Revista interamericana;

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Title:
Revista interamericana; revista dedicada al estudio de la cultura iberoamericana ..
Physical Description:
v. : ; 28 cm.
Language:
Spanish
Creator:
University of Florida -- Institute of Inter-American Affairs
Los Pícaros de Quevedo
Publisher:
s.n.
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla
Publication Date:

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Latin America   ( lcsh )

Notes

Language:
Contributions in English or Spanish.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- agosto 1939-
Issuing Body:
1939- published by the Institute of Inter-American Affairs, University of Florida, in cooperation with Los Pícaros de Quevedo.
General Note:
Reproduced form type-written copy.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
oclc - 07270757
ocm07270757
Classification:
lcc - F1401 .R445
System ID:
AA00002854:00009

Full Text


REVISTA INTERAMERICANA

DEDICADA AL STUDIO DE LA CULTURAL IBEROAMERICANA

Redactor
Sr. Manuel Pareja Bueno Univcrsisd d "n I:'

Consejo Consultivo S l .L "

Mr. John F. Martin Dr. 0. H. Hauptmann
Dr. Walter J. Matherly Dr. William C. Zellars
Dr. Rollin S. Atwood
(on leave)


ENERO DE 1944


SUMARI


Manuel Pareja-Bueno,


Ernesto Montenegro,

Luis E. Valcarcel,

Luis Ev Valoarcel,


John F. Martin,


Pablo Max Ynsfran,


Javier Sologuren,

Jorge Eduardo Fielson,


Manuel Pareja-Bueno,

William C, Zellars,


P


Latino America en el
Mundo de Maiana .

La Prensa y El Aeroplane

Peru, Un Pars Legendario

Peru, A Legendary Country,
translation .

Better Relations with
Latin America .. .

The Living Language of an
Extinct Race .

Poemas .

Cancion y Muerte de
Rolando (Fragmentos). .

An Outline of Perd .

"Dofa Isabel de Solfs" de
Don Francisco Martinez de
la Rosa


Our Contributors, .


No. 1




agina


1

3

5


7


8


19

30


31

32



37

39


S- -m ------------M-eee-e


VOL. V
*






















LATIN
AMERICA






REVISTA INTERAMERICANA

DEDICADA AL STUDIO DE LA CULTURAL IBEROAMERICANA

Redacto
Sr. Manuel Pareja Bueno

Consejo Consultivo
Mr. John F. Martin Dr. 0. H. Hauptmann
Dr. Walter J. Matherly Dr. William C. Zellars
Dr. Rollin S. Atwood
(on leave)


VOL. V


ENERO DE 1944


SUMARI0


No. 1


Pagina


Manuel Pareja-Bueno,


Ernesto

Luis E.

Luis E.


Montenegro,

Valcarcel,

Valcarcel,


John F. Martin,


Pablo Max Ynsfran,


Javier Sologuren,

Jorge Eduardo Fielson,


Manuel Pareja-Bueno,

William C. Zellars,


Latino America en el
Mundo de Mafiana *

La Prensa y El Aeroplane

Peru, Un Pars Legendario

Peru, A Legendary Country,
translation .* .

Better Relations with
Latin America .

The Living Language of an
Extinct Race .

Poemas .

Cancion y Muerte de
Rolando (Fragmentos). ..

An Outline of Perd .

"Dona Isabel de Solfs" de
Don Francisco Martinez de
la Rosa .


Our Contributors, * a $

--- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- ---


19

30


31

32



37

39








LATINO AMERICA ET EL MUNDO DE MkAANA
por Manuel Pareja Bueno

Jorge Basadre, el historiador peruano en su obra "Historia de la Repdbli-
ca" nos habla de los "Estados Desunidos de America" y nos da las razones his-
tdricas y 'eogrAficas de la desvinculaci6n econ6mica, y en consecuencia poll-
tica, de los paises latinoamericanos, Sin embargo, la guerra mundial que esta-
mos presenciando ha puesto de relieve la imperiosa necesidad de una mayor coo-
peracidn de pals a pals, nacida del cierre del mercado europeo a sus materials
primas. Latino-Am~rica seguir& exportando materials primas para compensar sus
importaciones, pero al mismo tiempo, despues de la guerra se observarA un de-
cidido deseo de fomentar nuevas industries a fin de librarse de la tragedia de
ser paises de una sola produooi6n, como Bolivia, pals del estaio, o el Ecuador,
pals de bananas. Cuando su mayor compenotraci6n econ6mica eleve su nivel de
vida y su fuerza quo como conjunto de naciones represent, Latino-Amdrica pre-
senciard un dofinido trcn de progroso hacia una mayor integracidn social y po-
iftica. Las democracies no so croan on virtud do una declaraci6n de principios
si no hay un pueblo eduoado, vestido y alojado decentemonte. Es con este crite-
rio con el cual debomos juzCar los fituros desenvolvimientos de la vida polf-
tica do Latino-America: la base, la material prima para tal oporaci6n histdri-
ca, ol progress por la organizaci6n tdonica de sus gobiernos, existed palpable-
mento. S61o es do osporar quo do esta etapa de crisis y do inquietud cuyas re-
porcusiones se sienten hasta on los dltimos rinconos del mundo, surjan los
nuovos hombres que sabrln hacor do esta idea la .organizaci6n polftica por
medio de la intoeraci6n dol total de las fuerzas de produccidn el objetivo
de aquel "commonwealth" panamericano, cuya unidad tendrA que influir direota
o indireotamente en cualquior future orden mundial. Vivimos en una r poca on la
cual estrochos concepts nacionales doben ser superados por otros, mds amplios
y duraderos, los concepts continontalos. Asf como 16gicamonte de Europa ha do
brotar un bloque pan-europco de naciones, de Asia, un bloque pan-asiatico, el
continent americano servird de pauta para futures entendimientos continenta-
les cuya realizaoidn ya ha sido prevista por los innumerable esbozos de paz
hasta ahora trazados.

Pero esta obra de organizacion political por integraci6n econ6mioa -
tiene que salir de Latino-America misma. Si la teonica industrial tiene que
venir de fuera, la mano de obra ser& nuestra. Y esta mano de obra nunca po-
drd ser facilitada mientras existan gobiernos que retarden el progress de sus
pueblos para asegurar el predominio de los poseedores de tierras y plantacio-
nes agrfcolas y mineras, cuyos products bien colocados en el exterior les
traen gruesas ganancias poro ningin beneficio para los que la trabajan. No
puede existir democracia political sin demooracia eoon6mica, esoncia de una de-
mocracia funcional. A pesar de osto, no se puede hablar de Latino-America en
t6rminos generales y abstractos por mas que Latino-America sea una realidad
geografica y social. Fuera do la comunidad do idioma y do tradici6n, hay una
forma de separacidn impuosta por una ausoncia complete de un coordinado siste-
ma de transport. Lo que on Europa y Norte Amdrica se conoce con el nombre do
"Railway Age" nunca ha oxistido para estos praises sino on algunos y on muy li-
mitadas proporcionos. Los accidents geogr~ficos han ocasionado un inmenso re-
tardo en la march hacia el progroso.. Hay paisos que ostin cerrados completa-
monte a las corrientes do inmigraci6n curopea el caso de los paisos quo mi-
ran al Pacifico, con oxcepci6n,tal voz,do Chile. En otros, las guorras de la
Independoncia originaron la creaci6n de una cast military quo so impuso en el
gotierno casi sin interrupoi6n y su influencia aun so deja sentir. Repdblicas
cuya configuraoi6n geografica no est& do acuordo con su organizaci6n political
no puoden constituir una nacidn homogonea. En Europa ol desarrollo politico-so-











cial de sus pueblos fud do la nacidn hacia el estado. En Latino-America,por
fuerza do su general arquitoctura socioldgica, devendrd un fen6mono opuesto:
ir del ostado hacia la nacidn. Este peoceso de estructuracidn no puede obto-
nerso sin antes oliminar poquofas rivalidados de pals a pats. Sdlo se puodo
aspirar al progroso por la organization; no puodo existir organizacidn sin
cooperacidn; no puode oxistir cooperacidn sin ontendimiento mutuo. Para la
creacidn de una concioncia continental es necesario orientar la opinion pd-
blica; no puode existir opinion pdblica donde hay censura de prensa y los a-
vances on maturia o,'ucacional ostin muy limitados o poco extendidos.

A riosgo de todos ostos obsticulos, Latino-America avanza a ocupar ol
puesto que lo correspond. En nin;una part del mundo so encuentra un grupo
de repdblicas de mayor porvenir. Mucho so ha hablado que es la falta de di-
noro una de las causes del lentisimo progress de nuestros paises. Pore los
capitals se crean con capacidad do organizacidn y por las ideas do sus em-
presarios. Como dice Spenglor, el dinrro es una categoria del pensamiento,
un concept basico para entender las relaciones do compra y venta. A falta
do capital privado os ol Estado quien tiene quo salir adelanto a impulsar
el desarrollo econdmico de un pats y os on Latino-America, tal vez, on donde,
come en ningdn otro rinodn del mundo, so pueden iniciar oxperimontos polfti-
co-econdmicos en una forma insospochada por el resto del mundo civilizado.

Latino-America desconoce todo prejuicio facial y do esto se ha disouti-
do much. Mucho so habla quo os la mezcla racial una de las causes de su a-
traso. Pero bien sabomos que hay una innumerable variedad on el color de sus
habitantes. Sin embargo os esto fondo social ol que le ha dado colorido y
porsonalidad como fuente de sus expresiones artlsticas. Y si os ciorto que
la Amdrica Latina carece do una form de oultura propia, pues si ella exis-
to sera siempre v{stago do la cultural occidental, en oambio ostd creando un
estilo de vida y una form do oxpresidn llenos de gran vitalidad, pore de
una vitalidad quo sdlo llegarg a producer el mdximo enla plonitud do su ma-
durez. Este concept do maduroz en la vida social latinoamoricana os el que
tardar& mas en realizarso; sdlo se presentard cuando so haya lie;ado al li-
mite de su expansion econdmica. Samuel Guy Inman afirma on su libro "Latin
America, Its Place in World Life" quo la America Latina ha producido gran-
dos individualidades pero hasta ahora no ha producido ninguna forma nueva
do organizacidn polftica. El letargo producido per mas de cion afos de mi-
litarismo estd tocando a su fin. Un nuevo despertar alumbra su destined Es-
ta nueva revoluci6n industrial que prosenciamos traerd come fruto una nueva
claso media que dard equilibrio y estabilidad a su future desenvolvimiento
democratico. Y Amdrica, Pan-Amdrica serd el crisol donde han de fundirse los
ideales del mundo, y la exprosidn "libertad" ha do oncontrar sus mojores pa-
ladines. Edgar Wallace, el profeta do este nuevo credo, ya lo ha dichos
"The century of the common man is the century of America"









LA PRENSA Y EL LEROPLANO

Por Ernesto Montenegro
(Especial para INTERAMERICANA)


Los cambios radicals quo las comunicadiones adroas estan efoctuando on
el mundo actual no tionon, a mi vor, punto de comparaci6n si no es con la
transformaci6n que on ol mundo do las ideas vine a introducir el descubri-
miento de la imprenta, hace mas du cuatro siglos y medio. Hasta entoncos las
ideas vivian enclaustradas on los conventos y ciudadelas modioevales. Lo quo
so habia salvado de la antiCeodad clcsica pasaba do mano en mano, on copies
individuals y dentro del rostringido grupo de estudiosos, Tambidn los pue-
blos hablan vivido como enclaustrados hasta hace pocos aios, dentro do sus
fronteras. Viajar era un lujo para nosotros, come leer fud una preciosa pre-
rrogativa para las gontes del siglo XV. Los pueblos distantos, los climas a-
jonos al nuestro y los products do otras reoiones nos eran tan desconocidos
come lo fuoron los escritores y poetas cldsicos duranto los mil a~os de la
Edad Media,

La prensa, al rcproducir los oscritos do un libro ponotra en todas par-
tos con su carga do conocimicntos y do ideas, tal come el acroplano, al sal-
var las distancias y los obstaculos sin esfuerzo aparonto, pone a todos los
pueblos del planet on comunicaci6n continue y casi instantAnea. En ciorto
modo, la prensa y ol acroplano so complotan come fuentes de conocimiento: a-
quella nos track una ima'on abstract, o la roproducci6n gr&fica do las co-
sas y las gentes remotas; el aeroplane nos lleva a nosotros mismos hasta es-
tablecer el contact dirocto. Asi, loyondo un libro do viajos sobre la Chi-
na podrfamos formarnos una "impresi6n mental" do lo que es eso pafs, do sus
costumbros, de su arte, y hasta de las doctrinas do Confucio y Lao Tse. Aho-
ra,en un viajo aereo quo tarda menos do tres dias, el occidental penetra en
el Oriento, y puede completar su im'gen ideol6gica do osas roeiones con la
impresi6n ffsica del ambionto. Los pueblos del mundo so visitardn on adolan-
to tal come los vocinos do un mismo barrio cambiaban antano sus impresiones
on la tortulia domdstica.

Para las mnericas, ol acroplano as el mensajoro do una transformaoidn
radical. Los libros han ponetrado ya on nuostras tierras, d&ndonos una am-
plia vision anticipada do la humanidad. Vertidos a nuestra longua patria
nos trajoron su monsaje de conocimiontos exoticos. Hoy el aeroplano llega a
ofrocornos la vision complementaria do la roalidad, y por la invorsa le a-
bro a los domds pueblos de la tiorra los caminos de Amdrica, cuya barrora e-
ra la distancia. Ella era en ciorto mode la dnica defense do los pueblos a-
trasados contra la invasion do los mas emprondodoros y ambioiosos. Ni sus
montanas, bosques o pantanos pueden salvarlos ya on su aislamiento milena-
rio, y tondrdn quo dospertar a la vida modern o dejarse aleccionar por o-
tros.

Esta transformaci6n del mundo on una casa do vecindad ha de tener con-
secuencias quo no os possible predecir; poro algunas do ollas pueden presu-
mirse desde luego. Las costumbres y el lenguaje recibirdn influencias multi-
ples de fuera, y ol mundo ontero tondor& mas y mrs a la uniformidad dentro
de la variodad. Quioro decir con esto quo esas influencias serdn reciprocas,











aunque no on la misma escala. Asf, por ejomplo, los pueblos occidentales
tomardn novedades en ol vestir y el comer del Orientey de nuestra America;
pero con su mayor expansion mecanica e industrial introducirdn en los pue-
blos todavia colonials rovoluciones much mas considerable on las costume
bres y on las ideas.

Aquellos do mis lectores quo por su edad hayan oxporimentado los efec-
tos do la oleada do divulr;acidn ciontifica y filos6fica quo lleg6 a nuostros
paises a comionzos do cstc siglo con las ediciones baratas impresas en Valon-
cia y Barcelona, compronderan mejor lo quo significa una invasion do ideas
extranjeras en pueblos jdvenos, improsionablos y curiosos do novodados. Esto
hard mes comprensiblo los fen6menos de tod(e Indolo quo ha do traer una inva-
si6n mas dirocta per la via dol aire, cuando circulen per la superficie del
planeta las gentes y las cosas on una corriento acolorada y continue.

Hace dos afos, on Florida, tuvo yo algo come una anticipaci6n do lo quo
sora el mundo al torminar la guerra. En ol aer6dromo de Miami, duranto la
corta espra para un cambio del avi6n quo vwnia de Nuova York al hidroavi6n
que nos llevaria a Puerto Rico, me toc6 hablar con mc'ia docona do viajoros
que hacian alli transforencia esa misma maranan Uno venia do Inglaterra, e
iba con destine a Curazao, en las Antillas holandesas. Una seHora provenia
del Africa del Sur y so dirigfa a Los Angeles de California. Otro era un a-
gente diplomdtico en viajo a Rio do Janeiro; otro venia de Suecia con desti-
no a la capital de Mdjico, y ol dltimo era un official do marina quo proba-
blemento pasaba a la India o Australia. Habiamos parade sencillamonte en una
do las encrucijadas de uno de los caminos reales del aired, cuando todavfa
el transito no comenzaba su actividad normal...

Sore para bien,o para mall Preguntas tan indtiles como sin sentido.
El dnimo previsor preferird hacor una revision de valores, tratando de sal-
var lo que realmento importa, y se aprestard a hacker ol cambio mas ventajo-
so possible de 1amparas viejas per nuovas.












PERU UN PAIS LEGENDARIO

For Luis E. Varcorcel


En ol lade occidental do la m nrica del Sur existe una naci6n do la
cual so vieno hablando on todos los continontes dosdo hace cuatrocientos
cincuenta aios; pero cuya oxistoncia come pueblo civilizado so romonta a
no monos do treinta silos. Nos reforimos al Pord, pals dol Oro y del Im-
perio do los Incas. Aponas si habrd on Amdrica y en Europa unas pocas per-
sonas quo alguna voz on su vida no supioron algo do ose fantdstico pals
en que la sociodad humana alcanz6 un estado de perfecci6n polftica, bajo
el gobierno paternal do sus reyes, donde las palabras Rico y Pobro no to-
nian sentido y en ol cual los metales prociosos no tonlan ningdn valor,
porque so ompleaban unicamento en adornos y objetos do use ceremonial.

Era ol Perd un imperio quo comprondia otras nacionos quo hoy so lla-
man las ropdblicas d( Bolivia, Ecuador, Chile, Argentina (sois provincial)
y Colombia(en parto. Posela caminos do miles de kil6metros quo atravesa-
ban longitudinalmento la sierra y la costa, siguiondo cuyas rutas se han
construido hoy las modcrnas carretoras. Per osas vfas, corrfan postillones
llevando monsajes, cada uno en un recorrido dnicamento de dos millas, has-
ta alcanzar al pr6ximo, y asi sucesivamente per contenaros do leguas, lo
que permiti6 a los reyes del Cuzco tener a su mesa pescado del mar quo hoy
s6lo podrfa obtenerse per la via area. En ostos largos caminos habia po-
sad-s para los viajeros con todos los recursos necesarios, cada vointo mi-
llas.

Los antiguos peruanos no tuvieron ningdn animal on que cabalgar y per,
esta misma causa carecieron de carruajes. La dnica bestia para transports
de objetos de peque~o peso era la llama, a la cual domesticrron (es el dni-
co mamlforo domesticado on la Amdrica precolombina), para utilizar de su la-
na para el arto del tejido, de sus excromentos para combustible y abono y
do su came para alimento que sabfan deshidratar y conservar per largo tiem-
po. Otro animal parocido, la alpaca, proporciona lana de muy buena clase;
pore, es la vicuna, de la misma familiar, la quo proporciona una finlsima,
este dltimo es s6lo somidomosticado.

Los peruanos fuoron los mis grades agricultores; a ollos debo el mun-
do la papa y posiblomento sino en primer lugar al mismc tiompo que Mdjico
el maiz. Fuera de esas dos plants preciosas, cultivaron alrododor do ochen-
ta quo hoy ostdn mas o monos difundidas, pore algunas do las cuales come la
quina, posoen riquoza vitamlnica excopcional que recien so descubro.

El Perd posee todos los climas del mundo, desdo el polar hasta el tro-
pical, y debido a su accidentado territorio, en un corto ospacio, pueden
escalonarse todos osos climas, come ocurro en algunas haciendas del Cuzco,
donde en el area do dos kil6motros cuadrados puede obtcncrse cana do azu-
car y frutas tropicales en ol fondo dol vallo, algod6n y maiz en la parto
tomplada, papas, kinua, trigo, cobada on la superior. Debido a ostas con-
diciones excepcionales, el Pord, como pocos pueblos on ol mundo, sacd ol
mayor provecho de su suelo. Como pueblo do inoansablos trabajadores, so or-
ganiz6 ocondmicamento come una coloctividad en que la propiedad individual











quodd rostringida a unos cuantos objetos mueblos.

Todas las arts alcanzaron un notable desarrollo: somos los peruanos
los primoros on el mundo on el arte del tojido, como lo han comprobado los
tdcnicos do nuostro tiompo al estudiar las maravillosas telas encontradas
on las tumbas do hace dos mil a~os, en perfecto ostado do conservaci6n, por
la soquedad del clima. Fuimos tambidn muy buenos alfaroros, como se pruoba
on las colecciones do corimica antigua que so puede contamplar en los prin-
cipalas muscos do los Estados Unidos; La orfeberia fud tambidn un arto nota-
mento poruano y supimos manejar el oro, la plata, el cobre, el bronco, el
estato, el platino y el plomo, con una tdcnica avanzada do laminado, repu-
jado, dorado, soldadura etc. Preciosos objotos son consorvados en nuestros
museos. No iGnoramos ni la escultura ni la pintura, ni ol trabajo en mado-
ra, concha y huoso.

Tan olevada civilizaci6n sufri6 tremendo quebranto por la conquista
do los avonturoros espafiolos que llogarcn al Perd en 1532. Desde entoncos
se ha producido lontamente la mezcla do cultures india y europea; pore,
puede asogurarse quo el native poruano conserve sus virtudes do gran tra-
bajador y artist y s6lo espera favorablos condiciones ocon6micas y poll-
ticas para rosurgir con &a fuerza do su considerable ndmoro quo so acerca
a los cuatro millones do personas. El Perd moderno so ha formado on gran
part con el esfuorzo do tales hombros: en las minas, on el campo, en la
construccidn do ferrocarriles y carretoras: es el mns fire fundamcnto do
un Perd tan famoso como el antiguo.












PERU, A LEGENDARY COUNTRY
(Translation)

by Luis E. Valoarcel


On the west side of South America there is a country
that has been the talk of all the continents for four hun-
dred and fifty years, but whose existence as a civilized
people stretches back at least thirty centuries. We refer
to Peru, land of gold and seat of the Inca Empire. There
are doubtless few persons in America and in Europe who at
some time in their lives have not heard of that fantastic
country in which human society achieved a state of politi-
cal perfection, under the paternal government of its kings,
where the words Rich and Poor had no meaning and where
precious metals had no value, because they were only used
for jewelry and ceremonial objects.

Peru was an empire that embraced present-day Bolivia,
Ecuador, part of Chile, Argentina (six provinces) and part
of Colombia. It boasted roads thousand of miles long that
ran parallel to the Andes and the coast and upon whose
foundations modern highways have been built. Along those
roads ran messengers relaying messages, each one over a
distance of two miles, until hundreds of leagues were
covered by these swift runners. This system made it pos-
sible for the Inca kings to have fresh fish on their tables
at Cusco, whereas today it can be sent only by airplane.
Every twenty miles on these long roads there were rest sta-
tions with every convenience.

The early Peruvians had no draft animals and, hence,
lacked vehicles. The only beast of burden able to carry
light loads was the llama, which they domesticated in
order to use its wool for weaving, its manure for fuel
and fertilizer, and its flesh for food, usually in dried
form, (The llama is the only domestic mammal in pre-
Columbian America.) Another kindred animal, the alpaca,
furnishes excellent wool, but it is the vicuna, of the
same family, that is noted for wool of the very finest
quality. The vicuia is only semi-domesticated.

The Peruvians were clever farmers; the world owes to
them the potato and possibly together with Mexico, corn.
Besides these two valuable plants, they cultivated about
eighty more, which today are widely known, but some of
which like quinua are exceptionally rich in vitamins of
recent discovery.












Peru enjoys every climate in the world, ranging from
polar cold to tropical heat, and owing to its mountainous
territory, all these different climates may be found within
a short distance, as happens in some of the large estates
near Cusco, where, within an area of a few square miles are
found sugar cane and tropical fruit at the bottom of the
valley, cotton and corn on the slope, and potatoes, quinua,
wheat and barley on the plateau. Because of these unusual
conditions Peru, in contrast with other lands, obtained the
greatest possible yield from its soil. A country of tire-
less workers, it was organized as a giant community wherein
property rights were restricted to a few chattels.

All the arts flourished: we Peruvians are leaders in
the art of weaving, as experts of our time have discovered
in studying the marvelous cloths found unimpaired in tombs
two thousand years old, this being due to the dryness of
the climate, We were also good potters, as is evidenced
by collections of old pottery on display in the chief mu-
seums of the United States. Gold and silver work was also
a true Peruvian art, which was made to include the working
of golds silver, copper, bronze, tin, platinum and lead
with an advanced te gilding and soldering, Precious objects are preserved in
our museums. Nor were we ignorant of sculpture, painting,
woodwork and the fashioning of shell and bone.

This high civilization suffered a tremendous reverse
as a result of the conquest of the adventurous Spaniards
who arrived in Poru in 1532. Since then there has been a
slow inter-action of Indian and European cultures; but it
can be asserted that the native Peruvian retains his quali-
ties of a worker and an artist, and that he only awaits
favorable economic and political conditions to react with
the strength of his considerable nu'iber approaching four
millions, IVIoern Peru has been fashioned in large part by
the work of such menr, in the nines, in the fields, in the
construction of railways and highwa-ys it is the firmest
foundation of a Peru whose fame rivals its age.



BETTER RELATIONS WITH LATIN AMERICA

Text of a Lecture Delivered by John F. Martin,
at the University of Florida, January 4, 1943

INTRODUCTION

The object of the present study is to advance a limited
number of ideas, in the form of personal opinions, on the












absorbing question of how to improve our relations with Latin
America*

At first glance such an examination would seem super-
fluous. Interest in Latin American culture has never in the
history of the United States reached such a pitch of inten-
sity. In 1938, the last normal year before the war dislocated
commerce, the United States enjoyed a third of the total for-
eign trade of the Latin American republics. Two years pre-
viously at Buenos Aires, the unilateral interpretation of
the Monroe Doctrine had been superseded by the Continental
Doctrine of solidarity and cooperation. What room is there,
then, for improvement? Are we not culturally, economically
and politically more advanced than our Latin neighbors. Do
they not admire and imitate us in everything we doi Whether
or not those assumptions are justified by the facts will be
seen from the following conclusions.


CULTURAL RELATIONS

Latin America's political association with the Iberian
Peninsula lasted about three hundred years, twice as long
as we were bound to England. If we had maintained the
colonial bond as long as the Latins, we should have begun
our independent lifo about 1920. Theirs is an older civi-
lization, resting on two ancient institutions, Roman Law
and the Roman Catholic Church. In spite of the large Indian
populations of some of the Latin American countries, they
are relatively more Hispanic than we are Saxon in culture.
While we may be superior to them in a small number of ma-
terial things, we probably cannot extend this claim to
things of the spirit.

Although our public libraries far outnumber theirs,
they sell well-printed books, notably at Buenos Aires and
Moxia. City, at only a ~r!.l fracf.on of the prices charged
for books in the Unitcd. STates. They have far greater re-
spect for form and tradition, Many of their institutions
are older than ours. The University of San Marcos, at Lima,
was founded in 1551; the University of Mexico in 1553, three
hundred years before the founding of the University of
Florida. In 1800 Mexico City was the largest city in the e~'
world.

In technology we are more advanced. In human relations
they have had a wider and richer experience. In the United
States we witness on every hand the wild pursuit of pleas-
ure, usually in the form of dollar.bills. The Latin
Lmerican is more prone to find happiness in his own heart.












The duties of roaring large families and caring for
complicated households have prevented Latin American
women from occupying the predominant position that they
do in our civilization. In the United States, thanks to
mechanical inventions, emancipated women smoke man's
tobacco, drink his drinks, wear his pants, join his clubs,
bury him and finally collect his insurance. The Latin
American is awed by this spectacle. Ho is no more in
sympathy with some aspects of our civilization than he
is with many of the past acts of the Anglo-Saxon race.

The Latin Amorican ante-dates the Anglo-Saxon in
Americao His is the older stock. His loyalty to the
Amoricas, however, does not blind him to our imperfec-
tions. He is acutely Latin in his point of view. Per-
haps the Spanish American has inherited Spain's anti-
pathy for the Anglo-Saxon. In the old colonial town
of La Serona, Chile, the memory of the assaults of
the English pirates still lingers. The Panamanian will
sadly show you the remains of Old Panama, a thriving
city destroyed by the English pirate, Morgan. The
ruined chapel at Ujarraz, Costa Rica,.commemorated the
frustration of the pirate raia of Morgan and Mansfield.
It is possible that the cycle of Hispanic-Saxon tension
ending with the Spanish Amorican War: dates back to the
Spanish Armadao(1 There is much room for cultural in-
torponotration. Fortunately, the process has already
begun. It will be a long ono> The exchange of pro-
fessors and students, initiated by President Tigort at
Florida in 1930, the establishment of cultural institutes,
and mutual press services are now realities. A more com-
plete understanding will be affected in duo time by the
more general establishment in Latin Amorica of meorican
libraries, country clubs, athletic clubs, and finally by
fixing cheaper post war travel rates, to enable our re-
spective publics to know each other bettor.


ECONOMIC RELATIONS

To a large extent our cultural relations, as well as
our political relations, depend upon and are conditioned
by our economic relations with Latin Amorica. This un-
fortunate fact is undeniable. France has proved that it

W------------------------------------------------

(1) For an elaboration of this idea see "El Pan-Amoricanismo
Como Estructura Politica", by Pablo Max Ynsfran. Vol. I
No. 1












is not inevitable. With a share of Latin America's
trade amounting to loss than 4%, France has a cultural
ascendancy in Latin America that we shall be long in
matching. We are so accustomed to thinking of Latin
mJorica in terms of the small republics close to our
shores that wo are occasionally startled to find that
Brazil is larger than the United States without Alaska;
that Argontina is the size of the territory bounded
north and south by Labrador and Key West, and cast and
west by the Atlantic and the Mississippi; that Chile's
area equals that of Texas plus South Carolina, or to
put it another way, exceeds that of Italy, Rumania and
Yugoslavia combino~o Even Costa Rica is larger than
Switzerland. Without traveling through Latin Amorica
it is hard to gain an idea of its vast dimensions. Thus,
it is further from New York to Valparaiso, Chile, than
it is from San Francisco to Tokyo. The distance from
Now York to Buenos Aires is about double that from
Now York to Plymouth, England. Nor are the figures
for the population of Latin Amorica loss impressive
North and Central America, including the Antillos, con-
tain 37 million inhabitants, while the population of
South Amorica now reaches 93 millions. The total of
130 millions does not lag far behind the population of
the United States.

In climatic conditions and agricultural production
the two continents complement each other. Approximately
90 % of the area of North America is situated in the
temperate zone; fully 75% of the Southern Continent is
located in the torrid zone. The United States lacks
certain irreplaceable products such as tin, antimony ,
platinum, and chromium, as well as replaceable commodi-
ties such as bananas, coffee, tea, camphor, coconuts,
flax, jute, quinine, rubber and gum lac, virtually all
of which Latin Amnrica produces. It is obvious that the
groundwork for almost unlimited cooperation betwoon the
two regions has boon prepared by Naturo on a grand scale.

And yet, our government has never boon able to take
full advantage of tho opportunities open in intor-
Amorican trado. Before the war about 75% of tho foreign
trade of Argontina, Uruguay and Chile was with Europe.
As tho climate of those three countries is similar to
our own, their products compote with ours and will con-
tinue to do so until a throe-cornered oxchango is
arranged with Europe. This is a natural condition the
implications of which should cause us no concern, Wo
are all familiar with the adago: "One man's loss is
another man's gain." Although this may be true of the












stockmarkot, it is not true of trado, In its true sense
trade is not a commercial war; it is a vital, mutual sorv-
icoe Every nation loses by the poverty of another. Evory
nation gains by the prosperity of another. During all tho
previous administrations and most of the present one, we
had neither the technical moans, the foreign exchange, the
necessary ships, nor the appropriate commercial machinery
for handling Latin iAmerica's trade. Each time we made the
Latin American countries a series of loans, we raised our
customs barriers against them to make sure that they could
not possibly pay us in exports.

Chile can export copper and nitrate in sufficient
quantities to warrant our supplying her with all her needs
in industrial machinery, motor cars, radios and agricultural
machinery. However, as the Chilean copper and nitrate do-
posits are in the hands of Amorican capitalists who leave
nothing in the country except low wages, Chile lacks the
foreign exchange required for her imports. Hence, export
controls are imposed and black markets flourish. Prices
must be kept up. Hence, Brazil has destroyed annually an
average of 9 million bags of coffee over a period of ton
years. Owing to the war, Argontina has burnt thousands of
tons of corn for fuel. To complete the picture, the
United States, before the war, plowed under thousands of
acres of cotton, and corn and killed thousands of young
pigs to koop up prices. But the crowning absurdity is
reached when in tho United States producers are subsidized
to produce goods, which they are then paid to destroy.
Both in the United States and in Latin Amorica, factories
are paid not to operate. Steamship pools, or combines,
are formed to keep up ocean freights and passenger ratios,
Certain nitrate companies wore indicted in September of
this year by a United States Federal Grand Jury and fined
$35,000 for conspiracy to restrain national and intor-
national trade in fertilizer nitrato. Armour and Company
and Swift and Company, both operating in Latin Amorica,
wero indicted on October 2, 1942, at Dallas, Texas, for
conspiracy to restrain trade in mutton and pork. Latin
Amoricans have experienced those practices.

The petroleum reserves in the United States arc
cstimatod at 25 35 billion barrels, barely enough to
last us for the next thirty years. The only other country
in the world whose oil reserves have boon depleted so fast
is Mexico, which has boon ably assisted by the Amoricans
and the British. In the depletion of our domestic re-
serves wo have had the help of the Royal Dutch Shell, a
British controlled corporation. In exploiting Latin
American resources due regard must be had to the difforonco
between roplacoablo products, such as rubber, and irro-












placoablo products, such as petroleum. Provision must be
made for conservation. Our wasteful methods in Latin
America must be checked. Nothin could be moro natural
than Latin America's desire to develop her resources to
her own advantage. Nothin could be more normal than our
desire to share in that development. The ground for
collaboration is there, They have the raw materials.
We have the technical skill and the capital that they
lack.

A welcome sign is the cooperation in agriculture
that is being built up between the two continents. The
work of such men as Dean Humo and Dr. Allison, of the
University of Florida, and Dr. Wilson Poponoc, Director
of the Panamerican School of Agriculture at Tegucigalpa,
Honduras, is being recognized and imitated. A permanent
Intor-American Agricultural Institute will be established
soon near Turrialba, Costa Rica, for the purpose of pro-
moting agricultural research in the Amorican republics.


POLITICAL RELATIONS

British statesmen have declared repeatedly that the
Meditorrancan is the life line of the British Empire. It
is no less true that the Caribbean is the life line of the
United States. The annexation of California in 1848 showed
the expediency of connecting our coasts by a trans-isthmian
canal. The urgency of the pro4cct was revealed by the
dramatic cruise of the "Oregon around Cape Horn from the
Pacific to the Atlantic at the outbreak of the Spanish
Amorican War. The construction of the Panama Canal made
the United States an active power in the Caribbean. It
created in that area special interests, the potential
existence of which had boon recognized as early as 1880,
when President Hayes declared that the United States would
not consent to see a canal built and controlled by any
other power than ourselves because "it would be a great
ocean thoroughfare between the Atlantic and Pacific shores,
and virtually a part of the coast line of the United States."

However, the digging of the Panama Canal did not ex-
haust the possibilities of constructing trans-isthmian
waterways The Nicaraguan route has always boon considered
to hold advantages equal to, if not greater than, those of
Panama. Many exports deem both the Atrato route through
Colombia and the route across the Isthmus of Tohuantopec
to be feasible. To preempt the Nicaraguan route, the
United States concluded with Nicaragua in 1916 a treaty,
known as the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty, whereby the former was
granted the right in perpetuity to construct a canal across
Nicaragua, via the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, in












return for the payment of throo million dollars.

Tho keystone of our Latin meorican policy is not only
our special concern for the safety of the Panama Canal, but
also our dctormination not to permit any act by a foreign
nation that would jeopardize our interests in Nicaragua.
To preclude European countries from the collection of debts
by force, or from tho acquisition of concessions in stra-
togic areas, the United States has often felt herself, or
fancied herself, obliged to intervene in the Antilles and
in Central Amorica. Until the beginning of President
Hooverts administration it was the established policy of
the United States to intervene in the Caribbean republics,
either for the reasons just assigned or to protect the
lives and property of its citizens. The frequent oxor-
cise of the so-called right of intervention has done more
to embitter our relations with Latin America than any
other cause.

Judge Bassott Moore, a distinguished American jurist,
once drew a distinction between "political and non-politi-
cal intervention", the latter being non-bolligoront inter-
position, based on the duty of protecting citizens abroad,

In his Princeton Lectures, entitled "Our Relations
to the Nations of the Western Hemisphere", Chief Justice
Hughcs made the following statement "The people of the
Latin Amecrican republics resent intervention of any sort,
of any possible description, anywhere. They are not dis-
posed to draw distinctions or admit justifications".

Garcia Calderon of Poru, writing on the "Yankee
Peril", says "that the people of the disorderly and back-
ward states of Latin America prefer permanent revolution
to order imposed from without. the sanguinary approntico-
ship of autonomy, to the grandxirss and decadence of
oppression.. They would choose anarchy, destruction oven,
rather than suffer the unlawful intrusion of any foreign
power which ventures to interfere in the internal affairs
of a free country".

Intervention is not the only political error wo are
now trying to live down There arc other ancient grudges.
Wo proclaimed the Monroo Doctrine in 1823, and yet allowed
England to do-poil ..irgontina of the Falkland Islands in
1833 without ovon making a protest, In the War of the
Pacific of 1879-85 ce backed the wrong horse, and as a
result won the ill will of Chilo for a generation. Our
moderation in the sottlemont following the Spanish Amori-
can War could not erase the memory of our greedy handling












of the Mexican War. Our hasty recognition of Panamanian
independence is now forgiven but not forgotten by Colombia.
WVhat passes in Buenos Aires for our besetting sin is our
continuing support of Brazil against Argentina. For
years it has been England's policy to support the second
strongest European power against the strongest. While
the motive "Divide and Rule" cannot be imputed to us,
sordid business motives have led us to favor Brazil at
every step. It has already been pointed out that
Brazil's economy complements our own.

The present administration has been engaged in a
readjustment of our relations with Latin America.
Thanks to the perspicacity of the Undersecretary of
State, the Honorable Sumner Welles, the Platt Amend-
ment was abrogated in 1934. This took the "Good
Neighbor Policy" out of the realm of talk. It proved
that no Latin American government needed to fear in-
tervention on the part of the-United States. Un-
fortunately it encouraged Mexico and Bolivia to con-
fiscate valuable American oil properties. In case of
Mexico, we were compelled by the turn of world events
to accept a token reparation of $23,000,000 for proper-
ties valued at $400,000,000. Our oil properties in
Bolivia were surrendered in return for the payment of
$3,000,000. Notwithstanding these two attempts to con-
vert a good neighbor into an easy neighbor, political
approximation to Latin America has been hastened.

Much remains to be done before continental soli-
darity is achieved. Our self complacency has led us
to believe that our particular brand of democracy
makes for the most progressive government in the
world. It is not generally realized that the various
Latin countries have adopted reforms far in advance of
ours. The constitutions of virtually all the countries
of Latin America are modelled on that of the United
States. Whereas we were unable to adopt such a slight
reform as the Child Labor Amendment, many Latin American
countries have forged far ahead of us. Our constitution
guarantees life, liberty and property. The constitutions
of Cuba, Chile and Uruguay supplement our Bill of Rights
with social and economic safeguards, by guaranteeing
their citizens the right to work, a decent existence,
and social insurance against disability, accident, un-
employment, old age and death. Within the last decade
it has become clear in the United States that the con-
stitutional guarantees of the Bill of Rights are of
limited value to a starving citizenry. Let us imitate












our imitators. Let us substitute an economy of plenty
for the principle of scarcity. In his book entitled
"The New Freedom", Woodrow Wilson advocates such a
change. He writes

"Our government, which was designed for the
people, has got into the hands of bosses and their
employers: the special interests. An invisible em-
pire has been set up upon the forms of democracy.
We are on the eve of a great reconstruction". And
then he adds: "We are in a temper to reconstruct
economic society, as we were once in a temper to
reconstruct political society, and political society
may itself undergo a radical modification in the
process."

Political reconstruction is under way in many
quarters of Latin America, All republics are not
necessarily democratic, any more than all democra-
cies are republican. The British Empire, while not
a republic, is accepted as a democracy. Under the
Emperor, Dom Pedro II, Brazil furnished during fifty
years an outstanding example of a titled democracy.
In the Americas there are all shades and varieties of
republican governments, ranging from pure democracies
to despotic military dictatorships. There is need
for maintaining a community of ideas, institutions,
culture and economy. The need is felt in Latin
America itself. The five republics of Central
America have made numerous attempts to reconstitute
the short-lived Federation of Central American States.
There are occasional stirring in Argentina and Chile
in favor of an economic union. The reestablishment
of Greater Colombia is not beyond the bounds of
possibility. The United States should lend its
backing to all such consolidations, if and when they
arise. We have nothing to fear and much to gain from
new political groupings, which will inevitably lead
to increased progress and prosperity. Latin America
has none of the problems that brought about Fascism
in Europe. It has no dense populations living in
highly industrialized centers. It has no shortage
of raw materials. It now has no boundary questions.

If, however, we cling stubbornly to our rigid
banking and currencies systems, we may unwittingly
foster communism in some of the poorer countries.
We should allow nothing to block the natural currents
of trade. Customs barriers must be removed bi-laterally.
We may even have to resort to the barter system, initiated
some years ago when we exchanged wheat for Brazilian
coffee. Sufficient preparation of public opinion by
press campaigns and conferences might permit of the












adoption of a uniform currency and the metric system
for both continents. As a first class power we are
under obligation, not only to be familiar with Latin
America's problems, but to help in their solution.
Instead of calling the Latin countries our southern
neighbors, let us make them our southern partners,
Woodrow Wilson foresaw this desideratum when he
wrote:

"You cannot be friends upon any other terms than
upon the terms of equality. You cannot be friends
at all except upon the terms of honor, We must
show ourselves friends by comprehending their in-
terest, whether it squares with our own or not. It
is a very perilous thing to determine the foreign
policy of a nation in the terms of material interest."

A prerequisite for recasting our policy in the
sense indicated, is for our government to cease being
the servant of Business. It is evident that we must
aid in the development of Latin America's resources
without claiming the lion's share for ourselves. We
must promote the exchange of professors and students
on a much larger scale. We must bring our respective
ways of life into greater harmony. We must expand
and cheapen inter-American communications, by finish-
ing the Pan-American Highway, by obliging the steam-
ship companies to charge fair rates, by extending and
cheapening travel by air, and finally by building the
Nicaraguan canal.

Some of the maritime nations of South America
are irked by the high tolls they must pay to use the
Panama Canal. Figures on the net revenue derived
from the Panama Canal cannot be obtained. Neverthe-
less, a safe estimate of average net receipts of
15 millions a year for twenty-six years gives a
total of 390 million dollars, which approximates the
cost of the canal, without its fortifications.
Colonel Goethals, the army engineer who built the
Panama Canal, once said:

"Personally I could never see why the Canal
should not be made a business proposition. I do not
think that anyone should benefit by it at the ex-
pense of others."

Bearing in mind the diplomatic history of the
Panama Canal, it seems both just and timely for us
to revise our tolls, by charging foreign ships only
enough to cover the expenses of maintenance.












A purely military canal could then be built through
Nicaragua, whose groat Lake Nicaragua is large enough to
shelter our entire fleet. By taking this step we should
greatly simplify our Caribbean policy. There would be
fewer revolutions instigated by other countries and de-
signed to repudiate the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty. We
should be exchanging the shadow for the substance.

The Inter-American Ideal demands other far-reaching
measures. The establishment of a Pan-American Court of
Justice would minimize international strife. The Court
would grant redress for abuses such as the confiscation
of property, including oil fields, without adequate com-
pensation. It might conceivably give relief to some of
our near neighbors, victims of indirect economic imper-
ialism. The proper attitude on our part, substituting
cooperation for tutelage, would insure the collaboration
even of our aloof sister, Argentina. It is our common
traits, rather than our differences, that separate us
from that country.

In some political circles in the United States
there exists a determination to revive the League of
Nations after the war, with ourselves in the role of
Chief of Police. The diversity of races, civilizations
and climates; the wide gulfs between the psychologies
of the component nations, the physical handicaps im-
posed by endless distances and remote areas counsel
prudence in this venture. It would be preferable to
make haste slowly, building on a firmer foundation.
A trial might better be made, at least as far as we
are concerned, of something more likely to succeed.
The mutual economic and political ties of the Americas
point the way to the early fulfillment of the dream
of ex-President Brum of Uruguay, namely, the estab-
lishment of an American League of Nations, with
Justice, instead of Force, presiding at our council
tables, as a first step to our participation in a
post-war world order.











"THE LIVING LANGUAGE OF AN EXTINCT RACE"

by Pablo Max Ynsfran,
Institute of Latin Amorican
Studios.
The University of Texas

In the tragedy that overcame the American Indians
with the arrival of the European invaders, many of the
Indian languages did not fare any better* Tie Indians
were crushed with their languages, or they were
assimilated and their tongues discarded, or they
were corned with their tongues and all. At most,
the Indian languages lent some words to the European
ones. If there was any wholesale linguistic trans-
fusion, it occurred only in one way -- the Indians
in a number of cases adopting the tongues of the
white people, but never the opposite. There is,
however, one exception: it is the Guarani language,
spoken at the present* time without its Indian owners
by the white population of Paraguay and the adjoin-
ing Argentine areas of Corrientes, Misiones, Chaco,
and Formosa.

Probably there are over two million Guarani-
speaking people in that region. They do not use
Guarani as their only language; they alternate it
with Spanish; but the fact still remains that they
have adopted an Indian language, the only instance
of a vernacular American tongue surviving through
the conquerors of European extraction.

The Guarani Indians who bequeathed their
language to the present population of the goo-
graphic region just mentioned disappeared therefrom
as a social factor more than one hundred years ago.
Their last sizable settlements were those of the
Jesuit missions, whose disintegration was the
natural result of the expulsion of the Fathers in
1767. Left under the Spanish civil administration,
which handled them inefficiently, the Indian com-
munities gradually deteriorated, and by the first
quarter of the nineteenth century no other trace
remained of them than the ruins of some churches.
The Guarani Arcadia built by the Jesuits in central
South American vanished forever.

Yet the doom of the Guarani Indians did not
entail the doom of their language in Northeastern
Argentina and Paraguay. The white and the mestizo











population who overran them inherited their talk and
continued to use it side by side with, and sometimes
to the detriment of, the Spanish language. The
people became bilingual and are still so to this
day.

In the Argentine sections of Corrientes, Misiones,
Chaco, and Formosa, and in Paraguay, Guarani consti-
tutes a permanent language ef the masses. It is
widely used also by cultured persons in their homes,
and in both religious and political public acts,
Only in places very far away from the populated
centers there are persons who do not know any
other language than Guarani, In the cities,
persons of a higher social rank usually resort
to Spanish in their intercourse with their fellows
of the same level, and to Guarani with their serv-
ants~ Men use Guarani among themselves if they
have some degree of intimacy.

The lower classes prefer Guarani in their
ordinary dealings, and address in Spanish persons
whom they owe some respect because of their posi-
tion or their social standing. If the latter
shows some cordial disposition or especial de-
ference, the conversation immediately is conducted
in Guarani.

Among some families of the cities the use of
Guarani is frequent among elder persons, but
children must speak Spanish. It is a lack of
respect that a boy or girl should talk to any
elder person in Guarani, In the schools of the
cities Guarani is employed only on some rare
occasions,

In the country everybody speaks in Guarani.
In the schools the students use it in their private
conversations during the recesses, out of the
teacher's control, Among the peasants Spanish is
not popular. Anyone who may insist on talking it
is exposed to jokes on the part of their fellow
peasants 1

--------------------------------------------

(1) In the foregoing survey of the present extension
of the use of Guarani in Northern Argentina and
Paraguay, I have followed Marcos A. Morinigo,
Hispanismos en el Guarani, Buenos Aires, 1931.












Before attempting to find out an explanation for
the survival of the Guarani language in a social
group of European stock, some remarks should be
made on the Guarani Indians themselves*

Modern ethnologists show a tendency to stress
more a Guarani civilization than a Guarani race. It
is easier, at least, to trace the linguistic in-
fluence of Guarani in pre-Colombian times than to
isolate, within clear-cut lines, the racial type from
which it derived. Some Guarani-speaking communities
were undoubtedly dissimilar; but among many of them
some common physical and social features could be
discerned.

It can be asserted that Guarani was spoken in
some of the Caribbean islands, north of the equator,
and south of it, along the Atlantic seaboard, from
the mouth of the Amazon down to the northern fron-
tier of Uruguay, without interruption. The Guarani-
speaking zone became much thicker in the southern
end of the above tract, as it covered the Brazilian
states of Rio de Janeiro, Minas Geraos, Santa Catha-
rina, Parana, Sao Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, and a
part of Mato Grosso, Eastern Paraguay, and Misiones
and Corrientes in Argentina. The northern portion of
the adjoining territory where Buenos Aires, the capi-
tal of Argentina, is located, on the La Plata River,
was also under Guarani influence.

In addition, Guarani was spoken along the Amazon
river from its mouth as far west as Ecuador, and along
some of the southern affluents of the Amazon. Further-
more there were disconnected areas -- and some still
are -- in southern Bolivia and in the interior of Brazil
where Guarani was, or is, the basic language of several
tribes. A number of words of Guarani coinage were de-
tected in the Indian languages of some tribes of
Venezuela, Colombia, and in Central America.

The word Caribbean is Guarani, so is Haiti.
Caribbean comes from Karai, or Karaive, which means
lord or master. Many Guarani tribes called them-
selves Karai-Guarani, the Guarani masters, as a
token oTf th high idea they entertained about their
own racial superiority. Haiti means rugged or rough
land.












Two conclusions may be fairly drawn from the
foregoing facts, (1) that the Guarani race, or
civilization, or culture, throve on the Atlantic
seaboard exclusively; and (2) that it encompassed
more territory than any other single Indian culture
in South America.

It is common to divide this Indian cultural
family into two different branches--the Tupi
civilization of the north, and the GuaranT civi-
lization of the south. Yet there seems to be no
material reason to call Tupi any of the Guarani
speaking tribes. Not a single one ever applied to
himself the name of Tupi. The splitting of the
Guarani culture into a Tupi one and a Guarani one
apparently has no importance.

Within the vast Guarani-speaking areas there
were numerous separate tribes who called them-
selves by different names, and many a time they
were greatly antagonistic to each other. They had,
nevertheless, the common link of their language,
which was essentially the same everywhere, allowance
being made fnr dialectal alterations produced by
distance or lack of contact, and other circum-
stantial factors.

The Portuguese as well as the Spaniards be-
came aware of this linguistic relationship shortly
after their arrival on the Atlantic shores of
South America, and took advantage of it for their
political, religious and military purposes. The
Portuguese used the Guarani as a "lingua geral,"
or general tongue, even in their intercourse with
other Indian groups foreign to the Guarani family;
the Jesuits in Portuguese dominions studied the
Guarani language and published the first books on
it. The Spaniards followed a similar policy; and,
again, the Jesuits wore the pioneers in the literary
utilization of Guarani. They converted it into the
cultural Indian tongue of the Atlantic region, and
so Guarani turned out to be something like an Indian
Latin among the aborigines.

As early as 1603 the bishop of Asuncion, in
Paraguay, commanded that the priests should know
Guarani and should preach the Gospel in the tongue,
"because," he asserted, "it is the clearest, and
it is spoken generally in all these provinces."












Out of the largo variety of Guarani speaking
tribal groups, the more typical ones had some uni-
form traits. The primary.economic activity of the
Guarani Indians was agriculture: They raised corn,
cassava, bananas, squash, cotton, tobacco, sweet
potatoes, beans, and the like. They used also to
hunt and fish but as secondary occupations. Accord-
ing to the French ethnologist, M. Alcide d' rbigny,
they were hunters only in their spare time. They
excelled as navigators. They knew every bend of
the rivers and brooks of the lands they inhabited,
which they crossed in their own canoes.

From the social and moral point of view,
M. d1Orbigny portrayed them as a kind, affable, frank
and hospitable people, easy to be persuaded. They
were courageous fighters, though, and this warlike
quality accounts for the extension of their terri-
torial dominions* More than once they raided the
Inca empire, and their settlements in the first
eastern spurs of the Andes in southern Bolivia with-
stood successfully for centuries the military ex-
peditions sent against them by the Inca rulers.

They wove their own cotton and had a relatively
advanced pottery industry. In some communities every
family lived in its own hut, and in others, a number
of families dwelt in large common houses called
"Ogaguazu."

There is the dreadful charge of cannibalism
against the Guaranis. Even the word "cannibal" is
a corruption of "Karai" or "Karaive," one of the
appelations of the Guarani race. Probably this
charge cannot be substantiated against all the
Guarani speaking tribes. Among some groups there
prevailed a sort of ritual cannibalism, consisting
in giving to every member of the group a small piece
of the flesh of a famed enemy warrior taken prisoner,
as a means of assimilating part of his warlike stamina.

------------------------------------------

(2) Alcide dtOrbigny, L'homme americain, p. 310, Paris,
1839.












But this habit was not general. The still existing
Guarani tribes of southern Bolivia and the Amazon
basin show no inclination to such an abominable
practice.,

That most of the Guarani tribes met by the
Spaniards upon their arrival in Paraguay displayed
a rather friendly disposition from the start can-
not be denied. And this fact explains the early
understanding between the two groups, which even-
tually developed into an alliance and a racial in-
terfusion.

The Guarani tribes were in conflict with many
other warlike clans of different stocks. The west-
ern boundary of the Guarani sphere of influence was
the Paraquay river. On the lands of the right bank,
which came to be knovnas the Chaco, the Guaranis had
dangerous enemies, such as the Guaycurus and the
Payaguas. The latter used to raid the Guarani
settlements and to plunder them. When the Spaniards
tried to cross the Chaco in search of a fabulous
golden empire they were seeking in the first stage
of their explorations, they received no better
treatment, Both Guaranis and Spaniards alike were
thus confronted by a common foe. They decided to
unite in order to oppose the menace more effectively.
The Spaniards would contribute with their technical
resources; the Guarani Indians with their numbers
and their knowledge of the terrain,

So it happened that a close association was
soon established between the two races. The
Spaniards were all males; they had brought no women
along. Under the circumstances the Guarani were
only too glad to provide them with wives. The
connection deserved prompt official support from
the leader of the colonization of the La Plata
region, Domingo Martinoz do Irala, who, inciden-
tally, set the example by taking not one, but a
number of Indian wives who gave him a large family
of daughters. These subsequently married other
Spanish conquerors and were duly recognized and on-
dowed in their father's will.

--------------------------------------------

(3) Moises S. Bertoni, Civilizacion,Guarani,
Etnologia y Protohistoria, passim,
Puerto Bortoni, 1922.












From this initial intermarriage sprang the first
generation of bilingual mestizos. To some extent the
Spaniards sought the association rather than the sub-
jugation of the Guaranis. Both groups worked to-
gether and cast their lot together for a common de-
fense. Hence the especial interest shown by the
Spaniards in the knowledge and preservation of the
tongue of their allies. It was a social and political
interest as well as a military one. The Spaniards
felt that they had to be well acquainted with the
language of their partners, their soldiers, and their
wives. They were the leaders instead of the masters
of the surrounding Guaranis*

The Spanish-Guarani family grew up in a bi-
lingual atmosphere, The now influx of European
blood was never powerful enough to override this
condition, nor would it have been exactly advan-
tageous for the newcomers to do so. In dealing
with other Indians there was nothing better for
them to do than wield the linguistic instrument of
a vernacular language of widespread acceptance.
The result was that the bilingual trait passed over
from generation to generation, and when owing to
different factors, the Indians themselves faded
away from the scene, that trait became too deeply
rooted to be removed by fresh immigration from
Europe. The two languages had learned how to live
together in a harmonious accommodation.

Most of the writers who refer to the survival
of the Guarani language in Northern Argentina and
Paraguay after the disappearance of the Indians
attribute it to the work of the Jesuits in their
missions. "The social organization of the misiones,"
says one of them, "is one of the causes of the
survival of Guarani since the Jesuit fathers tried
to make it a cultural language."4 In this con-
tention two important factors are overlooked:
(1) that outside and far away from the Jesuit
missions Guarani was also spoken by the creoles of
Paraguay and Corrientes; in fact it was spoken by
the creoles and mestizos, together with Spanish,


(4) Marcos A. Morinige, op. cit., p. 26












even before the establishment of the Jesuit missions;
furthermore, the creoles of Paraguay and Corrientos,
who were the colonial ancestors of the present popu-
lation of that area, received no positive influence
from the Jesuits; they were permanently at odds with
the Fathers and the ultimate expulsion thereof was
largely due to the hostility of these creoles; and
(2) that the Guarani Indians of the missions, after
the expulsion of the Fathers, were incorporated with-
in the bulk of the creole population in a small pro-
portion; they stayed isolated in their former pueblos,
in a forlorn condition, until their complete racial
evanescence. In the so-called Eastern Missions, on
present-day Brazilian territory, nobody speaks
Guarani today.

The Jesuits made a wonderful contribution by
exalting the Guarani language to the category of
a cultural tool suited to the religious and social
task they had undertaken to perform in their missions.
The Jesuit books in Guarani contain hundreds of words
never used by the bilingual population of Paraguay
and Northern Argentina--a fact which would appear
somewhat strange if the Guarani tongue spoken by the
Paraguayans and the Argentinians today should have
been preserved through the Jesuit teachings.

*
*

Some remarks on the framework of the Guarani
language must be necessarily included in this dis-
cussion. Inasmuch, though, as the writer has no
other qualification for such a philological approach
than his being a Guarani-spoaking person, this dis-
cussion cannot go beyond a brief and unpretending
description of the tongue.

Guarani fits exactly within that the Webstor's
New International Dictionary calls the agglutinative
family of languages. In Guarani "the root or its
derivative is modified by the joining to it of
secondary roots which gradually lose their independ-
ence and resolve into mere prefixes, suffixes, in-
fixes, etc."











Any example will help. Let it be the sentence
Aha cherope--I am going home.5 It is -composed of the
following parts Aha, I go; che, my; ro, apooopated
form oga, house, home, which in this particular
place of the speech calls for an euphonic r at its
beginning, in joining the possessive pronoun che
and pe, to. Literally, it runs, I go my hometo.

It may be said that this is also the founda-
tion of any other statement concerning the action
of going home. Subsequent statements which should
imply the same act as their central idea must be
expressed with the adding of adequate suffixes to
the principal verb.

If I wish to express the desire of going home,
I must say, Aha-so chorope. Se is there a verbal
suffix or particle, not an independent verb. In
itself it means nothing; only in a functional posi-
tion, added to some other verb, it conveys the idea
of a desire.

And so with adverbial suffixes, prefixes, et
cetera. Supposing that I want to emphasize my de-
sire to go home. I must add the adverbial particle
te to the verbal aggregate Ahase (I wish to go),
and I would say, Ahase-te cherope. If the desire
referred to would press more and more upon me,
then I should have recourse to a fourth particle,
ma, and oven to a fifth one, pa, topping with them
TEe already fairly overloaded- original verb Aha.
The whole sentence would then read, Ahasetomapa
cherope.

Moods and tenses of verbs are formed with
auxiliary particles as well. The Guarani verb is
invariable, except for the persons of the present
tense in the indicative. These are indicated by
modifications at the beginning of the verb, instead
of the end, as usually happens in the European

---------I ---------------------------

(5) The phonetics of the Guarani words are based on
Spanish spelling. Ch, however, stands for the
English sh sound.











languages. For example,

Amboe (I toach)

Remboe (Thou toachest)

Omboo (he or she teaches)

fa- or ro-mboe (we teach)

Pemboe (you teach)

Omboe (they teach)


Upon the present tense all the other tenses are
based, through the use of auxiliary particles. The
particle to form the past tense is ma or curi (ma
implies already); the future is expressed by adding
the particle ta; the conditional, by adding no.

There are two pronoun for the first person
in plural-- one, iando, which includes the person
to whom you are speaking; the other one, ore, which
excludes him.

In genuine Guarani there are no articles; but
in the talk of the bilingual area, under the in-
fluence of Spanish, the feminine Spanish article
la was introduced in Paraguay for all the genders
and numbers, which did not exist either in Guarani.

As to its phonetics, Guarani is mainly nasal
and somewhat guttural. It has six vowels, a (ah),
e (oh), i (ee), o (oh), u (oo), and i. Sometimes
a word changes iTs meaning or function in the
speech by being made nasal. For example, hi'a,
plain, means "it bears fruit"; but hi'a, nasal,
means, "his, or her, soul"

The sounds of 1 and f were lacking in pure
Guarani, but in Paraguay and Northeastern Argentina
they made their appearance in the language with the
incorporation of Spanish words.

Naturally, Spanish and Guarani, by living to-
gether, influence each other, and needless to say,
the European partner has always the upper hand in
this interaction. Numberless Spanish words have
been adopted by Guarani, frequently to the detriment






29




of genuinely vernacular equivalents. But the struo-
tural backbone of the native tongue remains intact
to this day. Guarani has also made its contribution
to the Spanish vocabulary and, through Spanish, to
the vocabulary of other European languages.

Guarani is a remarkably rich language to ex-
press emotions and to depict natural phenomena;
but very poor, as may be readily supposed, in
other respects. How long it will last under
present conditions, or under the strain imposed
upon it by Spanish, is impossible to predict.
Yet it is sure that it will not be swept away
very easily.









P A S 0

Es el paso perdido que so ignore
on el planet porla del quo suePa;
es el paso pasibn do quien se aduona
la opalosconte sombra acogedora.

En umbrIa de amor pronto so empeLia,
a ciegas corra; dulce oncubridora
la noche profundiza la huidora
plant que on ol repose se dosdeia.

A poco oscuro mundo so esclarece
a extreme del misterio de osto paso
y on esponjada luz pipila creco.

Es el paso ilusi6n por quien so acude
a las fiestas ocultas del acaso.
Mdsica suya al corazdn desnudo.

Javior Sologuren
SEMBLANTE

La oscura onredadera de mi sangre
ardiendo ostd on silencio
antiguo aroma.

Tuya esta tibieza, esta porfecta
ivasi6n de tu memorial
on el sontido.

(Como aquella breve campanula:
solodosa transparencia
en la pupila)

Y es rondido labio, adoleceoncia,
quo on el bosque marmoreo,
la sombra bobe.
J. S,
ELEGIAC A "BLiNCA", UNA BARCA
POSSIBLE

Y podfa espantarmo con tu espanto
-salado torbollino a dovorarto
de improvise- si tongo
todo amargor do mar aqui en mi boona

Y podia busoarte bajo el agua,
ella que ayer no mis to sustentaba,
con oculta alogrfa,
Blanca, tan a la gracia marinara'

Pore sionto quo so abren tus costados,
y la sombra te invade las entro~as;
quo a travds do los poces
lontas floros aduermon tu madera. J. S.








31


Do "CANCION Y MUERTE DE ROLANDO" (fragmontos)



Dulco Rolando, coecido y muorto sobre la yorba do los corazones, con os-
plendor do hierro y poma do sueeo: santa os tu cancidn sabida de Dies y
do Eliseo.

*s*

Lucionto copa cdl ciolo so oscuroco sobre tu bronca cabeza. Escuchas a
Oliveros, tras de las cercas donde su voz, ya derramada, corre cual vic-
torioso vine. Estds tan abandonado sin su voz que aun ya muerto le obo-
decos. Y sangras solidario.



En ol limited de Francia, aquellas casas de provincial amor, dulces casas
que s~rvieron do ospojuolos a la vida; en las rojas comarcas abiertas a
los rios y al pordon divine, aquel crimson confundda a los pastors, aquol
incondio sarraceno quo nevara de muortos los hogares.



Y do aquellas &ureas onboscadas do torres y de sol, el polvo era lo unico
visible, el polvo.

re.

Despuds del botfn las hermosas cabalgaduras mns hermosas, come ndufragos
galoonos per la solva, se doblaban bajo ol peso do aquol oro con ternura.
En la oscura ciostra de Marsil aquol oro hubo do hacorso interminable espada.

Poe,

En la manana tu cuorpo era alto y limpio come el mar, pure iogo un musgo
negrfsimo lo ocultaba y per entro su posado oloaje, a inst-.ntos, s6lo tu
frente apareca.
Un viento do la nocho to agolpaba on el granite, ya sin Durandal, sin vida,
sin modalos, eterno on Roncosvalles.



(Hay una voz quo llora, quo no portonoco a nadie, quo embalsama las piedras,
que abandon ol mundo on una viblonta flor y deja su rocuordo zozobrando
como un yolmo ontre la yedra).


JORGE EDUiRDO FIELSON












AN OUTLINE OF PERU

by Manuel Paroja-Buono


Peru is located in the western part of the widest
section of the South American continent. Geographically
divided in three different sections the coast, the
sierra and the selva or jungle it has all the cli-
mates of the world, this fact being due mainly to the
Andoan mountains, whose role in the geography and
history of Peru is tremendous, and the Humboldt
current that sweeps up from the South Pole. The
sierra being a section too high to permit the develop-
ment of large cities and the difficulties of trans-
portation being in some places almost unsurmountable,
the coast has become the pivot of Peruvian economy*
In the coastal section are located plantations of
sugar cane, cotton and oil fields. The sierra pro-
duces copper, silver, several other minerals such as
vanadium, tungsten, wolfram and wool. In the solva,
no product has yet been exploited on a large scale,
except perhaps some timber which is exported to
Europe and cannot be marketed in Peru due to the
above-mentioned difficulties of transportation.
Transportation is the great problem of Peru, as
although we now have a good highway network most
of the roads are of dirt and travel is still done
under very primitive conditions, which resemble the
pioneer days of highway construction in the United
States of forty years ago. With a tiny railway
mileage and highways of difficult lay-out we have
to admit that only a sound transportation policy will
provide the means for further industrialization. We
should remember that most of these highways go inland
traversing the dangerous Andes, climbing all the
time and making such numerous detours that distances
between two points are considerably increased.

Looking over the history of Peru we find traces
of probably the most ancient forms of human life ever
seen on the American continent; on the coast, around
Ancon and Nieveria and Pisco there are ruins of tri-
bal organizations whose existence dates back to per-
haps two or three thousand years B. C. Other more
recent ruins, belonging to peoples of more advanced
culture can be seen in Chimu, Chan-Chan, Pachacamao,
which antedate the Inca civilization and are the
forerunners of that of the Tiahuanaoo. The Inca












civilization began its development in a time period
parallel to that of the middle ages in Europe and
reached its climax at the time of the Renaissance.
When the discovery of the New World brought the rule
of the Spanish conquerors there was a crisis and dis-
ruption of the life of Peru. The whole social struc-
ture of the Inca Empire was broken and the civil wars
between the Spaniards soon began to make headway
under Gonzalo Pizarro, the first "revolucionario",
These civil wars attracted the attention of the
Spanish Crown and so it was decided to change the
government of the new colonies from the hands of
the conquerors to those of delegates of the Crown
of Spain. The viceregal epoch began, and lasted
three hundred years up to the time of the wars of
independence. There is much that we could say about
the revolution for the independence of Peru and
about the first movements initiated by Peruvians
early in 1809 with a conspiracy of the Silva Brothers
in Callao, the movement of Francisco de Zela in Tacna,
the Pumakahua rebellion in Cusco and others which
never succeeded, Lima being then the main stronghold
of the Spanish power in America. When San Martin
came to Peru there was already a cleverly arranged
underground movement, in which patriots like Riva-
Aguero, Vigil, Mariategui, Paz-Soldan and many others
paved the way for San Martin's entering Peru. He
could have easily beaten the remaining Spaniards who
fled to the sierra, but the opposition shown on
account of his monarchist tendencies and especially
the antipathy aroused against his secretary Monteagudo
caused distrust in the people of Lima. And so Bolivar
was invited to come to Peru after the Guayaquil meet-
ing of the two Liberators had settled the question of
who should finish the work. After the battles of
Ayaoucho and Junin, where the Spaniards were utterly
destroyed, Bolivar went back to Colombia where press-
ing problems and the petty rivalry of his lieutenants
for power caused his death* After Bolivar and until
1860, a host of military presidents made their appear-
ance on the Peruvian scene: Sucre, La Mar, Santa Cruz,
Salaverry, Gamarra, Orbegoso, Vivanoo, Castilla, Prado,
Pezet and San Roman. In 1845 there were eight differ-
ent presidents in Peru. The reason for the predomin-
ance of military elements in the government can be
explained solely by the wars of independence which
created a caste of military amateurs who won honors
after battles. Jorge Basadre in his "Historia de la
Republica" refers to this period as the saddest of











Peru's brilliant history". 1860 represents a crucial
year in the political evolution of the country. With
the discovery of new sources of wealth-"guano" and
"salitre" a new and bold moneyed class entered pub-
lic affairs and a group of them founded the first
political party over known in Peru, the "Partido
Civilista" having as its chief aim to oppose any
form of political pressure of the military elements.
Jose Pardo was the first civilian President ever to
govern Peru; an era of unprecedented progress began;
railroads were built by a daring North American
engineer, Henry Moiggs. But the sudden war with
Chile into which Peru was dragged on account of its
alliance with Bolivia, stopped the magnificent
strides already made. The war having been lost,
Peru dropped from a leading position to that of a
secondary power. Years afterwards Manuel Gonzales
Prada, the pamphleteer and poet with incisive speeches
brought a reawakening and hope for reconstruction.
His is the expression many times quoted "the old
men to the tomb, the young to work." At the turn
6o the century Peru was much behind the rapid pace
set by other countries owing to their having re-
ceived an influx of European immigration. Even in
1910 our national budget scarcely reached 30 million
soleso

But the opening of the Panama Canal a fact
which is very much neglected in an appreciation
of the progress made during the last twenty-five
years-initiated an era of great activity and work.
SCallao, our main port was soon linked with New York
Svia the direct route; automobiles, machinery, paved
highways,the growth of the Capital from a town of
scarcely 200,000 inhabitants in the early twenties
to a city of well over 700,000 today is mainly due
_to the opening of the Canal. As Jose Carlos Maria-
tegui stated in his great critical work, "Sieto
Ensayos de Interpretacion de la Realidad Peruana,"
Lima is a city that looks towards the sea, abroad
rather than inland. The new structures around Lima
and the boom in building originated with the automo-
bile, which made the life in the suburban areas as
convenient as in the city and more enjoyable, and
which is one of the most striking consequences of
the unusual growth that all modern cities have under-
gone in the present century. The recent government
of Leguia may have been one of political misdeeds and
graft but it certainly knew how to take advantage of












its great intimacy with the United States. With the
revolution of 1930 and the turmoil that this origi-
nated, most of the public works already begun by
Leguia were entirely neglected and the country once
more fell into the hands of the militarists. With
the throat of another boundary war and in the grip
of the world depression, when cotton fell to an un-
paralleled low price and sugar was simply not
marketable, Peru suffered its most serious setback.
Then Benavides took office. There is much that
could be said against him and this is all too well
known to those acquainted with the political affairs
of Latin America; however there is one thing that he
did to his credits he set the country to work re-
gardless of politics and created a sort of equilib-
rium between the army and the police so that fur-
ther revolutions would be well nigh impossible.

i-- And this is a fact that must be kept in mind:
slowly Peru and Spanish America at large is
I outgrowing its era of revolutions and is entering
another of transition towards democracy; an era of
trial and error but which inevitably will create a
good climate for the rise of true representative
government, when the economic development of the
country will bring about the creation of a middle
class and will establish the principle that only
in continuous government can there be a sense of
unity and tradition and that government can be
perfected only by placing the most capable in
power, those who by their profession and background
are chosen to build around the government an organi-
zation of technicians the industrial engineers,
the social planners, the ones who can view, to use
the phrase that forms the main thesis of Burnham's
"The Managerial Revolution," government in a
managerial sense. Governments all over the world
--are undergoing a noticeable transformation: one
which this war has made more striking: Governments
are aiming at the greatest possible organization.
We are witnessing a world struggle by two coalitions
for world hegemony and final control of the sources
of raw materials. From this struggle the better
organized coalition will emerge. Capitalism and
socialism are two outmoded forms which do not
respond to the problems of the present age of
crisis. Government is no longer an art; it is a
science; its principles are economic principles.
From the organization of the forces of production
the basis for the technical organization of the











nation and the state must come forth. And with this
basis firmly established a federation of American
republics will have a truer significance, because
it will not only be a purely spiritual reality -
the Emersonian oversoul of Waldo Frank as it is
today, but a wholesome structure of integration and
economic cooperation

-. But this is not all. Peru struggles along to-
day with a modality of economy which Duncan Aikman
in his "All American Front" calls "oasis economy"
referring to the agricultural valleys of the coast;
and that "Commodity economy" with which the magazine
"Fortune" explains the export-import trade of the
country. And these two types of economy so closely
related have to be abandoned. Still, there is much
to be done towards a complete utilization of the
land; huge irrigation projects must be carried out;
we have to undertake the daring task of overcoming
the groat handicap that the Andes have created; we
have to defeat the Andes with more railroads so
far it has been proved that the railroads are the
best means of transportation, the safest and the
cheapest to make up for that "railway age" that
never existed in Peru. From an "oasis economy" in
the Coast we pass to a "mountain economy" in the
Sierra. The jungle looks to the Atlantic, the Coast
to the ocean. Only the Sierra remains historically
and geographically Peruvian.

By the utmost utilization of bur raw materials
we can enlarge our domestic market, build our basic
industries and expand our agricultural commodities,
housing and transportation. With a descontraliza-
tion of government we can provide a greater sense
of responsibility in the provinces, which look to
the capital for everything. With greater expendi-
ture for education new jobs can be created. At
present our budget hardly exceeds 250 million soles.
We need a budget of at least one billion, In the
absence of private enterprise the government must
do the spending. But where is the money to come
from. That is the question. But this is not all we
need; first and foremost we need an immigration
policy, a mistake which has to be corrected. In the
Indian class there is a potential army of 4,000,000
men. They are the reservoir of the future; the wait-
ing hands of the world of tomorrow. Considering all
the difficulties that we have to face we should say
that "the reward of life is not in victory but in the
struggle."









DCOA ISABEL DE SOLIS (1)
de
Don Francisco Martinez de la Rosa

For William C. Zellars


Don Francisco Martinez do la Rosa (1787-1862) autor do esta novel,
nacid en Granada, habiendo hocho una carrera brillante on la Universidad de
Granada, enseo6 alll por un tiompo breve, pore pronto principid su vida po-
lftioa en la que sirvi6 en varias capacidades, incluso dos periods cuando
fud Primer Ministro. Pas& algunos aHos de destierro on Paris, debido a su
oonexi6n con los liberals. Sus produccionos literarias incluyon una Ars
poetioa, piezas teatralos, obras de historic, perore s6lo una novela, Dcna I-
sabel de Solis.

Comienza la acci6n de esta novola un poco antes de la toma de Granada
en 1492 por los Reyes Cat6licos. Se rflatan los amores do dora Isabel, hi-
ja del comondador do Solfs de la villa de Martos y Albo-Hacen, uno de los
dltimos reyes mores de Granada.

Siendo Isabel muy jovon so lo muere su madre y Arlaja, una esclava mo-
ra, la cria hasta que Isabel llega a los quince aijos. El comendador do Solfs
ahora arregla su casamiento con Pedro de Venegas, un jovon noble a quien I-
sabel vo por primera vez ol dfa do su enlace. Mientras so celebra el matri-
monio una escuadrilla do mores penetra el castillo desparramando el fuego y
la muerte. Al parecer el comenda'or es asesinado on tanto que so hiere a Ve-
negas, Isabel se desmaya y Aben-Farruch, caudillo de los mores la hace pri-
sionera. Arlaja acompaea a Isabel y su apresador cuando dste se pone en ca-
mine a Granada. Aben-Farruch descubre en Arlaja cierta habilidad que oncuen-
tra dtil en su plan do incitar a Albo-Hacen en una sublevacidn contra los
cristianos. Per oso, ofroce a Isabel al monarca intentando usarla come me-
die para colocar a Arlaja dentro del palacio. Albo-hacen, come es de imagi-
nar, acopta do buena gana una didiva tan grata.

Mientras tanto se recibe bien a Isabel on la familiar do su niiera de
Granada y la joven cristiana queda oncantada al ver la hormosura granadina
de la oual oy6 hablar on su niiezo, Arlaja le relata cuentos halaguenos a-
cerca de la oportunidad de conseguir buona suorte en la corte mora y la in-
exporta muchacha escucha estas rolacionos con omociones de miedo, esperan-
za, ansiedad y ambici6n.

Cuando al ffn Isabel es prosentada en la corte Albo-Hacen se divorcia
de su reina, Aixa. Arlaja ahora concentra sus esfuerzos para inducir a Isa-
bel que acepte al rey moro por esposo y le asegura quo Venogas estA muerto.

Naturalmente se podria career quo las diferencias do religion y ol he-
cho de que Albo-Hacen tieno una esposa que vive adn formarfa obstdculos in-
superables contra la posibilidad de una oonsideraci6n per Isabel de las
propuestas del roy. No obstanto, Arlaja no ha instruido a Isabel on las oo-
-----------------------
(1) Paris 1844. Este artfoulo es el segundo de una sorio do tros titulada
"Tres Novelas del Romanticismo".









sas do la mns estricta rectitud cristiana. Por eso Isabel, no habiendo ro-
cibido rcspuesta a las cartas quo ha oscrito a su padre, so consider sola
en el mundo, se casa con ol roy y acopta su religion.

En el desarrollo dol trama, sin embargo, result quo Vonegas fu6 heri-
do solamente on el ataque dirigido por los moros contra ol castillo del co-
mendador de Solis. Venegas recobra la salud, encuentra a Isabel y le parti-
cipa quo su padre ost& vivo. Isabel esta ahora profundamento onamorada de
Albo-Hacon y Venegas fracasa on sus osfuerzos de hacerla abandonar a su es-
poso.

Esta novola pareco toner un fondo hist6rico en el hecho de que Pedro de
Venegas era un noble quo vivfa on ol tiompo comprondido on ella, ademas de
que Isabel de Solfs era una ronegada cristiana quo era favorite de Albo-Ha-
con, y per eso el blanco del odio de Aixa, su osposa (1).

El autor prueba quo Vonegas viva on aquel ontonces puos cita la Cr6-
nica del Gran Cardonal do Espana y la Historia de la Casa de Cabrora en
C6rdoba.

La mayor part do esta novel so dedica a descripciones e historic de
los puntos de interns que hay on Granada o cerca do all, ademos do relates
do costumbros de la 6pooa; tambion so describe brovemente la campafa do los
Reyes Catdlicos en contra do los moros.

Entre las fuentos principals quo so citan podemos nombrar a Bermddoz
do Podraza, Bleda, Pdroz do Guzmdn, Pdroz do Hita, Marmol, Mendoza, Prescott,
Pdrez del Pulgar, Zurita. En verdad, la larga list do autoridades que so
citan para comprobar sus asorciones peca do prolija.

Los olementos hist6ricos do la novel son los rotratos de las rebelion
nes internal quo dividian a los mores do Granada on la dpoca comprondida on
el perfodo que so rofiere a las campajas que los ospaHolas dirigfan on con-
tra de los mores. Cuando describe estos sucesos, Marttnoz de la Rosa sigue
sin cambios la historic de ose poriodo a excepci6n del matrimonio de Albo-
Hacn con do:a Isabel.

La novel do don Francisco caroce do sermones y do tesis. Se puode ca-
racterizar mejor como un esfuerzo del autor para hacor conocer al lector la
hermosura y la historic de su ciudad natal. El cuonto do los amores es del
todo epis6dico y ol interns del lector so cansa con frocuencia. Una atmdsfe-
ra romantica so produce principalmonte modianto descripcionos do costumbres,
lugares de Granada y su region.

Dona Isabel de Solls contiene demasiados elemontos en un voldmen para
llamarse una obra excelente on un sentido particular. Tocnioamente es muy
inferior a la mayor parto de las otras novelas hist6ricas del perfodo.

(1) V. Enciclopecia Universal Ilustrada, I, -44, 246.
(1) V. Encicldpe('ia Universal Ilustrada, Ii 244, 246.










OUR CONTRIBUTORS


Sr. MANUEL PAREJA BUENO, a student at the University
of Florida, is registered in the College of Arts and
Sciences. Mr. Pareja holds a scholarship awarded by the
University of Florida and is sponsored by the Institute
of International Education. Formerly of San Marcos
University at Lima, Peru, and George Washington University,
Washington, D.C., he holds the position of Acting Secre-
tary of the Inter-American Institute.

Sr. ERNESTO MONTENEGRO, a distinguished Chilean
author and lecturer, is a book reviewer for the "New York
Times" and a free lance writer for "La Prensa" of Buenos
Aires. Along with John Dos Passes and Thornton Wilder
he was a member of the Latin American Novel Contest
examining board in 1941. At present he lectures at
several colleges and universities under the auspices of
the Institute of International Education.

Dr. LUIS E. VALCARCEL, a Peruvian Professor and
writer, obtained his Law degree at the University of
Cusco where he taught from 1917 to 1927. Since 1930 he
has been Director of the National Museum of Peru. Among
Dr. Valcarcel's most notable books are "Del Ayllu al
Imperio" and "Tempestad en Los Andes." He is a member
of the Societe des Americanistes do Paris and the
Anthropological Association of Washington. Since 1935
he has taught History of Inca Civilization at San Marcos
University. In 1937 he was a delegate of Peru to the
World's Exhibition of Paris. In 1941 he was invited by
the State Department to visit North American Universities.
His name appears in "Who's Who in Latin America."

Dr. JOHN F. MARTIN is Acting Director of the Inter-
American Institute of the University of Florida. Formerly
an instructor in Modern Languages at Princeton University,
Mr. Martin was appointed Secretary of the United States
Embassy at Santiago, Chile, in 1925. From then until
1929 Mr. Martin had important diplomatic assignments in
Mexico, Buenos Aires, Havana, Bogota, London, Costa Rica,
Madrid, Rome, Panama and La Paz. From 1929 until 1941
he held high positions with commercial firms in Bolivia
and Chile. Mr. Martin is a member of the Florida Bar
Association,






R qc?3 40
LATIN
AMERICA



Dr. PABLO MAX YNSFRAN is a native of Asuncion,
Paraguay, where he taught in the Colegio Nacional and
the Escuela Normal do Profesores. A member of the
Paraguayan Chamber of Deputies from 1924 to 1928,
Dr. Ynsfran was later Charge d'Affairos of Paraguay
in Washington. During the Administration of Presi-
dent Estigarribia, 1939-1940, he was Minister of
Public Works of Paraguay and at present is visiting
Professor at the University of Texas.

Sres. JAVIER SOLOGUREN and JORGE EDUARDO FIELSON
are two promising poets of the young generations of
Peru.

Dr. WILLIAM C. ZELLARS, on leave of absence from
Florida Southern College, is Professor of Spanish at
Louisiana State College, at Pineville, Louisiana. Dr.
Zellars is a Director of the Instituto de las Espaias
en los Estados Unidos, socion de Florida and is a
member of the Consejo Consultivo of the REVISTA INTER-
IMERICANA. The Revista is proud to have published
Dr. Zellars' articles in every issue since its found-
ing in 1939.

------ -- -- -- ---- ---------------- -

LA REVISTA INTERAMERICANA so edita per el
Institute Inter-Amoricano de la Universidad do Florida,
Gainesville, Florida, EE. UU., y se public semestral-
monte en los idiomas oficiales de las Repdblicas
Americanas. Dos nimeros completan cada voldmen.

LA REVISTA INTERMERMICANA es enviada a los centros
educacionalos de las Amnricas interesados en el mejora-
miento de las relaciones educativas y culturales entire
los pauses americanos. Se establece canje con cual-
quier instituci6n iberoamericana en el Hemisferio
Occidental.