Chimane resource use and market involvement in the Beni Biosphere Reserve, Bolivia

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Material Information

Title:
Chimane resource use and market involvement in the Beni Biosphere Reserve, Bolivia
Physical Description:
xii, 271 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.
Language:
English
Creator:
Chicchon, Avecita, 1960-
Publication Date:

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Chimane Indians   ( lcsh )
Indians of South America -- Economic conditions -- Bolivia -- El Beni   ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1992.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-270).
Statement of Responsibility:
by Avecita Chicchon.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
aleph - 001751583
notis - AJG4519
oclc - 26529141
System ID:
AA00003266:00001

Full Text












CHIMANE RESOURCE USE AND
IN THE BENI BIOSPHERE


AVECITA


MARKET INVOLVEMENT
RESERVE, BOLIVIA


CHICCHON


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
nr' mnTnTT TTvTTrTnTnt-rmtrT' *\T# TT an71 rr# anT TrnT~mtlY r TnWTTTT nT T nKSnTrTm
































Copyright


Avecita


1992


Chicch6n

































the memory


of Victor Chicch6n JAuregui,


my father.















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


First


resea


of all


could


would


not


like


have


to thank


been


the


completed


Chimane,


without


for this


their


collaboration


hospitality


This


dissertation


hopes


refl


what


learned


from


the


Chimane


the


beli


ef that


can


help


them


understand


themselves


better,


and


the


same


time,

lives


understood


especially


those


thank


who positively

German Cayti,


influence

Margarita


their

Lero,


Balta


zar


Pache


, Vicenta Pache,


and Luciano Tayo


helping me


understand


the


complex


pro


cess


becoming


part


the


national


society


. Juanita


Pache


and


Ignacia


Cuata


were


true


friends


that


always


had


some


advice


handy when


was


pregnant


during


last


months


of fieldwork.


would


like


thank


Don


Jovino


Galindo,


wife,


Dona


Anita,


keeping


Richard


and


out


trouble.


Dona


Anita'


home-made


bread


and


arroz


con


queso


seasoned


with


long


conversations


about


the


history


the


region


made


to El Remanso


worthwhile.


In Bolivia


was affiliated


with


the Academia Nacional


Ciencias


, and


the Museo


Etnocrafia


v Folklore.


very


- I- I' S *


2


^









'Niflo'


Vaca,


were always


helpful


providing


logistical support.


Carlos


Navia


and


the


staff


CIDDEBENI


Trinidad,


particularly


Zulema


Lehm


Hugo


Salas


were


very


helpful


different


stages


research.


Isabelle


Daillant


from


University


Paris


was


also


carrying


out


dissertation


research


on the


Chimane


while


was


in Bolivia


Our


long


conversations


San Borja


greatly


helped


better


understand


many


aspects


Chimane


life.


looking


forward


reading


her


important


research


results.


Silvia


Rond6n


was


most


helpful


research


assistant


Chacal


and


Borja.


Liliana


Campos


from


Conservation


International


offered critical


information and logi


stical help


before


during


fieldwork.


thank


them


all.


While


University


Florida,


worked


with


Marianne


Schmink


whose


intellectual


depth


and


clarity


was


constant


source


of inspiration


was


very


fortunate


to have


her


mentor


and


friend.


gratefully


acknowledge


her


intellectual


and


moral


support


during


years


at Florida.


was


about


in Dr.


indigenous


Kent


Redford'


resource


use


class


ways


that


that


began


to think


influenced


the


framework


of this


research.


I would


like


to thank


. Redford


encouraging


me to do research


the


Beni,


and


above


all,


for his


constant


intellectual


and moral


support throughout the


years


would


also


like


thank


his


wife,


Pamela


Shaw,









from


ethnographer


intended


to write


Bolivia


a dissertation


to a graduate


in a shor'


student/mother who

t time.


warm


thanks


to Dr.


Allyn


Stearman


who


carefully


read


commented


draft


this


dissertation.


certainly


benefited


from


her


advice


based


long-term


research


among


indigenous


taught


people


how


Bolivia.


unveil


Charles


the


mysteries


Wood patiently

behind SPSSx.


Furthermore,

conversations


greatly


benefited


on development


from


general,


his


and


lectures


on the


Ama


zon


particular


His


thoughtful


comments


dissertation


certainly


improved


the


quality


work.


Paul


Doughty


also


contributed


The


scuss


with


ions


useful


had


insights


with


on this


Anthony


research.


Oliver-Smith


Leslie


Lieberman


on economic


anthropoloy


and


nutritional


anthropology


respectively,


helped


to clarify


some


issues


discussed


this


work.


would


also


like


thank


the


participants


the


working


group'


Gay


Biery-Hamilton,


Kathy


Gladden,


and


Vance


Geiger


critically


reading


earlier


versions


some


chapters


this


dissertation.


Our


weekly


meetings,


over


beans


and rice,


helped me


renew


strength


to try


to produce


least'


one


chapter


a month.


Jolo


Paulo


Viana


ass


isted


identification


fish


species


and


critically


commented my


chapter


on fishing.


was


fortunate









and,


particularly,


Lisa Naughton who many times helped me with


their


support-giving


through


many


small


favors.


Funding


by the


Tropical


Studies


graduate


Conservation

Tropical Con


studies


and


was


Developme


servation,


and


generously

int Program,


the


provided

Program


Department


Anthropology


the


University


Florida.


am grateful


Steven


Sanderson


his


constant


support


and


advi


se.


Short-term


research


funding


was


provided


the


Amazon


Research


and


Training


Program.


Funding


for


research


Beni


was


provided


Inter-American


Foundation.


would


also


like


thank


mother,


Alicia


Horna


Chicch6n,


sisters,


Vicky


and


Doris,


their


unconditional

dissertation


always


support


to the


believed


over


memory


in me


the


of Victor


encouraged me


years.


dedicate


Chicch6n,


to go


forth


father,


this

who


even


were


counter


un chorro


agua.


Finally


Richard Piland offered the greatest contribution


of all.


was


able


carry


research


and


complete


this


work


because


I could


always


count


on his


intellectual


support


loving


companionship.


very


grateful


his


always


timely


critical


advice,


his


patience


and,


especially,


fully


sharing


the


response


ibilities


our


household.


Without


giving


support


this


dissertation


could


not have


come


to an


end.

















TABLE


OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


ABSTRACT


CHAPTER


INTRODUCTION


Statement
Scope of
Puer
Chac
Chac
The
Sust
Literatur
Mate
Econ
Nati
Nati
Summary
Structure


of
the
to


a
o
Q
a


the Problem
Study .
Mendez .


Brasil


ue
in


e
ri
om
ve
ve


stio
abil
Roei'


ns
ity
orw


* S .
of Conservation
. .


a .
and


&V^-. .J^V . . .
lism and Ecological Anthropology
c Anthropology and Market Systems
as Resource Managers . .
Peoples in Protected areas .


. .
the


. .
sertation


CHAPTER


THE


HISTORY


OF CONTACT


Introductio
The Andes-A
Early Spani
The Jesuit
San Fr
The Afterma
The Republi
New Mission
Development


n .
mazo
sh C
Miss
anci
th o
can
s; 0
Pro


. S .
Connection


r


tacts
n .
o de
the E
a .


. .
Borja
expulsion


. .
the


s s
suits


d Aim
ects


Summary


and


Conclusion


CHAPTER


THE


CHIMANE:


NATURE


AND


CULTURE


Introduction
The Natural


Environment


* S S S
S S S S S


l


.
n









Chaco
Chacal


Brasil


scusslon


CHAPTER


and


EXTRACTIVE


Conclu


sons


SUBSISTENCES


ACTIVITIES


HUNTING


Introduction


The


Research


Cultural
Methods


Context


Technology


Type


of Game


Obtained


Evaluation


of Hunting


Pressure


Sustainability


scusslon


Conclusions


CHAPTER


5 EXTRACTIVE


SUBSISTENCE


ACTIVITIES


FISHING


Introduction


The


earch


Cultural
Methods


Context


Technology


scussion


of Fi


shing


Yields


Conclusions


CHAPTER


CHIMANE


SUBSISTENCE


SYSTEM.


Gathering


Chimane
Summary


CHAPTER


Subsi
and C


7 MARKET


stence


System


conclusions


INVOLVEMENT.


Introduction


Level


Market


Involvement


Material


Wealth


Purcha


ses


and


Wage


Labor


Traders


Quality
Hou


of Life.


Conditions


Nutritional


Access


Status


to Services


* a *
a a a a a a


Discu


ssion


CHAPTER


8 RESOURCE


USE


AND


MARKET


INVOLVEMENT


^-. -









APPENDIX


LIST


OF GAME


OF THE


BENI


BIOSPHERE


RESERVE


APPENDIX


LIST


OF SOME


FISH


CAUGHT


BY THE


CHIMANE


AT THE


BENI


BIOSPHERE


RESERVE


REFERENCES


BIOGRAPHICAL


SKETCH















Abstract


the


of Dissertation


University


Requirements


Presented


of Florida


the


Degree


to the


Partial I
of Doctor


Graduate


Fulfillment


School


the


of Philosophy


CHIMANE


RESOURCE


USE


AND


MARKET


INVOLVEMENT


IN THE


BENI


BIOSPHERE


RESERVE,


BOLIVIA


Avecita

May


Chicch6n

1992


Chairperson:


Major


Marianne


Department


Schmink


: Anthropology


Thi


dissertation


examines how the Chimane


Indians of


the


Beni


Biosphere


Reserve


use


natural


resources,


especially


means


are


of hunting


examined


fishing


light


. Chimane


their


patterns


participation


resource


the


use


market


economy


which


ects


Chimane


patterns


production


consumption.


Fieldwork was


carried


from September


1988


to December


1989


survey


Chimane


settlements


the


Beni


osphere


Reserve


was


conducted


during


the


first


three


months


of research


order


to identify


general


patterns


resource


use.


After


survey,


three


settlements


within


the


Reserve


were


chosen


an in-depth


comparative


study.


The Chimane have traditionally occupied forested areas









Chimane


who


live


the


Reserve


use


resources


the


forest


savanna


areas


well


. Chimane


resource


use


patterns


were found


to respond


to the availability


of natural


resources


socio-economic


constraints


conditioned


the


market


economy


. Many


Chimane


households


to establish


residences


near market


circuits


when


faunal resources


become


scarce.


Many


households


intensify their agricultural


activities


in order to


produce


goods


sell


or barter


the


market.


Furthermore,


once


game


becomes


scarce


there


a growing


participation


fishing


activity


, especially


during


the


dry


season.


research


emphasis


zes


the


need


incorporate


local


population


into


the


management


the


Reserve.


Chimane


cultural


continuity


satisfactory


quality


life


will


secured


only


when


they


have


the


chance


to have


control


over


measures


that


directly


affect


their


use


resources


. Chimane


responses


changes


their


resource


base


subsi


stence


have


fundamental


effect


the


conservation


natural


resources.


recent


Bolivian


decree


has


deeded


part


the


Reserve


the


Chimane


their


legitimate


territory


The


challenge


to reconcile


conservation


with


development


efforts


under scrutiny


Thi


research provides baseline


information


to address


this


challenge.















CHAPTER


INTRODUCTION


Statement


the


Problem


The


Beni


Department


Bolivia


one


frontiers


left


Amazonia


see


fig


. The


region


rich


only


biological


diver


sity


cultural


diversity


well.


The


Chimane


people


are


one


indigenous


group


that,


despite


national


long


society


history

has


contact


remained


with


remarkably


segments


distinct.


Thi


dissertation


about


the


Chimane,


and


especially


those


who


live


the


Beni


Biosphere


Reserve.


The


Beni


osphere


Reserve


(BBR)


was


created


October


1986


, but


area


where


lies


been


center


attention


conservationists


since


the


late


1970s


. Spanish


biologists


working


that


area


contacted


the


Academia


Nacional


de Ciencias de Bolivia


(ANCB)


to officially


establish


a prote


cted


area


that


site.


In April


1982


, the


government


created


a commiss


study


the


possibility


creating


protected

Estaci6n


area.


The


Biolocr6ica


study

1 Beni


was c

(EBB)


completed


was


October


officially


and


created


the

All


a 4- 1. ate n I,. n A a a a -w as a - A a a .4


* a^ ^


a
- a A nAg. I


UA


*


q


























PANDO


2E]~AI~E~


BAWl


LAPAZ


~urteflaOaQue


r~ Borla


Trinidad


SANTA


CRUZ


Sn ~qfl8C1O
ie rioxos


to Santa


to La Paz


COCH ABAMBA


wrs


I











supervision


the


ANCB.


This


move


was


guarantee


Sc-


entific


approach


the


conservation


the


area


avoid


bureaucratic


delays.


Because


the


scientists'


attention


focused


on biological


diversity


, the


commission


that


studied


the


creation


the


Station


failed


recognize


the


presence


the


Chimane


peasant


populations


who


had


long


lived


within


the


newly


cre


ated


Station.


was


only


a few years


later


that


offi


cial


the


only


Station


the


realized


local


that


populations


protection


were


would


integrated


effective


into


Station'


management


plans.


Having


reviewed


the


demographic


characteristic


of the Station,


official


presented a proposal


to UNESCO


petitioning


the


Station'


inclusion


in the


Man


and


the Biosphere


Program


(MAB)


a status


that


UNESCO conferred


Station


1986.


The biosphere


reserve


concept


attempts


to bridge


the


gap


between


conservation


sts'


and


local


peoples


interests


Castri


protected


Robertson


area


1982


made


. A biosphere


reserve


representative


is a type


sample


major


ecosystem!

ideally,


which


includes,


zoned

undii


sturbed


various

I core


purpose


area,


es.


Zoning,


buffer


zone


around


the


core


area


where


controlled


sustainable


use


resources


is possible,


a multiple


use


or transition


zone, ana











reserve


concept


seemed


adequately


address


the


needs


reconciling


conservation


and


local


resource


use.


The Station


received


further


publicity


1987


when


first


debt


-for


-nature


swap


engineered


Conservation


International,


a Washington D


non-profit organi


zation,


paid


small


fraction


Bolivia'


external


debt


while


the


government


guaranteed


improved


protection


the


area


Although


the


Beni


Biosphere


Reserve


began


to be well


-known


the


international


arena,


thi


was


not


the


case


locally


Conservation


efforts


were carried


out without


the awareness


the


indigenous


and


non


-indigenous


people


who


lived


the


Reserve.


make


matters


worse


, an


unfortunate


comment


the


Bolivian


Amba


ssador


to the


US stating


that


someone


offers


4,000


million


dollars


would


give


them


half


our


country"


(Economla


..1988


: 8);


and


the


publicity


given


interview,


published by the Cochabamba newspaper Opini6n


with


an officer


from


the


Center


of Concern


who


expressed


the


view


that


external


debt


Third


World


had


already


been


paid


due


years


..of


usurious


debt


service


payments


and


capital


flight


the


North"


(Potter


1988),


much


misunderstanding


between


conservationists


and


the


general


public


about


the


role


conservation


and


the


position


of the











seen


public


as antagonistic


the


interests


of local


people


who


used


natural


resources


make


their


living


Given


situation


there


was


a pressing


need


to have


more


detailed


information about


the number of


people


living


the


Reserve,


their


resource


use


patterns


and


the


ways


local


peoples


challenge


perceived


their participation


to reconcile


conservation


within


efforts


the


with


Reserve


the


. The


need


local


populations


came


under


scrutiny


. This


situation


was


perfect setting to examine theoretical


and practical


questions


about


indigenous


involvement


, and


resource


the


use


possibility


process


conservation


market


natural


resources


local


peoples


in protected


areas.


At the


theoretical


level,


dissertation


examines


the


question


how


availability


indigenous


market


group


involvement;


responds


and


resource


at a practical


level


thi


dissertation


explores


possibility


of conservation


natural


resources


protected


area


the


context


diverse


study


patterns


that


resource


market


use


involvement


. The


main


is key


argument


the


understanding


of indigenous


resource


use


. Resource


use


does


not


take


place


vacuum;


indigenous


people


are


linked


national


process


and


are


influenced


number


SOCio


-economic


constraints


(such


the


need


cash


obtain


market











to be considered


and


resolved


when


integrating


local


peoples


into


management


of protected


areas.


Scone


the


Study


The


geographical


focus


thi


study


the


Beni


Biosphere


Reserve,


although


many


other


Chimane


settlements


were


sited


outside


the


Reserve


the


Upper


Maniqui


River


area


and


tributaries


. As


a primary


task,


I carried


survey


the


Reserve


order


generate


profile


Chimane


resource


use.


Then,


selected


three


settlements


that


I perceived


as different


terms


of their


integration


market


economy


and


natural


resources


availability


Puerto


Mendez,


Chacal,


and


Chaco


Brasil


(see


fig


. 1.2)


. The


regional


economy


built


around


town


Borja.


These


settlements


were


selected


terms


their


location


within


the


Reserve


and


with


respect


to their


proximity


to San


Borja


expected


to find a


continuum of market


integration,


and


a set o

respond


f subsistence


their


availability


strategies


proximity


diverse


each


market


natural


settlement

circuits,


resources.


that


would


and


choosing


these


three


settlements


I assumed


that


each


represented


a different


stage


the


same


process


fact


what


found


was


that


although


each


settlement


was


undergoing


change


due











particularities


each


settlement


prevented


their


being


placed


neatly


constructed


"continuum"


market


involvement


Despite


this


result,


found


the


comparison


among


the


settlements


quite


constructive


because


illustrated


contrasting


patterns


resource


use,


and


some


common


themes


within


such


patterns


Although


some


findings


were


suggestive,


they


cannot


be generalized


to the


experience


of other


Chimane


settlements.


Puerto


Mendez


Puerto


Mendez


located


the


banks


the


Maniqui


river


on the


eastern


limit


the


Reserve


. According


the


zonation


Reserve,


this


settlement


located


'transitional'


'multiple-use'


zone.


In 1989


, there


were


about


Chimane


living there during


the


rainy


season


and


half


as many


during


the


dry


season


. This


settlement


about


kms


away


from


San


Borja.


Surrounding


Puerto M6ndez


there are many non-Chimane


people


who


hold small


portions


land


that


they


cultivate


along


the


Maniqui


river


banks


and


the


road


that


links


Borj a


with


San


Ignacio


Moxos.


Therefore,


area


there


competition


available


resources


, especially


land


to cultivate,


among


the




















- .


0 20km 1% ______


S











Many


of the


non-indigenous


people


who


had


land


along


the


Maniqui


use


live


Chimane


in San


wage


Borja


labor


during


care


most


their


the


year,


cultivated


often


land


. On


the


other


hand,


those


who


live


Galilea


and


Villa


Gonz&l


usually


have


only


one


residence.


Additionally,


there


are


number


itinerant


traders


that


Puerto


M6ndez


because


proximity


town.


They


arrive


foot


in canoes.


About


once


a week,


Chimane


from


Puerto


M6ndez


Borja


to sell


their


products


and


to visit


with


relatives


and


friends


. Cash


is used


in most


market


exchanges


town,


while


only


barter


takes


place


when


traders


vis


settlement.


There


an Evangelical mi


ssionary


influence


on thi


settlement


. In


the


late


1970s


, a missionary


family


lived


Puerto


M6ndez


and


helped


Chimane


set


school


with


government


support.


Chacal


Chacal,


also


located


along


the


Maniqui


river


and


'multiple


-use'


zone


of the


Reserve,


farther


from


Borja


than


Puerto


M6ndez


(about


a day


downstream


canoe).


Land


Puerto

primary


constraints


M6ndez;

forests


the


are


Chimanes


within


the


ess


are


problem


close


Reserve


savanna


. There


are


here


areas


more


than


and


available











The


Chimanes'


sources


of cash


exchange)


include


the


sale


of agricultural


products,


gathered


products


such as honey,


and


handicrafts


like


woven


mats


that


women


make.


Itinerant


traders


from


San


Borja


seldom


visit


this


settlement


because


canoe,


and


the


presence


seasonally


inundated


savanna makes


long distance


trips on foot


very


difficult.


the


same


reason,


the


Chimane


who


live


Chacal


carefully


organize


visits


San


Borja


because


they


would


have


spend


the


night


river


banks


close


town.


Chaco


Brasil


Chaco


Brasil


much


farther


from


San


Borja,


about


two


days


downstream


canoe,


but


close


a rural


non-indigenous


settlement


called


Remanso.


Chaco


Brasil


one


northernmost Chimane settlements within the Chimane territory


This


settlement


located


along


the


left


bank


of the


Maniqui


Viejo


river,


which


course


the


Maniqui


tributary


of the Maniqui


river.


Hunting


and


fishing


resources


are


relatively


abundant


varied


this


area,


which


also


'multiple-use'


zone


the


Reserve,


but


close


to primary


forest.


People


from


El Remanso


often


solicit


the


services


of the











occasional


demand


peccary


skins


and


meat


(game)


. Most


market


exchanges


settlement


are


through


barter


and


most


cases Chimane surplus


extracted


through extra


-economic


means


: fear


and


violence.


The


Questions


of Conservation


and


Sustainabilitv


In this work


explore hunting


and


fishing practi


ces


relate


the


harvest


yield


data


collected


age


settlement,


resource


availability,


and


type


market


integration


. Moreover,


explore


hunting


sustainability


comparing


harvest


yield


data


recent


study


on suggested


sustainable


animal


harvest


rates


(cf.


Robinson


and


Redford


1991)


. Unfortunately


, similar


information


is not


available


evaluate


the sustainability of


fishing and


gathering resources


because


of the


lack


of ecological


studies


on species


that


the


Chimane


use.


The


main


objective


the


study


identify


current


indigenous


practices


examine


the


viability


ecological


conservation


activities


the


context


sustainable


use


resources.


The


concept


of sustainability


one


that has


been widely


used


since


the


publication


of the


World


Conservation


Strategy


the


International


Union


of Conservation


of Nature


1980


(see


Redclift


1987).


Sustainability


usually


refers


the











resources


to a degree


which allows


for the


reproduction


of the


species


harvested,


thus


assuring


the


availability


of natural


resources


sustainable


similar


use


benefits


resources


the


addresses


future.


In this


practices


that


sense,


avoid


overexploitation


species


which


would


eventually


lead


their


local


extinction.


Sustainability and


conservation are


two concepts


that are


closely


linked.


As McNeely


put


"Conservation


certainly


a precondition


sustainable


development,


which


unites


ecological


concept


carrying


capacity


with


the


economic


concepts


of growth


and


development"


(McNeely


1988


Not


homogenous


group,


many


conservationists


distance


themselves


from


those


who


view


preservation


natural


resources


and


minimal


human


disturbance


preconditions


for


long


term


availability


natural


resources.


The


former


group


believe


that


conservation


resources


objective


that


can


accomplished


with


the


participation


the


local


people


who


use


them.


Previous


work


on the


Chimane


(Riester


1976,


1978;


Perez


Diez


1983;


Castillo


1988)


has


implicitly


argued


that


the


Chimane


have


"conservation


ethic"


because


there


are


socio-


cultural


mechanisms


that


prevent


overexploitation


resources.


This


work


examines


culturally


prescribed


types of











an expanding


market


system,


Chimane


face


diverse


situations


which


compel


them


use


resources


regardless


what


considered


conservationist


behavior


westerners.


Socio-ec


onomic


factors


are


pertinent


because


they


define


the


context


that


in which


policies


the


that


use


resources


regulate


use


takes


place.


of natural


It follows


resources


must


formulated


light


the


interplay


cultural


factors


socioeconomic


opportunities


and


constraints


that


condition


the manner


in which


the


Chimane


extract a


livelihood


from


their


environment.


Literature


Review


In recent


years


, there


have


been


a number


of studies


the Amazon


that attempt


to evaluate directly


or indirectly the


region'


potential


development


(Bunker


1985;


Moran


1981;


S~nchez


1982).


Many


others


focus


the


sustainable


use


natural


resources


as practiced


local


populations,


and


key


role


local


people


play


conserving


resources


(Clay


1985,


1988;


Davis


1988;


Denevan


1984;


Padoch


1985).


Other

ethnology


studies


and


anthropology


subsistence


have


activities


focused

native


mainly c

peoples


n the


see


Hames ar


Vickers


1983;


Posey


1985,


Posey


and


Bal~e


1989;











colonization


and


effects


the


local


populations


(Aramburfl


1982;


Moran


1981;


Schmink


and


Wood


1984).


Most


micro-level


studies


adopted


theoretical


frameworks


from


ecological


and


economic


anthropology,


while


most


macro-level


studies


adopted


political


economy


perspective.


the


following


section


will


discuss


key


concepts


that


are


relevant


the


understanding


patterns


resource


use


and


market


involvement


among


indigenous


peoples.


Materialism


Ecological


AnthroDoloqr


In the


late


1940s


Julian


Steward


was


concerned


that


most


arguments


in the anthropological


literature were,


in his view,


tautological.


Cultural


patterns


were


explained


culture.


While


Berkeley,


Steward


was


influenced


the


geographer


Carl


Sauer who studied


ecological


factors


that


limited


size,


distribution,


and


permanence


of humans


the


tropics


(Sponsel


1989).


Thus,


Steward


following


this


line


thought


argued


that


the


causes


of cultural


behavior


could


found


material


conditions


the


environment


(Steward


1955).


Given


a certain


set


of environmental


constraints


and


particular


technology,


his


view,


similar


cultures


arise


response


these


limitations.


this


were


not


the


case tor











circumstances


that


favored


the


development


particular


societies


under


particular


material


conditions


using


method


of cultural


ecology.


the


ecology


words


as defined


of Marvin


Steward,


Harris,


"links


the


strategy


emic


phenomena


of cultural


with


etic


conditions


perspective


of nature"


of societies


(1968


bee


: 655)

n very


. Steward'


influential


materialist


on much


work


works


carried


the


out


Amazon


the


Betty


Amazon.


Meggers,


instance


Robert


the


seminal


Carneiro,


and


Dani


Gross


have


tried


identify


those


factors


that


may


have


limited


development


of state-level


societies


tropics.


the


early


1950s


, Betty


Meggers


(1954)


put


forth


hypothesis


that


the


quality


of soils


limited


agricultural


potential


of the Amazon,


and


thus


limited


the concentration


large


settlements


and


state-level


societies


. Meggers


argued


that


most


soils


the


Amazon


were


leached


and


infertile


that


only permitted


limited


agricultural


activities.


Because


soils


were


easily


depleted,


population


density


had


to remain


low,


and


people


had


move


often


order


to maintain


productive


gardens


that


could


feed


them.


Carneiro


(1961)


described


cases


which


Meggers'


hypothe


ses


did


hold;


some Amazonian


groups


had


adapted











Thi


was


possible


because


these


groups


based


their


economy


manioc


and


other


high-calorie


plants.


One common mistake


these


studi


was


to extrapolate


past


what


some


native


Amazonian


peoples


are


doing


the


present.


Based


on archaeological


data,


Anna


Roosevelt


(1989)


has


been


able


demonstrate


that


not


only


very


densely


populated


areas


were


possible


the Amazon


(and


consequently


state-level


societies)


but


that


one


point


a large


portion


of the


Amazon may


have been


populated


and


exploited


to sati


sfy


subsi


stence


needs


Widely


scattered


palm


forests


provide


additional


evidence


of human


influence


over


the


forest


(Bal~e


1988),


does


the


presence


anthropogenic


soils


(Smith


1980)


Therefore,


current


native


Amazonian


resource


use


patterns do


not necessarily reflect what was practiced


in pre-


Columbian


times


Because


the


soil


limitation


theory


failed


to adequate


explain


cultural


development,


scientific


attention


turned


the acquisition of


protein


and


implications


for settlement


patterns


and


resource


use.


Daniel


Gross


(1975)


argued


that


because


indigenous


people'


diet


was


based


on root


crops


in protein,


they


had


to depend


on the availability


of wildlife


food


Gross


argued


that


there


was


a scarcity


of protein


the Amazon,


because the distribution of


animal


was dispersed,











protein limitation hypothesis.


Beckerman


(1979)


counter-argued


that


mammals


are


the


sole


source


protein


among


indigenous


peoples;


other


sources


of protein


such


as fish,


insects


, palm


fruits


and


leaves


certain


plants


were


taken

hold


into

ground


evidence

because


t:

ma


account, the

1. Moreover,

hat disprove

ny indigenot


protein


limiting


nutritional


the


studio


protein


societies


factor theory

as offered adc


limitation


were


found


did not


iitional

pothesis


quite


healthy


and


, in


some


cases,


consumed


protein


even


above


the


recommended


daily


allowance


Western


countries


(cf.


Berlin


and


Markell


1977).


Some


regulating


cultural


factors


that


have


been


associated


with


protein


acquisition


and


game/fish


depletion


are warfare


(Harris


1984),


food


taboos


(Ross


1978),


witchcraft


infanticide


(Gross


1983).


Recently


some


have


argued


that


what may


scarce


limiting


native


diets


not


just


protein


(Johnson


and Bak


sh 1987).


Because a


single


factor


cannot account


for the complexity of


cultural


development


the


debate

been c


about


riticizi


protein

ed for


and


being


other


single-factor


reductionistic


hypotheses


(Johnson


1982),


has

and


for dismissing


cultural


patterns as mere epiphenomena


(Descola


1988).


Jonathan


Friedman


(1974)


and


more


recently


others











being


reductionist,


non-dialectical,


and


functionalist.


Friedman


(1974


: 444)


argues


that


this


type


of mechanical


"vulgar


materialism"


sees


cultural


forms


as determined


by the


infrastructure


defined


demo-techno-economic


environmental


constraints


(Harris


1980).


this


scheme,


social


relations


of production


are


not


considered


part


of the


infrastructure,


and


therefore


they


are


considered


epiphenomena


technologies


and


environments.


Economic


relations

natural

Marxists


are

and


"reduced

biological.


criticize


to a set


of adaptive


environment"


this


approach


techniques


(Godelier

because


1988

from


to the

49).

their


perspective,


key


understand


not


only


how


people


relate


their


environments


but


basically


how


people


relate


each


other


transform


nature


produce


their


livelihood.


The


controversy


could


better


understood


when


different


levels


analysis


are


put


perspective.


As Roy


Ellen


has


put


one


level


Harris'


brand


'techno-


environmental'


determinism


involves


an obvious


truism,


but


any


concrete


analysis of


short


term becomes


absurd"


(1982


60) .


Harris'


view


correct


when


explaining


determinant


factors


behavior


from


long-term


perspective


geological


times.


However,


terms


the


ethnographic











rituals


or pilgrimages


whose


meaning


cannot


be explained


broad


generalizations


energy


spent.


Johnson


(1982


: 426)


further


argues


that


the


debate


centered


causes


on the discussion


where


between


ecological


"proximate"


level


refers


and


"ultimate"


ultimate


causality,


and


structural


and


economic


levels to proximate


causality.


Recent


approaches


the


study


society


are


trying


overcome


reductionism


either


direction


elaborating actor-based models of decision-making analysis and


integrating


an historical


perspective


into


the


discussion


. Orlove


1980).


Another


aspect


of the


structural


marxist


critique


points


functionalist


interpretation


cultural


phenomena.


Many


works


within


the


cultural


ecology


framework


have


sought


show


adaptive


function


certain


institutions


with


respect


to their


environment,


falling


again


a tautological


trap:


something


exists


has


function


the


total


system,


whatever


adaptive


because


exists.


Examples


these


functional


explanations


include


Harris


work


on the


sacred


cows


India


(1966),


Piddocke'


work


Potlatch


(1965),


and


Rappaport'


work


New


Guinea


(1967)


emphasizing


rationality


apparently


"irrational"


behavior,


many


works


this


framework


have











societies,


and


the history


of the


population under


study,


many


works


were


able


to predict


trends


of change.


In a recent


work,


Johnson


and


Earle


(1987)


have


answered


the


marxist


critique


cultural


materialism


and


cultural


ecology


pointing


out


that


the


marxists


are


reifying


social


structures


that


draw the attention from biology to culture.


their


words:


they


discussion of


and


wished


the body,


frequently uncouth


a cool,


with


steer clear of any
its insistent animal


influences


intellectualized materialism,


excluding


termed


'effet


flesh-and-blood
e materialism'.


organisms
(Johnson


on behavior


serious
demands


Such


avoiding vulgarity
from it, might be
and Earle 1987: 9)


Beyond


polemic


between


"vulgar"


and


"effete"


materialists,

environment w


where


the


ihile


former


latter


are


are


accused


accused


reifying


of reifying


the


social


structures,


there


are


number


basic


concepts


from


each


camp


that


are


useful


social


analysis.


coming


closer


natural


scientists,


cultural


ecologists have made


an effort


quantify


behavior


that


other


anthropologists


have


coded


only


qualitative


information


obtained


through


partic


ipant


observation.


This


effort


has


made


possible


the


comparison


cross-cultural


data,


especially


aspects


production,


distribution,


and


consumption


Materialists


agree


that


the


basis


society


the











marxists)


relationship


between


base


and


superstructure.


A key


concept


that


of social


reproduction:


social


reproduce
all produ


society,
of the m
relations


production


the


action


this
means


people


conditions


production


mean
of


s


not o
their
within


reproduction


production,


of production.


and


(O'Laughlin


nly
own


produce


but


existence.


a particular


labor,


also
Since


form


reproduction


reproduction


1975


the


: 349)


Eric


Wolf


further


explains


that


production


exclusively technology


but a


complex set


of mutually dependent


relations


among


nature,


work,


social


labor,


and


social


organization:


Marx


humankind


and


effect


stressed


the


in a double


creating


the


and


activity


sense


- active


re-creating


transformation


the


thE


socially


organized


in changing na
a social ties


environment.


The


iture,
that
Term


production


with
ties.


nature


(Wolf


expressed


the


1982


him


both


concomitant


this


active


'reproduction'


engagement
of social


: 74)


The concept of


social reproduction


also useful


because


a dialectical


concept


that


accounts


process


ses


that


must


be defined


their


own


historical,


geographical,


and


cultural


context.


Because


ecological


anthropology


focuses


relationship


between


people


and


their


environment


process


production


interests


overlaps


with


that


economic


anthropology


. Cook


1973).


However,


most


studies


economic


anthropology


focus


aspects


exchange











perspective


ves


ranging


from


studi


testing


sociobiological


hypotheses


. Hill


and


Hawkes


1983),


the


ethnoscience


symbolical


representations


of nature


native


peoples


tropical


areas


Reichel


-Dolmatoff


1976)


A recent


review


on Amazon


ecology


clearly


shows


diversity


of approaches


the


field


. Sponsel


1986)


theoretical


perspective


affects


the


way


investigator poses a research


problem and also the methodology


that


he/she


chooses


to collect


data.


an effort


maintain


scientific

specific


objectivity,


productive


some


activities


research

without


prefer


an a priori


focus


framework,


then


gradually


incorporate


wider


contexts.


Thi


research


strategy


has


been


called


"progressive


contextuali


zation"


(Vayda


1983)


. The


focus


on micro-


level


processes


and


call


for an interdi


sciplinary effort of understanding relationships


between


however


people


, has


and


the


their


environment.


limitation


not


Thi


perspective,


accounting


the


understanding


the


overall


problem.


response


perspective,


strategy


Schmink


called


Wood


"political


(1987)


ecology"


have


which


proposed


a research


incorporates


into


the


analysis


aspects


economics


, history,


and


the


social


sciences


to investigate


production


systems


a given


region.


their


words:











of the


forms of


extraction and production associated with


various


economic


activities


. (Schmink


and


Wood


1987


The


political


ecology perspective may


be a


useful


tool


understand


the


process


integration


small


populations


into


wider


systems,


and


the


consequences


of changing resource


use


patterns


the


environment.


This


perspective


can


also


help


understand


the


actual


and


future


role


local


populations


Economic


as managers


Anthropology


of fragile


Market


ecosystems.


Systems


Economic


anthropology


offers


tools


analyze


the


impact


capitalism


on non-western


societies.


Although


debate


the


1960s


between


formalists


and


substantivists


(see


Leclair


Schneider


1968)


was


fruitless


because


social


scientists were


speaking at different


levels of


analysis,


such


micro


vs.


macro


view,


quantitative


vs.


qualitative


particularities,


served


stimulate


research


into


directions


among


that


indigenous


are


useful


societies.


understand


Thus,


according


economic


to Orlove


problems


(1986),


formalists


theorists,


1960s


substantivists


turned


into


into


culturalists,


decision-making


and marxists


into


neo-marxists.


This


distinction,


however,


does


not


mean











economies'


to the


articulation


of indigenous


societies


to the


dominant


capitalist


mode


of production.


While


analysis


formalists


, substantivists


took


focused


the


individuals


on the


analysis


units


of economic


institutions.


Thus,


much


the


work


done


on market


systems


has


been


done


within


the


substantivist/culturalist


framework


. Gudeman


1978;


Guillet


1979;


Mayer


1974).


This


due


their


emphasis


the


study


institutions


and


social


relationships


that


shape


patterns


of exchange.


Historically,


there


distinction


between


markets


(marketplaces)


and


the


market


economy


(the


generalized


production


of commodities


exchange).


Furthermore,


Blanton


(1983


: 53)


argues


that


market


systems


should


be distinguished


from border markets.


In his


view,


border markets


involve


face-


to-face


exchanges


bartering.


The


products


involved


are


those


which


originate


in particular


environmental


settings,


cannot


systems


involve


easily

the e


found


exchange


elsewhere.


products


contrast,


between


market


households


that


are


self-sufficient.


This


provides


evidence


greater


division


of labor


within


a society.


Exchange has


of humanity,


been a


but


common


only with


feature


throughout the history


the development


of capitalist


production of


commodities


that


exchange


becomes


central











not


subject


to individual


volition.


Therefore,


their


unit


analyst


the


society


rather


than


the


individual


and


their


empha


lies


the


cultural


attribution


value.


methods


culturalists


use


are


comparative


and


historical


essence.


Descriptions


are


often


given


of dual


societies


that


co-exist

Marx


because

focused


each


has


on the


a particular


study


of the


of values.


emergence of


capitalism,


so his


writings


inaccurate


on non-western


(Hobsbawn


1984)


societies are scanty,

SNevertheless, n


and


often


eo-marxis


anthropologists


have


carried


out


important


studies


impact


capitalism


non-western


societies


from


perspective of


capital


accumulation,


and articulation of modes


of production


Chevalier


1982;


Godelier


1988;


Meillasoux


1979).


instance,


Chevalier


(1982),


following Bourdieu'


work


(1977),


outlines the dialectical relationship between base and


superstructure;


thus,


his


analysis


does


not


cease


the


analysis of


production processes


among the Ashaninka,


but also


provides


analysis


the


ideological


processes


domination


and


interpretation


their


material


culture.


His


work


shows


kinship,


the


and


interconnectedness


religious


practices


concrete


presenting


economic,


holistic


anthropological


analysis


of a particular


social


formation











symbiotic


coexistence between


the


dominant


capitalist mode


production


and


those


subordinate


non-capitalist


modes.


When


two,


or more,


modes


of production


are


articulated


a transfer


value


takes


place


from


the


subordinate


the


dominant


modes.


today'


world


system


the


dominant


mode


clearly


the


capitalist


mode


of production.


Many


studies


on the


Amazon


have


analyzed


process


integration


the


region


into


the


world


system


using


the


concept


frontier


expansion.


This


concept


particularly


useful


analyze


spread


trade


and


market


relations.


instance,


Foweraker


(1981)


has


interpreted


the frontier as


the setting


in which primitive accumulation and


class conflict


take


place.


The


frontier


demarcates


the


range


influence


nation-state or


a dominant group.


Frontier


expansion refers


process


gaining


more


territory,


and


control


peripheral


areas


under


the


direct


indirect


influence


dominant


groups.


The


frontier


concept


has


been


useful


examine


the


economic


(demographic,


agricultural)


expansion


the


nation


state


in its


search


new


markets.


In a classic


study


on three


areas


in Russia,


Lenin


(1979)


argued


that


the


growth


the


industrial


population


the


expense c


f the


agricultural


population


was


not


a mechanical











reproduce


their


traditional


mode


of subsistence.


In his


view,


the spread


of capitalism was


not stopped but


postponed because


there


were


other


areas


where


to migrate,


creating


"internal


colonies"


within


a nation-state.


The


concept


internal


colony


was


inspired


Lenin'


work


Chirif


Gonzalez


(1980)


Casanova


the


(1965)


Peruvian


for the Mexican


case,


sought


case,


and


explain


later


the


process


populated


frontier


areas


expansion

their


and


colonization


respective


country


sparsely

Chirif


illustrated


the


nature


the


economic


role


that


the


Amazon


has


had


Peru


. The


Peruvian Amazon was


regarded


as an empty


space


the


national


government


that


supported


policies


that


favored


the


colonization


Amazon,


and


the


exploitation


of petroleum


and


gas


. This


governmental


view,


which


prevailed


until


the


1980s,


disregarded


long-standing


presence


native


populations


the


Amazon.


One


important


work


that


sought


to explain


the


impact


frontier


expansion


on native


populations


was


that


of Ribeiro


(1970).


This


work


has


been


very


influential


later


works


that


have


attempted


to analyze


culture


change


the


Amazon


. Henley


1982).


Ribeiro


studied


the


relationship


between


native


and


the


national


economic


structures.


He explained


that


there


were


different


'fronts'


national


expansion:











expansion


they


face.


For


instance,


the


extractive


front


generally


less


harmful


indigenous


people


than


the


agricultural


front


because


the


extraction


of forest


products


responds


the


demand


of a particular


commodity


external


markets,


and


once


this


demand


longer


active,


individuals


and


companies


involved


the


extraction


products


pull


out


the


region.


the


other


hand,


the


agricultural


front


is more


permanent.


The


presence


a large


contingent


people


areas


previously


occupied


indigenous


peoples


triggers


the


competition


for


natural


resources,


the


reorganization


land


ownership,


the


establishment of


new social relationships that generally place


indigenous


groups


subordinate


position,


and


with


less


control


over


their


subsistence


activities.


many


cases


indigenous


people


the


Amazon


have


little,


any,


legal


protection


against the


invasion


their


land.


Brazil,


instance,


indigenous


peoples


are


still


considered


lobbying


minors,


and


fact


organizing.


that


recent


reduces


years,


their


power


however,


new


Amazonian


organizations


have


emerged


which


have


increasingly


more


power


to make


their


needs


and


demands


heard


national


and


international


arenas.


There


are


two


other


concerts


that


are


valuable


from


.


D











indians'


who


conserve


their


ethos


and


cultural


autonomy


because


their


contact


with


the


nation-state


virtually


inexistent.


the


other


extreme,


however,


there


are


'generic


Indians'


who


have


lost


their


tribal


identity,


original


material


language,


culture,


and


retain


because


little


they


are


their


integrated


distinctive


but


assimilated


the


nation-state.


The


Cocamilla


from


Peruvian


Amazon


would


an example


of this


situation


(Stocks


1981).


Ribeiro


argues


that


although


the


'generic


indians'


are


relatively


integrated


into


the


nation-state,


they


are


not


entirely


assimilated


because


the


intervention


protectionist agent


(missions,


national


parks and others),


the


attractiveness


of being


self-sufficient,


and


the


presence


inter-ethnic


barriers.


While Ribeiro


focused


on the


ideological


aspects of


being


Indian,


Henley


(1982)


focused


the


material


aspects


that


allow


people


remain


Indian.


In his


words:


indigenous


material
whose m
despite
national


bases,


embers


can


preserve


literally
society


distinctively
226)


group


does


continue


some sense of


centuries


and


indigenous


the


of regular
loss


cultural


manage tc
o survive


an ethnic
ir contact
of most


traits.


retain


a group,
identity,
with the


(Henley


its
1982:


Thus,


land


ownership rights


are a necessary condition











resulted


the


expropriation


territory


from


indigenous


peoples


the


benefit


new


migrants,


enterpri


ses


interested


exploiting


particular


natural


resources.


Natives


as Resource


Managers


Some


researchers


stress


the


fact


that


indigenous


people


are


true


managers


of natural


resources


and


rarely


random


opportuni


stic


users


. Bal~e


1989;


Clay


1988)


while


others


argue


that


they


may


use


resources


opportunistic


ways


more


often


than


expected


(Colchester


1981;


Johnson


1989)


The


underlying


definition


of "management"


this


debate


that


used


natural


scientists


which


calls


conscious,


planned


harvesting


utilization


. In


resources


my view,


with


necessary


view


to make


sustained


a distinction


among


the


resources


that


are


under


discussion.


Native


Amaz


onians


tend


to manage resources explicitly with respect to


their


agricultural/forestry


activities,


and


ess


when


considering


game


fish


resources


(but


see


Chernela


1985,


1989;


Stocks


1981;


Irvine


1987).


Furthermore,


although


explanatory


models


can


help


understand


overall


resource


use


particular


society,


general


zations


are


usually


unjust


when


attempting


represent


the


highly


variable


ways


of utiliz


ing


resources


w











economic


variables


that


change


over time


and


affect


the


use


natural


resources.


When


engaged


agricultural


activities,


natives


have


make


a series


edible


of careful


products


decisions


a long


period


ensure


of time


the


availability


. Women,


men,


children


participate


in decision


making


and


the


garden


the


place

Native


where

s have


experimentation

demonstrated t


with


heir


plant c\

knowledge


cultivation


the


occurs.


forest


domesticating


a large


number


of plants


that


they tend


their


agricultural


fields


, household gardens and sometimes


in forest


patches.


Some


works


have


demonstrated


that


even


those


fallows


that


were


thought


abandoned


actually


form


part


complex


agroforestry


system


which


almost


every plant


useful


purpose


(Denevan


1984).


Management


less evident


terms of hunting practices.


In general


terms,


most


natives


to the


forest


or fallows


harvest


what


they


can


get.


There


are


surely


instances


when


some


kind


of particular


game


preferred,


e.g


. peccaries


curassows;


after


number


hours


tracking


without


much


luck,


other


species


may


taken.


cultivating


certain


plants


purposefully,


some natives


have


been


able


to attract


certain


species


animals


such


peccarles,


and


most


commonly


agoutis


and


pacas,


:o their











argued


that


food


taboos


are


actually


social


norms


that


regulate


the


corollary


harvesting


this


rare


assertion


animals


that


natives


. Ross


have


1978).


mechanisms


that


protect


species


from


being


overhunted.


This


trait


put


forth


as evidence


of a conservation


ethic.


Although


this


may


be the


case


in some


situations,


the


information on


food


taboos


understood


only


normative


level.


Indigenous


people'


behavior


very


flexible


often


what


they


they


not


what


they


actually


practice.


many


cases,


however,

intents


the evidence

among native


shows that

people are


hunting


not


and


conservationist


compatible


was


previously


thought


(Redford


and


Robinson


1987).


Ellen


(1982


further


indicates


that


. .the


stable


apparently


conservationist


strategies


many


small-scale


societies


are


largely


an illusion"


because even the


simplest technology can


have


a significant


impact


on the


environment.


With


the exception of


the muscovy


ducks,


domestication


animals


had


not


been


achieved


the Amazon


at the


time


of the


conquest,


although


Donkin


(1985)


argues


that


when


the


Spanish


arrived


the


New


World


the


peccary


may


have


been


on its


way


to being


for natives


domesticated.


Currently,


to keep animals


however,


encountered


not


the


forest as


uncommon


pets,


which


serve


tvDe


security


fund


eat


when


meat is


..


w --


V


b











management


practi


ces


large


rivers


or oxbow


lakes


that


many


Amazonian


rivers


form.


These


practices


entail,


instance,


the enhancement


of fish


availability by directly enriching the


waters


with


garbage


and human


feces,


such


as that


described


the


case


Cocamilla


fishing


Huallaga


river


(Stocks


1983)


, or


maintaining


the


natural


vegetation


along


river


margins


fisheries


maintenance


instead


of deforesting


area


agriculture


. The


latter


commonly


practiced


Tukano


in the


black-water


Uaup6s


river


(Chernela


1989)


. These


practices have been


put


forth


as specific cases


of sustainable


use


resources


Native


PeolI


indigenous


Protected


peoples.


Areas


the


face


the


extinction


animal


species


, there


been


trend


since


the


last


century


create


areas


protect


animal


populations


which


may


endangered.


past


this


entailed


the


circumscription


of a particular


area


and


displacement


whatever


people


were


living


Thi


drasti


measure


seemed


the


only


alternative


protect


viability


endangered


animal


species.


The


impact


the


creation


of protected


areas


on native


peoples


has


been


very


detrimental,


the


extreme


of causing


cultural


degeneration


and


almost


physical


extinction


such as











subsistence.


Once


they were moved


a new


area


they


could not


sustain


themselves;


conflicts


among the


Ik were so severe


that


they


were


no longer


interested


their


continuity


as a group


but


were


only


concerned


with


their


individual


survival.


When


Turnbull


visited


the


was


able


document


what


relocation


had


done


a once


viable


indigenous


group.


The


creation


protected


areas


a sensitive


issue


many


Third


World


countries


because


often


seen


as a new


form


of colonialism with


the


mask


protecting


resources


industrial

conservation


generate


countries.

n and en

i elite of


Furthermore,


environmental

intellectual


efforts fro

agencies h

in-country


m i

iave


international


helped


activists


that


many


times


are


odds


with


local


people


that


use


the


same


resources


that


are


intended


to be protected.


Some


researchers


have


also


questioned


ethical


grounds


the


conservation


policies


that


may


negatively


affect


indigenous


people


(cf.


Kingdon


1990).


Some authors


(Brownrigg 1985;


Clad 1985;


Colchester


1981;


Redford


1990)


have


discussed


the


relationship


between


conservationist


and


indigenous


objectives.


There


are


basic


aspects


that


make


conservationist


and


indigenous


groups


"natural


allies"


against


multinational


and


national


elite


interests


that


seek


short-term high revenues at the


expense of











cattle


ranches


the


environment.


Instead,


they


favor


small-scale


use


resources


subsistence


needs


that


presumably


would


have


little


impact


on renewable


resources.


Most

government


protected

il agencies


areas

under


are

the


created

pressures


the


offices


of national


and/or


international


conservationist


groups


. When


local


populations


learn


about


new


status


the


land


they


live


they


begin


speculate


about


the


hidden


intentions


conservationists


may


have.


have


legal


title


the


land


they


live


the


first


priority


of indigenous


groups


and


find


that


this


land


can


taken


away


from


them


conservationist


purposes


that


they


may


not


understand,


cause


conflict.


People


may


willing


work


with


conservationists


the area


where


they


live


first


they


are


sure


that


the


land


belongs


them


and


their


heirs;


land


rights


are


a necessary


but


not


sufficient


condition


ensure


local


people'


cooperation


conservation


activities.


Other


conditions


should


tailored


the


specific


conditions


each


area


intended


protection.


some


cases,


income-


generating


projects


may


adequate


with


concomitant


efforts


on environmental


education.


The


solutions


must


be worked


with


the


local


people


who


live


the


area


to be protected.


Furthermore,


the


logic of


an indigenous production system


r


w











the


company


seeks


another


area


where


can


the


same


because


has


the


economic


resources


to do


so. A native group


has


relationship


the


environment


which


goes


beyond


economic


gain.


This


place


where


their


ancestors


lived,


where


they


grew


where


they


learned


sustain


themselves.


Therefore,


the


natives'


interest


conserve


their


environment


ensure


their


long-term


availability


resources,


but


also


the


natives'


right


to incorporate


aspects


of the modern


world


into their resource


use


patterns


. The


natives may


be interested


the


adoption


newer


, more


efficient


technologies


and


also


in participating


more


intensively


market


economy


order


obtain


productive


or luxury


goods


that


appeal


them.


Forcing


them


remain


"traditional"


developing


"sustainable"


forms


revenue


such


as ethno


or eco-tourism


that


exhibits


an exotic


facade


not


a plausible


answer


this


problem.


Summary


Recent


studies


the


Amazon


have


moved


beyond


the


original

cultural


themes


of searching


development


more


a single


specific


limiting


studies


about


factor


current


indigenous


knowledge


their


environment


and


detailed


descriptions of their cultural


and subsistence practices.


Many











indigenous/local


resource


use


regional


and


national


political


economy


with


a historical


perspective.


There


need


studies


that


articulate


micro


and


macro l1

studies


evel


approaches


on resource


use


the


among


study


native


resource


use.


populations


Detailed


have


to be


framed


context


of cultural


beliefs


and


practices


particular


society,


and


the


context


new


political


and


economic


conditions


that


are


the


product


the


expansion


the


market


economy.


The


implications


current


studies


the


Amazon


conservation of


natural resources


are


twofold:


they


enrich


the


discussion


about


the


actual


and


potential


role


of indigenous


peoples


fragile


lands,


emphasize


the


need


for


a type


development


which


should


arise


from


each


indigenous


group'


culture


initiative.


In this


dissertation


I adopt


a perspective


that


attempts


link


micro-level


data


with


the


larger


process


culture


contact


and


expanding


market


economy.


This


work


hopes


shed


some


light


the


ways


indigenous


people


should


incorporated


the


management


protected


conservation


area.


looking


Chimane


hunting


and


fishing,


and


their


relationship


with


the region where


they


live


I will


discuss


what extent conservation of natural resources,


and sustainable











terms


their


culture,


subsistence


practices


and


their


struggle


to make


each


day


a better


one.


Structure


the


Dissertation


This


chapter


has


presented


the


objectives


framework


the


dissertation.


The


central


issues


recent


studies


the


Amazon


regarding


indigenous


peoples


were


discussed.


Chapter


presents


discussion


the


historical


conditions


that


have


shaped


the


current


situation


the


Chimane


lowland


Bolivia.


chapter


three


discuss


interrelationships


between


environment


and


the


socio-


cultural


context


which


Chimane


resource


use


takes


place.


chapters


qualitative


Chimane


four


information


who


live


and


about


five


the


three


present


use


quantitative


of extractive


different


settlements


and


resources


in the


Beni Biosphere Reserve


Hunting and


fishing harvest yields are


analyzed


terms


the


resource


use


sites,


time


spent,


distance


travelled,


quantity


quality


game


and


fish


obtained.


chapter


six


give


overview


Chimane


gathering


activities,


assessment


the


overall


subsistence


patterns.


Chapter


seven


discusses


the


levels


of market


involvement


in three


Chimane settlements.


The


analysis


of crualitv


a -


of life,


-- m i











Finally,


chapter


eight


offers


discussion


and


conclusions


the


use


resources


and


market


involvement


among


the


Chimane.


The


discussion


examines


the


viability


Chimane


use


resources


the


context


conservation


efforts


in the


Beni


Biosphere


Reserve.















CHAPTER


THE


HISTORY


OF CONTACT


Introduction


chapter


trace


the


events


that


have


shaped


ways


which


the


Chimane


have


participated


and


responded


contacts


with


outside


groups


the


past


four


hundred


years


Despite


the


long


history


sporadic


contact,


the


Chimane


have


remained


fairly


unacculturated


due


factors


discussed


the


following


pages.


The


Chimane


extended


have


family


traditionally


households


along


lived


the


isolated


Maniqui


groups


river,


tributari


and


other smaller rivers of


the Ballivihn


province


the


Beni


department


Eastern


Bolivia


see


Most


the


modern


historical


accounts


the


Bolivian Amazon


focus


on the


Jesuit


ssions


and


their


impact


on the


population


of the


region.


Many


of the


modern


citi


and


towns


the


missions.


department


In general


, the


Beni


Moxos


had


their


peoples


origins


the


Beni


those


include


all

they


the


diverse


first


Arawak


arrived


peoples


the


Beni


that


. The


the


Moxos


Spanish

peoples


found

were


when

among














reductions'


conditions.


were


The


most


Moxos


affected


language


their


was


economic


imposed


and


cultural


franca


the


missions


the


region.


Other


groups


such


the


Yuracar6,


Sirion6


and


Chimane


have been


considered as


"marginal"


or "savage


tribes"


compared


to the


"more


advanced"


groups


the


region


(Steward


1948)


hypothesize


that


most


early


attempts


Christianize


the


"marginal"


groups


failed because of


their particular


social


organization


which


lacked


a central


authority


and


because


the


Chimane


used


resources


extensively,


making


impossible


gather


them


one


place


long


time.


The


extensive


use


resources


resources


large


area


implies


are


that


exploited


great


for


variety


subsistence


favoring


frequent,


or seasonal


moves


of residence.


Using


scant


information


available


on the


Chimane,


have


attempted


to trace


types


of contact


and


their


impact


on the


Chimane.


One


important


problem


was


encountered.


A true


ethnohistory


impossible


because


there


are


accounts,


early


recent,


that


express


the


native


point


view.


Therefore,


the


first


part


this


review


relies


accounts


written


Western


explorers,


missionaries


other


outsiders.


The


last


sections


this


chapter


incorporate


as a lingua











information


gathered


through


interviews


with


people


from


the


Beni


region.


Some


peoples


early


do not


sources


specify


the


what


first


indigenous


contacts


groups


with


are


native


discussed;


others


use


a variety


of different


names


to refer


the


same


group,


which


makes


the


identification


a particular


group


difficult.


The


name


Chimane


has


been


used


more


commonly


since


the


second


half


the


last


century;


before


then,


there


are


accounts on groups named Maniquies


Chomano,


Chimanisa


, Rache,


Amo,


Aporofo,


Amofo,


Cunana,


Tucupi


and


Muchanes


who


occupy


the


general


area


today


inhabited


Mosetene


and


Chimane


(Aldazabal


1988)


The


Mosetene


are


an indigenous


group


clo


sely


related


the


Chimane.


Their


languages


and


cultural


beliefs


are


very


similar


fact,


some


scholars


consider


that


the


main


differ


ence


between


them


that


one


group,


the


Mosetene,


was


successfully


reduced


missions


while


the


other


was


not.


Chamberlain


(1910


192)


quoted


in P6rez


Diez


(1989)


states


that


the


Chimane


are


Mosetene


"savage"


state.


The


Mosetene


live

while


today


lowland


Chimane


live


eastern


the


side


of La Paz


Ballividn


department


province


the


western


part


of the


Beni


department


. The


Chimane


perceive


Mosetene


their


close


relat^ive xy


but


they


differentiate


--












The


Andes-Amazon


Connection


The


Moxos


neighboring


peoples


Mosetene


who


were

lived


in

in


frequent


the


eastern


contact


with


fringes


the

the


Andes


. The


Mosetene


exchanged


ubiquitous


products


from


their


region


such


salt


stone


with


woven


clothes


and


other


products


that


the


Moxos


made


(Marb~n


1898


:40,


quoted


Parej


1976)


. Furthermore


, there


is some


evidence


that


there


were


early


contacts


between


the


inhabitants


the


lowlands


the


highlands


instance


, in


the


area


between


Lake


Titicaca


and


the


Beni


river,


there


predominance


Amazonian


zoomorphic


themes


in pottery


, house


constructions


teams


of belief


(Saignes


1985).


Saignes


cultural


(1985


continuum


:26)

from


suggests


the


that


Puquina


there

group


may


that


have

lived


been


around


Lake


Titicaca


some


Tacana


and


Moxo


groups


around


Beni


river


S They


are


Arawak


-speaking


peoples


, related


lingui


stically


culturally


. This


relationship


could


have


taken


the


form


exchange


material


goods


and


symbol


ritual


, such


initiation


Puquina


shamans


the


lowlands


. These groups suffered


territorial


pressures


from the


Aymara


in the


lowlands,


highlands


such


the


and

Leco


from

and


the


non-Arawak


Mosetene.


Arawak


groups


in the


groups


may











dweller,


the


lowlands


represented


the


inferior


humid


dark


world


their dualist hierarchy.


During the


15th


century,


Inca


army


failed


conquer


the


lowland


areas


eastern


Bolivia.


Although


the


Inca


state


did


fully


dominate


the


lowlands,


the


Quechuas


strongly


influenced


area


that


reached


savanna


regions


east


the


Andes.


They


established


tribute


centers


and


nuclei


colonization


their


frontier


with


the


lowland


groups


. While


the


Incas


heard


of the Moxos


kingdom,


Guarani


the


south had heard


of the


lowland


Candire kingdom which


was


also


presumed


to have


vast


wealth.


The


Incas


and


the


Guarani


failed


conquer


the


area,


but


the


myth


prevailed.


Later,


the


Spanish


fell


victims


the


misconceptions


about


a kingdom


of gold


and


silver,


Dorado


myth.


Early


Spanish


contacts


Soon


after


Franci


SCO


Pizarro


and


Diego


Almagro


had


conquered


their


the


area


supporters.


Peru,


Because


deep


much


conflicts


the


arose


conflict


between


was


about


access


control


over


gold


and


silver


resources,


became


necessary


to find


new


sources


of wealth.


The


thirst


for


areas


with


vast


wealth


Pedro


Candia


1539


seek


1rt1m i a 1i rain 'Pr-a1rm Uar- nnnfala\


Di ,nr 4a 1n n avrt nr4- ane


fr r











Cusco,


into


the


lowlands.


The


myth


the


rich


kingdom


Moxos


had


been


accepted


reality


many.


Candia


never


reached


the


Moxos


territory


the


savanna


but


he confirmed


the


inhospitability


the


area


that


had


crossed


reach


the


savannas.


The


area


was


very


humid


and


hot,


and


the


terrain


was


rough


compared


that


the


highlands.


Many


his


men


were


lost


forest


and


never


returned.


year


later


Pedro


Anzures


with


some


Candia'


men


arrived


Beni


region


river


after


area.


ese


Many


first


other


attempts,


Spanish


but


tried


most


to explore


were


the


discouraged


rugged


terrain,


the


abundant


vegetation,


and


other


obstacles


traveling


Most


importantly,


no precious


metals


were


found


that


would


justify


these


hardships.


The Spanish presence had a significant demographic


impact


on the


Andean


and


Amazonian


populations.


Many


natives


died


new disea

territory


ises


into


rhile

the


many


Andean


lowlands;


Indians


many


were


fled

adopted


their

d into


occupied

lowland


groups


(Saignes


1985:74).


Furthermore,


conflicts


among


the


lowland


Indians


were


frequent


but


once


Iron


tools


and


other


products


were


available


from


the


Spanish,


new


alliances


were


formed


order to


have


access


these


new goods.


The


success


of a Spanish


expedition


largely


depended


on their


ability


nhRrm


t-hn


Tnt!


with


rtnrwi a


aiir'h


S


a thrinl a


Anti


ni nthca~ -











In 1621,


Bolivar


and


Diego Ramlrez


Carlos


from


La Paz


went


the


province


of Chunchos.


The town of Viqui is located next to the foothills of the
eastern-most mountains almost opposite and facing the
town of Chomano head of a province by the same name and
where its governor Apucuitiny and all the people living


there were very anxi
received me very k
important reduction i
means, as I will
everything fail th
reasonable, well dres:
behind them the last
in the best, strongest
all this land, not on
main town that the
[1621]:186, original


ous to
indly.
if Diego


become Christ:
This would
Ramirez's ev


ians,
have
il ar


later illustrate, had
ese people are very kind
sed and favorably located:
mountains, and this town J
t, freshest and liveliest


ly for themselves, but
Spanish would build
in Spanish)3


and they
been an
d dubious
not made
and very
they have
Ls located
: place of


also
.


for the
(Bolivar


The


group


Bolivar's


description


may have


been


Chimane


who


had


contact


with


Andean


groups.


The


"governor's"


name,


ADucuitinv


reveals


some


Andean


influence


because


Quechua


language


means


lord


chief


and


can


also


suffix


for


a deity.


Bolivar


also


visited


a group of


Indians


the


region


whose


leader


was


Anocasira


([1621]:197)


Bolivar believed,


as many other missionaries of his time,


that


giving


gifts


he could


convince


the


Indians


to stay


one


settlement.


Although


this


tactic


had


worked


with


some


Moxos


groups,


did


not


work


with


groups


like


the


Chimane.


They


received


the


gifts


but


did


not


feel


obliged


reciprocate


staying


one


place.


Bolivar


may


have


exaggerated


the


disposition


the


Chimane


become


_ w











begin


the


evangelization


the


group.


His


account


also


optimistic


about


the


possibility


of founding


a Spanish


town in


the


area,


which


was


not


to happen


for


a long


time


because


Spain


there


was


little


interest


these


peripheral


regions.


Francisco de Alfaro,


oidort


from Reyes


doubted


the


assertions


made by


Bolivar


because


the


latter did not distinguish between


what


saw


and


what


he heard.


Alfaro


believed


that


many


reports


Bolivar


heard


from


the


Indians


could


have


been


or exaggerated because


..there are


ayllus of


six,


four


more


or less


Indians,


yet


whoever


hears


about


them,


may


think


that


these


are


very


large


provinces


the


guides


are


faithful


and


the


barbarians


also


have


very


delicate


state


matters"


two


(Alfaro


important


C 1621~


211,


statements


original


the


latter


Spanish)


quote.


. There


First,


are


Alfaro


states


that


although


an Indian


may


assert


that


there


are


four


more


ayllus


individual


(kinship


each


groups)


ayllu


Indians,


usually


very


the


small;


number


second,


Alfaro


points


fact


that


the


"barbarians"


may


not


faithful


to foreigner


because


they


have


to take


care


of their


own


political


interests


. Therefore,


a kind


political


order


acknowledged.


few


years


later


Bolivar


and


other


ssionaraes


went


back


the


region


to begin


a mission


but


never r


turned. It


thought


that


they


were


slain


the












Years


later,


there


were


other


attempts


to missionize


the


natives


the


area.


Francisco


Rosario,


Franciscan


priest,


and


visited


the


Yuracar6


area


the


Amos


year


1666.


or Raches


Rosario


(Mosetenes),


mentions


Ucumanos


or Chimanes


who


lived


on the


Maniqui


river


(Armentia


1905


:102)


In 1639,


some


years


before


Father


Rosario'


visit


, the


Dominican


pri


extensively


Tom~s


the


Beni


Chavez


region


visited


approximately


travelled


years


went


back


wrote


many


reports


that


encouraged


other members


of hi


congregation


to pursue missionary work


the


region


arrived

couple


at

of


that


had


Maniqui


missions


that


sited.


river

were


from

later


These


Dominican


Cochabamba

abandoned


and


priests


founded


because


the


insurrection


the


Mosetene/Chimane


Indians


1696


(Ch~vez


1986


:92)


early


1690s


there


were


several


ssions


western


part


the


Beni


Dominican


mission


the


upper


Maniqui


river


had


approximately


individuals


, and


another


ssion


had


individuals.


There


was


also


Franci


scan


ssion


called


San


Buenaventura


de Chiriguas


and


two


Jesuit


missions,


*--


San Jos6 and San Borja


-U ^. _


The Dominican


a a - -A- ------- I- - -


i-i-- -


and Franciscan


2 .5-.---- -


m


A











The


Jesuit


priests,


Francisco


Javier


and


Francisco


Borja


who


were


San


Borja,


fled


from


the


mission


the


middle

Indians


the


were


rainy


season


reportedly


angry


before


they


because


were


the


attacked.


priests


had


The

been


unfair


and


stingy


their


distribution


iron


tools.


This


revolt


the


Mosetene/Maniqui/Chimane


group


ectively


their


ethnic


expelled i

territory


U's.


. Thi


ionaries,


expul


except


sion


the


increased


Jesuits,


the


from


hegemony


the


Jesuit


missions


on the


western


side


savanna


Moxos


. Although


the


Jesuit


missionaries


had


left,


the


Indians


Borja


and


San


Jose


did


not


rebel;


this


allowed


Jesuits


This


to return


those


insurrection


missions


significant because


it may have been


one


the


earli est


concerted


efforts


lowland


groups


expel


missionaries


from


their


territory


. Although


was


not


as effective


eastern


as the


Peru


(cf.


one


Varese


Juan


1973),


Santos

this


Atahualpa


event


1747


illustrates


early


indigenous


resistance


to missionary/western


domain


. The


natives were


open


to technological


changes and new patterns


consumption,


but were not about


to accept control


outsiders


who


brought


new


spiritual


concepts


opposed


to their


own.


The


Jesuit


ssion











expedition


organized


the


governor


Santa


Cruz


. In


their


first


encounter


with


Indians,


the


Spanish


killed


one


a group


of people


who


were


on a beach


roasting


peccary


meat


(Vargas


Ugarte


1964


:11).


The


person


who


was


able


escape


told


other


indians


about


the


Spanish


raid.


The


Spaniards


enemy


returned


signal


Santa


bonfires


Cruz


that


when


meant


later


the


they


enemy


saw


was


a number


close


The scarcity


of labor was


the


cause for


occasional


raids


into

Santa


Moxos

Cruz.


area


to enslav

In 1667.,


called Moxos


men


to work


the Jesuit


with


agricultural


priest Juan


a slaving party


Sde Soto

from Sant


fields

arrived

.a Cruz.


wrote


his


superiors


about


the


region


and


described


the


peoples


who


lived


along


the


Mamor4


river


(Block


1980;


Vargas


Ugarte


1964).


The


Jesuits


received


exhaustive


spiritual


intellectual


training


which


them


to be


very


committed


their


objective


Indian


missionization


and


welfare.


The


missionization


effort


carried


out


the


Jesuits


moved


from


the


southeastern


part


Bolivia,


Santa


Cruz,


to the


area


Moxos


and


then


westward


to the


fringes


of the


Andean


mountain


range.

second


The

one,


first


mission,


Trinidad,


was


Loreto,

founded


was founded

five years


1682;


later


Mamor6 river.


By 1744


there


were


26 missions


which


the Jesuits











Borja,


Pampas


sub-region,


was


the


sixth


mission


founded


the


year


1693


on the


Maniqui


river


Jesuit


S51


onari


Franciso


Borja


and


Ignacio


Sotomayor.


Initial


contacts


with


the


Churimanas


from


this


region


were


carried


out


the


Jesuit


Juan


de Espejo


who


gave


them


number


trinkets


and


tools


effort


to pacify


them.


Franciscan


missionaries


had


founded


mission


nearby


area


called


Buenaventura


de Chiriguas.


The


Jesuits


could not


permit


further expansion by


another missionary group


the


area


over


which


they


hoped


have


hegemony,


Jesuits

western


made


special


frontier


the


effort

savanna


maintain


. Furthermore,


missions


was


thought


that


thi


was


a passage


towards


the


province


of Apolobamba


and


. The


ssion


hoped


reduce


the


Churimanas


the


Maporoaboconos


(Ch&vez


Suarez


1986


According


Altamirano


([1699]


: 77,


original


Spanish)


who


sited


missi


years


after


foundation:


There
worst
these


it
not
are


are


more


people
, they


than


of all


are


is the gateway


yet


have


thousand-two


. Cruel,
most ho


for many


a church,


0


fickle


pefu]
their


there


hundred


natives,


[. The
infidel


only


souls;


and


Location
nations


a chapel


despite
is good:


. They


where


they


indoctrinated.


It was


very difficult


to missionize


the


Indians


who


lived


Borja


area.


They


refused


stay


the


ssion


*












that


survived,


Indians.


although


Altamirano


with


C C 1699~


: 166)


the


Chimane


seemed


think


(Churimana)


that


Borja


was


founded


among


the


Movima,


and


not


the


Chimane.


The


reduction


of Indians


ssions


to devastating


seases.


Because


epidemic


influenza,


number


ssions


were


abandoned


including


San


Jos6


the


Pampas


region


and


Pablo


the


Yacuma


river


. The


ssions


that


survived


were


moved


to San


Borja


1758.


The


population


of San


Borja


was


not


stable


. In an attempt


give


overview


the


demographic


evolution


missions,


that


Barnadas


Borja,


(1985


during


: LVI)


the


presented


mission


a table


years,


which


had


showed


peak


population


inhabitants


the


year


1713,


which


declines


1,256


1717;


inhabitants


1748;


1773,


after


the


expulsion


the


Jesuits


and


finally


increased


somewhat


to 977


people


1778


. This


figure


may


an underestimation


of the actual


population because only those


that


had


been


bapti


were


counted


inhabitants


ssion

the


Although


not


inhabitants


clear what


the


the ethnic


mission,


the


origins


end


were

the


eighteenth


century


the


process


indigenous


homogenization


was


well


underway.











the


result


a struggle


influence


in the


Spanish


court


(Block


1980


: 318).


The


order was


acknowledged


Santa


Cruz


September


of the


same


year


(Vargas


Ugarte


1964


: 129)


. When


Jesuits


left


the


missions,


a new wave


of European


penetration


began.


Although


the


Jesuits


were


replaced


other


priests,


few


them


had


the


same


commitment


to Indian


evangelization


and


welfare


the


Jesuits.


The


missions


had


stopped


expansion


of the


Portuguese


on the


east


and


had


also


resisted


the


penetration


Crucefos


from


the


south


Bolivia.


The


Crucenos


were


interested


accumulating


wealth


even


the


expense


Indians.


years


most


missions


began


disappear.


Aggressive


frequent


slaving


many


parties


Indian


from


groups


Santa


retreated


Cruz


to the


became


forest.


more


The


population


the


inhabitants


the


mission


year


San


Borja


1748


1773


dropped


from


(Barnadas


1985


LVI)


. When


L zaro


Ribera,


governor


of Moxos


visited


Borja


November


incorporated


into


28,

the


1791,


suggested


mission


Santa


that


Ana


San


the


Borja


Yacuma


river


Ribera reports


a fire


that


destroyed most


of San


Borja.


There


were


only


28 remaining


shacks


(chozas)


a chapel


and


people,


which


daughters,


included


widows,


couples


one


widower


with


and


sons


many


and


orphans.


r


i











season


took


approximately


ten


days


travel


arrive


the


nearest


mission.


Ribera


states


that


the


population


of San


Borja


combined


with


that


Santa


Ana


(823


inhabitants)


would


add


number


people who would


significantly pay tribute


to Spain,


one


large


stated


that


group


"the


would


natives


easier


one


manage


(San


Borja)


than


and


two


the


. He


other


also


town


(Santa Ana)


speak


the


same


language because


they


belong to


the


same


nation"


(Ribera


1791


, original


Spanish)


which


meant


that


they


were


Movima


Indians.


Because


there


are


references


fate


the


Churimana


(Chimane)


Maporoaboconos,


one


can


assume


that


many


fled


back


forest;


others


may


have


become


incorporated


into


the


miss


and


lost


their


cultural


identity


as Churimana.


the


early


1800s


Father


Andr~s


Herrero


established


contacts


with


the


Chimane


but did not


convert


them


(Mendi


zabal


1932


Two


missions


were


founded


among


the


Chimane


the


1840s,


San Pedro and


Borja.


After


San Pablo.


epidemic


They were


smallpox


located


which


southeast of


caused


death


many


Chimane,


there


was


only


one


miss


left.


The


latter


was


abandoned


1862


when


Father


Emilio


Reinaul


was


slain


some


natives


that


had


not


been


converted


(Cardds


1886: 289).


Another


missionary


effort


failed


amona


the


w











such


the


Moxos


had


centralized


leadership,


their


natural


resource


use


patterns


were


more


sedentary


because


their


subsistence


system


was


primarily


based


on agriculture.


contributed


a more


rapid


and


effective


establish


hment


of missions


among


them.


Cards


reported


1886


that


there


were


Chimane


family


who


occasionally


went


the


Borja


hacienda


work.


did


explain


what


kind


activity


they


performed


. Cardlis


also


wrote


that


some


of the


Chimane


arrived


the


Franciscan mission


of Covendo


request


that a mission


be established


among them


. Cards expressed his agreement with


this


request


and


encouraged


the


formation


new


miss


among


the


Chimane.


would


not


happen


until


the


1950s


Republican


Bolivia


obtained


independence


from


Spain


the


year


1825.


All


the


political


turmoil


the


time


was


concentrated


the highlands


Most


of Eastern Bolivia


remained marginal


larger


political


processes.


After


independence,


the


lowlands


were


largely neglected by the


Occasionally,


armies


centra.


entered


L power

Moxos


located


obtain


in La Paz


cattle,


horses


, and


silver


artifacts


from the churches


(Denevan


1980)


There


were


a number


of traders


who


bought


palm-straw


hats and


w











The


Beni


department


was


created


on the


18th


of November


of 1842


while


General


Jos6


Ballivi&n


was


president


and


a year


after


the


Bolivian


victory


Ingavi


which


definitely


broke


the


close


political


connection


between


Bolivia


and


Peru


. When


created,


Beni


had


three


provinces:


Moxos,


CaupolicAn


and


Yuracar~s


area


264,000


km2.


Ciro


Bayo,


Spanish


traveller,


visited


the


area


of San


Borja


1897


and


informed


that


Borja


had


been


abandoned


the


priests


who


came


after


Jesuits


(Vargas


Ugarte


1964).


During


initial


period,


the


Beni


department


lost


territory to other


departments


to Brazil


Part


of the Beni


was


ceded


to Cochabamba


1854,


another part


to Brazil


1867.


the


year


1900,


the


province


Vaca


Diez


was


incorporated,


while


years


later,


Caupolichn


and


the


south


It+nez


were


ceded


department


and


Santa


Cruz


respectively.


Acre


was


ceded


to Brazil


1903


(Carvalho


1978)


The


Beni


now


has


eight


provinces


divided


sections


and


cantons


in an area


of 213,564


Navia


(1988)


recognizes


two


particular


economic and cultural


spaces


(regions)


the Beni.


One


includes


the


central


savanna


area,


and


another


which


includes


the


northern


forest


area


initially


exploited


the


rubber


industry


at the


end


of the


rubber


boom.


S. -.


opinion,











Andean


foothills


where


rubber


absent,


and


the


gallery


forests


the


Ballivi~n


and


Yacuma


provinces.


Until


impeded


recently,


the


acculturation


relative


the


isolation


Chimane.


was


this


only


region


with


improvement


air


and


ground


transport


that


this


region


became


more


integrated


to the


rest


of the


Beni


and


Bolivia.


the


last


decade,


this


peripheral


area


has


experienced


rapid


demographic


economic growth


within


the Beni


and


one


of the


fastest


Bolivia.


In the Republican


era,


the history


of the


Beni


was


linked


the


extraction


natural


resources


national


international


markets.


From


1840


1880


there


was


great


demand


(Cinchona


Peruvian


bark


calisaya)


or quina,


the


also


north


known


the


Beni


cascarilla


and


department


Pando.


Quina


was


especially


important


the


international


basis


pharmaceutical


important


industry


medicines


because quinine


control


was


malaria.


the

The


extraction


quina


Peru


Bolivia


diminished


significantly


when


the


Dutch


began


obtain


and


market


higher


quality


quina


cultivated


from


seeds


that


were


taken


to Java


from


Bolivia


(Chrdenas


1979


258).


second


product


demand


between


the


years


1880


and


1910


was


rubber


(Hevea


brasiliensis).


The


mode


of extraction











populations


leaving


deep


scars


native


demography,


social


composition,


residence


patterns


and


mythology


(cf.


Collier


1981;

a few


Taussig


1988;


powerful


menr


Weinstein

Armed


1983).


with


In the


guns


search


raided


for


village


labor,

s and


virtually


enslaved


men


to extract


rubber.


This


was


one


way


which


thousands


of Moxos


and Movima men


were recruited


to work


the


north


of Bolivia


and


Brazil.


Some


never


returned


and


stayed


the


northern


areas


forming


detribalized


groups


that


the


present


live


extracting


rubber


(Jones


1980).


There


are


no records


about


how


the


Chimane


were


affected


the


forced


recruitment


of labor


this


time.


However,


one


can


assume


that


the


Chimane


were


little


affected


given


their


dispersed


settlement


pattern


that


made


the


recruitment


labor


less


effective.


The


Moxos


and


Movimas,


the


other


hand,


lived


towns


(ex-missions)


which


made


them


easy


target


the


enganchadores.


Much


the


capital


accumulated


during


the


extractive


booms


was


reinvested


away


from


the


region.


Some


however,


served


to cut


the


isolation


the


Beni


triggering


new


social


processes


with


new


social


actors


the


region.


addition


to markets


the


highland


mining


areas,


the


rubber


boom


created


a new


market


for


beef


production


the


regions











that


previously


specialized


the


extraction


forest


resources


in the


Beni


. Moxos


and Movima


people


had


learned


care


and


tend


cattle


since


Jesuit


times


. For


over


one


hundred


hunted


rubber


years,


feral


boom,


they


cattle


when


had


maintained


the


many


savanna


indigenous


small


(Jones


people


herds


1980)


went


cattle


. After


back


Beni,


a new


form


of economic


activity


began


emerge:


cattle


production


external


markets


Cattl


ranches


were


owned


mainly


Bolivian


nationals


who


had


begun


their


fortunes


fencing


the


feral


cattle


that


had


been


roaming


savannas


with


no owners


many


years.


This


deprived


some


Moxos


and


Movimas


people


some


areas


access


the


feral


cattle


resource.


Some


began


serve


laborers


on these


ranches,


where


working


conditions


were


often


exploitative


. The dispute over


access


to cattle and


territory


resulted


in a revolt


1887


Andres


Guayocho


(Cortez


1989)


Some


enterpri


ses


had


more


than


one


ranch


controlled more


than


one resource


One


of these enterpri


ses


the


Beni


was


the


Casa


Su~rez


which


was


involved


not


only


the


extraction


of Brazil nuts


but also rubber


extraction,


later,


in cattle


ranching











In July


1931,


military president Salamanca


used a


trivial


border


incident


to break


diplomatic


relations


with


Paraguay


Thus


began


the


bloody


costly


Chaco


War


which


lasted


until


1935


. Although


battles


were


fought


far


from


the


Beni,


recruiters


arrived


the capital


of the department


and nearby


areas


to enlist men


Because many men


were


enlisted,


there


was


a shortage


labor


the


fields


the


Beni,


consequently,


a shortage


of food


as well


. The


state


of panic


caused


the


recruiters


and


the


growing


scarcity


of foodstuffs


drove


many


people


back


the


forests


Wild


fauna


export


the


form


live


animals


pelts


began


the


1940S


. The


first


high


demand


commodity was


the


hide


the


black


caiman


(Melanosuchus


fllggr)


later


included smaller caimans


(such as Caiman


yacare),


river


otters


(Lutra


lonqicaudi


, and


peccaries


(Tayassu


taiacu,


pecari)


. At


the


beginning


, some


Indians


served


only


as guides


locate


became


active


animals.

participant


Eventually,


the


the

trade,


Indians

usually


themselves

obtaining


small


rewards


kind


from


middlemen


(Jones


1980).


Two


important


events


occurred


the


Beni


the


early


1950s


: the


first


was


the


emergence


air


transportation


with


surplus post


-World War


II United States military aircraft,


second


was


agrarian


reform


1953


Before


the











processed


into


charqul


(jerked


beef)


consumption.


Air


transportation


favored


the


marketing


fresh


beef


mining


centers


the


highlands


(Denevan


1963).


The


agrarian


reform,


promulgated


one


year


after


the


revolution


the


Movimiento


Nacionalista


Revolucionario


(MNR)


1952


basi


cally


favored


those


who already


owned


large


extensions


land


the


Beni


. Large


ranches


became


legal


property


those


who


were


able


to show


the


government


that


they


hired


wage


labor


(generally,


Indians


who


had


been


enganchados),


and


that


they


had


invested


some


capital


ranch.


thi


way,


peasants


who


were


supposed


beneficiari


the


reform,


became


legal


peons


the


so-


called


agricultural


and


cattle


enterpri


565


(Ormachea


1987


Chimane


decade


was


significant


because


early


1950S


began


the


again.


mission


Catholic


zation


from


dormant


the


since


Redemptorist


congregation


arrived


the


Upper


Maniqui,


and


evangelical


miss


ionari


from


New


Tribes


ssion


began


their


work


area


of San


Borja.


New


ssions


: Old


Aims


The


indigenous


population


of the


r


westernn


side of


he Beni


1800s,


process,


priests


F


The


w


-











Miguel


Muchanes


(1804) ,


Santa


Ana


(1815),


and


Covendo


(1842).


In 1942,


the


Apostolic


Vicarage


of Reyes


was


founded


and


began


administered


the


priests


the


Swiss


Redemptorist


Congregation.


The


Vicarage


included


the Mosetene


missions


from


the


department


Paz,


and


the


Ballividn


province


the


Beni.


1953,


Father


Marcelino


Hagner,


another


Redemptorist


priest,


and


four nuns


from


the Ravasco Order


founded a mission


among


the


Chimane,


named


Caracara,


the


Maniqui


river.


Because


an epidemic,


Father


Marcelino


moved


the mission


the


area


where


now


located


on the


Chimanes


river.


named


the


new


mission


F~tima.


Father


Martin


Bauer


arrived


FAtima


on February


1958


to replace


Father


Marcelino


whose


health


was


failing


. Father


Martin


has


been


charge


the


mission


ever


since.


In the


mission


there


is a chapel,


a store,


sanitary


post


and


school.


Initially


the


priest


had


the


intention


teaching


the


Chimane


how


care


for


cattle.


Forty


households


from


the


mission


received


cattle


and


hectares


forest


were


cleared.


This


attempt


failed,


Father


Martin'


view,


because


the


Chimane


were


not


ready


the


change.


The


Chimane


like


tend


small


chacos,


but


prefer


to hunt


and


fish


for


animal


protein.


Taking


care


of cattle


not


labor


intensive,


but


does


require


an additional











humid


forest


on hilly


terrain).


Now,


there


are


approximately


head


of cattle


15 sheep,


most


of them belonging to the


mission,


and


few


head


cattle


which


belong


few


individual


Chimane


households.


Another economic activity introduced among the Chimane by


the


priest


was


the cultivation


cash


crops


such


as cacao and


coffee.


The


Chimane


the


area


sell


the


products


the


priest


who


pays


them


back


either


with


money


or products


from


the mission store.


Some of


the most


popular


items


for


exchange


are


fish-hooks,


ammunition,


pots,


thread,


needles


and


machetes.


Traders


are


not


welcome


the


mission


because


they


usually


carry firearms


and


offer


alcohol


for exchange.


For the


past decade,


however,


traders


often have gone


into the mission


area


looking


jatata,


roofing


material


from


palm


(Geonoma


deversa)


that


much


demand


the


growing


town


Borja.


The


Chimane


collect


latata


from


the


forest


and


weave


the


leaves


into


pafos


or panels


that


measure


an average


of 2


ms.


These


panels


are


used


for


roofs.


The


health


post


attended


a Chimane


woman


who


has


grown


the


mission


and


has


some


education


first-aid.


There


are


two


Chimane


male


teachers


the


elementary


school


and


one


Chimane


woman


who


charge


small


children


school


mission.


In the


upper


level


the classes


are mainly











sixty


households


around


the


mission


that


participate


mission

school,


activities.


and


During


Sunday,


the


adults


week,

with


the

their


children

children


attend

attend


Catholic


Mass


before


the


store


opens.


Father


the


Martin


mission


has


among


dedicated


the


the


Chimanes


latter


and


years


foresees


his


that


life


when


leaves


the


mission


there


will


one


else


within


congregation


carry


on with


the


work


he has


now


. The


impact


the


Catholic


mission


has


been


limited


the


area


the


Chimanes


river,


a tributary


the


Maniqui


river,


and


has


significantly


affected


Chimane


subsistence


cultural


patterns.


Many


Chimane


have


chosen


stay


close


mission


because


offers


them


some


security


the


face


aggressive


trader


incursion.


sense,


although


protectionist,


mission


has


offered


the


Chimane


tools


ease


their


passage


into


expanding


market


economy


instance,


favoring


the


cultivation


some


cash


crops.


Additionally,


the


store


the


priest


manages


offers


products


retail


price,


therefore


the


terms


exchange


are


more


favorable


Chimane.


Another


religious


group


working


among


the


Chimane


since


the


1950s


the


Evangelical


New


Tribes


Mission


whose


headquarters are


in Sanford,


Florida.


This controversial


group











of little


contacted


groups


into


so-called


civilization.


Their


strategy


ssionary


Evangelical


however,


family


quite


establish


missionary


have


different

residence


the


than


among


task


early


the


days.


Indians;


translating


the


Bible


into


aboriginal


languages.


This


entail


tedious


process


learning


new


language


and


learning


about


culture


convey


meanings


. By


learning


the


language


and


culture


, they


are able


communicate better with


the natives,


making


the


process


of evangeli


zation


more


effective.


There


are


two


New


Tribes


Miss


nuclei


of missionari


working


Maniqui


with


river


kilometers


the


Chimane.


and


from


other,


San


Borja


One,


Cruz,


Centro


the


Horeb,


road


located


located


Yucumo-La


the


three


Paz.


1989,


the


ssion


had


trained


bilingual


Chimane


teachers


who


worked


different


schools


scattered


Chimane


settlements


along


the


Maniqui


river


and


tributari


es.


All


the


teachers


form


part


of the


Bolivian


school


system


and most


are


paid


the


Minister


Education


and


Culture


A few


are


paid


with


resources


belonging


the


mission.


The


presence


the


Evangelical


ssionari


Bolivia


been


controversial


the


past


few


years


due


their


policies


evangelization


and


acculturation,


especially


the


case


Yuqui


(see


Encuentro...1988).


the area











has


begun


by the


to take


traders


and


a firm


stand


colonists


against


that


exploitative


trespass


Chimane


practices


territory.


Bernard


and


Elaine


Kempf,


New


Tribes


missionaries


arrived


the


Beni


the


1950s.


They


bought


the


America


ranch


the


Maniqui


river


eventually


ceded


Chimane


who


active


lived


the


there.


social


and


They now


political


live


Centro


affairs


of the


Horeb and are


town


Borja.


The


Kempfs


are


especially


involved


helping


Chimane


voice


their


concerns


and


claims


justice.


1988,


missionaries


confronted


the


.atata


traders


about


abu


sive


trade


practices


the


latata


trade.


This


resulted


an inter-institutional


agreement


among the


authorities


San


Borja,


some


Chimane


representatives,


and


the


traders.


The


eement


prices


andc


condemns

Storms


abusive


practices


exchange


and st

iatata.


;ipulates


fairer


turn,


ssionaries


endured


accusations


the


traders


of being


anti-Bolivian


and


anti-Catholic.


The


association


traders


went


as far


as denouncing the missionaries


the Human Rights


commission


office


in Trinidad,


Beni.


However,


the


accusation


fell


through


lack


of evidence.


The


New


Tribes


missionaries


played


a significant


role


coordinating the formation of


a Chimane regional


organization.


Traditionally,


Chimane


have


not


had


centralized


v











institution


to channel


their needs


in an


organized manner.


The


missionaries


trained,


mobilized


sending


the


written


bilingual


messages


teachers


the


they


school


had


and


publicizing


on the


local


radio


station


that a


gathering was


take


place


at Centro


Horeb.


On March


1989


the Great


Tsimane


Council


(Gran


Consejo Tsimane')


was officially


formed with


the


participation


Chimane


individuals


representing


approximately


settlements.


All of

inauguration


ficials


ceremony


San


which


Borja

began


were


late


invited


the


afternoon.


Several


officials gave speeches showing their satisfaction for


the


formation


the


Chimane


organization.


They


all


showed


protective


paternalistic


attitude


towards


the


Chimane.


They


congratulated


the missionaries


for devoting their


lives to the


Chimane,


and


helping


them


become


incorporated


civilization.


Although


the


organization


apparently


was


autonomous,


Centro


Horeb


was


the


headquarters


the


Chimane


organization.


Any


business directed


to the organization was


analyzed


and


approved


the


missionaries.


This


attitude


prevails


present


although


there


are


few


signs


that


the


Chimane


will


eventually


become


autonomous


. The


indigenous


movement'


petition


territory


in the


Ch imane


Forest











certainly


has


given


rise


a new


generation


of Chimane


who


are


aware


their


rights


and


the


tools


needed


to achieve


justice.


However


, the


question


of cultural


integrity


still


under


scrutiny.


Evangelization


nature


incompatible


with


indigenous


cultural


continuity.


Development


Projects


past


two


decades


there


have


been


two


major


projects


affecting


the


Chimane:


the


colonization


project


Yucumo-Rurrenabaque


the


sustainable


timber


extraction


project


the


Chimanes


Forest.


The


Beni


Biosphere


Reserve


part


the


Chimanes


Forest


complex


but


was


not


included


the


timber


extraction


project.


June


1974,


the


Bolivian


government


granted


the


National


Colonization


Institute


hectares


land


the


Ballivian


province


the


Beni


to begin


the


planning


and


execution


colonization


scheme


that


would


give


land


relocated


miners


other


landless


peasants


from


the


highlands


. This


area


lies


between


the Beni


and Maniqui


rivers.


Most


was


forested


areas


rich


faunal


and


plant


resources,


and


home


numerous


Chimane


households.


Initially


, the


Colonization


Institute


had


planned


to have


nuclei.


Each


nucleus


was


to have


lots


of 25 hectares


each











claims


lots,


many


simply


invaded


the


edges


the


main


road


to cultivate


the


land


. By


1985


, there


were


already


,650


households


living


the


area.


Most


the


families


that


arrived had no previous experience cultivating tropical


lands,


over time


their


agricultural


practices


contributed to


land


erosion

product


and

that


diminishing


would


returns.


generate


Rice


was


income


regarded


migrating


as a cash

families.


Unfortunately,


rice


production


from


this


colonization


area


could


and


not


other


compete


areas


with


with


production


established


rice


markets.


from


Caranavi


result,


many


migrating


cattle


families

raising,


moved


to other


have


begun


colonization


extract


areas,


fine


turned


hardwoods


illegally


with


chainsaws.


the


past


years


number


non-governmental


organizations,


programs


including


support


Evangelical


the


missions


populations


have


that


initiated


inhabit


project


area.


Some


families


have


migrated


from


other


colonization


areas


the


Alto


Beni


Yucumo


They


have


learned


from


past


failures


are


putting


special


effort


trying


nucleus,


make


with


this


the


colonization


support


experience


based


success.


NGO


One


Centro


Estudios


Servicios


Agropecuarios


(CESA),


requested


a study


evaluate


the


agricultural


potential


S -


the


nucleus


where











would


guarantee


the


long-term


sustainability


land


resources.


The


impact


of this


colonization scheme


on the Chimane has


taken


the


form


of competition


land,


and


the


absorption


occasional


Chimane


labor


colonist


agricultural


fields


and


for construction work.


This experience has


furthermore favored


Chimane


mobilization


defense


their


land.


While


on the


western


limit


of the


Ballivihn


province


the


Institute of


Colonization was


shaping


a settlement scheme with


highlanders,


a conservation


effort


was


becoming


a possibility


east


this


area.


Armed


with


the


concept


that


conservation of


biological resources


in Latin America


can


only


feasible


when


the


economic


potential


forest


established,


Bolivian


conservation


agencies


with


assistance


U.S.


based


Conservation


International,


and


logging


companies


from


Beni


began


to negotiate


to exploit


forest


resources,


mahogany


particular,


available


the


Chimanes


forest.


the


the


1970s,


the


roads


from


Santa


Cruz


Trinidad


and


La Paz


Trinidad


began


to be


used


during


the


dry


season,


and


the


forests


on the


western


and


southern


parts


the


Beni


became


accessible


extra-regional


logging


operations.


At the


same


time


fine


.9


hardwoods


such


as mahoqanv











Beni.


June


1978,


the


government


declared


the


Chimanes


Forest


Forestry


Reserve,


and


forbad


logging


operations


the


area


until


sustainability


studies


were


carried


out.


In 1979,


Civic


Committee of


San Borja,


and


later,


Ignacio


responded


demanding


that


the


logging


companies


pay


a tax


that


would


benefit


the


towns


neighboring


the


Chimanes


Forest


area.


Initially,


the


logging


companies


and


the


Civic


Committee


San


Borja


reached


agreement


whereby


companies


would


pay


tax


per


cubic


foot


wood


extracted


from


the


Chimanes


Forest.


In October


1982,


Supreme


Decree


established


tax


the


wood


extracted


(CIDDEBENI


1989).


In 1986


there


were


significant


changes


the


politics of


forest


extraction


the


Beni.


First,


the


Center


of Forestry


Development


(Centro de Desarrollo


Forestal)


the


area


the


Beni


that


was


managed


from


La Paz


became


autonomous,


a move


that would

Second, the


production


benefit

Chimanes


forest"


local

Forest


, meaning


rather

t area


than

was (


that


was


national


declared


open


interests.

"permanent


sustainable


logging


operations.


first


half


1987,


six


hundred


thousand


companies.


hectares


Each


were


oqging


temporarily


company


granted


assumed


the


seven


logging


commitment


B


w I











opportunity


sign


contracts


of extraction


10 to 20


year


periods


(CIDDEBENI


1989


The


Chimanes


Forest


area


came


under


international


scrutiny


when


the


first


debt


-for-nature


swap


was


completed


1987


Conservation International


(CI),


a US based conservation


agency


, reached


agreement


with


the


Bolivian


government


whereby


bought


exchange


Bolivian


650,000


Bolivia'


government


committed


external


their


debt.


efforts


promote


the


conservation


of natural


resources


the


Beni


.01


was


invited


to participate


in a steering


committee


that


would


oversee


the


sustainable


use


resources


the


Chimanes


Forest.


This


committee


was


formed


Bolivian


conservationist


agencies


, government


agencies,


and


logging


interests.


One


group


largely


ignored


were


the


indigenous


and


peasant


people


living


in the


Chimanes


Forest


itself.


The


indigenous


response


will


addressed


the


last


chapter


because


an i


ssue


that


has


to be


examined


the


context


new


trends


and


alternatives


the


indigenous


people


s struggle.


experience


served


Suffice


mobilize


say


Moxos,


that


Chimanes


Movimas,


Forest


Yuracar&


and


Chimane


people


into


defending


their


territory


and


obtaining


legal


titles


extension


that


covers


not


only


their


agricultural


also


hunting,


fishing,


and


gathering


land


25~














Summary


and


Conclusions


The


Chimane


were


never


conquered


external


groups.


The


contact


of the


Chimane/Mosetene


with


Andean


groups


was


mainly


that


trade


or military


skirmishes.


Missions


the


early


years


contact


were


not


successful


among


the


Chimane.


Even


today the


proportion


of Chimane affected by the evangelization


process


remains


low.


However,


missions


currently


play


very


important


role


supporting


the


development


Chimane


political


organization


that


crucial


voice


their


territorial


and


human


rights


demands.


the


factors


early


contributed


years


to the


contact,


relative


ecological


isolation


and


the


social


Chimane.


First,


access


to the


territory


land


was


very


difficult


because


road:


of seasonal

s, abundant


flooding, changing

vegetation, and


river


courses,


dangerous


fauna


absence

i. Some


social


factors


that


hindered


the


establishment


missions


were


the


lack


central


leadership


among


the


Chimane,


dispersed


settlement


pattern,


endogamy,


Chimane


extensive


use


natural


resources.


The


absence


of minerals


also


kept


the


Spaniards


out


the


region.


Missions


had


a demographic


impact


on native


populations.


The


close


proximity


of people











The


expansion


the


internal


market


Bolivian


economy


also


brought


new


attempts


missionization


1950s.

state


the


republic


offering


the


of Bolivia,

Chimane


the


not


missions


only


replaced


new


religious


affiliation,


posts,


but


stores,


also


and


services


alternatives


such

forms


education, sanitary

production. In the


face


new


socio-political


situation


demographic


expansion


(colonists


from


Andes,


and


other


landless


peasants/miners),


the


mission


has been


the


only


channel


that


Chimane


could


use


volce


their


concerns.


The mission has


had,


some


Chimane,


role


an institution


that


offers


protection,


support,


and


advice


Development


and


conservation


projects


the


Chimane


territory


did


not


initially


take


the


indigenous


people


into


account.


The


planning


projects


began


with


the


premise


that


forested


areas


were


empty


spaces,


and


projects


would


ultimately


benefit


either


new


colonist


population


local


non-indigenous


urban


people


who


hold


political


and


economic


power


the


region.


This


caused


new


forms


mobilization


among


the


Chimane


and


other


indigenous


groups.


The


confrontation


with


logging


interests


resulted


the


promulgation


of a decree


that


deeds


land


to the


Chimane


where


they


live.











would


have


mobilize


and


been


virtually


begin


demand


impossible


territory


for


for


Chimane


themselves.


The


organization


very


young


and


the


Chimane


are


still


learning


through


trial


and


error


the


necessary


steps


negotiate


with


national


authorities.


Other


Amazonian


indigenous


organizations


from


Bolivia


have


not


yet


taken


Gran


Consejo


Tsimane


very


seriously


because


their


close


connection with missionary


interests


. This has


led to


internal


conflicts


that


have


been


difficult


to resolve.


The


Chimane,


however,


are


juncture


which


they


require


support


they


can


get.


long


process


mature


politically,


especially


when


information


their


own


hands.


Chimane


traditional


knowledge


lies


the


ways


they


have


used


resources


extensively


generations


under


a particular


set of social

knowledge can


conditions.


further


The


strengthen


realization

Chimane org


their


anizations.


own

The


following


chapter


examines


the


environmental


setting


and


social


organization


that


the


Chimane


have


developed.















CHAPTER


THE


CHIMANE:


NATURE


AND


CULTURE


Introduction


This


chapter


outlines


the


environmental


and


cultural


context


in which


Chimane resource


use


takes


place.


The Chimane


occupy


extensive


area


from


the


foothills


the


Andes


the n

15030'


northeast


where


66023'W


Moxos


10'W)


savanna


. Most


the


begins

Chimane


(14035'


territory


lies


the


Ballivihn


and


Yacuma


Provinces


the


Beni


Department


The


Chimane typically


inhabit areas next to rivers


where


they


can


secure


water


and


fish,


and


preferred


agricultural


sites.


Most


Chimane


live


the


vicinity


Maniqu.


i River


system;


there


are,


however,


numerous


Chimane


settlements


next


to other


rivers


such


as the


Curiraba,


Matos


Quiquibey,


Colorado


, Apere


Shevejecure.


These


rivers


flow


into


the


Mamor6


River


which,


in turn,


flows


into


the


Madeira


River,


an important


According


tributary


to recent


the


estimates


Amazon


(Comis


River.

Socio-econ6mica


1989) ,


the Chimane number


over


5,000


people;


approximately


them


live


the


Beni


Biosphere


Reserve.


The


Reserve











nucleated


certain


areas


as a consequence


of missionization


efforts,


the


establishment


schools,


and


more


market


involvement.


Early


material


studi


on the


culture


Chimane


cultural


focused


belief


on aspects


ssink


1955;


of their


Metrhux


1948;


Nordenskil1d


1924;


Wegner


1931) ,


mainly


following


cultural


diffusionist


approach.


More


recent


studies


Chimane


have


taken


place


the


area


the


Missions


Fatima


La Cruz


. Perez


Diez


1983;


Riester


1976,


1985)


SThese


studi


document


Chimane


material


culture,


subsistence


activity


, and


cultural


beliefs.


Cultural


beliefs


have


been


documented,


mainly,


the


form


of myths


. Two


recent


studies


focus

other


the


groups


inter-ethnic


from


relationships


sociological


between


(Castillo


Chimane

1988)


and

and


philosophical


perspectives


(Bogado


1989).


The


word


Chimane


has


been


used


outsiders


to designate


the


indigenous


people


who


live


the Maniqui River


area


since


the


early


days


contact.


the


region


San


Borja


Chimane


are


commonly


referred


to as epereje,


which


according


Riester


(1976


241),


means


"one


who


eats


too


many


plantains"


. Although


the


term


can


be used


pejoratively,


many


people


the


area


wrongly


believe


that


thi


term


is a word


the


Chimane


language,


and


therefore,


used in


a friendly


T











transformed


the


word


Chimane


into


Tsimane'


which


commonly


used


the


texts


they


elaborate


Chimane


use.


Actually,


the


term


Chimane


foreign


people


call


Chimane.


People


who


are


related


each


other


are


referred


Chimane


chltidye'


. The


terms


used


identify


members


their


own


group


in contrast


with


others


are


mnuntyi'


(male)


mnunsi'


(female).


However,


the


Chimane


are


aware


of how


others


call


them,


and


they


are


asked


Spanish


what


they


are


they will


most


likely


answer


"Chimane"


All


the


Chimane


share


particular


culture


but


they


recognize


differences


among


themselves


as well.


Some


Chimane


that


are


more


acculturated


perceive


other


Chimane


as b&rbaros


because


they


still


wear


clothes


made


the


tree


bark


corocho


(Poulsenia


armata)


eat raw fish,


and


consume


little


salt.


They


also


are


regarded


more


knowledgeable


about


their


environment,


and


therefore,


more


successful


acquiring


natural


resources


subsistence.


There


therefore,


ambivalent


notion


the


"traditional"


Chimane


among


those


more


acculturated.


There


are


other


Chimane


who


are


more


"modern"


general,


desirable


among


the


Chimane


able


communicate


Spanish,


to be able


read


and


write,


and


adopt


patterns


of Western


consumption


order


to Darticioate


...











past


years


that


as a consequence


of land


struggle


the


emergence


indigenous


organizations,


Chimane


are


becoming


more


aware


their


own


identity


and


the


need


strengthen


their


cultural


values.


In the


following


sections


I will


discuss


material


that


gathered


during


fieldwork


but


will


also


refer


relevant


previous


Brasil

Reserve


work.


and


The


Chacal,


that


are


focus


the

the


will


three E

subject


Puerto


settlements


this


M6ndez,


in the Beni


study.


As dis


Chaco


Biosphere

cussed in


the


first


chapter,


these


settlements


were


chosen


terms


their


location,


nature


market


integration,


resource


availability within


the Reserve.


Puerto Mendez


and Chacal


were


located


the


along


Reserve,


the


while


Maniqui


Chaco


river


Brasil


the


was


'multiple


located


use'


on an old


zone


course


the


Maniquil


river


the


'buffer'


zone


Reserve.


Puerto


Mendez


was


the


closest


to San


Borja,


while


Chacal


was


a day


downstream,


and


Chaco


Brasil


was


two


days


downstream


canoe


from San


Borja


. San


Borja


was


the


center


of the


regional


economy


The


Natural


Environment


The


Chimane


inhabit


vast


area


that,


according


the


classification


Holdridge


et al.


(1971) ,


ranges


from wet


w











the


wet


sub-tropical


forest


area,


the


region


somewhat hilly with


elevations


over


ms above sea


level


The


hot


diversity


the


and


very


of plants


region


humid


One


Aatata


climate


favors


the


plant resource of


Spanish


growth


High ec

cajtafa'


high


onomic value


Chimane


(Geonoma


diverse),


a colonial


palm


that


grows


in patches


and


harvested


and


pro


cessed


the


Chimane


to make


patos,


panels


, used


thatch


roofs


This


palm


does


not


grow


significant


quantities


the


mois


sub-tropical


forest,


downstream


the


Maniqui


river


the


Reserve


. The


Chimane


affirm


that


there


type


iatata


lesser


quality


called


boboro


. The


latter


sometimes


mixed


with


jatata


when


making


oatios


the


market.


Although


located


the


tropics


area


occupied by the


Chimane


classified


"sub-tropical"


life


zone


Holdridge'


system


because


surazos,


temperatures


regis


tered.


There


are


temperatures


usually


during


the


months


of April


through November


, but


also during other months


year


see


figure


.1).


According to data


collected at the metereological


station


which


located


the


local


airport


San


Borja


meters


above


sea


level,


Lat


14052


- Long


. W 66045'


. The


maximum average


temperature


1988


was


.loc


the month


&4


v.


..


J.


.


...














































100


50


0


J FMAMJ JASONDJ FMAMJ JASON


1











there


October


.1OC


were


1987.


and


extreme


values


Extreme


.50C


July


minimum


respectively;


values


both


1985,


and


1988


July.


390C


1989


Extreme


were


maximum


temperature


values


were


and


34.3oC


January


1988


and


November


1989


respectively.


In 1988


, the


annual


rainfall


San


Borja


was


over


1,445


and


1989


was


over


1,510


mm.


April


was


the


rainiest


month


1988


with


mm while


the


most


rainfall


1989


fell


March


, with


a registered


value


mm .


There


are


cold


spells,


surazos,


that


last


to nine days


originated


winds


coming


from


the


Antarctic


region.


These


cold


spells


usually


begin


with


strong winds


that


can


reach


to 60 kilometers


per


hour


accompanied


heavy


rainfall


(see


table


.1) .


After this


initial


event,


the weather remains cold


with


light


rainfall


locally


called


chilchi,


or no rain


all.


When


the


wind


begins


blow


the


Chimane


seek


refuge


their


houses


which


are


usually


constructed


without


walls


one


wall


constructed


with


shuru'


(Gynerium


sp.)


that


protects


them

all


from

year


the

round,


south

while


winds.

e winds


Winds

from


from

the s


the


outh


north

and s


predominate


southeast


are


common


from


April


through


August


. In


late


April


1989


a wind


from


the


south


caused


heavy


rainfall


mm in


hours),


which


subseauentlv


produced


a river


flood.










84












TABLE


WIND


DIRECTION


AND


VELOCITY*


IN SAN


BORJA


1988


1989


MONTH WIND DI/VE WIND DI/VE
January NW 6.6 N 7
February SSE 4 N 4
March n.d. N 5
April NNW 4.6 ESE 3.5
May SSE 4.4 SE 4.2
June N 5 NNW 3.2
July S 7 NNW 5
August S 5 NNW 5
September N 7 NNW 6
October N 8 N 3.5
November N 6 NNW 3.5
December N 5 n.d.


Source


: AASANA


* Velocity


Note


: mm=


1989


Expressed
milimeters;


knots


WIND


DI/VE=


wind


direction


- velocity;


n.d


.= no


data











themselves


from


the


inclement


weather


. Some


wear


many


layers


light


clothes


while


other


just


endure


the


cold


next


warm


fire.


This


the


time


when


children


are


most


vulnerable


and


can


easily


catch


respiratory


diseases.


Most


Chimane


are


always


barefooted


and


those


who


own


shoes


wear


them


only


when


they


town.


Some


own


canvas


shoes


or thongs,


and


only


men


own


rubber


boots


that


they


proudly


wear


town.


The


Chimane


who


live


the


forests


of the Beni Biosphere


Reserve


face


situation


that


greatly


contrasts


with


Chimane


who


live


other


areas


. The


area


of the Reserve,


from


an ecological


perspective


and


purposes


conservation,


can


considered


land"


that


separated


from


foothill


"continental"


forest


an exten


sive


savanna


between


the


Matos


and


Curiraba


rivers.


This


limits


flow


of forest


species


from


and


towards


the


Reserve


forests.


The


savanna


also


isolated


from


the


main


savanna


region


located


Yacuma


area.


Thi


geographic


isolation


may


part


responsible


the


diversity


of faunal


and


plant


species


compared


to other


tropical


areas;


for


the


density


some


species


such


jatata


(Geonoma


deversa),


and


the


great


abundance


of generalist


species


of ample


niches


such


as och6o


(Hura


crepitans)


and


motac~


(Scheelea


princeps)


(Miranda


1989


: 259-2


. There


are


also


patches


some


valuable


w i


_


.











There


are


four


important


factors


that


cause


flooding


Beni.


One


lack


of a steep gradient.


The gradient


ranges


only


from


5 to 30 centimeters


per


kilometer.


Another


factor


the


presence


of outcrops


of the Brazilian


shield as manifested


river


rapids.


These


outcrops


serve


as natural


impediments


drainage


the


Beni


lowlands.


third


factor


combination


flat


topography


and


dense


vegetation


which


obstruct


a fast


and


continuous


drainage


of the


water.


Finally,


many


common


soils


Beni


lowlands,


especially


savanna


soils,


are


practically


impermeable


water,


producing


situation


where


both


flood


rainwater


remains


above


soil


surface


extended


periods


time


(Cochrane


1973;


Hanagarth


and


Sarmiento


1990).


During


1989,


the


Maniqui


river


overflowed


course


twice


in the


San Borja


region.


In late


January


caused


great


damage


to agricultural


plots


close


to the


river


terraces,


and


inundated


some


streets


town


Borja


and


other


settlements close


to the river.


The


second


flooding took place


April


but


was


not


as harmful


as the


previous


one.


geoecological


sense,


the


Beni


savanna


transitional


region


that


has


been


subjected


several


climatic


changes.


According


Grabert


(1984,


cited


Hanagarth


Sarmiento


1990) the Reni ~R17Rflfl~
-- -- -. w U ass.- 'a


Reni


88 8











characteristics


in the forests


characteristics


from the Chaco


drier


savanna


areas,


and


some


characteristics


Brazilian


Cerrado.


There


predominance


ultisols


and


oxisols;


although


most


the


forest


soils


laid


down


the


Maniqui


are


entisols,


recent


origin,


and


more


suitable


agriculture


(Piland,


1991).


The


area


the


Maniqui


river,


especially


the


Upper


Maniqui


area


has


been


the


core


territory


where


Chimane


have


developed


their


culture.


The


Culture


order


unravel


the


logic


behind


society


necessary


spend


significant


amount


time


with


the


people


society


under


study.


Questionnaires


interviews


yield


perceptions


about


norms


within


a society


but


not


necessarily report


on actual


behavior


(see


Bernard


1987,


informant


accuracy).


The


anthropologist,


therefore,


must use participant observation and cross-checking


techniques


to begin


to understand


the


people


with


whom


she/he


living.


Although


there


are


variations


within


culture,


there


also


are


common


patterns


that


most


individuals


within


culture


share.


What


follows


a description


the


Chimane


culture


as I


have


been


able


.o understand j


-..


When


necessary


p


wv --


z











The


Chimane


form


an isolated


linguistic


family


with


neighboring


Mosetene


(Plaza


and


Carvajal


1985).


Currently


there


are


two


groups


researchers


who


are


carrying


linguistic


studies


among


the


Chimane.


Wayne


Gill


(n.d.),


expert


linguist


and


a New


Tribes


missionary,


has


put


together


Chimane-English


dictionary,


several


documents


language


and


cultural


characteristics


, and


more


recently,


an abridged


Chimane-Spanish


dictionary.


These


have


been


done


addition


translations


passages


the


Bible


into


the


Chimane


language


recent


years


Herminia


Martin


(1987,


1988),


linguist


from


the Centro


Etnol6gico


Americano of


Argentina has


begun


the


analysis


the


Chimane


language


terms


similarities


characteristics


the


Mosetene


particular to


the


language,


Chimane.


other


Neither researcher


yet


been


able


to establish


the


origin


or relationship


the


Chimane


language


other


lowland


South


American


languages,


affirms


although


that


P6rez


linguistically


Diez

they


(1984:

form part


following


the


Key


Macro-Pano


with


the


G4-Pano-Carib


group.


Unfortunately,


there


little archeological


work done


the


area


that


Chimane


inhabit.


Denevan


(1980)


speculated


that


the


mounds


raised


fields


found


the


area


between


San Borja


and


Ignacio de Moxos might have


been


constructed


w


-- T