CHANGING
TRADITIONAL
THE
AND
RAPE-SUPPORTIVE ATTITUDES OF
NONTRADITIONAL MALES AND FEMALES
ERIC
ROSENTHAL
A DI
OF THE
SSERTATION
UNIVERSITY
OF THE
ENTED TO
FLORIDA
REQUIREMENT
DOCTOR OF
3 FO
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
R THE DEGREE OF
PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY
OF FLORIDA
following
is dedicated to my wife,
Melissa Bracha
Rosenthal,
the best
whose
sweet
time of my
love has made my
life,
doctoral
and to my mother,
Lee
training
Stern,
taught me
the meaning
of heart and perseverance.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
would
like
thank
Greg
Neimeyer
being
excellent
graduate
committee
school.
chair
would
and
also
for
lik
guiding
e to tha
me through
nk Marty
Heesacker,
more
than
share
of effort
into
this
project.
Much
appreciation
also
goes
to Shae
Kosch,
James
Shepperd,
Rus
Bauer,
each
helped to
make
this
dissertation
better
some
way.
Finally,
could
not
have
run
my experiment
without
able
assistance
of Russ
Sabella
Teri
Hitchcock.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . ... .
vil
V111
LIST OF TABLES . .. . .
ABSTRACT .
CHAPTERS
INTRODUCTION .. ..... .. .. ........ .... .
Definitions of Rape..
Prevalence of Rape...
Consequences of Rape.
Rapist Pathology.....
Target Individuals...
Traditionality...
Women. ....
*. S a *. .. a. .a .a .a .a .a. .a
*. a a. a a. a a. a. .. a. a. a. a. a .*. .
*. a. .a. *.. ..a . ..*.a a a
*. .. .S .a a a a.. a. a. a *. a .a
. .a a a. a a. a. a.. .a *.. a. *..
Measures of Intervention Success...............
Rape Myth Acceptance and Related Beliefs....
Responses to Vignettes.................. ..
Attempted Interventions ............ .
REVIEW OF LITERATURE . .. ... ... ... .
Rapist and Victim Belief in Rape Myths..........
Myths and Their Prevalence..................
Myths and Relation to Rape Behavior.........
Rapist and Victim Blame of the Victim...........
Perception of the Situation as an Incidence of
Rape ... .... ....... ..... .. ..... ..... ... .
Sex-Role Stereotyping/Traditionality of Rapist
and Victim ... . .
Factors Perceived as Justifying Rape........
Interventions/Psychoeducation...................
Rationale and Hypotheses of the Present Study...
METHODS. . . .
Participants . . . .. .. 72
Instruments .. .. .. . .. .. .. 73
PacTe
Traditionality .. ........
Rape Myth Acceptance.......
Date Rape Vignette.........
Postintervention Attitudes.
Sexual Experience.........
Phone Appeal .. .. .. .. .
Design and Procedures..........
Intervention and Immediate
. . ..0. .6. 0 S
. ... S 0 S 0 S S*. ..
. . . S 0
. . ..0 0 0
. .0 .0 .0 ..0 *
*. 0 0 .S ..0. 0
. .. ..0 0 0
Posttest.
Control and Iimmediate Posttest.....
Follow-Up Posttest......... ........
...... ew.....
*. *. .. *.
. .0 .6 .0
. .0 .* .*
.. .. 80
Hypothesis 1 .. ...... .. .. .. .... .
Hypothesis 2 ..... .. .. .... .
Rape-Related Posttest Attitudes..
Phone Appeal Responses...........
Repeated Measures................
Hypothesis 3. .. ... .. .... .
Rape-Related Posttest Attitudes..
Phone Appeal Responses......
Rape Myth Acceptance as Mediator
Effects .. .. ..... .A. ...
Hypothesis 4. .. ... .. .....
History of Sexual Aggression or
*.. . S
. .0 0
. . ..* 0
*.. . 0
. . ..* *
*.. ..0. 0
. .* .6 0
. . ..6 0
of Main
.. 0..
. *.. .0
Victimization as Mediator of Main Effects.
Additional Findings: Sex. ..... .. ... .........
Rape-Related Posttest Attitudes... ...
Phone Appeal Responses .... ................
Additional Findings: Repeated Measures of
Traditionality .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. ..
Effects of Intervention...........
Effects of Traditionality.........
Effects of Sex . .. .
Traditionality and Behavior.......
Traditionality and Myth Acceptance
. *. .. .. .0 .
* *. .. a. a.. *
CONCLUSION. . .. . .
APPENDICES
PRESCREENING QUESTIONNAIRE...................
INTERVENTION TRANSCRIPT.. ....................
~ 7r~T(T C \hTrmm~C r 7\M DtCfflcr
RESULTS .
DISCUSSION.
POSTTEST QUESTIONNAIRE................. .......
TELEPHONE RESPONSE SHEET... .....................
REFERENCES . .. . . . .
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. . .. ..
DIEBRIEFING ................... ...................
TELEP HONE SCRIP T .
LIST OF TABLES
Table
Correlation Coefficients/P-Values
for Dependent
Variables . .
Dependent
Variable Means
and Standard
Deviations:
Treatment...
Means and Standard Deviations
Measure
Dependent
Rape Myth Acceptance
Variable Means
.. 85
Repeated
.. ... 87
: Traditionality........
Dependent
Deviations
Variable Means and Standard
Sex...
Means and Standard Deviations
Measure:
Traditionality......
.. .. ... .. .. .92
for Repeated
... .. 93
Page
Abstract
of Dissertation Presented to
University
of the Requirements
of Florida
the Graduate School
in Partial Fulfillment
for the Degree of Doctor
of Philosophy
CHANGING THE RAPE-SUPPORTIVE ATTITUDES OF
TRADITIONAL AND NONTRADITIONAL MALES AND
FEMALES
By
Eric Rosenthal
August
Chairman:
Cochairman:
Major
Department
1994
Greg Neimeyer
Martin Heesacker
t: Psychology
Date
rape
is a serious problem on
college campuses and
often
leads
to more
severe
psychological
consequences
than
stranger
rape.
A possible
variable
linked to date
rape has
been
identified as
the degree
to which both males and
females possess
attitudes. Alt
change rape-rel
traditional,
hough several
ated attitudes
sex-role
attempts
stereotyping
have been made
and behaviors,
none have
focused their
interventions
on highly traditional
individuals.
The present
study takes
this next
step,
using
a psychoeducational
intervention
that
had been
successful
with
less
traditional
individuals
hundred and
forty-
five male and
female
undergraduates
were
classified on
basis
of their traditionality and either
received
intervention
served as
no-treatment
controls.
Results
revealed that,
participants wh
on five of seven attitudinal measures,
o received the intervention expressed less
rape-supportive
same pattern
attitudes
was true
than
control
females
participants.
versus males on
three
the measures.
Similarly,
on all
attitudinal measures,
s traditional
participants expressed less
rape-supportive
attitudes
than
did more
traditional
participants.
addition,
participants
' responses
to a
subsequent
phone
appeal,
purportedly unrelated to the experiment,
regarding
women's
safety projects were
in part
less
rape-supportive
experimental
versus
control
and female
versus male
participants.
However,
this pattern
was
found
less
traditional
versus more
traditional
participants.
Finally,
support
was gained for the notion that
very powerful
predictor of
traditionality
a person's degree of
is a
rape-
supportive
attitudes.
Implications of
these
findings
future rape-prevention
efforts
are discussed.
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Few words
English language
yield as many
negative emotional
people have been
human being sexu
connotations as
rape.
greatly affected by the
ally victimized.
centuries,
idea of
a fellow
only
recently has
the phenomenon
rape
been
subjected to
scientific
scrutiny
in efforts
to understand and reduce
prevalence
(Ellis,
1989).
Despite an abundance of both basic and applied research,
rape
still
occurs at
alarming rates
(Koss,
1992;
Ellis,
1989).
Even more
unsettling
is growing
evidence
that
a significant
portion
rapes
involve
individuals
who are acquainted in
some
way,
and often occur during a
dating
situation
(Koss,
1992)
Alarmingly,
many observers,
rapists,
and victims do
consider the
latter to be as
serious
as rapes
involving
strangers,
often
failing to
classify
such offenses as
rape
(Bridges,
1991;
Kanin,
1984)
This misperception has
been
implicated as
contributing to
incidence and prevalence of
such
crimes
(Koralewski
Conger,
1992;
Muehlenhard &
Linton,
1987;
Muehlenhard &
MacNaughton,
1988).
Although several
efforts have been made to understand
-1-a -L
---- -- --
Nevertheless,
I, -
*
acquaintance rape
(e.g.,
Bridges,
1991),
few researchers
have attempted to evaluate methods of
changing this tendency
(e.g.,
Gilbert,
Heesacker,
Gannon,
1991;
Harrison,
Downes,
Williams,
1991) .
The present
investigation
involves a further attempt
transformation is possible,
to discover whether
and makes two
such
significant
improvements upon past
efforts.
First,
intervention
employed is presented to
"high-risk"
individuals who possess
characteristics
associated with
phenomenon
rape.
Second,
women are
included in
study
response
growing evidence
that
their
attitudes
and behaviors may be
related to
the prevention
rape
(Coller
Resick,
1987;
Hamilton and
Yee,
1990;
Muehlenhard,
1988;
Muehlenhard and
Linton,
1987;
Muehlenhard
MacNaughton,
1988)
including these
sources,
is hoped
that
ultimate
goal
of reducing
date
and acquaintance
rape will become more
attainable.
However,
one
should understand that
this
study
limited
to an
examination
of date
rape on a
university
campus;
generalizations
to other
settings
and situations may
inappropriate.
Definitions
of Rape
Before discussing the details of
this
study,
essential
to address
several
aspects
of the date and
acquaintance
rape
literature
that
play a
role
present
invest ication.
Perhaps
the most apnrooriate
lace
to beain
general,
as well as date and acquaintance
rape.
According
to Ellis
(1989),
rape
"a physically forceful attempt at
sexual
intimacy when one of
to become
sexually
individuals
intimate"
involved
Date
chooses
rape
defined as
"a forced sexual
intercourse that
occurs on a
date or
(Ellis,
: between
1989,
peopi
2),
e
who are romantically
while acquaintance rape
involved"
refers to
forced sexual
intercourse that
occurs between people who are
acquainted"
(Jenkins
Dambrot,
1987,
Date
rape has
also
been
defined as
interaction
that
begins between a
man and a
woman
in the
context
of a social
event
gathering
, and ends
with one
participant
forcing the other
to participate
in sexual
activity
against
his or
her will"
(Miller,
1988,
Although no one
version
universally agreed upon,
two
distinct
rape,
criteria
whether
lin
the
k
virtually all
rape occurs between
entific definitions
strangers,
acquaintances,
or dating partners.
Although men are
sometimes
victims
rape,
the majority
date and
acquaintance
therefore,
rapes
this
involve male
paper will
rapists
focus on
and female
situation
victims;
in which
men are
rapist
and women
victims.
first
criteria
involve
s some
degree of
force,
which plays a
role
in one of
individuals participating
in behavior
against
A-'-. l r~,-~ n -' Y a nw a n
rr: 11
S
,C,,,,,' ,, 1
C'lr rnlC
n,,,
which force
is not
threatened appears
to be a
tactic used
successfully by many men
(Craig,
Kalichman,
Follingstad,
1989) ,
it does not
this
conservative definition
rape.
Second,
the unwilling behavior
is of a
sexual nature.
Although
this
often
intercourse,
it may
involve one or
more behaviors on a
continuum of
sexual activity
(Margolin,
Miller,
Moran,
1989)
Unfortunately,
situations
in which
rapist
and victim
are
romantically
layperson's
involved or
definition
on a
rape,
date often
despite
their
fail
fitting these
two criteria.
This
becomes
especially disturbing when one
realizes
that
men
who do not
consider
their
actions to
rape are more
likely to
rape,
women who do not
perceive
their partners'
actions
rape
are
less
likely to
attempt
to resist
such
actions and/or
report
them
(Sandberg,
Jackson,
Petretic-Jackson,
1987),
friends
who do not
view the
situation
involving
rape are
less
likely to
assist
victim
in reporting the
crime and/or
seeking
psychological help,
and
jurors
who allow the
relationship between
involved parties
to attenuate
their
judgment
severity
the crime are
less
likely to
convict
rapist
(Kanin,
1984
Prevalence of Rape
Misperceptions of
date
id acquaintance
rape have
viewed in
light
of recently
determined estimates
of the
prevalence of
date and acquaintance
rape.
least
(Muehlenhard,
1985;
Muehlenhard &
Linton,
1987)
rapes
occur between acquaintances,
with the victim being at
least
somewhat
aware of the
rapist's
identity
cases
(Sandberg
et al.,
1987) .
A survey
women at
Kent
State
University
revealed that
of respondents
reported being
victims
of rape or attempted rape by
someone
they
knew,
while only
these
women
reported it
to the
police
(Koss
& Oros,
1982,
cited in Miller
& Marshall,
1987)
Similarly,
(Rappaport
Burkhart,
1984,
cited
in Aizenman
Kelley,
1988)
(Struckman-Johnson,
1988,
cited in Struckman-
Johnson
Struckman-Johnson,
1991)
of college women
recently
surveyed reported having been
raped by an acquaintance.
These
statistics
are
consistent
with the
results of
studies
Kanin and his
assoc
iates
spanning
from
1957
to 1977,
which indicate
that
.9% to
23.8%
of college women
report
experiencing
forceful
attempts
sexual
intercourse by
dating partners.
discovery that c
Related to
collegee
these
women are more
findings
likely to be
raped in
a dating
situation
than by a
stranger
(Dull
Giacopassi,
1987).
With
respect
the general
population,
randomly
selected
women
in San Francisco
reported attempted
nr r-nm]n 1ti +d rarnn h\
S'
ijin ntb nxr
m thi nf
~ n ~ rn115~ i nt ~ n rP
in Coller
Res
ick,
1987) .
Even
more
telling,
a national
survey
reveal
ed that
women
studied
were
rape
victims,
with
occurring
hands
an acquaintance
(Koss,
1985,
cited
in Aizenman
Kell
1988) .
Although
some
these
statistics
have
been
criticized
based
on conse
rvative
definitions
rape,
they
have
recently
been
defended
convincingly
Koss
1992)
Consecruences
of Rape
evidence,
then,
clearly
indicates
that
date
acquaintance
rape
occur
frequently
to a significant
degree.
Another
more
popular
traumatic
misconception
psychol
that
ogically
stranger
damaging,
rape
thus
is much
minimizing
importance
of date
acquaintance
rape.
contrary,
appears
that
date
acquaintance
rape
often
result
more
psych
ologically
devastating
consequences
than
stranger
Linton,
rape
1987;
Cornett
Roth
Shuntich,
, Wayland
1991;
Woolsey,
Muehlenhard
1990).
example,
Bridges
1991)
indicated
that
acquaintance
rape
victims
report
ess
recovery
than
women
raped
strangers
during
year
period
following
rape.
Muehl
enhard
(1988
posited
that
severe
adjustment
problems
suffered
victims
of acquaintance
rape
are
their
subsequent
inability
to differentiate
motives
other
acquaintances
from
motives
rapist,
which
Tn 7A a- ut0*rn 1 arm~ It It ~
r'r ~a 4a
~nri
th r
m -iT
Ft r~l Pt
n 1
mnl
I I I
by the
victim's
self-blame
for the
rape,
which
is more
likely to occur
in acquaintance
rape as opposed to
stranger
rape
to the ambiguity of having been
raped by someone
familiar
(Miller
& Marshall,
1987) .
This
is especially true
when
rapist
a romantic or dating partner,
victim must
then
deal
with
feelings
of betrayal
and/or guilt
(Kiernan
Taylor,
1990;
Sandberg et al.,
1987)
Such guilt
is often experienced when the
victim adheres to
societally rei
are capable of
forced belief
"leading
that
a man on"
several
female behaviors
to the point
where
cannot
control his
urges
(Muehlenhard & MacNaughton,
1988).
Rapist Pathology
A common belief
regarding
rape
that
a man
can get
a point
which he
simply
cannot
stop
himself
from engaging
in intercourse.
Another misconception
contributing to both
victim's
guilt
and the
layperson's
reluctance
classify
a date
or acquaintance
rape
situation
as rape
involves a belief
that
rapist
someone psychologically
pathological
(Groth,
1979) .
Belief
this myth makes
hard
to believe
that
rape
can occur
as often as
does;
after
all,
just
how many pathological
individuals
can
there
This
line of
reasoning
is especially
likely when
one
applies
to an acquaintance or dating partner who appears
to be
free
from psychopathology.
Nevertheless,
several
studr i Ps
(P .
frsrn r't P
;:f
o1 n .
r. 1 1
I ~7fl CC *IuI I I A,
fl; =Ilnnn~ Q Q
1 QU7
1 rnr^
acquaintance
rapist,
psychologically
deviant.
example,
Kanin
s (1984
review
of several
studies
indicated
that
such
individuals
are
no more
sexually
deprived,
sexually
inadequate,
nor
socially
psychologically
maladjusted
than
average
man.
Similarly,
results
of a study
Koss,
Leonard,
Beezley
(1985)
indicated
that
self-report
ed acquaintance
rapists
not
differ
from
nonacquaintance
rapists
measures
psyc
hopathic
deviance,
soc
anxi
ety,
and
hostility.
Furthermore,
more
recent
studies
revealed
that
while
sexually
aggressive
men
differ
from
sexually
nonagg
ressive
men
with
respect
to traits
such
as aggression,
impulse
range
ivity,
Petty
dominance,
Dawson,
they
1989)
are
are
still
not
within
deficient
normal
soc
skills
(Koralewski
Conger,
1992
This
evidence
strong
implications;
date
acquaintance
rape
more
likely
if it
does
take
a deviant
individual
engage
such
activities.
In fact,
over
one-third
of college
men
admit
that,
depending
circumstances,
would
commit
a rape
they
believed
that
they
would
not
punished
Malamuth,
1981,
cited
Peterson
Franzese,
1987).
Although
those
rape
acquaintances
dating
partners
may
meet
standards
of psychological
Ar~~rv4 ~~n r~~n i-~n A-: onaorm o o -bx TfQQQ
, e- Aa. ,' a
, T
th ~~r
~nrt: ~nnn
~,lh ~t h ~ r
nn c Ep c ~
not
engage
beliefs
in such behaviors.
held by women
which may
Likewise,
increase
if there are
likelihood of
their victimization,
important
to identify them.
discovering
such
characteristics or
beliefs,
researchers
will be better
able
to understand and potentially devise
means of prevention,
targeting these
interventions toward
such
"high
risk"
individuals.
As mentioned earlier,
this
the major thrust
of the present
study.
Several
factors
have been
implicated in either
sexual
aggression
or victimization.
These
factors
will be now be
discussed,
must
with
be targeted
the goals
identifying
interventions are
individuals who
succeed
reducing
rape and
methods
of assessing whether
behaviorally
relevant
change
has occurred.
TarQet
Individuals
Although a handful
effectiveness of int
supportive attitudes
studies
erventions desi
have demonstrated
gned to change ra
and potential behavior
(e.g.,
pe-
Gilbert
et al.,
1991;
Harrison
et al.,
1991),
none have
specifically
aimed these
interventions
toward individuals
classified
"high risk"
for potential
involvement
in a rape.
Although
some
"high
risk"
individuals
were
probably
included
samples,
likely that
they were
the minority.
example,
Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
admitted that
participants
th i r
struck
1 C
r~n-~~nnr1 n r0 -,;ntarr n tc~~~ nfl7
r~ np-rllnllnrt i IrP
attitudes
than
expected,
suggested
that
further
investigations
utilize
more
rape-supportive
part
cipants.
Traditionalitv
The
distinct'
"high-risk"
individual
characteristics,
may
one
possess
several
in particular
most
widely
cited
as being
linked
to actual
behavior.
Specifically,
tendency
engage
traditional
sex-role
stereotyping
(also
called
traditionality),
indicated
responses
to either
Burt
1980
Sex-Role
Stereotyping
Scale
or Spence
Helmrei
1978)
Attitudes
Toward
Women
Scale,
appears
to be
assoc
ed with
men's
likelihood
of raping
women's
likelihood
of being
raped
Muehlenhard
Before
MacNaughton,
briefly
1988;
mentioning
Scott
evidence
Tetreault,
1986).
supporting
this
assoc
iation,
one
should
understand
that
effects
traditionality
are
most
salient
cases
of date
rape. I
dating
situation
highly
influenced
sex-role
socialization
processes,
such
as those
that
teach
men
persist
attempts
at sexual
intimacy
despite
woman'
protests.
Such
behavior
often
not
viewed
as harmful
to the
belief
that
woman'
res
instance
is only
"token"
being
part
of her
role
as the
"lady
this
line
thinking,
rape
viewed
extreme
end of a continuum
of sexual
behavior
governed
traditional
sex
roles
I
1QQ1\
Th or of nro
hnl-h
m~n ann
-.nrnnnr
-r .r a
tflr4 rIC~~oO 'A' I- IIIUtIII Mn~ I1
m rn-
~na~
F
Uu
are more
likely to hold rape-supportive attitudes.
This
increases
their
chances
of raping or being raped,
especially
in a dating
situation
(Bridges,
1991)
For example,
Check and Malamuth
1983)
found that
traditional
sex-role
stereotyping men,
contrast
their
less traditional
sexual arousal
rape vignettes,
counterparts,
in response
were more
showed higher
to both
likely to
levels of
stranger and acquaintance
perceive a favorable
reaction
from the
victim,
and expressed a
greater
likelihood
raping
future.
Similarly,
Byers
and Wilson
(1985)
found that
traditional male participants
who engaged
role-played responses
to audiotapes
of dating
situations
showed less
compliance
with
victim's
refusal
of sexual
intimacy than
did nontraditional men.
Perhaps
found that c
even more
revealing,
convicted rapists,
albe
Scott
it not
and Tetreault
necessarily
(1986)
date
rapists,
were
significantly more
traditional
than men
convicted of
violent
nonsexual
crimes
and noncriminal
men.
This
corroborates
reports by Muehlenhard and Linton
1987)
and Koralewski
engaged in
sexual
Conger
aggression
(1992)
that men
expressed more
traditional
beliefs
than nonaggressive men.
Although selecting participants on
self-reported history
the basis of
of raping or victimization
their
would seem
to be a more direct measure
of risk,
one must
keep
in mind
have
raped.
Likewise,
including
only
women
are
rape
victims
would
exclude
women
whose
traditional
beli
may
place
them
at a higher
risk
of being
victimized.
Therefore,
is especially
important
target
traditional
individuals
when
implementing
interventions
designed
prevent
rape;
unfortunately,
this
not
been
case.
aoe
appears
nontraditional
that
women
the
may
attitudes
contribute
of both
to the
traditional
occurrence
and
and
damaging
it has
their
consequences
already
partners
to resist
such
been
of date
mentioned
' actions
actions
rap
and/or
rape.
that
e are
report
Regarding
women
less
them
occurrence,
do not
perceive
to attempt
(Sandberg,
Jackson,
Pet retic-Jackson,
1987)
Indeed,
traditional
women
have
been
found
to be
more
likely
to have
been
verbally
coerced
into
having
sex
(Muehlenhard
MacNaughton,
1988)
Additionally,
percentage
justifies
women
unwanted
been
believe
sexual
shown
that
intercourse,
that
"leading
compared
a higher
a man
women
do not,
report
having
unwanted
sex
because
their
partner
become
so arouse
d that
they
felt
would
be useless
stop
him
(Muehlenhard
Naughton,
1988) .
Similarly,
Cornett
Shuntich
1991)
report
that
self-blame
one
several
common
attributions
rape
made
victims
seen
rape
crisis
centers.
Women's attitudes also
seem to play
a role
consequences of
dat e
rape,
which have been mentioned as even
more psychologically devastating than
stranger
rape
(Bridges,
1991;
Cornett
and Shuntich,
1991;
Muehlenhard,
1988;
Roth,
Wayland,
Woolsey,
1990) .
It has
been asserted
that
victim self-blame may play a
role
this
(Kiernan
Taylor,
1990;
Miller
Marshall,
1987;
Sandberg
et al.,
1987)
is especially
likely because of
greater
situational
fact,
ambiguity
self-blame
(Muehlenhard
been
Linton,
implicated in
1987).
victim failure
report
rape
(Miller
& Marshall,
1987)
and may even
increase vulnerability to
future rape
(Sandberg
et al.,
1987).
Given
many women
these
findings,
do engage
important
in victim blame.
to realize that
fact,
both male
and female
participants
are more
likely to
assi
gn blame
date
rape
victims
if these participants exhibit
traditional,
sex-role
stereotypical
attitudes
(Coller
Resick,
1987;
Fischer,
1986;
Muehlenhard,
1988;
Muehlenhard &
MacNaughton,
1988)
Muehlenhard and MacNaughton
(1988),
well
as Coller
and Resick
(1987
suggest
that
this
tendency
related
to self-blame
in a rape
situation.
Indeed,
women
have been
victimized are
more
likely than nonvictims to
rate male
use of
force
justified
(Cornett
Shuntich,
1991) ;
this
is consistent
with
indications
that
self-blame
Although
involvement
a woman's tr
or reaction
aditionality
to a date r
may
ape
contribute
experience,
to her
other
factors
may
involved.
instance
Muehlenhard
Linton
(1987)
found
that
female
part
cipants
with
histories
of involvement
in unwanted
sexual
activity
tended
to accept
rape
myths
related
beliefs
more
than
others.
Ther
before,
seems
espe
cially
important
to include
women,
especially
women
hold
traditional
beliefs,
when
administering
antirape
inte
rventions.
Although
many
studies
have
included
female
participants
(Borden,
Karr,
Caldwell
-Colbert,
1988;
Check
Malamuth,
Hamilton
Yee,
1984;
1990;
Feltey
Johnson
, Ainslie,
Russ,
Geib,
1989;
1991;
Malamuth
Check,
1984),
others
have
not
(Gilbert
et al., 1991;
Harrison
et al.,
1991
implications
this
will
discussed
further
following
chapter.
Measures
Intervention
Success
In addition
to understanding
rationale
including
traditional
male
female
participants
present
study,
one
must
understand
certain
measures
the
idea
effectiveness
1 approach, i
intervention
n which
were
rape-related
selected.
experiences
each
participant
assessed
over
a period
years
following
intervention,
was
feasible.
Fortunately,
responses
to certain
paper-and-pencil
measures
have
been
linlcsr
wit-h
malP
n rtr i rl "n~nt
' hi Itnr\
nf r-an in
female
participants'
history
of victimization;
these measures were
used
in this
study and will now be discussed.
Rape Myth Acceptance
and Related Beliefs
Belief
in rape myths,
defined as prejudicial,
stereotyped,
rapists
or false
(Malamuth
statements about
Check,
rape,
1984),
rape
contribute
victims,
to the
incidence of
rape.
Indeed,
belief
in such myths may
increase
likelihood of
the rapist's
raping,
rapist's
victim's
failure
label
sexually aggressive behavior
rape,
victim's
hesitance
to resist
and/or
report
rape,
and society's
failure
to provide adequate
support
and/or
justice
for the
victim
Koss
et al.,
1985).
Although beli
in rape myths
is potentially dangerous,
one
would hope
that
few people
hold such beliefs.
Unfortunately,
Giacopassi
and Dull
1986)
discovered
that,
depending
the myth
stated,
from
to 75% of people
surveyed indicated
either
strong or moderate agreement.
Similarly,
Quackenbush
(1989)
found
that
from
college men agreed
with statements
such
"women often
pretend that
they
do not
desire
intercourse
hope
that
the man
will
force
them.
Such
prevalence
figures become more
striking when one
realizes
that
adherence
to rape myths
related beliefs,
typically
operationalized using Burt's
1980)
Rape Myth
Acceptance.
Adversarial
Sexual Beliefs.
and Acceptance of
actual
rape.
instance,
Muehlenhard
Linton
(1987)
found
that
both
male
female
partic
ipants
with
histories
of involvement
in unwanted
sexual
activity
tended
to accept
myths
related
beliefs
concerning
violence
relationships
Conger
more
1992)
than
found
others.
similar
More
results
recently,
with
Koralewski
male
part
cipants.
course,
impossible
to draw
causal
conclusions
Malamuth
from
(1983)
these
findings;
discovered
that
however,
men
ere
indicated
least
some
elihood
of raping
agree
more
with
rape
myths
than
those
indicated
elihood
these
behaviors.
Responses
to Vianettes
Similar
investigations
using
Burt
1980
scales,
several
studies
have
demonstrated
that
part
cipant
rape-
supportive
responses
to vignettes
depicting
rape
situations
correlate
with
history
of raping
as well
as men's
self-
reported 1
& Dambrot,
Likelihood
1987; Qu
rape
ackenbush,
(Check
1989)
Malamuth,
1983;
It has also
Jenkins
been
shown
that
rape-
supportive
responses
among
women
related
increase
ed incidence
of sexual
victimization
(Jenkins
Dambrot,
women,
1987) .
include
Such
agreement
response
with
patterns,
statements
in both
men
referring
to victim
blame,
rapist
blame,
victim
desire
intercourse,
iustifiability
rape,
whether
rape
occurred,
men,
the
self-reported likelihood of performing the behavior
vignette.
Moreover,
both men and women are more
likely to
respond
rape-supportive ways
if the vignette depicts an ambiguous
situation,
such
as one
which
woman
invites
the man to
apartment
and consents
to kissing and petting.
For
example,
the more ambiguous
situation,
less
likely
that
victim will be perceived as victimized
(Bridges,
1991;
Kanekar,
Shaherwalla,
Franco,
Kunju,
Pinto,
1991;
Quackenbush,
1989)
Being
influenced in
this
fashion by
situational
ambiguity
seems
to be
a risk
factor when applied by
certain
individuals
in actual
dating
situations:
Kanin
(1984)
found
that
self-disclosed date
rapists
indicated that
consensual
sexual activity preceding the
rape made
seem
justified.
Equally
important,
women
had been
victimized
were more
likely than nonvictims
to rate
the use of
force
justified
(Cornett
Shuntich,
1991) .
Therefore,
since
vignette
responses
have been
associated with
involvement
dat e
rape,
is desirable
see
whether
intervention
can
affect
such
responses.
Finally,
finding that
sex-role ste
and most
both men
reotypes
relevant
and women
are more 1
to the
present
who adhere
ikely to make
study,
is the
to traditional
rape-supportive
responses
to date
rape
vignettes
(Coller
Resick,
1987;
.
partly
to their tendency to regard sexually
coercive
behaviors
acceptable
in a
dating
situation.
Attempted
Interventions
As mentioned earlier,
little
research has examined
whether in
supportive
terventions
attitudes.
can attenuate
Nevertheless,
the effects
rape-
reported efforts
are
encouraging.
and Check
instance,
and Malamuth
1984)
Malamuth and Check
discovered that
(1984)
participants
were educated about
the negative consequences of
rape
after reading
a rape vignette were
later
less
likely to
respond to an apparently unrelated acquaintance
rape
article
in a myth-consistent manner,
assigning
less
responsibility
to the
victim.
(1987)
utilized 2-hour educational
workshops that
allowed male
parti
cipants
to engage
in guided imagery and to
discuss
their emotional
reactions to
rape
situations,
resulting
in a
decrease
in rape-supportive attitudes.
Similar
changes
in attitudes
regarding the
justifiability of
sexual aggression
(Feltey
et al.,
1991),
as well
decreased agreement
with statements
advocating victim blame
and denial
that
rape occurs
(Harrison et
al.,
1991)
have
occurred after
shorter presentations.
Finally,
and perhaps most
encouraging,
Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
successfully employed a psychoeducational
intervention based unon Petty and Cacioooo's
(1986)
Compared to controls,
participants
receiving this
hour-long
presentation exhibited more
favorable change of their
rape-
related attitudes.
listen
Moreover,
they were more willing to
to an ostensibly unrelated phone appeal
proposed women's
comments
safety projects and made more
regarding the
regarding
favorable
latter.
While s
mind that mo
are most lik
individuals
:h discoveries
of the
ely not
are promising,
individuals
representative of
who are more
likely to
one must
undergoing positive
"high
rape or be
keep in
e change
isk"
raped in
dating
situations.
Additionally,
the Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
and Harrison et
(1991)
studies
did not
target
female
participants
intervention,
overlooking an
important
group of potential
rape
victims
could suffer
negative
consequences.
Therefore,
one
still
left
ponder whether
is possible
to change the behaviorally
relevant
attitudinal
responses
of both
traditional men and
traditional
women.
To address
this
question,
the present
investigation
examined the effects of
an attitude
change
intervention
identical
one employed by Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
traditional men and women
(although
less
traditional
part icipants
were
not
expected to be
"high risk,
" they were
included to assure
that
intervention
was properly
implemented)
assess
success
of the
intervention,
participants'
degree of
rape-supportive attitudes prior to
and after the
intervention
was assessed.
In addition,
participants'
responses
to a
date rape vignette
were
obtained after the
intervention.
To more directly examine
participants'
they
history
also completed
of sexual
aggression or victimization,
the Sexual Experiences Survey
(Koss
Oros,
1982) .
Finally,
in order to determine
whether any
observed attitude
change
would be enduring
and behaviorally-
relevant,
a phone appeal
procedure
identical
that
employed in
Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
study was
administered
to all
participants
one month after the presentation.
groups,
there
was
a no-intervention
control
group.
more
detailed discussion
rationale
for these methods
can be
found in
following
chapter.
CHAPTER
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
centuries,
men have been
raping women.
In her
comprehensive account
of the historical bases of
rape,
Susan
Brownmiller
(1975)
presents
rape as
a significant
part
man's
historical
domination
over women.
is a violation
that
cannot be
punished according to the
"eye
an eye"
doctrine,
and,
therefore,
represents
conscious
process
intimidation by which all men keep all
women
in a
state of
fear"
Consistent
with
this notion,
rape occurs
even among
those
know each other and/or are
romantically
involved
in some
way.
Indeed,
date
and acquaintance
rape are
severe
stranger
rape.
However,
lay public often
minimize date
rape,
defining
stranger
rape
"real"
rape.
Nevertheless,
important
of date and acquaintance
rape
to emphasize
are
that
potentially mo
the effects
re traumatic
than
those
stranger
rape
(Cornett
Shuntich,
1991;
Muehlenhard
Linton,
1987;
Roth,
Wayland,
Isey,
1990)
Because date and acquaintance
rape are
so devastating,
numerous
studies
have
examined
factors
that
contribute
their occurrence.
Although psychological
deviance does
not
15).
seem to be
responsible
(e.g.,
Craig
et al.,
1989) ,
a review
of the
literature points
to several
variables
that may be
regarded as potential
predictors of
date and acquaintance
rape,
most
of which are related to
the attitudes and beliefs
of rapists.
In addition,
the data
show that
women may be at
higher risk
of sexual
victimization
if they hold certain
traditional beliefs about
gender
roles
or male and female
sexual behavior.
mentioned
discuss
Although-the major
preceding
them in more detail.
chapter,
Thus,
findings
have been
desirable
following broad
categories
will
now be addressed:
bell
in rape myths,
blame of the
victim,
perception of
situation as
an incidence of
rape,
sex-role
stereotyping/traditionality,
tendencies
see
certain
factors
justifying
forced
intercourse.
Subsequently,
attempted interventions will be outlined.
Racist
and Victim Belief
in Rape Myths
For the
purposes
of the present
investigation,
a rape
myth
can be
thought
of as a prejudicial,
stereotyped,
false statement
about
rape,
rape
victims,
and rapists
(Malamuth
Check,
1984)
example,
a common myth
that
rapist
insane
Groth,
1979);
yet,
there
little evidence
supporting this belief.
However,
despite
their
lack
veracity,
belief
in such myths can
contribute
to incidence of
rape.
Indeed,
many
of the
rape-predicting
related to myths.
instance,
some common beliefs among
rapists,
third parties,
and even
victims
are that
victim
somehow asked for
deserved it,
or enjoyed it
(Shapcott,
1988);
the effects of
such perceptions of the
victim as
desiring
intercourse,
as well as
rapist
and victim blame of
victim,
will be discussed later.
In the
first
part
of this
section,
the most
widely held
myths will be presented and
their prevalence discussed.
However,
myths may
important
increase
to keep
in mind
likelihood of
that belief
a rapist's
raping
in such
or a
rapist
or a
victim failing to
label
sexually aggressive
behavior as
rape
(Koss
et al.,
1985),
a victim'
hesitance
to resist
and report
rape,
and society's
failure
provide adequate
support
justice
for the
victim
Koss et
al.,
rape
1985)
Such relationships between belief
behavior will be addressed
in myths and
the second part
this
section.
Their
Prevalence
Perhaps
the most
potentially
dangerous
classification
of myths
are
those
that
denote
certain
situations
which
rape
justifiable.
Beliefs
this
category
include
notions
that
rape
is more
justifiable
the woman
"leads
the man on";
hitchhikes,
goes braless,
or wears
sexy
clothing;
engages
petting
behavior;
goes
to a man's
apartment
on the
first
date;
or gets drunk.
According to
Mcrt hs
"suggestive" behaviors,
with
women
exhibiting
such behaviors
placing themselves at
greater risk.
Just
as the belief
in myths
dealing with
justifiability of
sexual aggression
can be a serious
problem
escalates
into behavior,
myths
that
deal
with the
prevalence of
a man
rape are
who adheres to
potentially
the beliefs
dangerous.
instance,
that a healthy woman
cannot
be raped against
her will,
rape only occurs between
strangers,
women
often
falsely accuse men
rape,
and only
bad girls
raped
Giacopassi
Dull,
1986)
find it
hard to classify
rape.
his own
This attitude
sexually
aggressive behavior
is certainly prevalent
on a societal
level
as offenders who do not
stranger-raping-the-
virgin-victim-in-a-brutal-manner
stereotype often
receive
more
lenient
sentences
(Giacopas
Dull,
1986) .
And,
unfortunately,
victims
hold these beliefs may blame
themselves
for the occurrence of
rape
(e.g.,
Cornett
Shuntich,
1991)
How widespread are these beliefs?
An attempt
to make
such a determination
was made by Giacopassi
and Dull
(1986)
in a
survey
449 college
students.
Nine
rape myths
were
presented
statements,
each
followed by a Likert-type
response
scale
ranging
from strongly agree
to strongly
disagree.
Depending
the myth stated,
between
aAn4 rz yr% nr mn narar Ta
: n~: nlCh~ r\:~hn
rnnnnn rJ nn~n
r
most
rapists
have
severe psychological
problems
(75%),
rape
is usually unplanned and impulsive
(36.9%),
and women
often
falsely accuse men of
rape
(29.2%)
In addition,
men
were
significantly more
likely than women
to agree with
latter myth,
well
with
the myths
that
women are often
a little
to blame
rape and that
normal men
do not
commit
rape.
In a
related study,
Quackenbush
1989)
found that many
college men agreed with
following
ideas:
Women
often
pretend
that
they
do not
desire
intercourse
hope
that
the man will
force
them
(39%);
being
"roughed up"
sexually
stimulating to many women
(19%);
sometimes the only
a man
can
turn a
cold woman
use
force
(17%);
woman
who goes
to a man's apartment
on their
first
date
implies
engages
her willingness
in necking
to have
sex
or petting and
(17%) ;
lets
if a girl
things
"out
hand
" it
is her
own
fault
if her partner
forces
sex
on her
(35%
The
latter two
beliefs
can be
thought
of as examples
of the
"leading
myths
alluded to earlier.
and Relation
to Race
Behavior
Several
efforts
link belief
in rape myths
rape
behavior
these in
have been
vestigations
reported
in recent
have employed
Scml
literature.
e form of BE
Many
lurt 's
(1980)
adheren
Rape Myth Acceptance
ce to rape myths. T
Scale
assess
his measure
participants'
requires
respondents
Mvt h s
r
relating
to themes
suC
as rape
often
woman
s fault,
rape
sometimes
Additionally,
Burt
justifiable,
(1980)
developed
many
two
women
other
enjoy
scales
rape.
that
are
positively
related
to acceptance
rape
myths.
Adversarial
Sexual
Beli
Scale
measures
agreement
with
statements
such
"men
are
out
only
one
thing"
other
items
dealing
with
negative
attitudes
regarding
male-
female
sexual
relations.
Acceptance
of Interpersonal
Violence
Scale
asks
respondents
indicate
agreement
with
items
that
involve
violence
against
women.
These
scales
are
also widely
used
in the
date
acquaintance
rape
literature.
Perhaps
most
comprehensive
study
relationship
between
myths
behavior
was
Muehlenhard
Linton
(1987),
in which
female
male
college
students
res
ponded
to a wide
variety
of behavioral
and
attitudinal
items
in questionnaire
form.
In addition
to the
Rape
Myth
Acceptance
Scale,
participants
answered
questions
about
their
most
recent
date.
Among
other
things,
they
were
presented
kissing
with
to sexual
list
sexual
intercourse
activities
were
asked
ranging
to check
from
each
one
that
woman
willingly,
each
one
man
tried
do against
against
woman
wishes.
s wishes,
Participants
each
were
one
also
he actually
asked whether
they h
ever
experienced
unwanted
sexual
activity
in high
.
clearly resisted,
yet,
was
forced to engage
one or more
of the
describe
listed activities.
their worst
they were asked to
experience with such activity by
responding
to the
same
items
they
did regarding their
most
recent
date.
Consistent
with
related research
(Blumberg
Lester,
1991;
Brady
et al.,
1990;
Giacopassi
Dull,
1986),
men
agreed more with rape myths
than
did women.
In addition,
there
was
a trend for participants
who had been
involved in
unwanted sexual
activity to accept
myths
more
than
others.
Moreover,
a significant
interaction
indicated
that men
had been
involved in
unwanted sexual
activity agreed more
with
the myths
agreed more
than
than
did other men,
women
participant s
while men i
regardless
n general
of whether
these
women had experienced unwanted sexual activity.
also
than
scored higher on
did women,
the Adversarial
as did participants
Sexual
Beliefs
had been
Scale
involved in
unwanted sexual
activity,
regardless
of their
sex.
This
latter pattern
of results
was
also
found with respect
to the
Acceptance of
Interpersonal
Violence
Scale
(Muehlenhard &
Linton,
1987) .
Although
causality
cannot
be determined,
these
findings
indicate
that
sexually aggressive men are
more
likely to accept
rape myths
than
their
sexually
nonaggressive
counterparts,
which
corroborates
a similar
CI rnh70 nir mmd bxzh
T~r~ eQ at 11 QP';~ n ~r1At~n ttime n
11QR5\
crt =11
Knee
wnmPn
d
I
other women
to hold adversarial
sexual beliefs and to accept
violence toward
women.
with men,
is plausible
that
these attitudes may
have contributed to their experience,
although
is also possible
that
they are a
result
having
experienced unwanted sexual
activity.
In a more
recent
study
(Koralewski
Conger,
1992),
men
were classified
as either
low,
medium,
or high
with
respect
to sexual aggression based on their
responses
to the
same
sexual-behavior
items
used
the Muehlenhard and
Linton
(1987
study.
These groups
differed in
their
scores
on Burt's
Acceptance o
participants
1980)
Acceptance of
f Rape Myths
scoring
scales,
higher
Interpersonal
with
, although
Violence
the more aggressive
there were only trends
regarding the Acceptance of Rape Myths measure.
Although requesting
self-reports of behavior
widely used method of
determining whether
someone
likely
to have
solely
engaged
this
in aggressive
technique may b
sexual behavior,
e insufficient.
relying
Despite
efforts
to operationally define
sexually
aggressive
behaviors,
may underestimate
quite
possible
such activity
that
s for
participants as
reasons such a
a whole
s a
desire
to maintain social
embarrassed to admit
desirability;
engaging
in activity
they might be
ies of which society
does
not
approve.
In addition
, it
is possible
that many
oarticinants may
be capable
of beinac
-C
exuallv aqacressive but
been
stated that
over
one-third of
college men admit
that
they would
not
commit
be punished
a rape
if they believed that
(cited in Peterson
Franzese,
they would
1987).
Therefore,
several
studies
have employed additional means of
ascertaining the
likelihood
that
participants would engage
in date or
Perhap
acquaintance
s the most p
rape
if given the opportunity.
popularr method of
obtaining a more
behaviorally relevant
appraisal
of a sexual
aggression
involves
the use of
situational
vignettes.
These are
typically
one- or two-paragraph stories that
depict
date,
stranger,
and/or
acquaintance rape
situations.
Subsequent
to reading them,
part
cipants
respond to questions designed
to reveal
their perceptions
vignette and/or their
and attitudes
likelihood of
engagi
regarding the
ng in similar
behavior.
female and
instance,
Margolin et
49 male participants
(1989)
to read a
asked
vignette
in which
a man kisses
a woman
despite
her verbal
protest
while they
are on a
date
a movie
theater.
Although
this
would not
be classified as
date
rape,
the authors
considered such an
activity part
of a continuum of
culturally normative,
male-
aggressive
behavior with rape at
the endpoint.
In any
case,
participants
were asked
to rate the acceptability of
man's and
they
woman's behavior on a
completed a
7-point
scale,
19-item version of Burt's
after which
(1980)
Rape Myth
Acceptan
ce Scale.
140T
nn rP
LrS L ~ S S WYL %L ~ .,~a
likely than
women
.
.
Furthermore,
regardless
of participant
sex,
acceptance
of 10
rape
man
myths
s behavior
was
significantly
and/or
related
nonacceptance
to acceptance
of the
woman
attempt
to resist.
course,
desirable
to discover
whether
involved
similar
sexual
relationships
activities
would
closer
occur
to the
vignette
endpoint
continuum.
Fortunately,
a recent
investigation
was
performed
order
answer
preceding
question
(Blumberg
Lester,
1991)
A questionnaire
containing
Burt
s (1980
Rape
Myth
Acce
ptance
Scale
11 acquaintance
rape
vignettes
was
administered
to 21
female
33 male
high
school
students,
as well
female
15 male
college
students.
With
res
pect
vignettes,
parti
cipants
assigned
degree
of blame
rape,
using
-point
scale.
Results
indi
cated
that
high
school
men
blamed
victim
significantly
more
than
high
school
women
and
also
agreed
more
with
rape
myths.
Additionally,
a significant
correlation
between
victim
blame
and
rape
myth
acceptance
was
found
both
high
school
men
women
(Blumberg
Lester,
1991)
These
findings
suggest
that
an individual
more
likely
to adhere
these
myths
also
more
to blame
a rape
victim
vignette
, he
or she
may
find
it easier
to blame
victim
an actual
rape
situation.
This me
e true
whether
individual
juror.
already argued,
the consequences might be
devastating
in any of
these
scenarios.
In any
case,
a more
thorough examination of
studies that
explore situations
which the
victim of a
rape
is blamed is
in order.
Racist
and Victim Blame of the
Victim
The ten
with several
behaviors, s
Idency to believe
potentially rap
in rape myths
e-related attitude:
uch as blaming the victim of
a rape
associated
s and
e (Blumberg
Lester,
1991) .
However,
is there any
relation between
victim blame and such attitudes
and behaviors?
Several
studies
have
attempted to answer this question.
In an
early
study,
Briere and Malamuth
1983)
sought
discover whether victim blame was
related to self-reported
likelihood of
raping.
latter measure
considered a
possible
indicator
individual's
potential
rape;
men
report
some
likelihood,
as opposed to
those who report
no likelihood,
have been
found to be more
similar to
convicted
rapists
on a
variety
of dimensions.
In addition,
such
self-reports
have
been associated with actual
aggression
situations
(Briere
toward women,
and directly
Malamuth,
1983) .
both
in self-reports of
observable
laboratory
In order to assess
dating
situations
this
variable,
participant
the authors
used distractor
to indicate on a
5-point
items,
scale
asking
how lik
356 male
ely they
would be
to commit
several
acts
(one of
which being rape)
indicated at
least
some
likelihood of
raping
well
using force to get
a woman to do something
did not
really want
to do
(28%
of the
sample)
agreed significantly
more with
the belief that
victims are
responsible
for their
rapes than
behaviors
did those
(40%)
(Briere
indicated no
Malamuth,
likelihood of these
1983).
To discover whether there are
any variables
that
increase
likelihood
Edmonds and Cahoon
(1986)
that
victim will be blamed,
presented two slides
to each of
male and
female
college
students.
slide
depicted a
female model
wearing
attractive but
conservative clothing,
while the other
showed
same model
wearing more
sexy
attire.
might t
When asked to
>e raped,
rate
participants
the
ass
likelihood t
signed higher
hat
the woman
ratings
to the
sexy-dressed model.
more
Moreover,
likely to provoke her
rape,
latter was
and participa
rated as being
nts indicated
that
should be held more
consequences,
with men
responsible
indicating this more
for the
strongly than
women.
Both men
and women also believed
that
the attacker
should be
held less
responsible
when
victim was
wearing
sexy
clothes,
as opposed to
conservative
apparel.
Importantly,
assignment
of blame
this
study
depended on
perceived
characteristics or
behaviors of
the victim;
this
is consistent
with previously mentioned myths
indicating
that
women
who get
drunk,
go braless,
or engage
in petting
Although a
victim's
characteristics are an
important
component
of victim blame
rape,
one must be
careful not
to overlook rapist
characteristics associated with victim
blame.
We have already
seen
that belief
in rape myths
one
factor
(Blumberg
Lester,
1991);
indeed,
several myths
deal
directly with
victim blame.
Additionally,
it has been
discovered
that both male and female participants are more
likely to assign blame
to the
victim if these participants
exhibit
traditional,
sex-role
stereotypical attitudes
(Coller
Resick,
1987;
Muehlenhard &
MacNaughton,
1988);
latter will
section on
Finally,
itself
be discussed
sex-role
in greater detail
stereotyping/traditionality.
the effect
is pertinent
is designed to
focus
to the current
iteractional situation
investigation, since
on date and acquaintance
rape.
research-based assertion that
victim blame
is more
likely
when
incident
less
closely resembles
the classic
stranger
rape
scenario
in which a
total stranger
suddenly
assaults
the victim.
When
rape occurs
between
acquaintances and especially
dating partners,
people
have
trouble
assigning
full
responsibility to
rapist.
Indeed,
the more ambiguous
situation,
lower the
probability that
victim will be
perceived as truly
victimized
Bridges,
1991;
Kanekar
et al.,
1991;
Quackenbush,
1989)
Although it
appears
that
situational ambiguity plays
important
role when one tries to determine
the degree of
victim responsibility,
least
one
study
found that
sex
differences may affect
such attitudes.
Tetreault and
Barnett
(1987)
had
40 male and
female
undergraduates
read
one of two
versions of
a rape vignette.
They were
led to
believe
that
rapist
was
either
a complete
stranger to
victim or a man
dated a co
a 5-minute
from one
uple of times
videotape
of her
Subsequently,
of what
classes who
she had
participants
was purportedly a
watched
therapeutic
interview of the
rape
victim;
actually,
participants
saw
same video of
an actress
with an
unseen
therapist.
expected,
female
participants blamed the
victim more
acquaintance
rape
situation.
Interestingly,
male
participants attributed more blame
to the
stranger
rape
victim than
acquaintance
rape
victim.
While
this
would seem to contradict
idea
that
greater situational
ambiguity
increases
victim blame,
should be noted that both
stranger and acquaintance
rape
vignettes
coerces
were unambiguous.
into
In both
victim's
cases,
apartment;
rapist
stranger
does
this by
force,
the acquaintance by deception.
In both
cases
victim does
engage
in any
romantic or
sexual
activity prior to
assault.
Therefore,
is perplexing
why men and women
did differentiate between
vignettes,
it had to do with perceived likability of
the victim;
men
liked her
less
than
did women
(Tetreault
& Barnett,
1987) .
Although
is unclear why this
was
true,
it may
have
mediated their attributions of blame,
an effect
that
might
have been
weakened if
the acquaintance
rape
scenario
been more
ambiguous.
type of
greater vignette
ambiguity that may have
benefitted
the Tetreault
and Barnett
(1987
experiment
was
provided
in a more
recent
study by Quackenbush
(1989),
male
participants
read either
a stranger
rape
vignette or
a date
rape
vignette
in which
woman
engages
in petting
responsibility
behavior prior to
the assault.
for the assault,
When asked about
blamed the
victim of
stranger
rape,
held
the victim responsible
date
rape
scenario.
Perhaps
related
to this
was that
participants
in the
stranger
rape condition
expressed
some
likelihood of
engaging
similar behavior,
while
of the date
rape
scenario participants made
such an
indication.
Given
that
this
connection between
victim blame
and propensity to
rape
affected by perceived situational
ambiguity,
is desirable
to discover whether
such
perceptions
can
increase
likelihood of
rape
in other
ways.
Perception
of the
Situation as an
Incidence of Rane
- n. 4 .1
Irl -, C r. 4- V Y -
I'-" ~ r I 11 f
1 nflC'1 2ThA ; "
fvsr thP
nine
1 ^J
'* t /f ^ *U
(Grauerholz
Koralewski,
1991) .
As mentioned
earlier,
findings
those
are
striking,
stranger
rape
with
(e.g
prevalence
., Koss,
figures
1992;
surpassing
Muehlenhard
Linton,
1987).
To determine
this
case,
several
studies
have
compared
rape
participants'
situations.
reactions
suC
to date
h investigation
versus
was
stranger
undertaken
Check
Malamuth
1983)
Undergraduate
male
female
participants
read
one
three
vignettes,
a mutually
consenting
intercourse
scenario,
stranger
rape
scenario,
an acquaintance
rape
scenario.
Participants
reported
experiencing
more
sexual
arousal
consenting
intercourse
condition;
acquaintance
condition
however,
rape
as opposed
their
vignette
arousal
was
similar
to the
stranger
response
rape
to the
that
participants
consenting
condition.
Perhaps
latter
two
situations
were
perceived
similar.
In support
this
condition
contention,
perceived
participant s
victim
in the
as reacting
acquaintance
more
rape
favorably
assault
than
those
read
stranger
rape
situation,
despite
identically
unfavorable
responses
of the
victim
in each
vignette.
authors
concluded
that
ambiguities
acquaintance
rape
depictions
bias
perceptions
1-i -- -! -_
and
ri I
,I 1
1
possibility that
likelihood of se
such perceptions may
xually
increase
aggressive behavior;
the male
acquaintance
rape participants'
self-reported likelihood to
commit an
similar to
the one portrayed in
the vignette
was
greater than
that
of the
stranger rape
participants
(Check
Malamuth,
Although
attitudes
1983).
the assessment
and perceptions
laboratory participants'
of date and acquaintance versus
strange r
rape
scenarios
is quite
useful,
been the
only method used
assess
whether perceptions
of the
situation affect
actual
or potential
rape
behavior.
instance,
Kanin
questionnaire
1984)
to 71
interviewed and administered a
undergraduate
self-disclosed date
rapists.
Seventy-seven percent
the participants
acknowledged that
their actions
were
considered
rape
legal
sense;
however,
two-thirds
felt
that
woman
was at
fault
sexual
conduct.
fact,
100%
of the
rapes
were
preceded by
involving
genital
some
play.
consensual
sexual activity,
According to
the modal
with
participant,
such ambiguity made
difficult
take
the woman's
subsequent
resistance
seriously and probably played a
significant
role
their beliefs
that
they
did not belong
in the
class
"real"
rapists
used
weapons
"violence.
Although it is
clear that
the ma-inritv nf
t hs dat-s" ~t
causes of their behavior,
is unfortunate
that a
control
group was
used in
the Kanin
(1984)
study.
Specifically,
reader
left
to wonder whether nonrapists might
express similar views,
although it
would be difficult
perform the
inquiry
same manner
since many questions
referred to the
participant's
rape behavior.
To better
address this
issue,
an effort
to make a
distinction between
the perceptions and attitudes of
rapists
and nonrapists
has been made
(Jenkins
Dambrot,
1987).
combining the fa
of participants'
Imiliar vignette procedure
attitudes and history
with an assessment
sexually
aggressive behavior,
both participant
authors
and situational
examined
factors
the effects
on perceptions
rape
scenarios.
Each
female
and 332 male
participants
read one
of three
vignettes,
involving a
date
rape.
scenario
indicated that
the man paid
both his and his
date's concert
tickets,
a second
involved a
dutch
treat
situation
, and a
third depicted the
woman
accepting the man's offer of
a ride
home
from the concert,
although she did not
know him
pick-up
situation)
should be
understood
that
the degree of the
rapist's
monetary
investment
has been
shown
to be an
important
element
in participants
' judgments
justifiability of
forced intercourse
(e.g.,
Cornett
Shuntich,
1991);
this
and other
justifying factors
will be discussed
in a
After reading the vignette,
participants were asked to
rate
their
agreement
with the
statements
conveying that
man
than
raped
the man
woman,
for the
that
fact
the woman
that
was more
responsible
intercourse occurred,
that
she desired intercourse,
and that he behaved violently
toward her.
questions,
In addition
to responding to vignette-related
participants answered several
yes-no questions
designed to assess
their
history of
either
sexual assault
vict imi zat ion.
They also completed Burt's
(1980)
Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale.
Overall, mnna-were less likely than
a rape occurred and more .likely to agree
women
that
to agree
that
the woman
wanted sexual-inter course.
Men also were more accepting of
rape myths.
More
interestingly,
men
had been
sexually
assaultive
and those
who agreed more
with rape myth
were
less
likely than
their
nonassaultive and myth-rejecting
counterparts
view the
scenarios
rape,
although
vignette manipulation
did not
differentially
affect men.
same pattern
victim blame,
of results
woman's
desire
was
for
found
for men' s
intercourse,
ratings
rapist
violence.
In contrast,
of victimization
did not
women'
set t
myth acceptance
hem apart
and history
regarding their
perceptions of
situation;
determined whether they
saw
rather,
rape as
type
having
of date
occurred.
amplify,
they were more
likely to agree
that
rape occurred
which
the man paid for the woman.
Nevertheless,
their
ratings of
victim blame and
female
desire
intercourse
were affected only by their acceptance of
rape myths
(Jenkins
Dambrot,
1987).
Clearly,
results of this
study
are
somewhat
equivocal.
Although the
type of vignette and not
their myth
acceptance nor sexual
history affected women's
perceptions
rape,
the opposite
was true
for men.
The authors
state
that
women may attend more
to situational
factors
while men
are more affected by their values and attitudes
(Jenkins
Dambrot,
1987) ;
however,
this
fails
to explain
why myth
acceptance and not
victim blame and f
situation affected their
emale desire
ratings of
intercourse.
Although
sex
differences may
or may not
play a
major
role
in perceptions
rape,
perhaps
it is
sufficient
now to realize that
the vignettes used did not
provide the
ambiguity
of more
typical
date
rape
scenarios;
there
was
mutually
consenting
sexual
activity prior to
rape.
Although monetary
investment
has been
considered a rape-
justifying
factor,
this does
not mean
that
affects
perceptions of the
situation
strongly
ambiguity
created by
such prior
sexual behavior.
In support
of this
assertion,
a more
recent
study by
Johnson and Jackson
(1988
found that manipulation
male and
female
part
cipants'
perceptions of
victim's
in kissing prior to
the assault,
could differentially
affect
their assessments of
situation.
Participants were more
likely to
see
the woman as more
responsible and the man as
less
responsible
when
the woman had
willingly engaged in
kissing prior to
not
rape.
asked to rate whether
Unfortunately,
rape had occurred,
participants were
although
probable
that
the ambiguity
created by the kissing
scenario
would have
lowered such ratings.
Indeed,
a similar
study
found that
both male and female participants were
less
likely to
perceive a
date
rape
scenario as
rape
when
victim acted more
"suggestively"
(Muehlenhard &
MacNaughton,
1988);
this
study will be discussed
in further
detail
in a
subsequent
section.
Additionally,
undifferentiated,
in a study c
and masculine
:onsisting
sex-typed men
20 androgynous,
(Quackenbush,
1989),
participants
' perceptions of
rape
vignettes differed
depending
whether they
read a
date
rape scenario
in which
woman
activity or
former were
engaged in
a stranger
less
a high
rape
degree
scenario.
likely to express
of consensual
Those
empathy
sexual
read the
victim,
attributed more
responsibility to
her and
less
to the
rapist,
greater
perceived the
likelihood of
rape as
engaging
less
in a
serious,
expressed a
similar type of
rape.
Similarly,
Bridges
(1991)
examined
female and 33 male
participants and
found
th~1-
those who
had read a
vignette
. .a
V-
about
a stranger rape
situation were
less
likely to classify
as rape.
Although
ambiguity
there
can be
such as that
little argument
provided by a
dating
that
situational
situation
often
impairs
the perception
rape,
is disturbing that
participants exhibit
as rape when
clearly
hesitance
involves a
in labeling
woman being
a situation
forced
have
sex
against
her will,
regardless of her prior behavior.
Nevertheless,
dispositional
appears
factors
that
that may
there exist
increase an
certain
individual's
propensity to minimize
seriousness of
date and
acquaintance
situational
rape,
factors
often due
(e.g.,
to an
Jenkins
interaction
Dambrot,
with
1987).
such
dispositional
characteristic that
received much
attention
involves
date
sex-role
and acquaintance
stereotyping
rape
literature
or traditionality,
which will
presently be examined.
Sex-Role
Stereotyping/Traditionality of Rapist
and Victim
Largely because
it has
been
widely
accepted that
rapists are not
necessarily psychopathic,
have attempted to examine
effects
social
of society
scientists
on rape
behavior.
As a result,
it has been
posited that
dating
situation
is highly
influenced by
sex-role socialization
processes,
such
as those
that
teach men
to persist
attempts
at sexual
intimacy
despite
women'
k.
Protests.
Such
that
the woman's
role
as the
resistance
"lady.
is only
this
"token,
" being part
line of thinking,
rape
viewed
the extreme end of
a continuum of
sexual behavior
governed by traditional
sex
roles.
Therefore,
both men and
women
who are more
likely to adhere
to or
believe
in such
traditional
roles are more
likely to
hold rape-supportive
attitudes
and engage
in activities
involving
rape,
especially
in a
dating
situation
(Bridges,
1991;
Check &
Malamuth,
1983) .
Moreover,
attitudes
of such
traditional
individuals may be quite
resistant
to change
(Feltey
et al.,
1991)
In an
effort
to support
this position,
several
studies
have employed measures
designed to
assess
individual's
degree of
sex-role
stereotyping
(hence,
referred to
interchangeably with
traditionality)
two most
widely
used are Burt's
(1980)
Sex-Role Stereotyping
(SRS)
Scale and
Spence and Helmreich
s (1978)
Attitudes
Toward Women
Scale
(AWS)
example,
in a
study whose design
was
already
discuss
ed in detail
, Check and Malamuth
(1983)
employed the
SRS and found that
high
sex-role
stereotyping men showed
higher
levels
of arousal
in response
to both
stranger
acquaintance
rape
vignettes,
contrast
to the
lower
arousal
levels of
their
less
traditional
counterparts.
They
were
also more
likely to perceive a
favorable
reaction
from
victim.
L^I *
especially
he aca .nnintanre
ranE
rnndi it i on
I L. _
Finally,
traditional men
expressed a
greater
likelihood of
raping.
More
recently,
Fischer
(1986)
surveyed over
700 male
female
participants,
using
several measures
including
the AWS.
Participants
also were presented with a date
rape
vignette and asked to
man's behavior.
indicate
Participants
the acceptability of
were also asked to determine
whether
rape occurred and,
who was
to blame.
was
discovered that
the man's
the best
behavior was
predictor
of the acceptability of
how definitely the
participants
regarded the
scenario
as rape;
less
sure
they were,
more acceptable
the behavior.
The next best
predictor was
score,
as perceived acceptability was
greater among
those with more
traditional
attitudes
toward
women.
Moreover,
in a
similarly
designed study aimed at
investigating the effects
of ethnicity and
traditional
sex-
role
stereotyping on
rape-supportive attitudes,
Fischer
(1987)
found that
traditional
as opposed
to nontraditional
men
were more
likely to
find date
rape acceptable.
This
was
regardless
of ethnicity;
although Hispanic men
were more
traditional and accepting
of date
rape than majority men,
bicultural
and bilingual Hispanics
were actually
less
traditional
and accepting
of date
rape
than
were more
assimilated Hispanics.
Although
it appears that
traditionalist is
related to
must
be careful
to overlook
effects on
women.
has already been
shown
that both men and women are more
likely to
hold acceptable attitudes
toward date rape
if they
tend
to engage
(Fischer,
1986)
in traditional
More
sex-role
recently,
stereotyping
investigation of
female
undergraduates
(Coller
and Resick,
1987)
utilized the
to examine
this
relationship.
As expected,
participants
with
greater
sex-role
stereotyping
assigned more blame
victim of
date
rape
vignettes
and were more
likely to
feel
that
led the man
Similarly,
an investigation by Muehlenhard and
MacNaughton
(1988)
traditionality
measured
of 208
female
rape-related attitudes and
undergraduates to determine
whether the belief
that
forced
intercourse
justifiable
a woman
leads
vignettes.
a man on affected their perceptions
Participants were
presented with one of
rape
two date
rape
vignettes,
differing
only
in the degree
to which
victim acted suggestively.
Participants
who most
strongly agreed with
"leading
justifies
force"
myth
were more
likely then a
low-belief
group
to view the
woman as
being
responsible
for the
rape,
desiring
sex,
leading
the man on,
saying no when
she meant
yes,
and acting
the man as
suggestively.
responsible,
They were
to indicate
that
less
likely to view
the woman
was
0vnpr Pri;n r' ncrre
,n~ a .nC4 nm't n nnn
I
,
F.' 4 IT l-Jr~g I i Iv 5 1-
on.
I ~
r ^L- i
1 f1 -J
to consider the man' s
actions as
justifiable.
latter
two
findings
were especially
likely
for high-belief women
reading the suggestive
vignette,
as was
the tendency to
discount
the validity
of the
woman's protests.
In addition,
the high-belief women
were more
likely to
have been verbally
coerced into having
sex
in the
past.
Finally,
and most
germane
the present
discussion
of traditionality,
such
women had significantly higher SRS
scores than
their
low-
belief
counterparts.
Although
causality
cannot be
determined,
once again appears that
traditional
sex-'role
stereotyping
somehow associated
with
rape-supportive
attitudes
and actual
experience with sexual aggression.
In light
such
findings,
one might
expect
the more
traditional
woman
to blame
herself
when her
date attempts to
engage
forced
sexual
intercourse,
making
less
likely
that
will
resist.
This
seems even more plausible
when
understood
that
traditional and nontraditional
women
study
did not
differ on
their empathy
for the
victim;
although
they were equally
able
to put
themselves
victim's
shoes,
more
victim blame was
assigned by the
traditional
women.
This
seems
to imply that
even an
actual
experience
in a
date
rape
situation may not
overcome
effects of having been
socialized in a
traditional manner.
Naturally,
would be
unethical
impractical
1 I
4-ao4- n r a r, a A ~ r% n r,4,, 1 tN ar
V;r~m nn c
~Yr~rCn~: nn
~nr
C h PIC C ~n n
JIl
7tn r~~n
studies that
examined the effects of traditionality on date
rape
in more behaviorally
relevant
ways,
such attempts
have
been made
with male participants.
For example,
Byers
Wilson
(1985)
employed the AWS and exposed participants to
audiotapes
9 dating
situations,
differing on
level
consensual
intimacy attained by the
couple prior to the
rape
(kissing,
breast
fondling,
and genital
fondling)
and on
type of
message
used by the woman
(outright,
excuse--
"someone will be
coming home
soon"
and relationship--"I
don't
know you
well
enough")
The AWS was
administered
during an
initial
session,
after which participants
returned
listened to all
9 of
scenarios.
they
listened,
participants
role
played
their
responses
they were
situation;
these
responses
were
recorded and later
rated.
was discovered
that
traditional men
showed less
role-played compliance
nontraditional men,
with
regardless
victim's
of the
refusal
scenario
than
(Byers
Wilson,
1985)
response
Although one might
high
intimacy
expect
situation,
less
compliance
is possible
that
within-participants
design
suppressed
this
effect;
perhaps participants maintained similar
levels
of compliance
in an effort
to appear
consistent.
related attempt
to study the effects
of sex-role
stereotvpinc
on sexually
acraressive behavior.
Malamuth
Ilo"
experiments;
although
each
"experiment"
was
really
one
phase
of the
true
experiment,
participant s
indicated
recognition
of a link
between
ses.
In the
first
phase,
participants
completed
a questionnaire
comprised
several
attitudinal
scales
including
SRS,
as well
as a
self-report
instrument
aggression.
measuring
second
phase,
history
of sexual
participants'
penile
tumescence
was
measured
they
read
three
vignettes
describing
a woman
masturbating,
rape,
mutually
consenting
sex.
In the
third
phase,
disguised
experiment
investigating
effects
of feedback
on ESP,
participants
were
placed
a room
with
a computer.
was
their
the s
screen
to concentrate
in an attempt
on numbers
transmit
that
the
were
numbers
presented
mentally
another
male
female
participant
(really
a confederate)
acting
a receiver
another
room.
every
incorrect
response
receiver,
participant
could
puni
sh him
or her
with
levels
noise,
while
correct
responses
could
rewarded
with
levels
money.
After
reading
instructions,
prior
transmission
numbers,
an anger-inducement
intervention
was
performed.
Parti
cipants
completed
and
exchanged
a questionnaire
purportedly
designed
familiarize
them
with
one
another.
Based
on this
Snfnrmr t n
rhPI
4-1p.~a~
A7; r0t ri-F -4 r
tn Glr; t~
l
WP rP
ri jj
j-jr
exchanged.
course,
only the actual
participant performed
these
tasks,
and he was
to believe
that
receiver
wrote a negative evaluation.
Subsequently,
the ESP phase
began,
consisting of
trials
in which the receiver made 5
correct
of punishment
incorrect
was
responses.
recorded as
Participants'
his aggression
delivery
index.
As expected,
participants'
aggression
toward male
receivers
was
not
correlated with any
of the
predictor
variables
except
self-reported history
aggression,
they administered
equal
amounts
of punishment
to men and
women.
Contrary to expectations
regarding traditionality,
scores
were
correlated with participants'
aggression
indices.
However,
several measures
did predict
more
punishment
women.
These
included indications
dominance
as a
sexuality motive,
acceptance of
interpersonal
violence,
vignettes
penile
during
tumescence
Phase
response
, higher
to the
scores on a
rape
psychoticism
scale,
and self-reported history
sexual
aggression
(Malamuth,
1988).
above
findings
are
not
surprising
as one might
think,
since
"ESP
experiment"
not
the type of
social
situation
in which
traditional
sex-role expectations
apply.
Indeed,
although
violence
toward women
in a
socially
unapproved
situation might
run
counter to
traditional
hs 1 sfg Us
ffrlnon rc
4-i--ti
4-i-
I~r 11A4 111W'
,nr~ 'r r~lna~ 1 QRnnro
J
will
upon
female
receivers:
Likelihood to reward
female
receivers
was
inversely
correlated
with SRS
score.
This
relationship was
found for
of the other
predictors,
suggesting that
the adverse effects of
traditionality are especially
linked to social
sanctions.
Although
the use of
such behavioral-dependent
variables
rare
reported literature,
several
studies
have
examined the effects
of traditionality
on attitudes
regarding the
justifiability
of date
and acquaintance
rape.
In many of
these
studies,
factors that
have been
shown
affect
such attitudes
are manipulated;
for a brief
discussion
of such
factors,
please
refer to
following
section
on factors perceived as
justifying
rape
such study
(Muehlenhard
al.
1985)
involved date
rape
vignettes
read by male
participants.
Eleven
scenarios
were
created by manipulating who
initiated the date
(he did,
hinted a
desire
to go out,
she did),
the dating
activity
(a religious
function,
a movie,
apartment),
and who paid
paid,
dutch
treat)
Participants
read all
vignettes.
The experiment
required
participants
to respond to a
question
regarding the
justifiability of
rape,
and also
to complete
the AWS.
was
revealed that
participants were more
likely to
view the
rape as
justifiable
when
the date
took
place
in the
nr~~ In,, antt a C nmnn cr4~ a
1 CT1 flh1~
m~nl~ ~n~rtmnnt
were more
likely to view the
rape as
justifiable than when
the man
initiated.
Also,
an interaction between dating
activity and
initiator
revealed that
rape
was
rated as most
justifiable when
the woman had asked the man out and they
had gone
to his
apartment.
Rape was
rated as
least
justifiable
when
he had asked her
out,
regardless of
dating activity,
function,
or if
regardless
they
of who
had gone
to a
initiated.
religious
When
the man paid
for the date,
rape
was
rated as more
justifiable
than
when
the date was dutch
treat.
Finally,
traditional
men
rated
rape
as more
justifiable
than nontraditional men,
only
when
woman had asked the man
or hinted a
desire
go out;
this
was
especially true when
they went
to a movie
or the man's
apartment
(Muehlenhard et al.,
1985).
In an analogous
study
employing both male and female
participants,
Muehlenhard
(1988)
obtained similar
results.
Traditional participants
rated rape
as more
justifiable
then
nontraditional
participants
across all
situations;
this
was
especially true
for traditional men.
When
woman
initiated
date and
when
the man
paid
for the date,
ratings of
justifiability
increased more
for the
traditional
participants
than
their
less
traditional
counterparts,
especially
for male participants when
the man paid.
Finally,
when
the woman
initiated
the date,
traditional
n~r C~: A~~I
- ,1 -- 1--- --- 4
t, ,,
ii
I ,,,,
In mrrmA
A similar
relationship
been
found
in which
men
with
"macho"
"callous
sex"
attitudes,
such
"get
a woman
drunk
do whatever
want,
" report
more
sexual
aggression
than
men
with
ess
"macho"
attitudes.
Additionally,
men
with
more
"macho"
attitudes
expressed
less
negative
guided
emotion
imagery
more
procedure
sexual
in which
arousal
they
when
imagined
experiencing
committing
rape
(Mosher
Anderson,
1986).
Whereas
studies
employing
experimental
manipulations
are
most
typical
of efforts
to investigate
role
traditionality
with
respect
rape,
have
look
scores
of individuals
with
histories
sexual
aggre
ssion
such
study
(Scott
Tetreault,
1986)
administered
to 20 convicted
rapists,
men
convi
cted
violent
nonsexual
crimes,
noncriminal
men.
rapi
were
significantly
more
traditional
than
each
of the
other
groups
areas
including
dating
sexual
behavior.
Similarly,
studies
already
discussed
in detail
in the
section
concerning
myth
acceptance
Muehlenhard
Linton
(1987
Koralewski
and
Conger
(1992)
found
that
men
engaged
sexual
aggression
were
more
traditional
than
other
men
according
SRS,
respectively.
Traditional
sex-role
stereotyping
seems
to play
r1
mU2 -
--, I..
_ r
I 1r
rape
situations,
that
affect
the perceived
justifiability of
sexual aggression
(Muehlenhard,
1988;
Muehlenhard et
al.,
1985) .
Therefore,
a brief
examination of
some of
these
factors and their effects on
behavior
rape-supportive attitudes and
is now appropriate.
Factors
Perceived
as Justifying
Kane
It has already been mentioned that both male and female
participants may be more
likely to perceive
rape as
justifiable
if they
feel
that
woman
led the man
(Muehlenhard
MacNaughton,
1988;
Muehlenhard et al.,
1985) ;
this
was also
true
of high
school boys
in a
study
cited by Muehlenhard et al.
(1985)
Because of
situational
ambiguity
already discussed
e.g.,
Bridges,
1991),
plausible
situation.
that such
However
b
behavior is
this does
more
likely
not mean
that
in a
the
dating
woman must
"tease"
the man
in order
for the
rape
to be perceived
justified.
In fact,
rape has
been
viewed
as more
justified
when
the date occurs
in the man's
apartment
or a movie
theater
as opposed to a
religious
function,
when
woman
as opposed
the man
initiates the date,
and when
the man
pays
for the date
as opposed
to a
dutch
treat
(Muehlenhard,
1988;
Muehlenhard et
al.
1985) .
Rape
has also
been
viewed
as more
justifiable
when
woman has
slept
with others
already,
when
says
yet,
does
push
the man away,
t aila eon ha nVA\rf ( 4- r, c nfl .-a
s ihn C: a
tlh a n
t h a is nr in 1 a
(.th nn
Chn nhrrn in
P
in a marriage
(Feltey et
al.
1991);
these beliefs are
closely
linked with belief
rape myths
(Harrison et al.,
1991).
Perhaps more revealing
is Kanin's
(1985
discovery that
of 71 date
justified
rapists
under ce
surveyed;
rtain
86% believed that
conditions,
rape
especially when
can be
the
woman is a
"tease"
"economic
exploiter.
This contrasts
sharply with
of control
participants
shared this
belief.
Additionally,
Muehlenhard and Linton
(1987)
found
that
several
justifying
factors
identified in
literature are,
indeed,
risk
factors
actual
sexual
aggression.
Consistent
with prior
research,
participant-
reported dates
involving
sexual aggression
were more
likely
than nonaggressive dates to
have been paid for
by the man,
to have
involved
the man's
driving,
and to have
involved
miscommunication between
the man and
woman.
With respect
latter,
both male
female participants
indicated that
the man had felt
led on;
however,
male participants
felt
that
the women had led them on
participants
saw this
intentionally,
as unintentional.
while
Moreover,
female
although
women reported less of
intercourse during
a desire
sexually
sexual
aggressive dates,
contact
men
and
perceived
their partners
wanting
sexual
contact
more and
intercourse
just
as much during
such dates.
latter were
also more
likely to
involve
heavy
alcohol
use,
a factor also
associated
with perceived
justifiability
of date
rape
(Muehlenhard &
Linton,
1987).
Finally,
a recent
study
(Cornett
Shuntich,
1991)
corroborates earlier findings
that
both men and women
will
perceive date
rape as
justified under
certain
conditions.
questionnaire was administered to
female and 59 male
participants.
first
part asked
them to respond to one
of six date
rape
vignettes
that
varied according to the
location of the
date's
final
destination
(man's,
woman's,
friend's apartment)
and whether the man
paid or the date was
dutch
rather,
treat.
scenario did not
participants
were asked to
culminate
indicate
rape;
likelihood
that
the man
would force
intercourse.
rest
of the
questionnaire
involved
several
other attitudinal
items,
well as an
item asking whether the
male and female
participants had ever
engaged in
forced
sex
or been
victims
forced
sex,
respectively.
As expected,
men
saw forced
sex
as more
justified when
the man paid for
the date.
Surprisingly,
women
indicated
the opposite,
finding
forced
sex
slightly more
justified
in the dutch
treat
situation.
Women
were
also more
likely
than men
to estimate
that
the scenario would end in rape,
and this was especially
victimized.
likely
Victimized women
for women
were also more
had been
likely than
nnnvictt i mm
tn rate
II n f
'fnrrp
i11I: tiri
(Cnrnsl-1
1 1 1
/-I "
self-blame
common
in victims of
date and acquaintance
rape,
often resulting
in long-term trauma
(e.g.,
Miller
Marshall,
1987).
With
the caveat
that
the direction
of causality
to be established,
findings
such
those
just
discussed
should permit
a better
appreciation
that
the perception of
certain
factors
justifying rape
can
contribute
to both
the occurrence and devastating effects of
rape.
Moreover,
the preceding review
indicates that
there are
several
additional
factors
that have been linked to date and
acquaintance
rape
situations.
These
include belief
in rape
myths,
situation
blame of
as an
victim,
incidence of
failure
rape,
to perceive
and sex-role
stereotyping/traditionality.
Importantly,
effects of
one of
others.
these
may be mediated by
Unfortunately,
few attempts
or all
have been made
discover whether
possible
to design
interventions
that
can
attenuate
the effects of
these
variables.
Following
a discussion
of efforts
that
have been made.
Interventions/Psvchoeducation
Several
investigators,
after
discovering that
several
attitudes,
beliefs,
and perceptions may be predictive of
date and acquaintance
rape behavior,
have
recently urged
that
psychoeducational
efforts be made
to change
such
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have attempted
to directly and systematically address
issue by designing and testing
interventions
this
(Borden et al.,
1988;
Gilbert
et al.,
1991),
results
seem promising and
will be discussed shortly.
Perhaps
the most
appropriate
place
to start
is a study
by Hamilton and
Yee
(1990)
that
examined whether educational
rape-prevention programs would be effective.
investigate
whether greater
rape knowledge was
associated with a
lower
likelihood of
rape-supportive attitudes
and potential
behavior,
male and
the authors
female
administered a
undergraduates.
questionnaire
to 115
Several measures
were
included to ascertain
participants'
knowledge of
aversivene s
rape
for the
victim and the
subsequent
trauma
involved,
well
their
attitudes
toward rape and,
for men,
self-reported likelihood of
raping
they would
not be caught.
Consistent
with
prior
research
(e.g.,
Briere
Malamuth,
1983) ,
of the
men
indicated at
least
some
likelihood of
raping
if they would not be
caught.
However,
men
with
greater
knowledge of the aversiveness
and trauma
rape
were
significantly
less
likely to
indicate
such
likelihood;
these
men al
possessed fewer
rape-supportive
attitudes
than
those with less
knowledge.
Moreover,
while
women
as a
whole
possessed greater
rape knowledge than men,
4-hrncn rt th r -n fr i+ O ,n' a a ra ttlr .t% 1a
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findings
suggest
that
increasing a person's
knowledge of the
seriousness
of rape might alter their attitudes and/or
behavior.
Despite
educational
temptation
interventions
to believe that
would be effective,
well-designed
conclusions
cannot be drawn
until
such
treatments are
administered.
Interestingly,
one of
first
studies
that
demonstrated
such
effectiveness did so unintentionally.
Malamuth and
Check
(1984),
in a response
to criticism that
studies
pornography might
lead to
increased adherence
to rape myths,
subjected
vignette
each
that
of 77 male and
portrayed either
female
a stranger
undergraduates
rape
to a
or consenting
intercourse
scenario.
Subsequent
to reading the
rape
vignette,
participants
educate them about
received a
rape
dispel
debriefing designed
rape myths.
ethical
reasons,
available.
a nondebriefing
days
later,
control
participant s
group was not
responded to myth-
based questions
regarding
a newspaper
article dealing with
an acquaintance
rape situation;
this
was
imbedded with
three
other
articles
in a
"Public
Survey
Regarding
Legal
Decis
ions.
It was discovered
that
participants
who had read the
rape
vignette were
less
likely than participants
consenting-intercourse
condition
in a myth-consistent manner,
to respond to
assigning
less
the article
responsibility
read the
rape
scenario and was not
debriefed,
the authors
concluded
that
the combination of
rape vignette and
debriefing actually
lessened participants
' adherence
to rape
myths
(Malamuth
& Check,
1984) .
course,
is also
possible that
the debriefing
itself was
capable of
dispelling myths;
participants
Fortunately,
unfortunately,
the consenting
was not administered to
intercourse condition.
the authors performed an extension
of the
preceding
study
in order to answer this question
(Check
Malamuth,
Check
1984)
(1984
The design
experiment;
was
however,
similar to
the Malamuth and
an acquaintance
rape
vignette
followed by a
debriefing was added,
was a
consenting
intercourse
vignette
followed by a
rape
debriefing.
Results
indicated that
both male and female
participants
depiction,
had been exposed
in contrast
to the
to participants
acquaintance
in either
rape
of the
consenting
intercourse
conditions,
assigned less
responsibility to
victim
newspaper
article
gave
rapist
a longer prison
sentence.
However,
this
difference
was
not
found between the
stranger
rape
condition
consenting-intercourse
conditions,
there
were no
such
differences
between
consent ing-intercourse
conditions.
was asserted that
an educational
debriefing,
when
related to
the content
vignette
follows
(the
debriefing
dealt
with beliefs
usually
associated with
acquaintance rape
situations),
is maximally effective
when
paired with an exposure to an actual
example of
rape.
Unfortunately,
a more
recent
test
of an
intervention
designed to alter
rape-related attitudes met
with less
success
(Borden
et al.,
1988) .
Fifty male and
female
undergradua
acceptance
tes
responded to a questionnaire assessing their
of rape myths and ability to empathize with both
rapists
victims.
Half
of the participants
then
listened
to a
45-minute
seminar
on rape awareness
and prevention,
consisting
legal
definitions of
rape,
biographical
descriptions of
"typical"
rapist,
rape
trauma
syndrome,
and prevention strategies.
Four weeks
later,
participants
again
completed the questionnaire.
Contrary to expectations,
results
indicated that
there
were no significant
changes
in attitude nor ability to
empathize
either group.
was
concluded
that
interventions using
only didactic methods,
such as
dispelling
rape myths,
may be
insufficient
(Borden
et al.,
1988) .
Indeed,
already been
demonstrated that
least
some modicum of
experiential
learning,
which
participant
vicariously
exposed
to a
date
rape
situation,
be necessary
such efforts to
succeed,
even
if this
only
involves
reading
a rape
scenario
(Check
Malamuth,
1984).
Tn nrder tn test
the effects
of such
learning, Lee
both
teenagers and adult men.
These workshops
consisted of
four parts and were administered on a
college campus
to 24
undergraduate men.
Part
involved
20 minutes of
didactic
presentation regarding
rape myths and facts,
with time
reserved for questions.
male
In Part
presenter with whom the
lasting
participants
40 minutes,
were asked to
identify
read a
detailed account
of being raped
that
could
have been his own experience.
Participants then
discussed
their
reactions,
with an emphasis
on feelings.
In Part
participants were engaged in a
imagined themselves
guided
as observers as
fantasy
their
in which
roommates
they
coerced
a date
into
having
intercourse against
her will;
this
was
designed to make participants more
aware of
date
rape
links
to more violent
rape.
Finally,
Part
involved
discussion
of participants
responses
workshop as a
whole.
After
ruling
out
pretest
sensitization
effects,
was
discovered that
participants'
attitudes were
significantly
less
rape-supportive
after the
intervention
(Lee,
1987)
receive
Unfortunately,
intervention
a control
was
group that
included
this
did not
study;
therefore,
is possible
that
any number
of extraneous
variables,
such as participant
history or maturation,
have
accounted
for the
observed
change.
In addition,
attitudes
women
were not
addressed;
this
important
reasons
discussed in
first
chanter.
A more
internally valid experiment
using both male and
female participants has examined the effectiveness of
intervention-targeting
attitudes
and perceptions
regarding
rape
(Johnson
Russ,
1989) .
Eighty male and 80
female
participants who believed they were engaging
in a
"stimuli-
impression"
study
initially viewed a
videotape
of three
speeches purportedly delivered by
students
in a speech
class.
first
speeches were
same
for all
participants.
For the
control
participants,
the third
speech dealt
participants,
with school
involvement.
third speech
contemporary mistreatment
For the experimental
concerned the historical and
of women
for the experimental
group;
rape was
not
directly
addressed.
The authors
chose
this
speech as an
intervention
to reduce
demand bias.
same
reason,
participants
were
then asked
to judge
auditory
stimuli.
Finally,
participants
read three
passages,
one of
which
was
either
stranger or
acquaintance
rape
vignette,
and responded
to several
dependent
measures.
As anticipated,
participants
in the experimental
group
blamed the
victim les
s and saw her
as experiencing
less
enjoyment
than
control
participants;
however,
this
difference
was
significant
only for participants
in the
acquaintance
rape
condition.
This
was probably
a function
of the ambiguity
of the
latter.
The authors asserted that
educational
information has
a greater
effect
on the
already attributed less blame and enjoyment
to the stranger
rape
victim,
there was
less
room for
change.
Experimental
men also
controls,
indicated a
lower
regardless of
likelihood of
type
rape.
raping than
Finally,
while men
perceived
the victim as
experiencing more enjoyment and
blamed her more
than
did women,
there were no
interactions
between
sex
treatment
(Johnson
Russ,
1989).
indirect
nature
of the
intervention as well as
lack of
additional
dependent
variables
casts
doubt
on whether the
observed differences
would endure.
Therefore,
effectiveness of
this
type of
intervention
is unclear,
although
does
warrant
further
investigation
of related
interventions.
such
inquiry
(Feltey et
al.,
1991)
involved
efficacy
of a 45-minute presentation delivered
to 118 male
female
high
school
students.
The basic goal
this
didactic
"date
rape prevention
lecture"
(DRP)
was
emphasize
view that
date
rape
is an
extension
current
sex-role
socialization
practices
and to caution
students
about
seriousness.
Immediately prior to and
6 weeks
after
hearing the DRP,
participants
completed a
survey
assessing
sexual ag
their
gression
attitudes
regarding
(defined as
a man
justifiability of
forcing a
woman
engage
in a range of
sexual behaviors),
depending on
circumstances
such as
spent more
than
$40 on her"
was
revealed that
the DRP
was
relatively effective
in producing attitude
change.
In general,
attitudes
regarding
pretest t
justifiability
o posttest
of sexual
aggression decreased from
for both men and women.
This was
especially true
for men;
prior to the DRP,
men
were more
likely than
women
to agree
that
sexual aggression
justified in
certain
circumstances,
while
this
difference
disappeared for most
circumstances
at posttest.
exceptions
were
situations
in which
woman goes
man's
house
when
parents
are not
home,
as well as
when
woman
stoned or
drunk
(Feltey et al.,
1991).
Nevertheless,
the general
success of
this
intervention
with
both men and women
indicates
that
it may be possible
counter the effects of
sex-role
stereotyping through
education.
In a
related study
investigating the possibility of
changing
attitudes
concerning
date
and acquaintance
rape,
Harrison
et al.
(1991)
had 51
female and
45 male
undergraduates
rate
their
agreement
with
5 myth-related
items
This
was
administered both as a pretest
and posttest
for three
groups
of participants
(one
served as
a control)
and as
a posttest
experimental
experimental
groups
groups
only
for two groups,
and one
viewed a
control
7-minute
a total
group.
four
four
video that
consisted
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th pmp~
send mixed messages
(scenario-only
intervention).
Two of
these groups
then participated in
45-minute facilitated
discussion
sessions that
linked the
video to
issues
regarding
date and acquaintance
rape
(scenario-plus-
discussion
intervention).
was
revealed
that,
after
either
intervention,
pretested men indicated a
decreased belief
advocating victim blame and denial
that
statements
rape occurs.
addition,
male participants
exposed
to either treatment as
compared
agree with
scenario
to control men
such
themselves
were
statements;
were
at posttest
appears
sufficient
less
that
to produce
likely to
video and
the desired
change.
In contrast,
precluded any
women's
significant
initially
change or
low agreement
differences.
Finally,
there
were
pretest
effects,
with pretested treatment
groups
blaming the victim less and
denying the occurrence of
rape
less at
posttest
than
their posttest-only
counterparts
(Harrison
et al.,
1991)
Perhaps
the most
encouraging
few date and
acquaintance
rape attitude change
studies
was
recently
reported by Gilbert
(1991),
who employed a
theory-
based psychoeducational
intervention.
Seventy-five male
undergraduates
from two
universities were
pretested with
Burt 's
(1980)
Acceptance
Interpersonal
Violence,
Adversarial
Sexual Be liefs.
Rane Myth Annentan e.
and Sex-
combined into a
single attitude
score.
Participants
were
also pretested with Cacioppo and Petty's
(1982)
Need for
Cognition
Scale
assess
their trait motivation
to think
about
intervention,
and were
surveyed regarding their
sexual
experiences;
there were no differences between
two universities'
participants
regarding any
measures,
although overall attitudes
were
less
supportive of
sexual
aggression
than
in past
research
(Gilbert
et al.,
1991).
intervention
was
grounded
in Petty and Cacioppo's
(1986)
elaboration
likelihood model
(ELM)
of attitude
change.
According to
attitude change.
the ELM,
Central
route
there ar
change
rou
involves
tes to
thoughtful
elaboration of the
topic and
content
of a persuasive
argument,
while
peripheral
route
change
involves
use of
simple decision
rules
or cues
associated
with
the argument.
Importantly,
former will
occur
only
recipient
the argument
about
possesses
and these
the motivation and ability to
resulting thoughts must
think
favorable
toward the
espoused message.
The authors
Gilbert
et al.,
1991)
attempted
to design an
intervention
that
would
maximize
such motivation,
ability,
and thought
favorability,
since
central
route change
is more
persistent,
resistent
later
counterpersuasion,
influential
of related
h1c-ahnr4 nr
One to
2 weeks after the pretest,
half
participants were presented
with
this
hour-long
intervention
consisting
arguments
in favor of
rejecting
interpersonal
violence,
rape myths,
adversarial sexual beliefs,
and male
dominance.
A man and a
woman presented the arguments
directly to participants
played vignettes
in both didactic
in order to maximize
form and role
their motivation
think about
points
made.
In order to
facilitate
ability,
vocabulary and message complexity appropriate
to an
adult
audience were
selected,
key points
were
repeated,
intervention
content
was
summarized at
the end of
presentation
Finally,
thought
favorability was
promoted by
stressing the negative
intrapsychic and social
consequences
accepting
interpersonal
violence,
rape myths,
adversarial
sexual beliefs,
and male dominance
(Gilbert
al.,
1991).
Immediately following the
intervention,
experimental
participants
again
responded
four
attitude
scales,
well
as ancillary
items designed to
assess
their motivation,
ability
, and
thought
favorability
regarding the
presentation.
Additionally,
they were contacted by phone
one month
later
an experimenter posing
as a
member
newly
formed student
group who
read a
script
regarding
proposed
women's
amount
up was
safety projects
script
recorded,
and asked for volunteers.
participants
was their willingness
heard before hanging
to volunteer.
C1
favorability toward the appeal.
Control
participants
underwent
the same procedure but
did not
receive any
intervention
(Gilbert
et al.,
1991).
It was discovered that
experimental
participants
changed their attitudes
in the desired direction
significantly more
than
controls.
They were also more
willing to
listen
to the phone appeal
and made more
favorable comment s
regarding the
proposed projects.
Moreover,
least
one of
each of
the measures
motivation,
ability,
and thought
favorability predicted
attitude
change,
although several
did not
(Gilbert
al.
1991).
Before outlining the
goals
of the present
investigation,
one
should realize
that
two of
three
studies
just
discussed
(Feltey et
al.,
1991;
Harrison
al.
1991)
leave
some
doubt
about
whether the attitude
change
induced by the
interventions
will
endure.
Because
attitudinal
to the
items
were administered
interventions,
possible
immediately
that
subsequent
relatively
transient
change
was
reflected
in participant
responses.
contrast,
the Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
study
employed a
delayed
behavioral measure
that may well have
indicated more
long-
lasting
change.
Although
such discoveries
are promising,
one must
keep
4 .- -: A A 4- '1-k 4- 5-5"
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individuals who are more
likely to
rape or be
raped in
dating
situations.
Indeed,
Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
admitted
that
their
sample was
supportive of
sexual aggression
as was expected and suggested that
participants
with more
rape-supportive
initial
attitudes be targeted in
future
research.
Additionally,
the Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
Harrison
et al.
(1991)
studies did not
-include
female
participants,
overlooking an
important
source of
reducing
rape
its negative
consequences.
Therefore,
unknown
whether
is possible
to change
the behaviorally
relevant attitudinal
responses
of both
traditional men and
traditional
women.
Rationale
and Hypotheses
Present
Study
In an attempt
to answer this
question,
present
investigation
intervention
(1991)
examined
identical
on both men and women
the effects
of an attitude change
to the one employed by Gilbert
have been
et al.
categorized
according to
role
their
stereotyping
degree of
(although
adherence
nontraditional
traditional sex-
participants are
not
expected to
"high
risk"
, they were
included to be
certain
that
intervention was
properly
implemented)
To determine
participants'
success of
degree of
intervention,
rape-supportive attitudes prior to
and after the
intervention was
assessed.
In addition,
n~r1-t 4' cr' ~? n nnt-c
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rr n c\ it cr
u
degree of
ambiguity
in order to
test
intervention
in a
stringent manner.
Evidence
linking these measures
to sexual
aggression
or victimization has already been presented
(Briere
Malamuth,
1983;
Check
& Malamuth,
1983;
Jenkins
Dambrot,
1987;
Koralewski
Conger,
1992;
Muehlenhard &
Linton,
1987;
Quackenbush,
1989) .
To more directly examine
participants
' history
of sexual
aggression or victimization,
they
also
completed the
Sexual Experiences
Survey
(Koss
Oros,
1982
Finally, in order to determine
attitude change would be enduring a
whether any observed
nd behaviorally relevant,
a phone appeal
procedure
identical
that
employed
in the
Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
study was administered to all
participants one month after the presentation.
groups,
there
was
a no-intervention
control
group.
Based upon
literature
reviewed,
following
hypotheses
were offered:
For both men and women,
traditionality would be
positively
correlated with pre-intervention
rape myth
acceptance
well
as with history
of sexual
aggression
victimization.
groups
that
received
intervention,
contrast
to their no-intervention
greater decrease
in their
controls,
acceptance of
would exhibit a
rape myths and would
S *
*
longer to
the phone appeal,
make more
favorable
comments
regarding the proposed projects,
and volunteer more time
assist
with
projects.
Traditionality would be
related attitudes and phone appeal
would be a more powerful
a strong predictor
responses.
predictor than
rape-
Specifically,
rape myth
acceptance
as well
as history of
sexual aggression or
victimization.
Participants
' traditionality would not be a
function
of their
history
of sexual
aggression
victimization.
powerful
As evidence,
predictor
traditionality would be a more
rape-related attitudes and phone
appeal
responses
than
would be
such history.
CHAPTER
METHODS
Participants
Participants
undergraduate
Florida.
pretested
consisted of
psychology
Participants'
(along with s
students at
male and
female
University of
rape-supportive attitudes
severall
were
unrelated questionnaires)
classroom setting with Burt's
(1980)
Rape Myth Acceptance
Scale
(RMAS),
and their
degree of
traditionality was
assessed with Burt's
(1980)
Sex-Role
Stereotyping Scale
(SRS)
(Appendix A).
Parti
cipants
were
selected based on
their pretested
scores
on the SRS,
with
participants
high and
low extremes
being
telephoned first.
In order to
safeguard against
ethical
problems
arising
from the
fact
that
participants
would be dealing with
issues
regarding
rape,
they were offered discontinuation of the
study at
any point.
In addition,
they were carefully
debriefed.
Finally,
participants were
informed
that
they
would be offered a
referral
to the
university
counseling
center
they
experienced any
concern or
discomfort.
However,
no participants
expressed any
concern
or discomfort
during the course of
this
investigation.
Instruments
Traditionalitv
Burt's
(1980)
Sex-Role
Stereotyping
Scale
(SRS)
(Appendix A,
items
1-9)
was
selected as a measure of
traditional
sex-role
stereotyping.
This
was
chosen due
ease of
administration as
well
as its
relevance to
sexual
aggression and victimization
(see Review of
Literature).
SRS consists
of nine
items
that
primarily
assess
beliefs
regarding the nature
of appropriate
sexual
social
roles
for women.
Typical
items
include
"A wife
should never
contradict
husband
in public"
woman
should be
a virgin
when
she marries
In a sample of
male and female Minnesota
residents,
Burt
(1980)
found a
internal
consistency
coefficient
for this
scale.
present
study
found a
internal
consistency
coefficient
for this
scale.
Rape Myth Acceptance
Burt
(1980)
Rape Myth Acceptance
Scale
(RMAS)
(Appendix A,
items
10-28)
was
selected as
a measure of
adherence
typical myths about
rape.
with
SRS,
this
was
chosen
to its
ease
of administration as
well
relevance
to sexual aggression
and victimization
(see
Review of
Literature)
RMAS consists of
19 items
E1 evsn nf
*6rA
Ijpc
thPSP
justify rape or that
place
responsibility for
on the
woman.
A typical
item is
the majority of
rapes,
victim is
promiscuous or has
a bad reputation.
Participants
respond to
these
items
on a
7-point
scale.
items
concern
false
reporting of
rape,
such as
"What
percentage of women
report
a rape
would
say are
lying because they are angry
and want
to get back at
the man
they
accuse?"
a 5-point
scale
Participants r
, "almost all,
respond
about
to these
3/4,
two
about
items
half,
using
about
1/4,
almost
none.
final
six items ask participants to
indicate
how
likely they would be to believe persons
claimed they were
raped.
This
question
is asked regarding
six different
persons,
and participants
respond
on a
5-point
scale,
"always,
frequently,
sometimes,
rarely,
never
sample mentioned above,
Burt
(1980)
found a
internal
consistency
found a
coefficient
internal
this
consistency
scale.
coefficient
The present
for this
study
scale.
Date Rape
Vignette
Participant
responses
to a
vignette describing
a date
rape
situation
served as a measure of
rape-supportive
attitudes.
Selected
high
degree
of ambiguity,
this
was
identical
the more
"suggestive"
scenario employed by
Muehlenhard and MacNaughton
(1988)
(Appendix C)
After
reading the
vignette,
participants
answered several
nrrh n : hn
. 1
an I I a i--h -% I a ~, ., ,-' II ~ a r. a n 2 k -
1
*t" -
n~r rct.
II .
c
In
Literature,
responses
to this
type
of vignette
have been
shown to be more
rape-supportive
for traditional
individuals
for victims
of sexual aggression.
Postintervention Attitudes
Burt's
(1980)
Adversarial Sexual Beliefs
(ASB)
(Appendix D,
items
10-18)
and Acceptance of
Interpersonal
Violence
MIV)
(Appendix D,
items
19-24)
scales
were
selected as measures of postintervention
rape-support ive
attitudes.
As with
and RMAS,
these
was
chosen
to their
ease
administration as
well
their relevance
to sexual
aggression and victimization
(see
Review of the
Literature)
The ASB consists
beliefs
of nine
regarding manipulation and
is designed to assess
"game-playing" by both
men
women
in sexual
relationships.
Typical
items
include
"Most
women are
and manipulating when
they are
to attract a man"
"Men are
for only
one
thing.
AIV
force,
includes
primarily
items
by men against
regarding use
women
of physical
in sexual
relationships.
A typical
item is
"Being
roughed up
sexually
stimulating to many women.
In Burt's
(1980
sample,
internal
consistency
coefficients
were
found
for the ASB and AIV,
respectively.
present
study found
internal
consistency
coefficients
for the ASB and AIV,
respectively.
Sexual
Experience
Sexual
Experiences
Survey
(SES)
Koss
Oros,
1982)
endix
describes
items
sexual
50-62
women
experiences
50-61
men,
men)
being
a victim
rape
is excluded)
ranging
from
mutually
consensual
intercourse
rape.
Respondents
indicate
they
have
these
experi
ences.
This
measure
was
used
to dire
ctly
examine
part
cipants
' history
of sexual
aggression
victimization.
Phone
Appeal
Endurance
behavioral
relevance
intervention
effects
was
assessed
using
a proce
dure
identical
to that
employed
participants
Gilbert
were
et al.
ephoned
1991)
study.
an experimenter,
blind
experimental
condition,
who posed
as a member
of a newly
formed
regarding
student
group
proposed
read
women's
a script
safety
(Appendix
projects.
Participants
were
to indicate
much
time
they
would
volunteer.
This
was
recorded
on a Telephone
Response
Sheet
Appendix
was
before
amount
hanging
made.
script
number
willingness
listen
part
cipants
of positive
to the
heard
comment s
appeal,
they
statements
supportive
project,
number
of hours
volunteered
served
as dependent
variables.
Design and Procedures
design
was a
fully
crossed between-
participants
traditionality
factorial.
(ranging
first
from low to
factor
high);
involved
second
involved
sex
(male,
female);
and the
third involved the
intervention
(treatment,
control).
After
being
separated
according to sex and traditionality,
participants were
assigned randomly to either the experimental
group and completed the
or control
following procedure.
Intervention
Immediate
Posttest
Approximately
weeks
after
completing the pretest,
participants
from the
treatment
group arrived and were
seated at a campus
individuals. These
classroom in
participants
groups of
then
approximately
received a
psychoeducational
intervention aimed at
reducing rape-
supportive attitudes,
presented by
a man
and a
woman and
lasting approximately
hour.
intervention,
identical
to that
employed in
Gilbert
et al.
(1991)
study,
consisted of
arguments
in favor
of rejecting
interpersonal
violence,
rape myths,
adversarial
sexual beliefs,
attitude change,
and male dominance.
techniques
To induce
were employed
central route
to enhance
participants
' motivation and ability to
think about
arguments,
as well
to ensure
that
these
thoughts would
favorable rec
rardinq the
points made
in the
intervention.
participants
in both
didactic form and role played vignettes
in order to maximize motivation.
vocabulary and message complexity
To facilitate ability,
.y appropriate to an adult
audience were used;
key points were
repeated;
intervention
content
was
summarized at
the end of the
presentation.
Finally,
thought
favorability was promoted by
stressing the negative
intrapsychic and social
consequences
of accepting
interpersonal
violence,
rape myths,
adversarial
sexual beliefs,
and male dominance.
A transcript
of this
intervention,
parentheses,
with modifications
can be
female participants
found in Appendix B.
Immediately
following the
intervention,
the presenters
left
room and an
containing the
posttest
experimenter
materials.
handed
When
sealed booklets
instructed to do
participants
opened
the booklets to the
first
page and
were
given
minutes
to read
the date
rape
vignette
(Appendix C).
After the
minutes
expired,
participants
were
instructed
to turn
page and responded on a
0 to
scale to questions
referring to
victim blame,
rapist
blame,
victim desire
rape;
intercourse,
questions were
justifiability of
used by Muehlenhard and MacNaughton
(1988)
After making their
responses
to the
vignette,
participants
completed
the measures
on the
following pages
nf the hnnklet in
ne fnllowiina order:
Sex-Role
Scale,
Acceptance of
Interpersonal
Violence
(AIV)
Scale,
Rape Myth Acceptance Scale
(RMAS),
and Sexual
Experiences
Survey
(SES)
(Appendix D).
Participants
were
then debriefed
about
date
the
rape
Control
purposes
(Appendix
Immedia
of the study and the negative aspects of
E) and were dismissed.
te Posttest
in the Gilbert
et al
1991)
study,
control
participant s
received and completed posttest measures
identical
to those administered to the
treatment
participants
immediate
ely upon arriving
classroom.
These participants did not
receive
intervention.
After
they
completed the booklet,
manner
the treatment
they were debriefed
participants
the same
dismissed.
Follow-UD
Posttest
One month after
completing the
immediate
posttest
measures,
partic
pants were
telephoned by an
experimenter
were
read the phone appeal
script
Appendix
Their
responses
were
recorded
(Appendix G)
and they
were debriefed
(Appendix F)
CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
Overview
Based on the
frequency
distribution
of pretest
scores,
five
levels
traditionality were created,
each
comprised
of approximately 20
standard deviations,
and ranges
of the participants.
(with
Means,
latter
parentheses
follows:
28.23
level
15.69,
, 145,
(26-30),
through
(9-19),
, respectively,
22.77,
1.42,
are as
(20-25),
(31-35),
40.29,
.55,
-49)
Although
SRS
is a
continuous
measure,
recently been
demonstrated
that
appropriate
to create
discrete
categories
for a
continuous
variable
(Rosenthal,
least
1993
five of
, personal
such
categories are created
communication)
In addition,
several
studies
have
treated
traditionality
a dichotomous
variable
(Coller
Resick,
1987;
Muehlenhard,
1988;
Muehlenhard & MacNaughton,
1988).
To examine
relationships
among the dependent
variables,
intercorrelations
among all
of the
paper-and-
pencil and phone
appeal
responses were performed;
these are
presented in
Table
Then,
Pearson
correlation
-F S
.. I
11
Table
Correlation Coefficients/P-Values
for Deoendent
Variables
1 2 3. 4 5. 6 10
Post
RMAS1
-.04
.001
.001
.001
.001
.001
.001
AIV2
-.07
.001
.001
.001
.001
ASB3
-.03
-.00
.007
---
Responsible
.007
.30
.001
.001
.43
.001
.001
.35
.001
Mike
-.03
Responsible
.001
.001
Wants
.001
Mike
.08 -.05
Justified
Amount
of Time
Volunteered
Amount
Heard
.009
- --
Call
.001
Favorable
Comment
1Posttest
2Attitudes
Rape
Myth Acceptance
Toward
Interpersonal
Scale
Violence
Scale
3Adversarial
Sexual
Beliefs
Scale
women,
traditionality
pretestt
score)
would be
positively
correlated with preintervention
rape myth
Next,
multivariate analyses of variance
(MANOVAs)
followed by univariate analyses
multivariate effects
(ANOVAs)
were used to test
of all
part
significant
of Hypothesis
groups
that
received the
intervention,
in contrast
their no-intervention
controls,
would make
less
rape-
supportive
responses on
posttest
paper-and-pencil
measures.
Chi-square
analyses were
used
to test
a second
part
of Hypothesis
Compared to controls,
experimental
participants
would listen
longer to
phone appeal,
make
more
favorable
comments
regarding the proposed projects,
volunteer more
time
to assist
with
the projects.
This type
of analysis
was more appropriate
than a parametric approach
because of
low variability
in participants'
responses
phone appeal.
Finally,
repeated measures analyses of
variance
(ANOVAs
were
used
to test
a final
part
Hypothesis
groups
that
received the
intervention,
contrast
to their no-intervention
controls,
would exhibit
greater decrease
their acceptance of
rape myths.
Multivariate
analyses
variance
(MANOVAs)
followed by
univariate analyses
(ANOVAs)
of all
significant multivariate
effects
were
used to test
part
of Hypothesis
Traditionality would be a
strong predictor of
rape-related
attitudes.
This
type
of analysis
was
followed by planned
Tukey s
HSD tests
applied to all
significant
univariate
a F ar'+- e
r F~~i a +-a rd -4l n-as nt n fl
a-fo a b /
/Ih: I
7\n r.r: Ck
~n cr tc~
*^ ~^/"
traditionality on participants'
phone appeal
responses.
Multivariate anal
yses
covariance
(MANCOVAs)
were used to
test
a final
part
of Hypothesis
participants'
traditionality would be
a more powerful
predictor of
rape-
related attitudes and phone appeal
responses than would be
rape myth acceptance.
Finally,
multivariate analyses of
covariance
(MANCOVAs)
were
used to
test
Hypothesis
Participants'
traditionality
would not be a
function
of their
history
of sexual aggression
or victimization.
Because of the
conceptual
independence of
independent
variables,
type
as opposed to type
sums
squares
served
criteria
all MANOVAs,
MANCOVAs,
and ANOVAs.
Hypothesis 1
To examine
relationship
between men's and women's
traditionality
pretestt
score
their
rape myth
acceptance
pretestt RMAS
score)
well
their
history
sexual aggression or victimization
(SES
score),
Pearson
correlation
coefficients were generated.
As predicted,
pretest
was
positively
correlated with pretest
RMAS
both men,
.47, <. 0001,
women,
AC
- -if.
* a-,
<.0001.
Contrary to predictions,
pretest
SRS was
correlated with
for men,
r=.14,
was
;. 1,
negatively
correlated with
SES
for women,
.21,
p.05.
Hypothesis 2
Because of
the high degree of
intercorrelation
among
10 dependent
variables,
traditionalityy)
(treatment/control)
sex)
multivariate analysis
variance
(MANOVA)
was
used
as a conservative
statistical
approach
to examine the effects of
independent
variables.
treatment,
The MANOVA
F(10,216)=1 .71,
yielded significant main
p<.05,
effects
traditionality,
F(40,821)
.64,
p<.0001,
sex,
F(10,
216)=5.84,
<. 0001,
warranting univariate
analyses of
these effects.
interactions
were
significant.
Race-Related Posttest
Attitudes
Individual
for treatment o
ANOVAs
revealed significant main
n participants'
scores
effects
the RMAS,
F (1,225)=5
.62,
and AIV,
F(1,
)=4 .74,
pcz.05,
not
on the ASB.
Significant main effects
for treatment
were
also
found
for part:
icipants'
vignette
responses,
concerning
Amy's
responsibility,
F(1,
225)=6.
Mike's
responsibility,
sex,
El1,
E(1,225)=3
.78,
.19, R<.05,
wt.O
and Amy's
desire
justifiability
of Mike's
actions
(see
Table
These
results
partially
support
hypothesis
that
participants
heard the presentation
would
exhibit
less
rape-supportive
attitudes
than participants
who did not hear the
nra ea'tCl 4 rt~tn
p< 01,
p<.ol,
Table
Dependent
Variable Means
and Standard Deviations:
Treatment
Treatment
Control
Posttest
40.11
11.20
42.10
11.45*
RMAS1
AIV2
5.37*
ASB3
7.69
2.69*
Responsible
Mike
0.59
1.21
1.24*
Responsible
1.51
1.76
.11*
Wants
Mike
1.68
1.85
Justified
Amount
of Time
1.02
1.27
0.66
1.24
Volunteer
Amount
Heard
of Call
Favorable
2.89
0.43
2.94
0.50
0.34
0.24
0.48
Comment
1Posttest
2Attitudes
Rape Myth Acceptance Scale
Toward
Interpersonal
Violence Scale
3Adversarial Sexual Beliefs
*denotes
significant
Scale
difference between means
Note: For first
"Mike Justified")
SUDDOrtive
seven variables
, higher scores
res fnonse
l1~4
K:1 t. *.LU .,
("Posttest
represent
three
RMAS
more
variable. -
through
rape-
1 power
SnTres
I
.
Phone Appeal Responses
Chi-square tests
were
used to determine the differential
likelihood of volunteering any time
for the proposed women's
safety projects
(irrespective of
length of
time)
between
treatment
participants'
and control
willingness
participants.
volunteer,
other words,
as opposed to
amount
time
volunteered,
was examined.
Results
indicated
that
treatment
volunteer than
was
group was
the control
significantly more
group,
likely to
(df=1)=9.06,
with
63 of
126 treatment
participants
volunteering
some
time,
compared to only
control
participants.
However,
participants
treatment
group,
compared to controls,
did not
demonstrate a
greater
likelihood of making any
positive comments
regarding the phone appeal nor did they
listen
longer to
the appeal.
Repeated Measures
To test
the hypothesis
that
treatment
would decrease
participants'
adherence
to rape myths,
a repeated measures
analysis of variance
was performed.
The ANOVA revealed a
significant
decrease
in RMAS
score
from pretest
to posttest,
F(1,243)=7.54,
pec.O05.
Moreover,
a significant RMAS
treatment
interaction,
F(1, 243)=3
.04,
B4(*Q5,
indicated that
the decrease among participants who
had heard the
presentation
was
greater than
the decrease among those who
- a S -S
E< 01,
I r
.r
..
i
Table 3
Means and Standard Deviations
for Repeated Measure:
Rape Myth Acceptance
Treatment
Control
Pretest
42.52
12.05
42.64
11.38
RMAS1
Posttest
40.11
11.20
42.10
11.45
RMASi
1Rape Myth Acceptance
Scale
Hypothesis 3
reported in relation
to Hypothesis
a MANOVA
yielded a
significant main
effect
for traditionality,
warranting univariate
analyses
of the effects of
traditionality.
Rape-Related Posttest
Attitudes
Individual ANOVAs
revealed significant main effects
traditionality
on participants'
scores
RMAS,
,225
)=9.04,
n<.0001,
AIV,
F(4,225)=6.81,
<. 0001,
and ASB,
,225
.94,
fl4,oool.
Significant
main effects
traditionality were
also
found
for participants'
"I
vignette
responses,
- / flflr -^
concerning
a
Amy's
response
I I 1 .
ibility, E
J(4,225)=4
.26,
of Mike's
actions,
E(4,225)=4.60,
w<.001
(see
Table
These
results
support
the notion
that
participants with high
traditionality,
more
as indicated by pretest
rape-supportive attitudes than
scores,
participants with
exhibit
lower
traditionality.
To examine more closely the effects of the
five
levels
traditionality on the dependent measures,
Tukey's
studentized range
(HSD)
analyses
were performed.
resulting
comparisons
of means
for the main
effects
traditionality
are
presented in
Table
Phone Appeal
Responses
Chi-square
tests
revealed no
significant main
effects
for traditionality
on participants'
favorable
comments
regarding the
proposed projects,
time
volunteered to assist
with
projects,
nor amount
of time
spent
listening to the
phone appeal.
Rape Myth Acceptance
as Mediator
of Main Effects
To test
powerful
the hypothesis
predictor of
that
traditionality would be a
rape-related attitudes
and phone appeal
responses,
independent
rape myth
acceptance
(as measured
by pretest
RMAS
scores
, a 5
traditionalityy)
(treatment/control )
(sex)
multivariate analysis of
covariance
(MANCOVA)
was performed.
Pretest
RMAS
served
covariate.
was
demonstrated that
treatment,
Table
Dependent
Variable Means:
Traditionality
Level
of Traditionality
= most
traditional)
Posttest
33.46
37.52
44.21
42.34
47.86
RMAS1
AIV2
10.25
11.31
13.32
15.82
ASB3
20.44
27.16
30.31
2.94
4.39
Responsible
Mike
0.40
0.69
*1.35
Responsible
1.60
2.02
2.61
Wants
Mike
0.38
1.13
0.77
1.73
Justified
Amount
Time
0.83
1.00
1.12
0.50
0.71
Volunteered
Amount
Heard
of Call
2.89
2.94
Favorable
0.46
0.46
0.27
0.47
Comment
1Posttest
2Attitude
Rape Myth Acceptance Scale
Toward
Interpersonal
Violence
Scale
3Adversarial
Sexual
Beliefs
Scale
Table
4--continued.
denotes
significantly different
traditionality mean
denotes
< alpha
significantly different
traditionality mean
denotes
< alpha
significantly different
traditionality mean
denotes
< alpha
significantly different
traditionality mean
denotes
< alpha
significantly different
traditionality mean
< alpha
from level
.05)
from level
.05)
from level
.05)
from level
.05)
from level
.05)
Note: For first s
"Mike Justified"),
supportive
;even
variables
higher
responses.
scores
last
("Posttest
RMAS I,
represent more
three
variables,
through
rape-
lower
scores
represent more
rape-supportive
responses.
effects
despite
pretest RMAS
being
covaried out.
This
supports
the hypothesis
that
traditionality
a strong
predictor
of the dependent
measures
and not
simply a
function
rape myth acceptance.
Hypothesis 4
History of
of Main
Sexual
Effects
Aggression
or Victimization as Mediator
To further test
the hypothesis
that
traditionality would
be a p
appeal
powerful
predictor
responses,
of rape-related attitudes and phone
to discover whether participants
traditionality
could be
a function
of their
history of
sexual
aggression
or victimization,
a second 5
traditionalityy)
(treatment/control)
(sex)
multivariate analysis of
E(10,228)=1.82,
traditionality,
E(40,866)=2.43,
fl<.OOO1,
and sex,
E(10,228)=5.72,
D<.0001,
retained their
main
effects
despite SES being
covaried out.
This
further
supports
the hypothesis
that
traditionality
a strong
predictor
of the
dependent measures and
indicates the
improbability that
participants'
traditionality
is a
function
of their
history
of sexual aggression or victimization.
Additional
Rape-Related Posttest
Findings:
Attitudes
Individual ANOVAs
revealed significant main effects
sex
on participants'
scores
on the RMAS,
F(1,225)=38
.81,
2<. 0001,
e.o5.
AIV,
However,
F(1,225)=8
.63,
significant
and ASB,
main
effects
F(1,225)=4
sex
.96,
were not
found for
the participants'
vignette
responses
(see
Table
These
results
support
the notion
that male
participants,
compared
female participants,
exhibit
more
rape-supportive attitudes
when
they
are assessed in
survey
form.
However,
this
difference
apparent
when
participants
are
responding to an ambiguous date
rape
vignette.
Phone Appeal
Responses
Chi-square
tests
revealed
that
women
were
significantly
more
likely to volunteer
for the
proposed
projects
than
were
men,
(df=l)=4
.11, o<.05,
with
58 of
female
participants
.. 1 --- n -- 4 .-.- --L
'I
12<. 05r
E< 005,
--
___
r-
,,
J 1 nn r~n
L
|