, a coastal town.






25

Although officially part of Liebana, Lebaniegos are

quick to point out that of course Tresvisinos are very dif-

ferent. Some even told me a story, which they claimed not

to believe, that the Tresvisinos are actually lost Irishmen

(there are apparently a lot of redheads in Tresviso). In

addition, Tresvisinos that I spoke to strongly rejected

labeling as Lebaniegos, in contrast to the strong positive

identification of people from every other part of Liebana.

I have therefore excluded Tresviso from my study.

The six remaining t&rminos form a very neatly bounded

geographic area. It is completely encircled by mountains

and at each of the three natural entrances to the valleys

there is a gap in habitation, forced by the terrain, that

clearly marks the limits of Li6bana. These geographic

limits correspond with the social boundaries perceived by

Lebaniegos and are reinforced by the isolated position of

Li6bana. Liebana is not on the road to anywhere. A vehicle

crossing one of the mountain passes or driving through the

defile into Li6bana is almost surely bound for a destina-

tion within the valleys. It is almost always quicker to

drive around the area rather than through it.


The Yearly Round

For much of recorded history, the vast majority of

Lebaniegos have shared a similar life style and survival

strategy and thus a similar yearly rhythm to life. This

most basic of common interests has been fundamental in the







26

shaping of the community of Liebana and the people of

Liebana have shaped their response to the radical change of

the last thirty years on the cultural and social systems

traditional to the valleys. The yearly round and the

development of Lebaniego identity are thus described in

some detail below.

Javier L6pez Linage named his 1978 study of a pueblo

in Li6bana "Antropologia de la Ferocidad Cotidiana:

Supervivencia y Trabajo en una Comunidad C6ntabra." (Anth-

ropology of the Daily Ferocity of Life: Survival and Work

in a Cantabrian Community.) and the agricultural/herding

life practiced by most Lebaniegos is indeed very hard. With

little land and fewer reserves, a bad harvest or a cow that

dies of illness can spell disaster. Yet the life which I

will be describing below as typical of Liabana in the first

half of this century must be considered an improvement over

the situation which prevailed into the last half of the

1800s and ended only with the final breakup of the Antiguo

Regimen (the old or ancient order).

The old order was based on feudal senorial rights, in

which nobles who had been of service to the crown were

granted ownership of large tracts of land and often the

administration of the populace living on it, giving them

the right to set and collect fees and taxes, which the

sefores took as a license to steal, checked only by the

poverty and tendency to revolt of their subjects. Their

land was generally let to tenant farmers in sharecropping









or share renting arrangements or worked by day laborers.

Overseen by local agents of the noble, these arrangements

were identical with those of cotton tenancy in the southern

U.S. (See Raper 1936; L6pez Linage 1978).

The old order also granted the church the right to the

diezmo (tithe), which all were required to pay. Tomas

Martinez Vara describes the system of caciquismo bossismm)

in his historical introduction to Estado de las Fabricas,

Comercio, Industria y Agricultura en las Montafas de

Santander (S. XVIII) (The State of Factories, Commerce,

Industry and Agriculture in the Mountains of Santander

(18th Century) by J.M.3

For most of history, the mountain countryman was
a small proprietor, renter of a tiny plot, artesan or
hauler of wheat, wine, firewood, charcoal or fish and
day laborer; the renters, sharecroppers and day
laborers depended on a 'friend' who habitually was an
aristocrat separated from the region, for which he
felt no interest, solely caring about the collection
of its rents, the handling of which he entrusted to
the administrators of his lands and jurisdictions;
(Vara IN J.M. 1979:90. Translation mine. See Appendix
for Spanish text.)

Vara reports an 1860 census finding which showed that

42.1 percent of farmers4 in the mountains of Santander


3The identity of J.M. is not known beyond his initials. He
described himself only as a "man of the Province with some
disposition for observation and, of necessity, a talent for
writing." (1979:Inner jacket). His description, criticism
of and suggested remedies for conditions in the mountains
of Santander was sent unbidden to the Provincial
government.

4Who constitutes a farmer is not made clear. Seemingly only
male heads of household.






28

were day laborers, 27.9 percent were renters and only 29.9

percent were land owners (Vara in J.M. 1979:89). Those who

owned land usually did not own enough for their families to

live on and were forced to rent more or to work at day

labor as well. Vara and J.M. devote much of their works to

detailing the hunger and misery of the montafeses (the

Cantabrian term for mountaineers) during this period,

placing most of the blame on sehorial rights and on the

diezmo of the church.

Seforial rights were abolished and the diezmo made

voluntary with the end of the old order, lifting a tremen-

dous burden from the backs of the peasants. But this was

far from the end of caciquismo. Local caciques controlled

the apparatus of democracy in each region after the restor-

ation of the Spanish monarchy in 1874. In return for making

sure that the 'right' people were allowed to vote and the

'right' people were elected, caciques were given virtually

unlimited local control of the machinery of the state,

including police, courts and taxation (Brenan 1964).

Although this power faded with the faltering of the central

government after the turn of the century, it persisted

until the beginning of the Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera

in 1923. Though stripped of much of their ability to

directly control the apparatus of government in their own

behalf, through control of land, jobs and loans and the use

of their political influence on behalf of clients,






29

caciques have remained a powerful force in Liebana to this

day.

Sharecropping and share renting continued into the

1950s, but had begun to fade during the 1940s as Lebaniegos

began to shift their fields from wheat to pasture and hay

fields for dairy cows. This less intensive use allowed

landowners to work more land and sharecropping arrangements

became less attractive to them. The major blow to share-

cropping and share renting came with the resumption of

migration in the 1950s, however. Migration made more land

available for purchase or long term rental. At the same

time cash from dairying and migrant remittances became

available to a broader spectrum of Lebaniegos and many

former sharecroppers or share renters were able to purchase

land. By the mid-1950s few sharecroppers or share renters

remained (L6pez Linage 1978:194-95). By 1972 only 3.4

percent of farm land in Santander was under some form of

share cropping agreement and 9 percent was rented (Fondo

para la Investigacidn Economica y Social de la

Confederaci6n Espafola de Cajas de Ahorro 1972, Tomo

11:37). In Li6bana only 131 hectares were sharecropped in

1972 while 1,512 were rented (Instituto Nacional de

Estadistica 1973c:30-31). This was a very different kind of

renting too, for cash and usually on an extended lease

rather than the share renting at the pleasure of the land-

lord which had gone before. Agricultural change will be

addressed further in Chapters III and IV below.










Up until about 1950 herding and wheat farming deter-

mined the yearly round of activities in the herding/agri-

cultural villages of Li6bana. In spring the men would be

feeding the last of the previous year's hay to the cattle,

and plowing the fields with oxen to sow the wheat and the

other lesser crops which made up their small farming (some

varieties of wheat had already been sown in the autumn, to

lie dormant under the snow and be ready for spring). As the

spring progressed they would move the beef cattle and

unproductive dairy cows to mountain pastures, there to be

watched for a fee by the inhabitants of the nearby high

villages or herded by a representative of each family in

rotation or al lowed to roam on common pasture and checked

often by their owners. At the same time women would be

occupied in the first thinning and weeding of the crops,

hard work to be done by hoe or by hand. Children and old

people would aid in tasks appropriate to their age and

abilities and everyone would be busy, the enforced idleness

and leisurely visiting of the winter replaced by a quick

visit to Potes on market day for a few necessities and a

glass of wine once in a month if you could spare the time.

With summer most of the people of the village would

begin the cutting and storing of hay that would occupy them

for the rest of the summer and extend into early fall, the

men cutting with their scythes and the women and children

following behind with rakes to spread the hay out to dry,






31

then the whole family storing it in the barn. This was the

period when migrated family members would be enticed home

if possible to aid in the work through the fall. Once the

hay is cut it must be dried and stored quickly so that it

will not be ruined by rain.

Village labor was also roughly coordinated during this

time. The traditional inheritance system of equal shares to

all children and the desire to insure subsistence by

spreading production over a varied area, applied over

centuries, had caused fields to be tiny or merely subdivis-

ions of a larger field, marked off by agreed upon land-

marks. In addition villages frequently held lands in

common, meteing out shares to each household (see "vecinos"

below). Cutting of the hay had to be coordinated to some

extent so that all parts of a field would be finished at

about the same time so cows could be allowed to graze on

the stubble and for the unspoken reason of making sure no

one cheated you out of your rightful share of the hay.

With late summer came the culmination of the produc-

tion process. The last of the hay was gathered in as the

cattle that had spent the summer in high pastures were

brought down, stopping to graze in the stubble of lower

meadows. The ears and stalks of the corn were gathered for

sillage. Gardens and orchards were harvested and their

produce preserved for the winter. Grapes were brought in

and the wine making begun, a process much anticipated since

locally produced wine begins to turn to vinegar in August.









The leavings from the wine making would be used to make

orujo, the potent local aguardiente for which Li6bana is

known throughout Spain. While these were important, a major

part of the family's effort would be bent to bringing in

and processing the wheat crop, their bread for the next

year. The wheat, reaped, like the hay, by the entire fam-

ily, was threshed by oxen on a common village threshing

floor, then winnowed by the women and children before being

taken to an area mill for grinding.

Late summer and early fall also signalled the time for

the fiestas of the patron saints of many of the villages

and all of the terminos; a chance for each to draw back its

migrants with more limited time, to reaffirm its identity,

to provide a celebration to repay the hospitality of those

from other pueblos, and maybe a chance to meet a spouse or

for a prospective spouse to unobtrusively size up your

vil lage and your place in it. Ranging from a simple one day

event consisting of a solemn mass, a romeria (religious

procession) and a verbena (an evening dance held outdoors,

usual ly with a live band), to a five day extravaganza put

on by Potes, fiestas were traditionally organized by the

mozos (young unmarried men and women between about 15 and

30), and this is still true for the smaller villages of

Liebana. However, Potes' fiesta has long been the culmina-

tion of the fiesta season, a reaffirmation of Lebaniego






33

identity and Potes' mozos must give way to the town

council.

In winter there was little more than maintenance work

to do; feed the animals, milk the cows and try to keep

warm. Al 1 of the visiting migrants had gone back to work.

The men spent much of the day playing mus and tute (card

games) in their village tipicos (usually a combination

bar/restaurant/grocery store) or those of nearby towns -

Potes if the trip was not too difficult. Women worked to-

gether in small courtyard groups of relatives or friends.

The children were in school again after the harvest. In

December and early January would come the celebration and

reaffirmation of the family Christmas and the coming of

the Three Kings.

Despite the emphasis on self-sufficiency, Li6bana

still supported a number of service personnel and outside

professionals, especially in Potes and in the central towns

of the terminos. The service personnel included black-

smiths, carpenters, masons, builders, innkeepers, barkeep-

ers, storekeepers, restaurateurs, barbers, seamstresses,

forest wardens, bakers, butchers, millers, wood cutters and

carters. Most of these were part-time occupations, fre-

quently combined and carried on by a family which also

practiced the normal round of herding/agricultural

activities.

Outside professionals included school teachers, doc-

tors, pharmacists, veterinarians, town secretaries and









Guardia Civil (national police). Appointed by the national

government, these professionals are traditionally sent

anywhere except their home area. This professional elite

formed two small isolated groupings within valley society;

that of the Guardia Civil, who traditionally stick to

themselves and that of the rest of the professionals who

also associated with upper class members of local society

and with the local priests, the final members of Liebana's

professional elite. There has been only one monastery left

in Liebana for the last century or two ("hace much

tiempo") and its eight remaining cloistered monks emerge

only to participate in a few religious events.


The Evolution of Lebaniego Identity

The similarity of the annual cycle for most Lebaniegos

created a commonality of interests and feelings, but this

they shared with the mountaineers of most of Santander

Province. Another cycle, the weekly market in Potes, over-

laid, and still overlays, the annual cycle, providing the

forum and the event for a weekly meeting of much of the

population of Li&bana. This is illustrated by a traditional

song, said to be centuries old, from the termino of

PesagSero (See Figure 1-2).

Soy de Potes, soy de Potes,
del Valle de Valdeprado,
del pueblo de Pesagtero
y aqui me tennis cantando.






35

I am from Potes, I am from Potes,
from the Valley of Valdeprado,
from the pueblo of Pesaguero,
and here you have me singing.


(Quoted by Cicero 1982a:20. Translation mine.)

Lebaniegos relate to the rest of Liebana through

Potes, its center and may even, as in the verse above,

identify themselves as being from Potes when communicating

with outsiders while they are away from home. Potes, whose

name is thought to stem from an earlier Roman name "Pontes"

(bridges), lies in a narrow part.of its valley at the

meeting of the rivers Quiviesa and Deva and just 1 kilome-

ter upstream of the entry of the Bul lon. Its bridges have

for centuries controlled access to the upper valleys of the

Quiviesa and Deva and for centuries those bridges have been

overlooked by a military fortress (Torre), placed there to

enforce the rule of whatever outside power currently held

sway over Li6bana. The most recent Torre, the Torre del

Infantado, was built on the remains of an earlier fortress

in the 14th century. It now serves as the town hall (ayun-

tamineto) of Potes and courthouse for the district of

Li6bana.

In defining what constitutes a community, Arensberg

and Kimball find that

The easiest criterion may well be: who come
together and who separate again, characteristically
speaking? When we find the people of our table of
organization assembled or come together at one time
and know the limit of their dispersal at another, only
to meet them regathered with one another at a third
time, we have found the range, the rhythm, the





36

membership, and the identity of the community we seek.
(Arensberg and Kimball 1965:26)

The existence of Potes, a central focus within the valleys

made inevitable by the necessity that roads follow the

river valleys, has allowed the development of a community

identity in Liebana. This identity flows from the market

function of Potes more than from its role as administrative

center. Always the town with the most businesses, Potes

holds the three major ferias (fairs) (See Figure 1-3) of

the year and a weekly mercado (market) on Mondays that draw

itinerant vendors and cattle buyers from outside the

valleys, providing a selection of goods and prices which

cannot be matched by the small businesses of the valleys

and the major outlet for the livestock (cattle, sheep,

goats, pigs and horses) produced in the valleys. A thousand

dairy cows, most with their new calves, and another thous-

and or so beef cattle were offered for sale in the largest

feria of the year, the Feria de la Cruz (Fair of the

Cross) in Potes in 1984 (Del Rio 1984:20).

The major event of most weeks, Lebaniegos from all

parts of the valleys flock to Potes' mercado on Mondays, to

buy, sell or simply to drink a glass of wine with their

friends. By the time the typical Lebanigo living outside of

Potes is an adult, he/she has been to Potes hundreds, if

not thousands, of times. During those visits they have

developed an acquaintance with, or at least facial






37

recognition of, thousands of fellow Lebaniegos. As Isidro

Cicero, a local historian states

This is the town of the 2 rivers -Deva and
Quiviesa -, The town of the five bridges, capital of
the district, geographical center, heart, head and
stomach of all the valleys that make up the ancient
province of Liebana.

Potes is the central plaza of Liebana, if you
understand me. What I mean by this is that it is the
meeting place of all these little lebaniego pueblos
that we have encountered spread over the heights. How
many time have I seen two neighbors that live next
door in the same village, if they have to talk of
something especially important say: 'Well, lets talk
about this next Monday in Potes.' Monday and Potes,
are two words that the lebaniegos carry united in
their heads, indivisible, so that to say one is to
think of the other and viceversa. (Cicero 1982a:54.
Emphasis his. Translation mine. See Appendix for
Spanish text.)

This contrasts sharply with the situation described by

Christian (1972) in the Rionansa Valley, just east of

Liabana. He found that, due to the geography of the valley

and its division between several political districts, the

Rionansa valley had never developed a central town or a

feeling of identity with the valley as a whole.

Lebaniego identity has developed over the centuries.

Below I will sketch some of the major events and forces

which I believe contributed to that development.

Liebana was part of the original kingdom of Pelayo,

the king who began the reconquest of Spain from the Moors

in about 722 A.D. The tremendous influx of refugees from

the Moorish conquest, especially clergy, profoundly influ-

enced the development of Li6bana. Considered a reserve

area, Cantabria had been pacified and taxed by the Romans









and more or less converted to Christianity by the Visi-

goths, but its rural areas were never profoundly altered

from their pre-Roman tribal heritage until the defeat of

the Visigoths (Gonzalez Echegaray 1966, 1969, 1977; Freeman

1979). Li4bana then became a major religious center and the

conversion to Christianity was completed5. As Cicero

states

Li&bana came to be extremely overpopulated then.
It was then thought to have the largest percentage of
theologians, bishops, nobles and monks per square
kilometer of all christianity. As a first step in
restoring order in the territory, they built a moun-
tain of monasteries, full to the bursting, to rehouse
and organize this flood of people.

In all Liebana there appear to have been more
than 20 monasteries. The oldest is documented in
790... (Cicero 1982a:71. Translation mine. See
Appendix for Spanish text.)

These religious refugees brought potent symbols of

Christianity with them, including such things as bones of

several of the apostles and a flagon of Mary's milk. The

monasteries built up around these relics, especially what

is now the Monastery of Santo Toribio, were granted rents

from much of the land and dominated life in Liebana until

the twelfth century when the church's secular power began



5There is evidence that even then pre-christian beliefs
persisted and were being co-opted by the Catholic Church. A
large pre-christian, Cantabrian Sun-Stone was recently
rediscovered behind the altar of the tenth century church
of Santa Maria of Lebefa in the municipio of Cillorigo-
Castro (See Figure 1-2). It has now been built into the
front of the altar for all to see, suggesting that church
priorities have changed over the past 1,000 years in
Liebana.






39

to decline. By that time the reconquest was far advanced

and Lidbana had once more become a reserve area.

Over the centuries since then, the monasteries and

their relics were removed from Liebana, leaving only the

Monastery of Santo Toribio, housing what is claimed to be

the largest surviving piece of the Lignum Crucis (Christ's

cross). Santo Toribio, started about the beginning of the

ninth century, became the major center for regional relig-

ious devotion and the monastery and the Santa Cruz (holy

cross) major symbols of Lebaniego identity.

Lebaniegos were granted special privileges in recogni-

tion of their role in the reconquest. Acknowledged as

hidalgoss" (untitled nobility) of "sangre pura" (pure

"blood"), they still consider their dialect to be a pre-

cursor to and more "pure" than Castilian, the language of

Spain. Thus Lebaniego history is tied to that of the

nation. They see their ancestors as creators of a unified

country and identify strongly with Spain. This despite the

fact that, whatever they might have been called, the common

people of Liebana were feudal serfs throughout the Middle

Ages.

Local sefores (titled nobility) gained control of the

valleys as church power waned. Small Torres were built to

control access to each valley and the Torre of the strong-

est family, that of Don Rodrigo de Lara, was located in

Potes. With little outside interference, power came to






40

reside in the Torres and in Potes, the strategic center of

the valleys.

With the fourteenth century, control of Liebana

passed, through inheritance, outside of the valleys. Much

of Lidbana became part of the immense holdings of the Duque

del Infantado. However, the new Torre, built by the Duque

in Potes, was soon faced by a second, that of Orej6n de la

Lama, a local noble. The gathering strength of local nobles

was a symptom of the growing importance of purely local

concerns in the political life of Lebaniegos and of their

growing regional identification. Political struggles would

continue to follow those of the larger world, but from then

on they were reinterpreted through the prism of Lebaniego

self interest and fought out at the local level for control

of Liebana. For instance, Lebaniegos were strongly divided

during the revolt of the Comuneros (1520-22) and forces

were raised on both sides. They did not march off to war,

but rather to Potes to fight it out around the Torre.

Liebana raised an army of 1,579 men to fight the French

during the War of Independence (1808-14). Again they did

not march off to war, but stayed in their valleys, forced

authorities sympathetic with the French out of power and

fought a guerrilla war against seventeen different French

expeditions into Liebana, this despite the destruction of

several villages and the burning of Potes in reprisal for

guerrilla ambushes (Cicero 1982a:43 & 51).






41

Traditionally a conservative area, Li6bana has been

slow to follow the radical changes in government philosophy

which Spain has gone through in this century. Deep divis-

ions are still evident from The Civil War. Although Li&bana

remained loyal to the Republic, considerable fighting

occurred in the valleys before Republicans took full con-

trol. It was overrun by the Franquistas in 1937, at which

point local Franco sympathizers took control of the

valleys. Substantial numbers on both sides were killed by

their opponents within Liebana during the war and others

(especially Republicans) suffered imprisonment and loss of

their property.

Again Lebaniegos were preoccupied mainly with control

of their own valleys, looking to the center, Potes, rather

than toward shaping events in the outside world. Perhaps

this is normal for the highly personal wars of Spain, where

the attempt to unify the country, begun with the marriage

of Ferdinand and Isabella, may still not be complete.

Except for the reconquest and the wars of territorial

conquest in the new world, most wars in Spain seem to have

a strong element of civil war. The Civil War, The War of

Spanish Succession, The Carlist Wars, even The War of

Independence had the bitter element of regions, formerly

separate kingdoms, taking up arms against each other

(Brenan 1964; Herr 1974; Fraser 1974; Jackson 1965).

The Civil War is recent enough that many of the chief

actors in events in Li6bana are still alive and their










actions still remembered. While the Franquistas had and

took their chance at vengance for Republican acts against

them, Republicans were largely powerless for the 40 years

of Franco's rule. With the return of democracy, Republicans

are again able to speak their minds, but no opportunity for

revenge or punishment of old wrongs has been afforded them

and bitter feelings remain. These feelings were dealt with

through the Franco period and are still dealt with by the

traditional village behavior toward enemies. The customary

hangouts of the opponent are avoided as much as possible

and when meetings do occur, the person is ignored as much

as possible. The village is a small place in which all must

live so direct confrontation must be avoided at all cost.

Significantly, even 43 years later, few people would

discuss events during the war with me and those who would

did so only in a private setting.

Thus while Lebaniegos have been far from unified in

their views on particular issues, they have been

overwhelmingly in agreement on the arena in which the

contest between those views should be played out; Liebana.

For many this has not been or will not be possible. The boy

who told me he wanted to be a nuclear physicist and live in

Li6bana has some hard choices ahead of him. Thousands of

others have made their choice in the past and moved away

from the valleys, most never to return, and more will

follow. I had no contact with migrants other than within






43

the valleys and visiting migrants statement of their desire

to return should not be taken as gospel6. However,

informants within the valleys, including a large number of

young people, felt that those who migrated left to improve

their lot within the valleys or for greater opportunities

outside the valleys or in response to a situation they

found themselves in in the valleys, not because they wanted

to get out of Lebaniego society which they would miss and

desire to return to.


Social Forms

Understanding the community requires understanding the

institutions which its citizens recognize and employ in

organizing their lives and the relative valuation or lack

of valuation which is placed on each level of organization

to which they belong. While I have already discussed the

development of Lebaniego identity, Lebaniegos are also

Europeans, Spaniards, Cantabrians, citizens of Santander

Province, Montafeses, dwellers in a certain valley, inhabi-

tants of a particular t6rmino and a village within that

t6rmino, Catholics, parish members, members of an age/sex

cohort and members of a family.



6A1 1 but one visiting migrant that I talked to said they
would come back to live one day. The woman who said she
never wanted to, that she liked the life in Oviedo too
much, is a member of a cohort of unknown size who have no
desire to return and seem seldom to visit.










Europe and Spain

Spanish influence and Spain's position in Europe have

been on the wane since shortly after the Armada was sunk by

the British. Spain and Li6bana have shared in the history

of Europe, adopting major trends, but usual ly at a slower

pace, muffled by the peninsula's isolated position on the

continent. Spain's recent return to democracy and entry

into the European Economic Community have and will continue

to accelerate the pace of change in the country and in

Li6bana. While Spain is rapidly becoming an equal partner

in the European community, Libbana predictably continues to

be a recipient of change rather than its precipitator or

controller; sending its sons and daughters to work at

(mostly) unskilled labor in the industries of Europe, while

trying to maintain the viability of its industries (mostly

dairying) in the face of changes mandated by the EEC. This

has led to some ambivalence toward Europe on the part of

Lebaniegos. They are proud of Spain's recognition by the

club of European democracies, but fearful of change in

their fragile rapproachment with the outside world.

The tremendous number of migrants from the valleys in

the last 35 years and the shift from subsistence crops to

dairying for cash and tourism (See Chapter III below) have

tied Li6bana more firmly than ever before into the social

and economic systems of Spanish and European society.

Lebaniegos have traded their former high degree of self-






45

sufficiency for a higher living standard made possible by

greater participation in and dependence on the cash econ-

omy. The relative prosperity experienced by Europe in the

post-WWII period has rewarded this strategy, but Lebaniegos

are aware that they are now at the mercy of an economy over

which they have no control.

Improved transportation and communication have also

brought the national and international society into the

streets and living rooms of Lebaniegos. Television is

replete with visions of the good life and visits to and by

migrated relatives are also easier, allowing valley dwell-

ers to see life in the city and invidious comparisons are

almost inevitable.


Cantabria, Las Montafas and Santander

Lebaniego identity as Cantabrians stretches back at

least to the Roman conquest of Spain. Cantabria, the cen-

tral part of the northern coast and mountains of Spain,

included parts of the present province of Asturias (Oviedo)

as well as Santander and extended into the Basque provinces

on the east. The Cantabrians fought a highly successful

guerrilla war against the Romans, requiring over two

centuries for their complete subjugation (Freeman 1979).

Santander Province, officially named after its major city

by Franco, is still referred to as Cantabria and its citi-

zens are known as Cantabrians rather than Santanderinos.






46

Lebaniego historical identification as Cantabrians is

somewhat reenforced by current identification as Montafeses

or mountain valley dwellers. However, identification with

the original Cantabrians has been weakened by the centuries

to little more than a myth, while identification as

Montaheses has been impeded by the isolation and coastal or

interior orientation of each mountain valley. The very

similarity of the production of the mountain valleys has

given their people little reason to interact and makes them

competitors in the sale of their products and in the pur-

chase of the products they require from those outside the

valleys.

Identification with the Province of Santander came

quite late for Li6bana, with Santander being little more

than a minor port and fishing village until the 1800s.

Significantly, no new name for the people of the province

has evolved into popular usage to replace Cantabrian since

then. It was only with the major improvements in the road

through the defile to the coast in the latter part of the

1800s that the coastal area and Santander began to be more

important to Libana than Le6n, its previous capital.


Termino and Pueblo

Each termino is governed by an elected mayor (alcalde)

and council. During the Franco years the mayor was appoint-

ed and the council had little power. The mayor and council

collect taxes and fees and provide local government






47

services for the t6rmino, watched over by the secretario

(town secretary) who is a national government employee. The

ayuntamiento (town hall) of the t6rmino is located in its

largest, most central town and it is there that people go

to vote, register births and deaths, etc. and it is from

that town that the termino usually gets its name.

Generally the t4rmino center has the only significant

concentration of businesses to be found in the t6rmino.

Outlying pueblos seldom have more than a tipico (combina-

tion bar/restaurant/general store) or two.7 Thus dwellers

in outlying pueblos look to their termino center at least

to some extent for both government and commerce and this

town might be expected to be the most important center for

termino residents outside their own pueblo. However, I have

already described the preeminence of Potes within the

valleys. This preeminence has allowed/caused the people of

outlying pueblos to bypass their center in favor of Potes

and identification with the individual termino center

appears not to be strong8.

Individual pueblos handle their internal affairs

through a Junta Vecinal (council of "vecinos" or neighbors,



7Camaleno's large fertile valley, tourism and remoteness
from Potes have fostered general growth along the road to
Fuente D6, the major tourist center in the valleys, but
this is the exception that proves the rule in Liebana.

8Camaleno again forms somewhat of an exception, but even
there the attraction of Potes is strong.






48

see below) headed by an elected president. Decisions usual-

ly require a consensus. Juntas vecinales decide the dispo-

sition of communal lands, organize communal labor on com-

munity projects, raise money for the community's fiesta,

are the court of first resort in local disputes and gen-

erally act as the will of the community. Juntas also some-

times hire cowherds or shepherds, deciding the contribution

of each vecino or, if it is decided to share out the work

between vecinos, the junta will set up the work rotation.

While the requirement that consensus be reached and the

lack of a formal mechanism to enforce its decisions limits

the junta's power, it carries the weight of public opinion

in a very small world and villagers are usually careful to

meet their obligations.

The president of the Junta Vecinal leads council

discussions and represents the village in its dealings with

higher levels of government, but has little power beyond

that of persuasion. The president of the Junta in Lon (a

small village in the t6rmino of Camalefo. See Figure 1-2)

told an informant of mine that he would arrange for the

Junta to sell him the wood stove out of Lon's disused

school house. I went with him to see the president in Lon.

The neighbor who told us he wasn't home also told us that

several people had spoken against the sale at the last

meeting of the council and the president had no business

promising anything. My friend never got the stove.






49

Traditionally full vecinos are male heads of household

(whether living alone or not) or widowed female heads of

household with children. Widowed or unmarried women living

alone traditionally were counted as 1/2 and 1/4 vecino

respectively, but these distinctions seem to have blurred a

little in recent years, perhaps due to the wider contacts

of villagers involved in the cash economy or perhaps in

recognition of the gap between women and young adult's

right to vote in the election of the Presidente de la Junta

Vecinal and their lack of a voice on the council.

Traditionally the barrios (neighborhoods) of the

larger towns had a similar council whose leader was

referred to as the "alcalde del barrio" (mayor of the

barrio). Much like the small pueblo, the barrio provided an

official representative with termino authorities and a more

intimate level of formal organization for dwellers in

larger towns. Each barrio traditionally had a population of

100 to 150. Although barrios are still recognized and

there is still some informal organization within the

barrios of Potes, they each construct a float to enter in a

competition during the fiesta, no formal election of barrio

mayor is now conducted. The older barrios of the town have

become too sparsely populated, while the newer barrios,

which include several apartment blocks, lack the central

focus necessary to create a real neighborhood.

Many smaller pueblos have also ceased to hold an

election for president of the Junta Vecinal and no









candidate came forward in 13 of the 58 pueblos which held

elections for the post in 1983 (Luz de Li6bana, No. 266,

May 1983:14-15). While this is symptomatic of the decay of

village organization in some declining pueblos, I believe

that more often it reflects a rejection of the politi-

cizacion of the Junta Vecinal. Candidates for president are

now identified by their political party, injecting national

politics into this very delicate local decision. The presi-

dent must bring people together, not reflect their

differences.

There is no privacy within the pueblo or the tradi-

tional barrio. As I mentioned above, they are highly

nucleated and houses often share a common wall. Many open

out onto a common courtyard as wel 1. Males tend to work out

of the stable which generally forms the bottom floor of

their house or to be in the public places, while women will

gather to work in small groups whenever possible. Everyone

has known everyone else since birth and they know their

parents, siblings, finances and all of the stories associ-

ated with them that they would sooner have forgotten as

well. This makes for enduring friendships and enmities.

While friendships are openly proclaimed, feuds are usually

passed over in silence since open fighting puts a tremen-

dous strain on the tight web of relations within the

group. When fights do break out, they are often over things

which have little to do with the original dispute and, if






51

between males, are publicly excused and covered over

because the man who started it was drunk.

An exception to this rule of propriety is the sin

verguenza (shameless one or ne'er do well) (not to be

confused with the public drunk who knows his role and keeps

to it and is therefore only the butt of jokes). The sin

verguenza is usually a young male who makes no pretense of

conforming to acceptable behavior. While he is given con-

siderable time and instruction to improve his behavior, if

he does not, he will be publicly denounced and humiliated

by his own family and by other members of the community,

especially older women, the keepers of the community's

morals.


Social Class

There are three social classes in Liebana: a small

powerful elite, composed primarily of the caciques des-

cribed above; a small service, commercial and professional

class; and the vast majority of Lebaniegos who belong to a

third group of peasants, making their living from the land

or a combination of husbandry and wage labor or petty

capitalism.

The caciques remain the power brokers between

Lebaniegos and the outside world. A majority of the approx-

imately fifteen caciques of Liebana live in Potes. Their

interests now include tourism, construction and banking as

well as the traditional interest in the land which they






52

share with caciques living in the other terminos of

Liebana. While the prestige of some of the cacique,

especially those in outlying terminos, is based on family

wealth and traditional position, others have gained their

strength from more recent ties with the outside commercial

forces such as Ram and Nestle, which have gained increasing

influence in the valleys. Traditional direct cacique

control of Lebaniego's voting seems to be a thing of the

past, but they are actively involved in the local branches

of the more conservative national political parties in

Liebana or in a local group of independent conservatives

who hold a majority in Potes, running for office or helping

to elect candidates they favor and obviously still very

much a force to be reckoned with.

The small service, commercial and professional class

is also to be found primarily in Potes, with a few

scattered in the businesses and ayuntameintos of other

termino centers. The service and commercial members of this

group gain their prestige from their economic strength,

their ability to hire and fire and to favor their friends.

The professionals are respected first for their education.

Lebaniegos, like most Spaniards, aspire to the ideal of the

caballero (knight), intelligent, educated, sophisticated,

and the doctors, educators and lawyers among them are

highly respected for their education. The doctor's ability

to administer modern medicines, the educator's ability to

train Lebaniego's children for broader opportunities and









the lawyer's ability to represent them to the outside world

or against neighbors are taken as proof of the efficacy of

education in a hostile world.

That a majority of the members of the upper classes

are found in Potes is not surprising. As the center for

government and commerce of the valleys, it is the natural

place for them to be. Potes is the urban interface between

Li6bana and the outside world. Perhaps more surprising is

the report by Lebaniego informants of the inability of

caciques who leave the valleys to maintain their influence,

despite a continuing economic presence, unless they make

very frequent visits to the valleys. Relationships are

still overwhelmingly personal in Liebana. A deal is not a

deal until it has been sealed with a glass of wine and the

personal relationship between those involved has been

reaffirmed.

The demand for face to face relationships in Li6bana

reflects the egalitarian ethic of relations between males,

which is the ideal for all of Spain. Males are expected to

handle the public sphere of relations for their family

(whether they actually make the decisions or not, see La

Familia below) and to guard its honor. Differences in

wealth and power are accepted and deferred to, but a man,

no matter how humble his circumstances, should expect to be

treated as an equal by other men. Is he not a hidalgo of

sangre pura?









Church and Parish

Catholicism seems to be like the mountains for Leban-

iegos. It permeates life, keeping the days and seasons of

the year with Saint's days, sanctioning community events

through religious participation and performing the rites of

passage marking each individual's progress through life.

However, like the mountains, it is a part of the landscape

and largely taken for granted. Community-wide events,

almost invariably celebrating a religious occasion, only

rarely are primarily religious in nature, and then, like

the festival of the Santuca described below, are more

likely to be concerned with private religious devotion

rather than a formal church ceremony.

Participation in religious activities is largely

through cofradias (brotherhoods or sisterhoods) which per-

form traditional duties, such as carrying the casket in

funerals, maintaining the parish church or a shrine, organ-

izing a procession or fiesta, etc. While some of these

activities center around the parish church, others cut

across parish lines to focus on regional religious

devotions to the larger religious shrines of Li&ana (all

of which are devoted to one aspect or another of Mary and

form part of Spain's Mary cult (see Christian 1972)) or to

the monastery of Santo Toribio.

Patterns of religious behavior similar to that which I

found in Liebana have been widely reported in Spanish






55

anthropology (Christian 1972; Lison-Tolosana 1966; Freeman

1979; Kenny 1969). Lison-Tolosana (1966:259-284), tracing

religious activities in Belmonte de los Caballeros through

more than three centuries of parish records, found a theo-

cratic society in which ecclesiastical authorities dictated

acceptable and unacceptable behavior, commanding not only

divine punishment but also the civil authority to withhold

services from, to fine and to jail those who broke the

church's rules. Lison-Tolosana notes that, despite the

church's power, attention to dogma and church rules in

Belmonte was consistently found to be inadequate by higher

ecclesiastical authorities: the ubiquitous processions were

most often excuses for picnics and recreation; religious

brotherhoods spent most of their money on meals rather than

masses; farmers skimped on their tithes and first fruits

and heirs were seldom willing to pay for the masses and

devotions called for in the wills of the departed. Yet at

the same time he found ample evidence of an unquestioning

faith in christianity, its god and its promise of an after-

life and a strong personal devotion to informal aspects of

religion, best symbolized by the cult of devotion to Mary

(1966:259-284). The two major religious festivals of the

year, those of the Santuca and the Santa Cruz, illustrate

the conflicting religious sentiments to be found in Spain

and Li6bana.

May second is the day of the Santuca, Nuestra Senora

de la Luz (The Little Saint, Our Lady of the Light), a









small (twenty-two centimeter), centuries-old stone image of

the Virgin. The Santuca, "patrona de Li6bana" ("patron of

Liebana"), resides in a tiny sanctuary at 1,500 meters on

the slopes of Pena Sagra near Aniezo (See Figure 1-2)

throughout the winter. With the coming of Spring, the

people of Aniezo retrieve her from her sanctuary and carry

her in procession the twenty-seven kilometers to Santo

Toribio and back. The people of each pueblo on her route

gather at the edge of their town, along with the town mayor

and priest, its flag and the cross from its church, to

greet the Santuca, ask her blessing for the coming year,

and accompany the procession as it wends its way through

the town, led by fireworks and stopping at each shrine or

chapel to pray. The official representatives of the town

and many of its people leave the procession at the town's

edge, but many more accompany the Santuca to Santo Toribio

where she is greeted outside the Monastery by monks carry-

ing the fragment of the Santa Cruz. A solemn high mass is

held (During the one I saw, the sermon was on the

importance of placing devotion to God above devotion to the

Virgin.), then the procession makes its way back to Aniezo,

dropping off those who accompanied it in their respective

towns. Dances and/or sporting events accompany every other

fiesta of the year. None are associated with the Santuca.

The Fiesta de la Santa Cruz (Fiesta of the Holy Cross)

initiates the last and largest fiesta of the year, that of






57

Potes, which begins on the fourteenth of September and goes

on for five days, including bull fights, dances, carnival

rides, processions, gigantes and cabezudos ("giants" and

"big heads" who specialize in terrorizing children), bolos

competitions (a bowling game) and a major cattle fair and

market. The fragment of the Santa Cruz is brought down to

Potes from the Monastery where it is greeted and accompan-

ied to the church by fireworks and the official representa-

tives and symbols of Potes and by people from Potes and the

rest of Li6bana. There it is on display through several

high masses in the church of Potes, before returning in

procession to the Monastery, where, it is reputed, the

largest crowd of the year attends high mass at the

Monastery.

Not only do these religious events mark the beginning

and end of the growing season, they also symbolize the

personal and secular sides of religion in Li6bana. The

Santuca is the protectress and benefactress of individual

Lebaniegos and of Li6bana. She brings the light and the

rebirth and hope of Spring. The Santa Cruz is the symbol of

a stern God and his powerful church, now blessing the

fruits of the harvest, but in former times also taking one

fourth as the landlord's share and ten percent of the

remainder in tithes.

In the parish, women handle much of the organization

of church activities and the church forms their major

socially acceptable focus outside the home and its









immediate environs. In every church activity, be it a

procession, mass or funeral, parishoners segregate them-

selves by sex and age into separate groups, with the women,

children and older males participating fully, while the

remainder of the men do just enough to fulfill their relig-

ious obligation.

In the past every pueblo and many barrios had their

own church, unifying population and parish. During the last

40 years of declining population many pueblos have lost

their parish priest and more have to share a priest with

other pueblos. Mass is no longer said in the parish church

or the pueblo's turn comes only once every month or two.

The people, required to attend mass weekly, must go to the

t6rmino center or to Potes. Thus parish membership has

weakened as a form of unique identity for Lebaniegos.


La Familia
(The Family)

The family is the most significant level of organiza-

tion for the people of Liebana. It forms the basic social

and work unit in daily life and the family home is its

center. It is in the context of the family that the

Lebaniegos gain their identity and social status and insure

their livelihood.

The home provides the family's refuge. Here, until

recently, children were born and old people still lay down

to die. The home is the center of the Lebaniego woman's






59

traditional sphere of influence. Just as her husband should

be responsible for conducting the public affairs of the

family, so the woman runs the family home and has primary

responsibility for the raising of children, care of old

people, handling of family finances, preparation and pres-

ervation of food, etc. Seldom will the male bring his

friends and acquaintances to his home, for they are part of

the public sphere. The home is for family and most visitors

will be members of the extended family, more often than not

females come to visit or work with their female relative.

Men visit in the bars and work together in the barns or

fields.

Tradition holds that the woman should be subject to

her husband in all things and publicly this is strictly

adhered to. A Spanish male will generally introduce or

refer to his wife in public solely as mi mujer (my woman)

rather than by her given name. However, as Lison-Tolosana

(1966:144-151) notes, few important steps are taken in

which the wife, as family financial manager, does not have

a pivotal role in decision-making.

The home is also usually the family's processing plant

and storage shed. Cows are brought to the barn in the

bottom of the house for milking and shelter. Food, animal

fodder and work implements are stored there and often there

is a vat for making the family's wine. Above, the woman

will have the equipment for curing ham, making sausage and






60

preserving vegetables, etc., as well as that necessary for

feeding and maintaining the family.

In the labor-intensive cottage industry which is the

Lebaniego small farm, the inputs of both the male and

female are crucial and complementary. There is too much and

too varied work for one person to keep the farm functioning

alone and some tasks, usually those of the female, are

considered impossible for members of the opposite sex. Even

a couple will find it difficult to maintain more than a

subsistence level unless they can call on others for

assistance during peak demand periods. Each spouse has a

fairly well defined area of work with the male taking major

responsibility for work in the fields and the barn and the

woman taking almost sole responsibility for work around the

household. However, while women are frequently called upon

to help in the fields during sowing and harvest and also

usually assume the care of barnyard animals, males are

considered incompetent in the performance of day to day

household chores. Without the labors of both, farming is

considered impossible and this has been a major force in

the abandonment of some of the smaller, more remote

villages of Liebana. Few young women are now willing to

take on the lifetime of drudgery of the peasant farm,

especially in a remote pueblo. Men who wish to farm, even

if they have what would formerly be considered a large land

holding, find that they can't get a spouse to help run the

family farm and are forced to abandon it or to commute to









work on it from a more centrally located pueblo where their

prospective spouse is willing to live (See also Douglass

1975 and Barrett 1974).


The Individual and His/Her Group

As I mentioned above, work and ritual activities in

Li6bana are generally performed by one sex or the other,

with some intrusion of women into the male sphere. Sexual

segregation of leisure time activities is also strikingly

apparent in Liebana and has been noted for other parts of

Spain by a number of ethnographers (Lison-Tolosana 1966;

Harding 1975;Brandes 1975a; Aceves 1971). This segregation

seems to stem from the traditional teachings of the

Catholic Church which held that mixing of the sexes was to

be avoided as an occasion of sin and to the stereotype of

the Spanish male as a Don Juan who can only be restrained

by the watchful oversight of the community. Thus, much of

the leisure time of Lebaniegos was and is spent in the

company of one's own sex, usually in a core group which

ideally endures through life.

A Cuadril la (core group) is formed by a group of five

or ten males in their early teens who go everywhere toge-

ther and act, and are expected to act in a wild, irrespons-

ible manner from time to time. A less formally constituted

comparable group of female teenagers is also formed at

about this age, but is much more restricted and supervised

in its activity. The males, as they pass through their teen










years, spend less and less of their leisure time at home,

going to bars and cafes, dances and fiestas, foreshadowing

their adult behavior where, as one man said: "You only go

home to eat and sleep." The young women, expected to par-

ticipate more in the running of the household as they grow

older, are also foreshadowing their traditional future

roles, accompanying each other on errands and getting toge-

ther to work and to gossip outside a convenient doorway

whenever possible.

From the Cuadrilla, teens gain their first recognition

as individuals outside the family. Nicknamed by the group

and placed within its pecking order, they learn the beha-

vior appropriate to their adult sex-roles and males are

supposed to get the wildness, believed to be in every male,

out of their system so they can grow into responsible

adults (Also see Lison-Tolosana 1966; and Wylie 1977).

With young adulthood and the completion of military

service for males, mixed sex activities become more common,

but each sex participates as a group, the mozos and mozas

(young adult unmarried males and females) meeting at

fiestas and dances and in the street but seldom as couples.

Formerly a man and woman seen too much together were

assumed to be considering marriage. While this is no longer

strictly true, few young people care to take the gossip

which accompanies being identified as a couple. The major-

ity of leisure time is still spent with one's Cuadrilla.






63

During the period of formal courtship and marriage,

participation in the Cuadrilla diminishes. But soon, with

the establishment of households by its members, the Cuad-

rilla, now generally referred to as a Tertulia (club or

circle) and often shrunken by this time to four or five by

arguments and migration, will reform and become the focus

of the quieter leisure time activities appropriate to a

married man or woman. For men this consists of making the

rounds of their favorite bars before lunch (the main meal

of the day) and supper and in getting together to play

cards or other games after supper and on Sundays. Women's

Tertulia's frequently expand with marriage to include older

relatives, but otherwise remain much the same, meeting in

the homes or dooryards of their members for talk and work.

If a couple happens to go out to a cafe together, they will

usually separate and sit with their same sex friends when

they arrive.


Generational Cycles

The composition of any family is dynamic, varying over

time with the maturing of the generations. The ideal for

the traditional Lebaniego family farm has been the three

generational family of older parents, a son who will

inherit the farm and his spouse and their children.

Unmarried siblings of the parents or heir may also be

present. A pattern like this assures adequate labor to

fully utilize the farm throughout most of the generational






64

cycle and provides the maximum labor at the time when the

need is greatest; when the children are young adults and

ready to move out or to take over supervision of the farm

from their parents (See also my discussion of Arensberg's

work in Ireland in Chapter II.).

Traditional patterns of equal inheritance among all

siblings make the realization of this ideal a complex

negotiation. Family farms are seldom large enough to allow

their division into two viable farms, so siblings must be

bought out or persuaded to rent their share by the farmer

heir. Often other heirs are more than willing to be bought

out or aided in migration to the city or in the establish-

ment of a new household in return for their share, but

sometimes bitter disputes can occur. In recent times

increasing numbers of farmers are finding that none of

their children are interested in farming and as they retire

their farm may be sold or fall into disuse.

Children were formerly a major labor source on the

Lebaniego family farm. First involved mainly in the woman's

work area, they were gradually trained into the appropriate

roles of their sex, becoming full time workers at about

fourteen, the age when education ceased to be compulsory.

With post-war prosperity and increasing emphasis on educa-

tion, parents began encouraging their children to stay in

school longer rather than forcing them to quit to help with

farm tasks. At the beginning of the seventies schools in

Liebana were consolidated with most students going to Potes










(Five remote pueblos, consistently snow bound in winter,

have retained their elementary schools.) While a bus takes

children along the route to Fuente De to school (and home

for lunch!) and back each day, many children from the other

valleys spend the week at school in Potes. Thus children

have been even more withdrawn from household production.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, many parents now

have no desire to train their children for what they con-

sider to be a harsh, unrewarding life when there are better

opportunities available.

Whether the family farm is successfully passed between

generations or not, the dispersal of the family's young

adults is far from a severing of family ties. Those still

in the area will cooperate in insuring each other's success

and migrants will be encouraged to maintain their ties

through visits for harvests and fiestas. In a world where

crops may fail and steady work is rare, the extended family

is each persons safety net, to be abandoned at your own

peril.

The extended family survival strategy, centered around

the peasant farm and functioning within the peasant commun-

ity, formed the basis of traditional Lebaniego life. In

this context, migration, local wage labor, non-agricultural

businesses, informal labor exchanges, and etc. are merely

components in the extended family's survival strategy

(Kenny 1969; Douglass 1975; Aceves 1971; Arensberg 1968;






66

Lison-Tolosana 1966; Chayanov 1966; Thorner 1966). If one

area of family endeavour fails or needs assistance, another

area may be there to help out. This appears to have been

the pattern in Liebana and many other peasant areas for

centuries.


Conclusion

Liebana, isolated geographically, has developed a

strong positive community identity, centering around Potes,

over the centuries. Symbols of identity include Li6bana's

distinctive dialect, the Monastery and fragment of the

Santa Cruz of Santo Toribio, the Santuca and the other

local images of the Virgin, the Torre in Potes, unique

local products and customs such as orujo, the fiestas of

the various pueblos and terminos, the ferias and mercado of

Potes and overall a sense of being part of an historical

continuity, both as Lebaniegos and as Cantabrians, the

people who began the reconquest of Spain from the Moors and

before that fought the Romans so well. This sense of com-

munity and continuity pervades life in Liebana without

causing much in the way of reverence for things past. The

people of the past were just like them, no more, no less.

Lebaniegos have dealt with a harsh physical and social

environment through a peasant extended family survival

strategy emphasising, but never confined to, herding and

small farming. A tributary area giving up its surpluses of

materials and humanity, Liebana has nonetheless







67

participated in the conflicts and changes of the larger

world, reshaping them to the world of the valleys.

I will argue in the course of this dissertation, that

the people of Li4bana have managed to maintain their

peasant extended family survival strategy, despite substan-

tial incorporation into the national economy and heavy

migration, and that this strategy shows every sign of being

able to continue, despite the pressure to which it remains

subject.















CHAPTER II
PRESSURES FOR CHANGE AND THEIR THEORETICAL INTERPRETATION


The period of 1950 to 1983 was a time of tremendous

economic growth and radical change in Europe and Spain. It

also marks a return to relative normalcy after a 20 year

period of depression, war and reconstruction. In this

Chapter I will discuss the major forces which began to be

felt in Li6bana at the outset of this period and continue

to exert their influence on the valleys. These include

increasing involvement in the market economy, agricultural

modernization, competition from mechanized agriculture and

heavy population loss through migration. I will also dis-

cuss major theoretical viewpoints which have emerged to

interpret these forces and their effect on peasant popula-

tions in the context of Li6bana and finally consider some

of the forms and structures through which the households

and community of Li&ana deal with change.

The major portion of this post-war European and

Spanish economic expansion occurred during the period 1950

to 1973. In the following chapters I will describe events

in Li6bana, first during that period, then during the

period 1974 through 1983, a time of worsening economic

conditions.






69

The Modernization of Agriculture

The modernization of agriculture, like the moderniza-

tion of Spanish industry, was slow and sporadic in the

years before the Civil War. Major changes began with the

fifties and were, at first, concentrated in the extensive

agriculture of the meseta (central plain) and the south.

The Spanish government was actively involved in the pro-

cess, attempting to withdraw the population of the multi-

tude of tiny villages, erected in order to be close to the

fields, into designated major rural towns. With one tractor

able to do the work of forty men, all of those people cer-

tainly weren't needed and their villages often got in the

way of the tractors (P6rez Diaz 1971, 1976; Naredo 1971;

Aceves 1971; Barrett 1974; Brandes 1975a; Harding 1976,

1984; Martinez-Alier 1974; Greenwood 1976; Anes 1970; Male-

fakis 1970). Population loss in some areas reached five

percent a year, with most peasants bypassing the large

rural towns in favor of the cities of Spain and Europe

(P4rez Diaz 1976; Naredo 1971).

Far from an isolated phenomenon, all of Southern

Europe was in the throes of a similar revolution to a

lesser or greater extent at this time. Investigators of

this change include Cole and Wolf (1974) who described a

peasantry being lured off the land by industry growing up

in nearby cites, while the grim findings of others are

summed up in the titles of their works such as: Franklin's

The European Peasantry_ The Final Phase; Lopreato's









Peasants No More; and Mendras' The Vanishing Peasant.

Keeler (1979) chronicled the rapid decline of small farming

in France, which was being overseen and encouraged by the

French government. Further sources include: Baxevanis

(1972), Papademetriou (1985) and Halpern and Kerewsky

Halpern (1972). The small farmers of the U.S. began to be

eliminated in the 1920s (Raper 1936, 1943; Goldschmidt

1947; Fligstein 1983; Fulmer 1950; Johnson, Embree and

Alexander 1935; Myrdal 1962; Webb 1937; Reddy 1983) and the

process continues today in the 'third world' (Guillet 1979;

Gudeman 1978; Balan 1976, 1978; Soiffer and Howe 1982;

Taussig 1980; Long and Roberts 1984) where, linked with

labor migration and a recognition of long-standing patterns

of unequal exchange between peripheral areas and western

industrial societies, its analysis led to the development

of theories of dependency and "the development of under-

development," which will be discussed below.


Migration

Virtually every recent anthropological study of Spain

has addressed the causes of rural population loss, usually

in the context of agricultural modernization (P6rez-Diaz

1966, 1969, 1971, 1976; Naredo 1971; Aceves 1971; Aceves

and Bailey 1967; Barrett 1974; Brandes 1975a; Anes 1970;

Douglass 1971, 1975, 1976; Christian 1972; Freeman 1979;

Kenny 1969, 1972, 1976; Greenwood 1976; Buechler and Buech-

ler 1975, 1981, 1984; Harding 1976, 1984; Gregory 1976;









Iszaevich 1975; Martinez Mari 1966; Malefakis 1970; Reddy

1984). Agricultural modernization and the accompanying

migration of 'surplus' agriculturalists affected each of

the very different regions of Spain according to their

topography, climate and crops grown and the crop's amen-

ability to mechanized agriculture (Naredo 1971). Perez-Diaz

(1966) and Naredo (1971) chronicled the extreme rapidity of

agricultural industrialization on the dry farming of the

central plains, leading to the near complete displacement

of peasant populations. Harding (1976, 1984), in the hill

country of Aragon, described peasants busily transforming

themselves into capitalist farmers. Brandes (1975a), in the

rugged hills of southwestern Castile, depicted the decaying

marketability of the crops of an area unable to modernize

because of its terrain.

Migration and the flow of return migrants have also

been major topics for studies in all of southern Europe and

in much of the developing world (Halpern and Kerewsky

Halpern 1972; Mendras 1970; Baxevanis 1972; Franklin 1969;

Cole and Wolf 1974; Rhoades 1977, 1978a, 1978b; Bernard and

Comitas 1978; Lopreato 1967; King 1978a, 1978b; King and

Strachan 1980; Da Vanzo 1976; Lebon and Falchi 1980; Kosack

and Castles 1973; Bovenkerk 1974; Choldin 1973; Bohning

1976; Cheney 1979; Balan 1976, 1978; Allen 1976;

Papademetriou 1985; Ferreira de Paiva 1976; Entzinger 1985;






72

Dutoit and Safa 1975; Grafton 1982; Kayser 1977; Kudat

1976; Mangalam 1968; Mayer 1976; Miller 1982; Wood 1981).

Almost all of the European studies of peasant sending

areas assume the ultimate destruction of the peasant way of

life through the forces of depopulation, agricultural

modernization and capitalist market penetration and

certainly peasants in areas favorable to mechanized agri-

culture have been eliminated in the "developed" world. Yet

peasants have been very durable, surviving wars, plagues,

famines, floods, pestilences, despots, the green revolution

and now the Common Market, adapting to the realities of

each, while maintaining their basic extended family sub-

sistence survival strategy. The elimination of peasant

relations of production in areas favorable to mechanized

agriculture does not necessarily make the elimination of

peasants in other, different areas inevitable. I will

argue, below and in the following chapters that peasant

relations of production have persisted in Liebana, despite

heavy population loss, competition from industrialized

agriculture and substantial penetration by the market

economy.

This brings me to the central set of theoretical

questions addressed by this work: If peasant relations of

production have survived in Lidbana, how has this occurred

when peasant communities have faced wholesale elimination

over the last 30 years in Spain? What are the community

forms and structures that have allowed Li6bana to meet









changing conditions? Are these forms and structures still

viable today as they have been in the past or is Li6bana

merely a backwater, late in being affected, that will fail

with the passing of the older generation? Below I will

present a general definition of peasants and discuss the

major theoretical viewpoints in the dialogue on relations

between peasantries and the dominant economy, then define

what I mean by peasants and peasant relations of production

within the context of Liebana. Based on this discussion, it

will be possible to consider household and community forms

and structures, developed over the centuries, to deal with

changing conditions, the most important for this study

being migration and market penetration. In Chapter V I will

attempt to answer the theoretical questions raised here.


Peasants: Pawns or Actors?

Eric Wolf (1966:2-4) defines peasants as "rural culti-

vators whose surpluses are transferred to a dominant group

of rulers that uses the surpluses both to underwrite its

own standard of living and to distribute the remainder to

groups in society." He further notes that the peasant

"does not operate an enterprise in the economic sense; he

runs a household, not a business concern." Wolf points out

that the peasant's dilemma is to balance the need of

reproducing the household; feeding, clothing, raising,

marrying and burying its members, against the demands of

the outside world (1966:12-15). Quoting Chayanov, he finds









that this need to reproduce the family outweighs considera-

tions of the level of remuneration the peasant family

receives for its labor. If household needs have not been

met, then labor must be intensified, whatever the level of

return, or household consumption must be curtailed in order

to maintain the household's commitments to the outside

world which, due to the peasant's subordinate position,

cannot be ignored (1966:14-15).

The viability of peasant family farming within a

capitalist national economy has been the subject of contro-

versy since at least the turn of the century. Following

Marx (1867), many theorists have viewed the persistence of

the peasant from a capitalist perspective (Lenin 1977;

Bernstein 1979; Roseberry 1978; Wallerstein 1983; Fligstein

1983; Smith 1984; Schiel 1984). In this 'world economy'

view peasant areas have persisted because they are a cheap

and efficient source of labor for capitalism. Peasants

produce and raise a surplus of children who are forced to

migrate in search of work and peasants are willing to work

at seasonal or part-time jobs for low pay, maintaining

themselves when they are not needed without cost to the

capitalist. Thus the peasant state is encouraged and

prolonged by capital.

Within the above view, there was an initial

assumption, encouraged by the decimation of the peasantries

of Europe, that with increasing capitalist penetration in






75

the form of mechanized agriculture and the market economy,

most peasants would be forced off the land and the remain-

der would be transformed (or would transform themselves

(Wallerstein 1983)) into a rural proletariat. More recent

studies have rejected the inevitability of peasant prole-

tarianization, noting stable patterns of persistence and,

in some cases, growth among peasant and marginal groups

within capitalist societies (Frank 1979; Smith 1984; Schiel

1984).

A second school of theorists arose which viewed the

peasant family enterprise as a discrete economic system

which can only be understood through investigation of its

own internal dynamics rather than through its relations

with capitalism or any other dominant political-economic

system. A.V. Chayanov (1966, Orig. 1925) provided an early

interpretation of 'the peasant family economy" in which an

indivisible family labor product [consisting of] the
increase in value of material goods which the family
has acquired by its work during the year, is the
only possible category of income for a peasant or
artisan labor family unit, for there is no way of
decomposing it analytically or objectively. The
amount of labor product is mainly determined by the
size and composition of the working family, the number
of its members capable of work, then by the productiv-
ity of the labor unit, and--this is especially
important--by the degree of labor effort--the degree
of self-exploitation through which the working members
effect a certain quantity of labor units in the course
of the year the degree of self-exploitation is
determined by a peculiar equilibrium between family
demand satisfaction and the drudgery of labor itself.
(Chayanov 1966:5-6)

This second view has been greatly broadened in recent years

through empirical studies of areas in which peasant










relations of production have persisted despite capitalist

market penetration (Long 1984; Long and Roberts 1978, 1984;

Glavanis 1984; Friedmann 1980; Melhuus 1984; Skar 1984).

Attempting to reproduce the family and its life rather than

make a profit or even a particular wage level, peasants in

these studies were found to substitute noncapitalist rela-

tions of production; informal labor exchanges, sharing and

borrowing of tools, utensils, money, land and animals,

gifts of labor and food, etc. to those in need, for

capitalist inputs in commodity production.

Acknowledging the complexity of interactions between

capitalist and noncapitalist patterns of organization and

the frequent failure of noncapitalist forms in the face of

market intrusion, Long states

Depending upon the circumstances, local struc-
tures and commitments may inhibit or undermine the
continuity of farming or household units, or may pro-
vide the basis for a restructuring of economic life
leading to satisfactory accommodation with the wider
system. Non-capitalist relations of production can,
therefore, only be 'functional' for capitalism, or
meet the demands of the wider commercial economy, if
their forms of labour organization, and the sets of
social relationships and normative frameworks upon
which they depend, can effectively meet their own
internal reproductive needs. Peasant households or
family farms are thus not simply reproduced by the
workings of the wider structure but also depend upon
the way existing cultural rules and social relation-
ships affect access to and utilization of essential
resources. (Long 1984:2)

The major difference between these two views is in

perspective. In the first view, peasants are seen from the

perspective of capital. They are pawns, placed into and






77

prolonged in a subject position by capitalist interests. In

the second peasants are actors, following a coherent, if

unstated, strategy to preserve their families and way of

life and demonstrably succeeding, at least in certain

areas, despite market penetration. These two perspectives

are largely reconcilable. Peasants are organized and con-

trolled by the dominant political-economic system, but the

form of that organization and control has been shaped

toward forcing them to produce a surplus, both of commod-

ities and of cheap labor, and then to give it up. The

strategies employed to produce that surplus, the relations

of production between peasants, are left largely to the

peasants themselves. Indeed the willingness and ability of

peasants to fend for themselves when not needed, is part of

what makes them a bargain on the labor market.

As I discussed in the first two sections of this

chapter (The Modernization of Agriculture and Migration),

the rapid destruction of peasant communities on the plains

of Europe led most investigators of peasantries in Europe

to assume the inevitable proletarianization of peasant

groups. Market penetration and the resultant mechanization

of agriculture wiped out small farmers in areas amenable to

mechanization in the U.S. and peasantries on the plains of

Europe. However, peasantries have been slow to disappear in

marginal areas of Europe and in much of the 'third world'

(Frank 1967, 1979) and nonwage and 'informal sector' pro-

duction form a growing part of the world economy (Smith,









Wallerstein and Evers 1984; Smith 1984; Portes and Walton

1981; Stack 1975). While many theorists have recognized

these facts and are moving away from the idea that peasants

will inevitably be proletarianized, there have been few

applications to the situation of marginal groups in Europe.

I highlight the above points because, although

capitalist market penetration and agricultural moderniza-

tion have caused radical change in Li6bana since 1950, I

believe that peasant relations of production have persisted

there, allowing the survival of the community and of Leban-

iego identity. In the next section, I will discuss my

interpretation of relations of production in Li6bana and

the place of that interpretation in the literature on

peasantries.


Peasant Generalists

I have claimed that the people of Liebana follow a

peasant extended family subsistence survival strategy. By

this I am not referring to particular forms of production

such as subsistence farming, herding, dairying and etc.,

although they are central to the survival strategy

currently practiced by most Lebaniegos. I am referring to

particular relations of production in which the unit of

production and consumption is the household, labor costs

are not known, considered or knowable and the objective is

the survival of the household as a social unit, the

survival of its kin group and the community, in that order.









This follows Chayanov (1966), Wolf (1966), Shanin (1971),

and Worsley (1984), but slights some other major points

made in their definitions of peasantries. These will be

discussed below.

Although it is difficult to speak of a peasant without

using the term "farmer", or in Liebana herder/farmer, peas-

ants are seldom just farmers and/or herders. The peasant

survival strategy is that of a generalist, attempting to

meet as many of the household's needs as possible without

resorting to outside means or help. The household needs are

many and varied and can be met in a variety of ways. Fuel

for cooking and heating can be provided by wood you cut

yourself on the mountainside or by butane you buy. Food can

be grown, bartered for or purchased. The typical family

following a peasant extended family survival strategy in

Liabana will work to find the mix of answers to their needs

from all possible sources that best fits at any particular

time, flexibly changing to meet necessity or opportunity,

but trying never to place too much of the likelihood of

their survival on one strategy, since all contain the

possibility of failure.

As Wolf (1966) and others (Shanin 1971; Wallerstein

1974) have shown, part of the definition of peasant's is

that they are forced by the dominant society to give up

their surplus in the form of rents. These rents, once paid

in kind with a portion of the peasant's production,






80

gradually became payable in money with the growth of the

market economy (Wallerstein 1974; Wolf 1982), forcing the

peasant class to deal in the market. Thus money, like any

other commodity, became a necessity for the peasant family.

As part of the same process, the peasant's traditional

relationship with the landlord disintegrated. Peasants were

no longer tied to the land and the landlord was no longer

required to keep the peasants on it. He could rent land for

cash, sell it or work it with wage laborers. As I noted in

Chapter I, all of these strategies were in use in Li6bana

by the 1860s and the largest group of farmers were classi-

fied as day laborers2 while another large group rented

their land. Less than a third were owners, only a portion

of whom owned sufficient land to support their households

without renting additional land or finding outside sources

of income. A majority of Lebaniegos were thus at least

partially proletarianized, at least partially dependent on

wage labor for their livelihood.



1In Liebana there were mortgages for those buying land,
rents for renters and taxes and the diezmo (tithe) for
everyone.

2The availability of village and termino common lands to
all vecinos allowed even those without land to be herd-
ers/farmers, to cut their own wood for fuel and to hunt and
fish. There are still agricultural enterprises without land
in Li6bana. Thus definition as a day laborer does not
necessarily mean total reliance on wages and fully prole-
tarianized rural workers were probably rare in Li&bana.






81

Wage labor has therefore been a part of the Lebaniego

peasant family's survival strategy for centuries. Like the

proletarian worker, the peasants of Li&ana could not dic-

tate the value of their production, nor refuse to partici-

pate in the market economy. Unlike the proletarian worker,

who had only his labor to offer, most did have some discre-

tion as to how to meet the cash rent payments required of

them. They could sel 1 the product of their work on the land

and/or they could earn money through local or migratory

wage labor of family members.

As with any other necessity, the peasant families of

Lidbana set out to fill their need for cash without regard

to labor cost, selling their production and their labor in

the best mix available to insure the survival of the fam-

ily. Attempting to get the best deal possible, but, good

deal or bad, doing whatever was necessary to insure that

survival, they intensified their labor (on their own farms

or for wages) and/or cut their consumption when pressed and

eased that pressure when possible (Chayanov 1966; Wolf

1966).

The wage labor available to most Lebaniegos fit, and

still fits, the semi-proletarian peasant situation

described by Wal lerstein (1983). Pay was low and work was

usually seasonal, temporary or part-time, seldom covering

al 1 of the costs of the reproduction of the household. Such

work does not inspire great dependence on wages if the

worker has any choice in the matter. Rather, it was and is









viewed as an opportunity to improve the family's security,

since the more sources of livelihood there are available to

the family, the less dependent they will need to be on any

one.

The above violates Wolf's (1966:2-4) and Shanin's

(1971:14-15) definition of what constitutes a peasant,

allowing for a greater wage labor component in household

income. However, as Daniel Thorner notes:

We are sure to deceive ourselves if we think of
peasant economies as oriented exclusively towards
their own subsistence and term "capitalist" any orien-
tation towards the "market." It is more reasonable to
start by assuming that, for many centuries, peasant
economies have had both orientations." (Thorner IN
Wallerstein 1974:18)

Even Shanin allows that (1971:15-16): "The definition of a

'general type' leads to a further delineation of analytic-

ally marginal groups which share with the 'hard core' of

peasants most, but not all, of their characteristics."

(emphasis his). Within these 'analytically marginal groups'

he includes pastoralists, "agricultural laborers lacking a

fully fledged farm [and] a rural craftsman holding little

or no land" (Shanin 1971:16).

In Chapters III and IV the increasing market penetra-

tion and the accompanying modernization of agriculture

(dairying) which has occurred in Liebana since 1950 and

Lebaniego responses will be examined. I will argue that

Lebaniego survival strategies have not substantially

altered in the last thirty-three years despite these






83

forces. Although the mix of answers to their needs that

they find best has shifted toward a greater reliance on

wage labor for many, the objective of that labor is still

the meeting of household needs with little regard to labor

cost. Wage labor is still viewed as one more component in

the household survival strategy and even families whose

livelihood is primarily dependent on wage labor still

attempt to meet as many of the family's needs as possible

outside of the market economy.

Migration, resulting largely from market penetration

and agricultural modernization, currently presents the

greatest threat of destruction for the community of

Liebana. Above I have examined theoretical perspectives on

the effects of market penetration on peasant relations of

production against the historical context in Li6bana. I

will now turn to a consideration of household and community

mechanisms built up over the centuries in Li6bana to deal

with the effects of population loss and changing work

opportunities.


Structures For Dealing With Change

Arensberg's work in Ireland (1968, orig. 1937) and

that of a number of others (Chayanov 1966; Douglass 1975;

Lison-Tolosana 1966) has illustrated the cyclical nature of

the peasant household enterprise, waxing and waning in the

size of its work force with the changing of the seasons and

the maturing of each successive generation. Following a






84

kinship-based subsistence strategy rather than a capitalist

model, work on a peasant farm3 can be expanded/intensified

to take in all available family labor or simplified and

contracted to deal with labor shortages natural to the

generational cycle of renewal, or brought about by labor

migration or disaster.

This flexibility of the peasant farm is made possible

by its simple level of organization and the fact that it is

embedded in the extended family. While it is owned by one

nuclear family/person within the extended family at any one

time, it is a resource to all and can thus claim the

labor/assets of the extended family by right of kinship.

In the above context, migration, participation in the

market economy, local wage labor, non-agricultural

businesses, informal labor exchanges, and etc. are merely

components in the extended family's survival strategy,

whose cornerstone is normally the farming enterprise, the

home where scattered family members gather. If one of the

component nuclear families in the extended family fails or

needs assistance, others will help out, as long as they do

not have to help out too often.



3As I stated above, it is difficult to avoid the term
'farm' when talking about the peasant household enterprise,
but neither in Ireland, nor in Liebana has this enterprise
ever been restricted to just the tilling of the soil. Thus
I will use the term, but it should be interpreted in its
broadest sense of the entire spectrum of activities,
including such things as herding and wood cutting, engaged
in by the household to draw sustenance from the land.








In the same way, the peasant community, an aggregation

of extended families, maintains a skeleton structure of

organization capable of expanding or contracting to meet

the needs of the times, and it maintains, through fiestas,

traditional realtionships with other towns and overlords

and continuing attempts to hold the alliegance of migrants

etc.--the widest possible network of relations with the

outside world in order to optimize survival chances of the

community.

For both of these entities; the extended peasant fam-

ily and the peasant community, migration is therefore not a

loss, but an investment (Arensberg 1968; Douglass 1975;

Christian 1972; Freeman 1979; Buechler and Buechler 1984,

1981, 1975; J.M. Buechler 1975; Brandes 1975a; Aceves

1971). It also acts as a safety valve, draining off excess

population over the carrying capacity of the environment

and socioeconomic system while allowing the traditional

large family and providing the child's work input on the

farm (Arensberg 1968). In addition migrants constitute a

reserve population for both the family and the community.

By having more children than the family income can maintain

as adults, the family insures an heir. By producing more

inhabitants than it can maintain, the community's survival

is enhanced, since these natives may be retained or enticed

home in the event of need. At the same time these emmisar-

ies to the outside world provide friends in what is per-

ceived as a hostile environment, acting as intermediaries









with the powerful, and finding jobs and homes for future

migrants, while their remittances and blood-relationship-

motivated aid in a crisis provides an important safety

net based on income independent from conditions at home.

Thus migration is viewed positively in the peasant

community unless and until it begins breaking down the

social structure of the family or the community. When

migration becomes a necessity for a young man because he

can't find a wife to help run the family farm; when

migrants feel that there is nothing/no one to come home

for; when the community decides not to put on the fiesta

this year because no one seems to care; then migration has

damaged the social fabric.

I will now turn to a description of the change exper-

ienced by Lebaniegos since 1950 and their response to that

change. In the final Chapter I will attempt to place that

change in theoretical perspective.




Full Text

PAGE 1

CULTURAL ADAPTATION TO THE EFFECTS OF MIGRATION AND AGRICULTURAL CHANGE IN A RURAL SPANISH COMMUNITY By David de la Pena Reddy A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREM~NTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1986

PAGE 2

A la communidad de Liebana

PAGE 3

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I owe a special debt of gratitude to Kathleen Anne Cook Reddy and our child Emily, who accompanied and aided me in my fieldwork and bore with me in the production of this dissertation. So many people helped us in Liebana, putting up with my questions, letting me tag along in their everyday pursuits, explaining the obvious and giving me time to figure out the next question, it is impossible to mention more than a few: "Los Rodriguez," whom we sta yed with in Liebana provided us not only with shelter, but with an introduction to a c 1 ose kni t extended f ami 1 y and i t s 1 i f e i n Li eb an a Ange 1 T 6n a s and Franc i s we re the first to take on the onerous task of educating the Yanqui with tin ears Gonzalo taught me that Lebaniegos are more 1 ikely to be the ones moving the pieces, than th e paw ns. Daniel, Ana and Teresa lent me another perspective on life in the valleys. Quino and Lines helped me to s ee the continuity in a changing community I would also like to acknowledge the help of Profesor Carmelo Lison-Tolosana of the Departamento de Antropologia Social, Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Socio logia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, and of Don Fernando Gomarin Guirado of the Libreria Estudio, Padre Echegaray of iii

PAGE 4

the Museo Etnografico Velarde and local historian Profesor Tomas Martinez Vara, in Santander. Their help in choosing a field site and support during my fieldwork was invaluable. I am indebted to the members of m y committee for the intellectual stimulation they have given me and the patience they have shown over the years. Anthony Oliver Smith, Robert Lawless and James Amelang would never let me overlook the philosophical and historical bases to anthro pological understanding. Terry McCoy graciously stepped in to take over Dr. Arnelang's position when he could no longer participate in the committee. Paul Dought y and Allan Burns emphasised the interconnections within the communit y and between the community and the outside world. Allan, my chair, besides spending many hours on my work, was also instrumental in seeing that my problem orientation did not make me lose sight of the people who make up the community. Each of these people and many others showed me different facets to the understanding of what it is to be a Lebaniego. If there is anything of value in this work, it is largely through their patience and frankness. Its errors are mine. iv

PAGE 5

PREFACE Que dura es la vi:_da (How hard is 1 ife) were the words an old woman used over and over again to comfort a friend of mine as he cried openly from too little sleep, too much wine and the uncertainty he felt because he could not make up his mind whether to leave his home or stay there. Que dura es la ~ida is a phrase y ou seldom heard in Liebana, Spain, the site of my fieldwork*. Everyone knows that life is hard there and expects it to be. The woman who comforted my friend never said things would get easier and neither of them seemed to expect that they would. This work is a community study of Liebana, a peasant community of about 7,000 inhabitants, in the province of Cantabria (Santander) in northern Spain. The study examines Lebaniego cultural adaptation to the effects of migration, agricultural change and market intrusion during the period 1950 to 1983. *Fieldwork for this study was carried out from February 1983 to January 1984. I gratefully acknowledge the major support for my fieldwork which came from an exchange pro gram between the the Department of Anthropology of the University of Florida and the Departamento de Antropologia Soc i a 1 Fa cu 1 tad d e Ci enc i a s Po 1 it i c a s y Soc i o 1 o g ia Universidad Complutense of Madrid, coupled with the Instituto Iberoamericano de Cooperacicn. V

PAGE 6

LiEbana is situated in a reserve area, the mountains which stretch across northern Spain and continue on into the Pyrennes of France. This area is most famous for shel tering the Basques, with their unique language and separat ist factions, but the Basques, the Galicians, the Asturians and the Cantabrians, have al 1 developed strong cultural identities in their geographical isolation and stout resistance to invaders. LiEbana, completely encircled by mountains, is known as La antigua provincia de LiEbana (the ancient province of Liebana) and Lebaniegos have considered themselves, and have been considered by outsiders, to be a discrete cultural and political unit with their own strongly devel oped cu 1 tu r a 1 id en t i t y since a t 1 ea s t Ro ma n times Wh i 1 e Basque cultural identity has led to Basque separatism, Liebana participated in the Asturian and Cantabrian resist ance to the Moors and the formation of the kingdom of Pelayo, which began the reconquest, effectively tying the loyalty of Lebaniegos to the Spanish state. This is not a pueblo study. Liebana is not a pueblo, but a smal 1 region containing s 1 ightly over one hundred settlements. However, as in the southern county in the United States (Arensberg and Kimball 1965), the web of interrelations between outlying population centers and the county seat / market center make each an integral part of the other. Lebaniegos recognize this, having no term for vi

PAGE 7

residents of a particular pueblo, only for the people of the region as a whole. The weekly visits of most Lebaniegos to the Monday mercado (market) in Potes, the central town of the region, set the rhythm of life in the valle y s. I found the often-used study of a town or pueblo was insufficient for understanding life in Liebana. An under standing of life in a particular pueblo is impossible without an understanding of the part which Potes plays in that life and vice versa. The mercado marks the gathering and regathering of what must be considered one community (Arensberg and Kimball 1965:26), the valleys of Lie.Jana. Li k e many other r u r a 1 co mm uni tie s i n Sp a i n Li eb an a suffered tremendous population loss and increasing market intrusion between 1950 and 1983. Its population declined by 4 4 % during th is period Un 1 i k e many o f these co mm uni t i es Lie.Jana seems to have maintained its cultural identity and to remain a functioning community despite the profound change which it has undergone. While much of the reason for the durability of the community of Lie.Jana can be traced to the accident of geography, Lebaniego's peasant extended family survival strategy and identification of the entire system of three mountain valleys in which they live as one co mm uni t y have prov id e d a s tr on g a n d re s i 1 i en t b a s is f or their very active response to change. In this dissertation, I examine the mechanisms through which Lebaniegos have maintained their community and the vii

PAGE 8

pressures for chang e which the community has undergone. In order to understand th e community toda y it is necessar y to understand its histor y and development. Thus I begin th e diss e rtation b y d e scribin g th e traditional lif e o f t he community identity, and th e ev olution of Lebaniego com m unit y then go on to describe the change which has occurred in Liebana since 1950 and Lebaniego response to that change. Chapters I I and V attempt to put this change into theoretical perspective. In preparing for my fieldwork in LiEbana, I found the dominant theme of studies of the pe a sants of Spain and Europ e to b e th e in ev it ab l e d e mis e th e ir w a y o f li fe Historical-structural economic theories of change, followed by many theorists and ethnographers, seemed to assume the insignificance of the individual person, community or group in the clash of monolithic economic and social forces. I found the idea of peasants as helpless pawns in the gri p o f a capitalistic s y st e m difficult to acc ep t and found support for m y view in a growing bod y of literature on the house hold economy, which illustrated the durabilit y of peasants and other groups on the margins of the market econom y Nevertheless, the literatue for Europe and Spain clearl y showed a rapid deterioration and depopulation occuring in many peasant communities. Thus I came to LiEbana expecting to stud y a communit y in the process of bein g transformed by viii

PAGE 9

outside forces. A community whose people had lost control of their 1 i ves. The people of Liebana did not let me maintain this view for long. They were wel 1 aware that po p ulation loss had occurred and that it threatened to destro y their community. They knew that they had had to respond to many changes imposed from outside of the valleys. Their herding/agriculture had changed from production for use to production for sale under the encouragement of state pro grams. They knew that market mechanisms h ad replaced many of their previous forms of economic interaction. Yet Lebaniegos also knew that the community and traditional family life remained strong and they felt themselves to be, and appeared to be, very much in control of their own lives. This Lebaniego response to change seemed much better described by Chayanov's (1966) theory of peasant econom y and current theories of the household economy than b y historical-structural interpretations. Yet many of the forces posited by historical-structural theories were certain 1 y causing change in the va 11 eys and the bui 1 t in inequality in exchange relations between Lebaniego pro ducers and outside consumers of that production was certainly present. In Chapters II and V I attempt to show ways in which these two theoretical viewpoints might be reconciled with the reality I found in LiEbana. ix

PAGE 10

The community studies method which I followed was instrumental in highlighting both the effect of outside forces on LiEbana and Lebaniego participation in the change which occurred in the valleys. By examining the networks of relations between Lebaniegos and between Lebaniegos and the outside world, the tremendous pressures for change and Lebaniego channeling of that change through community institutions both became apparent. This dissertation shows the efficacy of applying community study methods and theories, which have fallen into disuse, but have never been adequately replaced, to contemporary problems. X

PAGE 11

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS PREFACE TABLE OF CONTENTS Pa ge lll V ABSTRACT ..................................... Xlll C HX\PTERS I LA ANTIGUA PROVINCIA DE LIEBANA Introduction Research Pl an ......................... The Ph y sical Environment .............. The Social Environment ................ The Yearly Round ...................... The Evolution of Lebaniego Identity Socia 1 Forms .......................... Europe and Spain .................... Cantabria, Las Montanas and Santander. T~rmino and Pueblo .................. Social Class ........................ Church and Parish ................... La Familia .......................... The Individual and His / Her Group .... Generational Cycles ................. Cone 1 us ion ............................ II PRESSURES FOR CHANGE 1 1 4 8 22 25 34 43 44 45 46 51 54 58 61 63 66 AND THEIR THEORETICAL INTERPRETATION 68 The Modernization of Agriculture ....... 69 Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 0 Peasants: Pawns or Actors? ............ 73 Peasant Generalists . .... ...... ........ 78 Structures For Dealing With Change ... . 83 Xl

PAGE 12

III THE RETURN FROM AUTARKY: 1950 TO 1973 1930-1950: Depression, Democracy, Civil War and Reconstruction ........ 1950-1973: Peace, Prosperity and Migration ........................... Agricultural Modernization: Dairying and the Market Economy Mechanized Agriculture .............. Silvaculture ........................ Tourism Migration Conclusion IV RECESSION AND CLOSING BORDERS: 1974 THROUGH 1983 87 90 94 95 99 103 105 107 124 126 Population Change ...................... 128 Social Change in Remote Pueblos ........ 130 Social Change in More Centrally Locat ed Pueblos in Liebana ........... 136 Return Migration ....................... 142 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 V QUE DURA ES LA VIDA 154 Theoretical and Ethnological Perspecti ve s . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 The Survival of Peasant Relations of Production in Liebana ............. 159 Entry into the European Economic Community ...... 166 Liebana s Future ....................... 173 APPENDIX: SPANISH TEXTS BIBLIOGRAPHY BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Xll 177 179 196

PAGE 13

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy CULTURAL ADAPTATION TO THE EFFECTS OF MIGRATION AND AGRICULTURAL CHANGE IN A RURAL SPANISH COMMUNITY By David de la Pena Reddy August, 1986 Chairman: Dr. Allan F. Burns Major Department: Anthropology This dissertation is an analysis of cultural adapta tion to the effects of migration and agricultural change in the community of Liebana, a mountain valley system in northern Spain, between 1950 and 1983. It examines press ures and opportunities thrust on Liebana during this period and the mechanisms through which the people of Liebana have actively responded to maintain the integrity of their community and its prospects for continued survival. Population in Liebana held at about 12,000 for many years, then declined precipitately from 1950-73 due to migration. A new plateau of about 7,000 seems to have become established in the 1980's. The same period witnessed xiii

PAGE 14

a shift from a subsistence oriented survival strategy to a market orientation in the form of dairying. Tourism became a major industry during the 1970's and now provides the largest flow of cash into the valleys. Following community study methods, seven major factors affecting Liebana's survival as a community are identified: migration, terrain, agricultural change, tourism, Lebaniego's strong positive identification with all of Liebana, a peasant, extended family survival strategy and the worldwide recession of 1973-84. Surprisingly, it was found that, based on a peasant, extended family survival strategy and a strong cultural identity, Lebaniegos have been able to deal with depopula tion and rapid change, maintaining the integrity of their community through active participation in the process of change. xiv

PAGE 15

CHAPTER I LA ANTIGUA PROVINCIA DE LIEBANA Introduction Over the last 30 years much of rural Spain has con tributed to a stream of migrants, leaving, whether tempo rarily or permanently, for the cities of Spain, Europe and the Americas. Fueled by agricultural modernization and the traditional lure of the cities, a similar movement can be found, to a lesser or greater extent, in much of the devel oping world and it echos the draining of rural areas already experienced by the industrialized countries of the west. This dissertation is a study of a sending area, the effects of migration and agricultural modernization on it and the responses of its people as a community to these forces. The only way to understand the change experienced by a community is first to understand the community, to under stand the processes of stability and change through which its members maintain its continuity through the genera tions. The best way of understanding the community is through a community study, placing the community in its phys ica 1, socia 1, and cu 1 t ura 1 con texts ( Arens berg 19 61 1968; Arensberg and Kimball 1965, 1968, 1969; Kimball and Pearsall 1955; Kimball and Partridge 1979; Burns 1978; 1

PAGE 16

2 Lison-Tolosana 1966, 1976; Vidich and Bensman 1960; Dou9ht y 1968; Joly 1981). Thus, in my fieldwork, I set out first to understand the community, only then attempting to examine further the particular aspects of migration and agri cultural modernization. From an understanding of a particular community, care ful generalizations to the classes of communities to which it belongs are possible. In undertaking my community study as the basis for investigating particular phenomena in Spain, I am building on the work of a long tradition in Spanish ethnography and ethnology (Caro Baroja 1943, 1946, 1963, 1966; Pitt-Rivers 1968, 1971; Lison-Tolosana 1966, 1976; Kenny 1969; Freeman 1968, 1971, 1975, 1976; Perez-Diaz 19 7 0, 197 9; Doug 1 ass 19 6 9, 1966, 1969, 1971, 1976; Greenwood 1976; Aceves 1971; Aceves and Bailey 1967; Brandes 1973a, 1973b, 1975a, 1975b, 1976; Catedra 1976; Christian 1972; Harding 1975, 1976, 1978, 1984; Lopez Lin age 1 9 7 8 ; Ba r re t t 1 9 7 4 ) W h i 1 e t he method o f co mm uni t y studies will be discussed more fully below and in Chapter II, the contribution of these works to my understanding of the community in Spain will be discussed in the context of relevant areas of life in the community. Migration is usually the result of a complex interpla y of forces in both the sending and receiving areas Voluntary migration, consciously decided on by the individual and his / her family, but usually far from a

PAGE 17

3 "free" choice, has immediate repercussions for both areas, in this case, depopulating the countryside of Spain and sending an eager labor force to the cities. In developing my research proposal and field strategies, I fol lowed an historical-structural interpretation of migration which holds that change at the local level is brought about by forces in the international economic system, beyond the control of those affected, a view especially prominent in the works of Wallerstein (1974, 1983), Balan (1976), Portes (1978), Sassen-Koob (1980), and others (Fligstein 1983; Frank 1970; Myrdal 1957; Reddy 1983). An application of this view to rural migration in Spain can be summarized in these terms: The primary force behind migration has been the industrialization/modernization of agriculture. In areas favorable to industrialized agriculture, peasants have been moved off their land and rural proletariats rendered excess by large scale mechanized farming (Per-ez Diaz 1976; Naredo 1971; Martinez-Alier 1974; Mendras 1970; Franklin 1969; Balan 1978; Barrett 1974; Harding 1984). In areas unfavorable to industrialized agriculture, tradi tional, labor intensive, subsistence strategies have failed or become increasingly uncompetitive with industrialized agriculture (Brandes 1975a). Below I will discuss the way I chose my fieldwork site, then go on to describe in some detai 1 the physica 1 setting and the social and cultural patterns formino

PAGE 18

4 traditional life in Liebana (the site chosen). Although physically isolated, Liebana has been affected by and has had some effect on the changing fortunes of its region and Spain over the last two mil lenia. To understand what has occurred in the last few decades, it wil 1 be necessar y to understand what the community of Liebana was like when this tumultuous period began. In Chapter II I will discuss at greater length the theoretical and methodological problems addressed by the dissertation, then in subsequent chapters I will consider the change undergone by Liebana since 1950 and forces likely to affect the community in the future. Research Plan I had not chosen a site for my research when I came to Spain. Rather I had chosen a configuration of circumstances which I wished to explore and a general area: Santander Province. The circumstances I was looking for included a fairly isolated area, inhospitable to extensive agricul ture, containing a community which fulfilled / had fulfilled most of the needs of the local population and which had experienced significant migration. Much of the literature led me to believe that wherever I looked in rural Spain I would find a social system in the late stages of decline and smaller central places rapidly losing their functions to larger cities. I chose Santander Province because its mountains and narrow coastal plain had to some degree protected it from industrialized agriculture while it

PAGE 19

5 still retained an essentially agricultural / herding economy in its rural areas, and because I was most familiar with the literature on northern Spain. I had chosen the above set of circumstances in order to explore the effects on a fairly complete and bounded community, of agricultural modernization and migration. By complete I mean a community capable (or formerly capable) of reproducing itself, of passing on its culture and social forms from one generation to the next following Arensberg and Kimball (1965, 1968, 1969) and others (Doughty 1968; Lison-Tolosana 1966; Long and Roberts 1978, 1984; Arensbero 1968; and see Chapter II below). Minimal institutional components of a communit y meet ing the needs of my inquiry included: primary and secondary schools; local government functions performed and services available in the community; availability of most forms of goods and services (foodstuffs, fuel, work implements, banks, restaurants, hotels, bars, etc.) in the community and sufficient population to maintain these amenities. As will become apparent in my description of LiEbana, the definition of community I used is not restricted to the more common and traditional conception of a community as a single village town or city. Rather it fol lows that of Arensberg who states The community is the minimal unit table of organiza tion of the personnel who can carry and transmit this culture. It is the minimal unit realizing the categor ies and offices of their social organization. It is the minimal group capable of re-enacting in the

PAGE 20

6 present and transmitting to the future the cultural and institutional inventory of their distinctive and historic tradition. And from it, in it the child learns, from peers and th~street as well as from parents and teachers, the lore of his people and what must be learned to become one of them. (Arensberg 1961:253 emphasis his). One of the many advantages of this formulation of the community is that it recognizes the existence of dispersed communities such as the county in the southern United States (Arensberg and Kimbal 1 1965). Made up of scattered homesteads or population centers, the southern county and my fieldwork site, which I wil 1 be describing below, are both united through regular cycles of community-wide inter action. Further implications of this definition and the community studies method will be discussed below and in Chapter II. With a great deal of help, (See Acknowledgments) I was able to narrow possible fieldwork sites in Santander Pro vince to three, centered around the towns of Cabezm de la Sal, Puente Nansa and Potes. On further investigation of these towns and their regions, I found that each had been strongly influenced by migration and modernization. Cabezm de la Sal was becoming a regional transport, bulking and light industrial center as rail, highway and communication links improved and allowed it to serve a larger hinterland. Its population has more than doubled since the turn of the century. Puente Nansa, on the other hand, had never really been the center for its valley (Christian 1972) and was now losing some of the functions it did have as improved roads

PAGE 21

7 and transport allowed the consolidation of schools and services into the developing regional center: Cabezm de la Sal. Potes, the center of a culture region known as Liebana, whose people call themselves and are known as Lebaniegos 1 fel 1 somewhere between these two. Isolation had a 11 owed it to retain its functions as a centra 1 p 1 ace while migration from the rest of Liebana had replaced migrants from the town. A short, hectic two month tourist season had replaced agriculture as the area's biggest money maker. Had Liebana become a tourist area with a little agriculture or was it an agricultural area with a little tourism? I chose to study Potes and Liebana despite this worry because I felt that the boundaries of the region centered on Cabez6n de la Sal were too extensive, while those of Puente Nansa had been constricting for too long. Thus I came to Liebana, a small traditionally agricul tural / herding region in northern Spain, expecting to study the effects of migration on a culture in disarray. As I expected, Liebana had experienced tremendous population loss with a decrease from 12,114 in 1950 to 6,791 in 1981, a 44 percent loss (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1982), and Lebaniego agriculture had been under intense competi tive pressure during this time as well. Despite this, I came away with more of a study of the effects of the 1 Lay-bahn-yay-guz in the distinctive local dialect, which turns a final o into au.

PAGE 22

8 community on migration and cultural adaptation to change. The contribution of this dissertation is that it illus trates the resilience and continuity of the communit y even under the pressure of heav y migration and rapid chan ge Although I found the effects of man y of the forces posit ed in the historical-structural view, I found that the people of Liebana have maintained the extended family survival strategy of the peasant community, adapting it to a chang ing economic and social situation, without destroying the basic patterns of community life. The growing cost of mechanized agriculture, due to rising fossil fuel costs, may also have eased the competitive pressure on Liebana s labor-intensive herding / agriculture allowing the poss ibility of its survival into the future. The remainder of Chapter I provides an introduction to the phys ica 1 and soci a 1 environment of Liebana and to the institutions, behavior patterns and ways of dealing with the physical and social environment traditional to Leban iegos and the identities which grew out of them. A clear understanding of the development of the community will provide a basis for discussing its responses to the change experienced in recent years. The Physical Environment Liebana forms the extreme western part of Santander Province and is located on the southern side of the eastern mas s if of the Pico s de Europa (See Figure 1 1 ) The Pico s

PAGE 23

9 de Europa form part of the chain of mountains that extends along the north coast of Spain into the Pyrennes and on up the Atlantic coast of Europe including large parts of the British Isles and Ireland. With a usually narrow coastal plain, this area forms an ecological zone call ed the Atlantic Fringe. The mountains of the Atlantic Fringe block and precipitate the rain and this zone is generally charac terized by high rainfall levels and lush vegetation. The north coast of Spain is cal led the "Costa Verde" (Green Coast) and Santander Province receives 1 to 1.5 meters of rain per year. The coastal plain is narrow and hilly, seldom more than 20 kilometers wide, and the moun tains rise abruptly behind it. Rainfall levels are general ly much higher along the coast and remain high in the mountain river valleys which open onto the coast and run, for the most part, directly south from it (See Figure 1-1). Liebana consists of the valleys of the river Deva and its two major tributaries, the Quiviesa and Bullon (See Figure 1-2). The rivers join in the area of Potes, the regional center, and flow north to the Cantabrian Sea (Bay of Biscay) as the river Deva. Completely surrounded by mountains which average around 2,000 meters above sea level, access to the valleys is limited to two high passes and a narrow defile, all of which are frequently closed by snow in the winter. Liebana is shielded by the Picos to the north and this reduces its average rainfall to .6145 meters, the lowest of

PAGE 24

------__ i __ M _ h :. PROVlf.JC IA -----'

PAGE 25

1 1 0 ~ ___ _J I I / .,,,,.-./ o5 ,, r~' -~~,".. L,l .;-----0~\i!....--------------Pl.AHO DEIAP~OVINCIA Q
PAGE 26

Figure 1-2: Liebana and surrounding mountains. Courtesy of Jose Arias Corcho (1969).

PAGE 27

Orcuna t. 11 0 1! S ,. r o o 0 r p Pl o s . !fr ~, r \ C 1 LaViomo Bod,a !11~ ...,-,.)41.. .... . Ii ,,. ~ MarNlH . P i co J ana jll.l.) Valme<> M.-d 1 a 1 0 909 i Tudn. 712 Tello .562 t: r. "'t. ..,,._ ,,-' ,/ Lamci co -1 ~:::: ~ v~bas 665. Barreda ,i> .,, ~ ". ~.:..~ I Sn Mom: "' e1 c 1 ~ : Belmont~ e 1021 : Pe1anda y#' LI> Collllos 9 <.:! Sta Eula 95 2 ,,; PESAGUER027 Vald~ prod o : Traa Pd OobrA--c,! 11<.0 "rage a Dobr..s ~ \f .( i,aa~.iuorlus ~3 6 r ..,~d IC' osl~ P ~ eO t ego j.. Cucayo / \ 1 2 65 6J4, -.. Cigpl ....... J 9(0 ., F;riadlBrH ) _./ .... ,600 __. Caloca ,, ,..,. < ..... -' 110 ,. 0 Boq u ,rOt't o ,B oo,a ,,,,.' {'n P B 1 s1ru y "' ... : I "". f r r .J .,,,,,... .! 2COO 0 . .. 1!'9 : .AllttlrCUtuta,c: n-! ~,o ; P .,. do l u' I., -. c ; ~~udo ." ;,u n os d p ,,, -< .. .. ?.,,..Pr elO _....-1..1 ... ,. .... . . . ...,,.., 2 Sl6 ,_,-....... P enQ OuirDrOdO I 9~ t la , .. : Mo1ond'rta.,,.,. J JI' : ~ ~~I. C JP11n-,nc 04. .. !..l.._...,.,J)70.. 1 000 -.... -. I \~ ltl u tul d ir C o n 20 65kP ,c o Fumor N T ) : fa"::!,. C A C O R OIL LERA 6 P:~!:'" IDl I 000 ,j O \\. Pi c:.o Milano , ....._.~J: Co lo~ I GA ~-.,' ,1, -~ .. ,4,ttiad~"p~ NJras LuM9i Plcdras 1 }f wcngas "\ ;-;... .. ),.\ \ ..

PAGE 28

14 __________ _J Figure 1 3 : Potes and The Picos De Europa Figure 1-4 : La Feria de San Pedro ( The Fair of St Peter ), Potes, 6 / 29 / 8~

PAGE 29

15 Figure 1-5: All Souls Day and the blessing of the graves. Figure 1-6: The family gathers for First Communion.

PAGE 30

16 Figure 1-7: Everyone helps out when they butcher a pig at Camacho's. Figure 1-8: Amigos I I I I

PAGE 31

17 any reporting station in Santander Province (Fondo Para la Inv e s ti g a c i 6n Econ 6n i ca y Soc i a 1 de 1 a Con fed er a c i 6n Espanola de Cajas de Ahorro 1972 Torno I:54). This is still heavy rainfall, but it is enough reduced to allow the growing of wheat in the area, a crop that rots in the field from too much moisture in most of the Province. The more than 100 population concentrations of LiEbana range in altitude from about 245 meters above sea level (Tama) to 1,108 meters (Caloca). The altitude of a particu lar pueblo went far in determining ~he contents of the traditional yearly round in that pueblo, with those at high altitudes tending to be more involved in purely herding activities while pueblos at lower levels tended to maintain more of a mix of herding and smal 1 farming. Despite these differences, the tempo of life throughout the valleys was largely determined by the seasons; spring bringing the villagers out of their houses with its quickening pace, summer with its long steady labor, fall with its harvests giving way to time for games and fiestas and preparation for the cold and isolation of winter. Even the smallest pueblos 2 of Liebana are highly nucleated, with most buildings butting directly against the 2 r use the term pueblo for the towns and hamlets of Lieb ana, including small geographically separate subsidiary population concentrations referred to as barrios in several other studies (Christian 1972; Freeman 1979). I use the term barrio to refer only to neighborhoods within or close to larger pueblos. This follows local usage and recognizes the distance of some pueblos from their municipal center.

PAGE 32

18 next in line. The only exceptions to this rule involve recent construction for returning migrants or summer visi tors who have built a scattering of houses on their own grounds around Potes. A local butcher who built his famil y a new home less than a kilometer from the center of Potes found out just how strong the desire to live in town can be. He was forced to rent the dwelling when his wife refused to live there because she would be too far from her family and friends. Some school teachers from another pro vince were glad to get it. Despite its long history as a trading center, in Potes, as in most of the pueblos of Liebana, the village was built to be close to prime agricultural land and herd ing areas while removing as little land from production as possible. For Potes this meant building on the south slope of the valley, which is in the shade of the mountains from three in the afternoon until nine in the morning during the winter, to leave the north slope clear for vinyards. Dobar ganes, a small pueblo in the termino of Vega de Liebana, spills down a steep slope to leave more open land for hierba (hay) and pasturage. Lifuana covers an area of 55,800 hectares. However, of that area, approximately 20,543 hectares have a slope of thirty to fifty percent and 17,250 hectares have as lope of greater than fifty percent, leaving only 18,007 hectares with a slope under 30 percent and thus the potential to be useful for more than grazing or timberland (Colegio Oficial

PAGE 33

19 de Ingenieros Tecnicos Agricolas y Peritos Agricolas de Santander 1980:25 & 33). Even this does not tel 1 the ful 1 story, however; two-thirds of this relatively flat land is at an altitude of 700 meters or greater, further reducing the uses to which it can be put (Colegio Oficial de Ingenieros Tecnicos Agrico 1 as y Peri tos Agricol as de San tander 1980:33). Land in Liebana, according to its altitude, access ibility, slope and local custom, is usually devoted to one of seven major uses: pasture/hay fields, cornfields, gardens, mon te, orchards, v inyards and tended forest. The monte is mountain scrub land, owned in common and exploited for firewood and grazing, but too remote and / or steep for improvement. Pasture/hay fields are to be found at all altitudes to take maximum advantage of the growing season for grasses. Orchards, vinyards and cornfields, sites for substantial investments of time and effort, are in favored sheltered areas at lower altitudes. Until the 1950s wheat was the major crop in these areas. Gardens, small in extent but important in production, are again found in favored sheltered areas, but this time close to the home for con stant tending. Tended forest "tree farms," most usually are found in areas of high slope and limited accessibility, but may appear anywhere, signaling the long-term investment of a migrant from the valleys.

PAGE 34

20 Garden crops include potatoes, beans and varied vege tables, especially cabbages, the most durable winter vege table. Corn is grown solely as a feed crop for cattle and chickens. The wheat of earlier days has given wa y to th e need for more animal feed and the cheapness of wheat brought in from the interior. Orchard crops include cherries, guindas (a sour cherry), apples and pears as well a s the o cc as ion a 1 nut tree w hi ch ma y be an yw he re but i s always individually owned and tended. Vinyards, now rare in Liebana, provide grapes for wine and are the only legal source for the leavings of wine making which are used to make the local aguardiente orujo, which is probabl y Liebana's most famous product. An i ma 1 s herded inc 1 u de cat t 1 e sheep, goats and horses. Traditionally cattle were raised for work animals and meat and their ability to live outdoors for a good part of the year with minimal care and no feed other than pas ture. Dairy cattle were kept only for the family's own needs or, in the lower altitudes, to meet the needs of nonagriculturalists in the larger pueblos. Sheep and goats were and are kept for their meat and milk, mostly in the higher pueblos where their owners have access to communal lands for grazing. Horses for work and meat have also traditionally been raised in the higher elevations of the valleys. In addition to the animals herded, most agricul tural/herding families have also kept pigs enough to slaughter two or three a year, preserving the meat for

PAGE 35

21 family needs and cash or barter income. Small flocks of chickens, maintained for their eggs and meat, also remain common. Dairying is now the main pursuit of almost all of the agriculturalists of Liebana. Three kinds of cattle are raised in the valleys today: The Tudanca, a small hardy local breed which replaced Liebana's native cattle, produces little milk and has meat of inferior quality. Primarily a draft animal, it is often interbred with the Suiza or Swiss.; The Swiss or Parda Alpina was brought into northern Spain in the 1800s. It is superior to the Tudanca in size, meat quality and milk production and is well suited to high altitude and cold. However, local informants feel that it is not so hardy as the Tudanca, so crosses between the two have become the most popular cattle in Liebana today, and the Frisona or Dutch dairy cow which is adapted to lower altitudes and a milder climate, but which will produce greater quantities of higher quality milk on a diet of pasture or hay supplemented with concentrated feeds. Expensive to purchase and maintain, Frisona cattle are found only in a few large dairies at the lowest altitudes. Liebana has traditionally been a peasant area and has been tied into the national economy for centuries. It has had an overlord of some kind, extracting surpluses and imposing structure, since at least Roman times. Thus the

PAGE 36

22 needs and desires of the outside world have alwa y s had an effect on the area, requiring that Lebaniegos balance their subsistence needs with the necessit y of producin g a sur p l u s. M ost o f the abo v e describ e d subsist e nc e cro p s a r e durabl e for storag e in subsistence and also w e r e tr a ns p ort able to overlords or markets outside Liebana b y a v aila b l e means. In the last fort y years production has continued to respond to outside forces. As roads into the valleys and transportation improved, dair y ing and wood production ha v e increased while wine and wheat production, which can be more easil y and cheapl y carried out in other p arts o f Spain, ha v e d e creased. The Social Environment The development of a community requires more than simple propinquity. In this section I continue to explor e the factors which contributed to the develo p ment o f a communit y which encompases a 11 of LiEbana. These i nc 1 u d ed the perceptions of outsiders, especiall y in government, as well as those of Lebaniegos as to the limits and political composition of the area and the commonality of interests to be found there. Sparsel y populated areas lying between the coast and the interior of Spain, the mountain valle y s of northern Spain ha v e historicall y been included into one province or another, more on the basis of con v enience for the ruling class than that of valle y residents. Some valle y s were e v en

PAGE 37

23 carved up for various overlords (Christian 1972). As far as can be determined, Liebana has been treated as one politi cal district at least since Roman times, although it has had to answer to various capitals. Known as la anti~ prov incia de LiEbana ( the ancient province of Liebana), it became part of the Province of Santander when the province was created in 1827. The three valleys of Liebana are divided on the basis of geographica 1 changes in to 5 1 arge terminos (see be 1 ow). A sixth termino, in the typical Spanish political fashion of balancing the center against the parts, is composed largely of the town of Potes, the strategic center, govern mental center and market center of the valleys. A termino or municipio (the terms are used interchang ably), described by Christian (1972:4) as "a township or vale," is usually defined by changes in geography rather than population, with the proviso that it must contain at least one town. A termino usually consists of a central town and its rural hinterland, which may be quite extensive and contain a number of smaller pueblos. This is the case for a 11 of the terminos of Liebana except Potes. Al 1 of the land belongs to one termino or another, much like counties in the U.S. However, terminos differ from U.S. counties in that they are usually much smaller and have no judicial functions and on 1 y rudimentary po 1 ice powers. Most po 1 ice powers are reserved to the national police, the Guardia Civil, who operate without regard to termino boundaries.

PAGE 38

24 Terminos are grouped into districts (Comarcas), usual ly on the basis of geographical unity, with a central court for a 11 1 oca 1 cases. Many provincia 1 and nationa 1 government services such as agricultural extension and social security are also provided at the Comarcal level rather than that of the termino. A 1 1 of Li ebana forms one Comarca, administered from Potes. In this study, I have included six of the seven ter minos which make up the Comarca of Liebana: Cabez6n de Liebana, Camaleno, Cillorigo-Castro, Pesagtlero, Potes and Vega de Liebana. These conform to the area of th e three river valleys which meet in the vicinity of Potes (See Figure 1 2 ) Tresviso, the seventh termino of the Comarca, consists of one town and has a population of 91 (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica, 1982). It is located in the high valley of the Rio Urd6n, a tributary of the Deva, which enters the river approximately 16 kilometers from Potes, near La Hermida, a termino considered outside of Liebana. Separated by impassable mountains, Tresvisinos must come through La Hermida to reach the rest of the Comarca. A Villa (country seat) in its own right in former days, Tresviso s major connection with Liebana is that it was included in the district by the provincial government. It is now in the process of being transferred to the jurisdiction of San Vicente de la Barquera, a coastal town.

PAGE 39

25 Although officially part of LiEbana, Lebaniegos are quick to point out that of course Tresvisinos are very dif ferent. Some even told me a stor y which they claimed not to believe, that the Tresvisinos are actually lost Irishmen (there are apparently a lot of redheads in Tresviso). In addition, Tresvisinos that I spoke to strongly reject ed labeling as Lebaniegos, in contrast to the strong positive identification of people from every other part of Liebana. I have therefore excluded Tresviso from my study. The six remaining terminos form a very neatly bounded geographic area. It is completely encircled by mountains and at each of the three natural entrances to the valleys there is a gap in habitation, forced by the terrain, that clearly marks the limits of Liebana. These geographic limits correspond with the social boundaries perceived by Lebaniegos and are reinforced by the isolated position of Liebana. Liebana is not on the road to anywhere. A vehi c 1 e crossing one of the mountain passes or driving through the de f i 1 e i n to Lieb an a i s a 1 most s u re 1 y bound f or a de s ti n a tion within the valleys. It is almost always quicker to drive around the area rather than through it. The Yearly Round For much of recorded history, the vast majority of Lebaniegos have shared a similar life style and survival strategy and thus a similar yearly rhythm to life. This most basic of common interests has been fundamental in the

PAGE 40

26 shaping of the community of Liebana and the people of LiEbana have shaped their response to the radical change of the last thirty years on the cultural and social systems traditional to the valleys. The yearl y round and the development of Lebaniego identity are thus described in some detail below. J a v i er L 6p e z L i nag e named h i s 1 9 7 8 s tu d y o f a p u e b 1 o i n L i eb a n a An t r o po 1 o g i. a d e 1 a Fe r o c i d a d Co t i d i a n a : Supervi vencia y Trabajo en una Comunidad Cantabra." (Anth ropology of the Daily Ferocity of Life: Survival and Work i n a Ca n tab r i an Co mm uni t y. ) and the a gr i cu 1 tu r a 1 / herd i n g life practiced by most Lebaniegos is indeed very hard. With little land and fewer reserves, a bad harvest or a cow that dies of illness can spel 1 disaster. Yet the life which I will be describing below as typical of Liebana in the first half of this century must be considered an improvement over the situation which prevailed into the last half of the 1800s and ended only with the final breakup of the Antigua Regimen ( the o 1 d or ancient order). The old order was based on feudal senorial rights, in which nobles who had been of service to the crown were granted ownership of large tracts of land and often the ad ministration of the pop u 1 ace 1 i vi n g on it g i vi n g th em the right to set and collect fees and taxes, which the senores took as a license to steal, checked only by the poverty and tendency to revolt of their subjects. Their land was generally let to tenant farmers in sharecropping

PAGE 41

27 or share renting arrangements or worked by day laborers. Overseen by local agents of the noble, these arrangements were identical with those of cotton tenancy in the southern U.S. (See Raper 1936; Lopez Linage 1978). The old order also granted the church the right to the diezmo (tithe), which all were required to pay. Tomas Martinez Vara describes the system of caciquismo (bossism) in his historical introduction to Estado de las Fabricas, Comercio, Industria y Agricultura en las Montafias de Santander~ XVIII) (The State of Factories, Commerce, Industry and Agriculture (18th Century) by J.M. 3 in the Mountains of Santander For most of history, the mountain countryman was a small proprietor, renter of a tiny plot, artesan or hauler of wheat, wine, firewo od, charcoal or fish and day laborer; the renters, sharecroppers and day laborers depended on a 'friend' who habitually was an aristocrat separated from the region, for which he felt no interest, solely caring about the collection of its rents, the handling of which he entrusted to the administrators of his lands and jurisdictions; (Vara IN J.M. 1979:90. Translation mine. See Appendix for Spanish text.) Vara reports an 1860 census finding which showed that 42.1 percent of farmers 4 in the mountains of Santander 3 The identity of J.M. is not known beyond his initials. He described himself only as a "man of the Province with some disposition for observation and, of necessity, a talent for writing." (1979:Inner jacket). His description, criticism of and suggested remedies for conditions in the mountains of Santander was sent unbidden to the Provincia 1 government. 4 who constitutes a farmer is not made clear. Seemingly only male heads of household.

PAGE 42

28 were day laborers, 27.9 percent were renters and onl y 29.9 percent were land owners (Vara in J.M. 1979:89). Those who owned land usually did not own enough for their families to live on and were forced to rent more or to work at da y labor as well. Vara and J.M. devote much of their works to detailing the hunger and misery of the montaneses (the Cantabrian term for mountaineers) during this period, placing most of the blame on senorial rights and on the diezmo of the church. Senorial rights were abolished and the diezmo made voluntary with the end of the old order, lifting a tremen dous burden from the backs of the peasants. But this was far from the end of caciquismo. Local caciques controlled the apparatus of democracy in each region after the restor ation of the Spanish monarchy in 1874. In return for making sure that the right people were al lowed to vote and the right people were elected, caciques were given virtuall y unlimited local control of the machinery of the state, including police, courts and taxation (Brenan 1964). Although this power faded with the faltering of the central government after the turn of the century, it persisted until the beginning of the Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in 1923. Though stripped of much of their abilit y to directly control the apparatus of government in their own behalf, through control of land, jobs and loans and the use of their political influence on behalf of clients,

PAGE 43

29 caciques have remained a powerful force in LiEbana to this day. Sharecropping and share renting continued into the 1950s, but had begun to fade during the 1940s as Lebaniegos began to shift their fields from wheat to pasture and ha y fields for dairy cows. This less intensive use allowed landowners to work more land and sharecropping arrangements became less attractive to them. The major blow to share cropping and share renting came with the resumption of migration in the 1950s, however. Migration made more land available for purchase or long term rental. At the same time cash from dairying and migrant remittances became available to a broader spectrum of Lebaniegos and many former sharecroppers or share renters were able to purchase land. By the mid-1950s few sharecroppers or share renters remained (Lopez Linage 1978:194-95). By 1972 only 3.4 percent of farm land in Santander was under some form of share cropping agreement and 9 percent was rented (Fondo para la Investigacion Economica y Social de la Confederaci6n Espanola de Cajas de Ahorro 1972, Torno II:37). In Liebana only 131 hectares were sharecropped in 1972 while 1,512 were rented (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1973c:30-31). This was a very different kind of renting too, for cash and usually on an extended lease rather than the share renting at the pleasure of the land lord which had gone before. Agricultural change wil 1 be addressed further in Chapters III and IV below.

PAGE 44

30 Up until about 1950 herding and wheat farming deter mined the yearly round of activities in the herding / agri cultural villages of Liebana. In spring the men would be feeding the last of the previous yea r s hay to the cattle, and plowing the fields with oxen to sow the wheat and the other lesser crops which made up their small farming (some varieties of wheat had already been sown in the autumn, to lie dormant under the snow and be ready for spring). As the spring progressed they would move the beef cattle and unproductive dairy cows to mountain pastures, there to be watched for a fee by the inhabitants of the n ea rb y high villages or herded by a representative of each family in rotation or al lowed to roam on common pasture and checked often by their owners. At the same time women would be occupied in the first thinning and weeding of the crops, hard work to be done by hoe or by hand. Children and o 1 d people would aid in tasks appropriate to their age and abilities and everyone would be busy, the enforced idleness and leisurely visiting of the winter replaced by a quick visit to Potes on market day for a few necessities and a glass of wine once in a month if you could spare the time. W i th summer mo s t o f the p e op 1 e o f the v i 1 1 age w o u 1 d begin the cutting and storing of hay that would occupy them for the rest of the summer and extend into early fall, the men cutting with their scythes and the women and children following behind with rakes to spread the hay out to dry,

PAGE 45

31 then the whole family storing it in the barn This was the period when migrated family members would be enticed home if possible to aid in the work through the fal 1. Once the hay is cut it must be dried and stored quickly so that it will not be ruined by rain. Village labor was also roughly coordinated during this time. The traditional inheritance system of equal shares to all children and the desire to insure subsistence by spreading production over a varied area, applied over centuries, had caused fields to be tiny or merely subdivis ions of a larger field, marked off by agreed upon land marks. In addition villages frequently held lands in common, meteing out shares to each household (see "vecinos" below). Cutting of the hay had to be coordinated to some extent so that al 1 parts of a field would be finished at about the same time so cows could be al lowed to graze on the stubble and for the unspoken reason of making sure no one cheated you out of your rightful share of the hay With late summer came the culmination of the produc tion process. The last of the hay was gathered in as the cattle that had spent the summer in high pastures were brought down, stopping to graze in the stubble of lower meadows. The ears and stalks of the corn were gathered for sillage. Gardens and orchards were harvested and their produce preserved for the winter. Grapes were brought in and the wine making begun, a process much anticipated since locally produced wine begins to turn to vinegar in August

PAGE 46

32 The leavings from the wine making would be used to make oruj_Q, the potent local aguardiente for which Liebana is known throughout Spain. While these were important, a major part of the family s effort would be bent to bringing in and processing the wheat crop, their bread for the next year. The wheat, reaped, like the hay, by the entire fam ily, was threshed by oxen on a common village threshing floor, then winnowed by the women and children before being taken to an area mill for grinding. Late summer and early fal 1 also signal led the time for the fiestas of the patron saints of many of the villages and all of the terminos; a chance for each to draw back its migrants with more limited time, to reaffirm its identity, to provide a celebration to repay the hospitality of those from other pueblos, and maybe a chance to meet a spouse or for a prospective spouse to unobtrusively size up your village and your place in it. Ranging from a simple one day event consisting of a solemn mass, a romeria (religious procession) and a verbena (an evening dance held outdoors, usually with a live band), to a five day extravaganza put on by Potes, fiestas were traditionally organized by the mozos (young unmarried men and women between about 15 and 30), and this is stil 1 true for the smaller villages of Liebana. However, Potes' fiesta has long been the culmina tion of the fiesta season, a reaffirmation of Lebaniego

PAGE 47

33 identity and Potes' mo~o~ must give way to the town council. In winter there was little more than maintenance work to do; feed the animals milk the cows and try to keep warm Al 1 of the visiting migrants had gone back to work. The men spent much of the day playing mus and tute (card games) in their village tiicos (usually a combination bar/restaurant/grocery store) or those of nearby towns Potes if the trip was not too difficult. Women worked to gether in small courtyard groups of relatives or friends. The children were in school again after the harvest. In December and early January would come the celebration and reaffirmation of the family Christmas and the coming of the Three Kings. Despite the emphasis on self-sufficiency, Liebana still supported a number of service personnel and outside professionals, especially in Potes and in the central towns of the terminos. The service personnel included black smiths, carpenters, masons, builders, innkeepers, barkeep ers storekeepers, restaurateurs, barbers, seamstresses, forest wardens, bakers, butchers, millers, wood cutters and carters. Most of these were part-time occupations, fre quently combined and carried on by a family which also practiced the normal round of herding / agricultural activities. Outside professionals included school teachers, doc tors, pharmacists, veterinarians town secretaries and

PAGE 48

34 Guardia Civil (national police). Appointed by the national government, these professionals are traditionally sent anywhere except their home area. This professional elite formed two small isolated groupings within valley societ y ; that of the Guardia Civil, who traditionally stick to themselves and that of the rest of the professionals who also associated with upper class members of local society and with the local priests, the final members of Liebana's professional elite. There has been only one monastery left i n L i eb a n a f o r t h e 1 a s t c e n tu r y o r two ( ha c e mu c h o tiempo") and its eight remaining cloistered monks emerge only to participate in a few religious events. The Evolution of Lebaniego Identity The similarity of the annual cycle for most Lebaniegos created a commonality of interests and feelings, but this they shared with the mountaineers of most of Santander Province. Another cycle, the weekly market in Potes, over laid, and still overlays, the annual cycle, providing the forum and the event for a weekly meeting of much of the population of Liebana. This is illustrated by a traditional song, said to be centuries old, from the termino of Pesagilero (See Figure 1-2 ). Soy de Potes, soy de Potes, de 1 Va 11 e de Va 1 de pr ado, de 1 pueb 1 o de Pesagilero y aqui me tenei.s cantando.

PAGE 49

35 I am from Potes, I am from Potes, fr om the Va 1 1 e y of Va 1 de pr ado, from the pueblo of Pesaguero, and here you have me singing. (Quoted by Cicero 1982a:20. Translation mine.) Lebaniegos relate to the rest of Liebana through Potes, its center and may even, as in the verse above, identify themselves as being from Potes when communicating with outsiders while they are away from home. Potes, whose name is thought to stern from an earlier Roman name "Pontes" (bridges), lies in a narrow part of its valley at the meeting of the rivers Quiviesa and Deva and just 1 kilome ter upstream of the entry of the Bul lon. Its bridges have for centuries controlled access to the upper valleys of the Quiviesa and Deva and for centuries those bridges have been overlooked by a military fortress (Torre), placed there to enforce the rule of whatever outside power currently held sway over Liebana. The most recent Torre, the Torre del Infantado, was built on the remains of an earlier fortress in the 14th century. It now serves as the town hall (ayun tarnineto) of Potes and courthouse for the district of Liebana. In defining what constitutes a community, Arensberg and Kimball find that The easiest criterion may wel 1 be: who come together and who separate again, characteristically speaking? When we find the people of our table of organization assembled or come together at one time and know the limit of their dispersal at another, only to meet them regathered with one another at a third time, we have found the range, the rhythm, the

PAGE 50

36 membership, and the identity of the community we seek. (Arensberg and Kimball 1965:26) The existence of Potes, a central focus within the valleys made inevitable by the necessity that roads follow the river valleys, has allowed the development of a communit y identity in Liebana. This identity flows from the market function of Potes more than from its role as administrative center. Always the town with the most businesses, Potes holds the three major ferias (fairs) (See Figure 1-3) of the year and a weekly mercado (market) on Mondays that draw itinerant vendors and cattle buyers from outside the valleys, providing a selection of goods and prices which cannot be matched by the smal 1 businesses of the valle y s and the major outlet for the livestock (cattle, sheep, goats, pigs and horses) produced in the valleys. A thousand dairy cows, most with their new calves, and another thous and or so beef cattle were offered for sale in the largest feria of the year, the Feria de la Cruz (Fair of the Cross) in Potes in 1984 (Del Rio 1984:20). The major event of most weeks, Lebaniegos from al 1 parts of the valleys flock to Potes' mercado on Mondays, to buy, sell or simply to drink a glass of wine with their friends. By the time the typical Lebanigo living outside of Potes is an adult, he / she has been to Potes hundreds, if not thousands, of times. During those visits they have developed an aquaintance with, or at least facial

PAGE 51

37 recognition of, thousands of fellow Lebaniegos. As Isidro Cicero, a local historian states This is the town of the 2 rivers -Deva and Qu i vi e s a The town o f the f i v e bridges cap i t a 1 o f the district, geographical center, heart, head and stomach of al 1 the valleys that make up the ancient province of LiEbana. Potes is the central plaza of Li~ana, if you understand me. What I mean by this is that it is the meeting place of al 1 these 1 ittle lebaniego pueblos that we have encountered spread over the heights. How many time have I seen two neighbors that live next door in the same village, if they have to talk of something especially important say: 'Well, lets talk about this next Monday in Potes.' Monday and Pote~, are two words that the lebaniegos carry united in their heads, indivisible, so that to say one is to think of the other and viceversa. (Cicero 1982a:54. Emphasis his. Translation mine. See Appendix for Spanish text.) This contrasts sharply with the situation described by Christian (1972) in the Rionansa Valley, just east of LiEbana. He found that, due to the geography of the valley and its division between several political districts, the Rionansa valley had never developed a central town or a feeling of identity with the valley as a whole. Lebaniego identity has developed over the centuries. Below I will sketch some of the major events and forces which I believe contributed to that development. Liebana was part of the original kingdom of Pelayo, the king who began the reconquest of Spain from the Moors in about 722 A.O. The tremendous influx of refugees from the Moorish conquest, especially clergy, profoundly influ enced the development of Liebana. Considered a reserve area, Cantabria had been pacified and taxed by the Romans

PAGE 52

38 and more or less converted to Christianity by the Visi goths, but its rural areas were never profoundly altered from their pre-Roman tribal heritage until the defeat of the Visigoths (Gonzalez Echegara y 1966, 1969, 1977; Freeman 1979). LiEbana then became a major religious center and the conversion to Christianity was completed 5 As Cicero states LiEbana came to be extremely overpopulated then. It was then thought to have the largest percentage of theologians, bishops, nobles and monks per square kilometer of all christianity. As a first step in restoring order in the territory, they built a moun tain of monasteries, full to the bursting, to rehouse and organize this flood of people. In al 1 Liebana there appear to have been more than 20 monasteries. The oldest is documented in 790 ... (Cicero 1982a:71. Translation mine. See Appendix for Spanish text.) These religious refugees brought potent symbols of Christianity with them, including such things as bones of several of the apostles and a flagon of Mary's milk. The monasteries built up around these relics, especially what is now the Monastery of Santo Toribio, were granted rents from much of the land and dominated life in Liebana until the twelfth century when the church's secular power began SThere is evidence that even then pre christian beliefs persisted and were being co-opted by the Catholic Church. A large pre-christian, Cantabrian Sun-Stone was recentl y rediscovered behind the altar of the tenth centur y church of Santa Maria of Lebefia in the municiI2.i.9_ of Cillorigo Castro (See Figure 1-2). It has now been built into the front of the altar for al 1 to see, suggesting that church priorities have changed over the past 1,000 ye ars in Liebana.

PAGE 53

39 to decline. By that time th e reconquest was far advanced and Liebana had once more become a reserve area. Over the centuries since then, the monasteries and their relics were removed from Liebana, lea v ing onl y the Monastery of Santo Toribio, housing what is claimed to be the larg est surviving piece of the Lignum Crucis (Christ s cross). Santo Toribio, started about the beginning of the ninth century, became the major center for regional relig ious devotion and the monastery and the Santa Cruz (holy cross) major symbols of Lebaniego identity. Lebaniegos were granted special privileges in recogni tion of their role in the reconquest. Acknowledged as "hidal_g_os" (untitled nobility) of "sangre pura" (pure "b 1 ood"), they s ti 1 1 consider their dia 1 ect to be a pre cursor to and more "pure" than Cas ti 1 ian, the 1 anguage of Spain. Thus Lebaniego history is tied to that of the nation. They see their ancestors as creators of a unified country and identify strongly with Spain. This despite the fact that, whatever they might have been called, the common people of Liebana were feudal serfs throughout the Middle Ages Local sefiores (titled nobility) gained control of the valleys as church power waned. Small Torres were built to control access to each valley and the Torre of the strong est family, that of Don Rodrigo de Lara, was located in Potes. With littl e outside interference, power came to

PAGE 54

40 reside in the Torres and in Potes, the strategic center of the valleys. With the fourteenth century, control of Liebana passed, through inheritance, outside of the valleys. Much of Liebana became part of the immense holdings of the Duque de 1 Inf antado. However, the new Torre, bui 1 t by the Duque in Potes, was soon faced by a second, that of Orej6n de la Lama, a local noble. The gathering strength of local nobles was a symptom of the growing importance of purely local concerns in the political life of Lebaniegos and of their growing regional identification. Political struggles would continue to follow those of the larger world, but from then on they were reinterpreted through the prism of Lebaniego self interest and fought out at the local level for control of Liebana. For instance, Lebaniegos were strongly divided during the revolt of the Comuneros (1520-22) and forces were raised on both sides. They did not march off to war, but rather to Potes to fight it out around the Torre. Liebana raised an army of 1,579 men to fight the French during the War of Independence (1808-14). Again they did not march off to war, but stayed in their valleys, forced authorities sympathetic with the French out of power and fought a guerrilla war against seventeen different French expeditions into Liebana, this despite the destruction of several villages and the burning of Potes in re prisal for guerrilla ambushes (Cicero 1982a:43 & 51).

PAGE 55

41 Tr ad it ion a 1 1 y a cons er v at i v e a re a, L i eb an a ha s been slow to follow the radical changes in government philosophy which Spain has gone through in this century. Deep divis ions are still evident from The Civil War Although Liebana remained loyal to the Republic, considerable fighting occurred in the valleys before Republicans took full con trol. It was overrun by the Franquistas in 1937, at which point local Franco sympathizers took control of the valleys. Substantial numbers on both sides were killed by their opponents within Liebana during the war and others (especially Republicans) suffered imprisonment and loss of their property. Again Lebaniegos were preoccupied mainly with control of their own valleys, looking to the center, Potes, rather than toward shaping events in the outside world. Perhaps this is normal for the highly personal wars of Spain, where the attempt to unify the country, begun with the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, may still not be complete. Except for the reconquest and the wars of territorial conquest in the new world, most wars in Spain seem to have a strong element of civil war. The Civil War, The War of Spanish Succession, The Carlist Wars, even The War of Independence had the bitter eleme nt of regions, formerly separate kingdoms, taking up arms against each other (Brenan 1964; Herr 1974; Fraser 1974; Jackson 1965). The Civil War is recent enough that many of the chief actors in events in Liebana are still alive and their

PAGE 56

42 actions still remembered. While the Franquistas had and took their chance at vengance for Republican acts against them, Republicans were largely powerless for the 40 y ears of Franco s rule. With the return of democrac y Republicans are again able to speak their minds, but no opportunity for revenge or punishment of old wrongs has been afforded them and bitter feelings remain. These feelings were dealt with through the Franco period and are sti 11 dea 1 t with by the traditional village behavior toward enemies. The customar y hangouts of the opponent are avoided as much as possible and when meetings do occur, the person is ignored as much as possible. The village is a smal 1 place in which al 1 must live so direct confrontation must be avoided at all cost. Significantly, even 43 years later, few people would discuss events during the war with me and those who would did so only in a private setting. Thus while Lebaniegos have been far from unified in their views on particular issues, the y have been overwhelmingly in agreement on the arena in which the contest between those views should be played out; Liebana. For many this has not been or wi 11 not be possible. The bo y who told me he wanted to be a nuclear physicist and live in Liebana has some hard choices ahead of him. Thousands of others have made their choice in the past and moved awa y from the valle y s, most never to return, and more will fol low. I had no contact with migrants other than within

PAGE 57

43 the valleys and visiting migrants statement of their desire to return should not be taken as gospe1 6 However, informants within the valleys, including a large number of young people, felt that those who migrated left to im p rove their lot within the valleys or for greater opportuniti es outside the valleys or in response to a situation they found themselves in in the valleys, not because they wanted to get out of Lebaniego society which they would miss and desire to return to. Social Forms Understanding the community requires understanding the institutions which its citizens recognize and employ in organizing their lives and the relative valuation or lack of valuation which is placed on each level of organization to w h i ch the y be 1 on g Wh i 1 e I have a 1 read y di s cu s s e d the development of Lebaniego identity, Lebaniegos are also Europeans, Spaniards, Cantabrians, citizens of Santander Province, Montaneses, dwellers in a certain valley, inhabi tants of a particular termino and a village within that termino, Catholics, parish members, members of an age / sex cohort and members of a family. 6 Al 1 but one visiting migrant that I talked to said they would come back to live one day. The woman who said she never wanted to, that she liked the life in Oviedo too much, is a member of a cohort of unknown size who have no desire to return and seem seldom to visit.

PAGE 58

44 Europe and Spain Spanish influence and Spain's position in Europe have been on the wane since shortl y after the Armada was sunk by the British. Spain and Liebana have shared in the history of Europe, adopting major trends, but usually at a slower pace, muff led by the peninsula's isolated position on the continent. Spain's recent return to democracy and entry into the European Economic Community have and will continue to accelerate the pace of change in the country and in Liebana. While Spain is rapidly becoming an equal partner in the European community, LiEbana predictab 1 y continues to be a recipient of change rather than its precipitator or controller; sending its sons and daughters to work at (mostly) unskilled labor in the industries of Europe, while trying to maintain the viability of its industries (mostly dairying) in the face of changes mandated by the EEC. This has led to some ambivalence toward Europe on the part of Lebaniegos. They are proud of Spain's recognition by the club of European democracies, but fearful of change in their fragile rapproachment with the outside world. The tremendous number of migrants from the valleys in the last 35 years and the shift from subsistence crops to dairying for cash and tourism (See Chapter III below) have tied Liebana more firmly than ever before into the social and economic s ystems of Spanish and European societ y Lebaniegos have traded their former high degree of se 1 f

PAGE 59

45 sufficiency for a higher living standard made possible by greater participation in and dependence on the cash econ omy. The relative prosperity experienced by Europe in the post-WWII period has rewarded this strategy, but Lebaniegos are aware that they are now at the mercy of an economy over which they have no control. Improved transportation and communication have a 1 so brought the national and international society into the streets and living rooms of Lebaniegos. Television is replete with visions of the good life and visits to and by migrated relatives are also easier, allowing valley dwell ers to see life in the city and invidious comparisons are almost inevitable. Cantabria, Las Montanas and Santander Lebaniego identity as Cantabrians stretches back at least to the Roman conquest of Spain. Cantabria, the cen tral part of the northern coast and mountains of Spain, included parts of the present province of Asturias (Oviedo) as well as Santander and extended into the Basque provinces on the east. The Cantabrians fought a highly successful guerrilla war against the Romans, requiring over two centuries for their complete subjugation (Freeman 1979). Santander Province, officially named after its major city by Franco, is still referred to as Cantabria and its citi zens are known as Cantabrians rather than Santanderinos.

PAGE 60

46 Lebaniego historical identification as Cantabrians is somewhat reenforced by current identification as Montaneses or mountain valley dwellers. However, identification with the original Cantabrians has been weakened b y the centuries to little more than a myth, while identification as Montaneses has been impeded by the isolation and coastal or interior orientation of each mountain valley The very similarity of the production of the mountain valleys has given their people little reason to interact and makes them competitors in the sa 1 e of their products and in the pur chase of the products they require from those outside the valley s. Identification with the Province of Santander came quite late for Liebana, with Santander being little more than a minor port and fishing village until the 1800s. Significantly, no new name for the people of the province has evolved into popular usage to replace Cantabrian since then. It was only with the maJor improvements in the road through the defile to the coast in the latter part of the 1800s that the coastal area and Santander began to be more important to Liebana than Leen, its previous capital. Termino and Pueblo Ea ch ter-mino is governed by an e 1 ected mayor (a 1 ca 1 de) and council. During the Franco years the mayor was appoint ed and the council had little power. The ma y or and council co 11 ect taxes and fees and provide loca 1 government

PAGE 61

47 s er v i c es f or the term in o w a t ch e d o v er b y t he secret a r i o (town secr e tar y ) who is a national government emp lo yee The a y u n tam i e n to ( town ha 1 1 ) o f the term i no i s 1 o ca t e d i n i ts lar ges t, most central town and it is th e r e that people go to vo te, register births and deaths, e tc. and it is from that town that the termino usuall y gets its name. Generally the termino center has the only signi f icant concentration of businesses to be found in the termino. Outlying pueblos seldom have more than a tipico (combina tion bar / restaurant / general store) or two. 7 Thus dwellers in outl y ing pueblos look to their termino center at l ea st to some extent for both government and commerc e and this town might be expected to be the most important center for termino residents outside their own pueblo. However, I have already described the preeminence of Potes within the v alleys. This preeminence has allowed / caused the people of outlying pueblos to bypass their center in favor of Potes and identification with the individual termino c en ter appears not to be strong8. Individual pueblos handle their internal affairs through a Junta Vecina 1 (counci 1 of "vecinos" or neighbors, 7 camalefi.o s large fertile valley, tourism and r em oteness from Potes have fostered general growth along the road to Fuente De, the major tourist center in the valleys, but this is the exception that proves the rule in LiEbana. 8 camalefi.o again forms somewhat of an ex ception, but even there the attraction of Potes is strong.

PAGE 62

48 see below) headed by an elected president. Decisions usual ly require a concensus. Juntas vecinales decide the dispo sition of communal lands, organize communal labor on com munity projects, raise money for the communit y' s fiesta, are the court of first resort in local disputes and gen erally act as the will of the community. Juntas also some times hire cowherds or shepherds, deciding the contribution of each vecino or, if it is decided to share out the work between vecinos, the junta wi 11 set up the work rotation. While the requirement that concensus be reached and the lack of a formal mechanism to enforce its decisions limits the junta's power, it carries the weight of public opinion in a very small world and villagers are usually careful to meet their obligations. The ~esidente of the Junta Vecinal leads council discussions and represents the village in its dealings with higher levels of government, but has little power beyond that of persuasion. The president of the Junta in Lon (a smal 1 village in the termino of Camalefio. See Figure 1-2) told an informant of mine that he would arrange for the Junta to sell him the wood stove out of Lon's disused school house. I went with him to see the president in Lon. The neighbor who told us he wasn"t home also told us that several people had spoken against the sale at the last meeting of the council and the president had no business promising anything. My friend never got the stove.

PAGE 63

49 Traditionally ful 1 vecinos are male heads of household (whether living alone or not) or widowed female heads of household with children. Widowed or unmarried women living alone traditionall y were counted as 1 / 2 and 1 / 4 vecino respectively, but these distinctions seem to have blurred a little in recent years, perhaps due to the wider contacts of villagers involved in the cash economy or perhaps in recognition of the gap between women and young adult's right to vote in the election of the Presidente de la Junta Vecinal and their lack of a voice on the counci 1. Traditionally the barrios (neighborhoods) of the larger towns had a similar council whose leader was referred to as the "alcalde del barrio" (mayor of the barrio). Much like the small pueblo, the barrio provided an official representative with termino authorities and a more intimate level of formal organization for dwellers in larger towns. Each barrio traditionally had a population of 100 to 150. Although barrios are still recognized and there is still some informal organization within the barrios of Potes, they each construct a float to enter in a competition during the fiesta, no formal election of barrio mayor is now conducted. The older barrios of the town have become too sparsely populated, while the newer barrios, which inc 1 ude sever a 1 apartment b 1 ocks, 1 ack the centra 1 focus necessary to create a real neighborhood. Many smaller pueblos have also ceased to hold an e 1 ection for 12.!_esidente of the Junta Vecina 1 and no

PAGE 64

50 candidate came forward in 13 of the 58 pueblos which held elections for the post in 1983 (Luz de Liebana, No. 266, May 1983:14-15). While this is symptomatic of the decay of village organization in some declining pueblos, I believe that more often it reflects a rejection of the politi cizacion of the Junta Vecinal. Candidates for president are now identified by their political party, injecting national politics into this very delicate local decision. The presi dent must bring people together, not reflect their differences. There is no privacy within the pueblo or the tradi tional barrio. As I mentioned above, they are highly n uc 1 ea ted and houses often share a common wa 11. Many open out on to a common courtyard as we 11. Ma 1 es tend to work out of the stable which generally forms the bottom floor of their house or to be in the public places, while women wil 1 gather to work in small groups whenever possible. Everyone has known everyone else since birth and they know their parents, siblings, finances and all of the stories associ ated with them that they would sooner have forgotten as well. This makes for enduring friendships and enmities. While friendships are openly proclaimed, feuds are usually passed over in silence since open fighting puts a tremen dous strain on the tight web of relations within the group. When fights do break out, they are often over things which have little to do with the original dispute and, if

PAGE 65

51 between males, are publicly excused and covered over because the man who started it was drunk. An exception to this rule of propriety is the sin verguenza (shameless one or ne'er do wel 1) (not to be confused with the public drunk who knows his role and keeps to it and is therefore only the butt of jokes). The sin verguenza is usually a young male who makes no pretense of conforming to acceptable behavior. While he is given con siderable time and instruction to improve his behavior, if he does not, he will be publicly denounced and humiliated by his own family and by other members of the community, especially older women, the keepers of the communit y 's morals. Social Class There are three social classes in Liebana: a small powerful elite, composed primarily of the cac_igues des cribed above; a small service, commercial and professional class; and the vast majority of Lebaniegos who belong to a third group of peasants, making their living from the land or a combination of husbandry and wage labor or petty capitalism. The cacigue~ remain the power brokers between Lebaniegos and the outside world. A majority of the approx imately fifteen cacigues of Liebana live in Potes Their interests now include tourism, construction and banking as well as the traditional interest in the land which they

PAGE 66

52 share with c~cigue~ living in the other terminos of Liebana. While the prestige of some of the ~a~~gue, especially those in outlying terminos, is based on family wealth and traditional position, others have gained their strength from more recent ties with the outside commercial forces such as Ram and Nestle, which have gained increasing influence in the valleys. Traditional direct cac1que control of Lebaniego's voting seems to be a thing of the past, but they are actively involved in the local branches of the more conservative national political parties in Liebana or in a local group of independent conservatives who hold a majority in Potes, running for office or helping to elect candidates they favor and obviously stil 1 very much a force to be reckoned with. The small service, commercial and professional class is also to be found primarily in Potes, with a few scattered in the businesses and ayuntameintos of other termino centers. The service and commercial members of this group gain their prestige from their economic strength, their ability to hire and fire and to favor their friends. The professionals are respected first for their education. Lebaniegos, like most Spaniards, aspire to the ideal of the caballero (knight), intelligent, educated, sophisticated, and the doctors, educators and lawyers among them are highly respected for their education. The doctor's ability to administer modern medicines, the educator's ability to trai.r:i. Lebaniego's children for broader opportunities and

PAGE 67

53 the ability to represent them to the outside world or against neighbors are taken as proof of the efficacy of education in a hostile world. That a majority of the members of the upper classes are found in Potes is not surprising. As the center for government and commerce of the valleys, it is the natural place for them to be. Potes is the urban interface between Liebana and the outside world. Perhaps more surprising is the report by Lebaniego informants of the inability of caciques who leave the valleys to maintain their influence, despite a continuing economic presence, unless they make very frequent visits to the valleys. Relationships are still overwhelmingly personal in Liebana. A deal is not a deal until it has been sealed with a glass of wine and the personal relationship between those involved has been reaffirmed. The demand for face to face relationships in Liebana reflects the egalitarian ethic of relations between males, which is the ideal for all of Spain. Males are expected to handle the public sphere of relations for their family (whether they actually make the decisions or not, see La Familia below) and to guard its honor. Differences in wealth and power are accepted and deferred to, but a man, no matter how humble his circumstances, should expect to be treated as an equal by other men. Is he not a hidaloo of _,__ sangre pura?

PAGE 68

54 Church and Parish Catholicism seems to be like the mountains for Lebaniegos. It permeates life, keeping the da y s and seasons of the year with Saint's days, sanctioning community events through religious participation and performing the rites of passage marking each individual's progress through life. However, like the mountains, it is a part of the landscape and largely taken for granted. Community-wide events, almost invariably celebrating a religious occasion, onl y rare 1 y are pr i mar i 1 y re 1 i g i o us i n n a tu re and t hen 1 i k e the festival of the Santuca described below, are more likely to be concerned with private religious devotion rather than a formal church ceremony. Participation in religious activities is largely through cofradias (brotherhoods or sisterhoods) which per form traditional duties, such as carrying the casket in funerals, maintaining the parish church or a shrine, organ izing a procession or fiesta, etc. While some of these activities center around the parish church, others cut across parish lines to focus on regional religious devotions to the larger religious shrines of LiSJana (all of which are devoted to one aspect or another of Mary and form part of Spain's Mary cult (see Christian 1972)) or to the monastary of Santo Toribio. Patterns of religious behavior similar to that which I found in Liebana have been widely reported in Spanish

PAGE 69

55 anthropology (Christian 1972; Lison-Tolosana 1966; Freeman 1979; Kenny 1969). Lison-Tolosana (1966:259-284), tracing religious activities in Belmonte de los Caballeros through more than three centuries of parish records, found a theo cratic society in which ecclesiastical authorites dictated acceptable and unacceptable behavior, commanding not only divine punishment but also the civil authority to withhold services from, to fine and to jail those who broke the church's rules. Lison-Tolosana notes that, despite the church's power, attention to dogma and church rules in Belmonte was consistently found to be inadequate by higher ecclesiastical authorities: the ubiquitous processions were most often excuses for picnics and recreation; re 1 igious brotherhoods spent most of their money on meals rather than masses; farmers skimped on their tithes and first fruits and heirs were seldom willing to pay for the masses and devotions cal led for in the wills of the departed. Yet at the same time he found ample evidence of an unquestioning faith in christianity, its god and its promise of an after life and a strong personal devotion to informal aspects of religion, best symbolized by the cult of devotion to Mary (1966:259-284). The two major religious festivals of the year, those of the Santuca and the Santa Cruz, illustrate the conflicting religious sentiments to be found in Spain and Liebana. May second is the day of the Santuca, Nuestra Senora de 1 a Lu z ( The Li t t 1 e Sain t Ou r Lad y o f the Li g h t ) a

PAGE 70

56 small (twenty-two centimeter), centuries-old stone image of the Vi r g i n The San tu ca 11 pa tr on a Q~ L i eb an a 11 ( 11 patron o f Liebana 11 ), resides in a tin y sanctuar y at 1,500 meters on the slopes of P e na Sagra near Ani e zo (Se e Figur e 12 ) throughout the winter. With the corning of Spring, th e people of Aniezo retrieve her from her sanctuary and carr y her in procession the twenty-seven kilometers to Santo Toribio and back. The people of each pueblo on her route gather at the edge of their town, along with the town ma y or and priest, its flag and the cross from its church, to greet the Santuca, as k h e r blessing for th e cornin g ye ar, and accompan y the proc e ssion as it wends its wa y through the town, led by fireworks and stopping at each shrine or chapel to pray. The official representatives of the town and many of its people leave the procession at the town s edge, but many more accompany the Santuca to Santo Toribio where she is greeted outside the Monaster y b y monks carr y ing the fragment of the Santa Cruz. A solemn high mass is he 1 d ( During the one I saw, the sermon was on the importance of placing devotion to God above devotion to the Virgin.), then the procession makes its way back to Aniezo, dropping off those who accompanied it in their respective towns. Dances and / or sporting events accompany every other fiesta of the year. None are associated with the Santuca. The Fiesta de la Santa Cruz (Fiesta of the Hol y Cross) initiates the last and largest fiesta of the year, that of

PAGE 71

57 Potes, which begins on the fourteenth of September and goes on for five days, including bull fights, dances, carnival r id e s pro c e s s ion s gig antes and cab e z u do s ( "g i ant s a n d "big heads" who specialize in terrorizing children), bolos competitions (a bowling game) and a major cattle fair and market. The fragment of the Santa Cruz is brought down to Potes from the Monastery where it is greeted and accompan ied to the church by fireworks and the official representa tives and symbols of Potes and by people from Potes and the rest of Liebana. There it is on display through several high masses in the church of Potes, before returning in procession to the Monastery, where, it is reputed, the largest crowd of the year attends high mass at the Monastery. Not only do these religious events mark the beginning and end of the growing season, they also symbolize the personal and secular sides of religion in Liebana. The Santuca is the protectress and benefactress of individual Lebaniegos and of Liebana. She brings the light and the rebirth and hope of Spring. The Santa Cruz is the symbol of a stern God and his powerful church, now blessing the fruits of the harvest, but in former times also taking one fourth as the landlord's share and ten percent of the remainder in tithes. In the parish, women handle much of the organization of church activities and the church forms their major socially acceptable focus outside the home and its

PAGE 72

58 immediate environs. In every church activity, be it a procession, mass or funeral, parishoners segregate them selves by sex and age into separate groups, with the women, children and older males participating fully, while the remainder of the men do just enough to fulfill their relig ious ob 1 iga tion. In the past every pueblo and many barrios had their own church, unifying population and parish. During the last 40 years of declining population many pueblos have lost their parish priest and more have to share a priest with other pueblos. Mass is no longer said in the parish church or the pueblo s turn comes only once every month or two. The people, required to attend mass weekly, must go to the termino center or to Potes. Thus parish membership has weakened as a form of unique identity for Lebaniegos. La Familia (The Family) The family is the most significant level of organiza tion for the people of Liebana. It forms the basic social and work unit in daily life and the family home is its center. It is in the context of the family that the Lebaniegos gain their identity and social status and insure their livelihood. The home provides the family's refuge. Here, until recently, children were born and old people still lay down to die. The home is the center of the Lebaniego woman's

PAGE 73

59 traditional sphere of influence. Just as her husband should be responsible for conducting the public affairs of the family so the woman runs the family home and has primary responsibility for the raising of children, care of old people, handling of family finances, preparation and pres ervation of food, etc. Seldom wil 1 the male bring his friends and acquaintances to his home, for they are part of the public sphere. The home is for family and most visitors will be members of the extended family, more often than not females come to visit or work with their female relative. Men visit in the bars and work together in the barns or fields. Tradition holds that the woman should be subject to her husband in al 1 things and publicly this is strictly adhered to. A Spanish male will generally introduce or refer to his wife in public solely as mi mujer (my woman) rather than by her given name. However, as Lison-Tolosana (1966:144-151) notes, few important steps are taken in which the wife, as family financial manager, does not have a pivotal role in decision-making. The home is also usually the family's processing plant and storage shed. Cows are brought to the barn in the bottom of the house for milking and shelter. Food, animal fodder and work implements are stored there and often there is a vat for making the family s wine Above, the woman will have the equipment for curing ham, making sausage and

PAGE 74

60 preserving vegetables, etc., as well as that necessary for feeding and maintaining the family. In the labor-intensive cottage industry which is the Lebaniego small farm, the inputs of both the male an d female are crucial and complementar y There is too much an d too varied work for one person to keep the farm functioning alone and some tasks, usuall y those of the female, are considered impossible for members of the opposite sex. Even a couple will find it difficult to maintain more than a subsistence level unless they can call on others for assistance during peak demand periods. Each spouse has a fairly well defined area of work with the male taking major responsibility for work in the fields and the barn and the woman taking almost sole responsibility for work around the household. However, while women are frequentl y called upon to help in the fields during sowing and har v est and also usually assume the care of barn y ard animals, males ar e considered incompetent in the performance of day to da y household chores. Without the labors of both, farming is considered impossible and this has been a major force in the abandonment of some of the smaller, more remote villages of Liebana. Few young women are now willing to take on the lifetime of drudgery of the peasant farm, especially in a remote pueblo. Men who wish to farm, even if they have what would formerl y be considered a large land holding, find that they can't get a spouse to help run the family farm and are forced to abandon it or to commute to

PAGE 75

61 work on it from a more centrally located pueblo where their prospective spouse is willing to live (See also Douglass 1975 and Barrett 1974). The Individual and His / Her Group As I mentioned above, work and ritual activities in Liebana are generally performed by one sex or the other, with some intrusion of women into the male sphere. Sexual segregation of leisure time activities is also strikingly apparent in Liebana and has been noted for other parts of Spain by a number of ethnographers (Lison-Tolosana 1966; Harding 1975;Brandes 1975a; Aceves 1971). This segre g ation seems to stem from the traditional teachings of the Catholic Church which held that mixing of the sexes was to be avoided as an occasion of sin and to the stereotype of the Spanish male as a Don Juan who can only be restrained by the w at c hf u 1 over s i g ht o f the co mm uni t y Thus mu c h o f the leisure time of Lebaniegos was and is spent in the company of one/sown sex, usually in a core group which ideally endures through life. A Cuadrilla (core group) is formed by a group off ive or ten males in their early teens who go everywhere toge ther and act, and are expected to act in a wild, irrespons ible manner from time to time. A less formally constituted comparable group of female teenagers is also form e d at about this age, but is much more restricted and supervised in its activity. The males, as they pass through their teen

PAGE 76

62 years, spend less and less of their leisure time at home, going to bars and cafes, dances and fiestas, foreshadowing their adult behavior where, as one man said: "You onl y g o home to eat and s 1 ee p ." The y oung women, e x pect e d to p ar ticipate more in the running of the household as the y grow older, are also foreshadowing their traditional futur e roles, accompanying each other on errands and getting toge ther to work and to gossip outside a convenient doorwa y whenever possible. From the Cuadrilla, teens gain their first recognition as indi v iduals outside the famil y N ickna m ed b y th e g rou p and placed within its pecking order, the y learn the beha vior appropriate to their adult sex-roles and males are supposed to get the wildness, believed to be in ever y male, out of their system so the y can grow into responsibl e adults (Also see Lison-Tolosana 1966; and W y lie 1977). With young adulthood and the completion of militar y service for males, mixed sex activiti e s become more common, but each sex participates as a group, the mozos and mozas (young adult unmarried males and females) meeting at fiestas and dances and in the street but seldom as cou p les. Formerly a man and woman seen too much together were assumed to be considering marriage. While this is no longer strictly true, few young people care to take the gossi p which accompanies being identified as a couple. The major ity of leisure time is still spent with one s Cuadrilla.

PAGE 77

63 During the period of formal courtship and marriage, participation in the Cuadrilla diminishes. But soon, with the establishment of households by its members, the Cuad rilla, now generally referred to as a Tertulia (club or circle) and often shrunken by this time to four or fi v e b y arguments and migration, will reform and become the focus of the quieter leisure time activites appropriate to a married man or woman. For men this consists of making the rounds of their favorite bars before lunch (the main meal of the day) and supper and in getting together to play cards or other games after supper and on Sundays. frequently expand with marriage to include older relatives, but otherwise remain much the same, meeting in the homes or dooryards of their members for talk and work. If a couple happens to go out to a cafe together, they will usually separate and sit with their same sex friends when they arrive. Generational Cycles The composition of any family is dynamic, varying over time with the maturing of the generations. The ideal for the tradi tiona 1 Le bani ego f ami 1 y farm has been the three genera tiona 1 fami 1 y of older parents, a son who wi 1 1 inherit the farm and his spouse and their children. Unmarried siblings of the parents or heir may also be present. A pattern like this assures adequate labor to fully utilize the farm throughout most of the generational

PAGE 78

64 cycle and provides the maximum labor at the time when the need is greatest; when the children are young adults and ready to move out or to take over supervision of the farm from their parents (S e e also m y discussion of Ar e nsber g s work in Ireland in Chapter II.). Tradi tiona 1 patterns of equal inheritance among a 11 siblings make the realization of this ideal a complex negotiation. Family farms are seldom large enough to allow their division into two viable farms, so siblings must be bought out or persuaded to rent their share b y the farmer heir. Often other heirs are more than willing to be bought out or aided in migration to the cit y or in the establish ment of a new household in return for their share, but sometimes bitter disputes can occur. In recent times increasing numbers of farmers are finding that none of their children are interested in farming and as the y retire their farm may be sold or fal 1 into disuse. Children were formerly a major labor source on the Lebaniego family farm. First involved mainly in the woman s work area, they were gradually trained into the appropriate roles of their sex, becoming full time workers at about fourteen, the age when education ceased to be compulsory. With post-war prosperity and increasing emphasis on educa tion, parents began encouraging their children to sta y in school longer rather than forcing them to quit to help with farm tasks. At the beginning of the seventies schools in LiEbana were consolidated with most students going to Potes

PAGE 79

65 (Five remote pueblos, consistently snow bound in winter, have retained their elementary schools.) While a bus takes children along the route to Fuente De to school (and home for lunch!) and back each day, many children from the other valleys spend the week at school in Potes. Thus children have been even more withdrawn from household production. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, many parents now have no desire to train their children for what they con sider to be a harsh, unrewarding life when there are better opportunities available. Whether the family farm is successfully passed between generations or not, the dispersal of the family's young adults is far from a severing of family ties. Those stil 1 in the area will cooperate in insuring each other's success and migrants will be encouraged to maintain their ties through visits for harvests and fiestas. In a world where crops may f ai 1 and steady work is rare, the extended f ami 1 y is each persons safety net, to be abandoned at your own peril. The extended family survival strategy, centered around the peasant farm and functioning within the peasant commun ity, formed the basis of traditional Lebaniego life. In this context, migration, local wage labor, non-agricultural businesses, inf orma 1 1 abor exchanges, and etc. are mere 1 y components in the extended family's survival strategy (Kenny 1969; Douglass 1975; Aceves 1971; Arensberg 1968;

PAGE 80

66 Lison-Tolosana 1966; Chayanov 1966; Thorner 1966). If one area of family endeavour fails or needs assistance, another area may be there to help out. This appears to have been the pattern in Liebana and many other peasant areas for centuries. Conclusion Liebana, isolated geographically, has developed a strong positive community identity, centering around Potes, over the centuries. Symbo 1 s of identity inc 1 ude Liebana s distinctive dialect, the Monastery and fragment of the Santa Cruz of Santo Toribio, the Santuca and the other local images of the Virgin, the Torre in Potes, unique local products and customs such as orujo, the fiestas of the various pueblos and terminos, the ferias and mercado of Potes and overal 1 a sense of being part of an historica 1 continuity, both as Lebaniegos and as Cantabrians, the people who began the reconquest of Spain from the Moors and before that fought the Romans so wel 1. This sense of com munity and continuity pervades life in Liebana without causing much in the way of reverence for things past. The people of the past were just like them, no more, no less. Lebaniegos have dealt with a harsh physical and social environment through a peasant extended family survival strategy emphasising, but never confined to, herding and small farming. A tributary area giving up its surpluses of materials and humanity, Liebana has nonetheless

PAGE 81

67 participated in the conflicts and changes of the larger world, reshaping them to the world of the valleys. I will argue in the course of this dissertation, that the people of Liebana have managed to maintain their peasant extended family survival strategy, despite substan tial incorporation into the national economy and heavy migration, and that this strategy shows every sign of being able to continue, despite the pressure to which it remains subject.

PAGE 82

CHAPTER II PRESSURES FOR CHANGE AND THEIR THEORETICAL INTERPRETATIO N The period of 1950 to 1983 was a time of tremendous economic growth and radical change in Europe and Spain. It a 1 so marks a return to re 1 a ti ve norma 1 cy after a 2 0 year period of depression, war and reconstruction. In this Chapter I wi 11 discuss the major forces which began to be felt in Liebana at the outset of this period and continue to exert their influence on the valleys. These include increasing involvement in the market economy, agricultural modernization, competition from mechanized agriculture and heavy population loss through migration. I will also dis cuss major theoretical viewpoints which have emerged to interpret these forces and their effect on peasant popula tions in the context of Liebana and finally consider some of the forms and structures through which the households and community of Liebana deal with change. The major portion of this post-war European and Spanish economic expansion occurred during the period 1950 to 1973. In the following chapters I will describe events in Liebana, first during that period, then during the period 1974 through 1983, a time of worsening economic conditions. 68

PAGE 83

69 The Modernization of Agriculture The modernization of agriculture, like the moderniza tion of Spanish industry, was slow and sporadic in the years before the Civil War. Major changes began with the fifties and were, at first, concentrated in the extensi ve agriculture of the meseta (central plain) and the south. The Spanish government was actively involved in the pro cess, attempting to withdraw the population of the multi tude of tiny villages, erected in order to be close to the fields, into designated major rural towns. With one tractor able to do the work of forty men, all of those people cer tain 1 y weren't needed and their vi 11 ages often got in the w a y o f the tr a c tor s ( Pere z Dia z 1 9 7 1 1 9 7 6 ; Na redo 1 9 7 1 ; Aceves 1971; Barrett 1974; Brandes 1975a; Harding 1976, 1984; Martinez-Alier 1974; Greenwood 1976; Anes 1970; Male fakis 1970). Population loss in some areas reached five percent a year, with most peasants bypassing the large rural towns in favor of the cities of Spain and Europe (Perez Diaz 1976; Naredo 1971). Far from an isolated phenomenon, al 1 of Southern Europe was in the throes of a similar revolution to a lesser or greater extent at this time. Investigators of this change include Cole and Wolf (1974) who described a peasantry being 1 ured off the 1 and by industry growing up in nearby cites, while the grim findings of others are summed up in the titles of their works such as: Franklin s The Euro2ean PeasantrY.i_ The Final Pha~e; Lopreato's

PAGE 84

70 Peasants No More; and Mendras, The Vanishing E_easant. Keeler (1979) chronicled the rapid decline of small farming in France, which was being overseen and encouraged by the French government. Further sources include: Baxevanis (1972), Papademetriou (1985) and Halpern and Kerewsk y Halpern (1972). The smal 1 farmers of the U.S. began to be eliminated in the 1920s (Raper 1936, 1943; Goldschmidt 1947; Fligstein 1983; Fulmer 1950; Johnson, Embree and Alexander 1935; Myrdal 1962; Webb 1937; Reddy 1983) and the process continues today in the 'third world' (Guillet 1979; Gudeman 1978; Balan 1976, 1978; Soiffer and Howe 1982; Taus s i g 1 9 8 0 ; Long and Robert s 1 9 8 4 ) where 1 inked w i th labor migration and a recognition of long-standing patterns of unequal exchange between peripheral areas and western industrial societies, its analysis led to the development of theories of dependency and "the development of under development," which wi 11 be discussed be low. Migration Virtually every recent anthropological study of Spain has addressed the causes of rural population loss, usually in the context of agricultural modernization (Perez-Diaz 1966, 1969, 1971, 1976; Naredo 1971; Aceves 1971; Aceves and Bailey 1967; Barrett 1974; Brandes 1975a; Anes 1970; Douglass 1971, 1975, 1976; Christian 1972; Freeman 1979; Kenny 1969, 1972, 1976; Greenwood 1976; Buechler and Buech1 er 1 9 7 5 1 9 8 1 1 9 8 4 ; Harding 1 9 7 6 1 9 8 4 ; Gregor y 1 9 7 6 ;

PAGE 85

71 Iszaevich 1975; Martinez Mari 1966; Malefakis 1970; Reddy 1984). Agricultural modernization and th e accompanying migration of 'su r p lus' agriculturalists affected each of the ve r y different r egi ons o f Spain according to their topograph y climate and crops grown and th e crop s amen abilit y to mechanized agriculture (Naredo 1971). Per ez -Diaz (1966) and Naredo (1971) chronicled the extreme rapidit y of agricultural industrialization on the dry farming of the central plains, leading to the near complete displacement of peasant populations. Harding (1976, 1984), in the hill country of Aragon, described peasants busil y transforming themsel ve s into capitalist farmers. Brandes (1975a), in the rugged hills of southwestern Castile, depicted the deca y ing marketabi 1 i ty of the crops of an area unable to modernize because of its terrain. Migration an d the flow of return migrants have also been major topics for studies in all of southern Euro pe and in much of the developing world (Halpern and Kerewsky Halpern 1972; Mendras 1970; Baxevanis 1972; Franklin 1969; Cole and Wolf 1974; Rhoades 1977, 1978a, 1978b; Bernard and Comitas 1978; Lopreato 1967; King 1978a, 1978b; King and Strachan 1980; Da Vanzo 1976; Lebon and Falchi 1 98 0; Ko sac k and Castles 1973; Bovenkerk 1974; Choldin 1973; Bohning 1976; Chene y 1979; Bal an 1976, 1978; Allen 1 976 ; Papademetriou 1985; Ferreira de Paiva 1976; Entzinger 1985 ;

PAGE 86

72 Dutoit and Safa 1975; Grafton 1982; Ka y ser 1977; Kudat 1976; Mangalam 1968; Mayer 1976; Miller 1982; W ood 1981). Almost all of the European studies of peasant sendin g ar e as assume th e ulti m ate d e struction of th e p easant wa y o f life through th e forces of d ep o p ulation, a g ricultur a l modernization and capitalist market penetration and certainly peasants in areas favorable to mechanized agri culture have been eliminated in the "developed" world. Yet peasants have been very durable, surviving wars, plagues, famines, floods, pestilences, despots, the green ~evolution and now the Common M arket, adapting to the realities o f e ach, while maintaining th e ir basic ex t e nd e d famil y su b sistence survival strategy. The elimination of peasant relations of production in areas favorable to mechanized agriculture does not necessarily make the elimination o f peasants in other, different areas in e vitable. I will argue, below and in the following chapters that peasant relations of production have persisted in Liebana, despit e heavy population loss, competition from industrialized agriculture and substantial penetration by the market economy. This brings me to the central set of theoretical questions addressed by this work: If peasant relations of production have survived in LiEbana, how has this occurred when peasant communities have faced wholesale elimination over the last 30 years in Spain? What are the community forms and structures that have al lowed Liebana to meet

PAGE 87

73 changing conditions? Are these forms and structures still viable today as they have been in the past or is Liebana merely a backwater, late in being affected, that will fail with the passing of the older generation? Below I will present a general definition of peasants and discuss the major theoretical viewpoints in the dialogue on relations between peasantries and the dominant economy, then define what I mean by peasants and peasant relations of production within the context of Liebana. Based on this discussion, it will be possible to consider household and community forms and structures, developed over the centuries, to deal with changing conditions, the most important for this study being migration and market penetration. In Chapter VI will attempt to answer the theoretical questions raised here. Peasants: Pawns or Actors? Eric Wolf (1966:2-4) defines peasants as "rural culti vators whose surpluses are transferred to a dominant group of rulers that uses the surpluses both to underwrite its own standard of living and to distribute the remainder to groups in society." He further notes that the peasant "does not operate an enterprise in the economic sense; he runs a household, not a business concern." Wolf points out that the peasant's di 1 emma is to ba 1 ance the need of reproducing the household; feeding, clothing, raising, marrying and burying its members, against the demands of the outside world (1966:12-15). Quoting Chayanov, he finds

PAGE 88

74 that this need to reproduce the family outweighs considera tions of the level of remuneration the peasant family receives for its labor. If household needs have not been met, then labor must be intensified, whatever the level of return, or household consumption must be curtailed in order to maintain the household's commitments to the outside world which, due to the peasant's subordinate position, cannot be ignored ( 19 6 6: 14-15). The viability of peasant family farming within a capitalist national economy has been the subject of contro versy since at 1 ea st the turn of the centur y Fo 11 owing Marx (1867), many theorists have viewed the persistence of the peasant from a capitalist perspective (Lenin 1977; Bernstein 1979; Roseberry 1978; Wallerstein 1983; Fligstein 1983; Smith 1984; Schiel 1984). In this 'world economy' view peasant areas have persisted because they are a cheap and efficient source of labor for capitalism. Peasants produce and raise a surplus of children who are forced to migrate in search of work and peasants are willing to work at seasonal or part-time jobs for low pay, maintaining themselves when they are not needed without cost to the capitalist. Thus the peasant state is encouraged and prolonged by capital. Within the above view, there was an initial assumption, encouraged by the decimation of the peasantries of Europe, that with increasing capita 1 ist penetration in

PAGE 89

75 the form of mechanized agriculture and the market economy, most peasants would be forced off the land and the remain der would be transformed (or would transform thems elve s (Wallerstein 1983)) into a rural proletariat. More recent studies ha ve r eje cted the ine vi tabilit y of peasant prole taric3;nization, noting stable patterns of persistence and, in some cases, growth among peasant and marginal groups within capitalist societies (Frank 1979; Smith 1984; Schiel 1984). A second school of theorists arose which viewed the peasant family enterprise as a discrete economic s y stem which can only be understood through investigation o f its own internal dynamics rather than through its relations with capitalism or any other dominant political-economic system. A.V. Chayanov (1966, Orig. 1925) provided an early interpretation of ; the peasant family economy ; in which an indivisible family labor product [consisting of] the increase in value of material goods which the family has acquired by its work during the year, ... is the only possible category of income for a peasant or artisan labor family unit, for there is no way of decomposing it analytically or objectively .... The amount of labor product is mainly determined b y the size and composition of the working family, the number of its members capable of work, then by the productiv ity of the labor unit, and--this is especially importan t--by the degree of 1 abor ef for t--the degree of self-exploitation through which the working members effect a certain quantity of labor units in the course of the year ... the degree of self-exploitation is determined by a peculiar equilibrium between family demand satisfaction and the drudger y of labor its elf (Cha ya nov 1966:5-6) This second view has been greatl y broadened in recent yea rs through empirical studies of areas in which peasant

PAGE 90

76 relations of production have persisted despite capitalist market penetration (Long 1984; Long and Roberts 1978, 1984; Glavanis 1984; Friedmann 1980; Melhuus 1984; Skar 1984). Attempting to reproduce the family and its life rather than make a profit or even a particular wage level, peasants in these studies were found to substitute noncapitalist rela tions of production; informal labor exchanges, sharing and borrowing of tools, utensils, money, land and animals, gifts of labor and food, etc. to those in need, for capitalist inputs in commodity production. Acknowledging the complexity of interactions between capitalist and noncapitalist patterns of organization and the frequent failure of noncapitalist forms in the face of market intrusion, Long states Depending upon the circumstances, local struc tures and commitments may inhibit or undermine the continuity of farming or household units, or ma y pro vide the basis for a restructuring of economic life leading to satisfactory accommodation with the wider system. Non-capitalist relations of production can, therefore, only be for capitalism, or meet the demands of the wider commercial economy, if their forms of labour organization, and the sets of social relationships and normative frameworks upon which they depend, can effectively meet their own internal reproductive needs. Peasant households or family farms are thus not simply reproduced by the workings of the wider structure but also depend upon the way existing cultural rules and social relation ships affect access to and utilization of essential resources. (Long 1984:2) The major difference between these two views is in perspective. In the first view, peasants are seen from the perspective of capital. They are pawns, placed into and

PAGE 91

77 prolonged in a subject position by capitalist interests. In the second peasants are actors, fol lowing a coherent, if unstated, strategy to preserve their families and wa y of life and demonstrabl y succeeding, at least in certain areas, despite market penetration. These two p e rspecti ve s are largely reconcilable. Peasants are organized and con trolled by the dominant political-economic system, but the form of that organization and control has been shaped toward fore ing them to produce a s urp 1 us, both of commod ities and of cheap labor, and then to give it up. The strategies employed to produce that surplus, the relations of production between peasants, are left largel y to the peasants themselves. Indeed the willingness and ability of peasants to fend for themselves when not needed, is part of what makes them a bargain on the labor market. As I discussed in the first two sections of this chapter (The Modernization~ Agriculture and Migration), the rapid destruction of peasant communities on the plains of Europe led most investigators of peasantries in Europe to assume the inevitable proletarianization of peasant groups. Market penetration and the resultant mechanization of agriculture wiped out small farmers in areas amenable to mechanization in the U.S. and peasantries on the plains of Europe. However, peasantries have been slow to disappear in marginal areas of Europe and in much of the third worl d' (Frank 1967, 1979) and nonwage and informal sector' pro duction form a growing part of the world economy (Smith,

PAGE 92

78 Wallerstein and Evers 1984; Smith 1984; Portes and Walton 1981; Stack 1975). While many theorists have recognized these facts and are moving away from the idea that peasants wil 1 inevitably be proletarianized, there have been few applications to the situation of marginal groups in Europe. I highlight the above points because, although capitalist market penetration and agricultural moderniza tion have caused radical change in Liebana since 1950, I believe that peasant relations of production have persisted there, allowing the survival of the community and of Leban iego identity. In the next section, I wil 1 discuss m y interpretation of relations of production in Liebana and the place of that interpretation in the literature on peasantries. Peasant Generalists I have claimed that the people of Liebana fol low a peasant extended family subsistence survival strategy. By this I am not referring to particular forms of production such as subsistence farming, herding, dairying and etc., although they are central to the survival strategy currently practiced by most Lebaniegos. I am referring to particular relations of production in which the unit of production and consumption is the household, labor costs are not known, considered or knowable and the objective is the survival of the household as a social unit, the survival of its kin group and the community, in that order.

PAGE 93

79 This follows Chayanov (1966), Wolf (1966), Shanin (1971), and Worsley (1984), but slights some other major points made in their definitions of peasantries. These will be discus-sea below. Although it is difficult to speak of a peasant without using the term "farmer", or in LiEbana herder /fa rmer, peas ants are seldom just farmers and / or herders. The peasant survival strategy is that of a generalist, attempting to meet as many of the household's needs as possible without resorting to outside means or help. The household needs are many and varied and can be met in a variety of ways. Fuel for cooking and heating can be provided by wood you cut yourself on the mountainside or by butane you buy. Food can be grown, bartered for or purchased. The typical family following a peasant extended family survival strategy in LiEbana will work to find the mix of answers to their needs from all possible sources that best fits at any particular time, f 1 exib 1 y changing to meet necessity or opportunit y but trying never to place too much of the likelihood of their survival on one strategy, since al 1 contain the possibility of failure. As Wolf (1966) and others (Shanin 1971; Wallerstein 1974) have shown, part of the definition of peasant's is that they are forced by the dominant society to give up their surplus in the form of rents. These rents, once paid in kind with a portion of the peasant's production,

PAGE 94

80 gradually became payable in money with the growth of the market economy 1 (Wallerstein 1974; Wolf 1982), forcing the peasant class to deal in the market. Thus money, like an y other commodit y became a necessity for the peasant famil y As part of the same process, the p e asant s traditional relationship with the landlord disintegrated. Peasants were no longer tied to the land and the landlord was no long e r required to keep the peasants on it. He could rent land for cash, se 11 it or work it with wage 1 aborers. As I noted in Chapter I, al 1 of these strategies were in use in Liebana by the 1860s and the largest group of farmers were classi fied as da y laborers 2 while another large grou p rented their 1 and. Less than a third were owners, on 1 y a portion of whom owned sufficient land to support their households without renting additional land or finding outside sources of income. A majority of Lebaniegos were thus at least partially proletarianized, at least partiall y dependent on wage labor for their livelihood. 1 rn Liebana there were mortgages for those buying land, rents for renters and taxes and the diezmo (tithe) for everyone. 2 The availability of village and termino common lands to all vecinos allowed even those without land to be herd ers / f-armers, to cut their own wood for fuel and to hunt and fish. There are still agricultural enterprises without land in Liebana. Thus definition as a day laborer does not necessarily mean total reliance on wages and fully prole tarianized rural workers were probably rare in LiEbana.

PAGE 95

81 Wage labor has therefore been a part of the Lebaniego peasant family's survival strategy for centuries. Like the proletarian worker, the peasants of LiEbana could not dic tate the value of their production, nor refuse to partici pate in the market economy. Unlike the proletarian worker, who had only his labor to offer, most did have some discre tion as to how to meet the cash rent payments required of them. They cou 1 d se 1 1 the product of their work on the 1 and and / or they could earn money through local or migratory wage labor of family members. As with any other necessity, the peasant families of Liebana set out to fill their need for cash without regard to labor cost, selling their production and their labor in the best mix available to insure the survival of the fam ily. Attempting to get the best deal possible, but, good deal or bad, doing whatever was necessary to insure that survival, they intensified their labor (on their own farms or for wages) and / or cut their consumption when pressed and eased that pressure when possible (Chayanov 1966; Wolf 1966). The wage labor available to most Lebaniegos fit, and still fits, the semi-proletarian peasant situation described by Wal lerstein (1983). Pay was low and work was usually seasonal, temporary or part-time, seldom covering al 1 of the costs of the reproduction of the household. Such work does not inspire great dependence on wages if the worker has any choice in the matter. Rather, it was and is

PAGE 96

82 viewed as an opportunity to improve the family's security, since the more sources of livelihood there are available to the family, the less dependent they will need to be on any one. The above violates Wolf's (1966:2-4) and Shanin's (1971:14-15) definition of what constitutes a peasant, al lowing for a greater wage 1 abor component in household income. However, as Daniel Thorner notes: We are sure to deceive ourselves if we think of peasant economies as oriented exclusively towards their own subsistence and term "capitalist" any orien tation towards the "market." It is more reasonable to start by assuming that, for many centuries, peasant economies have had both orientations." (Thorner IN Wallerstein 1974:18) Even Shanin allows that (1971:15-16): "The definition of a ~eneral type' leads to a further delineation of analytic ally margina 1 groups which share with the 'ha rd core' of peasants most, but not all, of their characteristics." (emphasis his). Within these 'analytically marginal groups' he includes pastoralists, "agricultural laborers lacking a fully fledged farm [and] a rural craftsman holding little or no land" (Shanin 1971:16). In Chapters III and IV the increasing market penetra tion and the accompanying modernization of agriculture (dairying) which has occured in Liebana since 1950 and Lebaniego responses will be examined. I will argue that Lebaniego survival strategies have not substantially altered in the last thirty-three years despite these

PAGE 97

83 forces. Although the mix of answers to their needs that they find best has shifted toward a greater reliance on wage labor for many, the objective of that labor is still the meeting of household needs with little regard to la b or cost. Wage labor is stil 1 viewed as one more component in the house ho 1 d s u r v i v a 1 s tr a t e g y and e v en f am i 1 i e s who s e livelihood is primarily dependent on wage labor still attempt to meet as many of the family's needs as possible outside of the market economy. Migration, resulting largely from market penetration and agricultural modernization, currently presents the greatest threat of destruction for the community of LiEbana. Above I have examined theoretical perspectives on the effects of market penetration on peasant relations of production against the historical context in Liebana. I will now turn to a consideration of household and community mechanisms built up over the centuries in Liebana to deal with the effects of population loss and changing work opportunities. Structures For Dealing With Change Arensberg's work in Ireland (1968, orig. 1937) and that of a number of others ( Cha yano v 196 6; Doug 1 ass 197 5; Lison-Tolosana 1966) has illustrated the cyclical nature of the peasant household enterprise, waxing and waning in the size of its work force with the changing of the seasons and the maturing of each successive generation. Following a

PAGE 98

84 kinship-based subsistence strategy rather than a capitalist model, work on a peasant farm 3 can be expanded / intensified to take in al 1 a v ailable famil y labor or simplified and contracted to deal with labor shortages natural to t h e generational c y cle of renewal, or brou g ht abo u t b y la b or migration or disaster. This flexibilit y of the peasant farm is made possible by its simple level of organization and the fact that it is embedded in the extended family. While it is owned by one nuclear family / person within the extended famil y at an y one time, it is a resource to al 1 and can thus claim the labor / assets of the e x tended famil y b y right of k inshi p In the above context, migration, participation in the market economy, local wage labor, non-agricultural businesses, inf orma 1 1 abor exchanges, and etc. are mere 1 y components in the extended famil y' s sur v i v al strateg y whose cornerstone is normall y the farming enterprise, t h e home where scattered famil y members gather. If one of the component nuclear families in the extended famil y fails or needs assistance, others will help out, as long as they do not have to help out too often. 3 As I stated above, it is difficult to avoid the term 'farm' when talking about the peasant household enterprise, but neither in Ireland, nor in Liebana has this enterprise e v er been restricted to just the tilling of the soil. Thus I wil 1 use the term, but it should be interpreted in its broadest sense of the entire spectrum of activities, including such things as herding and wood cutting, engaged in by the household to draw sustenance from the land.

PAGE 99

85 In the same way, the peasant community, an aggregation of extended families, maintains a skeleton structure of organization capable of expanding or contracting to meet the needs of the times, and it maintains, through fiestas, tradi tiona 1 rea 1 tionships with other towns and o ver 1 ords and continuing attempts to hold the alliegance of migrants etc.--the widest possible network of relations with the outside world in order to optimize survival chances of the community. For both of these entities; the extended peasant fam ily and the peasant community, migration is therefore not a loss, but an investment (Arensberg 1968; Douglass 1975; Christian 1972; Freeman 1979; Buechler and Buechler 1984, 1981, 1975; J.M. Buechler 1975; Brandes 1975a; Aceves 1971). It also acts as a safety valve, draining off excess population over the carrying capacity of the environment and socioeconomic system while allowing the traditional large family and providing the child's work input on the farm (Arensberg 1968). In addition migrants constitute a reserve population for both the family and the community. By having more children than the family income can maintain as adults, the family insures an heir. By producing more inhabitants than it can maintain, the community's survival is enhanced, since these natives may be retained or enticed home in the event of need. At the same time these emmisar ies to the outside world provide friends in what is per ceived as a hostile environment, acting as intermediaries

PAGE 100

86 with the powerful, and finding jobs and homes for future migrants, while their remittances and blood-relationshipmotivated aid in a crisis provides an important safet y net based on income independent from conditions at ho m e. Thus migration is viewed positively in the peasant community unless and until it begins breaking down the social structure of the family or the community. When migration becomes a necessity for a young man because he can't find a wife to help run the family farm; when migrants feel that there is nothing / no one to come hom e for; when the communit y decides not to put on the fiesta this year because no one seems to care; then migration has damaged the social fabric. I will now turn to a description of the change exper ienced by Lebaniegos since 1950 and their response to that change. In the f ina 1 Chapter I wi 11 at tempt to p 1 ace that change in theoretical perspective.

PAGE 101

CHAPTER III THE RETURN FROM AUTARKY: 1950 to 1973 In this Chapter I wi 11 examine the change which occured in Liebana from 1950 through 1973. To do this proper 1 y, the twenty year period of depression, po 1 i tica 1 upheaval, war and reconstruction which preceeded it must be described. This period in Spain's history has been the subject of many studies, including the interesting works of Brenan (1964), Jackson (1965), Herr (1974), Malefakis (1970), Payne (1961, 1970), Fraser (1979) and Beevor (1983). The period of the thirties and forties, despite its turbulence, is the most important benchmark or point of reference for people living in the community of Liebana today. It is the last period in which the traditional subsistence production for direct consumption held sway, when Lebaniegos "grew the wheat for their own bread" and the pueblos and fields were full of people. With their harsher elements softened by the golden glow of the youth ful memories of LiEbana's oldest generation, these are "the good old days" for Lebaniegos and constitute the local perception of what LiEbana is as a community. The day that they killed Juanin was Wednesday, Apri 1 2 4, 19 5 7. Two days before, 1 ike a 11 the Mondays of the year, had been the market [day] in Potes. It 87

PAGE 102

88 was Easter Monday. An important market for the coun tryfolk of the district of Liebana, who were offering lambs from the Picos de Europa, yearling calves from Pena (Mount) Sagra, sucklings from the slopes of Pena La bra. There were a lot of people in Potes that da y They bought and they sold. A common conversation: Juanin and Bedoya. Another conversation common between the young people: in Bilbao, in Torrelavega, you make more money, you work less and there are more possi bilities to aid your children. It was the growing idea of emigration. Its said that Easter Monday, taking advantage of the tumult, someone whispered in the ear of a certain person a name, a spot, a date, an hour. Its said that this whisper came to the ear of the head of the Guardia Civil in Vega de Liebana. Its said that the head tooktwo-days to prepare an infallible strategy to finish with Juanin. Among ourselves we have spoken proper names, but we cannot repeat them." (Cicero 1982b:5-7, My translation) Thus Isidro Cicero introduced his work: Lo~ Que se Echaron al Monte (Those Who Too~ to the Mountain), a history of the last Republican guerrillas to hold out in the mountains of Cantabria and of the Civil War and its aftermath in Liebana. Juanin, a Lebaniego, joined the guerrillas after serving time in prison and a work camp for his role as a Republican soldier in the Civil War. No longer able to take the beatings and harrassment he received, even after his release from prison, and fearing for his life because of the random executions and dis appearances of Republicans still being carried out by the Guardia Civil and their sympathizers, in 1943 he joined the guerrilla band of Machado, a Tresvisino, to harrass the

PAGE 103

89 Franquistas and await the ine vitab le fall of Franco after Wor 1 d War I I. There were dozens of tin y bands in th e mountains of northern Spain in the 19 4 Os, some genuine a ntigovernment guerrillas, others merely ex-Republican bandits. Carrying out ambushes, raids and robberies, they were re 1 en tl ess 1 y pursued by 1 arge numbers of the Guardia Ci vi 1. The Pi cos de Europa and LiEbana were the center of guerrilla activities for Machado's band and for a number of others. Caught between the guerrillas and the Guardia Civil were the people of LiEbana. Known or suspected Republican s ympa thi zers were harrassed and spied upon, restricted in their movements and subject to summary execution if caught aiding the guerri 11 as. Franquistas, a 1 though in power, faced the constant threat of guerrilla vengance. Simple peasants faced harrassment and confiscation of their goods by either or both sides. Machado was killed in 1945 and, with the end of WW II and no improvement in the prospect of western intervention to aid the Republicans, guerrilla activity tapered off in the rest of Spain in the last half of the decade. However, Juanin, who had taken over Machado's band, continued the fight, becoming a Lebaniego Robin Hood. By the time he d i e d 2 0 ye a r s a ft e r the f a 1 1 o f Lieb an a to Fr an co s troops, Liebana had become a far different place than it had been when he took to the mountains.

PAGE 104

90 1930-1950 Depression, Democracy, Civil War and Reconstruction With the 1930s came the great depression and Spain was deepl y affected b y it. Howe v er, the beginning of the 1 930 s also marked the end of the dictatorshi p of Primo d e R i ve ra and the downfall of the monarch y in Spain. The Second Republic was declared on April 14, 1931. Headed b y a diverse group of Republicans, Socialists, Radicals and Separatists, the Constituent Cortes (Constituent Assembl y ) of the next two years made sweeping changes, di 1 uting the power of the caciques, army and Guardia Civil, encouragin g provincial autonom y and setting out on an ambitious p ro g ram of land reform. In addition, and perhaps most contro v er sially, the Cortes set about separating the state from Catholicism, the established religion of Spain. Spain was declared to be a secular state. It was announced that in two years the state would cease to pa y churchmen s salaries and control of the educational system was to be taken from the church. The depression, at its height during this time, made many of the economic reforms of the new government ineffec tual. Land reform, poorly planned and executed, dis appointed rural proletariats while frightening land owners. Depressed prices and unemployment in both the rural and urban sectors 1 ed to increasing unrest and bo 1 stered th e ranks of the Anarchists and Communists who had withheld

PAGE 105

91 their support from The Republic as "just another bourgeoise regime" (Herr 1974:166). The attack on the church and a general conservative reaction led by the Moderados (Moderate Catholics, many of whom were also monarchists) gave power to a Radical-Conser vative coalition in late 1933 which set about muting the changes made by the Cortes. Spain had become deeply divided between forces demanding social change and those in opposi t i on. Amid i n c re a s in g 1 y extreme a c ts o n b o th s ides power swung back to a coalition of Republicans, Socialists, Sep aratists and Communists in early 1936. Divided in their goals, they were unable to check the turmoil and polariza tion of Spain. The right, uniting behind conservative lead ers and a new party, the Fa 1 ange, en 1 isted the aid of the army and General Francisco Franco. With the rising of the garrison in Melilla, Spanish Morroco on July 17, 1936, The Civil War was joined. I have little reliable information on events in Liebana during this period. Partisanship dominates all oral accounts of the Republic in Liebana. A sizable Republican group had developed in the region to counterbalance the entrenched caciques and conservatives. Yet there is little evidence of substantial reforms being carried out in Liebana before the Civil War. It was and is a conservative area. With the coming of the war, Falangists seized initial control of Liebana. They were quickly routed and driven

PAGE 106

92 into the mountains by Republican forces led by Communists from Tresviso 1 Atrocities and summary executions were carried out by both sides in those first few da y s, until miners from Asturias came to help secure the region. Consolidated as part of the Republican resistance, fighters were organized to guard the valleys. Lands and possessibns of Falangists were seized and undoubtedly some reforms were instituted in Liebana, but again I could get little reli able information on this period. Far too sparsely populated and lightl y held to put up an effective resistance, Liebana fel 1 to the Spanish and Italian troops of Franco's offensive in the north in earl y September, 1937. Republican fighters burned Potes as they fell back into the mountains to join in the defense of Asturias or to become guerrillas or bandits hiding in the Picos. Falangists returned triumphant to reexert their control over the valleys and everyone directly involved in the Republican government or in the defense of the Republic was jailed for the remainder of the war, their property confiscated. Executions were not uncommon. Republican's families and sympathizers were harassed, restricted in their movement and kept under surveillance. Aid to their kin fighting or hiding in the mountains was punishable by 1 My d i s cu s s i on o f the Ci v i 1 w a r i n Li eb an a i s b a s e d pr i marily on Cicero 1982b:51-58). The only history of the war in Liebana that was encountered.

PAGE 107

93 summary execution. With crops destroyed, confiscated or unplanted and many herd animals eaten or confiscated b y one side or the other, most Lebaniegos settled in for a period of hunger and repression which would stretch for most of the forties. The hatred between politicall y opposed commun i~y members endures to this day. Anselmo is in his sixties. With a querrulous voice and nervous manner, he is seldom willing to be drawn into conversation. Tonight he sat at the dinner table only after the rest of us had eaten. Almost despite himself he was drawn into the conversation when it turned to the Ci vi 1 War. He had been a young man on the Republican side and had aided in the organization of the valleys. When Franco s army was entering Liebana, he and some others, who had decided not to leave with the rest of the Republican forces, threw their weapons down a well rather than be caught with them and waited to be denounced. They were and he spent the rest of the war in a prisoner of war camp in Santander. Returning after the war, he farmed in Tama. Still under suspicion as a Republican, he learned to keep his thoughts to himself and even 30 years later refused to confirm or deny his son's claim that he had helped the guerrillas. In the late fifties he moved to Santander where he started a successful business. With brothers and sisters and a son and property in Liebana, he spends several days a month in the valleys and still considers Liebana home, yet the rest of his family shows little interest in returning. (Field Notes 7 / 01 / 83) Recovery from the Civil War was slow in Liebana. As part of a Republican province, it did not rank high in the Franco government's priorities for reconstruction. Recon struction was generally slow in Spain because it received no help from other countries, due to its pariah status with most western governments and world preoccupation with World War II. Indeed, this was the time when Franco reintroduced

PAGE 108

94 the doctrine of Autarky, holding that Spain should be totally independent of external trade to supply her needs. Reconstruction work was carried out largely by Repub lican soldiers or sympathizers sentenced to serve time in work camps or released in libertad vigilad~ ("super v ised 1 iberty" ). In Liebana they were employed in the extensive rebuilding of the center of Potes, which had been burned b y the retreating Republicans. Houses and businesses were rebuilt and new, temporary housing (the barrio of Las Baratas (the cheap houses) which is stil 1 inhabited) was constructed. Sewer and water systems were installed and a new central Plaza was built. Sewer and water s y stems w ere also installed in several other of the larger towns and roads leading into the valleys were improved. 1950-1973 Peace, Prosperity and Migration Even with the presence of Juanin and his band in Liebana, by 1950 an air of normalit y had returned to the region. The guerrillas had become too few in number to do much more than try to survive and the people had learned how to deal with the Guardia Civil. Whether Republican or Franquista, they knew that there was little possibility of a direct challenge to Franco's rule in the near future. Politics became whatever Franco decreed and the people turned to local concerns.

PAGE 109

95 Agricultural Modernization: Dairying and the Market Economy With the fifties a major change began making itself fe 1 t in Liebana. In the forties transportation s y stems had become good enough to allow trucks from the large milk companies and cooperatives to enter the valleys and pick up milk produced there. Farmers in the villages closer to the main roads had begun keeping more milk cows and selling their milk, not only to the professionals and shopkeepers of Potes, but also to Ram or Nestle. By the early fifties this became a general trend and anyone who could get milk to the road was concentrating on milk production, subordin ating beef and work animal production, the traditional Lebaniego cattle herding pursuits, to it. This was by no means Liebana/s introduction to the market economy. Lebaniego herder / farmers had been se 11 i ng draft and meat animals and part of their subsistence oriented production straight along to raise money for taxes, to pay rents and loans, to buy land, cattle, coffee and finished goods, etc. Shopkeepers and innkeepers (usually also herder / farmers) gained at least a portion of their livelihood from sales to professionals, local people in town for the market and the trickle of tourists who visited the valleys. However, sometime in the fifties, for the first time, a majority of Lebaniegos became primaril y dependent on the cash economy for their livelihood.

PAGE 110

96 Liebana was being drawn by "Invisible Hand" of the market place into a greater and greater involvement with the capitalist economy. As Susan Harding (1984) notes for Ibieca, no one forced these changes upon the peo p le o f L i eb a n a They c o u 1 d go on do i n g w h a t t he y had b ee n However, government subsidies and changes in the agricu 1t ura l economy of other parts of Spain made change attrac tive and easy. Dairying was really not so big a change anyway and it seemed the best way of insuring the continu ing viability of the family farm. This process of incorpor ation into the captialist economy was one aspect of the agricultural modernization which was occurring generall y in Spain and in much of southern Europe as well. Concentrating on dairy production, Lebaniegos who could get their milk to the milk trucks began to grow fodder in their wheat fields and to cut back on other forms of subsistence activities (Characterized as a voluntar y act by Lebaniegos, but see the section on competition from mechanized agriculture below). Dairying requires that cows in milk be kept available for milking twice a day. A dairy cow in milk cannot be kept in the high summer pastures unless you/re going to stay with it and make cheese from the milk, a traditional activity which some people stil 1 follow, but one which has never been a major pursuit in Liebana. Thus more fodder for barn feeding was necessar y and distant fields where animals were formerly left to

PAGE 111

97 graze overnight now had to be cut so their production could be brought to the cows. Herders in higher or more remote pueblos, who could not get milk to the cooperative trucks, concentrated on raising milk cows through their unproductive y e ars for others or for sale. They supplied the dwindling need for draft animals and the continuing need for beef through raising the ma le ca 1 ves of the dairy herd. Herds of other meat and milk animals; sheep, goats and a few horses, were maintained, consumption. as in the past, primarily for local Spain was then and stil 1 is a net importer of milk and the prices Lebaniegos got for their milk were good. Govern ment price controls guaranteed that they would remain so. Soon people were improving their herds and the quantity and quality of the milk produced by bringing in the Swiss or Swiss / Tudanca dairy cows discussed in Chapter I. These cows, which produce about 1,500 kg. of milk a year versus the 600 kg. of the Tudanca, are also considered excel lent beef cattle (Confederacion Espanola de Cajas de Ahorro 1972, Torno II:104 & 107). The Tudanca, while used for meat and milk production, is primarily a draft animal. The dairy farm developed in Liebana, and the rest of Santander Province as well, was and is a family enterprise. Women and children usually are given primary responsibilit y for the day to day tending of the cows, milking them, moving them to pasture and watching them there (if in an

PAGE 112

98 unfenced pasture), then bringing them home for the night and their final milking. Men will be more involved in the growing of feed crops, primarily ha y and in maintaining the farm. Median herd size for Santander Province in 1972 was 8 head of dairy cattle, with only 3 herds having 50 head or more (Fondo Para 1 a Investigacicn Econ6nica y Socia 1 de 1 a Confederacion Espanola de Cajas de Ahorro 1972, Torno II:109). Median herd size for Liebana was probably lower than that of the province in 1972 and even now informants state that herds of more than twe 1 ve producing dairy cows are rare. The number of larger, more mechanized dairies has increased in the province and there are now two larger herds in Liebana, one privately owned of about 30 head and the other a provincial experimental farm with approximately the same number (There are other large cattle herds in the valleys, some running to several hundred head. I refer here only to actively producing dairy cows.). Although a milking machine is required by law, dairy barns are usually dirt-floored stables, often hundreds of years old. Refrigeration of milk waiting for pickup is almost unheard of. These sanitary conditions resu 1 t in a milk which must be sterilized for human consumption. The almost exclusive dependence on pasturage or hay for feeding the cattle causes the milk to be low in butterfat. These twin problems dictate that milk produced in LiEbana be used

PAGE 113

99 almost exclusively for milk products such as cheese and chocolate. Mechanized Agriculture Th e direct threat of mechanized agriculture was remote for Liebana in the 1950s and remains so toda y Liebana 's terrain is too rugged for extensive agriculture in all but a few favored places and the extreme fragmentation of farm land also militates against it. In 1972, the latest ye ar for which there is full information, there were 1,592 farms in Liebana working a total of 7,964 hectares of individ ually owned land. 2 These farms were further split into a mind boggling 30 ,365 separate parcels of land, 27,412 of which were under .5 hectares in size (See Table 3-1) (Figures in this paragraph are drawn from the Censo Agrario de Santander, Serie A, Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 2 Much more land is included in official figures on land exploited within the valleys and some sixty explotaciones (land controlling entities) controlled more than 32,200 hectares in Liebana in 1972. However, the large majority of these land controlling entities were the municipalities and individual pueblos of the region, holding the land in common for the use of their citizens. The majorit y of this communal land is unimproved pasture or high mountain cover ed in scrub oak. There are onl y 3 or 4 true agribusinesses in the valleys Even in 1983 there were onl y 4 full size tractors in Liebana. Only 8,864 hectares, which include open mountain pastures, wooded pastures and tended tree plots as well as crop land, were considered usable for more than limited grazing in 1972 (Colegio Oficial de Ingenieros Tecnicos Agricolas y Peritos Agricolas de Santand er 1980:79-84). Communal lands owned by the termino or indi v idual pueblo form a large but limited resourc e They are usually poorer lands and it is not worthwhile improving lands you don t own, so they are used primarily for grazing or the growing of hay and firewood cutting.

PAGE 114

100 Table 3-1: Parcelization by Termino: 1972 Number of Parcels by Category TERMINO Total 5 Ha 1 to 5 Ha. .5 to 1 Ha. Less or more than .5 Ha. cabez6n 9,051 25 116 265 8,645 de Liebana Canaleno 6,153 19 209 445 5,480 Cillorigo4,368 24 192 417 3,735 Castro Pesagflero 3,478 15 211 392 2,860 Fbtes 246 10 20 43 173 Vega 7,069 26 181 343 6,519 de Liebana LIEBANA 30,365 119 929 1,905 27,412 (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1973c, pp. 33 34) 1973c). Average farm size was 5 hectares, median farm siz e just under 4 hectares and modal farm size about 2 hectares (see Table 3-2). These figures on parcelization are more apparent than real as far as farming goes, but they do represent a very real impediment to the accumulation of a large block of 1 and in Liebana. The resu 1 t of equa 1 inheritance over an extended period, many of these parcels are actuall y under the same land use regimen and controlled by the same farmer through rental or informal swaps within the family. However

PAGE 115

101 Table 3-2: Farm Size by Termino, 1972 Size in Hectares 0 0.9 11.9 22.9 33.9 4Tor54.9 < 5 9.9 1019.9 cabez6n 5 34 27 25 35 26 152 100 25 de Liebana camaleno 2 36 67 63 47 42 257 73 22 Cillorigo91 65 63 46 27 292 59 7 castro Pesagtlero 1 5 12 9 14 15 56 54 35 I-Otes 3 35 11 7 1 1 58 2 3 Vega 1 24 24 56 55 37 197 97 22 de Liebana TOI'AL: 12 225 206 223 198 148 1,012 385 114 2029.9 1 4 4 3 1 13 > 30 TOT 15 293 9 365 15 377 12 160 2 66 13 329 661,590 (Colegio Oficial de Ingenieros Tecnicos Agricolas y Peritos Agricolas de Santander 1980 pp. 320). i t i s co mm on a n d cons id ere d de s i r ab 1 e by many f o r a working farm to be composed of 10 or 20 different parcels of varying types and at varying altitudes in order to take full advantage of microenvironments within the valleys. An attempt to assemble a large farm from these small scraps of land could take years. The real threat to Lebaniego farmers la y in competi tion from mechanized agriculture, threatening loss of their traditional small but vital markets both outside and within

PAGE 116

102 the valleys. Selling wheat, grapes and / or wine to profess ionals and tradespeople of Potes and to outside traders was one of the wa y s farmers met their cash needs. Knowing that the y could sel 1 the excess a 1 so al lowed them to pl ant mor e than the y needed, thus helping to insure adequate suppli e s in bad years and providing a little extra cash income in good years. This was not production for profit, although peasants naturally tried to get the best prices the y could. The family needed cash, just as it needed bread, and in the same way it set out to fill that need, without much regard for the effort (la b or costs) r e quir e d. With large n e w irrigation projects and the rapid mechanization of the extensive agriculture of the plains during the fifties, plus lower transportation costs, effecti v e wheat and grape prices fell against the static production possibilities of LiEbana, making it more difficult for Lebaniego farmers to get the amounts of cash the y required from these forms of production. Dairying provided an alternative cash source and a graceful means of avoiding competition small farmers could not beat. While Lebaniegos could have gone on growing these crops for their own consumption, wheat growing was completely abandoned and most vinyards were cleared awa y in favor of growing fodder for dairy cows. As I said above, this was characterized as a voluntary act, but increasing competition and continuing requirements for cash, imposed

PAGE 117

103 by the larger economy, made the shift toward dairy produc tion very attractive. Dairying fulfilled cash needs without requiring heavy initial cash outlays or extensive retraining. Herders could use the money from selling the milk from their Tudanca to buy a Swiss or Swiss / Tudanca cross calf and gradually shift their production while maintaining most of the safety of a diversified production strategy. The gradua 1 narrowing of that strategy, to an overwhelming dependence on dairying which has occurred in Liebana, came only over an extended number of years and only with integration of dairying into the peasant extended family subsistence strategy. The shift by upland herders toward raising diary cattle through their unproductive years required no change in work habits. Indeed it allowed the continuance of those habits despite the fading market for draft animals, formerly a major product of the mountains of LiEbana. In the fifties, draft animals were being replaced, rapidly in the plains of Palencia and Leon, more slowly on the coast of Santander and very slowly in Liebana, by machinery. On the plains of the interior, oxen were being replaced by large tractors and combines for wheat growing. On the coast of Santander and in Liebana they were being replaced by sma 11 sea 1 e machinery more appropriate to sma 11 farms and rugged terrain. Perhaps best exemplified b y the motocultor, a small tractor with a pickup style bed and (usually) a power take-off for running light farm

PAGE 118

104 machinery, these smal 1 scale machines decrease the labor requirements of running a smal 1 farm, y et are relativel y inexpensi v e to purchase and operate. Onl y a littl e faster than the work t e ams th ey replaced, most motocultors have a top speed of twent y kilometers per hour. Lebaniegos like their motocultors, not only because the y can do the things a team of oxen can do a little quicker, but also because the y can be run by one person instead of the two necessar y to work fie 1 ds with a team of oxen. This al lows a farmer to do most of the hea vy work of farming without help, requiring assistance onl y during harvest and special activities such as pig killing etc. For an area experiencing heavy temporar y and long term migration, this decreased need for labor, especially during peak demand periods, was and is often the difference between being able to continue farming and ha v ing to quit. Silvaculture Improved access to the valleys in the fifties allowed increasing exploitation of timber resources in Liebana as wel 1. Formerl y it had only been economicall y feasible to transport the highest quality woods, mostly oak and euca lyptus. Better roads and transportation now allowed profit able logging of pine and other woods. Many migrants from the v alle y s, who wished to keep their land and get some return from it while they were away, found it easier to

PAGE 119

105 plant it in pines, rather than to rent it out or sharecrop it, the more traditional strategy of the migrant. Local sawmills and carpenters, formerl y engaged in producing lumb e r and finished products for local consump tion, also began to take ad van tage of increasing activit y and the possibility of exporting their products out of the valleys. Although production figures were not kept for Liebana, timber and finished lumber production increased greatly in the province over this time and LiEbana seems to have participated fully in this increase. Tourism The return of prosperitiy in Europe and (to a lesser extent) Spain in the 1950s allowed the resumption of tourism in Spain. Liebana has traditionally been a side trip rather than a destination for tourists. In the Middle Ages, pilgrims on their way to Santiago de Compostela in Galicia sometimes came to LiEbana to view the Lignum Crucis at the Monastery of Santo Toribio. Tourists to Liebana since World War II have been mostly Spaniards and, as in the Middle Ages, they usually visit the valleys on the wa y to another destination. As tourism returned in the fifties, the traditional inns, which are also restaurants and bars, and often gro cery stores (tipicos), began to be supplemented by hotels and (to a lesser extent) restaurants and bars aimed specifically at the tourist trade. A tourist corridor,

PAGE 120

106 running from Ojedo and Potes to Espinama at the top of the valley of Valdebar6 (See Figure 1-2) began to develop. This corridor was anchored by the construction of the Parador and teleferico of Fuente De and the Refu q io of Ali v a, completed in 1966 for a visit b y Franco. The Parador is on e of a series of ver y plush hotels built and maintained b y the Spanish state to encourage tourism and the teleferico is a cable car which raises tourists 800 meters to a breathtaking overlook, from 1,800 meters, of the Picos de Europa and the valle y The Refugio is a somewhat mor e modest state hotel, built in the high valle y of Aliva and accessible onl y b y f oot or jeep. The tourist industry provided, and still provides, only seasonal work for Lebaniegos. Usuall y young people in their late teens or early twenties, most of those employed are engaged in unskilled work at the minimum wage. Bar tenders, cooks, waiters, maids and sales cl e rks, the y ar e hired to supplement the labor of mostl y famil y run busi nesses during their busy season. With the end of the tour ist season, most tourist related businesses return to being family enterprises requiring little or no outside labor or are shut down completely. Their employees are released having gained few skills and no seniority. If the y are hired again during the next tourist season, they will still get the minimum wag e Tourism's increasing conflict with agriculture for labor during the summer months became a

PAGE 121

107 problem during the seventies. It wil 1 be addressed in Chapter IV. The tourist season is mostl y confined to Jul y and August in Liebana, the traditional European vacation months. The last and biggest fiesta, Potes Fi es ta d e la Santisima Cruz (Fiesta of the Most Holy Cross) in mid September, draws the last significant group of tourists of the year, but even more visiting migrants into the valleys. No longer only a traditional celebration, it has also become a rite of reunification, signaling the end of the tourist invasion and a return to "normal" life. Migration ESTA CARRETERA HACIDO CONSTRUIDO POR EL PUEBLO DE VEJO CON LA AYUDA ECONOMICA DE SUS HIJOS RESIDENTES EN CUBA, Y LA COLLABORACION DE BUENOS AMIGOS EN SANTANDER Y MADRID. VEJO 1953 MONUMENTO QUE EL PUEBLO DE VEJO DEDICA CON TODO CARINO A SUS HIJOS BIEN HECHORES QUE TAN GENEROSAMENTE HAN CONTRIBUIDO A REALIZAR GRANDES OBRAS DE INTERES PUBLICO. VIVEN LOS INDIANOS DE VEJO 1953 THIS ROAD WAS CONSTRUCTED BY THE PEOPLE OF VEJO WITH THE ECONOMIC AID OF THEIR SONS RESIDING IN CUBA, AND THE COLLABORATION OF GOOD FRIENDS IN SANTANDER AND MADRID. VEJO 1953

PAGE 122

108 MONUMENT THAT THE PEOPLE OF VEJO DEDICATE WITH ALL LOVE TO THEIR SONS, GOOD WORKERS THAT SO GENEROUSLY HAVE CONTRIBUTED TO REALIZE GREAT WORKS OF PUBLIC INTEREST. LONG LIVE THE INDIANos3 OF VEJO 1953 (The front and side of a roadside monument near Vejo in the termino of Vega de LiEbana. My trans 1 a tion.) The census of 1787 found that LiEbana had a population of 10,191. The census of 1857 enumerated a population of 11,871 4 By 1900 Liebana's population was 12,275. Popula tion in the valleys held around the 12,000 mark for the next fifty years despite the vegetative increase which 3 The term Indiano is ancient and complex. It was coined during the Spanish conquest of the Americas and is usually reserved for migrants to the new world who have struck it rich, but can be used to refer to anyone who became rich through migration. As used here, it 1 acks the ambi va 1 ence and negative connotations with which it is often invested in everyday speech. While having produced rich indianos is a source of pride for the community, the indiano him / her self is often looked upon as proud and selfish, succeeding through the violation of community norms of behavior. 4 (Martinez Vara IN J.M. 1979:40-43). Martinez Vara com piled these figures from what are considered to be the two most reliable earlier censuses. Counts of population de hecho (those actually present at the time of the census), he suggests that both are probably on the low side, tending to overlook itinerants. Figures for individual terminos of Liebana are not given and the totals for Liebana include Tresviso. The largest population Tresviso attained in this century was 485 in 1920.

PAGE 123

109 occurred in all but three of those years in the province 5 Pop u 1 at i on he 1 d s tea d y w i thin t he i n di v id u a 1 term i no s a s well, with the largest changes being an increase of 193 in Potes and a loss of 160 for Camaleno (Table 3-3). There is no reason to believe that Liebana s birth or death rates were substantially different from those experienced in the rest of the province, although these figures are not available. The fact that Liebana's population remained static from well before 1900 to 1950 suggests that the valleys were at some state of population equilibrium. I have nei ther the information, nor the interest, to prove that Liebana had reached its "carrying capacity," a nebulous concept (Dewar 1984). Nevertheless, in a limited envi ronment and utilizing a mode of production and enmeshed in relations of production which had not substantially altered since before the turn of the century, Liebana's population did remain essentially the same. Given the vegetative increase in population of this time and the rapid increase 5 Birth rates for the province hovered around thiry eight per 1,000 inhabitants per year in the first part of the century, then gradually fel 1 to about twenty per 1,000 in the 1940s. Death rates, about twenty two per 1,000 at the beginning of the century fell to about twelve per 1,000 in the 1940s. Average vegetative increase over this period was eleven per 1,000. Years of negative or insignificant increase coincided with the influenza epidemic of 1918 and the Civil War and its aftermath. (Delegacion de Estadistica Cantabria n.d.:19-20)

PAGE 124

110 Table 3-3: Population de Hecho 1900-1950 Termino 1900 Cabez6n 2,199 de Liebana Camaleno 2,686 Cillorigo2,476 Castro Pesagflero 1,285 Fbtes 1,241 Vega 2,388 de Liebana LIEBANA 12,275 1910 2,207 2,492 2,039 1,343 1,336 2,336 11,753 1920 2,190 2,591 2,353 1,323 1,139 2,431 12,027 1930 2,121 2,587 2,214 1,268 1,208 2,476 11,874 1940 2,152 2,701 2,439 1,310 1,239 2,427 12,268 1950 2,209 2,526 2,350 1,227 1,434 2,368 12,114 (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica decennial censuses). (Minus Tresviso, see pp. 24-25). Population de hecho, (those actually present at the time of the census). in provincial population (See Table 3-4), migration is the only mechanism which could have been used to maintain this equilibrium, and this has been borne out by the historic flow of Lebaniegos who could not or would not find an occupation in the valleys. It is fairly well established that the mode of produc tion utilized in Liebana did not vary too significantly over the first fifty years of this century. However, it seems unlikely, given the tumultuous political changes endured by Spain during this period, that relations of

PAGE 125

111 Table 3-4: Santander Province and Liebana: Population Change, 1857-1981 18 5 7 1900 195 0 1981 Liebana Population 11,871 12,275 12,114 6,791 Percent Change +3.4 -1.3 -44.0 Santander Province Population 214,441 276,003 404,921 510,816 Percent Change +28.7 +46.7 +26.2 (Population "d e hecho." Censuses, Instituto Nacional de Estaditica 1857, 1900, 1950, 1981) production would not have altered considerably. Nonethe less local traditions suggest that this is the case. What ever the threats or events of the day, Lebaniegos continued to work toward reproducing their community in much the same manner as their parents had, paying rents to the treasuries and service to the ideologies of whoever was in power. This is not to imply that Lebaniegos lack political convictions or that their political convictions are lightly held. There are still bitter divisions in the community from the Civil War and Franco era and current day elections are hotly contested. But changes in the national government and in local government seem to have had little effect on the day to day life of the region or on the surplus extracted from it. Migration from LiEbana has usually been v oluntar y in that the individual migrant has had some control over the decision. At the same time there has always been a

PAGE 126

112 structural element to migration as well. Although partible inheritance is practiced, in fact a farm that will support a f am i 1 y mu s t be o f a t 1 ea s t a minimum s i z e ( about 3 he c tares for a small dairy farm according to several inform ants). The same applies to smal 1 businesses, housing, available wage labor, etc. So although particular persons are not forced to migrate, has been that enough self the historic pattern in LieJana or family selected persons have migrated to maintain a static population. Several major types of migration were and are commonly practiced from LieJana. Seasona 1 migration is practiced b y many young adults, regardless of their later plans. For some it will be a preface to more permanent migration, while for others it wil 1 provide a little extra cash for establishing themselves in Liebana. A number of young adults also travel to Santander or other large cities to continue their education and this is often a prelude to more permanent migration as wel 1. A short or limited (ten years or less) term labor migration is practiced by many (male) nuclear family members in order to accumulate cash for specific family goals within the valleys. While in the host country they frequently live in dormitories and seldom learn the language. This, plus the continuing presence of nuclear family members in Liebana, assures their return to the valleys. Long term migration of unmarried individuals and of entire families is the form of migration which most

PAGE 127

113 often results in the permanent loss of these individuals to LiEbana. These are the "indianos" who either return rich to retire or never return at all. With the fifties, all forms of migration from LiEbana began to increase from the low levels of the "hungr y forties" when there was little place to migrate to and places that grew their own food were highly prized. As migration routes were established or reestablished, migra tion continued to increase, far past the rate necessary to maintain the static population levels of the past. By 1960, LiEbana had lost 14.3 percent of its 1950 population (Table 3-5). This trend accelerated in the 1960s and 19.7 percent of the 1960 population was lost. Alfonso Sr. and his wife illustrate the cycle of migration and return. Alfonso, a young man of 25, mentioned that his father, Alfonso Sr., made albarcas (wooden overshoes) as if he was stil 1 doing it today, or at least had been until recently. I asked his father: "No I haven't made them in more than 22 years." He stopped making albarcas when he left Potes for Santander with his ------wife and two sons when Alfonso Jr. was three, twent y two years before, in 1961. There he worked in a factory for twelve years, then in a scrap metal y ard for eight more. Alfonso Jr. works for them now and has for six or seven years. Alfonso Sr. and his wife had moved back to Potes two years before, in 1981. They had kept their house in Potes and had returned to visit often during their time in Santander. Now that he has retired, Alfonso Sr. practices light farming / heavy gardening, raising vegetables, fodder and pigs on a small farm (less than 1 hectare) on the edge of town. Their house, old and narrow, is in one of the oldest barrios in Potes and a number of the adjoining houses are abandon e d or occupied by only one or two old people. The couple s other son has four children. The y live in Santander. Says Alfonso Sr., "Kids don't want

PAGE 128

114 to live in the country, but when they get older .. He's keeping the farm and the house, first as a retirement home and second as a place for his descendants. Dressing 1 ike, working 1 ike and 1 i ving 1 ik e people of the pueblo who have never migrated, Alfonso Sr. seems to be wel 1 1 iked and to fit in with local societ y despite his long time awa y Perhaps becaus e he returned often and maintained his position without trying to impress (like some visiting migrants do). I hadn't known that he was anything but a lifetime resident although I had seen him often. Alfonso Jr. is also maintaining his Potes relations well. Visiting often and spending time with relatives and friends, he always seems willing to help on any special projects they might have. His brother, who married a woman he met in Santander, does not visit Potes ver y often. (Field Notes 12 / 30 / 83) The heavy migrant flow from Liebana seems to ha v e be e n the res u 1 t of both a "pu 11" and a "push." The pu 11 was that relatively high-paying jobs were available in the cities of Spain and northern Europe. The Spanish government activel y supported labor migration to northern Europe and, as Leban iego migrants became established in foreign cities, further migration became easy. The push came from the Franco regime's active promotion of migration as a way to e as e unemployment and increase hard currency reserves and from Liebana 's continuing shift to dairying. Al though dairying, as practiced in Liebana, is labor intensive compared to mechanized farming, it is not so labor intensive as the subsistence farming traditional to the valleys. With a relatively fixed amount of land to exploit, fewer persons were needed and the "excess" population was enticed and pushed off the land.

PAGE 129

115 Table 3-5: Population de Hecho 1950-1981 Termino 1950 1960 1970 1981 Cabez6n 2 209 1,892 1, 3 6 1 953 de Liebana Camalefio 2,526 2,236 1,807 1,402 Cillorigo2,350 1,888 1,656 1,347 Castro Pe sagt.\ero 1,227 980 702 497 Potes 1,434 1,364 1,206 1,444 Vega 2,368 2,017 1,602 1,148 de Liebana LIEBANA 12,114 10,377 8,334 6,791 (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica decennial censuses) (Minus Tresviso, see pp.24-25). Population de hecho (those actually present at the time of the census) While Table 3-5 shows the net decrease in the popula tion of the valleys, Table 3-6 better illustrates the impact of this f 1 ow on the communities of Li ebana by estimating the number of members of the 1960 population actually lost to migration during the sixties, a figure previously masked by births and inmigration during the decade. A new baby can replace a migrant in population totals, but the community is still affected when it trades in an adult, ready to contribute to it, for a child.

PAGE 130

116 Table 3-6: Gross Population Loss 1960 to 1970 Population Population Difference Estirrated Rate* of 1960 1970 1960-70 MigrationMigration Inmigration CabezcSn 1,892 1,361 -531 631 1 in 3 de Liebana CanE.leflo 2,336 1,807 -529 650 1 in 3.6 Cillorigo1,888 1,656 -232 290 1 in 6.5 Castro Pesagtlero 980 702 -278 340 1 in 2.9 Potes 1,364 1,206 -158 210 1 in 6.5 Vega 2,017 1,602 -415 610 1 in 3.3 de Liebana LIEBANA 10,337 8,334 -2,004 2,731** 1 in 3.8** PROJil\CE 432,132 467,138 35,006 16,877*** 1 in 25 (After Delegacion de Estadistica Cantabria n.d.:51-52) *1960 population divided by estimated migration **Includes movement within LiEbana *** Emigration from the province A careful reading of the figures on rate of migration in Table 3-6 reveals a pattern of differential migration within Liebana which has persisted into the present. Pop ulation loss has been heaviest in the valley of Valdeprado, cons i s ting o f the term i no s o f Cabe z 6n de Li eb an a a n d PesagUero and next heaviest in the valley of Cereceda (Vega de Liebana). The least population loss was suffered in

PAGE 131

117 Potes and Cil lorigo-Castro, fol lowed by Camalefio. (Potes recouped its population loss in the seventies, showing the only positive population figure for Liebana.) The cumula tive results of these losses are illustrated in Table 3-7. The differential population loss experienced in the valleys of Liebana seems to be the result of several com plementary forces encouraging the concentration of popula tion in the more urban centers of Liebana. The first is agricultural modernization and the shift toward dairying in the valleys, the second migration and the increasing reluc tance of young people, especially young women, to live in the remoter pueblos and the third is the increase of tour ism in Liebana. A survival strategy based largely on herding and sub sistence agriculture places a premium on proximity to ones fields and remoteness from markets exacts 1 i ttl e pena 1 ty since trips to market to sell produce are infrequent. F o 1 1 ow i n g such a s tr a t e g y many o f th e p u e b 1 o s of Li eb an a were located in sites quite remote from main roads and central towns. With the shift to dairy production in Liebana, accessibi 1 i ty to main roads and Ram or Nestle's twice a day pickups spelled the difference between being ab 1 e to se 11 mi 1 k or not. At the same time being ab 1 e to get your cows to higher fields diminished in importance. Dairy cows are kept in lower pastures or barns to be convenient for milking and hay from higher fields is brought to them. The newly introduced motocultor also

PAGE 132

118 Table 3-7: Index of Change in Population de Hecho b y Termino Base: 1900 Population= 100 YEAR: 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1981 Cabezon 100 100 99 96 98 100 86 61 43 de Liebana canaleno 100 92 96 96 100 94 83 67 52 Cillorigo100 82 95 89 98 94 76 66 54 Castro Pesagtlero 100 104 102 98 101 95 76 45 38 Ft>tes 100 107 91 97 99 115 109 97 116 Vega 100 97 101 103 101 99 84 66 48 de Liebana LIEBANA 100 95 97 96 99 98 84 67 55 Liebana Minus Potes 100 94 98 96 99 96 81 64 48 Santander Province 100 109 118 131 142 146 156 169 185 ( After De 1 egacion de Estadistica Cantabria n.d :51-52) al lowed farmers to live farther from these former pastures, now hay fields, without 1 osing their use (Cantabria s traditional pattern of nucleated settlement and scattered small fields has always required commuting). The need to be accessible to markets was met b y an equal desire on the part of younger people to gain access to urba n amenities and the bet t er life promised by post war

PAGE 133

119 prosperity (even in 1983, five small remote pueblos were without electricity). While many of these young people became the migrants who left the valleys, others were contented to move to Potes or to a pueblo on a main road. Many of these younger people also practiced an indirect form of internal migration, leaving to work outside the valleys then moving into a more centrally located pueblo on their return. Porcieda is a pueblo of about 4 houses, a couple of barns and a smal 1 hermita (church/shrine). There used to be a few more buildings, but they have fallen down. There is now only one person living in Porcieda, Mesio a bachelor farmer who is generally not taken too seriously by people. The rest of the population of Porcieda gradually faded away, with many moving to Tudes the nearest inhabited pueblo. Mesio is a relative of the Camachos who come from Porcieda. They moved to Potes about 15 years ago and have run Camacho's (a tipico) for 11 years. Jose, a sobrino (nephew) of Pepe and Mariano Camacho, who works with them at the bar, lives with his mother in Tudes, the nearest inhabited pueblo. I'm not sure if his mother moved from Porcieda or always lived in Tudes. We told Pepe we were going to Porcieda and he invited us to look around and take fruit from his fields if we wanted. Mesio cultivates them for him. We wandered through his house, which is abandoned but still in sound shape. It is covered in drawings and graffiti on the walls from the 1 ast tenants, a bunch of hippies who stayed a few months according to Angel. The whole town is gradually falling down, with the hermita and Mesio's house the only ones showing any sign of upkeep. As an abandoned town, Porcieda is just where you would expect it to be, isolated and hard to get to. It is a kilometer or two past Tudes, which recently (4-5 years ago) got a new gravel road to it. The dirt road to Porcieda is considered unpassable by car according to Angel and Tomas. I thought we could have made it Before the road to Tudes went in it was even harder to get to Porcieda. (Field Notes 9 / 26)

PAGE 134

120 Population de derecho 6 figures (Table 3-8) for LiEbana illustrate what is perhaps the most important new feature of the migration experienced since the Ci v i 1 W ar, settin g it o f f decisi v el y f rom th e traditional m i g rant flo w s of earlier times. This is a dramatic increase in the number of female migrants from the valleys. The ratio of female versus male residents absent from the valleys at the time of the census rose from 46.1 percent in 1940 to 86.2 percent in 1950 and by 1960 reached 112.6 percent suggest ing that, for the first time, more females than males were now engaged in seasonal migration from th e v alle y s. T he gender ratios of residents present in the valle y s at th e time of the census provide further evidence that women were now engaged much more fully in all forms of migration. Women comprised 52.8 percent of Liebana s population in 1940, then steadil y slipped to onl y 49.2 p ercent b y 1981, this despite being a majority of the population in both Santander and Spain over the entire period. 6 Population de derecho consists of all persons claiming a particular termino as their place of residence, including short term migrants whose immediate family remains in th e "home" termino and military or alternate service personnel from that termino. Those leaving their home termino for more than a short time are required to give official notic e in both the home ter-mino and the new ter-mino of residence.

PAGE 135

121 Table 3-8: Population de Derecho 1940 to 1981 Population: 1940 de* de Residents Transde Hecho Derecho absent present ients Hecho Derecho M F M F M F Fates 1,209 19 22 542 626 37 34 1,239 1.02 Liebana Potes 11,589 525 229 5,166 5,759 70 34 11,029 95 Liebana 12,798 544 251 5,708 6,385 107 68 12,268 .96 (Direccion General de Estadistica 1942:224-225) Population: 1950 de* de Residents Transde Hecho Derecho absent present ients Hecho Derecho M F M F M F Fates 1,425 15 8 652 750 7 25 1,434 1.01 Liebana Potes 10,938 188 167 5,088 5,495 60 37 10,680 98 Liebana 12,363 203 175 5,740 6,245 67 62 12,114 .98 (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1952, Torno I:242-243) Population: 1960 de* de Residents Transde Hecho Derecho absent present ients Hecho Derecho M F M F M F Fates 1,294 11 5 600 678 82 4 1,364 1.05 Liebana Potes 9,551 268 309 4,458 4,516 25 14 9.013 94 Liebana 10,845 279 314 5,058 5,194 107 18 10,377 96 (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1962b:239-240)

PAGE 136

de Derecho Potes 1,204 Liebana Potes 7,543 Llerena 8,747 (Instituto Nacional Potes Liebana Potes Llerena de Derecho 1,455 5,613 7,068 122 Table 3-8 Continued Population: 1970 Residents Transde absent present ients Hecho M F M F M F ** 565 641 ** 1,206 ** 3,599 3,529 ** 7,128 ** 4,164 4,170 ** 8,334 de Estadistica 1973b:16-49) Population: 1981 Residents Transde absent present ients Hecho M F M F M F ** 702 742 ** 1,444 ** 2,746 2,601 ** 5,347 ** 3,448 3,343 ** 6,791 (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1982:16-49) de* Hecho Derecho 1.00 9 4 .95 de* Hecho Derecho .99 9 5 .96 Population de hecho divided by population de derecho. ** Census figures for those present in the valle y s sep arated residents from transients and residents who were actually present from those who were temporarily absent through 1960. For 1970 and 1981 only totals for males and females claiming residence and males and females actuall y found are given. The three terminos with the least population loss during the sixties are on the road from the coast to Fuente De, the major tourist route in the valleys (See Figure 12). Vega de Liebana, with the next lowest population loss, is on the road from Leon, a secondary tourist route into

PAGE 137

123 Liebana. Valdeprado, containing the two terminos with the highest population loss, is on the road to Palencia, the most deteriorated route into the valleys and a minor source of tourists. This differential population loss points to the emerging strength of tourism. While the desire to have access to the dairy trucks and to 1 i ve in a more centra 1 pueblo were unselective, working against all of the remote pueblos, the third force, tourism, was creating a positive pul 1 toward the Castro-Cil lorigo, to Potes, to Fuente De axis (fol lowing the Deva. See Figure 1-2). Whether they moved to be close to the dairy tank truck, the bright 1 ights of Potes or a job in the tourist season, the result of this internal migration, combined with general migration outside the valleys, has been a major shift in population within LiEbana, especially along the main arteries where the majority of commercial and tourist activity is to be found. This closing of the ranks has caused some pueblos to be seasonally or permanently abandoned, while in others only a few old people remain. The five largest towns in the termino of Camalefio lost 26 percent of their population between 1940 and 1970, while the rest of the termino lost 38 percent (Institute Nacional de Estadistica 1949, 1973b). A recent study of Potes, the only termino without a sig nificant hinterland, found that twenty percent of its pop ulation came from other terminos within the valleys (FEPMA

PAGE 138

124 1982:46). Potes is the Comarcal center and contains the only retirement home in Liebana. Thus the percentage of migrants from other Lebaniego ter:-minos is certainly lower for other major pueblos, but nonetheless appears to be significant. Conclusion Lebaniegos perception of themselves as Lebaniegos, as being members of a group made up of al 1 of the people of Li eb an a a n a 1 1 i e gen c e s econ d on 1 y to ~ha t f o r o n e s own pueblo, and their strong positive identification with the valleys helped to minimize the effects of the rapid change undergone during the period 1950-1973. Internal migrants were not stigmatized as were inmigrants from just across the border in Asturias or just across the mountains in the valley of Rionansa. They were still Lebaniegos in LiEbana. External migrants, while relying on family for financial support, could also depend on the friendship and emotional support of Lebaniegos in general. This is a normal expecta tion for migrants. As I discussed in Chapter I, the only difference here is that Lebaniegos, tied together by their pursuits and common meeting ground; Potes, define their entire system of three valleys as one place, while most other montaneses (Santander Province mountain valley dwell ers) tend to give their alliegence primarily to a single valley (See Christian 1972). The Pasiegos form a notable

PAGE 139

125 exception to this rule, but lack a single central place such as Potes (Freeman 1979). In 1973 came the oil crisis fomented by OPEC. As oil prices rose precipatately and western economies slipped into recession, the industrial nations of Europe began closing their borders to migrants, attempting to conserve jobs for their own people. Spanish industry, although almost completely dependent on foreign oil, resisted the trend toward recession for several years due to government supports, but was eventually heavily affected as well. Although it was not immediately apparent, the oil crisis was to have a lasting impact on Liebana, eventually slowing the headlong flight of migrants and perhaps making Liebana's agriculture more able to compete with modern mechanized agriculture. In Chapter IV I will discuss the changes engendered by the oil crisis and current day Lebaniego society.

PAGE 140

CHAPTER IV RECESSION AND CLOSING BORDERS: 1974 THROUGH 1983 LiEbana is unique because its a bowl in the moun tains with its own climate. A province in earlier days, open more now, but still unique. Many people sold their land, equipment and stock in past times amd moved to the city to work and improve their lives. Now they bitterly regret it because there's not enough work and they have to purchase everything--things that aren't thought of as costs here, such as firewood or coal, potatoes, onions, etc. And things like apart ments are much more expensive there too. But the worst is that there's no fall back position. They have to go to the store every day and they mostly can't come home either. The finca (farm / house) in LiEbana is sold. Its planted in pines now. (Miguel, Field Notes 1 / 6) Liebana has become a place of increasing contrasts: modern Spanish style bars just around the corner from country !i.icos; centuries-old stone houses, across the street from modern apartment blocks; young adults wearinq the latest fashion, while their parents wear clothes that their grandparents would have felt comfortable in; digital watches and ox drawn plows; unemployed and abandoned fields; villages containing only a few old people well supported by their migrant children who will probably never return. The oil shock of 1972-73 and the closing of Europe to new Spanish migrants did not make itself felt immediately 1 n L i eb a n a T ho s e w i t h h u s b a n d s w i v e s o r p a r e n t s 126

PAGE 141

127 established as permanent "guest" workers were usuall y stil 1 al lowed into host countries and most families had a w e l 1 established network of kin and friends in the citi e s of Spain who could be de p ended on to help in mi g ration. H eavy migration continued through much of the seventi e s d e s pi t e the increasing difficulty migrants faced in findin9 employment. Toward the end of the seventies, migration began to slow noticeably, partially because of the continuing diffi culty in finding employment, but even more because of the disappointing results of migrant labor reported by man y returning migrants. Prices had risen precipitatel y e v er y where and workers wages had not kept pace, especiall y outside of Spain. Those who had migrated to earn money for fulfil ling goals in Liebana were finding that they could have done almost as well by staying home. Wages in LiEbana had never covered all of the costs of reproducin g the household, but even in Potes it was possible to grow on e 's own v ege tab 1 es, cut wood for f ue 1 on common 1 ands, keep a few chickens and maybe even a cow for milk. Most families also had a family home they could live in without cost. If not, migration had made many houses available for minimal purchase prices or rents. In the cities of Europe or Spain it was necessary to buy everything, including renting a place to sta y In chapter III I described an area experiencing rapid depopulation and a shift from subsistence, with some

PAGE 142

128 marketing, to a dependence on the market economy in the form of dairying, bolstered by some subsistence production. I noted the beginnings of tourism and and other industries, taking advantage of Liebana's natural resources and improved infrastructure. Finding a job in the cities was made easy for the migrants by the phenomenal growth of the world economy in the fifties, sixties and early seventies. That same growth and migrant's remittances made the change over to dairying much less painful for Lebaniegos and allowed the growth of other industries in the valleys. With the oil shock, growth gave way to high inflation and retracting economies. In this Chapter I will concentrate on an examination of change in the forces affecting Liebana and on Lebaniego responses to those forces between 1974 and 1983. Population Change Between 1970 and 1981 Liebana lost 18.5 percent of its 1970 population de hecho (Those actually found living in the valleys by the census.), a rate of loss about equal to the 19.7 percent experienced during the 1960s (See Table 3 5. Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1973b, 1982.) How ever, population de derecho (place of residence claimed) figures, which seem to consistently run two to five percent higher than de hecho figures, but are the only more recent

PAGE 143

129 Table 4-1: Population De Der e cho b y T e rmino YEAR: 1970 1981 198 3 (12 / 31) ( 3 / 1) ( 3 / 3 1) Cabezon 1,402 1,010 1 012 de Li e bana Camaleno 2,069 1 419 1,40 9 Cillorigo1,745 1,348 1,355 Castro Pesagtlero 707 535 5 27 Potes 1,204 1,455 1,479 Vega 1,620 1,301 1 2 9 5 de Liebana LIEBANA 8,747 7,068 7,077 (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1973, 1982; Dele g acion de Estadistica Cantabria 1983) population figures available for the v alle y s 1 (Tabl e 4-1), show a net increase of nine residents for Liebana o ve r th e period 1981 to 1983, from 7,068 to 7,077 (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1982; Delegacion de Estadistica de Cantabria 1983). These figures suggest that mi g ration ma y have reverted to something like its traditional role of safety valve; draining off excess population to maintain a stable population level in the valle y s. 1 see Table 3-8 for a comparison of population de hecho and de rec ho f r om 1 9 4 0 th r o u g h 1 9 8 1 Se e foot n o t e 6 o f Chapter III for a definition of population de derecho.

PAGE 144

130 The stabilization of LiEbana's population is largel y due to the closing of Northern Europe's borders to migrants after the 1973 oil crisis and to the lack of opportunit y to be found i n Europe and in the cities of Sp a in s i n c e th e n. It is also the result of improvements in li v ing standards a 11 owed by 1 ower popu 1 a tion densit y migrant remittances and expanding opportunities to earn money at home and of the return of migrants to the valleys. Social Change in Remote Pueblos Over the thirty-three y ear period under examination, lower population densit y due to migration has had both bad and good effects in Liebana depending on the individual circumstances of the different areas. Ini tia 11 y migration made land and housing more available to non-migrants, allowing them to bu y land or increase their land holdin g s and making it easier to improve their housing or aid chil dren in securing housing. Sharecroppers or landless work e rs were able to become owners or renters more easily, while those who already had land could expand their operations. However, as migration continued, some of the smallest iso lated rural pueblos, such as Porcieda (described above), which were suffering the greatest losses and experiencing almost no compensating inmigration (Grafton 1982), reached a point where the y no longer had enough personnel to func tion. Even young people who wished to remain in their pueblo began to find it impossible, since they could not

PAGE 145

131 find a spouse willing to live there with them. The case of Fernando, a young dairy farmer with what would have been an attractive land holding in former da y s, illustrates this point. Fernando is big and brawny with pleasant, irregular features. The brawn comes from his life working a dairy farm, the irregular features from driving a car off the perilous track which snakes its way up the side of the mountain to his home. Joking and occasionally belligerent during his visits to Potes, Fernando seems to relax on his farm in Rases. Rases is the only outlying population center of the ter-mino of Potes. A kilometer away, it is referred to as a barrio of Potes. Despite its proximity, Rases is isolated by the steepness and narrowness of the dirt road which leads to it. Centuries old, it contains only two families and four houses (each family has two now) and has alw~ys been tiny. "?Fernando, cuantas personas viven aqui en Rases ahora?" "Ocho." "?Y en diez afios?" "Dos." "Fernando, how many people live here in Rases now?" "Eight." And in ten years?" "Two." After helping Fernando to slaughter a pig, several male friends and I went to eat the traditional meal of hi~io (liver) at the house of his parents. There, as usual, we got the seats at the small fold down table. His parents and aunt ate with the plates in their 1 aps or on the top of the f i rep 1 ace (its 1 ow) and second, after we had taken what we wanted. father has already assumed his proper role of retiree. He sat with the women and was doing chores normal to women or children, such as peeling garlic for sausage. The women, both a little younger and in considerably better shape than father, were constantly up to get things at the request (alwa y s in command form) of the men or as a course finished. The kitchen is old and dark. Yet they/re fairl y wel 1 equipped (for Liebana) with appliances; refrig erator, washing machine, butane stove, electric shaver, and small TV. The farm is also adequatel y equipped with a small mower (secador), a milking machine (ordefiador) and an ancient motocultor (small

PAGE 146

132 tractor / pickup). And it is one of the larger farms around, with more than 20 hectares according to Fernando's father (a guess), mostly in pasture and ha y and twelve cows in milk. Twent y more cattle, some meat animals, others dairy cows too young for milk produc tion, are kept for Fernando b y a cousin on the high pastures of San Glorio. The house is simple and u tili tarian, water is piped to a sink on the back porch from a spring. They didn't have electricity in Rases until 3 years ago. As Fernando commented on another occasion; "In the US a dairy with only twelve cows couldn't make it, but here we live well." Fernando's father spent six years in Cuba, returning forty years ago, but Fernando has no desire to leave his farm. He likes his life and wants to continue dairying. However, his parents are old and at 32 he is ~till single. He has already largely replaced his father in the work of the farm and does some of the chores his wife would do, but he doesn't think he can run the farm without a wife when his mother dies He says that he has not been able to find a wife because women are no longer wil 1 ing to take the hard work and isolation of living on a farm Fernando ma y eventually be forced to leave or cut back to a sub sistence level if he can't find someone to marr y (Field Notes 5 / 16 and 12 / 17-18) As members of the elder generation in decaying remote pueblos retired or died, their lands went to relatives or buyers in larger pueblos while their houses were left to decay. Some pueblos have been abandoned and others wil 1 suffer the same fate within the next few years. The process is well documented by Cicero in Pesag~ero, the poorest municipio in the valleys The seat of the municipal government is in Pesagdero, one of the most depopulated and impoverished of all Cantabria. It is the municipal center of 11 villages, semi deserted and with an ancient population. It has less than half of the inhabitants that it had 80 years ago: 1,225 in 1900, a few over four hundred today. Aged, demoralized, dominated by a few powerful people it is one of the three or four municipalities that has rejected autonomy for Cantabria. Not many year s ago, in Pesag~ero there was a Guardia Civil station, and in

PAGE 147

133 all of the municipality there were 5 priests and a teacher for each village, a doctor, an officer patrol ing the mountains and a bus (UNQUERA POTES VALDEPRADO) that came up and went back to Unquera every day. Today nothing remains. Their few children spend the week, from the time they are little, in Potes; the doctor comes twice a week to La Vinona, and if a countryman needs to go to Potes durin g the week, he has to spend more than 800 pesetas on a taxi (some times twice that much). A sad life, that of these miserable municipalities, incapable of resolving their problems. (Cicero 1982a:20. My translation. See Appendix for Spanish text.) Although official figures (See Table 3-5) place Pesag~ero's population at a little under 500 in 1981, it has certainly led Liebana in population loss (56 percent since 1950). Official figures that I had access to do not provide age profiles of individual terminos, however age profiles of the heads of farming / herding enterprises in the Comarca of Liebana in 1972 revealed an average age of 55.51, half a year older than the average for the next highest Comarca and 2.26 years older than the average for the province (Colegio Oficial de Ingenieros Tecnicos Agricolas y Peritos Agricolas 1980:345-348). This suggests strongly what anyone who visits a few remote pueblos can tell you; children are not taking over their parent's farms because they have migrated, leaving their pueblo with an aging population and decaying community structure. The case of Maria, a teenager recently out of school, illustrates the ease with which some young people begin the cycle of migration. Maria went to Bilbao to visit her aunt and uncle in the beginning of September. She was supposed to come back within a month, but had not returned by the

PAGE 148

134 time I left LiEbana in January. In November her father talked about going to get her, mostly in jest In December he said she would be there until after New Year's, then come back. He said she was not working, which may mean anything from lolling about to taking care of her aunt and uncle's three children and doing the housework. While she wil 1 probably come back eventually from this 'visit', it is an excel lent basis for future migration. She now knows at least something of Bilbao and has seen a little of the outside world without too much risk. The fact that her family in Bilbao was willing to let her stay with them for over four months illustrates the efficacy of the family migration chain and how easily migration can begin. (Compiled from Field Notes) Not all remote pueblos have slipped into decay. Some, such as Dobarganes in the termino of Vega de Liebana and Lon in Camaleno have resisted the trend through an agress ive community effort to maintain and modernize the commun ity's infrasturcture which has also had the effect of reenforcing an already strong community identity. The case of Dobarganes best illustrates this countercurrent. Dobarganes, a pueblo of six families (about 54 peo ple), is located at 938 meters above sea level on the slopes of Pico Jano in the termino of Vega de Liebana (See Figure 1-2). The pueblo is only a kilometer from the main road, but 200 meters above it. In 1982 Dobarganes won first prize in a nationwide contest sponsored by the Feria Tecnica Internacional de la Maquinaria Aqricola, de Zaragoza (International Fair of the Agricultural Machinery Association of Zaragoza) which stated in part that ... n in g u an o tr a com uni dad de 1 pa i s _!:!~ em pre n d id o .:.er capita" tantas obras para salir del subdesarrollo y tomar

PAGE 149

135 e 1 ansiado sendero de 1_ progreso." ( ... no other community of the country has undertaken "per capita" such efforts to break out of underdevelopment and to take th e longed for path of progress.) In two years the six fami li es of Dobarganes contributed 1,358 days of work to community projects, 225 days per family. The six male family heads decided to make this effort at their rotating te~tul_ia which meets in a different member's house each night. Their initial plan was to combine all of the member s lands, along with land owned by the community, into one joint holding. This was found to be unworkable legall y but has been largely accomplished in fact with pasture land. The tertulia carefully planned out the measures necessary to modernize their community, then set out to find the resources they could not provide, guaranteeing their labor and investing two to three thousand dollars per family. Through their guarantee of communal labor and demon stration of community solidarity, combined with clear ideas of what they needed, the people of Dobarganes were able to convince the national highway department to provide the machinery and materials for building a two kilometer road to the pueblo and a 70,000 cubic meter reservoir for irri gation. The road provides them ready access to the highwa y while the reser vo ir will allow them to increase fodder production and thus triple their production of meat and milk. The community also provided the labor to install

PAGE 150

136 telephone and electric lines and a sewage system and provided the labor and materials to pave streets in th e pueblo, to fenc e off most of the pastures owned b y pueblo members so that cows can be left on th e ir own durin g t he da y and to build retaining walls to halt erosion. (D e lgado 1982:10-15; Carasco Arauz 1982:4-6; Field Notes 1 / 8) While not average, Dobarganes is far from unique. Th e people of Liebana know what they need to make their farm ing / herding more competitive with outside agribusinesses and they kn ow the 1 u re o f migration. Their chi 1 d re n w i 1 1 1 eave rather than take o v er a fa i 1 i n g e n t er pr i s e W h i 1 e the members of most remote pueblos ha ve be e n unabl e to coordinate their efforts to improve their pueblo s chances, others, 1 ike Dobarganes and Lon have moved aggressive 1 y to do so. Whether their efforts will prove succ e ssful is still in doubt. A young man in one of the famili e s in Dobargan e s has worked with his father on improving their farm, but h e has also spent time in school in Santander and is currentl y studying journalism in College there. Intelligent and wel 1educated, he is torn between a desire to continue the farm and the desire to pursue a career. Possibilities of doing both at the same time are limited in Liebana. Social Change in More Centrally Located Pueblos in Liebana The cumulative effects of migration have been ver y d i f f ere n t f o r more c e n tr a 1 1 y 1 o cat e d c o mm uni tie s i n

PAGE 151

137 Liebana, especially those on the major tourist route from Ca s tr o Ci 1 1 or i go to Pot es to Fu en t e De. As I di s cu s s e d i n Chapter III, the y have been the recipients of both inmigra tion from other parts of Liebana and have intercepted some of the return migrants from those areas as well. While not stopping population loss during the seventies in any pueblo but Potes, these migrants have replaced some of the commun ities losses and, with the easing of migration experienced i n the ea r 1 y e i g ht i e s the y may he 1 p some co mm uni t i e s to moderate growth. Far more than i nmigra tion has been going on in these communites, however. During the seventies tourism and con struction for the tourist trade and construction of housing for return migrants and inmigrants caused tremendous growth in non-agricultural jobs. Low paid, often temporary unskilled positions, they have still allowed a substantial number of (usually younger) Lebaniegos to earn mone y For some, as part of the traditional peasant survival strat egy, it has replaced migration, allowing them to approach the living standard they desire without leaving Liebana. More permanent construction and semiskilled labor jobs have allowed some workers to live primarily on wages or income from non-agricultural businesses. Much of the growth in non-agricultural employment has been associated with tourism. The tourist season runs from mid-June through mid-September and, during its height in July and August, employees such as bartenders, waiters,

PAGE 152

138 cooks, maids and clerks may work twelve hour days. The minimum wage for temporary workers in Spain in 1983 was 1,556 pesetas per da y (about $14) according to the ~inis terio de Trabajo (Ministry of Labor), but lesser minimums are allowed for younger workers and a few service workers suggested to me that compliance is not complete in Liebana. "You have to take what they give you." Whatever their actual wage, many Lebaniegos work in the tourist season and, in the seventies, this began to affect some of the agricultural enterprises of Liebana, depriving them of labor (usuall y y oung people in th e family) in the getting in of hay for winter fodder. Farmers respond to this in the same way they have responded to migration, by cutting back their herd, by buying fodder or by increasing the mechanization of the haying process, buying a mower to cut the hay and a baler to pull behind their motocultors. More significantly, young unmarried adult's wages, like the income of a migrant in another area who sends home what he thinks he can afford, seem less automatical~y to be passing through the family economy as the product of their work on the farm would, but are coming to be viewed by some as the property of the earner. Thus, like the US teenager living at home and working, some young people are creating income for themselves, rather than increasing family income. They are also depriving the family enterprise of

PAGE 153

139 their labor during what, in the traditional generational cycle of the peasant enterprise, should be its most produc ti ve period, the time when parents are still youns a~d children are old e nough to work effectively. Much of the work during the abo ve period 1s aimed at providing the wherewithall to launch children in their independent life, thus non-agricultural employment does replace some of this lost work. However, the period of maximum availability of family labor is also the time when the family enterprise should traditionally be expanded and improved, if at all possible (Chayanov 1966; Arensberg 1968). The loss of children s labor makes expansion and improvement less likely, allowing the farm to stagnate. If the trend of children withholding their labor and income from the common pool expands, peasant enterprises in Liebana will be severely limited in their ability to meet changing circumstances. Jose is eighteen or nineteen. He has finished school and will leave for his compulsory militar y service soon and does not know what he wants to do afterward. Now he lives at home on his parent's farm on the outskirts of Potes. He began tending bar at one of the tourist Cafeterias in May. He had worked inter mittently at several other bars during the winter and spring, short hours, giving the proprietor a little time off in the slow season and help with Monday's mercado rush. Now the bar was gearing up for the tourist season and he was working six days a week, eight to ten hours a day on week days and more on Saturday, Sunday and Monday (Saturday is more likel y to be treated as a weekday than Monday by Lebaniegos. The mercado is the big event of the week.) During July and August he worked even longer hours and some weeks he got no day off. He was abruptly fired after a dispute with the owner in the beginning of September. The bar owner said only that he was lazy when I asked

PAGE 154

140 what had happened! Jose gave me the impression he had asked for a raise, but would not come right out and say it. He quickly found work at another bar through Potes fies ta in mid-September, but since then he has been working with his father. Jos e was saving his e arninqs to bu y a us ed vehicle, which h e has done. His fath e r is y oun g e nou g h to handle the da y to da y running of th e farm without him, but has little time to make substantial improve ments. He is accustomed to being without Jose s labor most of the time, since Jose was in school all da y u n t i 1 re cent 1 y The f a rm i s s ma 1 1 w i th a bout s i x o r seven dairy cows and both Jose and his father seem ambivalent about its future. (Compiled from Field Notes) There are two kinds of businesses which emplo y these young people in Liebana: Tradi tiona 1 f ami 1 y run concerns, which are usuall y small and generall y form but one part o f the famil y 's survival strategy. The y cater to the needs of local people. And larger businesses, especially those aimed more toward tourism and the outside world such as the fancier bars, restaurants and hotels, bank branches, con struction companies and bu lkers of loca 1 production. Th ey are control led by a smal 1 group of caciques, some of whom gained their influence through agricultural holdings, while others based their power on connections outside of Liebana. They, along with local politicians who are mostly drawn from their ranks, act as the middlemen between Liebana and the larger world, facilitating outsider's contacts with Lebaniegos and Lebaniegos' contacts with outsiders. The caciques have been prime movers in the growth in tourism and construction in Liebana and have been the major beneficiaries in this trend as well. They have the capital

PAGE 155

141 to build tourist facilites and the political influence to marshall government aid in promoting tourism in the area. While small traditional businesses have benefited to some extent from tourism, especially that of other Spaniards looking for an inexpensive vacation, the y are, for th e most part, unable to meet standards expected by more affluent tourists. In Potes there are at least thirty-four bars, some of which are also among the fifteen restaurants and eleven places that provide lodging. A substantial inventory for a town of about 1,400, these places also serve the rest of Liebana on market day. However, sever a 1 of the bars, one of the hote 1 s and five of the restaurants are open only during the tourist season, il 1 ustrating the importance of tourism to their businesses. The importance of tourism is reflected in the several classes of bars in Potes. Twelve of the thirty-four bars can be classified as primarily oriented to tourists. They are elaborately decorated, carry only better classes of wines and liquors and sport prices which are at least double those of the tipicos of the town. These bars are largely empt y every day but Sunday and Monday during the off-tourist season and, as one owner told me, they make half their income during the three months of the tourist season, doing wel 1 to break even during the remainder of the year. Fifteen of Potes' bars can be classified as tipicos. Unadorned, often old and dingy, they fre quently serve as restaurants and grocery stores as wel 1 as bars. Prices are low and their major source of income is the daily visits of townspeople and the weekly visits of other Lebaniegos for market da y Most make no special effort to attract tourists. The remaining bars are newer or better maintained versions of the tipico. Although not as heavily decorated, or as high priced as the expressl y tourist bars, they make some effort to attract tourists, whil e still retaining their primarily Lebaniego clientelle. The tourist season is the best time of the year for all of the service industries of Potes and the

PAGE 156

142 other pueblos along the tourist corridor from Castro Cil lorigo to Potes to Fuente De. This income from outside the valleys allows more businesses to survive in Liebana, enhancing ser v ices for Lebaniegos. The limited duration of the tourist season has, so far, restrained businesses not specifically designed around tourism from raising the rates for all to take advangage of tourist spending. (Compiled from Field Notes) The cacique's monopoly on expressly tourist facilities is being modestly challenged by some returning migrants who have saved enough money to build or renovate a bar or restaurant to tourist standards. Most Lebaniegos migrate as unskilled labor, becoming factory workers, clerks, maids, waiters, shepherds, lumberjacks and etc. If they return to Liebana, they may have money, but the formal skills the y gained during migration are seldom useful (Rhoades 1978a, 1978b; King 1978a, 1978b; King and Strachan 1980). The counter-current of return migrants, which has always accom panied migration, reached significant levels in the seven ties, as migrants of the fifties and sixties completed the migration cycle. Return migrants now constitute a signifi cant group occupying a unique position in the community and are a prime force for change in Liebana, especially affect ing the larger, more centrally located pueblos. Return Migration Many of the empty houses of Lie.bana could not wait for migrants to return. Their tile roofs required constant maintenance and, when the rain got in, their interiors were quickly destroyed. Others were purchased by people from the

PAGE 157

143 city as summer homes. Sti 11 others were used as barns and storage sheds by neighbors who remained in Liebana. The land which used to feed migrants suffered much the same fate as their houses. Pastures and gardens were sold or let on long term lease to neighbors or, if retained b y the migrant, pl anted in pines or al lowed to revert to scrub, either one of which effectively removed them from produc tion for years. There are still houses and farms available in Liebana, but not enough for the over 5,000, plus their progeny who have left the valleys since 1950. Thus, while many migrants have returned or will return to Liebana, many more cannot. The places for them to live have been filled or e 1 imina ted. Figures on return migration are not available for the terminos of Liebana. Rising unemployment and northern Euro pean programs to encourage the repatriation of "guest workers" in the mid to late seventies seem to have somewhat increased the flow of returning migrants to Spain, but for Liebana, the major change was in a gradual reduc tion in the number of new migrants. Returning migrants seem to have tried to stay long enough in their host country to accomplish their objectives and complete the migration eye 1 e norma 1 1 y. A number of informants in Liebana suggested that ten years is about the right amount of time to spend working away from the valleys, long enough to accumulate some money if you are going to and short enough to keep from

PAGE 158

144 completely losing touch. Return migrants whom I spoke to (excluding seasonal migrants and migrants who did not con sider their travels to be over) had been away from the valleys for anywhere from two to twenty-five years. This suggests that, of those who migrated during the fifties, the large majority who are going to return have done so and that substantial numbers of sixties and seventies migrants returned during the period 1974 through 1983. Obviously, with the heavy population loss which LiEbana continued to suffer through the seventies, most migrants never return to live in the valleys. However, the substantial numbers of migrants since 1950 resulted in a large cohort of return migrants who became an important group in Liebana by the 1970s, using the money they earned outside the valleys to build houses, bars, restaurants, hotels and other smal 1 businesses or to revitalize the family farm. Return migrants can be divided into four major groups; failures, short or limited term migrants, long term migrants and visitors. All have many kin and friends in the valleys, but each has some degree of difficulty in reestab lishing him / herself in LiEbana after returning. Even though they probably sent money, which was greatly needed, there is still veiled resentment and envy of migrants. They left, for whatever reason, and others were forced to perform duties which they should have shared, such as caring for sick or aged relatives, helping in the harvest and

PAGE 159

145 participating in community projects. Now the y are back and the role of returning migrant (whether to visit or to sta y ) cal ls for them to be generous with their mone y y et the slightest hint of ostentation, real or imagined, will gain them a reputation of thinking the y are better than those who stayed at home, which wil 1 not soon be shaken. A town drunk in Potes put into words what many wil 1 not: Its hard here but we manage. We maintain our obligations [To include himself in this was to paint with a large brush. The traditional role of town drunk does not involve heavy obligations]. They go off and maybe they send back money, but they leave us to cope. Then they come back and act like they / re better than us. (Field Notes 3 / 27) Seasonal migrants, in Liebana for a substantial p art of the year, are not treated as returning migrants unless they ostentatiously display their money, even though some individuals migrate to work in tourist establishments or lumbering, etc. year after year. Seasonal migration is common and migrants are not away long enough to lose touch, nor do they usually earn great sums of money, just more than they cou 1 d have earned in a comparab 1 e period at home. Thus seasonal migrants will not be considered in this section. Failed migrants are those who have returned, usuall y after a relatively short time, in worse financial condition than when they left. Young men or women who left with high hopes, they are reluctant to settle down to the work a v ail able to them in the valleys and yet, having been burned once, have little desire to remigrate. They suffer the

PAGE 160

146 double shame of not having been able to make it at home or by migration. I met Andres at a !..iico (local bar) which is also a hostal (economy hotel), a res taurant, a grocery store and probably the largest wine and orujo maker in Liebana. It was about 6 p .m. and the bar was mostl y empty. A few older men were playing cards or sitting around, conversing occasionall y women and children came in in twos and threes to make small purchases for the evening meal. B y seven the regulars would begin to arrive. But Andres was there early and was anxious to talk to the new arrival in town. Over the glass of wine he bought me, and man y more that we consumed over the next year, I pieced together the following history. Andres, about 26, slight, full of nervous energy and prone to abrupt mood changes, is t yp ical of man y young people in Liebana who have failed to find a niche. He was born in Ojedo and moved with his famil y to Santander when he was 8. His father has a busin e ss in Santander and is fairl y well to do. Injured on the j o b i n 1 9 7 4 Andre s re turned to Li eb an a w i th a s ma 1 1 disability pension and no goals. He lives, now that the pension has run out in fine physical shape), on an allowance from his father and occasional work. His lack of work, occassional wild drinking bouts and general failure to assume the serious role of adult has caused him to be considered a sin verguenza (shameless one, a very serious insult) by man y and he is under intense family and communit y pressure to sett 1 e down. However, Andres is just an extreme example of the plight of many young people in that he has no special skills, no "career" in mind and faces a job market awash in unemployed and underemployed workers like him. He is torn between a desire to leave Liebana in search of work and the desire to remain where he feels most at home. There is little opportunity for what he considers worthwhile work in Liebana. Opportunities to gain the comfortable lifestyle achieved by man y members of the older generation during the prosperous 50s and 60s seem few, yet expectations have risen. It is important to note that this is not a change in the situation in Liebana so much as in the outside world. Opportunities ha ve always been few in Liebana, now they are also scarce in the rest of Spain, cutting off the tradi tiona 1 safety va 1 ve of migration. ( Com pi 1 ed from Field Notes)

PAGE 161

147 Short or limited term migrants have followed the ideal for migration from Liebana. They generally left a family behind in the valleys or at least maintained close communi cation with family and friends. Having set a money goal to al low them to accomplish their aims in Liebana, they returned as soon as they cou 1 d fu 1 f i 11 it, usua 1 1 y within ten years. If they avoid ostentation, they are generally accepted back into local society without too much difficulty. Mario worked eight years in a plant in Germany "pero fue muy viejo y es tan cerrado." (but it was very old and they are closed.) His wife accompanied him for one year, but went back to Potes when the kids started to arrive. He left Liebana in the mid-sixties "along with many others. Franco felt that if you couldn't find a job, you ought to get out of the country and find one." He lived in a dormitory and never learned German beyond the "give me a beer" stage, saving al 1 of his money for their plans in Liebana. His wife was working too, and, when he returned, they built a duplex to live in. Running out of money before the interior was finished, Mario went back to Germany to work another year. They now live in the top floor of the duplex and rent out the bottom floor, fully furnished down to brandy snifters in the cupboard, when they can. With his wife and a growing family living in Liebana and regular visits, Mario's return was not very difficult. He set out to find work in Liebana immediately and now has two part-time jobs as a laborer, one mornings, the other afternoons that com bine to make slightly more than forty hours a week of work. In addition he cuts firewood, their major source for heating and cooking, for his family and for his parents and maintains a garden of about one half hectare. (Compiled from Field Notes) Long term migrants who spent most of their working 1 i ves outside Liebana and have returned to start a sma 11

PAGE 162

148 business or to work or retire and often to establish their children in the area, face a difficult task in being accepted back in to the community. They genera 11 y migrated as a family or, worse, married outside of the valleys and, living as a famil y inevitably picked up more of the "foreign" behavior of their host community. Now they must reestablish their credentials as natives and see to it that their children are accepted as well. Perhaps feeling that this can most easily be accomplished in the larger commun ities of LiEbana, they seem to be the most likely migrants to return to Potes or a community on the tourist route rather than their natal pueblo. Arturo, his wife and three children migrated from Liebana twent y five years ago. They lived in France and in Torrelavega, the second largest city in Santan der Province. Its about 90 kilometers from Potes. A fourth child was born in France. They returned to Liebana to live in 1982. One son did not come with them, but stayed in Torrelavega with the wife he found there. On returning, they opened one of the busiest bars in Potes. The fami 1 y runs the bar with the he 1 p of a cousin who has a 1 ways 1 i ved in the va 11 eys. Paco one o f Ar tu r o 's son s 1 e ft Li eb an a a s a very small child and spent 25 years away from the valleys. Yet as he says: "I was born here. I am a Lebaniego. And this has a 1 ways been my home." He hated living in Torrelavega although they had moved there to be closer to home. From Torrelavega they visited Liebana often, always planning to return when they could and obviously always trying to see to it that their children thought of themselves as Lebaniegos. Despite this Paco has not been fully accepted. He was never a member of a cuadrilla and lacks the life-long intimacy which most peop le in the pueblo share. When he goes out to dar un paseo (make a round of the bars, the birthright of the Lebaniego male) it is almost always with his cousin alone, rather than with three or four other men as is the custom.

PAGE 163

149 Paco's two sisters seem to have reentered Lebaniego society more smoothly. The y oungest is four teen and still in school and is part of a gang of girls who roam the streets on endless errands. The elder, who is about 26, has married a man who li ves in Po t e s and s e ems to be s e t t 1 i n g i n a s a y oung matron (Compiled from Field Notes) Long or shor~ term migrants who return to start a business (usually a bar, restaurant, grocery or hostal, or some combination of those functions, but some have also established sawmills, carpentry shops, hairdressers, spec ialized stores and a potato chip factory) face a special set of difficulties in Liebana. Though they ma y have left many years before, their financial condition on leaving and the current financial condition of their kin will be well known. Even if the business is tiny, it denotes more capi tal than is available to most Lebaniegos. Charges that the y think they are better than others are almost inevitable. Francis and his wife Maria are in their early thirties. They own a Cafeteria (bar) which is fancier than the tipicos of Potes, having pictures and mirrors on the walls and pr ices about twice those found in a tipico. Designed as a tourist bar, in the off season it caters to students at the Collegio Mayor (secondar y schoo 1), to Potes businessmen, to young more "modern" women who no longer accept the tradition that women should only go to bars on special occasions and with their husbands and to the overflow crowds that fil 1 al 1 of the bars in town on Monday market days. These local patrons allow Francis to remain open during the roughly nine months of the year when it is not tourist season, however, he derives half of his income from the three months of the tourist season. Francis is the son of a prosperous dairy farmer in a smal 1 pueblo. He migrated to South America and worked there for a 1 it tl e over three years. When he returned, he married Maria, the daughter of a local

PAGE 164

150 businessman in Potes and opened his Cafeteria. Although he appears to get on wel 1 with most people, a few gossips question how he could possibly have saved enough money in so short a time, suggesting that he was heavily subsidized by his father-in-law (impugning his manhood) or got the money in some unknown, suspicious manner. (Compiled from Field Notes) Visitors, migrants who are still engaged in the migra tion cycle but may spend extended periods between trips in LiEbana, indeed sometimes never getting around to leaving again, fal 1 into two major groups: those playing the role of the successful migrant, plush with cash and those acting as if they had never left, making little of their time away and emphasising the continuity of their ties with LiEbana. Ma no 1 o a n d h i s w i f e who i s a 1 so f r om Pot es 1 i v e in Bilbao, where he works in a factory. They came to Potes for the Fiesta de la Santa Cruz (Fiesta of the Holy Cross). As has happened with a number of couples, I never learned his wife's name; mi mujer* is enough of an introduction and Senora an adequate form of address. Manolo has been in Bilbao for 20 years, his wife fifteen. On the death of his parents he received an equal share of their finca (farm). His brothers and sisters wanted to sel 1 it a few years ago to someone wanting to build a summer home, but he was the lone holdout and caused the dea 1 to fa 11 through. He fe 1 t the others did not realize the value of the land over money, which is soon gone, while the land remains and that the price was too 1 ow anyway. He wants to return to live in Liebana. His wife is strongly opposed, prefering Bilbao. Its interesting that the migrant with a steady job cut off his family's chances for a lump sum of money, due to his love of the valleys and the land, making it more difficult for those actually 1 iv ing in LiEbana. During the five day fiesta, a perfect liminal period, Manolo and many like him who did not have to work went to bed at one in the afternoon and got up in th e evening to s ta y up a 1 1 n i g ht. ( Ma n y p e op 1 e who had to work did not seem to be sleeping at all.) Small

PAGE 165

151 groups of people who stayed together in their hours and activities formed, usually around some central person. Manolo was one such person, spending fr e el y and partying al 1 night. He and his brother-in-law (a migrant to Potes who is perenniall y broke) organized elaborate and expensive comidas (suppers) three nights running, cooking sardines the first night, lamb the second and chul~tas the third o v er an o p en f ir e Usually beginning at 5 a.m., the y lasted until 7. I was invited to come, but missed the first two nights because I couldn t stay up so late. It became obvious that they would be hurt if I did not make the third supper so I went. Unfortunately so did a few uninvited guests and they ran short of chuletas which anno y ed Manolo. He refused to eat, saying he was not hungry, noble then, but he was careful to tell me about it several times to make sure that I understood that he had paid for the food and yet had gotten nothing to eat. Manolo expects, and is expected, to spend a fair amount of money when he is here. He is quick to bu y drinks and etc., but slow to allow them to be bought for him. "The migrant as success story." He is also a little quick in telling people what to do and (the price of traveling with the big spender) expecting them to do it. Several people who normally spend time with his brother-in-law refused to join the group and told me later they did not like to be patronized. I also never saw him with other members of his family besides his brother-in-law and sister, the least established of family members in the valleys. (Field Notes 9 / 13-9 / 18) *Literally my woman'. The more polite form of mi esposa (my (female) spouse or wife) was rarely used by men although women generally said mi esposo (my husband). Males are expected to have little interest in other men's wives, thus introductions, when given at all, seldom include the woman's name. Despite the difficult time migrants often have reentering Lebaniego society, their growing presence and possession of, what for LiEbana is substantial capital, has made them a significant force in the growth of Liebana s tourist industry, while the mone y they have to invest has

PAGE 166

152 caused significant growth in non-agricultural jobs in the valleys. The fact of their return and the effort that most make to be accepted, ma y be their most important con tr ibu tion to Lebaniego societ y howe v er. Ha v ing exp e ienced their particular part of the outside w orld, th ey nevertheless choose to return, thereby reaffirming their Lebaniego identity and reenforcing the positive identifica tion which most non-migrant Lebaniegos hold for their valleys. Conclusion Despite the changes I ha v e catalogued in this cha p t e r: the growth in service industries related to tourism, the increasing dependence on wage labor, population concentra tion and the decay of remote communities and the question able future of Lebaniego agriculture / herding, most Lebaniegos still follow a peasant extended famil y subsist ence strategy, even if farming / herding is no longer th e major component of that strategy. Nuclear families ma y now build their subsistence around a job or jobs held by one or both spouses, but as I have shown, jobs are undependable in Liebana and even permanent jobs seldom cover al 1 of the costs of reproducing the family. Therefore the nuclear family dependent on wage labor, just like their farm ing / herding parents and kin, attempts to gain the necess ities of subsistence from outside the market econom y as much as possible and finds maintenance of close ties with

PAGE 167

153 their extended family vital to survival. Like peasants everywhere, they assume crops will fail, cows will die and jobs will be lost. To become totall y dependent on one source of livelihood is to invite disaster. In Chapter VI will consider some of the maJor forces threatenin g the continuance of Lebaniego s peasant survival strateg y and Lebaniego identity as a community.

PAGE 168

CHAPTER V "QUE DURA ES LA VIDA" (HOW HARD IS LIFE) Theoretical and Ethnological Perspecitves Community study is that method in which a problem (or problems) in the nature, interconnections, or dynamics of behavior and attitudes is explored against or within the surround of other behavior and attitudes of the individuals making up the life of a particular co mm uni t y It i s a n at u r a 1 i s t i c comp a r a t i v e method It is aimed at studying behavior and attitudes as objects in vivo through observation rather than in vitro through-isolation and abstraction or in a model through experiment. (Arensberg 1954:110, emphasis his). The community study approach is particularly apropos to a study of one of the newest members of the European Economic Community, a conscious attempt to fashion an open community between the individual nations of Europe. Community study relies on an inductive empiricism which emphasises the search for pattern and process. It denies the validity of preconceived models and hypotheses, requir ing first hand experience to build "living models rather than logical ones" (Arensberg and Kimball 1965:5). As an empirical attempt to uncover the social forms and cultural patterns of a particular community within its environmental context, the community study approach is first and foremost 154

PAGE 169

155 a method. It is a way of gathering data which works wel 1, whatever the particular interest of the researcher. As a theory based on structure and function, the communit y study method shares in the strengths and w e ak nesses of a structura 1-functiona 1 approach. It a v oids th e self fulfilling prophecies of hypothesis testing and pre conceptions as much as possible. It is comparative. And it looks for the interactional regularities and organizational structure of cultural behavior in the smallest unit of organization likely to contain the bulk of the repertor y of a society, without denying the influence of the environment in which the communit y is embedded, part of which is the 1 arger society. Empiricism is at the same time a major weakness of community study. It is an ahistorical method, basing its findings on the slice of time that the observer was present. Community studies also has the functionalist problem of tending toward static description--toward typologizing rather than showing process and network. Perhaps the most serious problem of community study however, is its emphasis on structure and superstructure (Harris 1971). Although the environmental context is recog nized as an important factor in formulations of the community studies approach, pride of place is give to "behaviors and attitudes," while material relationships are sometimes taken as given. A re 1 a ted weakness of communit y studies empiricist base is that it limits the possibilit y

PAGE 170

156 of nomothetic theory. While it allows for the development of models and typologies of communities and builds on past research, it denies the investigator the luxury of predic tion when dealing with unexplored social s y stems. In this study, I used the communit y studi e s method, but, to avoid some of the problems I have just discussed, I combined it with investigation of demographic and histori ca 1 records and ethnohi storica 1 techniques to extend the study back in time, and transactional or event analysis to emphasise processes and patterns of interaction. The study period is contained within the living memory of man y members of the communit y in Liebana. Their pe rce p tion of events and directions of change has more effect on community ideological and symbolic systems than any objec tive accounting. Participant observation, 1 if e histories, and discussions with key informants were designed to inves tigate Lebaniego's perceptions of events and change during the study period, present conditions and their ideas of the valleys' future. Transactional analysis is a technique used to analyze human interactions in the context of events. This method was developed b y Kimball and Pearsall (1954, 1955) and Arensberg and Kimball (1965). The method involves the examination of interactions between people involved in discrete, boundable events whether they be a chance meeting in a bar or the series of interactions necessar y to

PAGE 171

157 launch a major community project. Event description and analysis helped to delineate the recurring patterns of interaction within the communit y and between the community and the outside world. Following these precepts I attempted an understandinq of the community way of life through participant observa tion and investigation of important areas of community life including subsistence strategies, social networks, social class, ritual, education, government, personality, recrea tion and social interaction. Through these studies I worked toward comprehension of the web of interrelation within the community and between the coITL~unity and the lar ger societ y and how agricultural modernization, market intrusion and migration have affected that web. In order to understand the network of interconnections in Liebana, a dispersed community made up of numerous small settlements scattered over three mountain valleys, it was necessary to observe not only the day to day life in outlying pueblos and in Potes, how the individual gets the meaning of his / her life from being a member of the community, but also the rhythms and periodicities of inter action between the members of the different pueblos which make up the region and the community of Liebana. Community study methods allowed the development of a conception of the realities of the community of Liebana which could then be compared to the theoretical constructs of world economy and peasant economy theorists, pointing up

PAGE 172

158 weaknesses and strengths of each theory (see below). As a contribution to the dialogue on peasantries, this disserta tion is important in that it supports recent findings on the persistence and continuing viability of pea santri e~ and other marginal groups in a developed capitalist economy. This illustrates the value and applicability of communit y study methods in the investigation of modern day problems. Al though some of the prob 1 ems with structura 1-functiona 1 theories, which I outlined above, have caused many re searcher s to ab a n don a n e x p 1 i c i t 1 y co mm uni t y s tu d y approach, the techniques of community study have yet to be equalled in anthropological investigation. Despite the excellent and extensive ethnographic material on Spain, there is very little which looks at interaction within a small region. The overwhelming major ity of works have concentrated on individual pueblos (Pitt Rivers 1961; Perez-Diaz 1966; Lison-Tolosana 1966; Freeman 1970; Harding 1984 and see Chapter I for further citations). Even Kenny's seminal~ Spanish Ta~trY...:._ '.!:_own and Country in Castile, paired a small rural parish with a parish in Madrid, while Brandes fine study Migration, Kin ship and Community, the study which I feel is most akin to this work, deals with a pueblo with a population of a little over 800 in 1970. This study joins a handful of others which have taken small regions as their field, concentrating on the networks of interconnections within

PAGE 173

159 the regions and the regions and the larger world (Gregory 1976; Esteva Fabregat 1976; Freeman 1979; Gilmore 1980; Lison Areal 1986). The study of thes e small regions allows us to see processes of stabilit y and change which extend beyond the individual pueblo and yet are obscured at the level of th e province or large region. As Gilmore notes in the introduction to his study of an Andalusian "agro-town" Most anthropologists who work in modern nation-states confine their focus to isolated, classless, "little communities" (Redfield 1967). These correspond to traditional anthropological interests in "smal 1-scale, closed societies" (Stirling 1968:62) and in associated small group behavior. This customar y focus in anthropolog y has, until recentl y caused a correspond ing neglect of the slightly larger and more hetero geneous socia 1 uni ts 1 ike 1 arge vi 11 ages, towns, and small cities, which are also a part of any complex soc i et y ( G i 1 more 1 9 8 0 : 3 ) This comment can certainly be extended to the small region, containing, as it does, a much larger cross-section of the cultural inventory for an area than is to be found in any of the pueblos which go to make it up. The Survival of Peasant Relations of Production in Liebana In Chapter II I proposed the questions: If peasant relations of production have survived in LiEbana, how has this occured when peasant communities have faced wholesale elimination over the last 30 years in Spain? Wha t are the community forms and structures that have allowed LiEbana to meet changing conditions? Are these forms and structures still viable today as they have been in the past or is

PAGE 174

160 Liebana merely a backwater, late in being affected, that will fail with the passing of the older generation? Lebaniegos have maintained the essentials of their communit y life despite changes in the annual round the y follow, in the work the y do, in their political lif e which lay dormant for thirty-five years, and despite the loss of almost half of Liebana s population, abandoning pueblos, but not Liebana, changing forms of production, but not the unit that produces or the reasons for producing. Lebaniegos were active participants in the chan g e which occurred in their valleys between 1950 and 1983. Certainl y the y were responding to pr e ss u res and o pp ortun ities presented b y the outside world, but the wa y the y responded to those pressures and the opportunities they took were determined by the people of Liebana. The hallmarks of Lebaniego / s response, the threads which ran through their actions at ever y juncture, w e r e identification with the extended famil y and identification with all of Liebana as a community. Through all of the change which Lebaniegos experienced, extended families still supported their members and still set out to fill the family s needs without considering the costs of their labor, young people's cuadrillas still caroled throu g h their towns, demanding sweets from neighbors and tribute from foreigners, men and women still gathered in their separate tertulias to work, gossip and pass their lesiure time, La Santuca still watched over her people while Santo

PAGE 175

161 Toribio brood e d o ve r th e ir morals and L eb ani eg os still m ee t in Pot e s, to bu y and s e l 1, to drink and e at, to ar gue an d s e ttle arguments and to mourn or to c e l e brat e th e eve nts o f 1 if e Th e p e rsist e nce o f pe asant relations o f p rod u c t io n between Lebaniegos points to a phenomenon increasin g l y recognized in the economic and anthropological literatur e Peasantries and other marginal groups have not disappeared in many areas despite the intrusion of the market econom y and show little likelihood of doing so. In fact the numb e r of people maintaining themselves outside or partiall y out side of the market econom y is actuall y on th e rise worl d wide (Smith 1984; Long 1984; Glavanis 1984). These people persist on the geographical and figurative margins of soci ety: in the mountains of Santander and the favellas (shant y town slums) of Brazil. Drawn on for cheap labor when needed and taxed for their surpluses, their survival or disap pe ar ance and the survival or disappearance of their wa y of lif e is left largel y to their own devices. For favella dwellers, societal neglect has led to deprivation and disease along with the opportunities they see in the cit y For Leban iegos, suffering the more benign neglect of the Spanish go v ernment, it has meant that they have been given the freedom and the time to maintain what the y va 1 ue of their traditional cultur e molding th e compromis e s the y ha ve h a d to make or have wanted to make into the communal identit y

PAGE 176

162 The causes of the persistence of peasant relations of production in LiEbana can be traced to se v en major factors, al 1 of which ha v e been discussed, but which need to be brought together to complete the argument ad v anced in this dissertation. Th e s e are: terrain, a g ricultural mod e rni z tion, migration, tourism, the structure of the Lebanie g o extended famil y enterprise and its ability to flexibl y respond to change, the strong cultural identity of Leban iegos with the community of Liffiana and the worldwide recession which began in 1973. Peasantries have been eliminated in areas of Spain hospitable to m e chanized agricultur e Liffiana s rou gh terrain has made large scale mechanization of agricultur e impossible, thereby sheltering the valleys from this force and the disruption of the communit y which usuall y accompanies it. The agricu 1 tura 1 modernization which did occur in Liffiana, the adoption of dair y ing and production for sale rather than use v alues, was incorporated into Lebaniego extended family survival strategies, Rather than supplanting the traditional subsistence, dair y ing complemented it, providing a cash income to replace dwindling sales of draft animals and a form of production more amenable to small scale mechanization, which permitted the continuance of smal 1 farming / herding in the face of a declining work force, covering shortages in labor, especiall y in peak demand periods.

PAGE 177

163 Migration and migrant remittances eased the transition to dairying by making land and cash more available to family members who wished to remain in Liebana. Return migrants are now participating in the development of tour ism and other smal 1 industries in the valleys, pro v idin g opportunities to supplement income from dairying and more traditional subsistence activities and alternatives to migration for the youth of the valleys. The approval of return and visiting migrants has also helped to maintain a strong positive community identity in LiEbana. The simple structure of the extended family peasant enterprise in LiEbana was most basic in allowing the funda mental changes in the means of production necessary to engage in dairying for cash, while requiring few changes in the relations of production within the extended family. Wage labor, even as it became increasingly available, was still incorporated into Lebaniego survival strategies as one more method to ensure the family's survival. Wage levels and the amount of effort involved were secondar y to meeting the needs of the family. Young adults appropriation of their wages, which I described in Chapter IV, may signal the beginnings of the generational breakdown of this extended family survival strategy. Strong cu 1 tura 1 identification as Lebaniegos, rather than inhabitants of particular pueblos, terminos, or valleys within LiEbana has been crucial to the survival of Liebana as a community in that it allowed Lebaniegos to

PAGE 178

164 leave villages which had become depopulated and migrants to return to more central pueblos after migration, without losing their identit y They were stil 1 Lebaniegos in Liebana. The ability to maintain a sense of communit y in spite of being uprooted from one s native pueblo, has stood Lebaniegos in good stead for centuries. Disease, disaster, migration and changing economic circumstances are not new phenomena and a village of one hundred to one hundred fift y souls or even a termino of one or two thousand can easil y be decimated. By identifying themse 1 ves with a 11 of Liebana through Potes, Lebaniegos have pro v ided themse 1 v es with a community with some ability to endure, with the maximum variety of choices in their area and with friends in strange places if it should ever be necessary to leave. The seventh factor mentioned above, the recession, closed the borders of industrialized Europe to Spanish migrants and lessened opportunities to be found in Spanish cities as well. It provided Liebana with a respite from the rapid migration of 1950-73 and the resource of the youth who would have migrated in better economic times. Many of them would probably not migrate now, even if the opportun ity arose, since they have established their lives in Liebana. Perhaps most significantly though, the recession, induced by oil price increases, brought about by the unex pected al lies I refered to earlier, the nations of OPEC,

PAGE 179

165 improved the posibilities of survival for small farmers. These price increases dramatically raised the cost of mech anized agriculture while having much less effect on the small farming of Liebana, which has traditionall y substi tuted labor for machiner y and manure for ferti 1 izer. Thus production from Liebana has become more competitive with that of mechanized agriculture, at least allowing for its continuance up to this time and suggesting that it may remain competitive in the future, although dramatic drops in the price of oil in 1986 may signal the erosion of this advantage. The people of Liebana have thus far been able to absorb the impacts of migration, agricultural change, mar ket intrusion and tourism and deal with them through their traditional family and community structure which emphasises an extended family survival strategy. This cultural adapta tion faces severe threats in the future. The most immediate is Spain's recent entry into the European Common Market. This will allow a resumption of migration to the cities of Europe while putting pressure on the small dairy farmers of Liebana to improve the sanitation and quality of their milk. Without careful government planning and vigorous Lebaniego action, these two forces could accomplish the cultural disruption so far avoided by the communit y of Liebana.

PAGE 180

166 Entry into the European Economic Community Spain first asked to open negotiations on joining the Europe an Econ om i c Co mm u n i t y i n 1 9 6 2 Aft e r a court s hi p o f over 20 years it finally entered the Common Market, alona with Portugal, in 1986. Lebaniegos, dependent on milk sales and tourism for much of their livelihood, have closel y followed these negotiations, knowing that they have little power over their outcome, but that they could be greatly affected. With its large farm population, agricultural sur pluses, heavy unemployment and underemployment, lower standard of living, and emphasis on basic industries, Spain was too big an economic pill for the EEC to swallow in the Sixties. But perhaps the major problem with Spain was that its repressive government was too foreign to the Commun ity's philosophical goal of a united democratic Europe. That same goal made eventual acceptance of a democratic Spain by the Common Market almost inevitable. The transformation which the Spanish political and economic systems have undergone since the 1960s has made the attempt to accomodate Spain much more palatable to the EEC. It has become a working parliamentary democracy; the percentage of the population engaged in agriculture, though still more than twice that of France (8.1 percent in 1983) has dropped from 38.4 percent in 1960 to 18 percent in 19 8 3; percentages of emp 1 oymen t in services and ind us try (33.5 and 48.4 percent respectively) have become

PAGE 181

167 substantially similar to those of the rest of Europe and Spain s economy has become essentially that of a modern industrialized nation (OECD Economic Outlook, Historical Statistics 1960-1983 and OECD Obser v er, Mar., 1985 I N Granell 1985:7). Spain also clearly stands to benefit from joining the Co mm on Market. After the period of transition its vegetables and fruit should dominate northern European markets; its industry will have unfettered access to what is already its largest market; consumer goods (except food) wi 11 be cheaper, and it wi 11 be accepted as a f u 11 equa 1 in the club of European democracies, putting an end to o v er forty years of isolation as th~ pariah of western Europe. There are a number of negative aspects to this alliance for each side however. For the Common Market: Spanish unemployment and underemployment remains high; Spain's large steel industry and surpluses in wine and olive oil will add to EEC overcapacity in these areas; agricultural subsidies will have to expand to include Spanish farmers; and Spanish workers will be able to enter the rest of Europe once more and compete directly with nationals and other sending countries workers for jobs. For Spain the protection for sensitive areas of its economy provided by tariffs and import quotas will be largel y stripped away while special relationships that Spain main tains with various portions of the world (especially Latin

PAGE 182

168 America) wil 1 be subordinated to that with the EEC. Whatever the ultimate results may be, it seems fair to state that entry into the Common Market will be a dominant force in Spanish economic and political life for the for seeable future. Throughout the period of intensive change which I have described in this dissertation, Lebaniegos clung to a peasant extended family survival strategy, adapting it to a changing economic and social situation without destroyin g the basic patterns of community life. Now, due to the oil shock and resulting recession, the y appear to have found a new plateau of population stabilit y and a l e ssening of th e rate of economic and social change. How will Spain s entr y into the Common Market affect this current fragile rapproachment with the outside world? A lot will depend on Spanish government and EEC policies which are currentl y being develo p ed to handle the 10 y ear transition pe riod leading up to full membership in the EEC and full a p plica tion of EEC rules. However, the experience of the French small farming sector and a look at some of the problems facing Liebana today suggest that change necessitated b y entry into the Common Market will profoundly affect ever y part of Lebaniego life. The area of Lebaniego life most likel y to be destro y ed b y incorporation in the EEC is that of dair y ing. As I noted abo v e, the average dair y farm in Li e bana is famil y operated, about five hectares or less in size and has six

PAGE 183

169 to twelve cows in milk. Cows are pastured or fed on hay and butterfat content of their milk is generall y low. While milking machines are required, barns are usuall y of stone with dirt floors and refrigerated storage of milk waiting for transport is almost unheard of. Thus milk from Liebana must be sterilized for drinking and most goes into milk products such as chocolate. Spain is a net importer of milk, while the EEC produces substantial surpluses. Import quotas, price supports and lenient dairying regulations have, so far, al lowed Liebana 'sand much of northern Spain s dairies to survive. Ful 1 integration into the EEC wi 11 make this protection largely impossible. The provincial government of Santander is instituting a program of loans and aid to dairy farms of over three hectares, to help them improve milk sanitation and quality and to modernize their opera tions in order to be able to compete with cheaper imports. While this may work for some Lebaniego farmers, it is primarily aimed at the larger dairy farms of the coastal plain and means the government is already writing off all diary farms under three hectares, 666 of the 1,590 farms in Liebana in 1972. The provincial government's plans for Liebana envision a conversion to beef production and the raising of dairy cows until the y are ready to give milk, already the pur suits of the more remote pueblos of Liebana. In addition

PAGE 184

170 the provincial government has proposed the increased production of cheese from the dairies which remain in the area. This long term plan has been thrown into considerable doubt b y an influ x of beef, oft e n of inferior q ualit y brou g ht ille g all y into th e countr y from other EEC m em b er s since inclusion in the Common Market. Prices have dro pp ed thirty to forty percent and, while measures to block th e entry of this beef are being considered, beef producers are being forced to close down or to take ruinous losses, making this hardl y an auspicious time to be entering the beef industry (Perez del Rio 1986:36). According to m y local informants, the major r e s p ons e in Liebana to the threat to dair y production has been the formation of a dairy cooperative, which currently (Ma y 1986) has over 300 members. This cooperative's aim is to be able to offer al 1 of the milk of Liebana to the buyer off er i ng the best dea 1 and to a id Le bani e go dair y farmers in increasing the butter fat cont e nt and sanitation o f their milk. Typicall y Lebaniegos are attempting to present a united front to pressure from the outside world. This Lebaniego response gets to the problem of small average farm size and production. If a substantial number of producers were lost, it might quickly become unprofit able for Ram, Nestle, or both, to send their milk trucks to pick up in LiEbana. As it is now, the trucks must be dri ve n in from the coast twice a day, then each truck drives over 100 kilometers within LiEbana, stopping to pick up a couple

PAGE 185

171 of milk cans from a few farmers at every little pueblo and side road. Like any mountain region, LiEbana has few people scattered over a wide area, making the provision of an y service, be it milk pickup or electricity, expensive, while it serves relatively few people. A cooperative of al 1 of the dairy farmers of Liebana could maintain competition between buyers, while providing them the incentive to continue picking up LiEbana 's mi 1 k. Local herders are also considering the possibility of increasing the production of lamb and, to a lesser extent, goat in the valleys. Substantial amounts of these products are now imported into Europe from New Zealand and Australia and herders hope to be able to take advantage of this shortage. Perhaps the most significant problem for Lebaniego farmers / herders remains that, in 1972, 54 percent of the farmers of Liebana were 55 or older, while the provincial percentage was only 46.6 percent (Colegio Oficial de Ingenieros Tecnicos Agricolas y Peritos Agricolas de Santander 1980:341-344). This statistic is unlikely to have improved since then and o 1 der farmers who do not have an heir, anxiously waiting to take over, are much less likely to invest heavily in their farms, so many of them will retire or drop out of dairying if they can no longer sel 1 their mi 1 k.

PAGE 186

172 A sobering note is that French and EEC agricultural e conomists held that fi v e-sixths of the farms in Franc e were unviable in 1979 and that small farms must be allowed to f ail or be conc e ntrat e d into v iabl e units (K e el e r 1 9 7 9) The y d e fined a sm a l 1 farm as on e with an ar e a of thir!_Y.::_ five hectares or less. Only sixt y -six of the tarms in Li~bana were thiry hectares or more in 1972, so Spain s best intentions may not be enough to save the small farmer if France's experience is any indication. Tourism, the major source of cash entering Li&ana, may well be enhanced by Common Market membership. Howe v er, in Li&ana, as in most areas, income from tourism is v er y unevenly distributed, with most going to owners of larger, fancier, tourist establishments. Most employment generated by tourism is of the lowest level; temporary work at the minimum wage. While this work is often a welcome supplement to Lebaniego s incomes, it relies on their ha v in g other sources of livelihood to keep them for the rest of the y ear (Wal lerstien s "semi-proletarian household") (1983). Increased tourism will not greatly lessen this need. Silvaculture, tree farming, has been on the increase in Li&ana for years. Migrants who wish to retain their land and stake in the community often plant their farms in trees to get some return from it while they are gone. Tree farming requires little labor and at least semi-permanentl y retires land from farming, leading to a decrease in the area's farm acreage and capacity to absorb farm labor.

PAGE 187

173 Even with the formation of a Lebaniego dairy cooperative, the most likely outlook for Liebana is one of destructive change, with dairying likely to decrease dras tically, although it wil 1 be replaced to some extent by meat production and the production of dairy cows for others, with tourism likely to increase, but with little of the income coming to the households of Liebana, and the long term retirement of farm land into silvaculture likely to continue along with a rise in land being allowed to revert back to scrub. Add to this the reopening of northern Europe's borders to migration and the scene is set for the rapid depopulation of the valleys. A depopulation which some might think is the best and inevitable outcome of a situation engineered for maintaining a largely self sufficient reserve labor force available at need. Liebana's Future There are some trends working against the above grim s c en a r i o a n d Li eb an a may av o id de s tr u ct i on o f the co mm u n ity, an active concern of many Lebaniegos and thus a strong concern of mine. The genera 1 pattern in the past few decades, and I expect in the decade to come, is one of a broadening of the range of survival strategies employed by Lebaniegos, in which a heterogeneous mix of sustenance activities between extended family members is almost as important as the particular tasks carried out by nuclear family members (few Lebaniegos confine themselves to one

PAGE 188

1 74 activity). Wage labor and entrepreneurial opportunities are eagerly accepted, while traditional subsistence activities are maintained to the full extent possible to minimize dependence on the cash economy Here are some of the major, more positive trends I see for maintaining the community in Liebana. While the number of farms and farmers in Liebana will continue to decline, even outside of dairying, agricultural production will become more profitable to the farmers who remain, thanks to higher EEC food prices and EEC subsidies. This will give a boost, not only to the traditional herding and small farming and a small food processing industry, but also to fruit and nut crops which may become the most profitable cash crops for what wil 1 always be an area of limited mechanization. Coupled with government and EEC farm programs and loca 1 food needs, this may be enough to keep Liebana/s farm land from slipping too rapidly into wood production. The 1973 oil crisis and subsequent world recession, which closed Europe/s borders to migrants and made work in Spain 's cities harder to get as well, caused many young people, who would have migrated in better times, to stay in Liebana. Now they are older, established in the valleys and much less likely to leave with the renewed possibility of migration. The lessened population density in Liebana toda y thanks to earlier migration, and increasina

PAGE 189

175 employment linked with tourism have allowed these would-be migrants to come closer to the better living standard the y wanted, without having to leave LiEbana. EEC mandated increases in the minimum wage and a general trend for Spanish wages to become closer to those in the rest of Europe, along with the high costs of living in northern Europe reported by previous migrants will also tend to make migration less attractive to Lebaniegos. While the above conditions may be sufficient to permit Liebana to retain most of its citizens, Brandes (1975) showed that heavy migration can go hand in hand with improving conditions at home. Perhaps the strongest force working toward the maintenance of the community in LiEbana is the tremendously positive attitude of Lebaniegos toward their valleys. While Freeman (1979) talks of the Pasiegos eagerness to leave their area and never return (except perhaps to visit and show off), Lebaniegos, for the most part, speak of migration as an unfortunate, temporary expedient. Obviously one that many took in the past and more will take in the future. There has always been a migrant stream from Liebana. But the ideal is to remain in the valleys if possible and to return, as many have, if migration is necessary. I expect that there will be a spurt of migration to northern Europe during the first years that it is possible, drawing mainly on those young single men and women most marginal to the community in the sense that they are most

PAGE 190

176 dependent on employment in service work for the tourist industry. As these young people with 1 ittle choice but to work at minimum wages become scarcer in LiEbana, wages will be forced to rise and their migration will taper off. This will only occur if the other positive trends mentioned above have been sufficiently successful to maintain a cohort of young people involved in other sectors of LiEbana's economy. Without prospective mates and companions most young people will not tarry long in the valleys Liebana survived as a community through a period of intense migration and economic and social change when man y r u r a 1 Sp an i s h co mm uni t i e s d i sin t e gr a t ed. It ha s had a f e w years respite to rebuild its strength and prepare for the next upheaval the outside world chooses to send its way. With a 1 it t 1 e 1 uck and a 1 ot of devotion from Lebaniegos, it might survive entry into the Common Market.

PAGE 191

Page 27 APPENDIX SPANISH TEXTS Chapter I A lo largo de la historia, el hombre del campo mon tafies fue pequeno p ropietario, microarrendatario, artesano o transportista coyuntural de trigo, vin o, lena o carbon, pescados y jornalero; los arrendatarios, aparceros y jorna1 eros dependian de un 'am o, que habi tua lmente se un ar ist6cra ta desclasado de la region, por la que no sentia ningun inters, importtndole unicamente la reactualizacicn de SUS rentas, hecho del que se encargaban los administradores de sus tierras y jurisdicciones; ... (Vara in J.M. 1979:90). Page 37 Esta es la villa de los dos rios -De va y Quiviesa -, la villa de los cinco puentes, capital de comarca, centro geograf ico, corazcn, cabeza y est6nago de todos los val les que componen la antigua provincia de Liebana. Potes es la plaza mayor de Liebana, para que me entiendas. Quiero decir con esto que es el lugar de encuen tros de todos esos pueblucos lebaniegos que hemos encontrado diseminados por las alturas. !Cuantas veces he visto yo a dos vecinos que viven juntos en la misma aldea, si tienen que tratar algo de especial importancia decirse: "Bueno, esto ya lo hablamos el lunes que viene en Potes." Lunes y Potes, son dos palabras que los lebaniegos llevan unidas en sus cerebros, indisolublemente, de manera que al decir una surge la otra, y viceversa (Cicero 1982a:54 Emphasis his.) Page 38 LiEbana 11 ego a es tar entonces superpob lada. Debi6 de tener enton ces el mayor porcentaje de te6logos, obispos, nobles y monjes por kilanetro cuadrado, de toda la cris tiandad. Para hacer una primera ordenaci6n del territorio, se hicieron un montcn de monasterios encargados de roturar, repoblar y organizar todo aquel aluvicn de gentes. En toda Liebana hubo al parecer mas de veinte monas t.erios El mas antiguo esta documentado en el afio 790 ... (Cicero 1982a:71) 177

PAGE 192

178 Pages __2. to "E 1 dia que ma taron a Juanin era mierco 1 es, 2 4 de abri 1 de 1957. Dos dias antes, como todos los lunes del ano, habia sido mercado en Potes. El correspondiente al lunes de Pas cua. Un mercado immportante para los campesinos de la comar ca lebaniega, que presentaban corderos de los Ficos de Europa, becerros de Pena Sagra, recentales de las estri baciones de Pena Labra. Habia mu cha gente ague 1 dia en Potes. Se compraba y se vendia. Una conversaci6n comun: Juanin y Bedoya. Otra con versacicn comm entre la gente joven: en Bilbao, en Torrela v e g a s e g an ab a mas diner o s e tr ab a j ab a men o s y ha b ia mas posibilidades para ayudar a los hijos. Era la naciente idea de 1 a emigracicn. Se dice que el lunes de Pascua, aprovechando el tumu 1 to, alguien susurr6 a 1 oido de cierta persona un nombre, un 1 ugar, una fecha, una hora. Se dice que ese s usurro 11 eg6 has ta e 1 oido de 1 cabo de 1 a Guardia Ci vi 1 en Vega de Liebana. Se dice que el cabo tuvo dos dias para preparar una estrategia infalible que acabara con Juanin. A nosotros nos han dicho nombres propios, pero nosotros no podemos repetirlos. (Cicero 1982b:5-7) Pages 132 to 133 En Pesagilero esta la sede del ayuntamiento, uno de los mas despoblados y empobrecidos de toda Cantabria. Es el centro municipal de 11 pueblos semivacios y de poblaci6n anciana. Tiene menos de la mitad de habitantes que hace ochenta anos: 1.225 en el ano 1900, cuatrocientos y pico hoy. Envejecido, desmoralizado, caciquedo, es uno de los tres o cuatro ayuntamientos que han rechazado la auto nomia para Cantabria. No hace muchos anos, en Pesaguero, habia cuarte 1 de 1 a Guardia Ci vi 1, y en todo e 1 municipio cinco curas y una maestra para cada pueblo, un medico, un guardamontes y un autobus (UNQUERA POTES VALDEPRADO) que pasaba arriba y abajo todos los dias. Hoy no queda nada de nada. Sus escasos n1nos pasan la semana, desde pequenines, en Potes; el medico viene dos veces a la semana a La Vifiona, y si un paisano necesita ir a Potes entre semana, tiene que gastarse mas de ochocientas pesetas en un taxi (a veces el doble). Triste vida la de estos ayuntamientos miseros, incapaces de resolver sus prob 1 ema s ( Ci c er o 1 9 8 2 a : 2 0 )

PAGE 193

BIBLIOGRAPHY Aceves, Joseph 1971 Social Change in a Spanish Village. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. Aceves Joseph, and Wilfrid C. Bailey 1967 Community Social Analysis of El Pinar, Spain. Community Social Analysis Series Number 4. Harold L. Nix, ed. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Public Health. Aceves, Joseph, and William A. Douglass (eds.) 1976 The Changing Faces of Rural Spain. Cambridge, Mass .: Schenkman. Allen, Peter S. 1976 The Rural Exodus in Southern Europe: A Review of Some Recent Literature. Peasant Studies 5(3):14-18. Anes, Gonzalo 1970 Las Crisis Agrarias en la Espana Moderna. Madrid: Ediciones Taurus. Arensberg, Conrad M. 1954 The Community Study Method. American Journal of Sociology 60:109-24. 1961 The Community as Object and as Sample. American Anthropologist 63:241-63. 1968 The Irish Countryman: An Anthropological Study. American Museum Sci ence Books: Garden City, New York. (1st ed 1937.) Arensberg, Conrad M., and Solon T. Kimball 1965 Culture and Community. New York: Harcourt Brace and World. 1968 Family and Community in Ireland. 2nd ed. Cambridge Mass .: Harvard University Press. (1st ed. 1940.) 1969 Community Study : Retrospect and Prospect. American Journal of Sociology 73:691-705. 179

PAGE 194

180 Arias Corcho, Jose 1969 [Map of] Los Picas de Europa. Santander: Jose Arias Corcho. Asociaci6n y Cofradia de la Santa Cruz 1983 Especial Elecciones: Los Resultados El e ctorales e n Cifras. I N Luz de Liebana, Potes, Spain 266:12-15. Balan, Jorge 1976 Regional Urbanization Under Primar y -Sector Expan sion in Neo-Colonial Countries. IN Current Perspectives in Latin American Urban Research. Alejandro Portes and Harley I. Browning, eds. Austin: Institute of Latin American Studies, The University of Texas Press. 1978 Agrarian Structure, Capitalist Development, and Labor Markets in Latin America: Cityward Migration in a Historical Perspective. Paper prepared for the Seminar on New Conceptual Approaches to Migration in the Con text of Urbanization, Buenos Aires. Barrett, Richard A. 1974 Benabarre: The Modernization of a Spanish Villa g e. Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology. George and Louise Spindler, eds. Atlanta: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Baxevanis, John J. 1972 Economy and Population Movements in the Pelo ponnesos of Greece. Athens: National Centre of Social Research. Beevor, Antony 1983 The Spanish Civil War. New York: Peter Bedrick Books. Bernard, H. Russell, and Lambros Comitas 1978 Greek Return Migration. Current Anthropology 19( 3) :658-59. Bernstein, H. 1979 Concepts for the Analysis of Contemporary Peasantries. The Journal of Peasant Studies 6:421-44. Bohning, W. R. 1976 The ILO and Contemporary International Economic Migration. International Migration Review 10(2):147-56. Bovenkerk, Frank 1974 The Sociology of Return Migration: A Bibliographic Essay. The Hague: Nijhoff (Publications of the Research Group for European Migration Problems, 20).

PAGE 195

181 Brandes, Stanley 1973a Social Structure and Interpersonal Relations in Navanogal (Spain). American Anthropologist 75:750-65. 1973b Wedding Ritual and Social Structure in a Castilian Peasant Village. Anthropological Quarterly 46:65-74. 1975a Migration, Kinship and Community: Tradition and Transition in a Spanish Village. New York: Academic Press. 1975b The Structural and Demographic Implications of Nicknames in Navanogal, Spain. American Ethnologist 2(1):139-48. 1976 The Impact of Emigration on a Castilian Mountain Village. IN The Changing Faces of Rural Spain. Joseph B. Aceves and William A. Douglass, eds., pp. 1-16. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. Brenan, Gerald 1964 The Spanish Labyrinth: An Account of the Social and Political Background of the Civil War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Buechler, Hans C., and Judith-Maria Buechler 1975 Los Suizos: Galician Migration to Switzerland. IN Migration and Development: Implications for Ethnic Identity and Political Conflict. World Anthropology. Helen I. Safa and Brian M. Du Toit, eds., Sol Tax, gen. ed. The Hague: Mouton. 1981 Carman: The Autobiography of a Spanish Galician Woman. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. 1984 Four Generation in Spanish Galicia: A Developmental Analysis of Socioeconomic Options. IN Culture and Community in Europe: Essays in Honor of Conrad M. Arensberg. Studies in Anthropology. Owen M. Lynch, ed., M. N. Srinivas, gen. ed. Delhi: Hindustan Publishing Co. Burns, Allan F. 1978 Cargo Cult in a Western Town: A Cultural Approach to Episodic Change. Rural Sociology 43(2):164-77. Carasco Arauz, Norberto. 1982 Modelo Insolito de Concordia Politica: Dobarganes, Cantabria. Antena Dominical No. 4, 7 de marzo de 1982. Santander.

PAGE 196

182 Caro Baroja, Julio 1943 Los Pueblos del Norte de la Peninsula Iberica. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas. 1946 Los Pueblos de Espana. Barcelona: Editorial Barna. 1963 Th e Cit y and the Country: Reflexions on Som e Ancient Commonplaces. I N Medit e rranean Countr yme n: Essa y s in the social anthropolo gy of the M e dit e rran e an. Julian Pitt-Rivers, ed., pp. 27-40. The Hague: Mouton. 1966 Honor and Shame: A Historical Account of Sev e ral Conflicts. IN Honor and Shame: The Values of Mediter ranean Society. J.G. Peristiany, ed. The Hague: Mouton. Catedra, Tomas Maria 1976 Que es Ser Vaqueiro de Alzada. IN Expresiones Actuales de la Cultura del Pueblo. Carmelo Liscn Tolosana, ed. Madrid: Centro de Estudios Social e s del Va 11 e de las Caidos. Cha y ano v A.V. 1966 The Theor y of Peasant Econom y Daniel Thorn e r e t al. eds. Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irwin Inc. Cheney, E 1 sa M. 1979 The World Economy and Contemporary Migration. International Migration Review 13(2):204-12. Choldin, Harvey M. 1973 Kinship Networks In The Migration Process. Int e national Migration Review 7(2):163-75. Christian, William A., Jr. 1972 Person and God in a Spanish Valle y New York: Seminar Press. Cicero, Isidro. 1982a LiEbana de Punta a Caba (Guia del Viajero). Santander: Edicimes Corocotta. 1982b Los Que Se Echaron al Monte: Machado, Gilda, Juanin, Bedoya Santander: Edicimes Corocotta. Cole, W. John, and Eric R. Wolf 1974 The Hidden Frontier: Ecology and Ethnicity in an Alpine Valley. New York: Academic Press.

PAGE 197

183 Colegio Oficial de Ingenieros Tecnicos Agricolas y Peritos Agricolas de Santander. 1980 Informe Sobre el Campo Montanes: Resena Geografica, Agricultura, Ganaderia, Silvicultura, Industrializacic:n Agraria, Estructura de las Explotacimes Agrarias y Producto Neto Agrario. Santander: Aula de Cultura de la Caja de Ahorros de Santander y Cantabria. Conway, Dennis 1980 Step-Wise Migration: Toward a Clarification of the Mechanism. International Migration Review 14(1):3-14. Da Vanzo, Julie 1976 Differences Between Return and Nonreturn Migration: An Econometric Analysis. International Migration Review 10:13-27. Del Rio, Jesus P. 1984 Precios Excelentes en la Feria de La Cruz, de Potes. Luz de Liebana No. 279(July-August):20. Potes, Santander, Spain: Asociacim y Cofradia de la Santa Cruz. De legacim de Estadistica Cantabria N. D. ( approx. 1 9 7 3 ) 7 0 Ano s de Econ om i a Pro v inc i a 1 No 1. Santander: Gobierno de Cantabria. De 1 egacicn de Estadistica Cantabr ia 1983 Poblaci6n de Derecho a 31 de Marzo de 1.983 de los Municipios de la Provincia. Mimeo. Santander: Gobierno de Cantabria. De 1 gado, Jesus. 1982 Dobarganes: Un Pueblo Admirable, la Revista de Santander, April-May, 1982. Madrid: La Confederacicn Espanola de Cajas de Ahorros. Dewar, Robert E. 1984 Environmental Productivity, Population Regulation, and Carrying Capacity. American Anthropologist 86:601614. Direccim General de Accim Territorial y Urbanismo, M.O.P.U. 1 9 8 2 P 1 an Espe c i a 1 de Protec c i 6n y Re f or ma Inter i or Potes. Cantabria." Madrid: Excmo. Ayuntamiento de Potes, MOPU., y FEPMA. (Fundacic:n Para la Ecologia y la Proteccic:n de 1 Medio Ambiente.)

PAGE 198

184 N. D. ( approx. 19 81) P 1 an Es pecia 1 de Proteccicn y Ref or ma Interior. Potes: Avance Textos. Redactores: Ja v ier Aguilera, Jose de la Dehesa, Diego Perez Medina. Ases ores: J. Luis Ga. Fernandez, J. Ramon Mdez de Luarca, J. Ma r i a Pere z Go n z a 1 e z Mad r id : Di rec c i 6n Gener a 1 d e Accicn Territorial y Urbanismo, MOPU. y FEPMA. Direccicn General de Estadistica, M inisterio de Traba j o. N .D. Censo de la Poblaci6n de Espana, Segun la Inscri p cicn de 31 de Diciembre de 1940, Provincia de Santan der: Clasificacicnes por Sexo, Edad, Estado Ci v il, Instruccicn Elemental, Fecundidad y Profesion de la Poblacicn Presente (Hecho). Madrid: Direccicn General de Estadistica, Ministerio de Trabajo. Direccion General de Promoci6n del Turismo, Gobierno de Cantabria 1979 [Map of] The Province of Santander. Santander: Gobierno de Cantabria. Doughty, Paul L. 1968 Huaylas: An Andean District in Search of Pro g r e ss. Cornell Studies in Anthropolog y Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Douglass, William A. 1969 Death in Murelaga: Funerary Ritual in a Spanish Basque Village. Seattle: University of Washington Press. 1971 Rural Exodus in Two Spanish Basque Villages: A Cultural Explanation. American Anthropologist 73:11001114. 19 7 5 Echa 1 ar and Murel aga: Opportunit y and Rura 1 Exodus in Two Spanish Basque Villages. New York: St. M artin s Press. 1976 Serving Girls and Sheepherders: Emigration and Continuity in a Spanish Basque Village. IN The Changing Faces of Rural Spain. Joseph B. Aceves and William A. Douglass, eds., pp. 45-61. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. 1984 Emigration in a Southern Italian Town: An Anthro pological History. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. Dutoit, Brian M., and Helen I. Safa eds. 1975 Migration and Urbanization: Models and Adapti v e Strategies. World Anthropology, Sol Tax gen. ed. The Hague: Mou ton.

PAGE 199

185 Entzinger, Han 1985 Return Migration In Western Europe. International Migration XXII I: 263-8 8. Esteva Fabregat, Claudio 1976 The Changing Work Ethic in the Alto Aragcn. IN The Changing Faces of Rural S pa in. Joseph B. Aceves and William A. Douglass, eds., pp. 163-72. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. Evers, Hans-Dieter, Wolfgang Clauss, and Diana Wong 1984 Subsistence Reproduction: A Framework For Analysis. IN Households and the World-Economy. Explorations in the World-Economy: Publication of the Fernand Braudel Center, Vol. 3. Joan Smith, Immanuel Wallerstein and Hans-Dieter Evers, eds., Immanuel Wallerstein, gen. ed., pp. 23-36. Beverly Hills: Sage. Ferreira de Paiva, Amadeu 1983 Portugese Migration Studies. International Migration Review 17:138-147. Fligstein, Neil 1983 The Transformation of Southern Agriculture and the Migration of Blacks and Whites,1930-1950. International Migration Review 17:268-290. Fondo Para la Investigacic:n Econ6nica y Social de la Con federacicn Espanola de Cajas de Ahorro. 1972 Situacicn Actual y Perspectivas de Desarrollo de Santander. 4 Tomos. Madrid: Conf ederacicn Es pano 1 a de Cajas de Ahorro. 1975 Estadisticas Basicas de Espara, 1900-1970. Madrid: Confederacicn Espanola de Cajas de Ahorros. Frank, Andre Gunder 1967 Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America. New York: Monthly Review Press. 1970 Latin America: Underdevelopment or Revolution. New York: Monthly Review Press. 1979 Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment. New York: Monthly Review Press. Franklin, S.H. 1969 The European Peasantry: The Final Phase. London: Methuen & Co, Ltd. Fraser, Ronald 1979 Blood of Spain: An Oral History of the Spanish Civil War. New York: Pantheon Books.

PAGE 200

186 Freeman, Susan Tax 1969 Religious Aspects of the Social Organization of a Castilian Village. American Anthropologist 70:34-49. 1970 Neighbors: The Social Contract in a Castilian Hamlet. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1979 The Pasiegos: Spaniards in No Man ~ s Land. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Fulmer, John L. 1950 Agricultural Progress in the Cotton Belt Since 1920. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. Gilmore, David 1977 Land Reform and Rural Revolt in Nineteenth Century Andalusia (Spain). Peasant Studies 6(4):142-46. 1980 The People of the Plain: Class and Community in Lower Andalusia. New York: Columbia University Press. 1985 The Transformation of Spain: From Franco to Con stitutional Monarchy. New York: Quartet Books. Glavanis, Kathy R.G. 1984 Aspects of Non-Capitalist Social Relations in Rural Egypt: the Small Peasant Household in an Egyptian Delta Village. IN Family and Work in Rural Societies: Per spectives on Non-wage Labour. Norman Long, ed., pp. 3060. New York: Tavistock. Goldschmidt, Walter 1947 As You Sow. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World Gonzalez Echegaray, Joaquin 1966 Los Cantabros. Madrid: Ediciones Guadarrama. 1969 Origines del Cristianismo en Cantabria. Santander: Ins ti tucicn Cu 1 tura 1 de Cantabria. 1977 Cantabria a Traves de su Historia. Santander: Ins ti tuticn Cu 1 tura 1 de Cantabria. Grafton, D. J. 1982 Net Migration, Outmigration and Remote Rural Areas: A Cautionary Note. Area 14(4):313-18. Granell, Francese 1985 Spain and the Third Enlargement of the EEC. IN Spain U .S. Trade Bulletin, No 138, May -June, 1985, pp 5-13.

PAGE 201

187 Greenwood, Davyyd J. 1976 The Demise of Agriculture in Fuenterrabia. IN The Changing Faces of Rural Spain. Joseph B. Aceves and William A. Douglass, eds., pp. 29-44. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. Gregory, David D. 1976 The Andalucian Dispersion: Migration and Sociod e mo graphic Change. IN The Changing Faces of Rural Spain. Joseph B. Aceves and William A. Douglass, eds., pp. 6395. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. Gudernan, Stephen 1978 The Demise of a Rural Economy: From Subsistence to Capitalism in a Latin American Village. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Guillet, David 1979 Agrarian Reform and Peasant Economy in Southern Peru. Columbia: University of Missouri Press. Halpern, Joel M., and Barbara Kerewsky Halpern 1972 A Serbian Village in Historical Perspective. Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology. George and Louise Spindler, eds. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Harding, Susan Friend 1975 Women and Words in a Spanish Village. IN Toward an Anthropology of Women. Rayna Reiter, ed. New York: Monthly Review Press. 1976 "Agrarian Reform Disguised as the Invisible Hand in Franco Spain." Peasant Studies 5(3):23-28. 1978 "Street Shouting and Shunning: Conflict between Women in a Spanish Village." Frontiers 3(3):14-18. 1984 Remaking Ibieca: Rural Life in Aragon under Franco. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Harris, Marvin 1968 The Rise of Anthropological Theory: A History of Theories of Culture. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. Herr, Richard 1974 An Historical Essay on Modern Spain. Berkeley: University of California Press.

PAGE 202

188 Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1949 Diccionario Corografico: Conforme al Nomenclator d e Ciudades, Villas, Lugares, Aldeas y Otras Entidad e s d e Pob 1 ac im de 1 Censo Genera 1 de 19 4 0. 4 To mos. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica. 1 9 52 Censo d e la Poblacim de Espana y T e rritorios d e su Soberania y Prot e ctorado, segun el Empadronamiento Realizado el 31 d e Diciembre de 1950: 2 Tomos. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica. 1962a Censo de Poblacim y de las Viviendas 1960: Pobla cim de Derecho y Hecho de los Municipios de 1 a Nacim. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica. 1962b Censo de la Poblacicn de Espana, segun la Inscrip cim Realizada el 31 de Diciembre de 1960: Torno I: Cifras Generales de Habitantes. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica. 1964a Censo de la Poblacim de Espana, s e gun la Inscri p cim Realizada el 31 d e Diciembr e d e 1 9 60: Torno II: Ci f ras Generales d e Vi v iendas. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica. 1964b Censo de la Poblacim de Espana, segun la Inscrip cim Realizada el 31 de Diciembre de 1960: Torno IV: No. 39, Provincia de Santander. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica. 1973a Censo de la Poblacim de Espana, segun la Inscrip cim Realizada el 31 de Dicidmbre de 1970: Pro v incia d e Santander, Torno II-39: Caracteristicas de la Poblacim. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica. 1973b Censo de la Poblacim de Espana de 1970: Nomencla tor de las Ciudades, Villas, Lugares, Aldeas y Demas Entidades de Poblacim, Provincia de Santander, Torno IV-39. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica. 1973c Censo Agrario de Espana 1972: Serie APrimeros Resultados, Santander. Madrid: Ministerio De Planifica cim del Desarrol lo en Colaboracim con el Ministerio de Agricultura y la Organizacicn Sindical. 1974 Censo Agrario de Espana 1972: Serie B-Cuadernos Provinciales, Santander. Madrid: Ministerio De Planifi cacim del Desarrol lo en Colaboracicn con el Ministerio de Agricultura y la Organizacicn Sindical.

PAGE 203

189 1982 Poblaciones de Derecho y de Hecho de los Municipios Espanoles, Censo De Poblacicn de 1981 (Santander). Madrid: Institute Nacional de Estadistica, Ministerio de Economia y Comercio. Iszaevich, Abraham 1976 Emigrants, Spinsters and Priests: The Dynamics of Demography in Spanish Peasant Soci e ties. The Journal of Peasant Studies 2:292-312. J.M. 1979 Estado de las Fabricas, Comercio, Industria y Agricultura en las Montanas de Santander (S. XVIII). Coleccion Cabo Menor, no. 4, Libreria Estudio: Santander. Jackson, Gabriel 1965 The Spanish Republic and the Civil War: 1931-1939. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Joly, Luz Graciela 1981 One is None and Two is One: Development From Above and Be 1 ow in North-Centra 1 Panama PhD Dissertation, Department of Anthropology. Gainesville: University of Florida. Johnson, Charles S., Edwin Embree, and W.W. Alexander 1935 The Collapse of Cotton Tenancy. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. Kayser, Bernard 1977 European Migrations: The New Pattern. Internat ional Migration Review 11(2):232-40. Keeler, John T.S. 1979 The Defense of Small Farmers in France: Alternative Strategies for the "Victims of Modernization." Peasant Studies 8(4) :1-18. Kenny, Michael 1969 A Spanish Tapestry: Town and Country in Castile. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 1972 The Return of the Spanish Immigrant. Nord Nytt 2:101-29. 1976 Twentieth Century Spanish Expatriate Ties with the Homeland: Remigration and its Consequences. IN The Changing Faces of Rural Spain. Joseph B. Aceves and William A. Douglass, eds., pp. 97-121. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. Kimball, Solon T., and William Partridge

PAGE 204

190 1979 The Craft of Community Study. Gainesville: The University Presses of Florida. Kimball, Solon T., and Marion Pearsall 1954 The Talladega Story: A Study in Community Process. Birmingham: University of Alabama Press. 1955 Event Analysis as an Approach to Community Stud y Social Forces 34:58 -6 3. King, Russe 11 1978a Return Migration: A Neglected Aspect of Population Geography. Area 10(3):175-82. 1978b Return Migration: Review of Some Case Studies from Southern Europe. Mediterranean Studies 1(2) :3-30. King, Russell, and Alan Strachan 1980 The Effects of Return Migration on a Gozitan Village. Human Organization 39(2) :175-7 9 Kosack, Godula, and Stephen Castles 1973 Immigrant Workers and the Class Structure in Western Europe. London: Oxford University Press. Kudat, Ayse 1976 Current Research and Findings on Migration of Workers at the Science Center Berlin. International Migration Review 10(4) :515-22. Lebon, A., and G. Falchi 1980 New Developments in Intra-European Migration Since 1974. International Migration Review 14(4):539-79. Lenin, V.I. 1977 The Development of Capitalism in Russia. Moscow: Progress Publishers. (Orig. 1899). Lis6n Areal, Jose 1986 Cultura e Identidad en la Provincia de Huesca (Una Perspectiva Desde la Antropologia Social). Zaragoza, Aragcn: Caja de Ahorros de la Inmaculada. Lison-Tolosana, Carmelo 1966 Belmonte de los Caballeros: A Sociological Stud y of a Spanish Town. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1976 Una Comunidad en Busca de Definicion. Revista de Estudios Agro -Social es (Madrid) 96 :7-24.

PAGE 205

191 Long, Norman 1984 Introduction. IN Famil y and Work in Rural Soc ieties: Perspectives on Non-wage Labour. Norman Long, ed., pp. 1-29. New York: Tavistock. Long, Norman, and Br ya n R. Roberts 1978a Introduction. IN Peasant Cooperation and Capitalist Expansion in Central Peru. N orman Long and Bryan R Robe rts eds. pp. 3-43. Latin American Monographs No 46, Institute of Latin American Studies, The Univers it y of Texas at Austin. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1978b Peasant Cooperation and Capitalist Expansion in Peru. IN Peasant Cooperation and Capitalist Expansion in Central Peru. Norman Long and Bryan R. Roberts eds. pp. 297-328. Latin American Monographs No. 46, Insti tute of Latin American Studies, The University of Texas at Austin. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1984 Miners, Peasants and Entrepreneurs: Regional Development in the Central Highlands of Peru. Cambridge Latin American Studies No. 48, Malcolm Deas, ed. New York: Cambridge University Press. Lepez Linage, Javier. 1978 Antropologia de la Ferocidad Cotidiana: Superviven cia y Trabajo en una Comunidad Cantabra. Serie Estudios. Madrid: Servicio de Publicaciones Agrarias, Ministerio de Agricultura Secretaria General Tecnica. Lopreato, Joseph 1967 Peasants No More: Social Class and Social Change in an Underdeveloped Societ y San Francisco: Chandler. Malefakis, Edward E. 1970 Reforma Agraria y Revolucim Campesina en la Espana del Siglo XX. Barcelona: Ediciones Ariel. Mangalam, J.J. 1968 Human Migration: A Guide to Migration Literature in English 1955-1962. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. Martinez-Alier, Juan 1974 Peasants and Labourers in Southern Spain, Cuba and Highland Peru. The Journal of Peasant Studies 1:133163. Marx Karl 1962 Capital. In 2 Volumes. New York: E. P. Dutton. ( Or i g. 1 8 6 7 )

PAGE 206

192 Mayer, Kurt B. 1975 Intra-European Migration During the Past Tw e nt y Years. International Migration Review 9(4):441-47. Melhuus, Marit 1984 Cash Crop Production and Famil y Labour: Tobacco Growers in Corri e ntes, Argentina. IN Famil y and W ork in Rural Societi e s: Perspectives on N on-wage La b o u r. N orman Long, e d., p p. 60-82. N ew York: Tavistoc k Mendras, Henri 1970 The Vanishing Peasant: Innovation and Chang e in French Agriculture. Jean Lerner, translator. Cambridge, Mass.: Massachussetts Institute of Technolog y Press. Miller, Mark J. 1982 The Political Impact of Foreign Labor: A Reevalua tion of the Western European Experience. International Migration Review 16(1):27-55. Myrdal, Gunnar 1957 Rich Lands and Poor. Ne w York: Harper an d R ow. 1962 An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy. New York: Harper and Row. (Orig. 1944). Naredo, Jose Manuel 1971 La Evolucim de la Agricultura en Espana. Desarrollo Capitalista y Crisis de las Formas de Produccim Tradiciona 1 es. Barce 1 ona: Es te 1 a. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and De v elo p ment, Committ ee for Agriculture 1969 Agricultural De v elopment in Southern Europe. Paris: OECD Pub 1 ica tions. Papademetriou, Demetrios G. 1985 Illusions and Reality in International Migration: Migration and Development in Post World War II Greece. International Migration XXIII:211-23. Pereda, Jose M. de 1977 Penas Arriba Y Sotileza. "Sepan Cuantos ... No. 64. Mexico City: Editorial Porrua, S.A. (original edition Penas Arriba: Madrid, 1895, Sotileza: Madrid, 1885). Perez del Rio, Jesus 1986 Las Importaciones de la CEE Provocan la Caida en Picado de los Pr e cios de la Carne en Cantabria. I N El Diario Montan.es. May 18, 1986. p. 36. Santander.

PAGE 207

193 Perez-Diaz, Victor M. 1966 Estructura Social del Campo y &odo Rural: Estudio de un Pueblo de Castilla. Madrid: Tecnos. 1971 Emigracim y Cambio Social. 2d ed. Barcelona: Ariel. 1976 Proc ess of Change in Ru ral Castilian Communities, IN The Changing Faces of Rural Spain. Joseph B. Aceves and William A. Douglass, eds., pp. 123-141. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. Pitt-Rivers, Julian A. 1961 The People of the Sierra. Chicago: Phoenix Books. 1968 The Stranger, the Guest and the Hostile Host: Introduction to the Study of the Laws of Hospitality. IN Contributions to Mediterranean Sociology. J.G. Peris~iany, ed. The Hague: Mouton. Portes, Alejandro 1978 Migration and Underdevelopment. Politics and Society 8(1):1-48. Portes, Alejandro, and John Walton 1981 Labor, Class, and the International System. New York: Academic Press. Raper, Arthur F. 1936 Preface to Peasantry. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1943 Tenants of the Almighty. New York: Macmillan. Reddy, David P. 1983 The Effects of Migration on a Rural Georgia Community: 1920-1979. MA Thesis, Anthropology Depart ment, The University of Georgia. 1984 Cultural Adaptation in a Rural Community: Liebana, Santander, Spain. Paper presented at the annual meet ings of The American Anthropological Association, Denver: Nov. 1984. Rhoades, Robert E. 1977 Intra-European Migration and Development in the Mediterranean Basin. Current Anthropology 18(3):539-40. 1978a Intra-European Return Migration and Rural Develop ment: Lessons from the Spanish Case. Human Organiza tion 37(2) :136-47.

PAGE 208

194 1978b Development Implications of European Cyclical Migration. American Anthropologist 80:936-38. Roseberr y W. 1978 Peasants as Proletarians. Critique of Anthropolog y 3(11) :3-18. Ruiz, Da v id e t al. 1981 Asturias Cont e mporanea, 1808-1975: Sintesis Hist&ica. Textos y Documentos. Madrid: Siglo XX I de Es pafia. Sassen-Koob, Saskia 1980 The Internationalization of the Labor Force. Studies in Comparative International Development 15(4) :3-25. Schiel, Tilman 1984 Development and Underdevelopment of Household-Based Production in Europe. IN Households and the World Economy. Explorations in the World-Econom y : Publication of the Fernand Braudel Center, Vol. 3 Joan Smith, Immanue 1 Wa 11 erstein and Hans-Di e t e r E v ers, e ds., Immanuel Wal lerstein, gen. ed., pp. 101-1 3 0. Be ve rl y Hi 1 1 s: Sage. Shanin, Teodor 1971 Introduction. IN Peasants and Peasant Societies: Selected Readings. Teodor Shanin, ed., pp. 11-19. Baltimore: Penguin Books. Smith, Joan, Immanuel Wallerstein, and Hans-Dieter E ve rs 1984 Introduction. IN Households and the World-Econom y Explorations in the World-Economy: Publication of the Fernand Braudel Center, Vol. 3. Joan Smith, Immanuel Wallerstein and Hans-Dieter Evers, eds., Immanuel W all e stein, gen. ed., pp.7-13. Beverly Hills: Sage. Smith, Joan 1984 Nonwage Labor and Subsistence. IN Households and the World-Economy. Explorations in the World-Econom y : Publication of the Fernand Braudel Center, Vol. 3. Joan Smith, Immanuel Wallerstein and Hans-Dieter Evers, eds., Immanuel Wal lerstein, gen. ed., pp. 64-89. Beverl y Hills: Sage. Soiffer, Stephen M., and Gary N. Howe 1982 Patrons, Clients and the Articulation of Modes of Porduction: An Examination of the Penetration of Capitalism into Peripheral Agriculture in Northeastern Brazil. The Journal of Peasant Studies 9:176-206.

PAGE 209

195 Stack, Carol B. 1975 All Our Kin: Strategies for Survival in a Black Community. New York: Harper Colophon. Taussig, Michael T. 1980 The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. Thorner, Daniel 1966 Chayanov's Concept of Peasant Economy. IN The Theory of Peasqnt Economy. By A.V. Chayanov. Daniel Thorner Ba s i 1 e Kerb 1 a y a n d R. E. F Sm i th, e d s ., pp x i xxiii. Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irwin, Inc. Vidich, Arthur J., and Joseph Bensman 1960 Small Town in Mass Society: Class Power and Religion in a Rural Community. New York: Anchor Books. Wallerstein, Immanuel 1974 The Modern World-System, Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Six teenth Century. New York: Academic Press. 1983 Historical Capitalism. London: Verso Editions. Webb, Walter Prescott 1937 Divided We Stand: The Crisis of a Frontierless Democracy. New York: Farrar and Rinehart. Wolf, Eric R. 1966 Peasants. Prentice-Hall Foundations of Modern Anthropology Series, Marshall D. Sahlins ed. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall. 1982 Europe and the People Without History. Berkeley: University of California Press. Wood, Charles H. 1981 Equilibrium vs. Historical-Structural Perspectives on Migration: A Dialogue of the Deaf. Paper presented at the conference on "New Directions in Theory and Methods of Immigration and Ethnicity Research," Duke University, Durham, N.C., May 15-17, 1981. Worsley, Peter 1984 The Three Worlds: Culture and World Development. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Wylie, Laurence 1977 Village in the Vaucluse. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

PAGE 210

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH I was born on Staten Island, a part of New York City, on April 20, 1 950 and li ved th ere until I was e l even I moved to Marietta, Georgia with my family before Kennedy was shot. There I realized that there were more wa y s than one to go about the business of life and lost my northern accent, except for a glottal-stop. At Georgia State University, where I passed my under graduate days (1968-1973), I came across the Anthropology Department, which seemed to have some interesting informa tion to add to my observation that things sur e were differ ent in Georgia than they had been in New York. I took a major in anthropology and a minor in philosophy and a little time out to protest the Viet Nam War. After a few very enjoyable years as a land surve yor I went to The University of Georgia to pursue a Masters in cultural anthropology (1977-1983). My thesis title was: Change and Migration in a Rural Georgia Communit y : 19201979. Wh i 1 e at Georgi a, I married Ka th 1 een Anne Cook, a patient woman. We moved to Florida in 1980 in pursuit of my PhD in cultural anthropology. We have one child, Emily, who is four and a half. She accompanied us to Spain for my fieldwork during the ye ar 1983 and was the onl y one with a perfect Spanish accent. 196

PAGE 211

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree,,.-,r-:,--,..._Doctor of Philosophy. A l an Burns, Chairman Associate Professor of Anthrop ology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of actor o Philosophy. I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philoso hy. 1ver-Smit e Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the de of Doc or of Philosophy. of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Te r r y L 1 M c C o y Professor of Latin American Studies

PAGE 212

This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Phil o sophy. August, 19 8 6 Dean, Graduate School

PAGE 213

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 111 11 11111 1 1111 1 111 1 111 1 111 1 1 1 11 1 111 1 111 1 11111 1 11 1 11111 1 1 1 11111 1 3 1262 08553 7 404


xml version 1.0 encoding UTF-8
REPORT xmlns http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitss xmlns:xsi http:www.w3.org2001XMLSchema-instance xsi:schemaLocation http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitssdaitssReport.xsd
INGEST IEID EDTWQMOJS_MZQCN1 INGEST_TIME 2017-07-13T15:49:25Z PACKAGE AA00003392_00001
AGREEMENT_INFO ACCOUNT UF PROJECT UFDC
FILES