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Don Vicente Martínez Ybor, the man and his empire

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Title:
Don Vicente Martínez Ybor, the man and his empire development of the clear Havana industry in Cuba and Florida in the nineteenth century
Creator:
Westfall, L. Glenn, 1943-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
216 leaves : ill., map ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Cigar making ( jstor )
Cigars ( jstor )
Cities ( jstor )
Counties ( jstor )
Factories ( jstor )
Hispanics ( jstor )
Keys ( jstor )
Manufacturing industries ( jstor )
War ( jstor )
Workforce ( jstor )
Tabaco -- Manufactura y comercio -- Cuba
Tobacco industry -- Cuba ( lcsh )
Ybor City (Fla.) ( lcsh )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-214).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by L. Glenn Westfall.

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Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000066455 ( ALEPH )
AAH1670 ( NOTIS )
04426666 ( OCLC )
Classification:
HD9149.C5 U777 1977a ( lcc )

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N VICENTE MARTINEZ YBOR, THE MAN AND H
DEVELOPMENT OF THE CLEAR HAVANA INDU
IN CUBA AND FLORIDA IN THE NINETEENTH


GLENN


EMPIRE:
RY
NTURY


WESTFALL


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO
OF THE UNIVERSITY
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF


THE GRADUATE
OF FLORIDA
REQUIREMENTS
PHILOSOPHY


COUNCIL

FOR TH


UNIVERSITY OF


FLORIDA









78-10,997


WESTFALL, L. Glenn,


1943-


DON VICIEfTE MARTINEZ YBOR,


EMPIRE:
INhUSTRY


TnE MAN AND HIS


DEVELOPMENT OF ThE CLEAR HAVANA
IN 0CBA AND FLORIDA IN TIIE


NEITERENT H (nIURY.

The University of Florida, Ph.D. 1977
History, Latin Anerica




University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor. Michigan 48106


Copyright


1977


By

Glenn Westfall
















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


appreciation


aoes


first and


foremost


to my


wife,


Mi che le,


whose


tolerance


and love have made my


dissertation a reality;


without her moral and emotional


support


there would


not


have been a dissertation.


Samuel Proctor,


chairman


of my


committee


and most impor-


tant of


all,


friend,


withstood


the readings and


readings of


several


drafts


my thanks


for his patience


and guidance in my work.


mittee members


I also wish


for their individual


to thank my


guidance:


com-


Ashby


Hammond,


Harry Paul,


William Woodruff,


Cornelius Goslinga,


former committee


George Winius.


Professor Blair


members


Thanks also to the


Reeves,


David Bushnell


following


I. A.,


and Dr.


associates


friends:


Betty


Bruce


, Monroe County


Public


Library,


Key West;


Wright


and


Joan Langley,


Key West;


Joseph T.


Rankin,


Curator,


Arents


Collection,


New York Public


Library;


Mildred Hunt,


Information Manager,


Cigar


Asso-


ciation of


.America,


New York;


Mary


Aversa,


Dale Bedford


Baylies,


Tobacco


Merchants


Association of









Special


Collections,


Tampa Public


Library;


local


historians


Anthony


Pizzo and June Connor,


whose wisdom of


local


Tampa


history has been


invaluable


to my research;


Ignacio Martinez


Ybor


of New York


Ybor


family


of Madrid;


Fred


Savill,


Robert William Bennett,


Marianna Moore,


Lou Jorda,


Jerry


Poyo,


Pat and N6elle


Silk,


Don Henbest,


Harry Humphrey,


Glynne Clark,


George


Pat Desmond,


Pozzetta,


Pat Cooper,


Lou Perez;


Ritchie,


typists Cathy


Cardin,


Kathy


Burnette


and Pat


Whitehurst.















TABLE


OF CONTENTS


Page


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


ABSTRACT


CHAPTER


CUBAN POLITICAL
1800-1868 ----


AND


ECONOMIC


CHANGE,


Notes


THE KEY WEST
1869-1885 --


TOBACCO


INDUSTRY,


Notes


THE
YBOR


EVOLUTION
CITY ---


AND


DEVELOPMENT


Notes


ECONOMIC
TAMPA ---


IMPACT


OF THE


CIGAR


INDUSTRY


Notes


NATIONALITY
CITY, 1885-


AND
1900


LABOR


CONFLICTS


YBOR


Notes


YBOR'S
FLORIDA


LIFE AND
TOBACCO


CONTRIBUTIONS
INDUSTRY --


TO THE


Notes


OVERVIEW


OF THE


DEVELOPMENT


OF THE














APPENDICES


EXPORTATION


OF CUBAN


TOBACCO


IN THE


WORLD,


1826-


1864


PRODUCTION


AND


EXPORTATION


OF CUBAN


TOBACCO,


1826


-186


MAP


OF EXTREMADURAS


PROVINCE,


SPAIN


, 1818


CURRENT


PRICES


OF "EL


PRINCIPLE


DE GALES


CIGARS


PRINCIPLE


DE GALES"


BUILDINGS


, 1869


PHOTOGRAPH


OF DON


VICENTE


MARTINEZ


YBOR


SKETCH
HOUSE,


OF NEW


YORK


CIGAR


MAKER


S TENEMENT


1887


KEY


WEST


PRINCIPLE


DE GALES


FACTORY,


1878


VIEW


OF YBOR


CITY,


, FROM


SECTION


"BIRDSEYE


LA FLORIDAN


VIEW


OF TAMPA,


LABEL,


FLORIDA"


LA FLORIDAN


FACTORY,


TAMPA,

CUBAN T
STATES,


FLORIDA

TOBACCOO
1885-1


1909


EXPORTED


UNITED


900


WAGES


FOR


FACTORY


WORKERS


IN TAMPA,


1894


PRINCIPLE


DE GALES"


ADVERTISEMENT


EXPORTS


OF FLORIDA


CIGARS


BY PORTS,


5-1899


BIBLIOGRAPHY


BIOGRAPHICAL


SKETCH


, 18


Page










Abstract of


Dissertation Presented


to the Graduate Council


he University
Requirements


DON VICENTE MARTINEZ


of Florida


in Partial


Degree of


YBOR,


Fulfillment


Doctor


THE MAN AND HIS


of the


Philosophy


EMPIRE:


DEVELOPMENT OF THE CLEAR HAVANA INDUSTRY


IN CUBA AND FLORIDA IN THE NINETEENTH


L. Glenn We
December,


Chairman:


CENTURY


stfall
1977


Samuel Proctor


Major Department:


History


This study


tury tobacco


explores


industrialist


the

and


life of


a nineteenth cen-


the evolution of


the clear


Havana


tobacco


industry.


thematic structure of


this


research focuses on


three major


areas:


the evolution of


tobacco


industry


in Cuba;


Ybor,


the man;


influence of


the clear Havana


tobacco


industry


in Florida.


During


Spain had


the early part of


the nineteenth century,


lost all her major Latin American


except Cuba and was determined


to keep the


republics

island republic


under


subjection.


In 1817,


a royal decree


liberalized


Cuban


trade,


assuring


the business community


a growing


market


its goods which had not existed since


brief


period


British domination


in 1763.


1845









replaced


small


home


production with


factory


systems


larger


cities,


important


step


industriali-


nation was


initiated


in Cuba.


Cigars


produced


from a


light


colored


tobacco


from the


region of Vuelto Abajo,


called


clear


Havanas,


became


popular


throughout


the world.


Vicente


Martinez


Ibor was


born


Valencia,


Spain,


September


dated


17,

the


1818,

tenth


to a p

century


prominent

Moorish


family whose

domination of


ancestors

the


Iberian


arranged


peninsula.


him


When he was


to depart


fourteen,


for Cuba


Ybor's


to avoid


parents


serving


the Spanish military.


Young


Ybor


adapted quickly


New World,


later


first as a broker


a manufacturer.


Principe de Gales"


1853,


brand


in his


tobacco

he was p


own


industry


reducing


factories.


and

the


Ybor


married


fou r


twice;


children while


first wife died after giv

his second wife gave him


ing birth

six addi-


tional


children and a dowry of


$100,000.


With


addi-


tional


revenue,


Ybor


expanded production,


becoming


one of


the wealthiest Cuban cigar manufacturers..


the height


of his


production,


the Spaniards


attempted


suppress


Cuban revolutionary


sentiments


and imposed high


tariffs


on business


hoping


enterprises.


free Cuba


Ybor


less


assisted


taxes.


revolutionaries,


When his support


was discovered,


he had


to flee Havana


a schooner


after


I










later


formed hi


model


industrial


community,


Ybor City,


the outskirts of Tampa,


Florida.


By the


time of his


death,


December


warehouses


1896,


in Havana


to a


his empire extended


leaf


from


distributorship and


tobacco


central


offices


in New York,


as well


as his massive


industrial


community,


Ybor City.


The


clear Havana


industry quickly


became one of


the most important


industries of


State of Florida.


Thousands of Cuban immigrants


to Florida because of


from the civil strife


close proximity


came


avail-


ability


labor which


cigar worker was well qualified


for.


Tobacco manufacturing


and other


cities of


spread


state.


to Jacksonville,


industry was


Ocala


single


most


important


threat


to the


tobacco interests


of the


American Tobacco Company headed by


last decade of


James


the nineteenth century,


Duke.


the American


the

Tobacco


Trust continually


attempted


impose


tariff


restrictions


clear Havana


industry,


it continued


to prosper.


Cuban,


Italian and Spanish


laborers who moved


Florida supplied


industry with


cheap


labor


South,


where


immigration was


not commonplace.


With the


transferral


the Cuban


tobacco industry


to American


soil,


manufacturers


such


as Don


Vicente were


responsible


introducing not only


a large migrant


labor

















CHAPTER I


CUBAN


POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE,


1800-1868


For over


four


hundred


years,


Spain considered


Cuba


"Pearl of


the Antilles"


with good


reason.


island


colony's geographical


location was


ideal


for dispatching


explorations


throughout


the New World during the


fifteenth


and sixteenth centuries


American continent


Cuba


facilitated


s proximity


land claims


the North


the Span-


ish Crown.


Havana,


the point of


embarkation


explora-


tions,


later


became a repository


for the


incredible


fortunes of


the conquered Aztec


Inca


civilizations.


New mineral wealth discovered


in other Spanish viceroval-


ties was


sent


to Havana where annual


flotillas carried


their precious cargoes


line between


to Spain.


This was


the Old and New Worlds.


During


Spain's

g the si


life-

xteenth


and seventeenth centuries,


galleon departures made Cuba


its nearby waters


breeding grounds


French,


British and Dutch pirateers.


From the Age of Discovery


to the close of


the nineteenth century,


Cuba was Spain's


aM 1. n 4 4- Jau*. nt n /- 1l 1 I -a1


n n- ^1 *t n^- n- /3 Ji /^ 1r r


/-^ 9 /-h i *~ r n r ^^ a"* 1 ^ ^


LCLrY










in Cuba assured


control


island.


With


the exception


of brief

protected


British domination


in 1763,


from foreign control


Cuba was militarily


Political and


economic


activities were closely


guarded by Spaniards


born


Spain,


Peninsulares.


Spanish-born rulers excluded native-


born Cubans,


or Creole


from most


political


involvements,


Spaniards


ties.


kept a


Politically,


close watch on Creole economic


Peninsulare


activi-


were conservatives.


the nineteenth century,


opposition


to conservative absolut-


ism led


to the


formation of


several


new political


ideologies--loyalists,


From the


symbolized


separatists,


beginning


power of


the era,


Spain.


reformists.

conservatives


Peninsulares controlled


Cuba's


economic and


political


institutions,


their


admini


strative policies benefited Spain and


themsel


ves


with


little concern


for Creoles.


Throughout Spanish


colonial


history,


Peninsulares were


in politics


their


own aggrandizement.


poorest


Peninsulares


sent


New World were considered


superior to


the wealthiest


Creoles.


Creol


usually


allied


themselves with


the con-


servatives,


calling


themselves


loyalists.


Most


loyalists


born


in America


cooperated with


Peninsulares


to protect


their


own


vested


interests.


New


economic


prosperity


loyalists resulted











Real.


Spain hoped


that economic prosperity would


encourage


political


loyalty


from Creoles


Separatists,


who


fought


freedom from Spain,


gained


little


support during


wars


Latin American


Independence


(1810-18


24) .


Since


Cuba relied on slave


labor,


few persons


supported Simon


Bolivar's


plans


to free


slaves.


Cuban


separatists gained


some political


support


1836


when


liberals


won control


the government


representation


in Spain,


the Cortes.


they failed


Instead


to give Cuba


of liberalizing


Cuban rule,


Captain-General Miguel


Tacon


initiated


repres-


sive political and economic police


ies.


When economic


prosperity tied Cubans more closely to American markets,


Spain


feared


that


political


sympathies of


Southern


plantation owners would be allied


to the growers and nmanu-


facturers


in Cuba.


A gradual


series of


restrictive


taxes


trade


impositions were enacted after


1830


deter


the Cuban-United States


trade which was growing.


Irate loyalists


switched


their


political


sympathies


the separate


sts.


laborers which were emerging


Industrial


were


sympathetic


to separatists.


Although barred from

tobacco workers were


political a


activity by conservatives,


becoming politicized and more


sympa-


thetic,


not supportive,


Political


intrigue


to their


cause.


intensified by


1848 when











the major market


for Cuban sugar


tobacco,


prominent


native-born Cubans


envisioned


the nation destined


to control


Cuba


s future.


Annexationists


in Cuba


included


wealthy growers


planters whose


sons were


sent


American colleges and


universities where many were


politi-


cized by Southerners


, who hoped


to acquire Cuba as


a slave


state.


They


feared British


pressures on


Spain


to abolish


slavery.


Joining


southern


plantation owners would


assure


sugar planters


their


slaves and economic


success.


Several


attempts were made


to join Cuba with


United States.


Annexationists


their


supporters


financed


the abortive


liberation expeditions of Narcisco Lopez


1848,


1850,


and 1851.


1856,


there was


sufficient oppo-


sition by northern states


to keep


the South


from implement-


ing any plan


to take Cuba.


When President James Buchanan


was


inaugurated


in 1857,


followed a hands-off


policy


toward Cuba,


and Southerners


lost government support


annexation.


The Civil


War,


which began


1861,


all but


eliminated any


Annexationists


hope


annexing Cuba.


resulted in


Reformist


The collapse of


party which


called


constitutional


reform and


autonomy.


Spain


continued hard-line policy to Creoles,


however,


was


strumental in causing

Historically.


the

the


1868-1878 Ten


tobacco


Years'


War.


interests were


-. *










unsuccessfully rebelled against


restrictions on


their


product


In 1762,


a British expedition


captured Havana


during


the Seven


Years'


War


and maintained


control


Cuba


one year.


British opened Cuba


to world


trade


, the most successful


Cubans


had experienced.


This


brief


but profitable economic activity


left a


lasting


impression on


the business community.


When Spain regained


control


imposed,


Cuba


but,


1763,


through


trade


smuggling,


restrictions


some of


were again


prosperity


still


continued.


Market


sales were


increased


further


1803 when French


invasionary troops


in Spain discovered


Cuban


cigars,


spreading


their popularity to most of


Europe.


Throughout Latin America,


ideologies


of political


revolution were


read with excitement.


Spain


s American


colonies used Napoleon'


invasion as an excuse


to spread


rebellion;


only Cuba


Puerto


Rico


remained


loyal.


Cuba


retained a


facade of


loyalty to Spain


throughout


the wars


independence.


Peninsulares were entrenched


in Cuba


with


total


colony,


political


Cuba was


and economic


unable


to receive


control.


assistance


island

from outside


revolutionaries


since


Spain'


navy controlled


surround-


ing waters.


When Simon Bolivar


appealed


to Latin Americans


for the


liberation of


slaves,


request received


little


t











were easily


silenced,


island


remained


loyal


Spain.


From


1810


to 1824,


Latin American


independent


nations emerged.


Cuba


was


Spain's only major


stronghold


a once


passed


powerful


Decreto


empire.


Real


To strengthen


1817


loyalty


which removed most


, Spain


restric-


tive Cuban


trade


regulations.


The result


was


tremendous;


world-wide


trade distribution


stimulated overall


economic


growth.


support


Unprecedented


to Spain as


long


prosperity


as concess


resulted


ions and


n political

individual


initiative were retained


business community.


Cuban


import


s from


1826


to 1864


increased


from


16,300,000


to 44,300,000


pesos.


7
The


United


States was


second only to Spain


the amount of goods


sold


Cuba.


same period,


general


figures on


exportation


list


United States as


largest recipient of


Cuban


products.


ties between


The extensive


the United


trade


States


indicative of


and Cuba a


strong


compared


other


foreign


trade during


1826


to 1864


period.


rapid


resulted


industrialization of Cuba after


the construction of


1817


railroads which opened


previously


inaccessible areas


agricultural


expansion.


Railroads


also


not only


increased


allowed


use of


exportation of


import items


products


a larger


-- w


I~_


,










most


important


agricultural


product.


1853,


currency


was managed by newly


established banking and


financial


institutions.


Tobacco production was


so successful


that


1855


factory


tern


was


integral


part of


indu


story.


Cuba


was


verge


a small but


signifi-


cant


industrial


revolution.


A total


transformation of


tobacco


trade


took


place


less


than


fifty years.


While


cigar making was only


a supplement


to farm income


1800,


it had become a highly valued industrial


skill


1850,


and world market demands


for Cuban


tobacco con-


tinued


increase


(Appendix A)


1859,


there were


1,295


cigar shops and


thirty-


eight cigarette shops which employed more


than


15,000


workers,


most of


them in Havana.


9
The exportation of


tabaco


torecido


(finished


cigars)


tabaco en rama


(tobacco


in bundles), compiled by


Angel


Gonzalez del


Valle,


is considered


the most reliable


information pertaining


to Cuban to

exportation

in pesos fr


bacco ex


figures


om 1826


ports from

in miles

to 1864 il


1826


(pounds)


lustrate


1864

and

the


Total

their value

tremendous


growth of


tobacco plantations


industry10


(Appendix B).


Rapid agricultural expansion affected most of


sugar


tobacco


indu


strikes.


;ugar


remained


rural


I


w










into an


urban middle class.


Attempts


to use


slaves


-cigar making was


not successful;


they could not adapt


the artis


skill


of making


fine-quality cigars.


tobacco


industry,


slave


labor was


restricted


to the


plan-


station where


it only partially


succeeded


in harvesting


tobacco


leaf


The


tobacco


industry consequently relied


on free black and white Cubans.


The need


skilled


labor was


so great


that,


failing


use of


slaves,


manufacturers


sometimes


used


prison


inmates


to supplement


the labor


shortage.


The


limited number


convicts


restricted


use of


their


labor,


but a


confined


prisoner


sufficient


time


to learn cigar making


skills.


They


generally produced a good quality


cigar.


Prison


labor


temporarily


relieved,


but did not


replace,


the growing demand


for well-trained cigar


workers.


Employers were


so desperate


trained workers


that


they paid wages


in advance


in order


to attain


their


cigar making


skills


The


transformation


from a rural


to an


urban life


style created


conflicts characteristic


an industrial


prosperous


age.


middle cla


Free workers

in Cuba, a


formed a


small but


class element


Spaniards had not anticipated when


they allowed more


liberal


trade.


The new middle class gained


potential


political 1


power by printing their


own newspapers and by










Lectores were


unique


tobacco


industry


They were originally


introduced


into Cuban factories


1864


to entertain workers by


reading class


sical


literature,


poems and newspapers.


Workers


listened


to a reader while


they


sat at


their


tables making


cigars.


Lectores were


extremely popular


since


they occupied


the minds of


laborers.


lectores'


reading materials


soon became controversial


since


they


alerted workers


new


ideas and


philosophies.


A majority


lectores'


laborers were


reading


illiterate yet


through


, they memorized Spanish classics,


plays,


dramas,


and absorbed


political


ideas.


Not only had


cigar makers


become


financially


stable,


they


also


became educated members of


Cuban


society.


Working


class


awareness was


supported when


Saturnino Martinez


began a workers'


weekly


1865,


La Aurora


(The


Dawn)


The paper urged


cigar


laborers


to recognize


their


common


problems,


it served as


another potential


political


force


labor organizations.


Middle class workers were barred


from direct


political


action,


they organized


health conditions.


Just as


to form improved social


the newspapers generated


workers'


consciousness,


mutual


aid societies


united


them


social


events and medical


protection.


A percentage


of each


laborer's


salary was deducted each pay period


t











organization was


Jesus Maria


were founded


Society of


formed

Jos4 i


in 1865,


Havana,


under


n 1857


including


the auspices of


Several


the Workmen'


Brotherhood of


the parish


organizations


Mutual Aid


Santiago de


Vegas,


Workmens'


Society of


The organizations were


San Antonio de los Bahos.


independent of


the government,


offered benefits which most


industrial


workers


lacked.


The Spanish government may not have agreed with


forma-


tion of


workers


such societies,


from becoming


they


a public


kept unemployment or


responsibility.


Unionization resulted


from basic differences


between workers and


factory owners.


Saturnino Martine


established


first workers'


union a


year


after


found-


La Aurora,


1866,


Asociacion de Tabaqueros


la Habana.


It was


supported by


Jose de Jesus Marquez,


a mechanical


engineer who was educated


United


States.


He spoke out


remedy to cla


for workers


misery of


' cooperatives as a


laborers.


Marquez published


propaganda


in support of


the concept of


united


laborers.


In the


formative years of


cigar making,


worker-owner relationship was quite


simple.


Farmers


growing

their


tobacco


income.


usually

A small


sold a

group of


few cigars

enterprise


to supplement


ing businessmen


calling themselves


"brokers"


collected cigars f


rom f


farmers.










called


Chinchales


ing demands


(bedbugs),


cigars.


were


Brokers


set up

later h


to meet


ired


the grow-


full-time


workers


to produce


cigars,


increased market


demands


resulted


in the construction of


factories.


1853,


demand


from


foreign


sales


was


so great


that several


new


brands were registered


in Havana.


Accredited registra-


tion marks were


an attempt


to give credibility


to brands


being


sold on


foreign markets.


Most


factory owners


relied


on a


few famous


brand names which made


their cigars


famous.


The

first name


first

basis,


factory owners


knew their workers on a


second generation manufacturers were


more concerned with production


than


personalism.


alienation of worker-employer was


in part responsible


labor


strikes,


unions,


formation of mutual


assistance organizations.


Capitalism as a basis of


cigar


industry


evolved


tobacco plantations


as well.


Manuals


value of


technically cultivating tobacco


were being published by


1850,


ass


listing


rapid


transformation of


phases of


tobacco


industry


industrial


era.


Spaniards were not concerned at first with


new working


and wealthy business cla


sses.


Prosperity


appeared


1853,


to be a


Cuba


panacea


s first


for Cuba.


industrial


In 1847,


expositions


and again

in Havana











stimulated Cuban business,


it also


tied Cuban


prosperity


with


the markets of


the United States.


Businessmen


soon


realized


that by removing Spanish domination


they could


only participate


in politics


but,


more


importantly,


they could also control


government regulations of


their


enterprises.


trade


ties


between


the United States


and Cuba grew,


Spain soon retaliated by restricting


trade,


resulting


in disruptions.


1852


separatist revolt


Vuelta Abajo was


Cuba


led by


to the United States.


conspirators who


Suspicion of


hoped


to annex


tobacco


inter-


ests and increased


trade with the United States


forced


Spain


to react.


As early


1832,


Spain


implemented a


discriminatory tariff


on American


imports,


hoping


limit American commercial and political


influence


Cuba.

Cuba,


As annexationists continued

further restrictions were pi


their plans


aced on


liberate


United States


trade.


In the years


1855-1856,


the exportation of


tobacco


to the United States was extraordinarily high


since Ameri-


can


tobacco


interests were aware of


an upcoming tariff


which would raise


the cost of Cuban


tobacco.


1857,


the United


States


responded


to Spanish re


strictions


passing


It limited


its own retaliatory measure,


the number of Cuban
- -_ -1 1 ._-


1857


cigars entering


tariff.


the market


S S
- a a -





L II-II nL


L


L










the Cuban competition.


In Cuba,


tariff had a disas-


trous effect.


Cigar workers were


unemployed,


panic


ensued,


and many manufacturers went bankrupt.


Unemployed


laborers


became a


political


social


problem for


Spanish


government.


Cuban


tobacco manufacturers could


not help but realize


advantages


that American


citizen-


ship would


give


them.


The United States government offered


business


protection which was


lacking


in Cuba,


where


strength of


industry


depended


upon


the energy of


men,


not


the government.


1867,


station owners,

Creoles did not

autonomy. Span


reformists,


who were mostly wealthy plan-


found Spain unwilling


succeed


to reform Cuban rule.


in gaining political and economic


ish determination


ruthlessly dominate


Cuba resulted


Creole


insurrection,


in October,


1868,


the Ten


Years'


War


broke out.






14





Notes


York,


Hugh
1971),


Thomas,
194.


Cuba,


The


Pursuit of


Freedom


(New


2
Charles


Republic:


A Study


. Chapman,
in Hispani


A History
c American


the Cuban


Politics


York,


1969),


3Ibid.,


4
Thomas,


Cuba,


The


Pursuit of


Freedom,


209.


5
Chapman,


A History


the Cuban Republic,


Pernando Ortiz,


Cuban Counterpoint:


Tobacco and


Sugar,


trans.


Harriet de Oniz


(New York,


1960),


7
Jesus Montero,


, Biblioteca


de Historia,


Filosofia,


14:
547,


y Sociologia,


28 vols.


Historia Economica de Cuba,


hereafter


cited H


. E.


(Havana,
by H. E.


Friedlander,


1944),


vol.


Friedlander,


Historia Economica


de Cuba


Ibid.,

Ibid.,


175.

225.


Angel


Gonzale


Valle,


Memorandum Presentado


la Comision Macional


de Propaganda


y Defense


Tabaco


Habano


hereafter


Habana,
cited as


1929),


361-362,


SMemorandum del


Valle's appendices are one of


append
Tabaco


ices 78
Habano.


1-79,
Gonzalez


the most complete


sources


on the early Cuban
Sanchez, Historia


tobacco


industry.


Nacion Cubana,


Ramiro Guerra y
10 vols. (La Habana,


1927),


vol.


evolution of
Gonzalez del


, states
tobacco


Valle confirms


is not easy


industry


during


the difficulty


to discuss


this


period.


in obtaining


/t at -.. --_ 3 3 I 1


2- a -


t -


(New


u


s1 r s *


L











Unesco),
Gonzalez
material
Habano,


1963
del


Sagra


Valle because of


pertaining
283).


nonetheless


lack


topic.


quoted by


of statistical


(Memorandum del


Tabaco


11Thoas,
Thomas,


Cuba,


The


Pursuit of


Freedom,


2Ortiz,


Cuban Counterpoint,


13Philip


Foner,


A History


Cuba


Relations


with


United States,


vols.


(New York,


1963),


136-137


14Manual


Tampa:


Deulofeu y


emigracion,


notas


Lleonart, M
historical


,artf,


Cayo Hueso y


(Cienfuegos


, 1905),


Gonzalez del


Valle,


Memorandum del


Tabaco


Habano,


Orti


, Cuban Counterpoint,


90-91:


Rameiro Guerra


Sanchez et al.,


289-290.
dedicated
affecting


Historia


states


Sanchez


to genera
salaries


it is difficult to
politicalization of


1


la Nacion Cubana,


the newspaper


workers'


problems,


vol.


La Aurora was
especially those


in an urban work situation.


assess th
workers,


ie newspaper'


was


Although


influence on


responsible


during


them


to a


social


and economic awareness.


16Jose


Rivero Muiiz


, El Primer


Partido Socialista


Cubano


(La Habana,


1962),


17Ortiz,


Cuban Counterpoint,


18Rivero Muiiz,


El Primer


Partido


Socialista


Cubano,


19
Gonzalez del


Valle,


Memorandum del


Tabaco Habano,


A list of


to 1860


registered cigar


indicates a


brands


large number


in Havana


from


registrations


1810
1853.


20
Guerra


Cubana,


vol.


y Sanchez et al.,
205.


Historia de


la Nacion


intro-


.











23
Guerra


Cubana,


vol.


y Sanchez et al.,
241.


Historia


la Nacion


24
Thomas,


The


Pursuit for


Freedom,


194.


25
Ibid.,


135.


26Gonzalez del


Valle,


Memorandum del


Tabaco


Habano,
















CHAPTER II


THE KEY WEST TOBACCO


INDUSTRY,


1869-1885


Eve r


New


had been

and glory


large


since


World


leaving


numJbers


beginning of


sixteenth


Iberian


coloni

until


Spain'


century,


peninsula


exploration


Spanish youth


in search of wealth


Spaniards emigrated

island achieved its


Cuba


indepen-


dence


after


Spani


sh-American War.


One of


these emigres


was Vicente Martinez


Ybor who was born in


Valencia,


Spain,


September


1818,


to Don Antonio Martinez


and Doia


Maria


Ybor.


His mother was a member


a prominent


Spanish family whose heritage dated


period of


Moorish domination


in Spain.


The


family name was given


to a


river


and several


small


towns near


city


Caceres

Spain2


the province of Extremaduras,


(Appendix C).


Ybors were an


southeastern


aristocratic


family whose members


valiantly


fought


the French


invasion


1803-1804.


During early nineteenth


century military


conflicts


in Spanish African


colonies,


Ybors


sufficient


influence with


the government


in 1832


to secure


e -.. ..- .... 1 --


g *


ALL_


L.


- -Y










Cuba,


working


as a clerk in a


storeroom.


Hoping to


avoid service


in the military,


Vicente


sailed


for Cuba.


time he was


seventeen,


young


Ybor


become a broker


the developing tobacco busine


This activity


become a


initiated him to


lifetime occupation.


the

Ybor


industry which would

and cigar making


prospered simultaneously;


he capitalized


on the


thriving


tobacco


trade,


soon making


himself one of


the earliest


Cuban


tobacco capitalists.


With world demands


for Cuban


tobacco


increasing,


Ybor


and other manufacturers of


cigars


soon


formed a monopoly of


tobacco


industry.


selling a


large percentage of


their products


to the grow-


ing markets


the United


States.


This was a


time


enterprising


entrepreneurs


to amass their fortunes.


Individual


initiative was encouraged by the Spaniards,


Ybor


He made his


took advantage of


fortune at a


the business


time when


opportunities.


tobacco business


was a


"technique more empirical


than


scientific and


guided


individual


genius which has procured


for Cuban


tobacco


a top position


in world


fame


the markets."5


Ybor's


individual drive,


along with demands


from world markets,


assured him financial


success.


He also


had friends


the government which indirectly


benefited him.


As a broker


, Ybor


sold other manufacturers'


cigars,











after making an agreement with


the officials


in charge


administering the


jails,


who allowed him


to use convict


labor


Even with


jail


labor


and his


own workers,


still


found


cigars.


t difficult

Ybor was


to meet


rapidly


the continuing


becoming


one


demand


the most


pros-


perous


manufacturers


in Cuba.


According


Tampa


Weekly Tribune,


"the goods


he made with


such


integrity


brought


young manufacturer new customers each week


while


retained


patronage of his older


friends.


He received awards


for high quality cigars


1848


Havana


Tobacco


Exhibition


and, again


, at


1857


Paris


Tobacco Exhibition.


With his


financial


position secure,


Ybor married


Senorita


Palmia Learas


1848.


It was


later remembered


the wedding was modest


a man of


his wealth


With a


family


growing


responsibility,


Ybor devoted even more


time and


energy to


business.


1853,


found


necess


ary to expand


small


shop


into a


factory opera-


tion.


first brand,


Principe de Gales,


" was a


special


favorite and it became his best known brand name


(see Appendix D).


While there was


fluctuations


some


labor unrest and periodic


in business conditions,


Ybor continued


prosper until


1860's.


Then


tuation changed.


.


__ -- v










Ybor'


life.


In 1862,


wife


died


was


left


care


four


children


Eduardo


Candido


Eloise


, and


later


Sra.


Antonia


Riva


Then


, in


1866,


remarrie


time


to Merce


Ravilla


While


first


marriage


may


have


been


love,


the second


marriage


financial


attack


hments


dowry


of Mercedes


was


$100,000,


thirty


years


repaid


later


to her


second


time


wife


Ybor


would


s death


bear


children.


same


year


as hi


second


marriage


, there


began


one


first


major


labor


strikes


of cigar


workers.


There


been


a growing


alienation


between


owners


their


workers


, resulting


rom


rapid


industrial


growth


deteriorating


government


also


pers


initiated


onal


relations.


a number


repre


Spanish


ssive


measures


which


hurt


business.


On February


, 1866,


Spain


imposed


a six


percent


on the


income


of real


industrial


properties


new


taxes


to twelve


percent


could


colle


cted


government


admini


stra-


tive


purposes


busin


essmen


like


Ybor


who


re-


mained


loyal


to Spain,


actions


government


threatened


their


financial


empires


made


them


wonder


about


their


support


to Spain.


attempt


iness


changed


political


loyalties


many


Cuban


industrialists.










had


three choices:


pay,


join


separatists, or


emigrate.


Ybor


hope of


secretly decided


ultimately


to assist


achieving Cuban


separate:


political


ist with


independence


and economic


freedom.


Conflicts among workers,


employers


, and opposing


political


views


from 1850 onward


culminated


Ten


Years'


War,


1868-1878


When


the conflict began,


Ybor


denied any


illicit activities,


although he had


supported


separate


st movement.


There are*no


records


indicating


type of


support he offered,


it was undoubtedly


financial,


from Spain.

in politics


aimed more


Ybor

and t


economic


first claimed


hat his


than political


that he had no


public activities were


freedom


involvement

solely


economic.


This may have


been


true during his earlier


years,


but


increasingly his


sympathies and


financial


assistance


supported


separatists.


the years preceding the war,


Ybor's


factory


became


a center


for the cigar makers,


who


looked


to him


for protection.


Ybor's


"Patron"


image was widely recog-


nized.


This


relationship with his employees


annoyed


government officials.


He was


also suspected of


assisting


separatists and an order was


ssued


to arrest and


detain


Ybor.


When he


learned of


this


threat,


Ybor


home of


another


tobacco


industrialist,


Vicente










to convince officials of Ybor


innocence,


but


there was


too much evidence of his


separatist activities.


It seemed


wise


for him


leave Cuba while he still


could


safe


depart.


He was


taken by carriage


the dock where


quickly boarded a waiting


schooner that carried him


Key West.


Spanish


volunteers who discovered his departure


late retaliated by


ransacking


house.


said


that


they wanted


to assassinate


him for


ass


isting


separatists,


but were


enraged when


they realized he had


fled


to safety.


Ybor never publicly discussed his


reason


leaving Cuba,


but he knew why


it was


imperative


leave


when he did.


A former


friend had betrayed him by reporting


his separatist activities


authorities.


It was


this


information which caused


the government


to order


detention.


Angel


Gonzalez de


Valle described


Ybor


"one


the most


flight


intelligent men


to the


tobacco


United States would have an


industry


important


impact on


the cigar


industry


this country


and


Florida.


1831,


fifty cigar workers


had emigrated


from


Cuba


to Key West.


The war


in 1868


resulted


in a mass


migration of


Cuban cigar workers and manufacturers,


depart-










While working


class Cubans


fled


the country,


persons of


the lowest


classes,


unable


to pay pa


ssacre


United


States,


tarios" enc

other Cuban


serve


atrocit


ouraged other Cubans


ports were


these


to flee.


teeming with


Havana


thousands of


"volun-


and

persons


frantically


arranging to depart.


member,


1869,


there were


,000 Cubans


lining


the docks awaiting passage.


Leaving most of


their possessions


behind,


the refugees


sought a


safer place


Most of


to live.


Key West's population before


the Civil


War were white Anglo-Saxons,


called


Conch


the Cuban


population was


relatively small.


The workers who arrived


in 1831

first c


had been


igar


hired by William H.


factory.


Wall


It was destroyed by


who operated


fire


1859,


forcing


the employees


to seek


lobs elsewhere.


There were


few opportunities,


however.


A small


number


Chinchales


were


in business


between


1831


1868,


they needed only


few workers.


The Cuban


refugees who arrived


to Key West in


1868


exerted a major


economic and


political


influence on


island.


same as


that of


The

Cub


climate of Key West,


a,


encouraged migrati


virtually the

on. Heat and


humidity were good


cigar making;


warm,


moist air


maintained a


soft,


pliable


tobacco


leaf.


Cigar manu-










After the Ten


Years'


War


erupted,


Key West became


a haven


both workers


and manufacturers of


tobacco


trade.


American


Political


tariffs


stability


finished Cuban


the removal


of high


tobacco products


made


conditions


ideal


for production.


Key West became a


boom-town.


Tobacco workers,


shippers,


clerks


, lectures,


coffee


vendors,


tavern keepers,


grocers,


launderers


were


the most


part


Cuban,


while


the Conchs owned much


land.


Cuban influence


in Key West was


so predoni-


nant


that Spanish became


second


language


News-


papers were printed in Spanish,


the most


influential being


El Yara.


It was


published by


Jose Dolores


Poyo


1878,


a reader


Ybor factory who earlier


had written edi-


trials


Cuba's


El Republican.


Poyo


strongly


supported


Cuban revolutionary


activities


United


States.


Cuban


restaurants and social


clubs


, as well


factories


and workers


homes,


added new


architectural


style


to the


city.


Cubans


from Bejucal,


Havana,


and other


towns were


rapidly


converting Key West


into an


appendage of


Cuba


America


When Don


Vicente Martinez


Ybor


arrived at Key


West,


had only


enough funds


to rent a


cluster


small


buildings


on Whitehead


Street near the Key West docks


(Appendix E).


He hired


cigar makers who began


producing his










opened a


lucrative American market


him.


success


Ybor's cigars


was


attributed


their


high quality


tobacco.


Even during the war years


, Ybor


and his


fellow


manufacturers


in Key West and New York


received


shipments


of Cuban


tobacco.


Ybor'


s son-in-law,


Ignacio Casteiada,


maintained


Ybor


s business


interests


in Havana


during


and


after


the war.


He purchased


the choice


Vuelta Abajo


tobacco


from plantations,


and arranged


to ship


to Key


West and


later,


New York


Advertisements


sale


Cuban


tobacco


Tobacco Journal


and Tobacco


Leaf


indicate


that Cuban


tobacco was


easily


accessible


to Ameri-


can markets


notwithstanding


the war.


The Cuban workers who came


to Key West brought


their traditions and


customs with


them.


Lectores were


a fundamental


part of


the cigar


factory.


Jose


Dolores


Poyo was


first lectore


Ybor's Key West


factory.


Maria


Reyes


read


factory owned by


Samuel


Wolff.


These and other


lectores helped


to maintain anti-Spanish


sentiments among the workers.


In 1870,


Ybor became


directly


involved


a serious Cuban-Spani


sh incident


in Key West.


also edited


Reyes,


a Key West El


reader


the Wolff


Republican,


factory,


a pro-Cuban


libera-


tion newspaper.


In an editorial,


he challenged a Spanish


newspaper


editor


in Cuba


to a duel.


The man,


Gonzalo










Spanish agents


in Cuba


immediately accused Ybor


instigating


gate hatred


incident by


toward Spain.


allowing


On February


lectures


1870,


to propa-


Jose


Morales,

received


tobacco


the Cuban representative


the United States,


telegram from Key West which read:


tory owned by Martinez


"The


Ybor has been closed


by order


persons


the volunteers


responsible


in Havana.


Apparently,


for the death of Casteion were


linked


with Cubans working


Ybor


s factory.


Since


Ybor


still


had


family and business


intere


in Havana,


he obeyed


the demands of


the volunteers


to close his Key West factory


temporarily.


Ybor was


strongly


criticized


for bending


demands.


Key West's El


Republican bitterly


accused him of bowing


to the pressures of


the voluntarios.


Ybor was once more caught


the Cuban-Spanish conflict,


even


though he despised


Republican was


so opposed


political


to Ybor


involvements.


that it blamed him


the hunger of his


unemployed workers and retorted


would only be


Ybor'


fair


manufacturing


"if Congress passed


interests.


tariffs


Ybor was


to punish


also accused


pretending to be


he was


"exploiting


involved with


the revolution while


the workers of Key West.


He was


being


harassed by


both Cubans


and Spaniards but apparently


these charges


little effect on his


business operations.


to Spain'


___ r_










1871,


Vicente was able


to purchase


land


small


buildings


he had been renting


$1000


from


their


owner


Francisco Gonzalez.


The next


year,


organized


Ybor


and Company,


with his


son,


Eduardo


and Edward Manrara


as partners


They


opened an office


in New York City


also,


which gave


them


an opportunity to meet agents


who di


stributed


cigars.


Ybor


established contacts with other Cuban cigar manu-


facturers


in New York,


some of


them old


friends


from


Cuba.


The office was opened at an appropriate


time,


since Key West cigars had become the


fastest-selling


and most popular


the United States.


An indication of


increasing prosperity


in Key West cigars can be


found in


the custom house receipts which rose


from a


thousand dollars in

The demand


1869


to $222,371


for Cuban


tobacco


1876.


the United States


increased rapidly.


According to a respected American


tobacco


trade


journal,


the Tobacco


Leaf,


the prosperity


of Key West manufacturers


"lay


the popular relish


genuine Havana


finest cigars


cigars


imported


. equal


in every


from Havana,


from


respect


forty to


perhaps


eighty dollars per


thousand cheaper."42


Companies


like


Ybor


and Company,


Seidenberg


and others gained both


a reputation and wealth.


The Tallahassee Sentinel and


I


__











$20,000


per month in internal revenues during


One manufacturer reported using


over


1872.


laborers who


produced


170,000 cigars weekly.


In 1873,


there were


some


8,000


cigar workers of which one-third were American,


one-third Cuban,


and one-fourth Bahama Negroes.


They made


135,000


cigars daily,


valued at


$10,000.


Steamers


ran


weekly to New York,


Galveston,


twice monthly to


Baltimore.


1874,


the average worker


salary was


5.00


per week.


Ybor'


prosperity


allowed him to


invest


development of


him


Key West.


an agent appointed


The local newspaper recorded


to solicit subscriptions


gas works and


street railway


stocks


in 1873.


A picture


of Ybor


from


period shows him immaculately dressed


a fine quality


suit,


with a well-trimmed and waxed


moustache,


and appearing


as a very prosperous


business-


man


(Appendix F).


In this


time of


prosperity,


he made


loans


to several other manufacturers


He collected


$11,000 owed him by Henry Gaullier of


firm Gaullier


and Andre.


The debt was settled when


Ybor purchased


their


cigar


factory


property on


the corner of Whitehead and


Wall


Streets;


items


factory


were


included.


Ybor was


to sell


the building and


its contents,


returning


11000 co le ted


the firm.


C


D o 7r


~I~(I) U 1


1-










Vicente wanted


to move to New York


world-wide distributors and


to be nearer


shipping companies.


later


regretted


decision.


On December


1874,


he sold


his Key West


factory


previous owner


and opened


central


offices


in New York City


. M.


Ybor


Company


then


leased


factories


in Key West


to produce


Principe de Gales"


during construction of


new opera-


tions.


While


factory


Coloso"


was


being


constructed,


Ybor's company contracted with Miguel Morales,


a Key West


manufacturer,


to produce his brand.


Morales would be


supplied with


leaf,


tobacco boxes,


stamps,


packing


papers and other materials.


Morales


agreed


to ship cigars


to New York


one year,


beginning March 15,


1875,


he would receive


and continuing


every


1,000 cigars


shipped.


When


the contract expired,


a one-year


lease


was


signed with Enrique


Pardoi,


another


Key West


factory


owner.


$8,000,


Ybor


could


utilize


factory


and


laborer


to produce


"El Principe de Gales"


through


June,


of his


1876.


brand


cases


until


assured Ybor continued


Coloso" was completed.


sales


In New York,


Ybor


joined


larger manufacturers,


both Cubans and


Americans.


American


tobacco grown in Connecticut,


Virginia,


Ohio and


the Carolinas was used


to manufacturing


cigars,











which offered quick,


easy


access


for distribution.


Arriv-


in New York,


Ybor contracted with Frederick De Bary


and Company


as his agents.


It was a highly respected


firm with a reputation of


distributing


only the


finest


products


to a world-wide market.


Coloso,


at the


corner of Rivington and


Attorney Streets,


was


one of the


largest


factor


New York


It was a


five-story building with a basement,


heated by


steam,


with


temperature and humidity controls


to maintain


the pliability of


tobacco.


When


it opened


1876,


it housed over


500 cigar workers of


nationali-


ties.


According to


the Tobacco


Leaf,


the operatives were


employed without regard


sex;


the prerequisite


employment was


skill.


Ybor a

"El Coloso":


"Mercurio.


Company produced


the expensive


" Use of


types of


"Coloso"


choice Cuban


cigars


the cheaper


tobacco assured high


quality which spurred


sales.


Ybor's company


competed


with


best cigars made


in Key West.


They


also used


same high quality Vuelta Abajo


tobacco and had a reputable


distributor.


success was


lauded


Tobacco


Leaf


which


predicted his business would


increase


future


years.


In site of


t a *-


Dortraval


of a alowina


future


L











a year


after moving


to New York.


1878,


Ybor


decided


to return


to Key West because of


reasons


the organi-


nation of


unions


strikes


in New York and


the end of


the Ten


Years'


War


in Cuba.


National


labor


unions


evolved


with


the rapid


industrial


growth of


United States during


latter


half


the nineteenth century.


They


represented


labor's


attempt


to solve


their


frustrations over


poor working


conditions,


low wag


, mechanization,


labor-owner


alienation


Cuban cigar workers also


faced


these


problems


between 1850


1860 when manufacturing techniques changed


from small


shop produ


action


to large


factories.


Labor


unions were organized


1866.


Cigar workers attempted


to organize several


times


the United States.


1864,


a National Association


was


formed,


it was weak.


1870,


a successful


Cigar Makers


Union was organized


in Syracuse,


New York.


The purpose,


according to


its constitution,


was


to unite


all cigar workers who were changing


from small


shop workers


into


factory


laborers.


It also


hoped


to solve problems


such as


the division of


labor,


introduction of machinery


to replace manual


Working


labor


, and employment of both sexes.


conditions were also considered


intolerable.


Dew York,


workers p


producedd cigars both


in factories and


I









cigars were produced,


contamination was common


(Appendix


Both


tenement workers


those


factories were


responsible


for union organization in 1870.


seventy-


eight strikes


between


1871


1875


, only twelve were


successful,


total


cost of


supporting


striking


workers exceeded


4,000.


Ybor


and his


associ


ates were obvious


aware of


labor problems


in New York before


they


decided


transfer


operations


from Key West,


they were not


a sufficient


threat


to deter


construction of


the El


Coloso factory.


However,


1877,


a year


after


factory


opened,


New


York was


rocked with a devastating cigar


forced some manufacturers,

The disastrous thr


including Ybor


*ee-month


strike which

, to leave.


strike began


August


1877,


at the


De Bary


factory


over


a wage


conflict.


problem was complicated by


a New York


railroad strike.


Some


thirty-two cigar manufacturers were


affected,


and


over


10,000


persons were


unemployed


The tenement


house workers,


who produced over


four-fifths of


cigars


in New York


City,


were


also out of work


The


strike


lasted 107


days.


During


that


time,


approximately


1,000


families were evi


acted


from their tenements notwithstanding


the

came


$48,000

from al


in relief

1 over th


funds


e count


paid out by the union.

ry; workers otherwise


Support

ambivalent











pounds of meat distributed each day.


In New Orleans,


cigar workers went out on a


sympathy


strike.


In despera-


tion,


one New York manufa


cturer withdrew


from


the manu-


facturers association and agreed


to demands


that only


union men


be employed


In December,


another


large


fac-


tory was


forced


to accept


union wages,


and


New


York


Herald


claimed


that


the strike was a


total


success.


The


strike


served


as a catalyst


formation


a new Cigar Makers


International


Union by


1879


Several anti-union manufacturers


left New York or opened


branch


The


factories elsewhere


strike was a major fact


to avoid hiring union workers.

or motivating Ybor to return


to Key West


(Appendix H).


The


termination of


the war


1878 was another


reason f

to Cuba.


;or Ybor's move.


With his


son-in-law


Vicente was n

in Havana as


ow free

a buyer


to return

, Ybor


opened a


tobacco


leaf distributorship


in New York


1878,


the choice


selling

turers67


tion of Cuban


& Martinez


Vuelta Abajo


(see Appendix H).


leaf by


Ybor.


Ybor


forming


He later retired


tobacco

increase


leaf


from


to other manufac-


the distribu-


firm of Van Ramdohr


this operation


1884.


Ybor'


in Chicago where A.


own distributorship


Feibelman was his


included an office


representative.


Don Vicente


soent considerable


time


traveling










during


the winter


1880,


he was described


"one of


best known


and has gained


tobacco merchants of


for himself


island of


during his many years


Cuba,


connec-


tions with


trade


not only


a great


reputation but a


veritable


fortune.


In 1884,


a fire


the office


and


warehouse at


89 Water Street destroyed most of hi


finished


cigars.


The building was


severely damaged,


janitor


who


lived on


top floor was


injured,


and one of his


children was


killed


fire.


Ybor


estimated his


loss at


$50,000.


Two weeks


later


a gigantic


sale of


cigars


stock was


held


in a carnival-like atmosphere,


complete


with


"chin music of


Ed Lewis,


who was elevated


to a


soapbox.


sold


The sale,


500,000 cigars,


directed by the


including


fire underwriters,


30,000 which had been


wet.


The dry cigars were made


was not as popular


lighter


from a dark


leaf.


tobacco


Ybor


leaf


decided


to sell his


This


upse t


dark


leaf


normal


same


sale of


time at a


cigars,


reduced


affecting


price.


the Havana


cigar


trade


for weeks.


The popularity


of Key West cigars made


from


Havana


tobacco became so


imminent


1870's


that many


unscrupulous manufacturers


across


the country produced


cigars made


from domestic


tobacco and


sold


them as genuine










Even


in Florida,


some Jacksonville manufacturers were


responsible


producing


imitation Key West


products.


A few Key West manufacturers made cigars


which were


genuine


Key West


products,


but were produced


from domes-


tobacco.


The Tobacco


Leaf


critic


ized


this


practice,


said


"distrust


enviable


its continuation would


Key West


lead


cigars altogether,


reputation


they


customers


notwithstanding


have hitherto enjoyed.


In spite of


"clear Havanas


fraudulent


" continued


sales


, and business


the demand


in Key West


soared.


When


Coloso"


opened


its doors


in 1876,


there


were


twenty-nine cigar


factor


ies


in Key West,


employing


over


2,100 persons.


1880,


fifty-seven manufacturers


and over


empl


oyees


were


the records


the Florida


Internal Revenue Office.


Some New York


manufacturers questioned


trend


to open branch


fac-


stories


in Key West,


arguing


that


labor costs and


strikes would


time,


eventually plague


their warnings proved


industry there.


to be correct.


From 1876


to 1880,


Key West


was


times,


almost as


chaotic


as New York


exodus of workers


When


their


the war

homeland


ended

left


in Cuba,


island city


partially


empty.


first


union,


organized


1874,


was


the Cooperative


Union of


Cigar Makers of Key West.










production.


When


the war ended


in Cuba


1878,


government offered


pardons


to workers wishing to return


home.


Key Wes


force


t quickly


In 1878,


labor


workers


striking


lost one-third of


took advantage of


higher wages.


Three


labor


shortage


factories--


Ybor'


, Seidenberg


s and


Rawson


's--were


forced


to suspend


operations.


For the


next


few months,


Key West was


almost a ghost


town with empty house


s and


straggling


beggars wandering


streets.


Within


a short


time


however,


workers


returned,


disillusioned with conditions


in Cuba and determined


to make Key West


their permanent


home.


As the


tobacco


industry redeveloped


in Key West,


a watchguard


committee was organized consisting of


com-


munity members who considered


their responsibility


oversee


laborers.


In 1877,


they


formed a


local


militia,


order.


the Key West Rifles,


2 Its eighty members


to maintain


were available


peace


to manufac-


turers


times of


emergencies.


They considered


themselves


agent,


assuring


peace and order


island


Although


island,


Key West had


the ab


some


sence


labor problems,


a powerful


size


union,


support of


a local


vigilante committee


induced


several


manufacturers


to consider


Key West a


secure place


"calming"










in high demand.


Laborers were cautious,


realizing


public


opposition


to them.


1879,


they were


sufficiently


strong


to distribute


organization.


a circular calling


Union de


stronger


Tabacueros announced


that


it was organizing


to prevent sporadic


strikes among


workers.


union also


requested


proper


classification


of brand cigars,


so a worker producing


a high quality


cigar would not be paid


for making


cigars of


lower


quality.


Union de Tabaqueros met


little opposition


from manufacturers at


first,


since uniformity of wages


payment according to brands


cigars were


issues


manufacturers


them


selves wanted


to resolve.


Their


first


confrontation


following


a general


1879 was solved with


year,


strike at


little difficulty,


the Union de Tabaqueros called


"El Principe de Gales"


factory of V.


Ybor


and Company.


The workers wanted


to establish a branch of


the Havana Cigar Makers'


Directory


factory,


so that


they could determine


who would be employed,


and who would become


foreman.


Ybor was


so opposed


to these demands


that he


responded by closing


factory


. The


strike


lasted four


months.


Strikers were


supported by monetary donations


from laborers


in other


factories,


a common practice among










Unions were not


to be


.stopped,


however,


they continued


to increase


their threats


to the manufacturers.


After


the 1880


strike,


there was a period of


expansion and


eco-


nomic prosperity.


so that high


Concessions were often given


production could be maintained.


labor


1884,


when


labor needs were high because


so many new


factories


opened


, workers


began


to pressure


factory owners


better working conditions.


The manufacturers


reacted by


organizing


themselves


into a Cigar Manufacturers Union


to protect


their own interests.


A decisive year in


the history of


Key West


cigar production was


1885.


While


first


few months


were prosperous,


second half


the year was plagued


with


conflicts which crippled


the cigar


industry,


result-


the exodus of Ybor


and other manufacturers.


year began with excellent reports of


economic conditions


as published


Tobacco


Leaf.


Key West was


listed


thirteenth


largest port


the United States,


with


one of


best harbors


in Florida.


Real


estate was


a high premium,


and port revenues were


impre


ssive;


from


July


1882,


to June


1883,


rece


ipts


totalled


$282


610.76.


During


this


period,


696,030,112 pounds of


foreign tob

$236,610.67


,acco were received


and duties amounted


There were eighty cigar


factories which











The Tobacco


Leaf


reported in


1885,


rapidity with which


number


cigar


factories


here must be


rushing.


criterion,
During the


business


past


week or


ten days


manufacturers'


no more


licenses


than


ave


new


been


taken


out.


In a recent


issue,


Democrat


this


stated


city,
that t


or town,
:he number


of cigar


ease,
factories


99,
them


and the number
5,500.88


of hands employed


According


Florida census records


1885


, Ybor


and Company


shared


this


prosperity.


In "El


Principe


de Gales,


100,000


had been


invested and


505 employees


were paid


to $3.50 per


day,


according


their


skills.


total


amount of


annual


wages was


$200,000,


with a


product


value of


$600,000.


Then


the midst of


this


prosperity,


a strike


began


in August.


At first,


it appeared


that


it would be


short duration,


it lasted


several months


and even-


tual


damage


to both sides


was very great.


Ybor


s decision


leave


Key West after the


strike was one example.


Other


manufacturers


followed him


the outskirts of Tampa,


or moved elsewhere.


When asked why


he had decided


leave


Key West,


Ybor


responded,


"Our


good


reasons


abandoning


Key West


founding


better


Ybor City


at Ybor City,


are many.


living


Shipping


our operatives


facilities are


is cheaper











Key West natives say he


left because of


racial


problems


between Cubans,


Spaniards and


Conchs


this


was


true,


there were also other


reasons.


In Cuba,


New York and Key


West,


Ybor


felt


effect


of organized


labor


production.


One major reason


for moving


Tampa was


found


industrial


town where


labor


conflicts could be


minimized.


The bitter


1885


strike began August


The workers'


union,


which had increased


its membership


since


forma-


tion,


was


no longer


fearful


of either the


Key West


Rifles


or the manufacturers.


The union'


main grievance was


long existing one caused by manufacturers who paid


reduced


prices


for making


certain


fine


brands which were disguised


under


assumed names.


The workers'


demand of


increase


from $1


to $10 per


thousand cigars was


refused by manu-


facturers.


Union members


also demanded


that


their


union representatives be allowed

of factories. Workers were dete

To this end they printed a broad


to choose


rmined


side


to win


listing t


foremen

the battle.

heir goals


and


it was widely circulated


throughout Key West,


stated:


Let


us wage relentl


ess


war


those


who have oppressed


now show us


no mercy.


right,
to the


right of


us employ
t does no
force.


force


t avail,


resort


We demand a


uni-


rJ 4h











The manufacturers


reacted


immediately


strike.


They were


as determined


to resist


the demands


the workers were


to achieve


them.


While manufacturers


were not opposed


to a


fair


settlement on


wage


increases,


they were


adamant


management of


their


in refusing


factories


the unions


a voice


The manufacturers


had


established


guidelines


from nonstriking


to crush strikes quickly.


factories


usually helped


Workers


support


strikes.


Since


this prolonged conflicts,


the owners


agreed


that as


soon


as one


factory


called a


strike,


they


would close all


factories.


Owners


hoped


this would


force


the union


into submission and end


trouble.


They


knew


they could


no longer


rely


upon


the Key West


Rifles


because


union had grown


too


strong.


They


also were aware


that


local Key West


union had only


$4,000


reserve


strike pay.


Since


each


striker


received


a week,


fund would quickly be depleted and


workers


would be


forced


to return


their


jobs.


Over


1,000 workers


were affected when


strike began;


only two


factories


remained open.


Cigar production was


nearly paralyzed.


A correspondent


the Tobacco


Leaf


described Key West


conditions:


The Manufacturers
to have Castillo


factory,


that


Union


is making efforts


Company clo


firm's


their


hands


cannot


7-


Vw











opportune
strike.


time
There


the cigar makers


is not a


great demand


to
for


cigars


just now,


even


there was,


the stocks on hand would be


to satisfy


strike


When asked


a manufacturer


Cigar-Maker


use


s Union ha


treasury
UD. That


said,


large
about
'Oh!


a little


enough
the
The


money


the members want


there


strike


.' This


is a careless way of


there


good deal


truth in


look-


is undoubtedly
the remark.93


the manufacturers were confident about a quick


settle-


ment,


the workers were


less optimistic.


The day


after


strike was declared,


arrangements were made


transport


workers


to Havana


to New York;


over


families


planned


to leave.


strikers believed


that


they were


involved


in a very


long and


difficult struggle.


When


strike went


into


third week,


manu-


facturers


began


to worry


about


possibility of


their markets


to competitors.


resolution in which


they


They


agreed


therefore


"open our


passed a


factories and


offer


employment


to all


cigar makers who are willing


work


prices


that were paid at


factory of V.


Martinez


Ybor


one week


previous


strike.


They also warned


that


"the


least


interference


in our


factories by


any class


unions whatsoever will


strictly prohibited.


,,100


By offering


the higher


salary


that


Ybor paid hi


workers,


other manufacturers were











accepting the owners'


offer,


strikers continued


press


their


own demands.


Neither


side was willing


to compromi


By the


fourth week,


the workers'


strike


fund was


almost


exhausted.


The manufacturers


' strategy to close


factories


seemed


to be working.


With


funds dangerously


low,


union


sent


two members


to northern


cigar


factories


to appeal


help


from other


unions.


Arriving


in New


York,


Key West representatives met with


local


union


officials.


They


aroused northern


support by


circulating


pamphlets

turers "s


written


lave drivers


Spanish calling Key West manufac-
.101


While


New York,


the representatives


reque


sted


a meeting with manufacturers who operated


factories both


in New York and Key West.


They wanted


to discuss


their


demands


see


some compromises were possible.


Manu-


facturers agreed


to a meeting


Ybor'


offices at


Water


Street.


Present


the meeting were


Ybor


and his partner,


Edward Manrara,


Seidenberg,


Julius


Ellinger


and his


partner Mr.


Newman,


Soria,


and F


. G.


Marrera.


The Union de Tabaqueros


brought with


them a


delegation of


a New York


cigar makers union.


Both


sides


listed


their


demand


the matter of


workers


being


involved


the administration of


factories


was


still


se.


___


__ __










strike entered


second month,


and if


any-


thing,


the breach widened.


Meetings brought no results;


manufacturers and workers were convinced


that


each would


finally wi

sentation


struggle.


the other


What one


side called


side called repre-


intervention.


Orders


for cigars


remained unfilled while


small


factories and


shops


the north began


to cut


into


Key West


trade.


There was also concern about


the migration of


laborers


from Key West.


A Chinese worker


in Key West,


writing


a friend in New York,


discussed


seriousness of


strike.


500 to


He estimated


600 workers


that


there had been an exodus


to Havana and other places.


Manu-


facturers were surprised


that


remaining workers were


still


united;


startling.


even


the casual


The workers


gained


observer,

support


this unity was

from many parts


the nation as


the conflict was prolonged.


the conditions and attitude of


the workers


One account

stated


when


fice even


S. *. they


their


fully emigrate


all f
their


factories


are determined


homes;


to compel


here,


earnestness.


when


the


to sacri-
y cheer-


the closing of


can anyone question
It must also be


mind


borne in
although
in their


the present


is still
other la
north; t


that


the Cigar Makers'


possessed of but limited


treasury


Union


funds


the commencement of


troubles


weekly


. has been


supplied with funds by


bor organizations


hat


loans


throughout


have been made


the
by


Capitalists of


this


place;


that


several











strikers, have
tions, while o
for supplies e
All these comb
of the strike
manufacturers
tion.106


made voluntary contribu-
thers are accepting orders
manating from the union.
ined tend to a prolongatio
and must necessarily cause
to yield for self protec-


strife brought about a


depression


in Key West.


Empty


homes,


closed factories and


the exodus of workers


reversed


the optimism which had earlier permeated


town.


Neither


workers nor manufacturers had anticipated


the extremes


which


the strike had


taken.


Loss of markets by manufac-


turers,


loss of


jobs by workers,


the general


depression


finally forced a negotiated settlement.


A circular was


released on


the settlement


in September which stated:


In the city of
September, 1885
the Boards of D


Cigarmakers,
Unions, the
adopted: to
same manner
strike, with
and when the
article prop
to be added
union shall
in said arti
tative shall
management o
representati'
any claim to
to the gener.


capital.
report to
trouble o
factory,
commission


Pa
fol
op
and
th
se
ose
to
bec
cle
no


f


His
Sthe
ir di
when
In to


Key
, in
)irec
.cker
lowi
'en t
con
e un
are
d by
the
ome
tha
t in


West,
meet
tors o


s, and
ng res
he fac
edition
ion re
estabi
Mr. S
consti
a law.
t the
terfer


I
1
*
r
L


second
ng ass
f Manu
Selec
olutio
stories
as be


presen
.ished,
antos
tution
It i
union
e in t


the factory. The
e is now empowered
the manufacturer i
1 interest of labo
powers are limited
Board of Director
agreement arising
said board shall
bring the complain


day of
'embled
ifacturers,
=tors'
Ins were
in the
;fore the
tatives;
the
Benitez
of the
s provided
represen-
he internal
union
to present
n regard
r and
d to
s any
in the


name a
nt to


!


I











Teodoro Perez,
A. M. Castillo,


Cigar-Makers


Leal,


E. Pajarin,
Classers -


secretary;
E. Canals,


- M.


Gutierrez,


vice-president;


Carlos


Cuellar.


Ignacio Soriano,


Antonio Canalejo.


Mariano B
Baliano,
Angulo, f
Perdigon,


Rafael


Rodrigue


recording
financial


H. Gato,
. Alfonso.
president;
Rodriguez,


Wrapper


president;


Cigar Selectors
z, president; C


secretary;


secret


Poulo Suarez.


Rodriguez,


Santos


ary;


arlos


Genaro


Libororio


Witnesses
Benitez.


The


undersigned
certifies t


secretary


hat


the above


the meeting
signed. 107


With an end


the most devastating


strike


history of Key West,


workers and manufacturers began


assess


the damage.


Cigars were quickly produced


fill


large backlog


of orders.


The


settlement pleased


laborers since


their union representatives were now


allowed


to enter the factories.


also satisfied.


They were


Some manufacturers were


still able to maintain control


their


administrative structure,


free


from union


involve-


ment,


although unionism among workers had


increased.


With

sent agents


factories again


to Havana


in operation,


to procure laborers.


factory owners

Regaining


their


lost


trade was not an easy matter,


but most manu-


facturers were optimistic.


some


factory


owners,


their


challenge was


to retain


lost markets,


but for Ybor,


there was


another alternative.


Weary of


struggle


with


unions,


Ybor


sent out inquiries


to Galveston,


Pensa-






47





Notes


Foreign


Wills,


September


1898,


Book


Hillsborough County Courthouse,


was the c
last name
other rec
the last
Ybor fami
in Spain,
nounced c
otherwise
used thro
consistent
1967-1968


orrec
"T


* a
ords
name
ly in
the
orrec
pron
ughou


t


spelling


bor"
until
was
the
name
tly
ounc
t th
llan


(Tallaha


was
1 his
chang
Unit
was
by th
ed th
e dis
Morr
ssee,


r


of Don
tainted
arrival
to Yb
State
anged
Anglo
name "
rtatio
, comp
968),


Tampa, Fl
Vicente M
in public
to Key We
or. Accor
s and the
so that it
community,
eye-bor."
n to keep


The Flo:


orida.
artinez
docume
st in 1
ding to
"Ibor"
could
who wo
Ybor w
the spe
rida Ha


, erroneously


"Ibor"
Ybor's


nts and
868 when
the
family
be pro-
uld have
ill be
lling
ndbook,
states


that hi
"Ybor."


name was Vicente Martinez


y Bor,


contracted


2Nuevo Altas de Espana (Madrid, 1961), 331:
Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana,
s.v., "Ibor." Interview with Dr. Maria Lopez Ibor,
Madrid, June 17, 1977.


Gonzalez del


Valle,


Memorandum del


Tabaco Habano,


37; Karl
Tampa an
McKay (S
as Tampa
Ybor arr


H. Gr
d the
t. Pet
: A H
ived i


ismer,
Tampa
ersbur
history
n Cuba


Tamnpa:
Bay Reg
g, 1950
Gonz
with a


A Histo
ion of F1
), 342, h
alez del
position


Spanish government while Grismer
as a grocery clerk.


of the
ida, ed
after
lie sta
uarante
Ybor's


City
*, D.
referr
tes th
ed by
first


of
B.
ed t
at
the
job


Tampa
Counterpoint, 8
of the tobacco
chased cigars f
cigars in bundl
name.


Daily Times, May 9, 191
2, states that during t
industry, a broker was
rom individual cigar ma
es and sold them under


4; Ortiz,
he format
a person
kers, ban
their own


Cuban
ive years
who pur-
ded the
brand


Friedlander,


Historia


Economic de Cuba,


213.


.


h


4











7
Tarmoa


Weekly Tribune,


December 17,


1896.


8
Shole's Directory


of Tampa,


1899,


n.p.


Grismer,


Tampa:


A History,


342.


10T
Tampa


Weekly Tribune,


December 17,


1896.


GrIIs1er
Grism-r,


Tampa:


A History,


342.


Foreign Wills, S
County Courthouse, Tampa,


Septemberr
Book B,


1898,


Hillsborough


Foner, A History
United States, vol. 2,


Relations with


of Cuba
162.


14Ibid.,


170.


15Ybor' s


financial
family.
New (St.
1973), 1
to Key W
to Ybor'
departure
stress t
first fa
that he
leaving
Cuban Co
Cubans d
not disc
de Cuba,
Habana,
family w
Spanish
frantic
him of b
freedom
lated in
Beltran,


Il a
In
Au
17,
'est
s o
e f


role


assistance
Jefferson
gustine, 1
the autho
, bringing
wn words a
rom Cuba w
sudden dep


tory


did
much
unte
ecid
uss
Jos
1958
ere
sold
lly
being
of Ct
to E]


no
o

edl
hi:
e
)
"a:
ie:
an<
a
ubi
ng;


in Key
t plan
f his
point, 8
it wou
s actua
Rivero
vol. L
most a
rs who
d they
sympat
I" mt.


a
l


Ybor


hil


revolution was


accord i
Brown'


912;
r st-a


h
S


is
tol
;a
:tur
Ist
h bu
Ith
al
be
dep


Muniz
,XXLV,
ssass
ransa
wanted(
hizer


is


lel


ild
be
so
wi


Ig to
s Key
:simi
tha
lily
o Go
den
The
ch hi
the
hind
stat(


se


artur
, "L
20,
inate
cked
d to
with
ngthy


, by Eustas
City Story,


sour
West
e ed
Ybo
ith
zale
ne.
mode


ces i
, the
ition
r pla
him.
z del
Fami


e rented
re but a
in Hava
es "Ybor


to l


e
o


eave


0
S
rr
na
a


C


In the
Cubanos


states that
d by a mob
his house.
kill him fo
those figh
article ha


;io Fernand
1885-1954


primarily
n the Ybor
Old and the
, Gainesville,
nned to move
According
Valle, the
ly sources
f Ybor's
ubstantiates
ived suddenly,
Ortiz,
nd other


uba," but does
Revista Bimestre
en Tampa," La
Ybor and his
of furious
They searched
r they suspected
ting for the
s been trans-
and Henry


(Tampa,


1976).


I





I


I

L


*


1











17
Gonzalez del


Valle,


Memorandum del


Tabaco


Habano,


18Muhiz,


"Los Cubanos en


Tampa,


19Ibid.


20
Gonzalez del


Valle,


Memorandum del


Tabaco


Habano,


21bid
Ibid.


2Robert K


. Heimann,


Tobacco and Americans


(New


York,


1960),


23
Brown,


Key West,


the Old and


the New,


117.


24
Jacksonville,


Florida


Union,


September


1869.


25
Brown,


Key West,


the Old


the New,


26For


ments


a detailed account of


in Key West and Florida,


Revolutionaries


1868,
1977),


1876,
407-


" The


see


and Monroe County


Florida


Historic


Cuban


Gerald


political


Poyo,


Reconstruction
1 Quarterly, LX


involve-


"Cuban
Politics,
(April


Florida-


27s.
-The


Harris,


East


Coast


"Key West and Monroe County,


, Its


Build


ers


Industries


Resources


(Miami,


n.d.),


28
Joseph C.


ert,


Story of


Tobacco


in America


(Chapel Hill,


1967) ,


179-


180.


29
Juan J


. Ca


sas


, La


Emigracion


Cubana


Independ


encia


Patria


IIabana,


here-


after


referred


to as


La Emigracion Cubana


30Ibid.
Ibid.,


150.


" 20.











work will


referred


to as Motivos de


Cayo


Hueso.


This


work wa


Project,


s translated


Key West


into


Papers


English
(n. d.).


the Federal


Writers


3After


referred


very


to


small


substantial


ever,


construct a


arriving


as "Don.
building
funds wi
y 1875 he
large fa


Judging


cluster


th him.
was able
ctory. A


United


States


from the mode


he rented,


Ybor


business


to move


after


, Ybor


sty of the
did not bring


prospered,


to New


the end of


how-


York


the Ten


Years'
eating


War,


rega


business


ined


some of


inter


ests


rapidly


his wealth he


expanded,
d to leave


indi-


behind during


the war.


March


33
Interview with Ignacio
, 1974.


34Deulofeu y


La emigracion,


notas


Lleonart,
historic


Ybor,


Marti,


New York City,


Cayo Hueso y Tampa,


35Additional


information


pertaining


the death


of Ca


steion may be


Muerte de Castenon,


1871,


" Revista de


found


in Luis


Raiz de
Bibliot


LeRoy y Galvez,


los sucesos de Noviembr


eca


Nacional Jose Marti,
1970), 37-69.


number


, La Habana


(May/August


36Key West,


Republican,


March


1870.


37Ibid.,


February


1870.


38
Enrique
en El Producto (L


Roig


San Martin


Habana,


articulos


publicados


1967),


39
Gonzalez


to Ybor,


March


, 1871,


Deed


Book G,


Monroe County Courthou


Key West,


4Karl


Grismer,


Tampa:


A History,


342.


Juan J.


Casas6s,


La Emigracion


Cubana,


151.


42New York,


Tobacco


Leaf


, April


, 1879.











$70,065


revenue


10,200,000 cigars,


stamps,
paying


while


Ybor


,496.45


factory


a.n revenue


produced
stamps.


Tallahassee Sentinel,


February


1872.


45
Key West Dispatch,


July


1872.


46
New York Times,


May


1873.


47
Tallahassee Sentinel,


July


874.


Key WestDispatch,


January


1873.


49
Andre


to Ybor,


1873,


Deed


Book H,


Monroe County


Courthou


Key West,


770-771


0Ybor


to Gonzalez


Monroe County Courthouse,


, December
Key West,


23, 1874,
540-541.


Deed


Book


5 Ybor


and Morale


Monroe County Courthouse,


March


Key West,


, 1875


, Deed Book


-569.


2Ybor


and Pardoi,


Monroe County Courthouse,


July
Key We


, 1875,
. 782.


Deed Book


53New York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


November


1876.


54Ibid.

55Ibid.


56New York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


August


1880.


Jacob H


. Hollander


George


Barnett,


eds.,


Studies


chapter 3
by T. W.
Structure


in American Trade


"The


Unionism


Structure of


Glocker, 47; her
of the Cigar Ma


after
kers'


(New Y


Cigar
listed


ork,


Makers


1906),
' Union,


as Glocker


"The


Union.


M. ~ nrreTn 1a rrly I I


Thl' y n-a


1 07


ni,1/> r-1^











59
Adolph Strasser ,


Labor Movement:


Problem of Today,


1887) ,


Appendix,


George E.
589.


McNeill,


(Boston,


Union,


Locker,
" 63.


"The Structure of


the Cigar Makers


61Strasser,


Labor


Movement,


591.


62Ibid.


63,
allahassee Floridian,


November


1877.


64
Ibid.,

65Ibid.,

66Baer,


October

December


20,

26,


Economic


1877.

1877.


Development of
, 100.


the Cigar


Industry


States


67New York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


February


1878.


6Ibid.,

69Ibid.,


70Ibid.,
Ibid.,


71Ibid.,


Ibid.,

73
Ibid.,


May


1884.


April


February


August 2,


August


March 29,


1885.


1880.


1884.


1884.


1879


74Ibid.,


December


1880;


May


1879.


75Ibid., April


1879.


Crr











Tallahassee,


Florida News,


July


1874.


79
Tallaha


Tallahassee,


ssee,


Florida


Weekly


Sentinel,


Floridian,


Febru


February
2, 1876,


1875;


mentions


that disruptions


sporadic.


workers


In another


left


Key West


brief


cigar


strike


industry


1876,


eared


thirty-two


Jacksonville.


80
Key West Key,


May


1878.


8Tallaha


ssee,


West


Floridi


July 9,


1876;


July
the


August


strike,


1878.


accusing


Ybor


became


infuriated during


United States agents of


interfering,


perhaps


threatened
and move


to persuade Cubans


to close


to Cuba,


cave


Key West


the country.


factory permanently


but after the disruptions,


calmed


down and remained.


82
Tampa


Tribune,


December


1961.


83
Stetson Kennedy,


1942),


272;


Tampa


Tribune,


Palmetto Country
December 3, 1961.


(New York,


84
New York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


November


1879.


Ibid.,

86
Ibid.,

Ibid. 1


Ibid.,


August


October

January


February


, 1880.


1884.

1885.


1885.


8The


Florida


State Census of


1885


(Washington,


Microfilm publications


M845) ,


located


the Monroe County


Library,


Key West.


90
New York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


May


, 1887.


Interview with Wright


Langley,


Key West,


Sep tem-











92This was


later


substantiated by


the agreements


which were


made


with the


repress any disruptive persons


peace and


business community to
from Ybor City to assure


order.


93
New York Herald,


August 3,


1885.


94Ibid.
Ibid.


95Ibid.,


August


1885.


96New York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


August


1885.


97New York Herald,


August


1885.


New York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


August


1885.


New York Herald,


August


1885.


00New York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


August


1885.


11Ibid.


1021bid.,

03Ibid.,


August 29,

September


1885.


1885.


104bid. ,
Ibid.,


August


September


1885.


105bid.,
Ibid.,


106bid.,
Ibid.,


107Ibid.,
Ibid.,


108Ibid.,
Ibid.,


August


September


September


November


1885.


1886.


1885.


1885.


















CHAPTER III

THE EVOLUTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF YBOR CITY


Tampa


1882


was


a sleepy


fishing


village with


less


than


1,000


res


idents.


Located on


the Gulf


coast,


wa s


relatively


isolated


from


rest of


Florida.


A stage-


coach line


1878 connected


it with Dade City,


then known


as Tuckertown,


it was most easily


reached by water


until


Plant


railroad arrived


in 1883.


that


year,


Henry Brady


Plant


initiated


construction of


the South


Florida railway.


Additional stage


lines connected


Tampa


to Sanford where


the railway


terminated.


The rail


line


was


instrumental


in changing Tampa


from a


small


village


into an


industrial


port city.


Before


the disastrous


labor


strike


in 1885


, Latin


businessmen


living


in New York


frequently traveled


Key West


business or pleasure.


While


some


traveled


the all-water route down


the Atlantic,


others preferred


to make


journey


they


could


land.


Before


Plant'


South Florida Railway was constructed


to Tampa,










there for


Tampa.


Key West,


When


and some


stopped occasionally


railroad reached Sanford,


passengers


could shorten


the water


route


to Key West by


riding


train


to Sanford,


taking


tiresome,


rough


ride by


coach


to Tampa,


where


they boarded a


steamer to


Keys.


railroad


line did not connect with


Tampa


until August


1885.


Early visitors


to Tampa were


impressed with


beauty


serenity


the village.


Three of


these visi-


tors,

birth,


two native Cubans

would become res


the other


ponsible


for Ta


a Spaniard by

mpa's transformation


into a thriving

Cuban who lived


community.


Bernardino Gargol


in New York where


he headed


was


a native


a success


import business.


From his Cuban factory he


shipped


jellies


preserves made


from the


tropical


guava


fruit.


2 Gavino


Gutierrez,


a Spaniard by birth and a civil engineer


training,


also resided


in New York.


He was


involved


various enterprises,


including


imports


and liquors.


third Latin,


Eduardo Manrara,


was


born


in Cuba.


became


acquainted with


Ybor


in Havana,


later


followed


Company to


the United States where he


joined


firm


in 1872.


was


Manrara,


financial


enterprise.


He was


twenty-seven years younger


organizer


placed


than


and administrator


anarge of


Ybor,


Ybor


the Key West










Florida


oversee


management and


production.


Manrara did


like


traveling


by water


since


he easily


became


seasick;


he avoided


the Atlantic connection


to Key West whenever


possible.


He preferred


to go


land,


first


train


Cedar


Key,


from


there by


boat


to Key West.


When


Plant railroad was extended


to San ford


Manrara


took


that


route


since


shortened


still


further


the distance


he had


travel by water.


Manrara


first came


into Tampa


traveling


stage-


coach over


he had


community


the rough overland route


the opportunity


before embarking


from Sanford


to become acquainted with


final


There

that


leg of his


journey.


Allegedly


it was


from Manrara's


frequent


visits


to Tampa


that


belief


grew that guava


trees were abun-


dant


Gargol


Tampa and


heard


these rum


surrounding area.

ors he envisioned


When Bernardino

producing guava


products


United


States.


He decided


to visit


Tampa


and convinced his


close


friend and


assoc


iate,


Gavino


Gutierrez,


to join him on


trip.


Since Gargol


did not


speak English,


Gutierrez would act


as interpreter on


journey.


In the


latter part of


1884,


two men


left New


York


Sanford and


then


continued


to Tampa by coach.


There,


they began


their


search


the guava


trees.


None










along


the banks of


the Alfalia


River,


south of Tampa.


Just as


the early Spanish conquistadors


looked


gold,


two men embarked on a


search


trees.


After


two-hour


journey by


steamer


from Tampa


, they


arrived


their


Tampa,


five miles


dismay the


they made plal


up the mouth of


search wa

ns to sai


river


s fruitless.

1 to Key West


to Peru,


Returning


but before


embarking


they decided


impressed with


to look around a bit.


serenity


beauty of


They were


the area.


Gargol


felt


that Tampa


great


potential


as a


port


town,


while Gavino Gutierrez,


an avid


lover


the outdoors,


was


enthralled with


especially


the abundant wild game.


impressed and


Gutierrez was


enthusiastically discussed


idea of


returning to Tampa,


building


a res


idence,


a dream


which he


later


fulfilled.


Arriving


in Key West,


Gargol


and Gutierrez


pro-


ceeded


to the


house of


Vicente,


whose winter residence


was near the docks on Whitehead Street.


They planned


their


old


friend before


returning


to New York.


Vicente was entertaining


Ignacio Haya,


a manufacturing


friend


from New York,


when Gargol and Gutierrez arrived


Haya

for


firm Sanchez and


both business and


pleasure;


Haya,


had come


he always


to Key West


enjoyed


the warm


Florida


climate.


Haya was also there


to discus










Haya saw the problem as


dispatched his

other possible


associate,

locations


so serious


that


Serafin Sanchez,

to open branch fa


he had already


to search


stories.


Don


Vicent

West,


was


and he


also confronted


too wanted


with


to move


labor hostility


in Key


to a location where


labor


was


not organized.


They were


undoubtedly


influenced by


other manufacturers who were


forming company


towns,


away


from the crowded


cities,


as a means of acceleration


g pro-


duction and


limiting union


influence.


Ybor


and Haya


sent


inquiries


to Galveston,


Mobile,


and Pensacola,


expressing.


their


interests


in possibly


locating


in one of


those


cities.


Vicente had earlier


learned about Tampa


from


Edward Manrara,


but had not


given


serious considera-


tion as a


poss


ible


location


a branch


factory;


until


the vis


of Gutierrez and Gargol.


When


latter men arrived,


they were warmly


greeted by Don


Vicente and Sr.


Haya.


Gutierrez


explained


their unsuccessful


search


guava


trees


their


dis-


cover of Tampa.


Vicente


heard


Tampa described again


in glowing details as Gutierrez chattered endlessly


about


primitive beauty,


abundant wild


game,


the potential


which he


more


believed Tampa


reserved Gargol


to offer


reviewed


as a


the economic


port city.


potential


the area,


the conversation soon excited


interests










Haya and Ybor


envisioned


the area as


location


their


factories.


They


boarded


next


available


ship


leaving


for Tampa and arrived at dawn


the next


day.


A trip around


area


was


sufficient


to convince


Haya and


Ybor


its assets.


Conditions were


ideal


cigar production.


The climate was warm,


Tampa


was


near


Cuba


that


tobacco could be easily


imported,


and


soon-to-be completed


Plant


railroad would


give


Tampa a


more


strategic


location


for market distribution.


Although


there were


local


laborers available


cigar making,


manufacturers did not consider


this a serious


problem;


the new environment,


they believed,


would attract workers.


industrialists


hoped


that


the new surroundings,


the workers would be


happier


and


that


perhaps


there would


less


influence of


labor


organizations.


Although


Haya and Ybor


did not plan a company town


when


they


first visited Tampa,


they soon decided


that


such


an operation might have certain advantages.


There was


plenty of


land,


temperate climate would make


a pleasant


place


to live and work.


The


four men returned


to Key West,


elated over the visit.


Gutierrez and Gargol


traveled on


to New York,


while


Ybor


and Haya began writing


their


associates about


potential of Tampa.


Manrara


was delighted with


news


as he already


tried


to convince










firm.


Not only would


but he would no


longer


it be

have


an excellent


travel


business venture,


by water


Haya also wrote


about Tampa.


to his


Sanchez had been


assoc


iate Serafin Sanchez


told about Tampa


earlier


Gutierrez who explained


West


that


seventy-five cents


"chi


could


ckens which


be bought


sold in Key


in Tampa


twenty-five,


" and


that


plenty


land was


available.


Since

tions,


he was


already scouting


added Tampa


to his


for possible

itinerary, ar


factory


driving


loca-


in mid-


July


1885.


After


looking over


the area,


he met with


newly


created


Tampa Board of


Trade and outlined


the ways


they


"could


facilitate


their


enterprise


and asked


such


cooperation


, which


the Board


assured


him would


be cordially


given.


town was elated over


possibility of


bringing


a new industry


into


area.


local


Tampa


paper


stated:


"The


benefits


that would


inure


to Tampa


from the


establishment of


such an


industry


cannot


too deeply impressed on our


citizens.


firm of


Sanchez


and Haya


employs


cigar makers


can


give


employment


to any number of


little boys


and girls


as strippers.


Board offered


second


floor


Miller


and Henderson's


large stables,


rent


free,


factory,


since


there


were no available workers


the offer was


refused.


Sanchez


was


looking


tract of


land


large enough


not only










Haya and Ybor


in Key West.


He wanted


them to return


Tampa and begin negotiations


land.


By September,


Haya


and Ybor were


in Tampa


their


second vi


sit.


After


first examining the Bradenton area,


Vicente


selected


forty


acres


northeast of Tampa where there was a fresh


water well.


tract of


land,


purchased a


few months


earlier by Captain John T.


Lesley,


was


the property


Ybor


wanted.


Lesley was a member of


Board of Trade;


other


members were William


Henderson,


Thomas Carruth,


Thomas


Spencer.


were willing


to sell


their


land,


Ybor was only


interested


Lesley property.


was offered


tract


9,000,


a price which


Ybor


felt


was


too high;


$5,000


locate


knew that Lesley


a few months earlier.


their operations


purchased


Intimating that


in another community,


they might


Ybor


Haya


left


the meeting.


Later,


they were walking down


Washington Street on


their way back


their hotel,


they


stopped at


store owned by Colonel


William Henderson,


who had become a fri

told Henderson about


endly acquaintan

their decision


When Don


to leave Tampa


Vicente

, the


Colonel


became very


alarmed.


Vicente's


scare


strategy


worked


Henderson


realized


the economic potential


which


the cigar


County,


industry would have on


and he was determined


future of Hillsborough


to do everything he could










reconsider


their


offer


and arrange


a way


them to get


Lesley's


land at an agreeable


Henderson offered


price.


to sell


them his own land which


was


later


to become Tampa


Heights,


Ybor


insisted


uoon


Lesley property.


When


Board


reconvened


in an


emergency meeting October


, 1885,


a compromise was worked


out.


Ybor would


$9,000,


Lesley'


price,


he would


be reimbursed


$4,000


the Board.


The meeting


ended


successfully:


Lesley received his price;


the Board of


Trade had successfully


induced


the manufacturers


to build


Tampa;


and Don


Vicente


received


land


he wanted.


Everyone seem

to construct


satisfied,


Ybor's cigar


and pi

factory


ans were


soon underway


town.


At first,


once definite plans


Haya remained


background,


for the construction of


factory


began,

his own


he purchased

factory. A


founders of


the cigar


land adjacent


Though Haya


industry


to Ybor's


was one of

in what was


and started

the original

to be called


Ybor City,


honor


of beginning


the company town went


to Don


Vicente.


Ybor did not at first

to construct a company town or


announce whether


a pilot


intended


factory northeast


of Tampa.


it seems as


Judging


from


though he


amount of


intended


land he


to begin a


small


purchased


factory











while


wooden


structure


was


being


built


outskirts


Tampa.


business


even


considered


attempting


expanding


chase


West


an extension


land


called


high,


Saline"


gave


Monroe


that


County,


idea


price


illu


was


sionment


over


purchasing


La Saline


land


was


minimized


a more


catastrophic


event.


On April


, 1886,


a deva


stating


fire


in Key


West


stroyed


many


buildings


, including


Ybor


s factory


been


able


to purch


ase


La Saline


land,


perh


would


have


maintained


production


West


Now,


Vicente


decided


to leave


south


Florida


and


trans


of hi


operations


to his


Tampa


site.


was


xty-


eight


years


when


he b


egan


building


a factory


laying


a town


which


was


to make


Tampa


one


leading


citi


South


Although


Ybor


have


an elaborate


master


plan


Ybor


City


beginning,


quickly


developed


one.


was


influenced


some


American


industries


where


manufacturers


developed


their


own


functional


communi


ties.


These


company


towns,


construct


to support


operations


workers


of a single


commercial


company,


included


buildings


homes


George


Pullman


establi


shed


such


town


Illinois


. and


served


as a


-


. .&


L.











developed with


hope of


providing


a good living


working


environment


so that


labor


unions would


have


fewer


grievances against owners.


It would also operate a


profit-making venture,


like


southern cotton mill


towns.


Ybor


purposefully


the community


Tampa.


selected


This


land somewhat distant


isolation would have


from


a major


social


importance


to the workers--primarily Cubans,


Spaniards


Italians.


The


isolation allowed


Ybor


more easily control


teristic of


several other


lives of


the workers,


company towns


a charac-

United


Stat


es.


Don


Vicente


had earlier mentioned


that his only


problem would


be finding


source of


labor.


Now he


felt


that


the cost of


living,


lower


than


that


in large cities


Key West,


would be an


inducement


to workers


to move


to Ybor City.


Ybor


hired Gavino Gutierrez as a civil


engineer


to survey the


land and


to oversee construction.


Workers


supplies came


first


from Savannah.


Ybor


was


anxious


to start


that he


initiated construction even before


he received hi


4,000


from


Board of


Trade.


Work began


October


1885.


Land


was


first cleared


that Gutierrez


and his


surveyors could divide the


property


into plots


sale.


Vicente auicklv


added


to his original


forty


V.


I











Gavino Gutierrez who had secured


it earlier.25 Ybor


also


purchased an additional


adjoining


fifty acres which


ran


from Tampa


Heights


the edge of


the Hillsborough Bay.


first city plan gave numerical


designations


to streets


running


north and south;


those running


east and


west were named after


states of


union.


Later,


most


streets and avenues were given numbers.


There were con-


siderable changes


the original


terrain during


development


of Ybor City.


The northern


lands were


high,


palmetto covered


forests.


sand

the s


surrounded


south were


the east and west


swampy marshes which drained


into Tampa Bay.


Wildlife was abundant,


even after


town was constructed,


alligators


from


southern


marshes


sometimes crawled


through


streets at night


The marshlands


Avenue were one of


the area between


the earliest


the Bay


problems


Sixth


that needed


solving


Thousands


loads


of sand and


sawdust


were


brought


successful


this


landfill


because of the


operation was only partially


size of


the water-soaked area.


. Purcell,


a local building


contractor,


received


the contract


to construct a


three-story wooden


cigar


factory


and houses


fifty workers.


Local


lumber was


used


buildings constructed were


set on


a foundation of brick pillars which raised


them out of











The construction of


the city was viewed


a mar-


velous


undertaking by


local newspaper.


a person would


day t
some
growth
person
or th
eye a
how m
And w
six m
the t
for i
cannot
idea
immen
being
ently
made,
and w
hand.


:here
new
:h an
n go
Iree
Ind i
iuch
then
ionth
:rans
nter(
*t fa
that
se ci
dirn
not
evic


worthy
The


firm is


would
evide
d dev


es
wee
t i
can
one
s a
for
est
il


Ou
ks

b
r
go
ma
in
to


the
pita
cted
a si
ence
amb
sen
. V.


V


.d be
mnce o
relopm
t the
, ast
diffi
*e don
"ememnb
this
tion
g con
be ii
enters
1 and
by m
ngle
of br
ition
ior mu


isit
some
f the


er
S
fu
si
mp
pr
a
as
ni
Is


stak
ines


aboun
3mber


Martinez


:his
'ing
sub
But
.y o
lent
;o u
;o s
tat
was
,hes
Ltiol
Sed
is ]
e s4
mint
e hi
s si
d o0
of 1


Ybor


pi
ne
sta

ncc
me
nde
hor
les
a
a
n.
unt
3ac
ame
3s.
as
aga
n e


.ac

mnt
ien


e every
to see,
ial
a


* in two
-ets the
standd
*t a time.
;s than
forest,
matter
A person
il the
ked by
time is
Appar-
been
city
very


this great
.30


With his


temporary wooden


factory


construction


underway,


Ybor had a


larger,


more commodius brick


factory


begun on


the corner of Ninth Avenue and Fourteenth Street.


Even before


it was completed,


the Tampa Guardian


recorded:


The mammoth


fac
and
the
tur
the
in
mak
The
cie
two


tory
Comp
re is
e in
very
any p
e it
Comp
s and
flia


to the
elevator


of M
any
not
the
bes
art
both
any
con
hts
hird
qoe


4


three
essrs.
is nea
a mor
State
t mate
and no
hands


story brick cigar
V. Martinez Ybor
ring completion;


e sub
of Fl
rial
expe
ome al


provide


,ienc
stai
oor,
rom


e b
rwa
be
the


antial
ida.


been u
spared
onveni
r emer
struct


WI- -


I
oM


th
a l
to


truc-
Ine but
sed
to
ent.
gen-
ing
first
rge
the


V C


A


.I


[










Ignacio Haya,


the silent


fellow manufacturer


land negotiations,


was convinced


that


Ybor City would be


a success,


and he


purchased


ten acres


land adjacent


that owned


by Ybor


He constructed his own


tory


several


workers'


homes.


factory was


two-story


wooden


frame building


located


between Sixth and Seventh


Avenues on Fifteenth


Street.


Work started


approximately


the same


time as


Ybor'


buildings,


and a race


began


see


whose would be


finished


first.


the beginning


1886


both wooden


structures were ready,


plans were


made


to open


them the


same day.


Circumstances


prevented


Ybor


from opening his


factory


as planned,


the first


cigars


Ybor City were produced by Sanchez and Haya


"Flor


de Sanchez and


Haya"


factory.


Ybor


had ordered


bales


unstripped


tobacco


from Key West,


this caused


delay;


Sanchez and Haya


used


tobacco which already


had


stems


stripped


from


It was also


claimed


that


Ybor was


unable


to begin production as he


had planned


on March


, 1886


, because the Cuban workers employed


new "El


Principe de Gale


s" factory refused


to work


under


the newly


hired Span


foreman.


Cubans had brought


their


resentment of


Spaniards with


them from Key West


Cuba.


With construction


under way


, several


contracts










during


1886 and


1887.


This


included


furnishing


1,100


pairs of


window blinds


for workers'


homes.


As Ybor City


grew,.


founders carefully planned


its expansion


so that


they


could


realize profits


not


only


from cigars


but also


from real


estate


On October


1886,


Ybor


associates


formed


Ybor City


Land


and Improvement


Company.


Shortly


afterwards


another


land


and real estate company was organized by Sanchez and Haya.


Ybor's company was


largest of


investment


companies.


Its charter


outlined


function as


buying


selling,


improving


real


estate


After


land companies were


formed,


construction expanded rapidly.


Both


Ybor


and Sanchez


and Haya companies


built


workers'


houses,


factories,


induced other manufacturers


to move


to Ybor City.


May


nine


1886,


house


Ybor


his partners


, including thirty


had constructed


-three


two-story


eighty-


family


dwellings.


Ybor


brought


in his own materials,


labor,


supplies.


the end of


the year,


he erected a


total


176 dwellings.


These houses were


small,


built of


upright boards


on location.


and were sold

Each house had


from

two


$750 to


to thr


900, depending

rooms, and


families


shared outside privies.


fences which outlined


properties


The white-painted


added a


picket


pleasant


atmosphere


streets.


The houses were considered










Several


serious probl


ems


confronted Ybor


contractor s


the development of


the city.


Besides


marshlands,


sewage


ran directly


into


lowland areas


south of


Seventh Avenue,


polluting much of


potable


water.


There was only


one deep


well which


supplied water


for many people,


it was difficult


to carry


the water


long distances over


population had always


sand-covered roads.


been


faced with a short


The Key West

age of water,


and so


they resorted


collecting


to draining


in barrels.


rain water


When workers


from roofs and


arrived


Ybor


City,


they used


they found


that


these


same means of


the process


collecting water,


straining


thousands


insects


from the water barrels was a difficult


task.


Hand pumps


later provided


some water,


but mud,


sand


, and


pieces of


rock had


to be


filtered out.


The marshes were


breeding


grounds


for gnats and mosquitos,


and along with


an inadequate


sewage system,


they created a


danger to


health.


Malaria and yellow fever were commonplace,


Ybor


brought


in a


doctor r


from Cuba


to care


workers.


Other physicians soon arrived


and organized a


social


welfare organization called La


Iguala


(The Equal).


Workers


This


paid


was


a weekly


prelude


fee of


several


ten cents


for medical care.


Latin medical


centers


which organi


population of


the community










Some refused


treat Latins,


or else


they closed


their


offices on Sunday,


the only day the cigar workers had


free.


Producing


sufficient


food was


still


another problem.


The workers were not accustomed


to growing


their


own crops


consumption,


first


few months


residents


to rely upon out


side distributors


A Cuban,


Santos


Benitez,


imported commodities which were distributed


set-


tiers


By the middle of


1886,


several


grocery


stores


were


in operation.


stock of


family groceries.


Castillo's store carried a


Garner


full


and Son was another


popular


establishment,


there were meat markets,


cream and cold drink emporiums,


drug


stores and


restau-


rants.


Early


transportation was veritably nonexistent.


Most people


traveled by foot


since


the thick


sand made


other modes of transportation difficult.


According


one


early resident,


village


the other,


in order


to walk from one end of


a person had


to prepare himself


though he were making


was a problem for


a journey


building


across


constructors


a desert

; wheels


Sand


easily


bogged down,


making


frustrating to


transport building


materials.


An attempt


to solve


this


problem was made by


lining Seventh Avenue with wooden


blocks.


Sidewalks were











Sawdust,


and later oil,


were placed on the streets


to keep


the dust down,


it was


until


nearly


the beginning


twentieth century that streets were paved with


bricks.


To light


the houses,


Ybor


first distributed


candles.


When


there were kerosene


lamps available,


he personally


distributed


them to


the workers'


homes.


Lighting


cigar


factories by


artificial light was an


impossibility,


so large windows were placed on each floor.


Laborers


started


sunset


to work early


to take advantage of


the morning


remained until


the available natural


light.


On extremely cloudy or rainy days,


the workers who sorted


tobacco


leaves


into various qualities according to color


were often sent home since


they did not have


sufficient


light


to do


their


jobs.


Coffee houses,


clubs,


theatres were


important


to the


Latin culture,


and once


Ybor'


factory was completed,


turned over


his wooden factory


building


for use as a


theatre.


Later


it became


known


as Liceo Cubano,


and was


used as a


women


club


for the workers.


Ybor City to


begin with.


There were not many

Some workers sought


wives


in Key West or Havana,


and many


frequented


"Scrub"


area


of Ybor City,


where a


group of


prostitutes


resided.


Lona


lines crathered.


particularly


on weekends.


and the











Even after


families moved


"visiting


the houses"


was an


active weekend


pasttime.


first


few months


history,


work went


slowly


because of


the natural


problems


encountered


form-


a new community,


and Haya decided


to put


up his


entire


property


each man was

to Tobacco,


sale.


fearful


This,


that


Gutierrez


turn,


discouraged Ybor


the other would


an employee of


leave.


Ybor


, and


According

worked


out a scheme which,


turned out,


worked.


He went


told


to Mr.
that h


property.


Gutierrez


Haya, a
e had a


"Who


told


it?"
him


nd very
buyer


says
that


seriously


Mr. Haya.
it was Mr.


Ybor.
Haya;


"You don't


"why


When Mr.


if he


Gutierrez


tell me!"


I'll


told Mr.


said Mr.


stay
Ybor


too
that


afternoon,
don't want


Ybor
; but


to him he chuckled,


said:
when


and


"No,


it was


told Mr.


explained
Gutierrez


to go with him to Mr.


Haya.


When Mr.


Ybor made th
replied that


same


proposition,


Ybor was


going


Haya
to


stay he did not want


to sell anything


would also


stay.


They both


acknowledged


their


fear of


the other's


leaving.


They


shook hand


supper
staying


which


that


decided


night


the question of


Such was


settled


prosperity.49


the casting


question


a champagne


their
straw


for Tampa'


A streetcar began operating


between


Ybor City


and


Tampa,


running


on narrow-gage rails


and pulled by


little


dummy


engines.


When


Tampa backers of the project questioned its


success,


Ybor


and Manrara,


who


felt


the railroad was


stays,


__











there was no regular schedule,


but soon


was


running


hourly


between communities.


The


engines were named after


the prominent


Ignacio Haya,


ladies of Ybor City;


the Jennie,


the Fannie,


Mirta and Eloise


after Mrs.


for Ybor's


daughters.


With


a popular weekend


streetcar


pasttime


in operation,


the Latins


it soon became


to vi


parks


Tampa,


while Tampa


res


idents enjoyed


visiting


foreign atmosphere of


the cigar


community.


They called


Ybor City


"Little


Havana"


and delighted


in weekend dining


Latin restaurants.


These were


few major


cul-


tural


contacts


between


Latins and


the Anglos;


most of


time each community remained


isolated


from


the other,


preserving


their


own


traditions and cultures.


Only


among


the wealthier


In spi


classes were th

te of the early


ere occasional

hardships, th


social


e cigar


exchanges.

city


was


a success;


Cuban,


Spanish,


later


Italian


immigrants


came


years,


to Ybor


the city


City by the


faced


thousands.


the growing pain


During


first


typical


new


settlements.


A serious


problem was


that


there were no


poli


this was


one of


several


reasons


the city of Tampa


was


interested


annex


Ybor City.


A small


guard


force


was hired by Ybor and oth

to assure domestic order,


ler manufacturers and


but


they


the detachment was


tried


too small











town expanded,


Tampa Board of


Trade


urged


legislation


Ybor City.


that


Ybor


the municipal


to extend Tampa's


strongly


laws


boundaries


opposed annexation;


taxes


include


he argued


Tampa would hinder


his operations.


the Latin community


There would be very


through annexation,


few benefits


felt,


company had already


improved


streets,


provided


light-


ing,


laid


sidewalks.


In spite of his


protestations,


on June


1887,


Ybor City was


incorporated


into


the City


of Tampa,


becoming


fourth ward.


Although economic benefits of


annexation


to Tampa were obviously


an advantage,


the Tampa


Tribune


noted one of


the major


chang


was


the appearance of


Tampa


policemen which calmed down


the wild


frontier


town,


making


it a more


respectable place


Even after


annexation,


to visit on Sundays.


Ybor City retained


ethnic


identity


traditions;


it was


a city within a


city


Local


Tampans


began


to share


the wealth of


city


founded by


immigrant capital,


Ybor


and his


asso-


ciates continued


to expand


their


economic


interests.


sleepy coastal


village was


fast becoming


a major urban


community


(see Appendix






76





Notes


Grismer,


Tampa:


A History,


175.


2
Anthony Pizzo,


Tropico
America


Tampa
Ybor
manuf
bookk
for 1
a per
Libra


Federal


(Tam
City,
actur
eeper
ocal
sonal


Revi
(Ma
pa,
per
ers
for
news
col


Much


Writer


sta
rch
192
son
and
a
pap'
lec
of
s P;


Mensua
, 1955)
7). Mr
ally kn
worked
few yea
ers, to
tion of
her ma
project


"Gutier
i Ilust
, 115;
*s. Conn
Lew seven
1 in the
.rs. Sh
)bacco t
papers
trials
writers


the pseudonym of "Quien Sabe,
mean "the one who knows."


rez
rada
June


C
r


r, a
al o
Ybor
wro
ade
dona
were
Mr


Descubre a


al Service
Connor, T
n early r
f the pro


-Man
te s
jour
ted
pla
s. C


" which she


rara
ever
nals,
to th
giari
onnor


Tamoa,
.o de H
ie Stor
!sident
iinent
factory
artic
and co
Tampa
ed by
wrote


translated


ispano-
y of
of
Latin
as a
les
mpiled
Public
the
under
to


New
was
act
of
188


3Pizzo, "Gu
k Directory,
listed as a
ies for the
quor distrib
merchant at


1


tierrez D
New York
civil en
following
utorship
84 Duane


esc

gin
ye
at
St


ub
Al
ee
ar
41
re


Tampa,"
h Gavino
the dire
luded:
Avenue;


Trow's
tierrez
ry, his
5, owner
76, 1887,


City
XLV


tiont
1957)


Durward Long,
and Modern Tampa,
(July 1966), 32.


S
I,


"The Historical Beginnings of Ybor
Florida Historical Quarterly


Jesse Keene, "Gavino Cutierrez and His
to Tampa," Florida Historical Quarterly,
37.


Contribu-
XXXVI (July


Pizzo,


"Gutierrez Descubre a


Tampa,


" 13.


7I
Tampa Morn
Peru, Flor
and local
t4-nr

bid
ing
ida
sou
rr0


., 1
Tri
. I
rces
7 ;flsij


7. An
bune is
t menti
claim
ri flaYrnn


Augus
devo
ons t
this
1 +-n


;t
'te
he
wa
Pr


16, 1893 article in the
d to the attractions of
steamer, "Antique City,
s the same steamer which


r11












9Ibid.,

10Ibid.,


11New York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


July 12,


1895.


12
Minutes c
of Commerce, Tampa,


the Tampa Board of Trade,
July 15, 1885.


Tampa Chamber


Tampa


Morning Tribune,


July


1885.


14N
New


York, Tobacco Leaf,


July


1895.


5Rivero Muiiz,


"Los Cubanos


en Tampa,


" 13.


16Grismer,
Grismer,


Tampa:


A History,


180.


17
Connor,


The Story


of Tampa,


Minutes of


of Come
induceme
collect
much irr
and Comp
banquet
Guardian
months a
later, t]
special {
funds. (
By Deceml
collect;
$700 in
(Minutes


wara
Moder
paying
turer


Lon<
- n.


rce
nt
ng
ita
any
in
Su
fte


, Tampa,


wa


s promi


the m
tion
, and
honor
pplem
r the


he money
committee
Records
ber 15,
by the
cash wer
of the .
?, "The i
. -. tf


Tamupa,


the Tampa Board


October


se


oney t
for th
an ap
of He
ent, M
money
was n
e was
of the
1886,


remaining


*d
r
te
>o
*n
la

o


to Y
oom th
manu
'logy
ry B.
y 5,
was t
t yet
formed
Tampa


the
the
to
of T
ical
riva


1885
. he


of Trade,


Althou
had a di


igh a
- I --


Lri


oard of Trade, a
turer. Failure
not inviting Yb
ant were topics
6, approximately
ave been paid.
elected by the B
hasten the coll
ard of Trade. Ju


still had
,lands val
. M. Ybor
December
innings of
urces as rI


amount of money


owed


a
ued
and
15,
Ybo
esp
to


sma
at
Coi
18'
r C
ons.


Tampa


CUlt
poi
to p
or t
of t
eig
Two
board
ecti
ly 2
11 a
$3,
mpan
86.)
ity
ible


I,0
St
-nt
)ay
:o
:he
rht
mo


I


Chamber
00
ime
of
Ybor
a
Tampa


ths
nd a
of
1886.)
nt to
and


Dur-
and
for


the manufac-


"A History of Ybor City," W. P. A.
TC >- A ^ &e ... JC ni^ T- fl.** 'I/m _. 3


Federal
I ->


Writers
1T ^


i


I


.


I











21
James


West


(Norman,


Allen,


Oklahoma,


1966)


Company
, 4.


Town


the American


22
Encyclopedia


Social


Sciences,


s.v.


"Company


Towns,


" by Horace B.


Davis.


Emilio del


Rio,


Yo Fuf


uno


de los


Fundadores de


Ybor City


(Tampa,


4
Interview with Gilbert F


Florida,


City grid
blocks wit


ning


through


April


1976.


layout wa
h 50-ft.


According


based


right-of


the middle of


on 200-


-ways


lores


, Archi


tect,


to Mr. Flor


ft.-wid


10-ft.


the blocks.


Tampa,
e Ybor


350-ft.


alleys,


run-


By adding two


50-ft.


right-of-ways


200-ft.


width,


one


50-ft.


right-of-way to


350-ft.


obtained,


a basic


which


triangle commonly used


length,
h forms


a dimension of


a simple


in surveying.


3-4-5
This


triangle
informa-


tion allows


Gavino Gutierre


to know what t
z in surveying


ype of


layout


was


used by


Ybor City.


2"Map of Ybor City,"
Hillsborough County Clerk of


March,


1886


Plat Book


the Circuit Court,


Tampa,


26Pizzo,


"Gutierrez


Descubre a Tampa,


" 17.


27D.


Paul


Westmeyer,


"Tampa,


Florida,


A Geographic


Interpretation


Thesis,


Its Development.


University of Florida,


(Unpublished Master's


1953),


28Ferado
Fernando


Lemos


"Early Days of


Ybor City," W


. P.


Federal


Writers


Project


(Tampa,


29
Rivero Muniz,


"Los Cubanos


en Tampa,


" 15.


Tampa Guardian,


May


1886.


31Ibid.,


June


1885.


32
Long,
and Modern Tampa


"The


Historical


Beginnings of Ybor City


," 35.


n.d.),


n.d.),











34
Tampa Weekly


Journal,


May


1887.


35Tampa Journal,


January


1887.


3Well
Deed Book R, H


to Sanchez and


illsborough County


Haya


December


Courthou


16, 1
ampa,


886,
256.


Sanchez


Haya


purchased


an additional


acres


land,


substantially
in Ybor City.


increasing


holding


their


Land Company


Articles of


Incorporation,


Ybor City


Land and


Improvement


Con


pany,


October


1885.


38Longq,
and Modern Tampa,


The Hi


storical Beginnings of


Ybor City


" 35-36


39"Ybor City,


Project


(Tampa,


1884-1935,


" W.


Federal


Writers


n.d.),


"A History of Ybor City,


Federal


Writers


Project


(Tampa,


n.d.),


41
Ibid.,
Latin Population,
n.d.), 4.


36:
" W.


"Ybor City,


Federal


General Description,


Writers


Project


(Tampa,


Lemos,


"Early


Days
n.d.),


Ybor City,


Federal


Writers


Project t


(Tampa,


43Tampa Guardian,


June


1886.


Jose Rivero Muiiz,


Nineteenth Century,


"Tampa at


" Florida Historical


the Close
Quarter


(April


1963) ,


337.


"A History of Ybor City,


Federal


" W.


Writers


Project


(Tampa,


n.d.),


Lemos,


"Early Days of


Ybor City,


4 7ni nI r


rf. .- .3-a a- ^-. a 4%-


. ~. .2 ~


2Fernando
SFernando


" W.


" 18.


nr T-.


irl^ *












Jose Garcia,


Federal


Writers


Project


"The Hi
(Tampa


story of Ybor City,


,t W.


I


49
rNew York,


Tobacco


Leaf,


July


1895.


50rismer,
Grismer,


Tampa:


A Hi


story,


191.


51"Ybor City,


General


Description


, Latin Popul


tions,
165.


" W.


. Federal


Writers


Proj


ect


(Tampa,


n.d.)


52
Tampa


Guardian,


October


1886.


5Florida


Senate Journal


(Tallahassee,


1887) ,


273,


275.


54
Tampa Tribune,


October


1887.


n.d.),

















CHAPTER


THE ECONOMIC


IMPACT OF THE CIGAR INDUSTRY


ON TAMPA


Tampa


s transformation


from a Gulf coa


fishing


village


1885


to a


leading


southern


port by


1900


resulted


large part


from the


foresight of


Ybor


City's


Tampa's


entrepreneurs and civic


leaders.


The economic


success of


the cigar


industry


launched a


chain reaction of business


developments.


Banking


institutions


to handle


transactions


financial arrangements were vital


the needs of


early cigar manufacturers.


Even before


the arrival


tobacco


industry,


Thoma


Carson


Taliaferro had moved


to Tampa


in 1883,


as an employee of


one of Florida's


oldest banking


firms,


Ambler,


Marvin,


Stockton of


Jacksonville.


He was director of


the Bank


of Tampa,


only commercial


bank


the area at


that


time.


It was


organized after the new Plant railroad


line was


planned


Tampa,

dent of


indication


the city's


that other


future expanse


entrepreneurs were confi-

ion. The economic progress,


however,


was


slower than anticipated,


and officials


decided











with Taliaferro,


hoping


to convince him


the necessity


of maintaining the bank


sake


the cigar


industry.


the meeting,


Haya


informed


the banker


that he and Ybor


were moving


their


industries


to Tampa,


but


their


businesses


could not


succeed without an


institution


of credit


facilitate


transactions


involving purchases,


sales,


coll


ec-


tions and wages.


2
Tal ia ferro s


first reaction was


pessimism;


firm came


to Tanpa with hopes of economic


growth which


did not materialize and he did


not want


to make


same


mistake


twice.


Haya


referred


fact


that


total


workers


' salaries


from the


start would amount


to at


least


$10,000


a month;


transactions with importers,


shippers,


and business associates would be extra.


Taliaferro was


quickly convinced,


and announced


that he would


stay


became


first banker


the area


to profit


from the


cigar


indus


try.


3 On May


1886,


bank received


national


charter


and was


renamed


the First National


Bank


of Tampa.


The


Ybor City


Land and


Improvement Company,


which


had been formed by


a group of


Florida and Latin business-


men including


Ybor,


was


responsible


for most of


the early


prosperity of Ybor City


During the community's


first


three years,


Ybor


and his associates


invested over


250,000


in construction


factories


and workers'


homes and


aaa


i lavinc











Ybor City


evolved


so rapidly


that


impersonalization


soon


threatened


the worker-owner


relations,


this


situation,


Ybor


feared,


might encourage


labor unions which


the manu-


facturers opposed


so violently.


To encourage workers'


ownership of


home


, Edward Manrara and other Tampa


citizens


formed


Ybor City


Building


and Loan Association


in 1894


as an adjunct


Ybor City


Land and


Improvement Company.


It was


supposed


to help persons owning


unimproved


proper-


ties


to build new homes


to establish


businesses.


The association


provided


capital


for workers


' cottages,


larger


residence


commercial


buildings,


and halls


benevolent


societies.


It was a highly


successful


opera-


tion.


Ybor


and Haya


were


taking


a calculated ri


sk when


they moved


to Ybor City.


Without extensive capital


invest-


ment and attractions,


town could have


easily


failed.


But in


order


to attract other manufacturers,


Ybor


offered


inducements which were difficult


to ignore.


They usually


included a


free


ten-year


lease on


land


and a new


factory


building.


In exchange,


cigar production


they were guaranteed a


that a


specified number


quota on


of workers


would buy,


rent


lease


homes


from


Ybor.


Manrara


also


wanted


the City of


Tampa


to construct buildings


lease


to responsible


ciqar manufacturers:










wage output
remains for


their


from $5,000 to
the citizens of


destiny.


Will


$6,000.
Tamp a


we move


f


to
forward


or wil
inch,


we stand


we will


st


move


ill, until
backward?8


inch by


Manrara'


plan was an opportunity


to participate


the new enterpri


the Anglo community


they were quick


to respond.


Both


Board


of Trade and


private citizens


tied


their


economic


futures with


the cigar


industry.


first


to accept


Ybor 's


invitation was


Lozano,


Pendas and Company


from New York.


It planned


to make


Ybor


City


its chief manufacturing


center,


retaining business


offices


in New York.


When


firm arrived


Tampa,


they rented a building until


the new factory was constructed.


Lozano,

firm in


Pendas and Company was


Ybor City.


The newly completed


d manufacturing

factory was con-


veniently


doors of


located;


a branch of


three-story


railway


structure and


extended


it was also


acces-


sible


to the main


steam railway connecting


Ybor City


Tampa


floor


plan was well


designed and


served as


a model


other new factories


The Tampa Morning Tribune


predicted


"the


firm of Lozano,


Pendas and Company will


largely


increase


the eminent


success


they have already


attained.


Ybor City's


skyline changed


quickly


from pine


trees


to the


silhouette of buildings.


1891,


he Ybor City










Tampa Street Railway Company.


It was


located on


south-


east corner


of Ninth Avenue and Fourteenth Street.


The


older wooden office building was moved


to a new site on


the east half


of the


lot,


facing north


, where


was


placed


on a


brick


foundation.


The new building


offices


first


floor


second


floor was used as apartments


clerks.


1893,


the Chicago


firm of


Gonzalez


and Mora


accepted a


$9,000


building.


When


Ybor


and Manrara


learned


a bitter


labor


struggle between Cubans


and Spaniards


in Key West,


city's


they quickly


manufacturers


sent a


to Tampa.


delegation


firms


to lure


found


that


liberal


inducements


hard


to refuse,


they transferred


their


operations


1894.


During


that


year,


Ybor


Company made


inducements


totaling over


$100,000


to manu-


facturers.


threat of


labor unions,


Cuban-Spanish


labor conflict


and Key West


strikes made moving to


Tampa's


During


relatively


Ybor City'


strike


first


free area


years,


seem very appealing.


manufacturers moved


in from New York,


Philadelphia,


Chicago,


Key West and


Havana.


While some only


opened branch


stories


to produce


clear Havanas,

operations to


others


Florida.


transferred t

A number of


heir


full business


factors


contributed


to the economic


orosoeritv of


the community.


but easy


access










The


Plant


railway


and water transportation


systems


appealed


to manufacturers


in Key West who


found


infrequent


water transportation


a continual


problem in shipping


fin-


ished


products


to northern


foreign markets.


1900,


more


than


half


the cigar


output


Tampa was being handled


by rail


express.


Cigars


from Tampa became


famous


through-


out


the world.


They were prepared


from Vuelta Abajo


tobacco,


grown


the provinces of


Havana and


Pinar del


Rio and made


into cigars


by highly


individualized arti-


sans.


Technology was not


facturing;


cigar


success


connoisseurs


sful


felt


in early cigar manu-


that machine-made cigars


lacked


the care which only the human


touch could


give


finished


product.


One early Tampa


firm,


the Monne Company,


opened


a mechanized

ducement fro


Ybor City


factory


m the Tampa


Land and


1889.


It had received a cash in-


Board of Trade and a building


Improvement Company.


from


It possessed


the advantages of


the other manufacturers except


cigars were machine-made.


The Monne cigars were


so little


in demand


that


factory


to change


to manual


laborers


in order


to survive.


When machines were replaced with humans,


customers


believed


that


the quality of cigars was


improved,


the company


became


a successful manufacturer.


Mechanization,


the key


-


economic


success


in most American


a











Tampa cigars came


thirty-six


sizes


shapes,


ranging


price


from


those


made with scrap


tobacco at


thousand


$1,000


finest


thousand.


quality cigars


This wide range


selling


in quality


price of


hand-made cigars was a major reason


a success-


ful business.


A few cigars were


being produced


in Tampa


as early


1869 when a


Cuban


family


began


producing


them for


local


consumption.


Small


shop


production


continued


in opera-


tion,


fact expanded


after


1885.


These


operations,


many of


them inside or


adjacent


to workers'


home


numbered


some


1894


They were


producing cigars of


a lower


quality,


using domestic


tobacco,


but capitalizing on


world-wide reputation of


Tampa cigars.


These


shops,


called Chinchales,


were also known


in Tampa as Buckeyes,


since


they used a


large amount of


tobacco


produced


southern Ohio,


the Buckeye State.


tobacco was


known


as Spanish


Zimmer,


and


it was


both


lower


in quality and


price.


The phenomenal


success


the cigar


industry con-


tinued


to benefit


the entire Tampa Bay


area.


Many new


Latins were associated


with


land


improvement,


real


estate,


public works


Tampa.


Hugh Macfarlane,


a native of


Scotland,


had arrived to Tampa


1883


to practice 1


aw.










businessman himself,


Macfarlane


formulated a plan


to dupli-


cate Ybor

secured 2


industrial


acres


community.


of palmetto and pine


late 1880 '


covered


scrubland


northwest of Tampa.


, he formed an


investment


company which


West Tampa,


plotted


second


the area into


industrial


a realty subdivision,


community to form outside


the city


limits.


Like


Ybor,


Macfarlane


invested consider-


able personal


wealth


to make


the property


attractive


manufacturers.

crossing the H


In 1892,


he erected an


tillsborough River,


iron drawbridge


at a cost of


30,000,


connecting West


Tampa


to Fortune


Street.


A few months


later


he helped


subsidize


the development of


a streetcar


line


to West


Tampa


which was


built by


the Consumers


Electric and Power Company.


Macfarlane duplicated


Ybor's plan of


but he realized


offering cigar


factories to manufacturers,


inducements had


to be very attractive


if he was


to compete


success


fully.


Therefore,


ten-year


lease was


replaced with both a


factory to prospective


free gift of


industrial


land and a


In 1893,


Macfarlane


also tried


to capitalize on labor unrest


in Key West by


sending


representatives


to offer


factories


to discontented


manufacturers.


followed


a few month


first

s late


to accept was O'Hara and Company,

r by Julius Ellinger and Company


and C.


. Arnsworth and


Company.


West Tampa


soon became




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