Structure and use of Altiplano Spanish

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Structure and use of Altiplano Spanish
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Stratford, Billie Dale, 1946-
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Subjects / Keywords:
Spanish language -- Altiplano   ( lcsh )
Spanish language -- Dialects -- Altiplano   ( lcsh )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dialecten   ( gtt )
Spaans   ( gtt )
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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1989.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 272-286).
Statement of Responsibility:
by Billie Dale Stratford.
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Typescript.
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Vita.

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STRUCTURE AND USE OF ALTIPLANO SPANISH









By

BILLIE DALE STRATFORD
y^/w ..; .. *^* *".s -c *k- -&.


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1989



















Copyright 1989


Billie Dale Stratford
















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


This dissertation is nothing if not a cooperative venture:


There were


many people who made the work both possible and gratifying for me at each


stage, from whom I learned.


I extend my sincere appreciation and thanks to


the people of Bolivia and Peru


who


have so generously


shared


their time,


knowledge,

complexity,


trust.


They


ingenuity


have


helped


integrity


me to begin


altiplano


to understand


culture-for


especially and deeply indebted.


In particular I wish to remember the people of


community


of Kusijata,


Bolivia


, especially


Adrian


Wara-Wara


Quispe,


Adela P6rez de Suxo and


Ediberto Suxo, for their generosity


and support.


Special


thanks


also


Bonifacio


Aramayo,


Andrea


Fl6res


Marina


Fernandez,


Paulino


Huafiapaku,


Ascencio Cafiari


Ayaviri,


Rolando


L6pez,


Daniel Cala


and the friends of Calle


garnaga, for the unending patience,


resourcefulness, and friendship they offered as we worked together.


Others


who have been very open, skillful, and


Dios


understanding teachers are


Yapita Moya of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara,


Juan de


La Paz; Jose


Mendoza


Department


Linguistics


Native


Languages


at the


Universidad Mayor de San Andres, La Paz;


Tom


Huanca Laura of the


Taller


de Historia Oral Andina and Comunidad Pacha, La Paz; Juana


Vasquez of the


Museo de Etnografia


Folklore


La P


az; Diane Bellamy of Artesania Sorata,









Lawrence Carpenter, Paul Doughty


and Michael Moseley


. Anthony Oliver-


Smith in particular offered guidance on a range of issues and questions.


expertise which Lucy


Briggs applied to this project is largely responsible for


any of its successes; she surely went the extra mile,


completion.


thanks


also


to Lawrence


step by step,

Carpenter ft


in order to


lending


considerable knowledge of


Andean Spanish and indigenous influences.


consistent encouragement of my committee was akin to water in the desert.


My thanks go to Ronald Kephart,


Andre Moskowitz, and especially to


John Lipski for reading and commenting on the manuscript, and


to Manuel


Mamani M.


and Francisco Mamani C.


for their kind assistance in translation


analysis of the


data.


always


grateful


to M.


Hardman-de-


Bautista


training


genera


orientation


provided


dissertation.

I am also grateful to the Fulbright-Hays Foundation, which sponsored a

year-and-a-half of field work for this dissertation in Bolivia and Peru, to the


Tinker


Foundation,


which


sponsored


preliminary


visits


research, and


to the Center for


Latin American


Studies


at the University of


Florida for their support.


family--especially


to Norman--who


have


been


an unfailing


source of inspiration and support, go my love and my warmest appreciation.


these


have


contributed


mightily


to this


work,


except


shortcomings, which are my responsibility



















TABLE OF CONTENTS


CHAPTERS


Review of the Literature ...


Explanatory


Trends in Dialectology


Spanish Dialectology ........
Organization of the Dissertation


............................. 1


ETHNOLINGUISTIC HISTORY ............ ............................

Preconquest................................. .................................
Conquest and Colonial and Republican Periods..
Modern Context .................. ................ .........................
Attitudes about Language and Ethnic Group
Identity ..................................................
Cultural Similarity ....... ... ................. ........... ....
Direction of Influence ........................ ............. .
Geographic Divisions .. .. .. ............................


Urbanization and Population


Trends:


Literacy and National Perspectives


Summary


METHODS....................................................................................

Definition of Terms ...............................................


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .............................................................................


ABSTRACT .............................................................. ....... .............................


IN TRODU CTION ................ ................................ ....................


.. .. r........ 0... .. .. ... ..... ..o .. .. .... .*. 37











Informal.


Analysis of Data


Phonemes and Allophonic Variation
Vow el System ....................................
Consonant System .................................


MORPHOLOGY


AND SYNTAX:


VERB PHRASE


CONSTITUENTS ................


Inflected Verbs:


Data Source, Tense and Mood


Non-Personal Knowledge ...............................
Personal Knowledge ............................ .............

Structure of Time in Altiplano Spanish
Verbs ............ ...................................


Indicative


Versus Subjunctive ......................


Person and Number Options .........................
A auxiliaries ............................................................


Verb Classes ...........


Reflexive ......
Participative
Clitic Pronouns ......
Adverbial .................


MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX:


*e .... o*( *ifi* cec.. t C *9**to e C w*eW*e*e .* ***I c t..
*. *5 SS c*W S 9* SW S C@ e*W ec cc *eSo ~ *e eeIte* C C


NOUN PHRASE


CONSTITUENTS ......


Gender and Number .............................
N ou n ............................................
Noun + Modifiers .....................
Mass Nouns ...............................
Pronominal Referent ..................
Noun and Modifiers .............................
Presence or Absence of Article


Word Order .....................
bien + Adjective ..... ........
Noun Combinations .............


..****.****.............


eec...S.....ce.. ......
....C......* c..... ..c.
........C* .e ...t.....e ..


..................... ....ecc.***...
SCC S....esect..e..... C..C. C.. .C


Data Gathering Processes ............................................
Formal ........................... ..............................


PH O N O LO G Y ............................................... .............................


Transitive--Intransitive .................................









Prepositional Object Pronouns


SYNTAX:


DISCOURSE PROCESSES


Data Source Marking .....
Verb Tense ...........
Forms of decir .....
Quoting ...................
Combined Forms


Particles


Subordination.


Relativization ...............................................
G erund .............................................................
Adverbial Subordinator and Fronting


of Subordinate Clause
Conjunction .........................................
C ausation .................... ...... ................


Marking Customary


.. ......... ...... .*...
si be. Seg ce0sec 9*W. c 6.cccc.


Action


Suffixation ......... ..... ..... ..........
Word/Phrase Level.


....... ...... .....c............. ....
........... ... s .. .. i .9. .9 ... c..


Phrase/Clause Level


Topicalization .......................


Fronting
Articles.
Commas


*. ec... ... cecec .cc.. e.*.. ... c.. .....b.... c ....cs...t.s
* b.bc*.b cc.eci* tee.i.b*.eb...... cc... seeS..., b....... bcc.a...


Repetition ...... .


VIII


AYMARA SUBSTRATE INFLUENCE ...............................


Phonological System
Vowels ............
Consonants ....


* c S.c e. ..t c ......................eetc. 9.......c.........
........ ..W...I...I............ ........................


Grammatical Structure .... ..... ................................
Gender and Number .......................................
Possessive and Locative Marking .................
Transitivity and Object Marking ...................


Verb Constructions:


saber


+ Infinitive and


hacer


+ Infinitive ... .......... ..................


Discourse Structure ....... .......... ......... .............. ........... ....
Su ffixation .................... ........... ............ ........
Topicalization .. ........... ................. .... ..................
lOui i rainn .---........------.....-....-.-.-----








IX DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS .................................

APPENDICES ...................................................................................................

I SAMPLE DATA FROM WRITTEN MATERIALS ..........

II N A RRA TIV E ......................................................................

IlE NARRATIVE III .....................................................................

IV NARRATIVE IV .................... ..............................................

V NARRATIVE V .................................................................


NARRATIVE


VIII


N A RRA TIV E VIII ..................................................................


NARRATIVE


NARRATIVE


NARRATIVE


IX ..................................... ........................m........


X ................ .................. .................................


X I ................... ... .................. ..... ....... ........... ......


REFEREN CES ..................................................................................................

BIO G RA PH ICA L SKI ETCH ................................... ..................a..... .. .. ..........


VI ....................................................................


N ARRA TIVE VII ..................................................................



















Abstract of


Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School


of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


STRUCTURE AND USE OF

By

Billie Dale S


August,


Chairman:


ALTIPLANO SPANISH


;tratford


1989


Anthony Oliver-Smith


Major Department:


Anthropology


This dissertation provides a basic


struck


tural description of a variety of


Spanish


poken


altiplano


Bolivia


and


Peru,


which


reflects


influences from the indigenous langua


after nearly 500 years of language


and


culture


contact


and


extensive


bilingual


region.


Anthropological


field


techniques


data


collection


analy


were


employed in the study to determine characteristic aspects of the grammar and


usage patterns of the dialect.


A knowledge of the language and culture of the


Aymara

millenia,


people,


was


who


have


necessary


occupied


target


understanding


area


contexts


research


lingui


patterns of this dialect.


Previous research on the phonology and grammar of


S* 4


1


* -


LL~ I-- L--Y IY--,,,,,, I ,1 L~-. LL









This


study


demonstrated


that


there is substrate influence in


syntax of the dialect, and that it is particularly manifested in the verb system,

in which selected verb tenses are used to express a category of evidentials that


has come into the language from the substrate.


Aymara cultural postulates,


such


as politeness


and respect for


one's interlocutor,


have


also influenced


language patterns in several areas of Altiplano Spanish syntax.


The research


has also shown that the direction of influence in the context of language and


culture contact may flow from


the oppressed


language and


culture


to the


socially


and


politically


dominant


language


and


culture,


and


that


influence may be profound indeed.


The results of this research contribute to


Spanish


dialectology


to language


culture


contact


studies


Andean region.
















CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION


The Aymara


people,


who number about three million, live primarily


on the high plains and mountains of the central Andes in Bolivia,


southern


Peru and northern Chile.


The Lake


Titicaca Basin is the historic and current


center of their culture,


which from


there radiates south and eastward


to La


and


mountains


surrounding


northern


communities


Chile


, south


southwest


southern


to Moquegua


Bolivia


Tacna


coastal Peru.


Migration, primarily for economic reasons, to urban centers in


the last forty years and especially in the last five years has resulted in large


concentrations of Aymara also in Lima, Peru,


Buenos Aires


, Argentina,


Arica


, Chile (Bourque 1984, Alb6 1981).


This dissertation is concerned


with a case of language contact which


existed


a region


Aymara


concentration


since


Conquest.


Specifically, the object of the research reported here is a structural description


variety


of Spanish


which


spoken


on the


altiplano of Bolivia and


Peru.


The linguistic


situation in


region is


somewhat unique


Latin


America, in that the typical post-Conquest language use pattern has resulted

in the elimination of most of the indigenous languages in favor of the status


language, Spanish.


The Aymara people, on the other hand, have persisted in





2


of the region may be seen in part as a concomitant of the vitality of Aymara


persistence


use


their


native


language.


During


nearly


five


centuries of contact between Spanish and Aymara, elements of each language


have


been


introduced


into


other.


Laprade


(1981)


notes


, the


interinfluence


these


languages


was


a process


pidginization


subsequent creolization in any


direction.


Neither language has undergone


any degree of morphological simplification.

A primary source of interlingual influence is the multilingualism that


characterizes


Andean


region.


Census


reports


indicate


that


Spanish-


indigenous language bilingualism or multilingualism is the norm for nearly


all of the Andean region in


both


Bolivia and Peru, excluding


coastal Peru,


where


Spanish


monolingualism


is reported


higher


(Instituto


Nacional


Estadistica de Bolivia 1980;


Institute Nacional de Estadistica del Peru


1981),


historical


data indicate


that Spanish-indigenous


bilingualism


been


the norm throughout the Andes since the conquest (Laprade 1981).


Although Aymara (as well as Quechua in Ecuador,


Bolivia and Peru)


intragroup


language


maintenance


is strong,


frequency


Spanish


use


between Andean ethnic groups, social


classes and


urban-rural associations


also appears to be quite high and is probably both cause and consequence of


high


degree of bilingualism in


the region.


Yet a systematic structural


description of Andean Spanish remains to be done.


The purpose of this study


is to provide


a structural


description


the Spanish


Andes


immediate zone of Lake


Titicaca in Peru and Bolivia (hereafter referred to as


'Altiplano


Spanish'),


an analysis


usage


patterns


Altiplano









There is a further,


very practical need for such a study.


Particularly in


Peru,


where it carries the low socio-economic and political status association


with


erranos.


highlanderss'


(Wdlck 1972,


L6pez et al.


1984) and to a lesser


extent in Bolivia, Andean Spanish is regarded by speakers of other dialects of


Spanish as a form of incorrect or substandard speech.


The denigration of the


dialect, along with other manifestations of social and political oppression of

indigenous language and culture, has subsequent negative consequences for


speakers of it in, for example, educational settings.


Further


, such negative


attitudes toward this dialect have been internalized by some of its speakers.


linguistic


analysis


Andean


Spanish,


entailing


explication


relationship


to the


substrate1


languages


systematic


contrasts


with


other dialects of Spanish,


may


contribute to its recognition as a legitimate


language form, by speakers of the dialect and speakers of other dialects of

Spanish, as well.


During a


preliminary field


trip to Peru,


Bolivia and Chile in


1984


was assured that the study of the Spanish spoken in the highlands of Bolivia

and Peru would be received as an integral part of the developing indigenous


studies of

Aymara r


>eopl


area-which are b<

e themselves-and


ning undertaken in

as a welcome co


large measure


ntribution


to national


social science research efforts in both Peru and Bolivia.

The following provides a summary of the areas of theory and research

which have guided this study.

Review of the Literature


Explanatory


Trends in Dialectoloev





4


All spoken languages change constantly, and a result of that change


may involve


dialectal


variation


within


a language.


Dialects


compel great


interest, in the fact of their "different sameness" for the layperson; and for the


linguist, in


the realization


that present variation may prefigure significant


diversity in a long historical process of language differentiation


(Garcia and


Otheguy


1983:


103).


The


questions


raised


dialectology


deal


with


products of linguistic change, their spatial and temporal distributions, and the

causes and conditions for this change.


Linguists


distinguish


two


fundamental


sources


language


variation, which may be characterized as systemic (implicit tendencies within

a given linguistic system) and non- or extra-systemic factors (language contact,


social


and


psychological


pressures).


other


words,


there


may


both


linguistically


culturally


motivated


innovations


language.


Sapir'


poetic characterization of the former is well known:


"Language moves down


time in a current of its own making.


It has a drift. .


." (1921:


165)


. Language


drift, in Sapir's

of cumulative


terms,


worked through the unconscious selection by speakers


individual


variations.


Sapir


had


mind


changes


phonology


or grammar


which


can


accounted


on the


basis


linguistic environment, such as the dental articulation of /


/ in many dialects


of American Spanish (Garcia 1968: 76).

A consideration of systemic factors often includes historical dialect


studies.


Such is the case for


American Spanish, in


which


variation may at


times


traced


to original


peninsular


dialects.


example,


although


thorough surveys of


the historical antecedents


for any region of


American





5


"it would be more proper to refer to Castilian and Atlantic Spanish" (Lapesa


1964:


182) rather than


peninsular


and American Spanish, so many features


are shared


latter


Andalucian


language


history.


Canfield


particular has amply demonstrated the importance of the diachronic factor in

American Spanish pronunciation (cf. Canfield 1964 and 1982).


Most


linguists


link


language


change


to extra-systemic


social


change3 (cf., for example Weinreich 1979 [1953]; McDavid 1964; Swadesh 1964;


Bright 1964; Ferguson 1972 [1959]


Labov 1972a [1969]; Carpenter 1983).


Early in


American


linguistics,


Kroeber


(1906,


cited


Hymes


1983)


asses


relation between dialect and political, social and cultural units, showing how


the relation differed between cultural groups.


Sociolinguistic research often


involves the correlation of particular dialect variants with social factors (age,


ethnicity,


gender,


class


s, etc.)


and/or


with


different


functional


values


("diglossia" [Ferguson


19721).


And finally


some linguists have argued that


the stimulus for any systemic change in language may be found in the social


environment (Bright 1964;


Capell 1966


Day 1985).


The


tudy


of language contact in


particular has


long been fruitful in


establishing the sources of particular


dialect variation.


Weinreich laid


groundwork for


Languages


a contemporary understanding of language contact in his


In Contact (1979 [1953]), in which the sociolinguistic character of


intimate


contact


diffusion


among


languages


is given


fundamental


treatment.


Weinreich


(1968)


refers


to the


study


a language


variety


(referring to the linguistic system as such) and the study of a dialect


(a variety


combined with its spatial and temporal attributes) as two essentially different





6


Haugen (1956) stress the necessity for research in language contact situations

to provide (1) a good description of the results of language contact (i. e., the

linguistic analysis) and (2) attention to the social factors in current patterns of

usage which may account for linguistic change and which may point to on-


going processes leading to further change or maintenance.


Labov (1972b) and


Hardman


Hamano


(1981)


somewhat


further


than


Weinreich


Haugen in stressing the necessity


incorporating


non-linguistic


(cultural


contextual)


data


the course of linguistic data


collection


analysis


order to achieve accuracy in both.


The


dialect


literature


in general


often


concerned


with


contact


influence in the areas of phonology and lexicon, and usually does not prepare


us to consider


more


fundamental


linguistic


changes.


However,


it is


grammar of a language as it serves a particular cultural context, more than its


phonology or lexicon,


which radiates information about a culture.


Therefore


interference at this level (although not necessarily its content or shape) might


also be anticipated in certain contact situations.


There are broad hints that


such changes are widespread in areas of extensive contact and lingua franca


use.


Mazrui (1975),


for example, examines the problem of whether to utilize


English


or indigenous


languages


in African


schools.


He concludes


that


despite the historical reasons for the spread of English,


it is quite capable, in


the hands of Africans


, of doing justice to the African experience.


He speaks of


an English that is like no other in the world,


that has been accommodated at


the syntactic level


through


contact with African languages and


cultures


express African reality.









people,


often


as a result


of language


contact.


second


goal


involves


placing the linguistic data in the contexts of language use and of the identities


of the speakers.


In the U.


S. this tradition of dialect study is identified with


William Labov


, whose studies of the diverse dialects in New York City (1966,


1972a


1972b


Labov


et al.


1968)


directed


linguistic


attention


from


singular


focus on


results of language contact


to include


study


contexts of language use.


Studies of


'Black English'


have demonstrated that


the structural


functional


patterns in


speech


African


Americans


reflect African linguistic and cultural heritage (Turner


1949 is the classic work


on the subject).


And the work of Labov et al.


(1968) shows that the African


American dialect of New York has distinct rules of its own and is not


as has


been


common misconception,


a mass


random


errors


committed


African Americans trying to speak 'English.


This orientation


to dialect study


also follows


the earlier tradition


American


structural


linguistic


analysis


developed


Franz


Boas


Edward


Sapir, and


their students, in


which


the collection


and analysis of language


data in its cultural context are an integral and primary feature of achieving


cross-cultural understanding (Boas 1966 [1911],


Sapir


1929


, Whorf [see Carroll


1956], and Lee


1944).


Reference is made to the perspective of Boas and his


students in early


American structuralist tradition that, simply put, languages


reflect the world views of their speakers.


It is therefore assumed in this study


that


Spanish


which


been


influenced


indigenous


Aymara


language of the Bolivian and Peruvian altiplano may well exhibit linguistic


expression


Aymara


world


view.4


orientation


linguistic









relativity theory, initiated in


the U


Boas, Sapir,


Lee and Whorf


thus


provides further basis for the contextual approach to dialect description.

Spanish Dialectolovg


In the literature on Spanish dialectology, there are,


broadly speaking,


two


approaches


to dialect


variation.


The


first


approach


prescriptivists (sometimes referred to as normativists),


who generally aim to


combat


deviations


from


some


standard


(primarily)


pedagogical


tradition.


The prescriptivist approach has been a serious trend and actually


represents a third


view regarding the source of language variation.


That is,


rather than focusing on the question of systemic


or nonsystemic sources of


language variation, prescriptivists maintain that languages do not vary-they


remain the same or they decay.


Therefore a dialect, in this view, is merely an


imperfect attempt to speak


a real


language.


The structural


(descriptivist)


approach,


in contrast,


language patterns of


daily


attempted


and is


to provide

located in


adequate


the tradition


analyses of


of linguistic


inquiry described above.


The best of these


studies have combined research in


systemic and


extra-linguistic sources of


dialect variation


example,


Martin 1978 and 1985).


Studies


Spanish


dialects


have


been


most


commonly


carried


(until


very recently) within


the framework of the debate over the future of


the Spanish


language.


Major


Spanish scholars-Rufino


Jos6 Cuervo,


Max


Leopold Wagner, R. M. Pidal,


a few (cf.


Lope Blanch


1968:


Damaso Alonso and Angel Rosenblat, to name

106-108)-have struggled to determine whether


Spanish would remain a


'unified'


language (the optimistic view),


or whether









On the pessimists'


side, the targets are the corrupting influences from other


(primarily indigenous) languages, and habits of speech which are due to lack


of schooling


or to the generally profligate


behavior


some of


the native


speakers.


The optimists, however, cite a variety of internal (to the language)


and


external


forces


which


constitute


unifying


elements,


such


urbanization of rural speech,


or, theoretically,


the predominance of langue


over parole.


Whether optimist or pessimist on


this question,


the primary


motivation for concern of such studies has of course been the recognition that

American Spanish (and the language in general) is hardly characterized by the

monolithic uniformity which many believed it to have.

Much of this debate was carried during in the late nineteenth century


through the first half of the twentieth.


According to


Lope


Blanch


optimists


tended


to hold sway


during the latter part of


this period.


More


recently, the general thrust of concern has been not quite the defense of the


language


from


'contamination


decay


assurance of


a general


unification


and


elimination


significant


differences-thi


creation of academies and through education (Craddock 1973).


It is not clear,


however,


just how in


practice the more moderate position


differs from


older


'pessimist' view.


The


discussions


outlined


above


are the concern


primarily


prescriptivists'


approach


to language variation.


the process of evaluating


dialect research it is clear that much of their debate misses the vitality and


flexibility that is the very nature of language behavior everywhere. Also, the

questions raised by prescriptivists, regarding what is essentially described as









social


context.


Spanish


dialectology


therefore


suffers


from


prescriptivist heritage in the lack of availability of reliable and extensive data.


Escobar (1978),


Lope Blanch (1968) and Martin (1978) provide detailed analyses


problems


confronting


American


Spanish


dialectology


, and


three


conclude that


"a general


work of synthesis is almost impossible for lack of


reliable


national


monographs"


(Lope


Blanch


1968:


109).


There


are a few


methodological studies which would help provide the basis for establishing


dialect zones (Lope Blanch 1968; Rona 1963),


such as the proposal by Urefia in


1921


delimiting


five


dialect


zones


in the


Americas,


based


primarily


potential

Zamora


influence


1980).


Since


various


that


time


indigenous


there


have


languages


been


(Lope


a number


Blanch


1968;


additional


proposals (e.g. Zamora


1980),


but, as previously indicated,


there exists very


little of the work necessary to establish dialect geographies for any region in


Americas.


Martin


(1978)


describes


the situation


American


Spanish


dialectology


as suffering


from


vastness


geographic


region,


diversity of original peninsular Spanish dialects, the lack of information on

the many indigenous languages of Latin America, and "notorious examples


faulty


scholarship


regarding


substratum


influence"


(Martin


1978:


Further, as Lope Blanch notes, generalizations, such as Urefia'


notion of the


homogeneity


American


Spanish


dialect


regions,


should


avoided


dialectology because they distort the reality of a language (1968: 156).


Fortunately


there


recent


upsurge


interest


Spanish


dialectologists in variation and in the social factors of language change and


language


contact,


there


are signs


a "turnaround"


(Martin


1985)









of Latin American Spanish.

the Spanish of Peru, Bolivia


Both linguistic and sociolinguistic variation in

i and Ecuador have been subjects of interest and


research


as a


corollary


general social science research


concern


with


social


structure


cultural


life of


Andean


region.


Several


these


studies are concerned


with influence


by indigenous


languages.


Works


Escobar 1972, 1978, and 1984, Anna Maria Escobar 1986,


Hundley 1983,


L6pez et


1984


Guti rrez


1984, Justiniano de la Rocha


1976


Alb6


1977


1980,


Garcia and Otheguy


1983, Muysken 1984 and


1985


, Minaya and Lujdn 1982,


and


Hosokawa


1980


part


major


trend


Latin


American


dialectology research.


Additionally


some of the work examining linguistic


variation in the Spanish of the Andes has been conducted under the auspices


Aymara


Language


Materials


Program


at the


University


Florida


(Hardman 1981 includes several preliminary studies).


Though


very recent studies


tend


to focus on


phonological or


lexical


variants, there are a number of attempts to describe the grammatical aspects


of language as it is used in Spanish America.


Again, it seems that the best of


these studies consciously rely on anal


yses


of the contexts of language use,


including knowledge of


the grammatical


patterns of


indigenous


languages


where they have come into contact with Spanish.


Berk-Seligson,


for example,


noted


that


criteriara


an ethnolinguistic sort are equally


as necessary in


making grammatical analyses


as are criteria


the strictly


linguistic


type"


(1983:


151) for her work in discovering the explanation for the use of active


and non-active constructions in Costa Rican Spanish.

It is primarily in the Mayan contact regions of Mexico and Guatemala,









work


remains


uneven


in the


care


taken


to understand


both


contact


languages and


the historical (peninsular) roots of the Spanish of the region,


there are some exemplary studies.


Some recent research on language contact


Andes has contributed


to dialect theory in specific areas.


Based on


Jakobson (as cited in Cassano


1982),


and Weinreich (1979 [1953]),


it has been


often assumed that a language accepts foreign structural elements only when


they correspond to its tendencies of development.


However


, as phonological


research by Cassano on Spanish-Mayan contact in the


Yucatan indicates


only


discernible interference restrictions


for that


language contact area are


those which are limited to the structure of the interfering


system.


The work


by Laprade (1981), Martin (1977


1981) and Hardman-de-Bautista (1982),


which


Spanish,


indicates


supports


an evidentials


Cassano'


category

revision


from


Aymara


having


notion


gone


into


structural


limitations


interference


phenomena.


linguistic


legerdemain


will


produce a grammatical category of evidentials in


'standard' Spanish,


though


it is present in the Spanish of the Andes.

The linguistic situation in the Andes is both complicated and enriched

by the continuous contact with very vital indigenous languages, so that one

may speak, in many instances, of both substratum and adstratum5 influence


of the same language family


if not of the same language.


The findings of


preliminary

indigenous


research


are intriguing


language influence in


their


area.


implications

For example,


extent


Muysken


(1985)


reports that,


while Spanish has influenced Quechua only superficially (at the


lexical


level


with


virtually


no phonological


impact),


Quechua









noted


above,


research


Laprade


(1976),


Martin


(1981a,


Hardman-de-Bautista


(1982)


indicate


functional


use


patterns


in Bolivian


Andean Spanish in the direction of the Aymara evidentials category of data


source obligatorilyy marked in the Aymara language),


orientations


and


visible-not


visible


distinctions.


as well as Aymara time

Hardman-de-Bautista


suggests that the grammatical influences, which are more difficult to access in


borrowing than either the lexicon or the phonology, reflect the


"much more


intense and intimate linguistic association than that implied by the relatively


simple


borrowing of words"


(1982:


149).


It is


possible


that future dialect


research based on a sound knowledge of indigenous languages in contact with

Spanish will produce similar findings regarding indigenous influence beyond

lexical and phonological features in other areas of the Americas.


Cerr6n-Palomino


(1972)


regards


general


tendency


language


change in the Spanish of the Central Andean region, under conditions of 400


years of intimate contact,


as a


process


creolization


rather than


dialectal


variation.


However,


as Muysken


(1985)


Laprade


(1981)


point


out,


genuine


creole


would


show


greatly


reduced


or absent


morphology


complete syntactic restructuring,


whereas the morphology,


and most of the


syntax, of Spanish in the area is largely intact.


This appears to be the case


throughout Hispanic America; Spanish creoles are rare (Holm 1988 and 1989).


In a broad survey of the available information


on American Spanish


dialects, certain general dialectal features stand out as being fairly common:


tremendous


flexibility


clitic


pronoun


system


and


gender / number


agreement


systems


(adjective/article-noun,


noun-verb);









studies, it usually is not possible to establish systematic trends.


Of the general


features


indicated


above,


there is


considerable


variety


their


occurrence


throughout Hispanic America.


For example, leismo and loismo both occur in


Ecuador, as characteristic styles in different regions of the country (Garcia and


Otheguy


1983;


Muysken


1984).


The Spanish


of the


Jaqi-Aru and


Quechua


areas reflects some of the general


tendencies indicated above for


American


Spanish.


Laprade suggests that Andean dialects in general appear to share


many common features in pronunciation and syntax,


and that the (central-


southern)


Quechua-Jaqi-Aru


contact


areas


may


represent


a single


dialect


region for certain features within American Spanish (1981).

The Spanish of the altiplano area appears to be particularly distinctive

in the incorporation of data-source marking as a function of standard Spanish

verb forms (Hardman-de-Bautista 1982; Laprade 1981-a feature which led to


the current research.


Muysken (1984) also notes the widespread use of dizque


and its variants


/ 'it is said',


'X says/said


to indicate non-personal knowledge


of information in the Spanish of Quechua areas.


phenomenon


may reflect


the pre-conquest


Laprade (1981) suggests that

influence of Jaqi linguistic


categories on Quechua.


The grammatical process of suffixation,


which carries


a heavy


functional


load


Aymara,


appears


also


to have


penetrated


Spanish of the La Paz area in terms of frequency


distribution and function of


certain standard Spanish forms (Laprade


1981).6


But it is the creative use of


standard Spanish forms to adapt the language to the demands of data-source

marking which are obligatory for Jaqi speakers that appears to be the most

distinctive feature of Altiplano Spanish.









Organization of the Dissertation


The


following


chapter


focuses


on the


historical


social


contexts


which have given rise to the language patterns discussed in this dissertation.


The chapter also serves to describe the setting for the research,


precedes the description of the methodology used in the study


in Chapter III.


therefore it


which is given


Descriptions of the linguistic consultants who participated in


the research


are included in


Chapter


their narratives,


from


which


much


data


used


study


are drawn,


are contained


appendices.

Chapter IV begins the report of this research on the Altiplano Spanish

dialect with a description of the phonological systems of both monolingual


bilingual


morphology


speakers.


and syntax,


Although

the decision


research


was


concerned


with


was made to incorporate information


from earlier research in


area


of phonology in


order


to provide


a more


complete description of the dialect.


Likewise, Chapters V


through


which


outline


grammatical


system


Altiplano


Spanish,


also


contain


information from previous, related research,


for purposes of gathering in one


document the available information on the subject.


Chapter


describes the


morphology


and


yntax


of verb


phrase constituents


in Altiplano


Spanish.


Particular attention is directed to the selection of certain verb tenses to express

the category of evidentials which has come into the dialect from the substrate


Aymara language.


This


feature is pervasive throughout the


target area, is


common to all speakers, and is so unique to this variety of Spanish that alone


it would set apart the altiplano as a distinct dialect area.


The morphology and





16


The question of substrate influence on Altiplano Spanish is considered


in Chapter VIII.


This chapter may be more controversial than the others, for


substrate influence is rarely subject to confirmation.


The chapter sets forth


the contention


that it is primarily in


the area


the use of


an evidentials


system that there is direct influence from the Aymara substrate.


Other areas


of influence are probably less direct, involving reinforcement by the substrate


of existing patterns in the language.


These areas of influence are determined


examining


parallel


structures


and/or


functions


which


exist


both


Aymara and Altiplano Spanish.


The


final


chapter


summarizes


results


and


contributions of


research, and poses additional research questions.


Most of the speech data


obtained in the study were recorded and transcribed, and are reproduced in


Appendices II-XI.


Appendix I contains samples of written data which were


used in the research as information relating to speech data.
















CHAPTER II

ETHNOLINGUISTIC HISTORY


This


chapter


provides


an examination


social


historical


contexts surrounding the use of indigenous


and imperial languages in


south-central


Andean


highland


of Peru


Bolivia.


analysis


historical


contexts


of linguistic patterns


is necessary


a thorough-going


treatment of virtually any language question in the Andes given the social,


cultural,


and


linguistic


complexity


that


exists


there.


Information


from


variety of disciplines-including anthropology


sociology, archeology, history,


as well as


linguistics-has proven


useful in abstracting


the probable,


basic


outlines of language use patterns from early, pre-Incaic periods to the present.

The basic patterns reveal a remarkable persistence of indigenous linguistic


cultural


identities


face of


attempts


at social


destructuration


Hispanic forces since in the Conquest.


The


historical


epochs


utilized


below


purposes


framing


linguistic history are identified as pre-Conquest, Conquest and colonial, and


modern.


These characterizations are roughly based


upon


the nature of the


historical influences and the type of information available for the period.

Pre-Conauest


Investigation of the existence and collapse of pre-horizon and horizon





18


their probable movements and of the dynamics of the relationship between


Andean


cultures


and


their


habitats.


The


earliest


archeological


records


indicate that relationship was a complex one.


Nearly 3500 years ago there was


large-scale


irrigation


desert


lands


agricultural


purposes,


settled


populations depended upon the sea for stable protein sources, and highland

crops, such as tubers and grains, and animals were well on their way to being


domesticated


(Moseley


1983; Orlove


1985).


Some ten


to fourteen


centuries


ago, Andean coastal and highland societies were large, stable polities which


utilized


massive


irrigation


projects


agriculture,


maintained


centralized


political


administrations,


and


aggressively


expanded


political


and/or


economic


influence


along


valleys


coast,


and


throughout


highlands (Moseley


1983 and


Orlove


1985).


Their


architecture and spatial


orientation suggest class- and kinship-based social systems, patterns of land


use


ownership


that we


are just now


beginning


to understand


,and


cosmology vastly different from our own (cf.


Murra


1984, Moseley


1983


Urton 1981).


'Andean achievement,


as Murra (1984) describes it, of social and


technological innovation in response to the climate, geography and geology


of the Andes


, was a fact by the time of the Inca empire and


was therefore


being moulded


during these earliest


centuries of


which


we have only


barest traces.


Although many of the details remain obscure, it is certain that


extensive travel and trading have gone on throughout the length and breadth

and heights of the Andes for several millenia, as an outstanding characteristic


of the forms of


cultural and economic adaptation


described


Murra and





19


(or intermediate periods) is a function of the tensions inherent in necessary


access


to the


variety


widely


dispersed


ecological


zones


present in


Andean context.


Such cultural oscillations


the history


of extensive cross-cultural


contact


have


been


among


important


contributing


factors


to language


maintenance or


decline in


the Andes.


The social


economic structures


and processes-varied economic resources, networks of exchange that crossed

the Andes and gave access to varied ecological zones, corporate labor practices


and food


preservation and storage systems-persisted as principal


cultural


and economic modes on the coast and in the highlands until shortly after the


arrival of the Spaniards.


These structures and processes are also reflected in


the essential


character of indigenous


Andean survival


during


the conquest


and republican regimes, and further aid in the explanation of the patterns of


language contact and maintenance in the Andes,


as indicated below.


Murra


(1984 and


1985)


was one of


the first


grasp


the significant


accomplishments

complementarity,


Andean


"the


cultural


simultaneous


ecology


. The


control


notion


ingle


ecological


ethnic


group


several


geographically


dispersed


ecological


tiers"


(Murra


1985:


accounting for the success of the high density populations of the mountain

valleys and the altiplano, has been increasingly a focus of his work for more


than 20 years.


Murra


distinguishes three distinct steps in the Andean success


story:


(1) the development of highly productive, high altitude cultigens and


agricultural


production


a vertical


archipelago


arrangement;


"domestication


cold"


(1984:


through


which


massive


food









such


as Murra'


to Andean


anthropology provide


a picture of


the Andes


across time and space as a place of constant movement of peoples and goods


across


the highlands,


to the valleys and lowlands, in all


directions,


and in


which that movement is part of an essential and ingenious economic activity.


An examination of


Andean


cultural


developments


the area


of the


altiplano will provide some understanding of the contact influences prior to


Hispanic intrusion.


The oscillation


between


pan-Andean imperial


epochs


and periods of smaller-scale local development is correlated with the spread

of a number of languages with lingua franca status for imperial purposes, and


with the development of both dialectal variation and language loss.


Wari-Tiwanaku horizon speakers of proto-Jaqi-Arul


Wari site, near modern Ayacucho, into other valleys,


During


expanded from the


west to the coast, and


around


lake


area


altiplano,


where


Pukina


may


have


been


language of the


Tiwanaku culture.


Thus Jaqi-Aru was being spoken on the


altiplano as well as throughout the mountains and in coastal areas


as a result


Wari


intrusion,


even


was


language


Tiwanaku


culture (Hardman and Moseley


1987).


It is likely that Jaqi-Aru and Pukina


were not the only languages being spoken on the altiplano at the time, and


that


Jaqi-Aru


was


lingua franca


useful


primarily


in economic


relations


throughout the Andes (Hardman 1985a).


Evidence of a


'mega-Nifio'


event


1000 A. D. (Hardman and Moseley


1987),


correlated


with a decline in


Wari-Tiwanaku


horizon around


that


time,


suggests


that


a combination


climatic


geographic


conditions


encouraged that decline, interrupting trade and other relations which would









be the basis of empire.


A subsequent period of local expansion lasting some


years,


during


which


coastal


societies


actively


engaged


in trade


were


flourishing--Chimu to the north and Chincha on the south coast of modern


Peru--involved


movement


Pukina


speakers


Cuzco


area


(Hardman-de-Bautista 1985a).

The rise of Pukina speakers, specifically the Inca, as imperial powers


entailed


their spreading the dominant


Jaqi-Aru


(by now proto-Aymara)


governance purposes for several generations of Inca rule and utilizing their


native


Pukina


internal


court


purposes


(Hardman-de-Bautista


1985a),


although Pukina was still spoken by populations around Lake


Titicaca as late


as the seventeenth


century


. Contact during Inca imperial


expansion


with


successful


Chincha


coastal


trading


polities


resulted


their


eventual


inclusion into the Inca realm and the switch


by the Inca from


Jaqi-Aru,


language of a waning power, to Chinchay Quechua, spoken by a rising power


imperial


language


(Hardman-de-Bautista


1985a).


The


formerly


dominant Jaqi-Aru languages were then being divided by the penetration of


Chinchay

altiplano


Quechua,


Bolivia,


so that


Aymara,


was eventually


in what


cut off from


is now


Jaqaru and


southern


Peru


Kawki in central


Peru (Heath and Laprade 1982).


Among the Incas'


many imperial accomplishments was a fairly light-


handed approach to the cultural and linguistic identities within


(Chang-Rodriguez 1982).


their realm


Individual languages and cultural patterns were not


repressed


or replaced


Incan


authority,


were


utilized


even


promoted as effective tools of governance.


However


, the policy of resettling





22


groups in former highland Jaqi-Aru strongholds, and many Jaqi-Aru speakers

were resettled along the southern Peruvian coast (Heath and Laprade 1982).

By the fifteenth century the Inca had only relatively recently imposed


Quechua


imperial


language


governing


large


number


linguistically


and


culturally


diverse


groups


under


their


control


, having


previously employed Jaqi-Aru for that purpose.


And their imperial policies


had


otherwise


dramatically


altered


linguistic situation


in their


realm:


They had spread


Jaqi-Aru over a vast area and subsequently


the same


with Chinchay Quechua,


while at the same time imposing and maintaining


linguistic


cultural


divisions


within


those


areas


in order


assure


success


diversification


their

I whic2


realm.

h led


Such


to further


divisions e

separation


encouragedd


original


linguistic


varieties of


Quechua and Jaqi-Aru families.

Conquest and Colonial and Republican Periods


Although Jaqi-Aru and Chinchay Quechua had both been employed as


lingua francas, the first during the 400-500 year pan-Andean


horizon and


Wari / Tiwanaku


development and into Inca expansion, at the time of the conquest there was


no long-established


lingua franca


covering


vast highland


areas


of the


Andes which were under Inca domination.


By the sixteenth century


only the


Quechua


and


Jaqi-Aru


languages


remained


lingua


francas


culturally mixed


population in


the highlands.


Thus,


upon


their


arrival


the mid-sixteenth century, the Spaniards encountered fairly widespread use

of the Quechua languages, especially in the region of modern Ecuador, Peru


the second during the later period of localist Chinchay coastal









languages which had not been replaced by the recently imposed Quechua.


apparent


that


early


chroniclers


were


astonished


at the


existence


different language in nearly every intermontane valley


(Levillier


1919).


Crown


colonial


policies


sixteenth


and


seventeenth


centuries,


examined below, established the Hispanic pattern of relating to th


linguistic


diversity in the Andes--which has existed in large measure to this day.


Disease,


war, repression and exploitation were the consequences to the


indigenous


populations of


the Spanish


conquest.


Large


numbers


of local


languages were lost with the death of native speakers (Chang-Rodriguez 1982,


Hardman-de-Bautista


1985a),


as most of the population was wiped out in the


first few years of the colonial period.


a matter of fact, it is likely that the


majority of the population was decimated by smallpox and other di


seases-


traveling

Andean


from


Caribbean


highlands-before


area


Pizarro


faster


ever


than


set foot


conquistadors


Cajamarca


to the


or Aleixo


Garcia


arrived


area


modern


Paraguay.


quarter


century


following Pizarro'


population,


and Garcia's arrival to the continent, the original Andean


estimated at around thirty million, dropped by at least more than


two-thirds, according to Orlove (1985) and possibly by as much as ninety-five


percent


according


to other


estimates


(Sanchez-Albornoz


1974).


Although


highland


populations


escaped


total


devastation,


Andean


coastal


societies


virtually disappeared due to the combined effects of disease and repression

(Murra 1984).


comparison


with


the ruthless economic and


social


policies of the


colonists


colonial


language


policy


practice


appears


have


been









alleviate the abuse of power by the colonists.


For most of the colonial period,


the Spanish Crown espoused a policy of spreading the Castilian language to

the indigenous peoples for religious and political reasons, understanding the

power of language as "an instrument of empire" (Heath and Laprade 1982).


late eighteenth


century, however,


at the


time


when


some colonies


were beginning preparations for independence from Spain, it was clear that

there had been wide divergence between language policy and practice.


Following the soldiers into


the Andes were the religious agents and


colonial


authorities


who


gathered


Andean


people


into


villages


(reducciones),


the colonists who expropriated Indian lands and labor


(Murra 1984; Dobyns and Doughty


1976).


The difficult terrain discouraged all


colonial forces from venturing far or long from their settlements,


while at the


same time providing the relative security needed for pockets of resistance by


indigenous populations


to continue for some time during the colonial and


republican


periods.


While


the church's


mandated


role in


program


castilianizaci6n,


people,


was


clearly


involving


linked


Spanish

to control


language


over


instruction


indigenous


to the


Andean


population,


religious

perceived


orders


involved


value


cultural


native


religious


languages


indoctrination


instruction


rapidly


(Heath


Laprade 1982).


The church'


influence over the Spanish Crown in this matter


ultimately


royal


court


to provide


continued


political


support


religious instruction in the native tongues (Chang-Rodriguez


1982


Wachtel


1977).


the mid-sixteenth


century, religious


materials


were produced


many of these languages, and religious orders were encouraged by the Crown









against the


Inca


(such as


the decade long


Wanka-Spanish


alliance


[Murra


1984]) probably promoted some bilingualism on both sides.

The somewhat contradictory policies of Castilianization, on one hand,


the utilization


'general


languages'


Andes


on the other,


evolved into an


aspect of the ultimately


antagonistic struggle between


interests of the Spanish Crown, which needed to maintain a loyal,


colony, and of the colonists,


productive


who perceived direct control over the resources


and lives of the Andean peoples as necessary for their effective domination.


The


colonists


, supported


some


enlightened


religious


community,


arguing

mention


increasingly


cultural


efficiency


demanded


intellectual


control


a policy

benefits


economic


forced


Andean


benefits


Castilianization,


people-not to

to empire-of


requiring the use of the Spanish language.


The Crown's


attempt to mitigate


the abuse of the native peoples by colonial representatives was persuaded and


encouraged by religious activists such as


Bartolom


de las Casas and Fray


Domingo


Santo


Tomas


(Chang-Rodriguez


Levillier


1919).


Indigenous writers such as Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Adorno


only pleaded the Andean peoples'


1956) not


cause against harsh subjugation, but also


encouraged the learning and use of Andean languages.


Another


factor


colonial


situation


which


encouraged


maintenance and spread of the major indigenous languages was the retention


large


portions


Inca


administrative


structures


personnel-a


network in


which indigenous


languages


were crucial


(Heath and


Laprade


1982).


This was true for a short period with Jaqi-Aru, but by the beginning of





26


further than the Inca had carried it as the Spanish extended their dominion


far beyond the original Inca empire (Torero 1972).


It should be noted that the


originally prestigious


Chinchay


variety


of Quechua fell


victim


to Spanish


conquest (Hardman


1985a), and


that it was


the Cuzco


variety of Quechua,


influenced by the originally dominant Jaqi-Aru in the area (Mannheim


1985),


which was spread by the Spaniards.


Thus


, Heath and Laprade (1982) maintain


that in spite of an ideology which demanded


Castilianization and a strong


drive for enforced Spanish usage by the colonial administration, the Spanish

Crown's policy to this point may be described as having been more additive


than replacive with regard to the Jaqi-Aru,


Quechua,


other indigenous


languages.


On the other hand, Chang-Rodriguez (1982) stresses that an effect


of the dual policy was a strengthening of the hegemony of Hispanic language


culture,


further


distancing


state


from


majority


(indigenous)


population.


Late


the seventeenth


century


attitude of


the Crown


began


change,


probably


under


considerable


pressure


colonial


administration, and


use of the indigenous


languages


began


to lose official


sanction (Heath and Laprade 1982).


However, there were a number of factors


within


colonial


social


milieu


which


further


attenuated


spread


Spanish.


example,


there were


attitudinal


prohibitions


against Andean


people learning Spanish which belied some of the rhetoric produced by the

colonial administration regarding benefits to the Indians in the acquisition of


Spanish language and culture.


That is, from early in the Conquest period,


many


Hispanic landowners


preferred


to learn


Quechua or


Jaqi-Aru









campesinos,


who won


the right to Spanish language education only


at the


cost of many lives.


Mestizaie,


primarily resulting


from


that


many


women


came with the Spanish soldiers, became a feature of Andean society very early


in the conquest (Dobyns and Doughty 1976).


And with the development of a


mestizo


indigenous


population,


languages


bilingualism


quickly


or multilingualism


became


norm


in the


Spanish a

highland


urban


centers, although the rural populations remained largely monolingual.


In La


Paz, for example, Aymara and sometimes Spanish were the native languages


of the urban population until this century (Laprade 1981).


Although no other


indigenous language in Latin America can claim to have had, or have, since

the conquest, the national prestige that Guarani does in Paraguay (Rubin et al.


1977


Rubin


1985),


some


time


during


nineteenth


century


Aymara language in La Paz appears to have enjoyed a use and prestige similar


to Paraguayan Guarani.


That is, Aymara was the daily language for nearly all


classes and ethnic groups, except during formal occasions and for speaking


with foreigners, when Spanish was preferred (Laprade 1976:


In the former


Inca capital of Cuzco, the same conditions may also have applied to Quechua.


However,


the development of varieties of


Aymara and


Quechua


which are


referred to today as patronn'


Aymara or Quechua attest to the probability that


the dominance of the indigenous languages in these contexts was short-lived.


The


patron


' varieties were spoken by the upper class mestizo population and


were highly influenced by Spanish.


Spanish


Andean


nations


during


colonial


era


was









with


Spanish


elite,


interactions


within


colonial


political


bureaucracy


prestige, ii

conditions


(Avila


was


Echazu


until


encouraged


1974).


Although


twentieth


an indigenous


Spanish


century


shift


that


was


language of


social


Spanish,


economic


that


stable


institutional support for the teaching of Spanish as a second language became

a reality anywhere in the highlands (Chang-Rodriguez 1982; Briggs 1985).

At the beginning of this century, indigenous peoples were faced with

both limited access to Spanish and a prejudice regarding their own languages


cultures


which


were


labeled


as 'inferior


underdeveloped


dominant population


(Chang-Rodriguez


1982).


After nearly four


hundred


years


marginalization


at the


hands


colonists,


much


which


involved


forced


castellanizaci6n,


negative


attitudes


toward


their


own


languages


often


resulted


internalization


these


prejudices


which


linger even today.


At the same time,


however, social and economic policies


continually reinforced reliance on traditional life styles in


which indigenous


languages


were


vital.


following


section


examines


the effect


these


conflicting forces on the usage of Spanish versus the indigenous languages in

the current context.


Modern Context


The highland Aymara and


the majority of Bolivia'


Quechua speaking groups today make up


nearly seven million people, numbering at least one


million


three


million


respectively


. In


Peru


these


group


constitute


nearly half of the nation'


population of eighteen million (Gray


1987


Impara


1986).


this century there has been increased bilingualism in Spanish for









Aymara and


incipient


Quechua


or rudimentary


speakers


who


(Diebold


have


1964)


acquired

t Spanish,


Spanish


may


only


that


absolute numbers of Quechua and Aymara speakers are increasing (cf.


also


Alb6


1980).


Given these figures, it is not only the shift to increased Spanish


use which should be noted


, it is also the fact that the shift is relatively recent


after nearly 500 years of Spanish contact,


and that a corresponding decline in


major indigenous language use does not appear to be occurring.

One of the features of modern highland Andean society involves the


correlation


language,


social


class,


ethnicity.


That


, indigenous


language and cultural identity are frequently associated with lower social class


status in the Andes (Klein 1982; Dobyns and Doughty 1976).


However, the fact


indigenous


language


and


cultural


maintenance


south-central


Andean


highlands


cannot


denied.


Discussed


below


are factors


which


mitigate


generally


oppressive


consequences


an 'ethnicized'


class


hierarchy, as seen through an examination of the language use patterns in the


area.

account


Available


these


literature

language


suggests


use


some


patterns


on the


mechanisms


altiplano.


which


These


may


include


language attitudes (Wolfson and Manes


1985),


degree of cultural similarity


between


dominant


subordinate


groups


(Clyne


1985),


direction


language influence (Brosnahan


Weinreich


1979


[1953]


Haugen


1972),


geographic


1966)


divisions


population


(Weinreich


1979


trends.


[19531),


modern


urbanization


altiplano


setting


(Fishman


examined


below in the light of these concepts.









Attitudes about Language and Ethnic Group Identity


Language


attitudes


multilingual


communities


generally


considered to be a function of prestige or status factors, so that use of the


prestige language often means


access


to social mobility and


thus


to higher


social status.


At the same time, ethni


group identity and language attitude


are often


highly


correlated


so that


social


factors


leading


to attempts


preserve ethnic identity also tend to strengthen mother-tongue identification


example,


Wolfson


Manes


1985).


Andes,


these


attitudinal


factors may indeed be considered important variables in the contact situation.

While the Spanish language indeed enjoys prestige and higher social status


from the perspective of the dominant culture and the rigid class


structure of


national


society


another


value


system


is operative


well


which


indigenous

context of


language


use plays an important role.


altiplano,


there


a large


portion


Within


total social


population


which


makes


a conscientious


choice


direction


traditional


values


lifestyles which incorporate native language usage.


At the same time


these


individuals are cognizant of the personal advantages to be gained with access

to higher social status that may be obtained by Spanish language usage. But

the traditional values entail factors which mitigate a wholesale shift to use of

Spanish in specific contexts.


Research


cultural


and


economic


anthropology


indicates


example,


that the ancient indigenous social and economic patterns continue


to exist


today


highlands


despite


restructuring


colonial


national


governments (Brush


1977


Collins


1981


Hickman and


Stuart


1977









massive urban migration.3


The result is that the indigenous peoples are able


still to rely on exchange and production from a variety of community, family


or individually held lands in different ecological


tiers


diversified economic


activity,


and


strong


community


family


face


uncommon climatological disasters or fluctuations in the national economies

which have historically decimated other indigenous populations.


example,


during


period


development


export


economies,


peoples


which


national


to increased


authorities


interaction


highland


between


indigenous


communities


their


resources were burdened


1985).


to the extent that tensions were increased


Rather than being drawn into full participation in


(Orlove


this aspect of the


national


economy,


communities'


reliance


on traditional


systems


was


reinforced.


Thus


ancient


patterns


have


encouraged


maintenance


strong ethnic and linguistic identities, due to the necessity of relying on them

for continued livelihood and community in periods of increased contact with


Hispanic language and culture.


While increased multilingualism involving


Spanish may


be supported


through


Hispanic-indigenous contact in


certain


contexts, and by the asymmetrical relationship of the languages in question,

the disappearance of the major native languages is not one of the correlates of


this contact.


Rather, the native language ties are strengthened in the Andes


through


access


the nature of such


dominant


contact.


culture


Thus,


have


while


resulted


pressures


shift


status


Spanish


monolingualism among the mestizo community


and increased


bilingualism


among


indigenous


populations


century


Laprade


1976;





32


Hornberger forthcoming), a conceivable outcome of this situation may be full


diglossia, or stable multiple language use (Ferguson


1972 [1959]), as opposed


to language loss in any direction.

Cultural Similarity


Degree


common


cultural


rules


similarity


communication),


dominant


extent


group


intermarriage,


(including


are also


attitude-related factors which have been


determined


to influence language


shift to the dominant language (Clyne 1985).


Though intermarriage has been


extensive


Andes


(Laprade


1976),


I have


observed


that


marked


cultural differences between the Hispanic and indigenous populations which


remain are often reflected in language use:


Indigenous languages serve needs


in traditional contexts; Spanish is used in mestizo and urban contexts.


Such


linguistic signs of


cultural distinction have served as a


barrier to


language


equity in all


contexts.


That is


, while intermarriage


other


factors


may


promote


Spanish


bilingualism,


cultural


markers


may


preserve


use


different languages in differing contexts,


furthering a trend toward diglossia.


Direction of Influence


There


contact


been


literature


a certain


regarding


amount


direction


presumption


influence


during


language

language


contact.


Many scholars view the shift from a subordinate language to one


with more "prestige" (Weinreich 1979 [1953]: 7) as an automatic consequence

of political and economic subordination of language groups (Hill and Hill


1980).


But as suggested by Weinreich (1979 [1953]) and Haugen (1972),


necessary to look at the conditions which have given rise to both pre- and









In a


case study which focuses on


the historical imposition


of Latin,


Greek, Arabic and Turkish as lingua francas,


Brosnahan (1973) concludes that


language influence typically flows


primarily


from


the politically


dominant


language.


Specifically, Brosnahan states a set of conditions which establish


the basis for a shift to the imperial language as the dominant, if not the only,


language in use in a society, as in the cases of Latin,


imposition of a language by military conquest;


Greek and Arabic:


second


first,


, its maintenance by a


similar


authority;


third,


presence


previous


multilingualism;


and


fourth, social advantages conferred by use of the imperial language.


Given


that Hispanic conquest of


Andes


reflects


pattern,


flow of influence at least primarily from Spanish to the indigenous languages


in the Andes might be anticipated. I

by the population until very recently,


However, Spanish has not been acquired

and its acquisition is not taking place in


a uniform manner.


The lack of


economic


cultural


unity


between


national and indigenous populations may be the essential stumbling block-

to the perception of Spanish as personally advantageous to many Quechua

and Aymara-which has slowed the process of castilianizaci6n. Additionally,


perhaps more important, as indicated above


there is a long history


denial of indigenous access to the Spanish language by Hispanic authorities.

There is no doubt that military, political, and economic oppression and


dominance established Spanish as


the prestige language from a national and


Hispanic


extreme


perspective.

linguistic


However


complexity


, outside of strictly economic parameters,


Andes-entailing


highly


mobile


indigenous populations among whom multiple language use ebbs and flows









communities,


example,


which


along


modern


rural-urban


continuum, Aymara


would be utilized in nearly


all social functions at one


end of the continuum, and Spanish, or a combination of the two, at the other


end.


In the case of Quechua, Hornberger (forthcoming) reports an increase in


the contexts for Spanish


use in rural altiplano


Peruvian communities, but a


fairly


clear


division remaining in


terms of the domains of the use of both


languages, and an increase in the incidence of Quechua use in urban settings

as those populations increase.


Additionally


anecdotal evidence indicates that while few would deny


the value of learning to speak Spanish and Spanish literacy, many indigenous

language speakers in Bolivia and Peru indicate a preference for learning, apart


from literacy


or formal


education,


native


language


in cursillos


which are given in


the home or neighboring


communities


rural areas).


Such


preference


reflects


a common


tendency


multilingual


communities


speakers


to consider


different


languages


appropriate


to different


contexts, or having different functions.


Further in this vein, L6pez4 reports


that younger Peruvian students associated with the Peru-Germany Bilingual


Education


Project


(Puno)


prefer


early


school


pedagogy


their


native


Quechua and Aymara languages and are generally more successful learners


under that


condition-a finding


which


parallel


the successes of bilingual


education programs in other countries.


Therefore,


while it is


likely that all speakers of Quechua or


Aymara


would recognize the


higher social


status of


Spanish, each linguistic


group


could rate the two languages independently and with different results.


That









functional


utility


languages


involved


as it


is aptitude


speaking


those languages or national norms for language status.


The assessment by


native


speakers


value


their


own


languages


considered


fundamental to understanding the role of language dominance (Wolfson and

Manes 1985).

Geographic Divisions


Weinreich


frequently


notes


restricted


that


language


clearcut


contact


geographic


mutual


divisions


(1979


influence


[1953]).


indicated


above,


prior


to the


conquest


Andean


history may


been


seen


composed of waves of pan-Andean empire followed


by periods of localist


development.


Hardman-de-Bautista


(1985a)


describes


these


periods


cultural ascendency and decline in terms of a tension generated in part by the


demands


a difficult


terrain,


amounting


to geographic


division.


This


terrain, and the continued use of it by indigenous peoples,


is likely to have


discouraged the spread of Spanish to the highland indigenous areas outside of

urban zones.


Urbanization and Population


Trends:


Literacy and National Perspectives


Much of the contact literature considers urbanization


number of non-


dominant language speakers


using


the politically


dominant


language,


absolute and relative numerical


important interactive factors in


strength of low-status language speakers to be

the maintenance of low status languages or


shift


to the


dominant


one


(Fishman


1966).


Though


creation


of large


urban


centers


in the


Andean


nations


give


to bastions


of Spanish


language


supremacy


movement


indigenous


peoples


between


these









Paz, or Cochabamba, one find


extensive Aymara and/or Quechua use and


organizations promoting such


use (cf. Anna Maria Escobar


1986; Godenzzi


1986; Hornberger forthcoming; Alb6 1988).


Associated


factors


which


tend


to curb


castilianiz


aci6n


involve


development of orthographies, grammars and literacy in Quechua and


Aru.


Jaqi-


Literary and pedagogical traditions in Jaqi-Aru and Quechua have also


developed, as indicated above, subsequent to strong indigenista movements


in this century in both Peru and Bolivia.


Briggs (1985) provides a review of


bilingual


educational


efforts in


both Peru and


Bolivia


which,


although


suggesting


an uncertain


future


such


efforts


details


persistence of


attitudes of native speakers and others favoring language maintenance.


numbers are growing in both nations of trained personnel


who understand


value


multilingualism


and


who


are convinced


efficacy


dedicated


to the


spread


of bilingualism


education


to cultural


linguistic


maintenance.


Often


these


efforts


are associated


with


cultural


and/or political indigenist renaissance movements.


The


enduring


efforts


these


people


have


paid


at the


level


national recognition, at least nominally.

the achievement of national language


Some of the national gains include


status


with Spanish for Quechua


Peru in


1975 with


the enactment of the Oficializaci6n


Ouechua, as an


outcome of the


national


educational


reform


enacted in


1972


(Impara


1986;


Briggs


1985).


The use of the Quechua and


other vernacular


languages for


educational purposes became a part of national pedagogical


strategy in Peru


with the passage of the 1982 Nueva Ley General de Educaci6n (Impara 1986).






37


Bolivia there is yet no general law which grants national language status to


Aymara


and


Quechua,


although


there


have


been


several


government


resolutions


which have


been


intended


to provide support


one


evel


another


to bilingual


education


programs


(Briggs


1985).


1983


official


phonemic alphabets were approved for the indigenous languages in Bolivia,


during


stay


there


local


papers


carried


articles


concerning


possibility of national status being conferred upon the indigenous languages.


These


are some


outcomes


a long


and


often


violent


history


indigenous struggle to preserve ethnic and linguistic


identity in both nations.


Aspects of these movements


are covered


authors


such


as Victor


Hugo


CAdenas (1988) and Chang-Rodriguez (1982).

Summary


While


negative


Hispanic


attitudes


toward


indigenous


langu


ages-


which


have


been


heavily


internalized


native


peakers-have


altered significantly since the original


colonizer view


them


as backward


and scarcely classifiable


as langu


ages,


both Quechua and


Jaqi-Aru languages


remain extraordinarily vital.


indicated above, more than a


third


of the


population


of Peru and more than


two-thirds of the population


of Bolivia


today speak either Jaqi-Aru or Quechua as first languages,


or one of the other


few remaining tongues which are represented


small


groups of speakers


(Briggs


1985).


For the approximately three million Jaqi-Aru speakers5 strong


language identity still exists.


This appears to me to be particularly true of the


Bolivian


altiplano


around


Paz.


fluent


Aymara, for example, creates confidence in and


bestows prestige upon









speaker within


Aymara


community.6


This strong linguistic identity


very solid cultural base in the La Paz area, relative economic independence


from


the national


economies, and


training


of native speakers in linguistics


and other social sciences have led to a recent revitalization of interest in the


learning


and


use


Aymara,


both


within


Aymara


community


outside of it.

Although demographic trends may indicate an uncertain future for the


indigenous

persistence


languages


vitality---a


perhaps


strong


commitment


cultural


and


to indigenous


linguistic


institutions


and lifeways in the face of political and economic subjugation, as well as the


centuries of


intense


contact,


primarily


form


of bilingualism-which


account for the development of new varieties of Spanish in the area (Escobar

1978; Hardman-de-Bautista 1982; Torero 1972).


















CHAPTER III

METHODS

This chapter describes methodological procedures which were utilized

for research on the morphology and syntax of Altiplano Spanish, including


information


on research site


, description of informants, and


data collection


and analysis.


The


reporting


phonology


and


grammar


Altiplano


Spanish


(Chapters IV


through


VII) includes not only data from this research but from


work by


others as


well.


It was


decided


that


to include such information,


especially from geographic areas or containing structural linguistic data not


covered by this study,


would provide a more comprehensive understanding


grammar


Altiplano


Spanish.


definitions


terms


conventions used in this dissertation follows.

Definition of Terms


This study uses the notion of a


'standard' Spanish merely as a point of


departure for describing potential


dialectal


variation.


There is no intent to


hold up a standard as a model of correct behavior for


udging the competence


the speakers of


Altiplano Spanish


who


are fluent


dialect.


Two


sources


have


been


used


as the


basis


references


to 'standard'


Spanish,


4 S -- S 4 4 ~ r ~ I %. a S


1


I









Additional


conventions


utilized


thesis


include


abbreviations


that identify the source of data samples.


Those abbreviations are defined in


Table


which follows.


The references indicated in


Table


appear in


bibliography of this thesis.


Table 1

Abbreviations for Source of Data Sameles


Abbrev


Reference


Abbrev


Reference


BEY


Beyersdorff, 1986.


Briggs, 1988.


CER


Cerr6n-Palomino,


ESCI


KANII

LAPI


1988.


Escobar, 1978.


LAPII


LOZ


Kany, 1947.

Laprade, 1976.

Laprade, 1981.

Lozano, 1975.


ESCII


Escobar, 1976.


MEN


Mendoza


1988.


Frias, 1980.


MIL


Minaya


Lujan,


1982.


GOD


Godenzzi


1986.


MUY


Muysken,


1984.


GUT


Gutierrez, 1984.


ROD


Rodriguez,


1982.


HARI


Hardman


1982.


STRI


This study, information


gathered


'informally,


HARII


Hardman et al.


1988.


notebook #I


HER


Herrero, 1969.


STRII-XI


This study,
Appendices II through XI.


KANI


Kany, 1945.


The data


which are reported in


Chapters


through


VII are marked


1Ar74h a 102rAIna nr1rfl-arr TArhir h 2nnrc irn naronthclccc cul ac (/ CTTTT


* / I









identify


appendix


number,


case


data


gathered


research; or, in


the case of data gathered in other studies,


they specify the


reference if there is more than one for an individual researcher.


The Arabic


numbers indicate the line number in the case of my data, or the page number

in the case of data from other investigators utilized in this research.

Research Site


The


research


was


conducted


1986


1987


on the


altiplano


Bolivia and Peru, beginning in the city of La Paz, Bolivia, and from there to


the communities of Copacabana,


Kusijata,


Huacuyo and Huatajata,


which are


located


northeast


on the


shores


Lake


Titicaca.


minimal


amount of research was also conducted in the town of Sorata in Bolivia.


Peru,


research.


the community of Chucuito and the town of Puno were locations for


Additional trips were made to other communities in both Peru and


Bolivia, but the data obtained on these trips are largely anecdotal.


Figure 1 is a


map of the research area.

All of these locations are traditionally and currently strongholds of


Aymara language and culture.


This is even true for the city of La Paz, which


retains a very indigenous flavor except in the southernmost zones of the city

which are dominated by wealthy mestizo and foreign white populations.

And even there, recent immigrants purchase lands and construct homes in

rural areas bordering and surrounding the enclaves of Western urban-style

streets which are crowded with large, often luxurious homes, and

supermarkets full of products imported from North America and Europe.



























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Linguistic Consultants


The people described here are my personal friends,


or their friends


research


area.


The


section


which


follows


provides


demographic


information about


these


people which


is necessary


a determination


whether the linguistic data taken from their speech and described in Chapters


through


VII may indeed


be considered


dialectal features.


That is


information


intended


to demonstrate


that


language


samples


representative of the speech of segments of the population in general,


and are


not from marginal or exceptional individuals.

The narratives which were transcribed and utilized for this research are


reproduced


Appendices


II-XI.


The


informants


who


provided


these


narratives are


life-long


residents of


research


area indicated


above.


Several have spent time outside of that area, primarily in other regions of the


altiplano dominated by indigenous influence.


A few have traveled outside of


the altiplano region.


The informants were selected


on the bases of (1)


personal


relationships


developed


with


them


and/or


with


others


their


immediate circle of family and friends

of the relationships developed with tl


informants,


(2) their social positions.


these informants, or in


The nature


the case of two


with their immediate family and peer group associations,


is one


mutual


trust


and


friendship.


The


process


establishing


these


relationships


position,


representative


detailed


i referring

members <


to relat


description

ive position


that society


data


gathering.


altiplano


given


following


society


social


as fairly


linguistic






44


Linguistic Considerations

The research focused on data collected from both monolingual Spanish


speakers


bilingual


(Aymara-Spanish)


speakers:


first,


order


determine the existence of a variety of Spanish as a distinct dialect of Spanish

apart from the potential of direct interference due to bilingualism of a strictly


bilingual


informant


population;


second


due


to the


high


incidence of


bilingualism in


the research area and


the necessity for gathering


data in a


number of differing social and cultural contexts.


That is, it would have been


possible,


limiting


with


regard


context,


work


only


with


monolingual Altiplano Spanish-speaking informant base.

Of the ten informants whose narratives are included as data here, only


three


are


Spanish


monolinguals.


these,


each


rudimentary


knowledge of


Aymara, including phrases which are useful at the markets,


and certain lexical items.


They may understand other, often-heard phrases or


terms.


They


are considered


monolingual,


however


because


they


cannot


produce a full sentence in the Aymara language except in extremely limited

contexts, and any speech production in Aymara by them would be lacking in


morphological and


syntactic complexity.


The remaining seven


informants


are Aymara-Spanish bilinguals who vary considerably in the degree to which

either language in used, and in the contexts for its use.


informants


Spanish

language


dialect.


in any


That


are considered


, they


context or


are fully


situation


to be


capable


which


they


fluent


utilizing


may


find


e Altiplano

:he Spanish

themselves,


particularly


urban


areas


which


those


language


skills


are more often





45


subjective evaluations of a language variety by its speakers are considered


integral to the definition of that variety (1976:


Among the informants are


those


who


are conscious of,


a certain extent


have internalized


prejudices


against,


most


stigmatized


forms


Altiplano


Spanish,


particularly certain features of pronunciation and elements of syntax which


are differentiated by notions of prestige.


As the following chapters indicate,


however,


most


informants


internalized


social


judgements


regarding these stigmatized speech forms have not significantly altered

syntax and morphology of their own speech.


The


following


provides


a general


assessment


demographic


characteristics of the informants.

Demographic Considerations


Apart from


the factors of monolingualism and


bilingualism,


various


non-linguistic characteristics of the informants and their lives are considered


relevant to an understanding of the data gathered for this


tudy


including


educational


level


, occupation, age and


sex.


The spread


these factors


pertinent to the determination of stability of the linguistic features described


in Chapters IV-VII.


That is, the generalizability of linguistic patterns across


the speech behavior of persons of various age and social groups is a correlate


of stability


of linguistic patterns,


thus of


dialect


features (Labov


1984


[1972],


Weinreich 1968).


Social class


Social class refers principally to socioeconomic


status


, based primarily


on occupation


income


level.


One's


primary


social


environment-the





46


different social strata live in different and fairly clearly defined areas in the

altiplano urban sites.


ten informants


who


provided


recorded


narratives,


employed in fairly stable full time jobs, one is self-employed, and three are


students who are also employed from time to time.


Job categories range from


the service industry to banking, and include rural school


teaching,


work in


rural agricultural development projects, and secretarial work.


There is only


one informant recorded here who is considered


upper-middle class,


based


upon her occupation,


income and


the social milieu in


which she generally


operates; others are middle and working class persons, including campesinos,


'peasants'


or 'farmers', again based upon their occupations and income, and


the networks of their social relations.

Six of the informants currently reside in large urban areas (Puno or La


Paz)


two of them live in urban areas at present, but spend a great deal of time


in the countryside, in small rural communities; and two reside continuously


small


rural


communities


, although


both


travel


frequently


a small,


nearby urban center.


Of the six urban dwellers


, three continue to have very


strong ties with their rural heritage and maintain close contacts with family

or friends still residing in those areas.

Educational level


Only three of the informants recorded for this research do not have at


least a high school diploma.


One of those is in her thirties with a high school


education only one year short of the diploma; another is a second year high


school student.


The third is a young man in his thirties who began to earn








Although social class and educational level are often correlated,


it is


not uncommon


to find individuals


who


identified as


campesino or lower


class


In, say,


urban


context,


who


have


normal


school


university training.


Thus, six of the informants have had at least two years of


university

informants


or normal


school


training


beyond


high


therefore are literate in Spanish; only


school.


were also


literate in


Aymara at the time the narratives were recorded.

Age and sex

Appendices II-XI consist of one narrative from each of five male and


five female informants.


Their ages at the time of the recordings ranged from


fifteen to approximately fifty-five years old.


The spread of data across genders


and different age groups provides initial information on characteristic dialect

patterns.

Descriptions of Individual Consultants


The following section describes the linguisti


consultants for purposes


correlating


information


with


linguistic


data


following


chapters.


Full names


are not provided


of respect for


their individual


privacy.


First names are used to identify those with whom I have been on a


first name basis.


Note that the


Roman numerals (II-XI)


correspond


to the


Appendix number for each narrative; these numbers also correspond

original notebooks in which the transcriptions were made.


to the


The


informant


narrative


, a thirty


eight-year-old


bilingual from the rural community of Quime, Department of La Paz, located


in the Cordillera de las


Tres Cruces.


She has lived in the city of La Paz for









time


in promoting


events


which


pertain


to the


welfare


people


Quime.


Like


many


urban


dwellers


with


rural


ties,


often


receives


shipments


produce


harvested


from


family-owned


land


and


reciprocates by sending back to Quime goods which are available in the urban


areas.


MF speaks at times of wanting to migrate back to the community


tells of others who are doing


so-who are returning


to family


lands once


abandoned for


promise of employment in


the city


, and


who are now


finding city employment less rewarding than working the land.


MF has


worked


as a cook


at least


fifteen


years


in French-style


restaurants


La Paz.


is currently


employed


in one


which


caters


tourists, where she not only cooks but is generally responsible for the smooth

operation of the restaurant. The type of labor and income for her work place

MF in the lower middle class of La Paz. MF and her two children, ages seven

and fifteen, and her brothers, live in the northeast area of the city of La Paz, in

a zone populated by a large, Aymara and mestizo working class population


and by pockets of middle class neighborhoods.


younger brother attends


the Universidad Mayor de San Andres, but works with her full-time.


just one year short of a high school diploma.


MF is


The language used at home is


Spanish.


The


narrative


was


recorded


on a typically


slow


afternoon


at MF'


workplace,


the dining room,


and later checked


there with her under the


same conditions.


The


informant


narrative


a twenty


bilingual from Pacajes who has lived in La Paz for nine years.


five-year-old

BA lives with









purpose.


He works in the hotel industry; during the time I have known him


he has worked as a porter, a waiter, and as a chef.


in the countryside,


BA finished primary school


and high school in the city; after high school he completed


one


year


military


service,


and


then


attended


course


hotel


administration in La Paz.


's income, place of residence and type of work


place him firmly in the working class.


's narrative was recorded at his workplace, and later checked with


him there.


The interview was conducted by Zacarias Alavi,


a Bolivian school


administrator who was finishing a degree in linguistics


and native languages


at the


Universidad


Mayor


San Andres


La Paz.


Three other


people,


myself included, were present during the interview


Narrative


was


provided


twenty


one-year-old


monolingual from the city of La Paz,


who studies English and French at the


Universidad


Mayor


Andres


at the


time


the recording


also


worked full-time in an artisanry shop on Calle SagArnaga.


For nearly four


years


BT has


cared


at times


been


sole


support


three


younger siblings, her mother having left for work in another country. BT's

income is meager, and she and her family live in the northernmost section of


La Paz, a working class zone.


and her mother is a Spanish monolingual.


lal father died when she was young,

She does not appear to be close to


other relatives who are bilingual.


The narrative was recorded at the artisanry


shop


where BT


worked,


and was later checked there.


The


informant


narrative


AW


, a seventeen-year-old









divided


time


between


different activities


two communities:


would help his family with work in the fields as the seasons demanded; and


Copacabana,


where


lived


a while


with


local


rural


school


teachers, he would also participate in the household chores.


AW had never


been to La Paz, and had only traveled to nearby communities around the lake.


AW


was recorded on a hillside overlooking his


home community


Kusijata, the town of Copacabana, and Lake Titicaca.


The recording itself was


not checked


with him,


but specific items which


were part of the narrative


were later discussed with him, again in the community of Kusijata.


Narrative


VI is


, a thirty


five-year-old


bilingual


from


community of Huatajata,


located on the shores of Lake


Titicaca on the route


from La Paz to Copacabana.


PH has been through normal school, worked for


a time as a rural school teacher, and he later studied agriculture and animal


husbandry in Cochabamba.


At the time of the recording he worked as a rural


community agricultural


technician


under the auspices of Radio San Gabriel


in La Paz (a Catholic Church-owned Aymara language station),


provided by a grant from the government of France.

between the countryside and the city of La Paz, althoui

time traveling to communities, at their request, to r


his specialty.


with support


PH divided his time


gh he spent most of that

providee mini-courses in


this work, he usually used Aymara; Aymara is also used,


along with Spanish, at his workplace in La Paz.


community


Huatajata


, where


monolingual


Aymara


parents also live, PH and his wife and family are constructing a large home


just on the shores of the lake.


PH's income is higher than the average for one









indigenous zones, although given


work he does


while in


the city


his place of work


(program


planning,


there and


producing


the type of

educational


materials for the countryside, and so forth),


he should probably be counted


among the lower-middle class.


traveled


various


times


to eastern


Bolivia


to Peru


association with his work as an agronomist.

relatively quiet street in the city of La Paz.


The narrative was recorded on a


thirty


one-year-old


bilingual


from


community


Tiwanaku


recorded


the seventh narrative.


AF learned Spanish at an early


age in Catholic schools.


At the time of the recording, she had lived in the city


of La Paz for approximately ten years; however she spends much of her time


countryside,


work


associated


with


Aymara


women


organization

Kollasuyo) a


that she helped found


other


indigenous


(Organizaci6n


organizations.


de Mujeres


also


Aymaras de


traveled


Peru


Costa Rica and the United States in


connection


with


this work.


This


year


will


first


muier de polleral


receive


a degree


from


Universidad Cat61lica, in the field of journalism and communications.


manages


to exist on


very


little


income


lives


in Alto


Aymara area),


and identifies herself with rural and working class groups.


recording

together.


was


made


the city


of Puno


AF was being interviewed for a


, Peru,


while


program


we were on


carried by


a trip


Radio Onda


Azul


a station


which


broadcasts programs in Aymara and


Quechua.


interview was conducted primarily by an announcer of that station.





52


(g) Narrative VIII was provided by ES, approximately fifty one years of


age,


a bilingual


rural


school


teacher


who


worked


Bolivian


countryside for thirty years.


At present he and his wife are primary school


teachers, where they use both Aymara and Spanish in their classrooms.


Their


three children live and work in La Paz, where they are all university students.

The family has a fairly large home in the town of Copacabana, in which


they rent

Kusijata.


out rooms


they


are planning


to retire to


Although rural school teachers make very little


the community


- at times they are


not paid their salaries


- ES and his wife both are second generation teachers


and so enjoy


a relatively


high standing in


the communities


which


they


serve.


The small


plots


of land


which


they


farm


both


Copacabana


Kusijata help to supplement their food supply.


While ES'


family would be


seen as working class in the La Paz milieu, their children are preparing for

jobs and potential incomes which would allow them to shift their lifestyles to

the middle class.


The


recording


was


made


rural


school


Kusijata


later


checked in ES'


home in Copacabana.


(h) The ninth narrative is by VG,


is about twenty years old,


a monolingual from Puno, Peru.


has lived in Puno always and seldom leaves the


town


except


to surrounding


communities.


Her


father


poke


Quechua,


Aymara.


Aymara


It is


likely


and


Spanish;


that


mother


uses some


, some


Aymara


with


Spanish


her mother,


mainly

but in


general she uses Spanish-at work, and at home with her


husband


who is


monolingual


Spanish.









individuals


differing


social


groups.


The


recording


was


made


at her


workplace, and some checking was done there a few days later.


provided narrative


He is a


thirty seven-year-old


bilingual


who


also


can


speak


and


understand


some


Quechua,


from


community of Crucicuta, Oruro, Bolivia.


AC has built a home in the city of


Paz,


in an indigenous


zone,


travels


frequently


throughout


Department of La Paz as a collector of artisanry which he sells in the city.

work places AC in the working class, and he did not finish high school.


The recording was made in 1

mutual friends of AC and myself,


La Paz, among a group of people who are

who made the initial contact with AC on


behalf.


was


later


able


review


some


information


on the


recording with him.


The transcription


was corrected with


the assistance of


Francisco


Mamani,


a Peruvian Aymara-Spanish


bilingual


who


also


speaks


English.


(j) Narrative XI is by


, a monolingual who is approximately fifty five


years old.


AP is the sole upper-middle class informant for this study.


She is


employed in a high-level position at a local bank in La Paz, and lives in the

southern zone of the city-generally a wealthy, modern area.

The interview and recording were made in the city of La Paz, at AP's


workplace by


Tombs Huanca, who is an Aymara-Spanish bilingual sociologist


from


area.


The


questions


comments


Huanca


university


graduate and instructor, are also considered part of the data of this interview.


Manuel


Mamani,


a bilingual


university


instructor


from


Arica


Chile


, who


also speaks English, assisted in the correction of the transcription.









Table


Summary Description of Informants


Informant


Soc-Econ Class


Language


Educ Level


Age


(by narrative #)


II
m
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII


lower middle
working class
working class
working class
lower middle
working class
middle class
working class
working class
upper-middle


bilingual
bilingual
monolingual
bilingual
bilingual
bilingual
bilingual
monolingual
trilingual
monolingual


Key to Educational Level:


= Secondary or high school education
S = Post secondary, including vocational
and university education
= Primary school education


Data Gatherin


Processes


Speech


data


were


obtained


variety


situations


, including


informant


interviews,


and


elicited


and


non-elicited


(spontaneous)


conversations among informants at community meetings and gatherings, in


households


at fiestas and


ceremonies,


in markets


other


work


social


environments.


The


basic


linguistic


field


method


techniques


observation


, elicitation, recording and continuous analysis were followed in


the study


described in Pike (1947) and Nida (1946),


and which have been


elaborated by Hardman and Hamano (1981).


The full description of the data









Formal


Entering the community


The data


sought for this research were not only linguistic structures


but also the meanings of those


structures, how the language is used in the


altiplano


either


context.


an urban


The essential


or rural


requirements


environment


were


* obtaining

becoming


these


known


data


in the


community as someone who could be approached and who had an interest in

the life of the community and (2) developing friendships which would link


identity


a positive


way


to the


community


assumption


which


underlies each of these is


that evidence of the fieldworker'


respect for the


target culture is necessary for the gathering of unbiased and accurate data (see


Collins and Painter, n.d.).


Apart from the need to listen well and sensitively


to the things people revealed about themselves, and the way they would use


language


to do


discovering


bounds


appropriate


outsider


behavior, an element which I found


to be completely necessary


to meeting


these requirements was a large amount of physical effort.


the cities


, fulfilling these requirements


initially involved


meeting


large numbers of people in different settings,


which normally meant getting


out and doing a tremendous amount of walking on a regular basis,


critical locations, becoming familiar with the urban layouts.


getting to


This then would


also involve letting the general research interests


for this study


be known:


interest in Aymara language and


culture,


Bolivian


or Peruvian national


life, and, more specifically


in discovering and explicating the grammar of a


stigmatized dialect in order to assist in establishing its legitimacy


. It was the





56


my research was also established, but this was generally interpreted in various


ways and was not


as curious to many people


as the question of my overall


interest in altiplano culture.


This seemed to me to derive from the politically


dominant culture's viewpoint regarding indigenous life-ways and languages,

which many people, especially in larger urban environments, assimilate and

express.


Ultimately,


friendships


were


developed


with


people


who


responded positively to these expressed interests, and primarily in the area of


the city where I had


established a residence


ate meal


and so on-in


northern area of the city of La Paz; near the train station and the markets in


Puno.


In the smaller urban centers-Copacabana, Sorata in Bolivia,


Chucuito


in Peru-I generally had names of individuals which had been provided by


contacts in


the urban areas.


It was not difficult to approach


these people


directly,


then


with


requests


assistance


research


receive


positive responses.

Obtaining data was a very different kind of exercise in the rural areas


than in the cities and towns


, although there I often relied on initial contacts


which


had


been


made


before


going


into


communities.


countryside I


found


that,


though


received


politely


made to feel


quite


welcome, generally the people in the rural communities seemed to regard me

with greater reserve, and preferred ultimately to keep me at a distance and go


on about their lives.


The key, for me, to entering their lives more fully was


found in (1) use of the Aymara language and (2) work,


their labor.


that is, participating in


The people of the rural communities responded quickly and with









and


Volunteering


help


community


labor


projects


was


particularly effective, more so if the labor was somewhat rigorous and I could


perform adequately.


Especially among the women, participating in


uch work


seemed


make


worth


consideration


, and


appeared


alter


community perceptions of my tenure in these areas.


From their perspective,


since I was willing to be involved in some of the principal labor of their lives,


could


be dealt with on normal, human


terms.


Subjectively


discovered


that the physical labor also prepared me for data collection, by increasing my

confidence and energy levels at the same time.


There


are some


analogies


with


participating in


rural


labor


to urban


activities requiring large outputs of physical energy:


accepting invitations to


people'


homes


in the cities,


attending


functions


there


which


traditionally


support


community


relationships,


can


very


often


involve


preparation


participation.


Much


preparation


may


involve


activities


such


reconnoitering a particular location so that you do not become lost when the

event is due, making appropriate purchases of food or drink, and so forth, to

take to the hosts, and discussing the events ahead of time with enough people


so that you have some sense of your own role in


them.


And


since many


people


are involved


travel


in some


way-to


rural


areas


, especially,


obtain agricultural


products for personal


use or


commercial


resale,


to visit


relatives- at times it is possible to accompany friends on such


trips,


which


are often


arduous,


provide companionship


assistance


to them


some way.

This rather utopian picture of field work has not included descriptions





58


But the aspects of the field experience that I believe are worth stressing in

order to have an understanding of the setting for obtaining linguistic data


from an anthropological


perspective are literally the physical requirements


doing


and


relationship


these


to achieving


some


cultural


awareness.


The output of physical energy was directly related in a positive


direction to the amount of information that I could take in about the people I


was with, and about the language they used.


Labor provided a means of


discovering how the language means in the contexts of its daily use.


For this


study, it was both necessary and rewarding.

Recording of the narratives


The majority of the samples used in this study,


and the narratives in


Appendices II

carried out by


through XI,


the author or


were transcribed from


associates


tape recorded


working with


interviews


the author.


interviews varied in length from approximately five minutes to half an hour


or more, and


were made with


one of


the two recorders available, either a


Sony or a G.E.


minicassette recorder.


Most of the informants were each asked


questions in the initial section of the interview regarding his or her place of

birth and residence, length of time there, occupation, and languages) spoken;


at times this information was not recorded but written down.


the informants, this information had been obtained previously


With some of

so that it was


not repeated


interview.


remaining


part of


interview was


more


loosely


structured,


content


was


frequently


based


upon


information from previous conversations with the informants.


Usually they


were


asked


to elaborate


upon


telling


an event,


description





59


although generally attention was directed away from the immediate question

of dialectal results of language and culture contact. It was possible to discuss


, however,


with


most


informants


after


interviews,


give


examples of the true grammaticality of forms which have been stigmatized as

not grammatical in popular folk etymology.


Finally,


it is


important to


a discussion


methodology


to raise


question of the influence of both the interviewer and


the interview situation


on the style of speech elicited


during


the interviews.


Labov (1984


[19721)


distinguishes between casual and careful speech, and states that "the formal


interview itself


defines a speech


context in


which


only


one speaking


normally


occurs,


that


which


we may


careful speech"


In the


interview context


, the informant is more conscious of speech production and


therefore output is monitored


to some degree.


In daily life in general,


it is


recognized


that the informants'


speech may be quite different, more relaxed


therefore less monitored.


Furthermore


it is assumed


that a foreigner,


even


though


may


a friend


is nevertheless


wholly


part


interviewee's


cultural


social


milieu


add


elements


to the


interview which further direct the speaker toward more careful or moderated


speech.


As a matter of fact, as described in Chapter V


this is known to have


occurred


to have


provided


valuable


information


regarding


prestige


factors operating on language style.


On the other hand, speech elements most


under the control of the speaker are lexicon and phonology,


whereas deeper


levels of language structure are generally not as readily available to conscious


manipulation by the speaker.


Inasmuch as this study is primarily concerned





60


Spanish, even in the more careful speech generated by the interview and the

researcher.


additional


source


data


tudy


was


structured


situations


in which more 'normal'


speech events occurred,


reflecting a more


casual style.


That aspect of


data gathering, described


below


is considered


'informal'


distinct from the structured interview situation.


Informal


Informal data gathering involved the observation of language use in a


variety of contexts, including the public markets,


third party conversations,


social events such as fiestas, plays, and baptisms, and in work environments.


It made use of information gathered


'on the fly'


, and although it usually was


subject


to immediate


checking


research


, often


type


information gathering raised


valuable questions which


were later discussed


with informants and other friends and colleagues.


Informal data gathering


also made use of written as well as spoken sources of language.


Linguistic


elements


considered


noted


in newspapers,


student


to be confirmations of


papers,
ability


personal


the speech


letters


were


patterns


therefore were preserved for the study.


The information gathered


by informal


procedures was recorded in a


notebook especially reserved for that purpose, and identified in the samples

of data as from the source STRI.

Analysis of Data


It is important to note that both data collection and analysis,


conceived here, are interactional


(informant-linguist) in nature.


as they are

Analysis of









contextual accuracy.


While the collection of data was usually by tape recorder,


checking was always done by pencil and paper.


Data


analyses


involved


breaking


down


collected


peech


data


into


component morphological and syntactic units, and


discovering the patterns


that emerged from contrasting and comparing the breakdowns.


As the data


were collected


, they were recorded and filed,


and comparisons were made as


files


were expanded.


This


would


lead


to particular


questions


about


patterns


which


were


becoming


apparent


data;


example,


consistent appearance of the


present


perfect verb


form


the data


questions regarding use of the preterite:


how would you say this in a different


situation?


is there a difference in ha llegado versus lleg6


and so forth.


An important component of recording


the data


so that


research


questions


could


emerge


was


addition


information


regarding


contexts of use of a


under what


particular linguistic item:


circumstances.


who spoke to


with


whom,


data;


when,


where


recording


such


information


was a


part of my data collection, I


was able to


analyze the patterns more thoroughly and with a great deal more confidence.


The


following


chapter


provide


results


analysis


grammatical


and


contextual


data


from


research,


together


with


information from other investigators of the AS dialect.
















CHAPTER IV

PHONOLOGY


Although


this study


focused


on the morphology


syntax


descriptions of the phonology of AS are reproduced here in order to gather in


one document all the available information on the dialect.


Phonological data


come from research by:


Boynton (1981),


Gordon (1980,


1982), Justiniano de la


Rocha


Escobar


(1976),


(1978),


Laprade


Godenzzi


(1976),


(1986),


Pyle


Hundley


(1981)


Bolivian


(1983)


Spanish;


McGourn


(1971)


Peruvian


Spanish.


may


anticipated,


there


are differences


between


monolingual


bilingual


speakers


Spanish


their


phonological


inventories, especially in the vocalic systems.

data reported by different investigators.


Following is a summation of the vowel and


There are also variations in the


consonant systems from


research


indicated


above,


phonetic


charts


which


describe


both


monolingual and bilingual speech.


















Stop


- vc


+ vc


Affricate


Fricative


- vc
+ vc


Resonants


Nasal


Lateral


Median


Flap


Front


Central


Back


High

Mid

Low


Figure 2:


Phonetic Chart of Bilineual Altiolano Spanish (Based on Laurade 1976,


















Stop


- vc


+ vc


Affricate


Fricative


- vc
+ VC


Resonants


Nasal


Lateral


Median


Flap


Front


Central


Back


High

Mid

Low


Figure 3:


( ^


Phonetic Chart of Monolingual Altiplano Spanish (Based on Laprade 197'


r. At fl


@ a
\^'









Phonemes and Allophonic


Variation


Vowels


high front unrounded:


high front unrounded,


in monolingual speech when stressed


and unstressed; in bilingual speech when stressed, as in [sio ku],


cinco,


'five'.


mid high front unrounded,


in bilingual speech when stressed,


in [dis2],


dice


's/he says'


in bilingual speech, high mid front unrounded,


elsewhere.


mid front unrounded:


voiceless mid front, in monolingual and bilingual speech,


when


unstressed and in the environment of voiceless consonants


in [lee


leche,


'milk'.


mid high front unrounded, in

before /n/, as in [tinfa], tenia,


bilingual speech when unstressed

's/he had'.


mid front unrounded, in monolingual speech before [r


and [2]


and when not syllable final, as in [ty


a], tierra,'earth


. and


[sst6mago],


est6maeo,


'stomach'


in bilingual speech, when


stressed, [tr Es],


tres,


'three'.


mid-high front, in monolingual speech when syllable final,


in bilingual speech,


when unstressed


, as in [n6


noche,


'night'.


low central unrounded:


voiceless low central unrounded


when unstressed and in the









mid back rounded:


voiceless mid back rounded, when unstressed and in the


environment of voiceless consonants, as in [mu6


much,


'much'.
mid back rounded, elsewhere in monolingual speech; in


bilingual speech, when stressed, as in [g i6b u]


globo,


'balloon'.


in bilingual speech,


mid high back rounded,


elsewhere, as in


[blanku],


blanco,


'white'.


/ u


high back rounded:


high back rounded, everywhere in monolingual speech


bilingual speech, when stressed, as in [pli m a],


pluma,


'feather'


in bilingual speech, mid high back rounded, unstressed, as in


eskuda


escuchar,


'to listen'


Consonants


/p/


bilabial voiceless unaspirated st

[p] everywhere, as in [pdlu]


pelo,


'hair'


alveolar (dental, according to some sources) voiceless unaspirated


stop:


everywhere, as in [tr ~


tres,


'three'


[fruta],


fruta,


'fruit'.


/k/


velar voiceless unaspirated stop:

[k] palatal voiceless unaspirated


before high front vowels, as


in [kinwa], quinua,

elsewhere, as in [k a6


'quinua'.


cabeza,


'head'.


bilabial voiced stop:









/d/


alveolar (dental, according to some sources) voiced stop:


alveolar (dental) voiced fricative,


intervocalically, as in


[pesk du],


Descado,


'fish'.


alveolar (dental) voiced stop,


elsewhere


, as in [kw


ando],


cuando,


'when'


and [d


duefio,


'owner'


velar voiced stop:


palatalized velar voiced fricative, after a vowel and before a


high front vowel,


as in [la


*ita


la guitarra,


'the guitar'


voiced velar fricative, intervocalically,


as in [gry


yo],


'Greek'.
palatalized velar voiced stop, before high front vowels,


griego,


[g n da


guindas,


'cherries'.


voiced velar stop,


elsewhere,


as in [p6ogo],


pongo,


'I put,


place'


voiceless alveopalatal affricate:

[c] everywhere, as in [canco]
voiceless labiodental fricative:


chancho,


voiceless bilabial fricative


, in free variation with [f],


likely to occur in the environment of bilabials,


although


as in [a p


wera],


afuera.


'outside'.


[f] voiceless labiodental fricative, elsewhere.
voiceless alveolar fricative:


voiced alveolar fricative, before voiced consonants,


as in


[mizmo],

as in [an


mismo.


zfdo],


'same'


han sido,


after voiced consonants before vowels,


'they have been'.









voiced retroflex assibilated fricative:


voiced retroflex fricative, everywhere, as in [6esa],


reza
YItJ~


's/he


prays


perro,


'dog'.


voiceless retroflex fricative, occurs finally, as in [mu


muier,


woman


'; some investigators have it medially


as in


perro,


'dog'.


voiceless velar fricative:


palatalized voiceless velar (some investigators place it post


velar) fricative, before high front vowels,


as in [xirafa]


jirafa,


'giraffe'.


voiceless velar fricative, elsewhere,


[xaPo6],


jab6n,


soap


bilabial nasal resonant:


bilabial nasal, everywhere, [s mb r a],


sombra,


'shade, shadow'


alveolar nasal resonant:


velar nasal, occurs before velars and finally,


as in [si k o],


cinco,


'five'


, and [kuras 6], corazon,


'heart'.


dental nasal


before dental


s, [kwando],


cuando,


'when'.


palatalized retroflex alveolar nasal,

retroflex consonants, as in [unni Bl


before palatalized


e], un roble,


'an oak'


bilabial nasal, before bilabial consonants,


vaso,


as in [umb aso], un


'a glass'.


elsewhere.


palatal nasal resonant:


everywhere, as in [pan


vafiuelo,


'handkerchief'


', or [pezo],


xi],


/m/


/~n/









alveolar lateral, elsewhere,


as in [le~e


leche,


'milk'.


palatal lateral resonant:


palatal lateral everywhere, [k r


y6ou],


criollo,


'creole'


labial medial resonant:


everywhere, as in [a


wtu],


auto,


auto


', and [wa


wa],


wawa.


'baby'.


/y/


palatal medial resonant:


everywhere, [6y],


hoy,


'today'


, and [y


hielo,


alveolar flap


alveolar flap, everywhere,


as in [piro],


pero,


Vowel System


All investigators report reduction and dropping of unstressed vowels.

The phenomenon is a regular feature of altiplano speech in all social contexts


and across all social groups:


it has been recorded in the speech of all classes,


educational levels, ages,


and in both


sexes


and in both informal and formal


speech.


However


, reduction


does


occur


with


every


incidence


unstressed vowel production.


In general in


the environment of voiceless


consonants


conducive


to the


devoicing


deleting


-/) of


vowels:


-> V
0


Gordon


(1977)


notes


, the


phenomenon


occurs


Bolivian


Spanis


especially in the environments /t


, as in [potsi],


'Potosfi'


meses


'months'


(p. 350).


Hundley (1983) reports that weakening and


deletion


vowels


Cuzquefio


peech


are favored


a preceding


->0









vowels


socially


stratified


Peru,


with


vowel


deletion


occurring


more


frequently among working class speakers, and less frequently among speakers

of the middle class, least frequently among the upper middle class.


Vowel


reduction


also


very


common


final


vowels


following


occlusives:


->0


as in [o6] for [6Eu],


ocho, or [alt


] for [altu


], altos (Pyle 1981:


192).


The effect


of lack of stress is quite reduced in moderated or slower speech; that is, the

vowels reappear or resurface in speech under those conditions (Laprade 1976).


Examples


phenomenon


vowel


reduc


tion/deletion


from


data


gathered for the present research include


(STRVIII


, 12)


Son hojas


muy [p


eya


(STRI, 81)


'They are very sticky leaves'
iD6nde vas [a] ir mafiana?,


'Where are you going tomorrow?'


(STRI, 103)


"A ya ahorita voy a hacer,


no te molestes"


[dfs],


"OK right now I'm going to do (it),
she says to me';


(STRI, 143)


don't worry,"


[aksitspErame],


'Wait for me right here!'


(STRIV


. y nosotros teniamos que ver como comer,


ossyer


tol?


and r47 har fIr


coo ahlrnnt pa2-ma rahft?'


-> V
Q








my dad working there,


the final


example,


is considered


to be


phonetic


realization


esta/


which has


undergone final


vowel


dropping


reduction


resultant sequence of /tt/ to /t/:


[esta trapaxandol-> [est.D trapaxando]


-> [es.tra axando


Pyle


(1981),


Justiniano


(1976)


McGourn


(1972)


are particularly


concerned with bilingual phonology


and describe the tendency of unstressed


vowels in


the speech of bilinguals


to form


a three-vowel


pattern roughly


equivalent to the Aymara


(and Quechua) vowel systemss"


(Pyle


1981


192).


The


three


vowel


pattern


incorporates


phones


which


variants


phonemes


~/0/


results


in items such a


[isul,


,eso,


'that'


, and [e


/ele


ecci6n,


'election'


Again,


slower speech reduces the effect of lack of


stress, resulting in the production of


a vocalic inventory within


which


the contrasts


are more


those of


Spanish five vowel system (Pyle 1981: 192).


McGourn'


(1971) analysis


indicates that he encountered


in data from


three


phoneme,


Aymara-Spanish


which


bilinguals
allophones


study


varying


, only


freely


one


from


front


vowel


[i] to [e


intermediate


varieties"


178).


While


present


research


implies


more


than one front vowel phoneme, it is the


variations are quite broad,


case


as McGourn suggest.


that the front vowel phonetic

s, and as indicated by Gordon,


Pyle, Boynton and Laprade.


For example, it is possible to hear variants such


as [di


[dis


or [d


ss], for /di


,dice,


s'; therefore


The following are examples of realizations of certain vowel nuclei in


~/e/









where unstressed /e/

(STRX, 113)


where unstressed /u/


unstressed [i].

Mi mama sabia estar ayudAndome a mi, [sob fr],

'My mom helped me get on';


unstressed [o].


(STRVI, 6)


Y [mi


parece no solamente dos tres personas,


pinsE] que han sido un grupo


. ,


'And it seems to me not only 2 or 3 people, I
thought that they were a group ..


The latter example, in


which


unstressed /e/ of the verb pens6 is


raised


to stressed /1/


, resulting in [pin


, appears


to be anomalous, since


unstressed vowels do not tend to change their stress pattern unless there is


reduction from a vocalic cluster.


Also in thi


example, the unstressed le/ of


the indirect object pronoun me is raised to [i].

Additional data from this research show a reduction from a glide plus


stressed


vowel


to a single


tressed


vowel


in item


uch as [pini]


viene


comes


', and [


intu]


siento,


'I feel':


[yel


Laprade notes that certain vowel clusters in Pacefio Spanish tend


an accented vowel followed by a glide,

vowels and reducing the number of sylla


to become


thus breaking the hiatus between the

Ibles. Examples from his data include


[awr a],


ahora,


'now'


[kaydo],


caido,


do],


leido,


'read':


-> [aw


F -- S I


-> e


q


I I I








73


attempts by bilingual speakers to clearly distinguish between the sounds [e]


and


which are allophones of the phoneme /i/ in Aymara:


[eyl


-> [ay]


Pyle reports that vowel lengthening occurs frequently, and appears to


be the phonetic equivalent of vowel + glide for some bilingual speakers,


as in


[ko:ta],


cuota,


quota


'or [b


:nte]


veinte,


twenty


[wo


-> [6:


-> [


is very


common


vowel


lengthening


to be


accompanied


certain


semantic connotations, as in [n


osen6


:xa], no


se enoja (sic),


'please don't get


mad'


, wherein a lengthened vowel with a slightly raised pitch signals a kind


of pleading.


The trends in the vowel system of


There is a tendency among bilingual

much like the substrate vowel system,


raised or lowered.


may be summarized as follows:


speakerss to form a three vowel pattern

in which the front and back vowels are


The phenomenon is more likely to occur when vowels are


unstressed, but it is mitigated by careful or slower speech.


There is a tendency


among both monolingual and bilingual speakers to reduce vowel clusters to


single vowels or vowels plus glides,


with a


consequential


reduction in


number


of syllables.


Additionally,


vowel


length


may


accompanied


certain semantic connotations.

Consonant System


Those


consonant


phonemes


which


have


manifested


articulations


particular interest as dialectal variants will be discussed here.


The phonetic









Among allophones of /


, Gordon, Pyle, Boynton and Laprade found


cases of [z] or [z] before voiced consonants, although Gordon notes that the


phenomenon does not occur "with regularity" in his data (1977:


and Hundley note that /


350).


never disappears in highland Peruvian


Escobar
speech,


and both Escobar and


Justiniano indicate that in the environment before /i/


it acquires


palatalization so


that acoustically it approaches


in highland


Peru and Bolivia.


I found some speakers for whom /


/ becomes [z] in initial


position after a nasal before vowels, as in


han sido,


'they


have


been'.


Gordon


found


four


allophones


three


which


occur


most


frequently as assimilations to the following consonantal point of articulation.


also


following


reports


velar


that


found


consonant,


such


environments


for ma]


involving


form'


[peg


amos


think'


, throughout


Bolivia


, among


sses


and


educational levels (1980: 350),


although I did not


see this reported by other


investigators.


Laprade reports five allophones of /n/


including


a retroflex


before a retroflex consonant.


Nearly all of Gordon's informants (99.3


) of all social classes employed


/X/, as in [kaXe],


calle


, and distinguished it "clearly and regularly" from /y/


thus he describes Bolivia, in contrast to the majority of the Hispanic world,


lleista, in agreement with all other investigators indicated above.


Escobar


(1978) description of Peruvian Spanish rests the primary dialectal divisions in


Peru


- the Andean versus the Ribereflo areas


- on whether the distinction


maintained.


i o]









and [p


position,


perro,


'dog'


as in [mux6


. Pyle reports that [C] becomes [z] in


muier


. woman


', and


Laprade found


syllable final

the voiceless


allophone in medial


position, as


in [p


perro


'dog'


. In a recent study


Gordon (1982) determined that the use of the [z] allophone on


the altiplano


has decreased somewhat among men and among those with a higher level of


education,


that


usage


spread,


especially


among


women


, to


lowland Bolivia, perhaps due to the political and economic influence of the

altiplano (p. 11).


Justiniano reports that shifts such as [b ] to [w ],


[waka],


vaca.


cow


[dr] to [gr],


[pagre], padre.


'father'


[gw] to [w


, wantede


], guante,


'glove'


are common among bilingual speakers.


Of these features


, only the


[b] to [w] is particularly characteristic of


the others are not unusual in


other dialects of Spanish.

AS characteristically retains consonants in nearly all environments; as


Laprade notes, it has consonantismo firme (1976:


The exception is the


weakening of intervocalic [6


eZo]
















CHAPTER V


MORPHOLOGY


AND SYNTAX:


VERB PHRASE CONSTITUENTS


Inflected Verbs: Data Source, Tense and Mood


This


research


confirm


existence


an evidentials


system


Altiplano Spanish.


It appears in the speech of persons all social groups in the


La Paz area, among monolinguals and bilinguals, in communities and towns


around


Lake


Titicaca


Bolivia


Peru


, and


in a variety


contexts


including


formal


informal


situations.


Indication


data


source


is at


present


a very


table


feature


very


likely


itself


marks


altiplano as a distinct dialect area.


besides the


Verb inflections contain in their meanings,


signification of tense and mood, the category of data source, the


evidentials class referred to here as data source.


Data source is expressed in


the past tense system of AS through the selection of particular tenses which

signify that the information being relayed was obtained either through direct


personal


experience


or through


some


other,


indirect,


experience,


such


having been told or having read about the information.


Subtle distinctions


regarding the reliability of or responsibility for the message being conveyed

are available to speakers of AS by the use of the past tenses which express


degrees of personal assurance regarding the source of the message.


tenses also are influenced by the data source category


The future


. One may speak of a









Another feature of the tense system of AS, related


to the data source


distinction


is found in reference to time.


The division between present and


past time, reflected in the use of the present and past tenses of verbs described


present


section,


is not


always


as important


as it is


overriding distinction in


the tense system of this dialect of Spanish i


data


source,


rather


than


time-which


often


treated


as a relatively


unimportant matter, much in the same way that number and gender receive


optional


treatments


in the


noun


system.


The


result


that present


tense


forms are found frequently referring to past time, in a distribution somewhat

different from that of the historical present of SS.


In examining the dialectal


used on the altiplano,


variations which occur in


the verb


it should be noted that it is not the forms per


se which


vary, so that dialectal difference in verb usage may not be as readily apparent


as, for example, in phonology.


It is the meanings of the forms,


the contexts in


which they may be used, which have shifted.

The question of Aymara substrate influence on the verb system of AS


discussed


Chapter


VIII;


verb


system


is described


below.


The


description is organized


to reflect the data gathered in


this research,


which


demonstrate


primacy


data


source


distinctions.


Tense


mood


categories


are presented


as secondary


distinctions


to data


source,


reason that these categories frequently occur in this manner in the texts.

Non-Personal Knowledge

Past time


The


most


intriguing


aspect


altiplano


tense


' sys









specifically


whether the speaker is relaying the information in the capacity of


an eyewitness to the event being referred to.


Previous research has


indicated


that


pluperfect


tense conveys


contrast


to the


other


past


tenses,


which


forms


basis


data


source


indication.


Herminia Martin


(1976)


has written


the pluperfect/preterite


opposition


event


being


eyewitness).


in Pacefo


spoken

Herrero


Spanish


terms


known


(1969)


also


those


either


describes


tenses


indirectly


signalling

ir directly


pluperfect as


that


non-personal


knowledge used in Cochabamba,


Bolivia:


these constructions frequently


indicate either surprise or that the speaker is not an eyewitness but reporting


someone


else'


experience"


40)1


Herrero


also


notes


that


enlargement, rather than a replacement,


past of a past.


of the sense of the pluperfect as a


Schumacher (1980) also found the data source distinction in the


speech of young people in Puno, Peru.


As Herrero (1969) indicates,


in AS the pluperfect tense does occur with


the SS meaning of "past of a


past"


, or relevant anteriority to a


point in


past, as in


(STRI, 100)


Un extrafio estaba robando una mochila de un


grupo de pasajeros que habian ilegado,

'A stranger was robbing a backpack from a
group of tourists who had arrived.'

This tense also frequently indicates, however, that the speaker did not bear


personal


knowledge


witness


about


to the event


event


in the


through


capacity

another


an eye


source


witness,


, which


may


include









context,


pluperfect


usually


appears


in non-sequential


verb


constructions, for example,


(STRV


Y, en nada habian encontrado trabajo


. .,


'And they didn't find any work (I didn't see this


happening


myself but


was


someone


they didn't


find


work)


The meaning of the form in this context then, is pero no me consta.


'but I'm


not a witness


, I don't personally vouch for this,


I didn't see it'


and at times an


expression such as no me consta,


or no lo vi accompanies the construction.


The


context


usage


is further


amplified


to include


statements


surprise or unintentional action.


For example,


habias llegado,


'Oh, you've


arrived!'


, someone may say as you enter


a room,


meaning that the speaker


didn't know you


were coming, or when, or perhaps had forgotten about it,


until the event (your arrival) took place, or perhaps even after the event (not


having seen you enter the room,


the speaker


sees


you there sometime later),


and is surprised by it.


Reflexive expressions such as me habia cortado mi


dedo,


cut my


finger


(and


hadn't realized


or me habia dormido,


(accidentally) fell asleep'


(Laprade 1976:


58) use the pluperfect to indicate non-


volitional action, accidents or unintentional activity.


Further,


conversations


story


telling,


relating


historical


or more


recent events and so


forth,


the pluperfect is one form


(form


decir are


others; see Chapters VII and VIII) which may be used to signal to the listener


or interlocutor that the information


which follows comes from some source


other than the personal experience of the speaker.


frame the discourse,


The pluperfect serves to


which may then be given as it was originally heard or






80


context in which quoting is frequent and the quotes themselves may be quite


ong.2


Present time


The


present


expressed


using


forms


Slega. estA


llegando,


arrives'


,'X is arriving'


and non-personal knowled


is expressed by use of


discourse


strategies


which


signal


category


(see


Chapter


VII).


These


strategies often


involve the use of forms of decir,


'to say, tell'


as in


(STRX, 130)


Si, ahora dice que ya esta cambiando.


'Yes, they say3 now that it's


changing


Other strategies involve a statement or detailing of the source of the

information, such as having read about the event (He leido en El Diario que


la huelga sigue ya,


'I read in El Diario that the strike is still going on').


If non-


personal knowledge is not indicated,


it will be assumed that the speaker was


or is a


personal


witness


to the event


in question.


If the listener is


unsure


about the speaker'


intentions, perhaps ha


some reason to doubt them


then


the speaker's not indicating


data source


may


be interpreted as


hedging


equivocation regarding the information source.

Future time


Future


time


may


conceived


as existing


on a continuum


ranging


from definite, to less certain, to very uncertain.


Given this continuum, the


simple


future


(llegara)


tense


which


selected


speakers


perhaps in response to the function


of tha


tense


as a


conjectural in


express a future which may be understood as less certain to very uncertain.


. .1


~





81


That is, the use of the simple future implies some doubt from the speaker's


perspective about whether the event in question will actually take place.


is in contrast to the periphrastic future (va a llegar),


This


discussed in some detail


under


personal


knowledge


categories


verb


tenses,


which


signals


certainty on the part of the speaker about the event in question.


example,


someone


says


llegar6


a las


diez,


arrive


at ten


o'clock'


, the message may be interpreted as signalling


later than ten o'clock'


, or 'I may not be there at all'


'I'll probably be much


. In another example of


this usage,


Laprade (1976) reports that the statement


(LAPI, 45)


.las voy a contar por carta que recibirs ...,


'. .I'll tell you about them by letter that you
will receive .


implies


"uncertainty


as to whether


often


untrustworthy


mails


will


deliver the letter"


45), whereas the future formed by the periphrastic ir + a


+ contar signals certainty about writing a letter.


This selective use of the future tenses


was heard during the research


for this study as a feature of both monolingual and bilingual speech, and in


the lower and middle classes in urban and rural areas.


I have also heard the


simple


future


used


in much


same


manner


in which


periphrastic


future is


used


therefore consider the


influence of


data


source-in


sense of personal assurance of or commitment to the event-to be a resource

in AS future time (or 'unseen') references, but not an obligatory distinction as


it is in the


'already seen'


(i. e.


, present and past) tenses.


Personal Knowledge





82


preterite, present perfect and the imperfect, as well as the present tense as a


past.


The SS meanings which these past tenses generally imply


and which


continue to form essential or basic elements of the altiplano


tense system,


have been shifted to encompass the world of meanings which the evidentials

category allows, and which reflect the social parameters of altiplano life.

Present perfect and preterite tenses


The very frequent occurrence of the present perfect (ha llegado) in AS


is quite remarkable.


As a matter of fact, the present perfect often occurs in


contexts in which SS prefers the preterite (lleg6):


(STRII, 33)


(STRV


Ha sido una sorpresa muy grande cuando
fuimos alli en catorce de septiembre,

'It was a big surprise when we went there the
14th of September';


Y en esas semanas ya no hemos hecho nadaps,


'And during those weeks (some six years ago)
we didn't do anything!';


(STRIX, 11)


Bueno, desde que yo he nacido practicamente yo
he vivido en un solo barrio,

'Well since I was born I've really lived in only
one barrio.'


It is not unusual for the present perfect


to be used in


to refer to


recent or even


distant past events


which


for the


speaker, may


have some


bearing on the present.


But the orientation suggested by these examples is not


quite like that of


In AS the


present perfect is often


used


to indicate a


punctuated


or concluded


event,


including


those


which may


have occurred





83


The preterite does remain an option for speakers who wish to indicate


concluded


events


or past events


which


context


is closed


relevant


to the


present.


However


difference


between


preterite


present


perfect


frequently


one


concluded


event


versus


relevant anteriority, respectively,


but one of social register.


Of the norms


which have been or perhaps are being established for 'correct'


speech in this


part of the Hispanic world, prestige is represented by the preterite form.

The pattern is found in this research in Bolivia and Peru, in urban and


rural areas and across all social groups,


researchers.


and has also been reported by other


Mendoza (1988) notes that in Pacefo Spanish "the present perfect


has almost completely displaced the preterite.

and not exclusively, in formal situations (in


The latter form appears only,


which)


the prestige


variety (is


used)"4 (p.


Godenzzi (1986) also notes social class differences in preterite


versus present perfect usage, in the Puno area of Peru.


Briefly


he found that


the preterite


was


more


frequently


used


in the


discourse


wealthier


urban Punefios; the present perfect predominated in the speech of middle and


lower


class


and rural Punefios, and


especially


among Quechua or


Aymara


bilinguals.


Thus the preterite is marked as part of the prestige variety of the


Spanish of Puno.


As notions of social


prestige represented in language are internalized,


many


speakers


appear


to shift register


from


more familiar,


formal


present


perfect


forms,


preterite


form


situation


perceived


to demand more formality


or correctness.


In the daily speech of


campesinos


middle


lower


class


urban


dwellers





84


Copacabana (Bolivia) and Puno (Peru), the preterite is relatively infrequent,


although again both


preterite and present perfect may


appear in


the same


contexts, relative to conception of time


aspect of the past event


being


spoken about, in which SS prefers the preterite exclusively.

In this research, one of the first clues to the connection between social

register and choice of verb tense in speech was in the switch made by a close

friend from her nearly preterite-free, informal speech to a present perfect-free


style in a tape recorded interview (see Appendix STRIV).


After the interview,


the friend,


who is a


university student and a monolingual Spanish speaker


from La Paz, and who may be described for these purposes as middle class and


"upwardly mobile", stated her preference for the preterite,


and her dislike of


the campesino-sounding present perfect usage.


This young woman'


views


are not uncommon:


Campesino (read:


'Indian') speech is often identified by,


mimicked and even ridiculed for frequency of present perfect forms, despite


that


usage


is common


monolinguals


middle


upper


classes in


bilinguals.


the urban areas, as


It should


mentioned


well

that


as in

such


the rural


direct


areas and


among


stigmatization


present


perfect


in speech


occurred


during


research


only


certain


contexts when language was itself a topic, for example.


Additional sources


regarding these views of social prestige and language behavior were found in

television programs, comedy theater in the urban areas, and in observation of

daily social interactions in urban and rural areas.


The


distinction


social


register


between


these


tenses


is not


surprising given the prestige factors associated with the preterite


- including









everywhere,


associated


with


present


perfect.


own


use of present


perfect altiplano style was at times reinforced by comments such as iAy


bonito hablas va como


Boliviana


, 'Oh how nicely you speak now,


like a


Boliviana!'


The


general


effect


was


a 'weaning'


away


from


preterite, and a more frequent use of present perfect in order


to present a


solidary style of interaction with friends and acquaintances in the area.

In yet another level of interaction with the data source category, there


are differences


between the preterite and the present perfect in


personal support for or substantiation


of the message.


the level of


For some speakers


(perhaps


many),


stronger personal


use


testimony


than


present

use of


perfect


implies


preterite,


a somewhat


which


them


carries a sense of greater personal distance from the message.


For example,


the following, spoken by a young Bolivian who wasn't at all sure that he was

looking forward to a marriage in his family:


(STRV


, 57)


todavia no


se casaron,


'Right, they


still haven't gotten married,


where SS would call for todavia no


se han casado.


Further, Bolivians have


expressed to me their feeling that statements in the present perfect can carry


more weight, more believability, than those in


which preterite is used.


present

personal


perfect


knowledge


preferred,


therefore,


or personal


experience


as a stronger


than


preterite.


statement


And


preterite tends to reduce the level of personal involvement on the part of the


speaker in the message.

present perfect appears


This aspect of the difference between preterite and


to be


a resource


within


but not an


obligatory









these two tenses expresses a level of personal involvement.


It is the type of


distinction


research


which is very likely tied


will have to clarify the extent


to contextual


to which


appropriateness.


resource


Future


is exploited


across social groups and social contexts.


The


essential


differences,


then


between


forms


are these:


where the present perfect is casual and implies intimacy, the preterite is more


formal, therefore distant; where the present perfect i


identified as Boliviano


or altiplano, down-home,


and familiar and pretty to some (or in some social


contexts), it is identified as feo,


'ugly'


, Indian,


uneducated


other social contexts) for whom the preterite is habla culta,

in linguistic contexts in which the preterite is used in SS.


, by others (or in

polite and correct


Although


there


are speakers


whom


preterite


express


punctuated or concluded event, and the present perfect, relevant anteriority,


the primary


contrast in


the altiplano


past tense system is


that between


pluperfect as a non-personal knowledge form, on one hand and the present

perfect, the preterite, the imperfect and the present tense as past, as personal


knowledge forms, on the other.


Additionally


such considerations as a sense of personal


social prestige factors weighing

stance of the speaker from the


message (an echo of the evidentials category) and formality of the situation

bear on the choice of preterite versus present perfect in linguistic contexts in

which SS would prefer the preterite.

Imperfect tense


The


imperfect


tense


(llegaba)


retains


function


expressing


continuance, that which was habitual or customary, or to describe qualities or








(STRIV


28-32)


Estaba mal de su vista entonces no teniamos


dinero.


A pan y caf4


estabamos.


Yo tenia de mi


mamA sus joyas.


Vendi todita sus joyas.


Y iba


uno por uno, porque no llegaba dinero.


'Her eyesight was bad,


money.


so we didn't have any


We were down to bread and coffee.


had my mom's


jewelry. I sold all her jewelry.


And it was one by one, because no money
arrived.. .


The imperfect tense has


been relatively unchanged in its usage apart


from its


role in


the AS evidentials


system


as a personal


knowledge form.


When the imperfect is used to relate events or conditions which the speaker


had not personally witnessed,


the discourse is framed in a number of possible


ways to indicate that fact.


For example,


as in


case


of the present tense


mentioned


above,


the discourse may


begin


with some form


decir, as in


dizque,


'it is said, they say/said that'


, or the speaker may utilize the pluperfect


tense in an initial statement to signal


to the


hearer that the information in


the discourse to follow is not from the personal experience of the speaker.6

Present tense as past


The historical


present is not uncommon in


, serving to


"give more


animation


to the recital"


(Ramsey


1966: p.


336)


. Ramsey


suggests


that the


present tense when substituted in


this way for imperfect or preterite in SS


narrations


done


so consistently


is also


accompanied


relevant


changes


in other


past


tenses:


pluperfect


to perfect,


conditional


to future


indicative (p.


336)


It is not at all


unusual for the present tense to be utilized in AS as a


past, but without the sense of immediacy conveyed by the historical present









often


unimportant


in AS,


a fact


which


is reflected


rather


free


distribution of present tense and past tense forms to signal past time.


Further


present


tense


as a past


may


or may


accompanied


concomitant changes in other tenses described by Ramsey.


The following


examples


are taken from Spanish-Aymara


bilingual


speakers (urban and rural, lower


and middle cl


Bolivia and Peru)


show


a variety in


distribution


which does not occur in


the present


the standard.


Note


tense with other past tenses

that the glosses are given in


English past tense in order to accurately render the sense of the statements,


also


to diminish


the focus on


present-past distinction


which may


startle a speaker of non-AS.


(STRV


cuando


se muri6 mi mama


, ya no nosotros,


ya, todo no hacemos,


'And when my mom died,
didn't do everything.'


then we


, then, we


(STRIII,


El acaba primero y


se fue al cuartel,


'He finished first and went into the Army'


(STRI,


195)


Dicen en la filtima etapa


.. que el quechua


toma auge, en su importancia,
econ6mico y politico,


no?,


socio-


'They say that in the last stage


. Quechua


got a boost in its socio-economic and
political importance';


(STRVI, 2)


Entonces ellos indican en el tiempo del
explotaci6n de los patrons, habia families que


apellidan Mamanis,


Quispes, Ch'ukiwanka,


Wanka.








surnames were Mamani,


Quispe,


Ch'ukiwanka,


Wanka.


Use


of the present tense as a past extends to the subjunctive, although such


usage may be a continuation of the collapse of the subjunctive paradigm that


began in Spain.


Examples of the subjunctive present as past include:


(STRVIII,


Entonces el campesino estaba asi,


hasta que


suelde todo,

'So the campesino was like that, until


everything


mended';


(STRV, 8)


Estaba buscando algo, para que


se sane,


'I was looking for something,
recover.'


so that she might


The


present


tense


form


used


a past


without


a non-personal


knowledge qualifier in the discourse (i.


e, the unmarked form), such as some


form of decir, signals to the hearer that the speaker is a personal witness to


the event under discussion.


The use of a present tense form as a past tense


with a qualifier, such as dicen,


'they say'


, indicates that the speaker was not an


eyewitness to the event, but that the original story is being relayed.

Present time


Obviously many


statements


made


present


tense


will


involve


personal knowledge, or personal experience of the event in question.


that do not will occur in the context of discourse in


Those


which the source of the


information is made clear; i.


e., that the speaker heard,


read, etc.,


that such-


and-such is the case, is happening, and so forth.


Apart from considerations of


data source function


, certain aspects of


t *


-II .


f4


-~ ~ aI- aIL---I- n- ar -I~r a .L












Future time


Godenzzi (1986) reports that the periphrastic future (va a llegar) occurs


with more frequency than the simple future (llegara)


n Peru in the middle


and lower class.


Though the frequency of occurrence of the periphrastic form


may in itself be a dialectal indicator, it is also true, as noted by Laprade (1976:


that


two


future


forms


relay


same


message


about


future-there is a difference in the contexts of their occurrence both in Peru

and in Bolivia.


From


point


view


speaker


periphrastic


compound form signals a more certain future, or a stronger intention about


the future, than does the


be understood


imple form.


to be influencing


In this sense


the choice of


, the evidentials category

different futures for AS


speakers.


The more certainty one has about the future, the more a speaker is


willing to personally vouch for a future--as one does in choosing the present

perfect over the pluperfect to represent past events-then the future tense to

be selected will more likely be the periphrastic form.


If, for example, a friend says to me voy a

know that the event is more likely to take place,


ilegar,


'I will arrive'


then I


or that my friend is more


determined to have the event take place, than would be the case if she were to


say llegar&,


'I will arrive'


. Given the latter


I would be from less concerned to


unconcerned about waiting for her arrival.

Likewise, the question


(STRI, 145)


Vas a estar aqui,


no?,


'You'll be here, right?'