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Structure and use of Altiplano Spanish

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Title:
Structure and use of Altiplano Spanish
Creator:
Stratford, Billie Dale, 1946-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
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x, 287 leaves : ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Dialects ( jstor )
Grammatical gender ( jstor )
Language ( jstor )
Linguistics ( jstor )
Llamas ( jstor )
Narratives ( jstor )
Nouns ( jstor )
Regional dialects ( jstor )
Verbs ( jstor )
Vowels ( jstor )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
Dialecten ( gtt )
Spaans ( gtt )
Spanish language -- Altiplano ( lcsh )
Spanish language -- Dialects -- Altiplano ( lcsh )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1989.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 272-286).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Billie Dale Stratford.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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STRUCTURE AND USE OF ALTIPLANO SPANISH









By

BILLIE DALE STRATFORD
y^/w ..; .. *^* *".s -c *k- -&.


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1989



















Copyright 1989


Billie Dale Stratford
















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


This dissertation is nothing if not a cooperative venture:


There were


many people who made the work both possible and gratifying for me at each


stage, from whom I learned.


I extend my sincere appreciation and thanks to


the people of Bolivia and Peru


who


have so generously


shared


their time,


knowledge,

complexity,


trust.


They


ingenuity


have


helped


integrity


me to begin


altiplano


to understand


culture-for


especially and deeply indebted.


In particular I wish to remember the people of


community


of Kusijata,


Bolivia


, especially


Adrian


Wara-Wara


Quispe,


Adela P6rez de Suxo and


Ediberto Suxo, for their generosity


and support.


Special


thanks


also


Bonifacio


Aramayo,


Andrea


Fl6res


Marina


Fernandez,


Paulino


Huafiapaku,


Ascencio Cafiari


Ayaviri,


Rolando


L6pez,


Daniel Cala


and the friends of Calle


garnaga, for the unending patience,


resourcefulness, and friendship they offered as we worked together.


Others


who have been very open, skillful, and


Dios


understanding teachers are


Yapita Moya of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara,


Juan de


La Paz; Jose


Mendoza


Department


Linguistics


Native


Languages


at the


Universidad Mayor de San Andres, La Paz;


Tom


Huanca Laura of the


Taller


de Historia Oral Andina and Comunidad Pacha, La Paz; Juana


Vasquez of the


Museo de Etnografia


Folklore


La P


az; Diane Bellamy of Artesania Sorata,









Lawrence Carpenter, Paul Doughty


and Michael Moseley


. Anthony Oliver-


Smith in particular offered guidance on a range of issues and questions.


expertise which Lucy


Briggs applied to this project is largely responsible for


any of its successes; she surely went the extra mile,


completion.


thanks


also


to Lawrence


step by step,

Carpenter ft


in order to


lending


considerable knowledge of


Andean Spanish and indigenous influences.


consistent encouragement of my committee was akin to water in the desert.


My thanks go to Ronald Kephart,


Andre Moskowitz, and especially to


John Lipski for reading and commenting on the manuscript, and


to Manuel


Mamani M.


and Francisco Mamani C.


for their kind assistance in translation


analysis of the


data.


always


grateful


to M.


Hardman-de-


Bautista


training


genera


orientation


provided


dissertation.

I am also grateful to the Fulbright-Hays Foundation, which sponsored a

year-and-a-half of field work for this dissertation in Bolivia and Peru, to the


Tinker


Foundation,


which


sponsored


preliminary


visits


research, and


to the Center for


Latin American


Studies


at the University of


Florida for their support.


family--especially


to Norman--who


have


been


an unfailing


source of inspiration and support, go my love and my warmest appreciation.


these


have


contributed


mightily


to this


work,


except


shortcomings, which are my responsibility



















TABLE OF CONTENTS


CHAPTERS


Review of the Literature ...


Explanatory


Trends in Dialectology


Spanish Dialectology ........
Organization of the Dissertation


............................. 1


ETHNOLINGUISTIC HISTORY ............ ............................

Preconquest................................. .................................
Conquest and Colonial and Republican Periods..
Modern Context .................. ................ .........................
Attitudes about Language and Ethnic Group
Identity ..................................................
Cultural Similarity ....... ... ................. ........... ....
Direction of Influence ........................ ............. .
Geographic Divisions .. .. .. ............................


Urbanization and Population


Trends:


Literacy and National Perspectives


Summary


METHODS....................................................................................

Definition of Terms ...............................................


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .............................................................................


ABSTRACT .............................................................. ....... .............................


IN TRODU CTION ................ ................................ ....................


.. .. r........ 0... .. .. ... ..... ..o .. .. .... .*. 37











Informal.


Analysis of Data


Phonemes and Allophonic Variation
Vow el System ....................................
Consonant System .................................


MORPHOLOGY


AND SYNTAX:


VERB PHRASE


CONSTITUENTS ................


Inflected Verbs:


Data Source, Tense and Mood


Non-Personal Knowledge ...............................
Personal Knowledge ............................ .............

Structure of Time in Altiplano Spanish
Verbs ............ ...................................


Indicative


Versus Subjunctive ......................


Person and Number Options .........................
A auxiliaries ............................................................


Verb Classes ...........


Reflexive ......
Participative
Clitic Pronouns ......
Adverbial .................


MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX:


*e .... o*( *ifi* cec.. t C *9**to e C w*eW*e*e .* ***I c t..
*. *5 SS c*W S 9* SW S C@ e*W ec cc *eSo ~ *e eeIte* C C


NOUN PHRASE


CONSTITUENTS ......


Gender and Number .............................
N ou n ............................................
Noun + Modifiers .....................
Mass Nouns ...............................
Pronominal Referent ..................
Noun and Modifiers .............................
Presence or Absence of Article


Word Order .....................
bien + Adjective ..... ........
Noun Combinations .............


..****.****.............


eec...S.....ce.. ......
....C......* c..... ..c.
........C* .e ...t.....e ..


..................... ....ecc.***...
SCC S....esect..e..... C..C. C.. .C


Data Gathering Processes ............................................
Formal ........................... ..............................


PH O N O LO G Y ............................................... .............................


Transitive--Intransitive .................................









Prepositional Object Pronouns


SYNTAX:


DISCOURSE PROCESSES


Data Source Marking .....
Verb Tense ...........
Forms of decir .....
Quoting ...................
Combined Forms


Particles


Subordination.


Relativization ...............................................
G erund .............................................................
Adverbial Subordinator and Fronting


of Subordinate Clause
Conjunction .........................................
C ausation .................... ...... ................


Marking Customary


.. ......... ...... .*...
si be. Seg ce0sec 9*W. c 6.cccc.


Action


Suffixation ......... ..... ..... ..........
Word/Phrase Level.


....... ...... .....c............. ....
........... ... s .. .. i .9. .9 ... c..


Phrase/Clause Level


Topicalization .......................


Fronting
Articles.
Commas


*. ec... ... cecec .cc.. e.*.. ... c.. .....b.... c ....cs...t.s
* b.bc*.b cc.eci* tee.i.b*.eb...... cc... seeS..., b....... bcc.a...


Repetition ...... .


VIII


AYMARA SUBSTRATE INFLUENCE ...............................


Phonological System
Vowels ............
Consonants ....


* c S.c e. ..t c ......................eetc. 9.......c.........
........ ..W...I...I............ ........................


Grammatical Structure .... ..... ................................
Gender and Number .......................................
Possessive and Locative Marking .................
Transitivity and Object Marking ...................


Verb Constructions:


saber


+ Infinitive and


hacer


+ Infinitive ... .......... ..................


Discourse Structure ....... .......... ......... .............. ........... ....
Su ffixation .................... ........... ............ ........
Topicalization .. ........... ................. .... ..................
lOui i rainn .---........------.....-....-.-.-----








IX DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS .................................

APPENDICES ...................................................................................................

I SAMPLE DATA FROM WRITTEN MATERIALS ..........

II N A RRA TIV E ......................................................................

IlE NARRATIVE III .....................................................................

IV NARRATIVE IV .................... ..............................................

V NARRATIVE V .................................................................


NARRATIVE


VIII


N A RRA TIV E VIII ..................................................................


NARRATIVE


NARRATIVE


NARRATIVE


IX ..................................... ........................m........


X ................ .................. .................................


X I ................... ... .................. ..... ....... ........... ......


REFEREN CES ..................................................................................................

BIO G RA PH ICA L SKI ETCH ................................... ..................a..... .. .. ..........


VI ....................................................................


N ARRA TIVE VII ..................................................................



















Abstract of


Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School


of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


STRUCTURE AND USE OF

By

Billie Dale S


August,


Chairman:


ALTIPLANO SPANISH


;tratford


1989


Anthony Oliver-Smith


Major Department:


Anthropology


This dissertation provides a basic


struck


tural description of a variety of


Spanish


poken


altiplano


Bolivia


and


Peru,


which


reflects


influences from the indigenous langua


after nearly 500 years of language


and


culture


contact


and


extensive


bilingual


region.


Anthropological


field


techniques


data


collection


analy


were


employed in the study to determine characteristic aspects of the grammar and


usage patterns of the dialect.


A knowledge of the language and culture of the


Aymara

millenia,


people,


was


who


have


necessary


occupied


target


understanding


area


contexts


research


lingui


patterns of this dialect.


Previous research on the phonology and grammar of


S* 4


1


* -


LL~ I-- L--Y IY--,,,,,, I ,1 L~-. LL









This


study


demonstrated


that


there is substrate influence in


syntax of the dialect, and that it is particularly manifested in the verb system,

in which selected verb tenses are used to express a category of evidentials that


has come into the language from the substrate.


Aymara cultural postulates,


such


as politeness


and respect for


one's interlocutor,


have


also influenced


language patterns in several areas of Altiplano Spanish syntax.


The research


has also shown that the direction of influence in the context of language and


culture contact may flow from


the oppressed


language and


culture


to the


socially


and


politically


dominant


language


and


culture,


and


that


influence may be profound indeed.


The results of this research contribute to


Spanish


dialectology


to language


culture


contact


studies


Andean region.
















CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION


The Aymara


people,


who number about three million, live primarily


on the high plains and mountains of the central Andes in Bolivia,


southern


Peru and northern Chile.


The Lake


Titicaca Basin is the historic and current


center of their culture,


which from


there radiates south and eastward


to La


and


mountains


surrounding


northern


communities


Chile


, south


southwest


southern


to Moquegua


Bolivia


Tacna


coastal Peru.


Migration, primarily for economic reasons, to urban centers in


the last forty years and especially in the last five years has resulted in large


concentrations of Aymara also in Lima, Peru,


Buenos Aires


, Argentina,


Arica


, Chile (Bourque 1984, Alb6 1981).


This dissertation is concerned


with a case of language contact which


existed


a region


Aymara


concentration


since


Conquest.


Specifically, the object of the research reported here is a structural description


variety


of Spanish


which


spoken


on the


altiplano of Bolivia and


Peru.


The linguistic


situation in


region is


somewhat unique


Latin


America, in that the typical post-Conquest language use pattern has resulted

in the elimination of most of the indigenous languages in favor of the status


language, Spanish.


The Aymara people, on the other hand, have persisted in





2


of the region may be seen in part as a concomitant of the vitality of Aymara


persistence


use


their


native


language.


During


nearly


five


centuries of contact between Spanish and Aymara, elements of each language


have


been


introduced


into


other.


Laprade


(1981)


notes


, the


interinfluence


these


languages


was


a process


pidginization


subsequent creolization in any


direction.


Neither language has undergone


any degree of morphological simplification.

A primary source of interlingual influence is the multilingualism that


characterizes


Andean


region.


Census


reports


indicate


that


Spanish-


indigenous language bilingualism or multilingualism is the norm for nearly


all of the Andean region in


both


Bolivia and Peru, excluding


coastal Peru,


where


Spanish


monolingualism


is reported


higher


(Instituto


Nacional


Estadistica de Bolivia 1980;


Institute Nacional de Estadistica del Peru


1981),


historical


data indicate


that Spanish-indigenous


bilingualism


been


the norm throughout the Andes since the conquest (Laprade 1981).


Although Aymara (as well as Quechua in Ecuador,


Bolivia and Peru)


intragroup


language


maintenance


is strong,


frequency


Spanish


use


between Andean ethnic groups, social


classes and


urban-rural associations


also appears to be quite high and is probably both cause and consequence of


high


degree of bilingualism in


the region.


Yet a systematic structural


description of Andean Spanish remains to be done.


The purpose of this study


is to provide


a structural


description


the Spanish


Andes


immediate zone of Lake


Titicaca in Peru and Bolivia (hereafter referred to as


'Altiplano


Spanish'),


an analysis


usage


patterns


Altiplano









There is a further,


very practical need for such a study.


Particularly in


Peru,


where it carries the low socio-economic and political status association


with


erranos.


highlanderss'


(Wdlck 1972,


L6pez et al.


1984) and to a lesser


extent in Bolivia, Andean Spanish is regarded by speakers of other dialects of


Spanish as a form of incorrect or substandard speech.


The denigration of the


dialect, along with other manifestations of social and political oppression of

indigenous language and culture, has subsequent negative consequences for


speakers of it in, for example, educational settings.


Further


, such negative


attitudes toward this dialect have been internalized by some of its speakers.


linguistic


analysis


Andean


Spanish,


entailing


explication


relationship


to the


substrate1


languages


systematic


contrasts


with


other dialects of Spanish,


may


contribute to its recognition as a legitimate


language form, by speakers of the dialect and speakers of other dialects of

Spanish, as well.


During a


preliminary field


trip to Peru,


Bolivia and Chile in


1984


was assured that the study of the Spanish spoken in the highlands of Bolivia

and Peru would be received as an integral part of the developing indigenous


studies of

Aymara r


>eopl


area-which are b<

e themselves-and


ning undertaken in

as a welcome co


large measure


ntribution


to national


social science research efforts in both Peru and Bolivia.

The following provides a summary of the areas of theory and research

which have guided this study.

Review of the Literature


Explanatory


Trends in Dialectoloev





4


All spoken languages change constantly, and a result of that change


may involve


dialectal


variation


within


a language.


Dialects


compel great


interest, in the fact of their "different sameness" for the layperson; and for the


linguist, in


the realization


that present variation may prefigure significant


diversity in a long historical process of language differentiation


(Garcia and


Otheguy


1983:


103).


The


questions


raised


dialectology


deal


with


products of linguistic change, their spatial and temporal distributions, and the

causes and conditions for this change.


Linguists


distinguish


two


fundamental


sources


language


variation, which may be characterized as systemic (implicit tendencies within

a given linguistic system) and non- or extra-systemic factors (language contact,


social


and


psychological


pressures).


other


words,


there


may


both


linguistically


culturally


motivated


innovations


language.


Sapir'


poetic characterization of the former is well known:


"Language moves down


time in a current of its own making.


It has a drift. .


." (1921:


165)


. Language


drift, in Sapir's

of cumulative


terms,


worked through the unconscious selection by speakers


individual


variations.


Sapir


had


mind


changes


phonology


or grammar


which


can


accounted


on the


basis


linguistic environment, such as the dental articulation of /


/ in many dialects


of American Spanish (Garcia 1968: 76).

A consideration of systemic factors often includes historical dialect


studies.


Such is the case for


American Spanish, in


which


variation may at


times


traced


to original


peninsular


dialects.


example,


although


thorough surveys of


the historical antecedents


for any region of


American





5


"it would be more proper to refer to Castilian and Atlantic Spanish" (Lapesa


1964:


182) rather than


peninsular


and American Spanish, so many features


are shared


latter


Andalucian


language


history.


Canfield


particular has amply demonstrated the importance of the diachronic factor in

American Spanish pronunciation (cf. Canfield 1964 and 1982).


Most


linguists


link


language


change


to extra-systemic


social


change3 (cf., for example Weinreich 1979 [1953]; McDavid 1964; Swadesh 1964;


Bright 1964; Ferguson 1972 [1959]


Labov 1972a [1969]; Carpenter 1983).


Early in


American


linguistics,


Kroeber


(1906,


cited


Hymes


1983)


asses


relation between dialect and political, social and cultural units, showing how


the relation differed between cultural groups.


Sociolinguistic research often


involves the correlation of particular dialect variants with social factors (age,


ethnicity,


gender,


class


s, etc.)


and/or


with


different


functional


values


("diglossia" [Ferguson


19721).


And finally


some linguists have argued that


the stimulus for any systemic change in language may be found in the social


environment (Bright 1964;


Capell 1966


Day 1985).


The


tudy


of language contact in


particular has


long been fruitful in


establishing the sources of particular


dialect variation.


Weinreich laid


groundwork for


Languages


a contemporary understanding of language contact in his


In Contact (1979 [1953]), in which the sociolinguistic character of


intimate


contact


diffusion


among


languages


is given


fundamental


treatment.


Weinreich


(1968)


refers


to the


study


a language


variety


(referring to the linguistic system as such) and the study of a dialect


(a variety


combined with its spatial and temporal attributes) as two essentially different





6


Haugen (1956) stress the necessity for research in language contact situations

to provide (1) a good description of the results of language contact (i. e., the

linguistic analysis) and (2) attention to the social factors in current patterns of

usage which may account for linguistic change and which may point to on-


going processes leading to further change or maintenance.


Labov (1972b) and


Hardman


Hamano


(1981)


somewhat


further


than


Weinreich


Haugen in stressing the necessity


incorporating


non-linguistic


(cultural


contextual)


data


the course of linguistic data


collection


analysis


order to achieve accuracy in both.


The


dialect


literature


in general


often


concerned


with


contact


influence in the areas of phonology and lexicon, and usually does not prepare


us to consider


more


fundamental


linguistic


changes.


However,


it is


grammar of a language as it serves a particular cultural context, more than its


phonology or lexicon,


which radiates information about a culture.


Therefore


interference at this level (although not necessarily its content or shape) might


also be anticipated in certain contact situations.


There are broad hints that


such changes are widespread in areas of extensive contact and lingua franca


use.


Mazrui (1975),


for example, examines the problem of whether to utilize


English


or indigenous


languages


in African


schools.


He concludes


that


despite the historical reasons for the spread of English,


it is quite capable, in


the hands of Africans


, of doing justice to the African experience.


He speaks of


an English that is like no other in the world,


that has been accommodated at


the syntactic level


through


contact with African languages and


cultures


express African reality.









people,


often


as a result


of language


contact.


second


goal


involves


placing the linguistic data in the contexts of language use and of the identities


of the speakers.


In the U.


S. this tradition of dialect study is identified with


William Labov


, whose studies of the diverse dialects in New York City (1966,


1972a


1972b


Labov


et al.


1968)


directed


linguistic


attention


from


singular


focus on


results of language contact


to include


study


contexts of language use.


Studies of


'Black English'


have demonstrated that


the structural


functional


patterns in


speech


African


Americans


reflect African linguistic and cultural heritage (Turner


1949 is the classic work


on the subject).


And the work of Labov et al.


(1968) shows that the African


American dialect of New York has distinct rules of its own and is not


as has


been


common misconception,


a mass


random


errors


committed


African Americans trying to speak 'English.


This orientation


to dialect study


also follows


the earlier tradition


American


structural


linguistic


analysis


developed


Franz


Boas


Edward


Sapir, and


their students, in


which


the collection


and analysis of language


data in its cultural context are an integral and primary feature of achieving


cross-cultural understanding (Boas 1966 [1911],


Sapir


1929


, Whorf [see Carroll


1956], and Lee


1944).


Reference is made to the perspective of Boas and his


students in early


American structuralist tradition that, simply put, languages


reflect the world views of their speakers.


It is therefore assumed in this study


that


Spanish


which


been


influenced


indigenous


Aymara


language of the Bolivian and Peruvian altiplano may well exhibit linguistic


expression


Aymara


world


view.4


orientation


linguistic









relativity theory, initiated in


the U


Boas, Sapir,


Lee and Whorf


thus


provides further basis for the contextual approach to dialect description.

Spanish Dialectolovg


In the literature on Spanish dialectology, there are,


broadly speaking,


two


approaches


to dialect


variation.


The


first


approach


prescriptivists (sometimes referred to as normativists),


who generally aim to


combat


deviations


from


some


standard


(primarily)


pedagogical


tradition.


The prescriptivist approach has been a serious trend and actually


represents a third


view regarding the source of language variation.


That is,


rather than focusing on the question of systemic


or nonsystemic sources of


language variation, prescriptivists maintain that languages do not vary-they


remain the same or they decay.


Therefore a dialect, in this view, is merely an


imperfect attempt to speak


a real


language.


The structural


(descriptivist)


approach,


in contrast,


language patterns of


daily


attempted


and is


to provide

located in


adequate


the tradition


analyses of


of linguistic


inquiry described above.


The best of these


studies have combined research in


systemic and


extra-linguistic sources of


dialect variation


example,


Martin 1978 and 1985).


Studies


Spanish


dialects


have


been


most


commonly


carried


(until


very recently) within


the framework of the debate over the future of


the Spanish


language.


Major


Spanish scholars-Rufino


Jos6 Cuervo,


Max


Leopold Wagner, R. M. Pidal,


a few (cf.


Lope Blanch


1968:


Damaso Alonso and Angel Rosenblat, to name

106-108)-have struggled to determine whether


Spanish would remain a


'unified'


language (the optimistic view),


or whether









On the pessimists'


side, the targets are the corrupting influences from other


(primarily indigenous) languages, and habits of speech which are due to lack


of schooling


or to the generally profligate


behavior


some of


the native


speakers.


The optimists, however, cite a variety of internal (to the language)


and


external


forces


which


constitute


unifying


elements,


such


urbanization of rural speech,


or, theoretically,


the predominance of langue


over parole.


Whether optimist or pessimist on


this question,


the primary


motivation for concern of such studies has of course been the recognition that

American Spanish (and the language in general) is hardly characterized by the

monolithic uniformity which many believed it to have.

Much of this debate was carried during in the late nineteenth century


through the first half of the twentieth.


According to


Lope


Blanch


optimists


tended


to hold sway


during the latter part of


this period.


More


recently, the general thrust of concern has been not quite the defense of the


language


from


'contamination


decay


assurance of


a general


unification


and


elimination


significant


differences-thi


creation of academies and through education (Craddock 1973).


It is not clear,


however,


just how in


practice the more moderate position


differs from


older


'pessimist' view.


The


discussions


outlined


above


are the concern


primarily


prescriptivists'


approach


to language variation.


the process of evaluating


dialect research it is clear that much of their debate misses the vitality and


flexibility that is the very nature of language behavior everywhere. Also, the

questions raised by prescriptivists, regarding what is essentially described as









social


context.


Spanish


dialectology


therefore


suffers


from


prescriptivist heritage in the lack of availability of reliable and extensive data.


Escobar (1978),


Lope Blanch (1968) and Martin (1978) provide detailed analyses


problems


confronting


American


Spanish


dialectology


, and


three


conclude that


"a general


work of synthesis is almost impossible for lack of


reliable


national


monographs"


(Lope


Blanch


1968:


109).


There


are a few


methodological studies which would help provide the basis for establishing


dialect zones (Lope Blanch 1968; Rona 1963),


such as the proposal by Urefia in


1921


delimiting


five


dialect


zones


in the


Americas,


based


primarily


potential

Zamora


influence


1980).


Since


various


that


time


indigenous


there


have


languages


been


(Lope


a number


Blanch


1968;


additional


proposals (e.g. Zamora


1980),


but, as previously indicated,


there exists very


little of the work necessary to establish dialect geographies for any region in


Americas.


Martin


(1978)


describes


the situation


American


Spanish


dialectology


as suffering


from


vastness


geographic


region,


diversity of original peninsular Spanish dialects, the lack of information on

the many indigenous languages of Latin America, and "notorious examples


faulty


scholarship


regarding


substratum


influence"


(Martin


1978:


Further, as Lope Blanch notes, generalizations, such as Urefia'


notion of the


homogeneity


American


Spanish


dialect


regions,


should


avoided


dialectology because they distort the reality of a language (1968: 156).


Fortunately


there


recent


upsurge


interest


Spanish


dialectologists in variation and in the social factors of language change and


language


contact,


there


are signs


a "turnaround"


(Martin


1985)









of Latin American Spanish.

the Spanish of Peru, Bolivia


Both linguistic and sociolinguistic variation in

i and Ecuador have been subjects of interest and


research


as a


corollary


general social science research


concern


with


social


structure


cultural


life of


Andean


region.


Several


these


studies are concerned


with influence


by indigenous


languages.


Works


Escobar 1972, 1978, and 1984, Anna Maria Escobar 1986,


Hundley 1983,


L6pez et


1984


Guti rrez


1984, Justiniano de la Rocha


1976


Alb6


1977


1980,


Garcia and Otheguy


1983, Muysken 1984 and


1985


, Minaya and Lujdn 1982,


and


Hosokawa


1980


part


major


trend


Latin


American


dialectology research.


Additionally


some of the work examining linguistic


variation in the Spanish of the Andes has been conducted under the auspices


Aymara


Language


Materials


Program


at the


University


Florida


(Hardman 1981 includes several preliminary studies).


Though


very recent studies


tend


to focus on


phonological or


lexical


variants, there are a number of attempts to describe the grammatical aspects


of language as it is used in Spanish America.


Again, it seems that the best of


these studies consciously rely on anal


yses


of the contexts of language use,


including knowledge of


the grammatical


patterns of


indigenous


languages


where they have come into contact with Spanish.


Berk-Seligson,


for example,


noted


that


criteriara


an ethnolinguistic sort are equally


as necessary in


making grammatical analyses


as are criteria


the strictly


linguistic


type"


(1983:


151) for her work in discovering the explanation for the use of active


and non-active constructions in Costa Rican Spanish.

It is primarily in the Mayan contact regions of Mexico and Guatemala,









work


remains


uneven


in the


care


taken


to understand


both


contact


languages and


the historical (peninsular) roots of the Spanish of the region,


there are some exemplary studies.


Some recent research on language contact


Andes has contributed


to dialect theory in specific areas.


Based on


Jakobson (as cited in Cassano


1982),


and Weinreich (1979 [1953]),


it has been


often assumed that a language accepts foreign structural elements only when


they correspond to its tendencies of development.


However


, as phonological


research by Cassano on Spanish-Mayan contact in the


Yucatan indicates


only


discernible interference restrictions


for that


language contact area are


those which are limited to the structure of the interfering


system.


The work


by Laprade (1981), Martin (1977


1981) and Hardman-de-Bautista (1982),


which


Spanish,


indicates


supports


an evidentials


Cassano'


category

revision


from


Aymara


having


notion


gone


into


structural


limitations


interference


phenomena.


linguistic


legerdemain


will


produce a grammatical category of evidentials in


'standard' Spanish,


though


it is present in the Spanish of the Andes.

The linguistic situation in the Andes is both complicated and enriched

by the continuous contact with very vital indigenous languages, so that one

may speak, in many instances, of both substratum and adstratum5 influence


of the same language family


if not of the same language.


The findings of


preliminary

indigenous


research


are intriguing


language influence in


their


area.


implications

For example,


extent


Muysken


(1985)


reports that,


while Spanish has influenced Quechua only superficially (at the


lexical


level


with


virtually


no phonological


impact),


Quechua









noted


above,


research


Laprade


(1976),


Martin


(1981a,


Hardman-de-Bautista


(1982)


indicate


functional


use


patterns


in Bolivian


Andean Spanish in the direction of the Aymara evidentials category of data


source obligatorilyy marked in the Aymara language),


orientations


and


visible-not


visible


distinctions.


as well as Aymara time

Hardman-de-Bautista


suggests that the grammatical influences, which are more difficult to access in


borrowing than either the lexicon or the phonology, reflect the


"much more


intense and intimate linguistic association than that implied by the relatively


simple


borrowing of words"


(1982:


149).


It is


possible


that future dialect


research based on a sound knowledge of indigenous languages in contact with

Spanish will produce similar findings regarding indigenous influence beyond

lexical and phonological features in other areas of the Americas.


Cerr6n-Palomino


(1972)


regards


general


tendency


language


change in the Spanish of the Central Andean region, under conditions of 400


years of intimate contact,


as a


process


creolization


rather than


dialectal


variation.


However,


as Muysken


(1985)


Laprade


(1981)


point


out,


genuine


creole


would


show


greatly


reduced


or absent


morphology


complete syntactic restructuring,


whereas the morphology,


and most of the


syntax, of Spanish in the area is largely intact.


This appears to be the case


throughout Hispanic America; Spanish creoles are rare (Holm 1988 and 1989).


In a broad survey of the available information


on American Spanish


dialects, certain general dialectal features stand out as being fairly common:


tremendous


flexibility


clitic


pronoun


system


and


gender / number


agreement


systems


(adjective/article-noun,


noun-verb);









studies, it usually is not possible to establish systematic trends.


Of the general


features


indicated


above,


there is


considerable


variety


their


occurrence


throughout Hispanic America.


For example, leismo and loismo both occur in


Ecuador, as characteristic styles in different regions of the country (Garcia and


Otheguy


1983;


Muysken


1984).


The Spanish


of the


Jaqi-Aru and


Quechua


areas reflects some of the general


tendencies indicated above for


American


Spanish.


Laprade suggests that Andean dialects in general appear to share


many common features in pronunciation and syntax,


and that the (central-


southern)


Quechua-Jaqi-Aru


contact


areas


may


represent


a single


dialect


region for certain features within American Spanish (1981).

The Spanish of the altiplano area appears to be particularly distinctive

in the incorporation of data-source marking as a function of standard Spanish

verb forms (Hardman-de-Bautista 1982; Laprade 1981-a feature which led to


the current research.


Muysken (1984) also notes the widespread use of dizque


and its variants


/ 'it is said',


'X says/said


to indicate non-personal knowledge


of information in the Spanish of Quechua areas.


phenomenon


may reflect


the pre-conquest


Laprade (1981) suggests that

influence of Jaqi linguistic


categories on Quechua.


The grammatical process of suffixation,


which carries


a heavy


functional


load


Aymara,


appears


also


to have


penetrated


Spanish of the La Paz area in terms of frequency


distribution and function of


certain standard Spanish forms (Laprade


1981).6


But it is the creative use of


standard Spanish forms to adapt the language to the demands of data-source

marking which are obligatory for Jaqi speakers that appears to be the most

distinctive feature of Altiplano Spanish.









Organization of the Dissertation


The


following


chapter


focuses


on the


historical


social


contexts


which have given rise to the language patterns discussed in this dissertation.


The chapter also serves to describe the setting for the research,


precedes the description of the methodology used in the study


in Chapter III.


therefore it


which is given


Descriptions of the linguistic consultants who participated in


the research


are included in


Chapter


their narratives,


from


which


much


data


used


study


are drawn,


are contained


appendices.

Chapter IV begins the report of this research on the Altiplano Spanish

dialect with a description of the phonological systems of both monolingual


bilingual


morphology


speakers.


and syntax,


Although

the decision


research


was


concerned


with


was made to incorporate information


from earlier research in


area


of phonology in


order


to provide


a more


complete description of the dialect.


Likewise, Chapters V


through


which


outline


grammatical


system


Altiplano


Spanish,


also


contain


information from previous, related research,


for purposes of gathering in one


document the available information on the subject.


Chapter


describes the


morphology


and


yntax


of verb


phrase constituents


in Altiplano


Spanish.


Particular attention is directed to the selection of certain verb tenses to express

the category of evidentials which has come into the dialect from the substrate


Aymara language.


This


feature is pervasive throughout the


target area, is


common to all speakers, and is so unique to this variety of Spanish that alone


it would set apart the altiplano as a distinct dialect area.


The morphology and





16


The question of substrate influence on Altiplano Spanish is considered


in Chapter VIII.


This chapter may be more controversial than the others, for


substrate influence is rarely subject to confirmation.


The chapter sets forth


the contention


that it is primarily in


the area


the use of


an evidentials


system that there is direct influence from the Aymara substrate.


Other areas


of influence are probably less direct, involving reinforcement by the substrate


of existing patterns in the language.


These areas of influence are determined


examining


parallel


structures


and/or


functions


which


exist


both


Aymara and Altiplano Spanish.


The


final


chapter


summarizes


results


and


contributions of


research, and poses additional research questions.


Most of the speech data


obtained in the study were recorded and transcribed, and are reproduced in


Appendices II-XI.


Appendix I contains samples of written data which were


used in the research as information relating to speech data.
















CHAPTER II

ETHNOLINGUISTIC HISTORY


This


chapter


provides


an examination


social


historical


contexts surrounding the use of indigenous


and imperial languages in


south-central


Andean


highland


of Peru


Bolivia.


analysis


historical


contexts


of linguistic patterns


is necessary


a thorough-going


treatment of virtually any language question in the Andes given the social,


cultural,


and


linguistic


complexity


that


exists


there.


Information


from


variety of disciplines-including anthropology


sociology, archeology, history,


as well as


linguistics-has proven


useful in abstracting


the probable,


basic


outlines of language use patterns from early, pre-Incaic periods to the present.

The basic patterns reveal a remarkable persistence of indigenous linguistic


cultural


identities


face of


attempts


at social


destructuration


Hispanic forces since in the Conquest.


The


historical


epochs


utilized


below


purposes


framing


linguistic history are identified as pre-Conquest, Conquest and colonial, and


modern.


These characterizations are roughly based


upon


the nature of the


historical influences and the type of information available for the period.

Pre-Conauest


Investigation of the existence and collapse of pre-horizon and horizon





18


their probable movements and of the dynamics of the relationship between


Andean


cultures


and


their


habitats.


The


earliest


archeological


records


indicate that relationship was a complex one.


Nearly 3500 years ago there was


large-scale


irrigation


desert


lands


agricultural


purposes,


settled


populations depended upon the sea for stable protein sources, and highland

crops, such as tubers and grains, and animals were well on their way to being


domesticated


(Moseley


1983; Orlove


1985).


Some ten


to fourteen


centuries


ago, Andean coastal and highland societies were large, stable polities which


utilized


massive


irrigation


projects


agriculture,


maintained


centralized


political


administrations,


and


aggressively


expanded


political


and/or


economic


influence


along


valleys


coast,


and


throughout


highlands (Moseley


1983 and


Orlove


1985).


Their


architecture and spatial


orientation suggest class- and kinship-based social systems, patterns of land


use


ownership


that we


are just now


beginning


to understand


,and


cosmology vastly different from our own (cf.


Murra


1984, Moseley


1983


Urton 1981).


'Andean achievement,


as Murra (1984) describes it, of social and


technological innovation in response to the climate, geography and geology


of the Andes


, was a fact by the time of the Inca empire and


was therefore


being moulded


during these earliest


centuries of


which


we have only


barest traces.


Although many of the details remain obscure, it is certain that


extensive travel and trading have gone on throughout the length and breadth

and heights of the Andes for several millenia, as an outstanding characteristic


of the forms of


cultural and economic adaptation


described


Murra and





19


(or intermediate periods) is a function of the tensions inherent in necessary


access


to the


variety


widely


dispersed


ecological


zones


present in


Andean context.


Such cultural oscillations


the history


of extensive cross-cultural


contact


have


been


among


important


contributing


factors


to language


maintenance or


decline in


the Andes.


The social


economic structures


and processes-varied economic resources, networks of exchange that crossed

the Andes and gave access to varied ecological zones, corporate labor practices


and food


preservation and storage systems-persisted as principal


cultural


and economic modes on the coast and in the highlands until shortly after the


arrival of the Spaniards.


These structures and processes are also reflected in


the essential


character of indigenous


Andean survival


during


the conquest


and republican regimes, and further aid in the explanation of the patterns of


language contact and maintenance in the Andes,


as indicated below.


Murra


(1984 and


1985)


was one of


the first


grasp


the significant


accomplishments

complementarity,


Andean


"the


cultural


simultaneous


ecology


. The


control


notion


ingle


ecological


ethnic


group


several


geographically


dispersed


ecological


tiers"


(Murra


1985:


accounting for the success of the high density populations of the mountain

valleys and the altiplano, has been increasingly a focus of his work for more


than 20 years.


Murra


distinguishes three distinct steps in the Andean success


story:


(1) the development of highly productive, high altitude cultigens and


agricultural


production


a vertical


archipelago


arrangement;


"domestication


cold"


(1984:


through


which


massive


food









such


as Murra'


to Andean


anthropology provide


a picture of


the Andes


across time and space as a place of constant movement of peoples and goods


across


the highlands,


to the valleys and lowlands, in all


directions,


and in


which that movement is part of an essential and ingenious economic activity.


An examination of


Andean


cultural


developments


the area


of the


altiplano will provide some understanding of the contact influences prior to


Hispanic intrusion.


The oscillation


between


pan-Andean imperial


epochs


and periods of smaller-scale local development is correlated with the spread

of a number of languages with lingua franca status for imperial purposes, and


with the development of both dialectal variation and language loss.


Wari-Tiwanaku horizon speakers of proto-Jaqi-Arul


Wari site, near modern Ayacucho, into other valleys,


During


expanded from the


west to the coast, and


around


lake


area


altiplano,


where


Pukina


may


have


been


language of the


Tiwanaku culture.


Thus Jaqi-Aru was being spoken on the


altiplano as well as throughout the mountains and in coastal areas


as a result


Wari


intrusion,


even


was


language


Tiwanaku


culture (Hardman and Moseley


1987).


It is likely that Jaqi-Aru and Pukina


were not the only languages being spoken on the altiplano at the time, and


that


Jaqi-Aru


was


lingua franca


useful


primarily


in economic


relations


throughout the Andes (Hardman 1985a).


Evidence of a


'mega-Nifio'


event


1000 A. D. (Hardman and Moseley


1987),


correlated


with a decline in


Wari-Tiwanaku


horizon around


that


time,


suggests


that


a combination


climatic


geographic


conditions


encouraged that decline, interrupting trade and other relations which would









be the basis of empire.


A subsequent period of local expansion lasting some


years,


during


which


coastal


societies


actively


engaged


in trade


were


flourishing--Chimu to the north and Chincha on the south coast of modern


Peru--involved


movement


Pukina


speakers


Cuzco


area


(Hardman-de-Bautista 1985a).

The rise of Pukina speakers, specifically the Inca, as imperial powers


entailed


their spreading the dominant


Jaqi-Aru


(by now proto-Aymara)


governance purposes for several generations of Inca rule and utilizing their


native


Pukina


internal


court


purposes


(Hardman-de-Bautista


1985a),


although Pukina was still spoken by populations around Lake


Titicaca as late


as the seventeenth


century


. Contact during Inca imperial


expansion


with


successful


Chincha


coastal


trading


polities


resulted


their


eventual


inclusion into the Inca realm and the switch


by the Inca from


Jaqi-Aru,


language of a waning power, to Chinchay Quechua, spoken by a rising power


imperial


language


(Hardman-de-Bautista


1985a).


The


formerly


dominant Jaqi-Aru languages were then being divided by the penetration of


Chinchay

altiplano


Quechua,


Bolivia,


so that


Aymara,


was eventually


in what


cut off from


is now


Jaqaru and


southern


Peru


Kawki in central


Peru (Heath and Laprade 1982).


Among the Incas'


many imperial accomplishments was a fairly light-


handed approach to the cultural and linguistic identities within


(Chang-Rodriguez 1982).


their realm


Individual languages and cultural patterns were not


repressed


or replaced


Incan


authority,


were


utilized


even


promoted as effective tools of governance.


However


, the policy of resettling





22


groups in former highland Jaqi-Aru strongholds, and many Jaqi-Aru speakers

were resettled along the southern Peruvian coast (Heath and Laprade 1982).

By the fifteenth century the Inca had only relatively recently imposed


Quechua


imperial


language


governing


large


number


linguistically


and


culturally


diverse


groups


under


their


control


, having


previously employed Jaqi-Aru for that purpose.


And their imperial policies


had


otherwise


dramatically


altered


linguistic situation


in their


realm:


They had spread


Jaqi-Aru over a vast area and subsequently


the same


with Chinchay Quechua,


while at the same time imposing and maintaining


linguistic


cultural


divisions


within


those


areas


in order


assure


success


diversification


their

I whic2


realm.

h led


Such


to further


divisions e

separation


encouragedd


original


linguistic


varieties of


Quechua and Jaqi-Aru families.

Conquest and Colonial and Republican Periods


Although Jaqi-Aru and Chinchay Quechua had both been employed as


lingua francas, the first during the 400-500 year pan-Andean


horizon and


Wari / Tiwanaku


development and into Inca expansion, at the time of the conquest there was


no long-established


lingua franca


covering


vast highland


areas


of the


Andes which were under Inca domination.


By the sixteenth century


only the


Quechua


and


Jaqi-Aru


languages


remained


lingua


francas


culturally mixed


population in


the highlands.


Thus,


upon


their


arrival


the mid-sixteenth century, the Spaniards encountered fairly widespread use

of the Quechua languages, especially in the region of modern Ecuador, Peru


the second during the later period of localist Chinchay coastal









languages which had not been replaced by the recently imposed Quechua.


apparent


that


early


chroniclers


were


astonished


at the


existence


different language in nearly every intermontane valley


(Levillier


1919).


Crown


colonial


policies


sixteenth


and


seventeenth


centuries,


examined below, established the Hispanic pattern of relating to th


linguistic


diversity in the Andes--which has existed in large measure to this day.


Disease,


war, repression and exploitation were the consequences to the


indigenous


populations of


the Spanish


conquest.


Large


numbers


of local


languages were lost with the death of native speakers (Chang-Rodriguez 1982,


Hardman-de-Bautista


1985a),


as most of the population was wiped out in the


first few years of the colonial period.


a matter of fact, it is likely that the


majority of the population was decimated by smallpox and other di


seases-


traveling

Andean


from


Caribbean


highlands-before


area


Pizarro


faster


ever


than


set foot


conquistadors


Cajamarca


to the


or Aleixo


Garcia


arrived


area


modern


Paraguay.


quarter


century


following Pizarro'


population,


and Garcia's arrival to the continent, the original Andean


estimated at around thirty million, dropped by at least more than


two-thirds, according to Orlove (1985) and possibly by as much as ninety-five


percent


according


to other


estimates


(Sanchez-Albornoz


1974).


Although


highland


populations


escaped


total


devastation,


Andean


coastal


societies


virtually disappeared due to the combined effects of disease and repression

(Murra 1984).


comparison


with


the ruthless economic and


social


policies of the


colonists


colonial


language


policy


practice


appears


have


been









alleviate the abuse of power by the colonists.


For most of the colonial period,


the Spanish Crown espoused a policy of spreading the Castilian language to

the indigenous peoples for religious and political reasons, understanding the

power of language as "an instrument of empire" (Heath and Laprade 1982).


late eighteenth


century, however,


at the


time


when


some colonies


were beginning preparations for independence from Spain, it was clear that

there had been wide divergence between language policy and practice.


Following the soldiers into


the Andes were the religious agents and


colonial


authorities


who


gathered


Andean


people


into


villages


(reducciones),


the colonists who expropriated Indian lands and labor


(Murra 1984; Dobyns and Doughty


1976).


The difficult terrain discouraged all


colonial forces from venturing far or long from their settlements,


while at the


same time providing the relative security needed for pockets of resistance by


indigenous populations


to continue for some time during the colonial and


republican


periods.


While


the church's


mandated


role in


program


castilianizaci6n,


people,


was


clearly


involving


linked


Spanish

to control


language


over


instruction


indigenous


to the


Andean


population,


religious

perceived


orders


involved


value


cultural


native


religious


languages


indoctrination


instruction


rapidly


(Heath


Laprade 1982).


The church'


influence over the Spanish Crown in this matter


ultimately


royal


court


to provide


continued


political


support


religious instruction in the native tongues (Chang-Rodriguez


1982


Wachtel


1977).


the mid-sixteenth


century, religious


materials


were produced


many of these languages, and religious orders were encouraged by the Crown









against the


Inca


(such as


the decade long


Wanka-Spanish


alliance


[Murra


1984]) probably promoted some bilingualism on both sides.

The somewhat contradictory policies of Castilianization, on one hand,


the utilization


'general


languages'


Andes


on the other,


evolved into an


aspect of the ultimately


antagonistic struggle between


interests of the Spanish Crown, which needed to maintain a loyal,


colony, and of the colonists,


productive


who perceived direct control over the resources


and lives of the Andean peoples as necessary for their effective domination.


The


colonists


, supported


some


enlightened


religious


community,


arguing

mention


increasingly


cultural


efficiency


demanded


intellectual


control


a policy

benefits


economic


forced


Andean


benefits


Castilianization,


people-not to

to empire-of


requiring the use of the Spanish language.


The Crown's


attempt to mitigate


the abuse of the native peoples by colonial representatives was persuaded and


encouraged by religious activists such as


Bartolom


de las Casas and Fray


Domingo


Santo


Tomas


(Chang-Rodriguez


Levillier


1919).


Indigenous writers such as Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Adorno


only pleaded the Andean peoples'


1956) not


cause against harsh subjugation, but also


encouraged the learning and use of Andean languages.


Another


factor


colonial


situation


which


encouraged


maintenance and spread of the major indigenous languages was the retention


large


portions


Inca


administrative


structures


personnel-a


network in


which indigenous


languages


were crucial


(Heath and


Laprade


1982).


This was true for a short period with Jaqi-Aru, but by the beginning of





26


further than the Inca had carried it as the Spanish extended their dominion


far beyond the original Inca empire (Torero 1972).


It should be noted that the


originally prestigious


Chinchay


variety


of Quechua fell


victim


to Spanish


conquest (Hardman


1985a), and


that it was


the Cuzco


variety of Quechua,


influenced by the originally dominant Jaqi-Aru in the area (Mannheim


1985),


which was spread by the Spaniards.


Thus


, Heath and Laprade (1982) maintain


that in spite of an ideology which demanded


Castilianization and a strong


drive for enforced Spanish usage by the colonial administration, the Spanish

Crown's policy to this point may be described as having been more additive


than replacive with regard to the Jaqi-Aru,


Quechua,


other indigenous


languages.


On the other hand, Chang-Rodriguez (1982) stresses that an effect


of the dual policy was a strengthening of the hegemony of Hispanic language


culture,


further


distancing


state


from


majority


(indigenous)


population.


Late


the seventeenth


century


attitude of


the Crown


began


change,


probably


under


considerable


pressure


colonial


administration, and


use of the indigenous


languages


began


to lose official


sanction (Heath and Laprade 1982).


However, there were a number of factors


within


colonial


social


milieu


which


further


attenuated


spread


Spanish.


example,


there were


attitudinal


prohibitions


against Andean


people learning Spanish which belied some of the rhetoric produced by the

colonial administration regarding benefits to the Indians in the acquisition of


Spanish language and culture.


That is, from early in the Conquest period,


many


Hispanic landowners


preferred


to learn


Quechua or


Jaqi-Aru









campesinos,


who won


the right to Spanish language education only


at the


cost of many lives.


Mestizaie,


primarily resulting


from


that


many


women


came with the Spanish soldiers, became a feature of Andean society very early


in the conquest (Dobyns and Doughty 1976).


And with the development of a


mestizo


indigenous


population,


languages


bilingualism


quickly


or multilingualism


became


norm


in the


Spanish a

highland


urban


centers, although the rural populations remained largely monolingual.


In La


Paz, for example, Aymara and sometimes Spanish were the native languages


of the urban population until this century (Laprade 1981).


Although no other


indigenous language in Latin America can claim to have had, or have, since

the conquest, the national prestige that Guarani does in Paraguay (Rubin et al.


1977


Rubin


1985),


some


time


during


nineteenth


century


Aymara language in La Paz appears to have enjoyed a use and prestige similar


to Paraguayan Guarani.


That is, Aymara was the daily language for nearly all


classes and ethnic groups, except during formal occasions and for speaking


with foreigners, when Spanish was preferred (Laprade 1976:


In the former


Inca capital of Cuzco, the same conditions may also have applied to Quechua.


However,


the development of varieties of


Aymara and


Quechua


which are


referred to today as patronn'


Aymara or Quechua attest to the probability that


the dominance of the indigenous languages in these contexts was short-lived.


The


patron


' varieties were spoken by the upper class mestizo population and


were highly influenced by Spanish.


Spanish


Andean


nations


during


colonial


era


was









with


Spanish


elite,


interactions


within


colonial


political


bureaucracy


prestige, ii

conditions


(Avila


was


Echazu


until


encouraged


1974).


Although


twentieth


an indigenous


Spanish


century


shift


that


was


language of


social


Spanish,


economic


that


stable


institutional support for the teaching of Spanish as a second language became

a reality anywhere in the highlands (Chang-Rodriguez 1982; Briggs 1985).

At the beginning of this century, indigenous peoples were faced with

both limited access to Spanish and a prejudice regarding their own languages


cultures


which


were


labeled


as 'inferior


underdeveloped


dominant population


(Chang-Rodriguez


1982).


After nearly four


hundred


years


marginalization


at the


hands


colonists,


much


which


involved


forced


castellanizaci6n,


negative


attitudes


toward


their


own


languages


often


resulted


internalization


these


prejudices


which


linger even today.


At the same time,


however, social and economic policies


continually reinforced reliance on traditional life styles in


which indigenous


languages


were


vital.


following


section


examines


the effect


these


conflicting forces on the usage of Spanish versus the indigenous languages in

the current context.


Modern Context


The highland Aymara and


the majority of Bolivia'


Quechua speaking groups today make up


nearly seven million people, numbering at least one


million


three


million


respectively


. In


Peru


these


group


constitute


nearly half of the nation'


population of eighteen million (Gray


1987


Impara


1986).


this century there has been increased bilingualism in Spanish for









Aymara and


incipient


Quechua


or rudimentary


speakers


who


(Diebold


have


1964)


acquired

t Spanish,


Spanish


may


only


that


absolute numbers of Quechua and Aymara speakers are increasing (cf.


also


Alb6


1980).


Given these figures, it is not only the shift to increased Spanish


use which should be noted


, it is also the fact that the shift is relatively recent


after nearly 500 years of Spanish contact,


and that a corresponding decline in


major indigenous language use does not appear to be occurring.

One of the features of modern highland Andean society involves the


correlation


language,


social


class,


ethnicity.


That


, indigenous


language and cultural identity are frequently associated with lower social class


status in the Andes (Klein 1982; Dobyns and Doughty 1976).


However, the fact


indigenous


language


and


cultural


maintenance


south-central


Andean


highlands


cannot


denied.


Discussed


below


are factors


which


mitigate


generally


oppressive


consequences


an 'ethnicized'


class


hierarchy, as seen through an examination of the language use patterns in the


area.

account


Available


these


literature

language


suggests


use


some


patterns


on the


mechanisms


altiplano.


which


These


may


include


language attitudes (Wolfson and Manes


1985),


degree of cultural similarity


between


dominant


subordinate


groups


(Clyne


1985),


direction


language influence (Brosnahan


Weinreich


1979


[1953]


Haugen


1972),


geographic


1966)


divisions


population


(Weinreich


1979


trends.


[19531),


modern


urbanization


altiplano


setting


(Fishman


examined


below in the light of these concepts.









Attitudes about Language and Ethnic Group Identity


Language


attitudes


multilingual


communities


generally


considered to be a function of prestige or status factors, so that use of the


prestige language often means


access


to social mobility and


thus


to higher


social status.


At the same time, ethni


group identity and language attitude


are often


highly


correlated


so that


social


factors


leading


to attempts


preserve ethnic identity also tend to strengthen mother-tongue identification


example,


Wolfson


Manes


1985).


Andes,


these


attitudinal


factors may indeed be considered important variables in the contact situation.

While the Spanish language indeed enjoys prestige and higher social status


from the perspective of the dominant culture and the rigid class


structure of


national


society


another


value


system


is operative


well


which


indigenous

context of


language


use plays an important role.


altiplano,


there


a large


portion


Within


total social


population


which


makes


a conscientious


choice


direction


traditional


values


lifestyles which incorporate native language usage.


At the same time


these


individuals are cognizant of the personal advantages to be gained with access

to higher social status that may be obtained by Spanish language usage. But

the traditional values entail factors which mitigate a wholesale shift to use of

Spanish in specific contexts.


Research


cultural


and


economic


anthropology


indicates


example,


that the ancient indigenous social and economic patterns continue


to exist


today


highlands


despite


restructuring


colonial


national


governments (Brush


1977


Collins


1981


Hickman and


Stuart


1977









massive urban migration.3


The result is that the indigenous peoples are able


still to rely on exchange and production from a variety of community, family


or individually held lands in different ecological


tiers


diversified economic


activity,


and


strong


community


family


face


uncommon climatological disasters or fluctuations in the national economies

which have historically decimated other indigenous populations.


example,


during


period


development


export


economies,


peoples


which


national


to increased


authorities


interaction


highland


between


indigenous


communities


their


resources were burdened


1985).


to the extent that tensions were increased


Rather than being drawn into full participation in


(Orlove


this aspect of the


national


economy,


communities'


reliance


on traditional


systems


was


reinforced.


Thus


ancient


patterns


have


encouraged


maintenance


strong ethnic and linguistic identities, due to the necessity of relying on them

for continued livelihood and community in periods of increased contact with


Hispanic language and culture.


While increased multilingualism involving


Spanish may


be supported


through


Hispanic-indigenous contact in


certain


contexts, and by the asymmetrical relationship of the languages in question,

the disappearance of the major native languages is not one of the correlates of


this contact.


Rather, the native language ties are strengthened in the Andes


through


access


the nature of such


dominant


contact.


culture


Thus,


have


while


resulted


pressures


shift


status


Spanish


monolingualism among the mestizo community


and increased


bilingualism


among


indigenous


populations


century


Laprade


1976;





32


Hornberger forthcoming), a conceivable outcome of this situation may be full


diglossia, or stable multiple language use (Ferguson


1972 [1959]), as opposed


to language loss in any direction.

Cultural Similarity


Degree


common


cultural


rules


similarity


communication),


dominant


extent


group


intermarriage,


(including


are also


attitude-related factors which have been


determined


to influence language


shift to the dominant language (Clyne 1985).


Though intermarriage has been


extensive


Andes


(Laprade


1976),


I have


observed


that


marked


cultural differences between the Hispanic and indigenous populations which


remain are often reflected in language use:


Indigenous languages serve needs


in traditional contexts; Spanish is used in mestizo and urban contexts.


Such


linguistic signs of


cultural distinction have served as a


barrier to


language


equity in all


contexts.


That is


, while intermarriage


other


factors


may


promote


Spanish


bilingualism,


cultural


markers


may


preserve


use


different languages in differing contexts,


furthering a trend toward diglossia.


Direction of Influence


There


contact


been


literature


a certain


regarding


amount


direction


presumption


influence


during


language

language


contact.


Many scholars view the shift from a subordinate language to one


with more "prestige" (Weinreich 1979 [1953]: 7) as an automatic consequence

of political and economic subordination of language groups (Hill and Hill


1980).


But as suggested by Weinreich (1979 [1953]) and Haugen (1972),


necessary to look at the conditions which have given rise to both pre- and









In a


case study which focuses on


the historical imposition


of Latin,


Greek, Arabic and Turkish as lingua francas,


Brosnahan (1973) concludes that


language influence typically flows


primarily


from


the politically


dominant


language.


Specifically, Brosnahan states a set of conditions which establish


the basis for a shift to the imperial language as the dominant, if not the only,


language in use in a society, as in the cases of Latin,


imposition of a language by military conquest;


Greek and Arabic:


second


first,


, its maintenance by a


similar


authority;


third,


presence


previous


multilingualism;


and


fourth, social advantages conferred by use of the imperial language.


Given


that Hispanic conquest of


Andes


reflects


pattern,


flow of influence at least primarily from Spanish to the indigenous languages


in the Andes might be anticipated. I

by the population until very recently,


However, Spanish has not been acquired

and its acquisition is not taking place in


a uniform manner.


The lack of


economic


cultural


unity


between


national and indigenous populations may be the essential stumbling block-

to the perception of Spanish as personally advantageous to many Quechua

and Aymara-which has slowed the process of castilianizaci6n. Additionally,


perhaps more important, as indicated above


there is a long history


denial of indigenous access to the Spanish language by Hispanic authorities.

There is no doubt that military, political, and economic oppression and


dominance established Spanish as


the prestige language from a national and


Hispanic


extreme


perspective.

linguistic


However


complexity


, outside of strictly economic parameters,


Andes-entailing


highly


mobile


indigenous populations among whom multiple language use ebbs and flows









communities,


example,


which


along


modern


rural-urban


continuum, Aymara


would be utilized in nearly


all social functions at one


end of the continuum, and Spanish, or a combination of the two, at the other


end.


In the case of Quechua, Hornberger (forthcoming) reports an increase in


the contexts for Spanish


use in rural altiplano


Peruvian communities, but a


fairly


clear


division remaining in


terms of the domains of the use of both


languages, and an increase in the incidence of Quechua use in urban settings

as those populations increase.


Additionally


anecdotal evidence indicates that while few would deny


the value of learning to speak Spanish and Spanish literacy, many indigenous

language speakers in Bolivia and Peru indicate a preference for learning, apart


from literacy


or formal


education,


native


language


in cursillos


which are given in


the home or neighboring


communities


rural areas).


Such


preference


reflects


a common


tendency


multilingual


communities


speakers


to consider


different


languages


appropriate


to different


contexts, or having different functions.


Further in this vein, L6pez4 reports


that younger Peruvian students associated with the Peru-Germany Bilingual


Education


Project


(Puno)


prefer


early


school


pedagogy


their


native


Quechua and Aymara languages and are generally more successful learners


under that


condition-a finding


which


parallel


the successes of bilingual


education programs in other countries.


Therefore,


while it is


likely that all speakers of Quechua or


Aymara


would recognize the


higher social


status of


Spanish, each linguistic


group


could rate the two languages independently and with different results.


That









functional


utility


languages


involved


as it


is aptitude


speaking


those languages or national norms for language status.


The assessment by


native


speakers


value


their


own


languages


considered


fundamental to understanding the role of language dominance (Wolfson and

Manes 1985).

Geographic Divisions


Weinreich


frequently


notes


restricted


that


language


clearcut


contact


geographic


mutual


divisions


(1979


influence


[1953]).


indicated


above,


prior


to the


conquest


Andean


history may


been


seen


composed of waves of pan-Andean empire followed


by periods of localist


development.


Hardman-de-Bautista


(1985a)


describes


these


periods


cultural ascendency and decline in terms of a tension generated in part by the


demands


a difficult


terrain,


amounting


to geographic


division.


This


terrain, and the continued use of it by indigenous peoples,


is likely to have


discouraged the spread of Spanish to the highland indigenous areas outside of

urban zones.


Urbanization and Population


Trends:


Literacy and National Perspectives


Much of the contact literature considers urbanization


number of non-


dominant language speakers


using


the politically


dominant


language,


absolute and relative numerical


important interactive factors in


strength of low-status language speakers to be

the maintenance of low status languages or


shift


to the


dominant


one


(Fishman


1966).


Though


creation


of large


urban


centers


in the


Andean


nations


give


to bastions


of Spanish


language


supremacy


movement


indigenous


peoples


between


these









Paz, or Cochabamba, one find


extensive Aymara and/or Quechua use and


organizations promoting such


use (cf. Anna Maria Escobar


1986; Godenzzi


1986; Hornberger forthcoming; Alb6 1988).


Associated


factors


which


tend


to curb


castilianiz


aci6n


involve


development of orthographies, grammars and literacy in Quechua and


Aru.


Jaqi-


Literary and pedagogical traditions in Jaqi-Aru and Quechua have also


developed, as indicated above, subsequent to strong indigenista movements


in this century in both Peru and Bolivia.


Briggs (1985) provides a review of


bilingual


educational


efforts in


both Peru and


Bolivia


which,


although


suggesting


an uncertain


future


such


efforts


details


persistence of


attitudes of native speakers and others favoring language maintenance.


numbers are growing in both nations of trained personnel


who understand


value


multilingualism


and


who


are convinced


efficacy


dedicated


to the


spread


of bilingualism


education


to cultural


linguistic


maintenance.


Often


these


efforts


are associated


with


cultural


and/or political indigenist renaissance movements.


The


enduring


efforts


these


people


have


paid


at the


level


national recognition, at least nominally.

the achievement of national language


Some of the national gains include


status


with Spanish for Quechua


Peru in


1975 with


the enactment of the Oficializaci6n


Ouechua, as an


outcome of the


national


educational


reform


enacted in


1972


(Impara


1986;


Briggs


1985).


The use of the Quechua and


other vernacular


languages for


educational purposes became a part of national pedagogical


strategy in Peru


with the passage of the 1982 Nueva Ley General de Educaci6n (Impara 1986).






37


Bolivia there is yet no general law which grants national language status to


Aymara


and


Quechua,


although


there


have


been


several


government


resolutions


which have


been


intended


to provide support


one


evel


another


to bilingual


education


programs


(Briggs


1985).


1983


official


phonemic alphabets were approved for the indigenous languages in Bolivia,


during


stay


there


local


papers


carried


articles


concerning


possibility of national status being conferred upon the indigenous languages.


These


are some


outcomes


a long


and


often


violent


history


indigenous struggle to preserve ethnic and linguistic


identity in both nations.


Aspects of these movements


are covered


authors


such


as Victor


Hugo


CAdenas (1988) and Chang-Rodriguez (1982).

Summary


While


negative


Hispanic


attitudes


toward


indigenous


langu


ages-


which


have


been


heavily


internalized


native


peakers-have


altered significantly since the original


colonizer view


them


as backward


and scarcely classifiable


as langu


ages,


both Quechua and


Jaqi-Aru languages


remain extraordinarily vital.


indicated above, more than a


third


of the


population


of Peru and more than


two-thirds of the population


of Bolivia


today speak either Jaqi-Aru or Quechua as first languages,


or one of the other


few remaining tongues which are represented


small


groups of speakers


(Briggs


1985).


For the approximately three million Jaqi-Aru speakers5 strong


language identity still exists.


This appears to me to be particularly true of the


Bolivian


altiplano


around


Paz.


fluent


Aymara, for example, creates confidence in and


bestows prestige upon









speaker within


Aymara


community.6


This strong linguistic identity


very solid cultural base in the La Paz area, relative economic independence


from


the national


economies, and


training


of native speakers in linguistics


and other social sciences have led to a recent revitalization of interest in the


learning


and


use


Aymara,


both


within


Aymara


community


outside of it.

Although demographic trends may indicate an uncertain future for the


indigenous

persistence


languages


vitality---a


perhaps


strong


commitment


cultural


and


to indigenous


linguistic


institutions


and lifeways in the face of political and economic subjugation, as well as the


centuries of


intense


contact,


primarily


form


of bilingualism-which


account for the development of new varieties of Spanish in the area (Escobar

1978; Hardman-de-Bautista 1982; Torero 1972).


















CHAPTER III

METHODS

This chapter describes methodological procedures which were utilized

for research on the morphology and syntax of Altiplano Spanish, including


information


on research site


, description of informants, and


data collection


and analysis.


The


reporting


phonology


and


grammar


Altiplano


Spanish


(Chapters IV


through


VII) includes not only data from this research but from


work by


others as


well.


It was


decided


that


to include such information,


especially from geographic areas or containing structural linguistic data not


covered by this study,


would provide a more comprehensive understanding


grammar


Altiplano


Spanish.


definitions


terms


conventions used in this dissertation follows.

Definition of Terms


This study uses the notion of a


'standard' Spanish merely as a point of


departure for describing potential


dialectal


variation.


There is no intent to


hold up a standard as a model of correct behavior for


udging the competence


the speakers of


Altiplano Spanish


who


are fluent


dialect.


Two


sources


have


been


used


as the


basis


references


to 'standard'


Spanish,


4 S -- S 4 4 ~ r ~ I %. a S


1


I









Additional


conventions


utilized


thesis


include


abbreviations


that identify the source of data samples.


Those abbreviations are defined in


Table


which follows.


The references indicated in


Table


appear in


bibliography of this thesis.


Table 1

Abbreviations for Source of Data Sameles


Abbrev


Reference


Abbrev


Reference


BEY


Beyersdorff, 1986.


Briggs, 1988.


CER


Cerr6n-Palomino,


ESCI


KANII

LAPI


1988.


Escobar, 1978.


LAPII


LOZ


Kany, 1947.

Laprade, 1976.

Laprade, 1981.

Lozano, 1975.


ESCII


Escobar, 1976.


MEN


Mendoza


1988.


Frias, 1980.


MIL


Minaya


Lujan,


1982.


GOD


Godenzzi


1986.


MUY


Muysken,


1984.


GUT


Gutierrez, 1984.


ROD


Rodriguez,


1982.


HARI


Hardman


1982.


STRI


This study, information


gathered


'informally,


HARII


Hardman et al.


1988.


notebook #I


HER


Herrero, 1969.


STRII-XI


This study,
Appendices II through XI.


KANI


Kany, 1945.


The data


which are reported in


Chapters


through


VII are marked


1Ar74h a 102rAIna nr1rfl-arr TArhir h 2nnrc irn naronthclccc cul ac (/ CTTTT


* / I









identify


appendix


number,


case


data


gathered


research; or, in


the case of data gathered in other studies,


they specify the


reference if there is more than one for an individual researcher.


The Arabic


numbers indicate the line number in the case of my data, or the page number

in the case of data from other investigators utilized in this research.

Research Site


The


research


was


conducted


1986


1987


on the


altiplano


Bolivia and Peru, beginning in the city of La Paz, Bolivia, and from there to


the communities of Copacabana,


Kusijata,


Huacuyo and Huatajata,


which are


located


northeast


on the


shores


Lake


Titicaca.


minimal


amount of research was also conducted in the town of Sorata in Bolivia.


Peru,


research.


the community of Chucuito and the town of Puno were locations for


Additional trips were made to other communities in both Peru and


Bolivia, but the data obtained on these trips are largely anecdotal.


Figure 1 is a


map of the research area.

All of these locations are traditionally and currently strongholds of


Aymara language and culture.


This is even true for the city of La Paz, which


retains a very indigenous flavor except in the southernmost zones of the city

which are dominated by wealthy mestizo and foreign white populations.

And even there, recent immigrants purchase lands and construct homes in

rural areas bordering and surrounding the enclaves of Western urban-style

streets which are crowded with large, often luxurious homes, and

supermarkets full of products imported from North America and Europe.



























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p'- ... ** ********h ********* ***
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p... **- *-"** "iij y
C...* *** ** *< ***,,,,|:
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F .,. ^ ^ _* *_ _* *_ _* _-_ _* -_ _* _' '_ ____


***-C


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./ Apolo
i a.


u iapari


C,


a Paz


*Cochabamba


ruro.


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c"l,. San

a- -


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Potosi o.


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*Tucuman


ARGENT


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ta Cruz


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Linguistic Consultants


The people described here are my personal friends,


or their friends


research


area.


The


section


which


follows


provides


demographic


information about


these


people which


is necessary


a determination


whether the linguistic data taken from their speech and described in Chapters


through


VII may indeed


be considered


dialectal features.


That is


information


intended


to demonstrate


that


language


samples


representative of the speech of segments of the population in general,


and are


not from marginal or exceptional individuals.

The narratives which were transcribed and utilized for this research are


reproduced


Appendices


II-XI.


The


informants


who


provided


these


narratives are


life-long


residents of


research


area indicated


above.


Several have spent time outside of that area, primarily in other regions of the


altiplano dominated by indigenous influence.


A few have traveled outside of


the altiplano region.


The informants were selected


on the bases of (1)


personal


relationships


developed


with


them


and/or


with


others


their


immediate circle of family and friends

of the relationships developed with tl


informants,


(2) their social positions.


these informants, or in


The nature


the case of two


with their immediate family and peer group associations,


is one


mutual


trust


and


friendship.


The


process


establishing


these


relationships


position,


representative


detailed


i referring

members <


to relat


description

ive position


that society


data


gathering.


altiplano


given


following


society


social


as fairly


linguistic






44


Linguistic Considerations

The research focused on data collected from both monolingual Spanish


speakers


bilingual


(Aymara-Spanish)


speakers:


first,


order


determine the existence of a variety of Spanish as a distinct dialect of Spanish

apart from the potential of direct interference due to bilingualism of a strictly


bilingual


informant


population;


second


due


to the


high


incidence of


bilingualism in


the research area and


the necessity for gathering


data in a


number of differing social and cultural contexts.


That is, it would have been


possible,


limiting


with


regard


context,


work


only


with


monolingual Altiplano Spanish-speaking informant base.

Of the ten informants whose narratives are included as data here, only


three


are


Spanish


monolinguals.


these,


each


rudimentary


knowledge of


Aymara, including phrases which are useful at the markets,


and certain lexical items.


They may understand other, often-heard phrases or


terms.


They


are considered


monolingual,


however


because


they


cannot


produce a full sentence in the Aymara language except in extremely limited

contexts, and any speech production in Aymara by them would be lacking in


morphological and


syntactic complexity.


The remaining seven


informants


are Aymara-Spanish bilinguals who vary considerably in the degree to which

either language in used, and in the contexts for its use.


informants


Spanish

language


dialect.


in any


That


are considered


, they


context or


are fully


situation


to be


capable


which


they


fluent


utilizing


may


find


e Altiplano

:he Spanish

themselves,


particularly


urban


areas


which


those


language


skills


are more often





45


subjective evaluations of a language variety by its speakers are considered


integral to the definition of that variety (1976:


Among the informants are


those


who


are conscious of,


a certain extent


have internalized


prejudices


against,


most


stigmatized


forms


Altiplano


Spanish,


particularly certain features of pronunciation and elements of syntax which


are differentiated by notions of prestige.


As the following chapters indicate,


however,


most


informants


internalized


social


judgements


regarding these stigmatized speech forms have not significantly altered

syntax and morphology of their own speech.


The


following


provides


a general


assessment


demographic


characteristics of the informants.

Demographic Considerations


Apart from


the factors of monolingualism and


bilingualism,


various


non-linguistic characteristics of the informants and their lives are considered


relevant to an understanding of the data gathered for this


tudy


including


educational


level


, occupation, age and


sex.


The spread


these factors


pertinent to the determination of stability of the linguistic features described


in Chapters IV-VII.


That is, the generalizability of linguistic patterns across


the speech behavior of persons of various age and social groups is a correlate


of stability


of linguistic patterns,


thus of


dialect


features (Labov


1984


[1972],


Weinreich 1968).


Social class


Social class refers principally to socioeconomic


status


, based primarily


on occupation


income


level.


One's


primary


social


environment-the





46


different social strata live in different and fairly clearly defined areas in the

altiplano urban sites.


ten informants


who


provided


recorded


narratives,


employed in fairly stable full time jobs, one is self-employed, and three are


students who are also employed from time to time.


Job categories range from


the service industry to banking, and include rural school


teaching,


work in


rural agricultural development projects, and secretarial work.


There is only


one informant recorded here who is considered


upper-middle class,


based


upon her occupation,


income and


the social milieu in


which she generally


operates; others are middle and working class persons, including campesinos,


'peasants'


or 'farmers', again based upon their occupations and income, and


the networks of their social relations.

Six of the informants currently reside in large urban areas (Puno or La


Paz)


two of them live in urban areas at present, but spend a great deal of time


in the countryside, in small rural communities; and two reside continuously


small


rural


communities


, although


both


travel


frequently


a small,


nearby urban center.


Of the six urban dwellers


, three continue to have very


strong ties with their rural heritage and maintain close contacts with family

or friends still residing in those areas.

Educational level


Only three of the informants recorded for this research do not have at


least a high school diploma.


One of those is in her thirties with a high school


education only one year short of the diploma; another is a second year high


school student.


The third is a young man in his thirties who began to earn








Although social class and educational level are often correlated,


it is


not uncommon


to find individuals


who


identified as


campesino or lower


class


In, say,


urban


context,


who


have


normal


school


university training.


Thus, six of the informants have had at least two years of


university

informants


or normal


school


training


beyond


high


therefore are literate in Spanish; only


school.


were also


literate in


Aymara at the time the narratives were recorded.

Age and sex

Appendices II-XI consist of one narrative from each of five male and


five female informants.


Their ages at the time of the recordings ranged from


fifteen to approximately fifty-five years old.


The spread of data across genders


and different age groups provides initial information on characteristic dialect

patterns.

Descriptions of Individual Consultants


The following section describes the linguisti


consultants for purposes


correlating


information


with


linguistic


data


following


chapters.


Full names


are not provided


of respect for


their individual


privacy.


First names are used to identify those with whom I have been on a


first name basis.


Note that the


Roman numerals (II-XI)


correspond


to the


Appendix number for each narrative; these numbers also correspond

original notebooks in which the transcriptions were made.


to the


The


informant


narrative


, a thirty


eight-year-old


bilingual from the rural community of Quime, Department of La Paz, located


in the Cordillera de las


Tres Cruces.


She has lived in the city of La Paz for









time


in promoting


events


which


pertain


to the


welfare


people


Quime.


Like


many


urban


dwellers


with


rural


ties,


often


receives


shipments


produce


harvested


from


family-owned


land


and


reciprocates by sending back to Quime goods which are available in the urban


areas.


MF speaks at times of wanting to migrate back to the community


tells of others who are doing


so-who are returning


to family


lands once


abandoned for


promise of employment in


the city


, and


who are now


finding city employment less rewarding than working the land.


MF has


worked


as a cook


at least


fifteen


years


in French-style


restaurants


La Paz.


is currently


employed


in one


which


caters


tourists, where she not only cooks but is generally responsible for the smooth

operation of the restaurant. The type of labor and income for her work place

MF in the lower middle class of La Paz. MF and her two children, ages seven

and fifteen, and her brothers, live in the northeast area of the city of La Paz, in

a zone populated by a large, Aymara and mestizo working class population


and by pockets of middle class neighborhoods.


younger brother attends


the Universidad Mayor de San Andres, but works with her full-time.


just one year short of a high school diploma.


MF is


The language used at home is


Spanish.


The


narrative


was


recorded


on a typically


slow


afternoon


at MF'


workplace,


the dining room,


and later checked


there with her under the


same conditions.


The


informant


narrative


a twenty


bilingual from Pacajes who has lived in La Paz for nine years.


five-year-old

BA lives with









purpose.


He works in the hotel industry; during the time I have known him


he has worked as a porter, a waiter, and as a chef.


in the countryside,


BA finished primary school


and high school in the city; after high school he completed


one


year


military


service,


and


then


attended


course


hotel


administration in La Paz.


's income, place of residence and type of work


place him firmly in the working class.


's narrative was recorded at his workplace, and later checked with


him there.


The interview was conducted by Zacarias Alavi,


a Bolivian school


administrator who was finishing a degree in linguistics


and native languages


at the


Universidad


Mayor


San Andres


La Paz.


Three other


people,


myself included, were present during the interview


Narrative


was


provided


twenty


one-year-old


monolingual from the city of La Paz,


who studies English and French at the


Universidad


Mayor


Andres


at the


time


the recording


also


worked full-time in an artisanry shop on Calle SagArnaga.


For nearly four


years


BT has


cared


at times


been


sole


support


three


younger siblings, her mother having left for work in another country. BT's

income is meager, and she and her family live in the northernmost section of


La Paz, a working class zone.


and her mother is a Spanish monolingual.


lal father died when she was young,

She does not appear to be close to


other relatives who are bilingual.


The narrative was recorded at the artisanry


shop


where BT


worked,


and was later checked there.


The


informant


narrative


AW


, a seventeen-year-old









divided


time


between


different activities


two communities:


would help his family with work in the fields as the seasons demanded; and


Copacabana,


where


lived


a while


with


local


rural


school


teachers, he would also participate in the household chores.


AW had never


been to La Paz, and had only traveled to nearby communities around the lake.


AW


was recorded on a hillside overlooking his


home community


Kusijata, the town of Copacabana, and Lake Titicaca.


The recording itself was


not checked


with him,


but specific items which


were part of the narrative


were later discussed with him, again in the community of Kusijata.


Narrative


VI is


, a thirty


five-year-old


bilingual


from


community of Huatajata,


located on the shores of Lake


Titicaca on the route


from La Paz to Copacabana.


PH has been through normal school, worked for


a time as a rural school teacher, and he later studied agriculture and animal


husbandry in Cochabamba.


At the time of the recording he worked as a rural


community agricultural


technician


under the auspices of Radio San Gabriel


in La Paz (a Catholic Church-owned Aymara language station),


provided by a grant from the government of France.

between the countryside and the city of La Paz, althoui

time traveling to communities, at their request, to r


his specialty.


with support


PH divided his time


gh he spent most of that

providee mini-courses in


this work, he usually used Aymara; Aymara is also used,


along with Spanish, at his workplace in La Paz.


community


Huatajata


, where


monolingual


Aymara


parents also live, PH and his wife and family are constructing a large home


just on the shores of the lake.


PH's income is higher than the average for one









indigenous zones, although given


work he does


while in


the city


his place of work


(program


planning,


there and


producing


the type of

educational


materials for the countryside, and so forth),


he should probably be counted


among the lower-middle class.


traveled


various


times


to eastern


Bolivia


to Peru


association with his work as an agronomist.

relatively quiet street in the city of La Paz.


The narrative was recorded on a


thirty


one-year-old


bilingual


from


community


Tiwanaku


recorded


the seventh narrative.


AF learned Spanish at an early


age in Catholic schools.


At the time of the recording, she had lived in the city


of La Paz for approximately ten years; however she spends much of her time


countryside,


work


associated


with


Aymara


women


organization

Kollasuyo) a


that she helped found


other


indigenous


(Organizaci6n


organizations.


de Mujeres


also


Aymaras de


traveled


Peru


Costa Rica and the United States in


connection


with


this work.


This


year


will


first


muier de polleral


receive


a degree


from


Universidad Cat61lica, in the field of journalism and communications.


manages


to exist on


very


little


income


lives


in Alto


Aymara area),


and identifies herself with rural and working class groups.


recording

together.


was


made


the city


of Puno


AF was being interviewed for a


, Peru,


while


program


we were on


carried by


a trip


Radio Onda


Azul


a station


which


broadcasts programs in Aymara and


Quechua.


interview was conducted primarily by an announcer of that station.





52


(g) Narrative VIII was provided by ES, approximately fifty one years of


age,


a bilingual


rural


school


teacher


who


worked


Bolivian


countryside for thirty years.


At present he and his wife are primary school


teachers, where they use both Aymara and Spanish in their classrooms.


Their


three children live and work in La Paz, where they are all university students.

The family has a fairly large home in the town of Copacabana, in which


they rent

Kusijata.


out rooms


they


are planning


to retire to


Although rural school teachers make very little


the community


- at times they are


not paid their salaries


- ES and his wife both are second generation teachers


and so enjoy


a relatively


high standing in


the communities


which


they


serve.


The small


plots


of land


which


they


farm


both


Copacabana


Kusijata help to supplement their food supply.


While ES'


family would be


seen as working class in the La Paz milieu, their children are preparing for

jobs and potential incomes which would allow them to shift their lifestyles to

the middle class.


The


recording


was


made


rural


school


Kusijata


later


checked in ES'


home in Copacabana.


(h) The ninth narrative is by VG,


is about twenty years old,


a monolingual from Puno, Peru.


has lived in Puno always and seldom leaves the


town


except


to surrounding


communities.


Her


father


poke


Quechua,


Aymara.


Aymara


It is


likely


and


Spanish;


that


mother


uses some


, some


Aymara


with


Spanish


her mother,


mainly

but in


general she uses Spanish-at work, and at home with her


husband


who is


monolingual


Spanish.









individuals


differing


social


groups.


The


recording


was


made


at her


workplace, and some checking was done there a few days later.


provided narrative


He is a


thirty seven-year-old


bilingual


who


also


can


speak


and


understand


some


Quechua,


from


community of Crucicuta, Oruro, Bolivia.


AC has built a home in the city of


Paz,


in an indigenous


zone,


travels


frequently


throughout


Department of La Paz as a collector of artisanry which he sells in the city.

work places AC in the working class, and he did not finish high school.


The recording was made in 1

mutual friends of AC and myself,


La Paz, among a group of people who are

who made the initial contact with AC on


behalf.


was


later


able


review


some


information


on the


recording with him.


The transcription


was corrected with


the assistance of


Francisco


Mamani,


a Peruvian Aymara-Spanish


bilingual


who


also


speaks


English.


(j) Narrative XI is by


, a monolingual who is approximately fifty five


years old.


AP is the sole upper-middle class informant for this study.


She is


employed in a high-level position at a local bank in La Paz, and lives in the

southern zone of the city-generally a wealthy, modern area.

The interview and recording were made in the city of La Paz, at AP's


workplace by


Tombs Huanca, who is an Aymara-Spanish bilingual sociologist


from


area.


The


questions


comments


Huanca


university


graduate and instructor, are also considered part of the data of this interview.


Manuel


Mamani,


a bilingual


university


instructor


from


Arica


Chile


, who


also speaks English, assisted in the correction of the transcription.









Table


Summary Description of Informants


Informant


Soc-Econ Class


Language


Educ Level


Age


(by narrative #)


II
m
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII


lower middle
working class
working class
working class
lower middle
working class
middle class
working class
working class
upper-middle


bilingual
bilingual
monolingual
bilingual
bilingual
bilingual
bilingual
monolingual
trilingual
monolingual


Key to Educational Level:


= Secondary or high school education
S = Post secondary, including vocational
and university education
= Primary school education


Data Gatherin


Processes


Speech


data


were


obtained


variety


situations


, including


informant


interviews,


and


elicited


and


non-elicited


(spontaneous)


conversations among informants at community meetings and gatherings, in


households


at fiestas and


ceremonies,


in markets


other


work


social


environments.


The


basic


linguistic


field


method


techniques


observation


, elicitation, recording and continuous analysis were followed in


the study


described in Pike (1947) and Nida (1946),


and which have been


elaborated by Hardman and Hamano (1981).


The full description of the data









Formal


Entering the community


The data


sought for this research were not only linguistic structures


but also the meanings of those


structures, how the language is used in the


altiplano


either


context.


an urban


The essential


or rural


requirements


environment


were


* obtaining

becoming


these


known


data


in the


community as someone who could be approached and who had an interest in

the life of the community and (2) developing friendships which would link


identity


a positive


way


to the


community


assumption


which


underlies each of these is


that evidence of the fieldworker'


respect for the


target culture is necessary for the gathering of unbiased and accurate data (see


Collins and Painter, n.d.).


Apart from the need to listen well and sensitively


to the things people revealed about themselves, and the way they would use


language


to do


discovering


bounds


appropriate


outsider


behavior, an element which I found


to be completely necessary


to meeting


these requirements was a large amount of physical effort.


the cities


, fulfilling these requirements


initially involved


meeting


large numbers of people in different settings,


which normally meant getting


out and doing a tremendous amount of walking on a regular basis,


critical locations, becoming familiar with the urban layouts.


getting to


This then would


also involve letting the general research interests


for this study


be known:


interest in Aymara language and


culture,


Bolivian


or Peruvian national


life, and, more specifically


in discovering and explicating the grammar of a


stigmatized dialect in order to assist in establishing its legitimacy


. It was the





56


my research was also established, but this was generally interpreted in various


ways and was not


as curious to many people


as the question of my overall


interest in altiplano culture.


This seemed to me to derive from the politically


dominant culture's viewpoint regarding indigenous life-ways and languages,

which many people, especially in larger urban environments, assimilate and

express.


Ultimately,


friendships


were


developed


with


people


who


responded positively to these expressed interests, and primarily in the area of


the city where I had


established a residence


ate meal


and so on-in


northern area of the city of La Paz; near the train station and the markets in


Puno.


In the smaller urban centers-Copacabana, Sorata in Bolivia,


Chucuito


in Peru-I generally had names of individuals which had been provided by


contacts in


the urban areas.


It was not difficult to approach


these people


directly,


then


with


requests


assistance


research


receive


positive responses.

Obtaining data was a very different kind of exercise in the rural areas


than in the cities and towns


, although there I often relied on initial contacts


which


had


been


made


before


going


into


communities.


countryside I


found


that,


though


received


politely


made to feel


quite


welcome, generally the people in the rural communities seemed to regard me

with greater reserve, and preferred ultimately to keep me at a distance and go


on about their lives.


The key, for me, to entering their lives more fully was


found in (1) use of the Aymara language and (2) work,


their labor.


that is, participating in


The people of the rural communities responded quickly and with









and


Volunteering


help


community


labor


projects


was


particularly effective, more so if the labor was somewhat rigorous and I could


perform adequately.


Especially among the women, participating in


uch work


seemed


make


worth


consideration


, and


appeared


alter


community perceptions of my tenure in these areas.


From their perspective,


since I was willing to be involved in some of the principal labor of their lives,


could


be dealt with on normal, human


terms.


Subjectively


discovered


that the physical labor also prepared me for data collection, by increasing my

confidence and energy levels at the same time.


There


are some


analogies


with


participating in


rural


labor


to urban


activities requiring large outputs of physical energy:


accepting invitations to


people'


homes


in the cities,


attending


functions


there


which


traditionally


support


community


relationships,


can


very


often


involve


preparation


participation.


Much


preparation


may


involve


activities


such


reconnoitering a particular location so that you do not become lost when the

event is due, making appropriate purchases of food or drink, and so forth, to

take to the hosts, and discussing the events ahead of time with enough people


so that you have some sense of your own role in


them.


And


since many


people


are involved


travel


in some


way-to


rural


areas


, especially,


obtain agricultural


products for personal


use or


commercial


resale,


to visit


relatives- at times it is possible to accompany friends on such


trips,


which


are often


arduous,


provide companionship


assistance


to them


some way.

This rather utopian picture of field work has not included descriptions





58


But the aspects of the field experience that I believe are worth stressing in

order to have an understanding of the setting for obtaining linguistic data


from an anthropological


perspective are literally the physical requirements


doing


and


relationship


these


to achieving


some


cultural


awareness.


The output of physical energy was directly related in a positive


direction to the amount of information that I could take in about the people I


was with, and about the language they used.


Labor provided a means of


discovering how the language means in the contexts of its daily use.


For this


study, it was both necessary and rewarding.

Recording of the narratives


The majority of the samples used in this study,


and the narratives in


Appendices II

carried out by


through XI,


the author or


were transcribed from


associates


tape recorded


working with


interviews


the author.


interviews varied in length from approximately five minutes to half an hour


or more, and


were made with


one of


the two recorders available, either a


Sony or a G.E.


minicassette recorder.


Most of the informants were each asked


questions in the initial section of the interview regarding his or her place of

birth and residence, length of time there, occupation, and languages) spoken;


at times this information was not recorded but written down.


the informants, this information had been obtained previously


With some of

so that it was


not repeated


interview.


remaining


part of


interview was


more


loosely


structured,


content


was


frequently


based


upon


information from previous conversations with the informants.


Usually they


were


asked


to elaborate


upon


telling


an event,


description





59


although generally attention was directed away from the immediate question

of dialectal results of language and culture contact. It was possible to discuss


, however,


with


most


informants


after


interviews,


give


examples of the true grammaticality of forms which have been stigmatized as

not grammatical in popular folk etymology.


Finally,


it is


important to


a discussion


methodology


to raise


question of the influence of both the interviewer and


the interview situation


on the style of speech elicited


during


the interviews.


Labov (1984


[19721)


distinguishes between casual and careful speech, and states that "the formal


interview itself


defines a speech


context in


which


only


one speaking


normally


occurs,


that


which


we may


careful speech"


In the


interview context


, the informant is more conscious of speech production and


therefore output is monitored


to some degree.


In daily life in general,


it is


recognized


that the informants'


speech may be quite different, more relaxed


therefore less monitored.


Furthermore


it is assumed


that a foreigner,


even


though


may


a friend


is nevertheless


wholly


part


interviewee's


cultural


social


milieu


add


elements


to the


interview which further direct the speaker toward more careful or moderated


speech.


As a matter of fact, as described in Chapter V


this is known to have


occurred


to have


provided


valuable


information


regarding


prestige


factors operating on language style.


On the other hand, speech elements most


under the control of the speaker are lexicon and phonology,


whereas deeper


levels of language structure are generally not as readily available to conscious


manipulation by the speaker.


Inasmuch as this study is primarily concerned





60


Spanish, even in the more careful speech generated by the interview and the

researcher.


additional


source


data


tudy


was


structured


situations


in which more 'normal'


speech events occurred,


reflecting a more


casual style.


That aspect of


data gathering, described


below


is considered


'informal'


distinct from the structured interview situation.


Informal


Informal data gathering involved the observation of language use in a


variety of contexts, including the public markets,


third party conversations,


social events such as fiestas, plays, and baptisms, and in work environments.


It made use of information gathered


'on the fly'


, and although it usually was


subject


to immediate


checking


research


, often


type


information gathering raised


valuable questions which


were later discussed


with informants and other friends and colleagues.


Informal data gathering


also made use of written as well as spoken sources of language.


Linguistic


elements


considered


noted


in newspapers,


student


to be confirmations of


papers,
ability


personal


the speech


letters


were


patterns


therefore were preserved for the study.


The information gathered


by informal


procedures was recorded in a


notebook especially reserved for that purpose, and identified in the samples

of data as from the source STRI.

Analysis of Data


It is important to note that both data collection and analysis,


conceived here, are interactional


(informant-linguist) in nature.


as they are

Analysis of









contextual accuracy.


While the collection of data was usually by tape recorder,


checking was always done by pencil and paper.


Data


analyses


involved


breaking


down


collected


peech


data


into


component morphological and syntactic units, and


discovering the patterns


that emerged from contrasting and comparing the breakdowns.


As the data


were collected


, they were recorded and filed,


and comparisons were made as


files


were expanded.


This


would


lead


to particular


questions


about


patterns


which


were


becoming


apparent


data;


example,


consistent appearance of the


present


perfect verb


form


the data


questions regarding use of the preterite:


how would you say this in a different


situation?


is there a difference in ha llegado versus lleg6


and so forth.


An important component of recording


the data


so that


research


questions


could


emerge


was


addition


information


regarding


contexts of use of a


under what


particular linguistic item:


circumstances.


who spoke to


with


whom,


data;


when,


where


recording


such


information


was a


part of my data collection, I


was able to


analyze the patterns more thoroughly and with a great deal more confidence.


The


following


chapter


provide


results


analysis


grammatical


and


contextual


data


from


research,


together


with


information from other investigators of the AS dialect.
















CHAPTER IV

PHONOLOGY


Although


this study


focused


on the morphology


syntax


descriptions of the phonology of AS are reproduced here in order to gather in


one document all the available information on the dialect.


Phonological data


come from research by:


Boynton (1981),


Gordon (1980,


1982), Justiniano de la


Rocha


Escobar


(1976),


(1978),


Laprade


Godenzzi


(1976),


(1986),


Pyle


Hundley


(1981)


Bolivian


(1983)


Spanish;


McGourn


(1971)


Peruvian


Spanish.


may


anticipated,


there


are differences


between


monolingual


bilingual


speakers


Spanish


their


phonological


inventories, especially in the vocalic systems.

data reported by different investigators.


Following is a summation of the vowel and


There are also variations in the


consonant systems from


research


indicated


above,


phonetic


charts


which


describe


both


monolingual and bilingual speech.


















Stop


- vc


+ vc


Affricate


Fricative


- vc
+ vc


Resonants


Nasal


Lateral


Median


Flap


Front


Central


Back


High

Mid

Low


Figure 2:


Phonetic Chart of Bilineual Altiolano Spanish (Based on Laurade 1976,


















Stop


- vc


+ vc


Affricate


Fricative


- vc
+ VC


Resonants


Nasal


Lateral


Median


Flap


Front


Central


Back


High

Mid

Low


Figure 3:


( ^


Phonetic Chart of Monolingual Altiplano Spanish (Based on Laprade 197'


r. At fl


@ a
\^'









Phonemes and Allophonic


Variation


Vowels


high front unrounded:


high front unrounded,


in monolingual speech when stressed


and unstressed; in bilingual speech when stressed, as in [sio ku],


cinco,


'five'.


mid high front unrounded,


in bilingual speech when stressed,


in [dis2],


dice


's/he says'


in bilingual speech, high mid front unrounded,


elsewhere.


mid front unrounded:


voiceless mid front, in monolingual and bilingual speech,


when


unstressed and in the environment of voiceless consonants


in [lee


leche,


'milk'.


mid high front unrounded, in

before /n/, as in [tinfa], tenia,


bilingual speech when unstressed

's/he had'.


mid front unrounded, in monolingual speech before [r


and [2]


and when not syllable final, as in [ty


a], tierra,'earth


. and


[sst6mago],


est6maeo,


'stomach'


in bilingual speech, when


stressed, [tr Es],


tres,


'three'.


mid-high front, in monolingual speech when syllable final,


in bilingual speech,


when unstressed


, as in [n6


noche,


'night'.


low central unrounded:


voiceless low central unrounded


when unstressed and in the









mid back rounded:


voiceless mid back rounded, when unstressed and in the


environment of voiceless consonants, as in [mu6


much,


'much'.
mid back rounded, elsewhere in monolingual speech; in


bilingual speech, when stressed, as in [g i6b u]


globo,


'balloon'.


in bilingual speech,


mid high back rounded,


elsewhere, as in


[blanku],


blanco,


'white'.


/ u


high back rounded:


high back rounded, everywhere in monolingual speech


bilingual speech, when stressed, as in [pli m a],


pluma,


'feather'


in bilingual speech, mid high back rounded, unstressed, as in


eskuda


escuchar,


'to listen'


Consonants


/p/


bilabial voiceless unaspirated st

[p] everywhere, as in [pdlu]


pelo,


'hair'


alveolar (dental, according to some sources) voiceless unaspirated


stop:


everywhere, as in [tr ~


tres,


'three'


[fruta],


fruta,


'fruit'.


/k/


velar voiceless unaspirated stop:

[k] palatal voiceless unaspirated


before high front vowels, as


in [kinwa], quinua,

elsewhere, as in [k a6


'quinua'.


cabeza,


'head'.


bilabial voiced stop:









/d/


alveolar (dental, according to some sources) voiced stop:


alveolar (dental) voiced fricative,


intervocalically, as in


[pesk du],


Descado,


'fish'.


alveolar (dental) voiced stop,


elsewhere


, as in [kw


ando],


cuando,


'when'


and [d


duefio,


'owner'


velar voiced stop:


palatalized velar voiced fricative, after a vowel and before a


high front vowel,


as in [la


*ita


la guitarra,


'the guitar'


voiced velar fricative, intervocalically,


as in [gry


yo],


'Greek'.
palatalized velar voiced stop, before high front vowels,


griego,


[g n da


guindas,


'cherries'.


voiced velar stop,


elsewhere,


as in [p6ogo],


pongo,


'I put,


place'


voiceless alveopalatal affricate:

[c] everywhere, as in [canco]
voiceless labiodental fricative:


chancho,


voiceless bilabial fricative


, in free variation with [f],


likely to occur in the environment of bilabials,


although


as in [a p


wera],


afuera.


'outside'.


[f] voiceless labiodental fricative, elsewhere.
voiceless alveolar fricative:


voiced alveolar fricative, before voiced consonants,


as in


[mizmo],

as in [an


mismo.


zfdo],


'same'


han sido,


after voiced consonants before vowels,


'they have been'.









voiced retroflex assibilated fricative:


voiced retroflex fricative, everywhere, as in [6esa],


reza
YItJ~


's/he


prays


perro,


'dog'.


voiceless retroflex fricative, occurs finally, as in [mu


muier,


woman


'; some investigators have it medially


as in


perro,


'dog'.


voiceless velar fricative:


palatalized voiceless velar (some investigators place it post


velar) fricative, before high front vowels,


as in [xirafa]


jirafa,


'giraffe'.


voiceless velar fricative, elsewhere,


[xaPo6],


jab6n,


soap


bilabial nasal resonant:


bilabial nasal, everywhere, [s mb r a],


sombra,


'shade, shadow'


alveolar nasal resonant:


velar nasal, occurs before velars and finally,


as in [si k o],


cinco,


'five'


, and [kuras 6], corazon,


'heart'.


dental nasal


before dental


s, [kwando],


cuando,


'when'.


palatalized retroflex alveolar nasal,

retroflex consonants, as in [unni Bl


before palatalized


e], un roble,


'an oak'


bilabial nasal, before bilabial consonants,


vaso,


as in [umb aso], un


'a glass'.


elsewhere.


palatal nasal resonant:


everywhere, as in [pan


vafiuelo,


'handkerchief'


', or [pezo],


xi],


/m/


/~n/









alveolar lateral, elsewhere,


as in [le~e


leche,


'milk'.


palatal lateral resonant:


palatal lateral everywhere, [k r


y6ou],


criollo,


'creole'


labial medial resonant:


everywhere, as in [a


wtu],


auto,


auto


', and [wa


wa],


wawa.


'baby'.


/y/


palatal medial resonant:


everywhere, [6y],


hoy,


'today'


, and [y


hielo,


alveolar flap


alveolar flap, everywhere,


as in [piro],


pero,


Vowel System


All investigators report reduction and dropping of unstressed vowels.

The phenomenon is a regular feature of altiplano speech in all social contexts


and across all social groups:


it has been recorded in the speech of all classes,


educational levels, ages,


and in both


sexes


and in both informal and formal


speech.


However


, reduction


does


occur


with


every


incidence


unstressed vowel production.


In general in


the environment of voiceless


consonants


conducive


to the


devoicing


deleting


-/) of


vowels:


-> V
0


Gordon


(1977)


notes


, the


phenomenon


occurs


Bolivian


Spanis


especially in the environments /t


, as in [potsi],


'Potosfi'


meses


'months'


(p. 350).


Hundley (1983) reports that weakening and


deletion


vowels


Cuzquefio


peech


are favored


a preceding


->0









vowels


socially


stratified


Peru,


with


vowel


deletion


occurring


more


frequently among working class speakers, and less frequently among speakers

of the middle class, least frequently among the upper middle class.


Vowel


reduction


also


very


common


final


vowels


following


occlusives:


->0


as in [o6] for [6Eu],


ocho, or [alt


] for [altu


], altos (Pyle 1981:


192).


The effect


of lack of stress is quite reduced in moderated or slower speech; that is, the

vowels reappear or resurface in speech under those conditions (Laprade 1976).


Examples


phenomenon


vowel


reduc


tion/deletion


from


data


gathered for the present research include


(STRVIII


, 12)


Son hojas


muy [p


eya


(STRI, 81)


'They are very sticky leaves'
iD6nde vas [a] ir mafiana?,


'Where are you going tomorrow?'


(STRI, 103)


"A ya ahorita voy a hacer,


no te molestes"


[dfs],


"OK right now I'm going to do (it),
she says to me';


(STRI, 143)


don't worry,"


[aksitspErame],


'Wait for me right here!'


(STRIV


. y nosotros teniamos que ver como comer,


ossyer


tol?


and r47 har fIr


coo ahlrnnt pa2-ma rahft?'


-> V
Q








my dad working there,


the final


example,


is considered


to be


phonetic


realization


esta/


which has


undergone final


vowel


dropping


reduction


resultant sequence of /tt/ to /t/:


[esta trapaxandol-> [est.D trapaxando]


-> [es.tra axando


Pyle


(1981),


Justiniano


(1976)


McGourn


(1972)


are particularly


concerned with bilingual phonology


and describe the tendency of unstressed


vowels in


the speech of bilinguals


to form


a three-vowel


pattern roughly


equivalent to the Aymara


(and Quechua) vowel systemss"


(Pyle


1981


192).


The


three


vowel


pattern


incorporates


phones


which


variants


phonemes


~/0/


results


in items such a


[isul,


,eso,


'that'


, and [e


/ele


ecci6n,


'election'


Again,


slower speech reduces the effect of lack of


stress, resulting in the production of


a vocalic inventory within


which


the contrasts


are more


those of


Spanish five vowel system (Pyle 1981: 192).


McGourn'


(1971) analysis


indicates that he encountered


in data from


three


phoneme,


Aymara-Spanish


which


bilinguals
allophones


study


varying


, only


freely


one


from


front


vowel


[i] to [e


intermediate


varieties"


178).


While


present


research


implies


more


than one front vowel phoneme, it is the


variations are quite broad,


case


as McGourn suggest.


that the front vowel phonetic

s, and as indicated by Gordon,


Pyle, Boynton and Laprade.


For example, it is possible to hear variants such


as [di


[dis


or [d


ss], for /di


,dice,


s'; therefore


The following are examples of realizations of certain vowel nuclei in


~/e/









where unstressed /e/

(STRX, 113)


where unstressed /u/


unstressed [i].

Mi mama sabia estar ayudAndome a mi, [sob fr],

'My mom helped me get on';


unstressed [o].


(STRVI, 6)


Y [mi


parece no solamente dos tres personas,


pinsE] que han sido un grupo


. ,


'And it seems to me not only 2 or 3 people, I
thought that they were a group ..


The latter example, in


which


unstressed /e/ of the verb pens6 is


raised


to stressed /1/


, resulting in [pin


, appears


to be anomalous, since


unstressed vowels do not tend to change their stress pattern unless there is


reduction from a vocalic cluster.


Also in thi


example, the unstressed le/ of


the indirect object pronoun me is raised to [i].

Additional data from this research show a reduction from a glide plus


stressed


vowel


to a single


tressed


vowel


in item


uch as [pini]


viene


comes


', and [


intu]


siento,


'I feel':


[yel


Laprade notes that certain vowel clusters in Pacefio Spanish tend


an accented vowel followed by a glide,

vowels and reducing the number of sylla


to become


thus breaking the hiatus between the

Ibles. Examples from his data include


[awr a],


ahora,


'now'


[kaydo],


caido,


do],


leido,


'read':


-> [aw


F -- S I


-> e


q


I I I








73


attempts by bilingual speakers to clearly distinguish between the sounds [e]


and


which are allophones of the phoneme /i/ in Aymara:


[eyl


-> [ay]


Pyle reports that vowel lengthening occurs frequently, and appears to


be the phonetic equivalent of vowel + glide for some bilingual speakers,


as in


[ko:ta],


cuota,


quota


'or [b


:nte]


veinte,


twenty


[wo


-> [6:


-> [


is very


common


vowel


lengthening


to be


accompanied


certain


semantic connotations, as in [n


osen6


:xa], no


se enoja (sic),


'please don't get


mad'


, wherein a lengthened vowel with a slightly raised pitch signals a kind


of pleading.


The trends in the vowel system of


There is a tendency among bilingual

much like the substrate vowel system,


raised or lowered.


may be summarized as follows:


speakerss to form a three vowel pattern

in which the front and back vowels are


The phenomenon is more likely to occur when vowels are


unstressed, but it is mitigated by careful or slower speech.


There is a tendency


among both monolingual and bilingual speakers to reduce vowel clusters to


single vowels or vowels plus glides,


with a


consequential


reduction in


number


of syllables.


Additionally,


vowel


length


may


accompanied


certain semantic connotations.

Consonant System


Those


consonant


phonemes


which


have


manifested


articulations


particular interest as dialectal variants will be discussed here.


The phonetic









Among allophones of /


, Gordon, Pyle, Boynton and Laprade found


cases of [z] or [z] before voiced consonants, although Gordon notes that the


phenomenon does not occur "with regularity" in his data (1977:


and Hundley note that /


350).


never disappears in highland Peruvian


Escobar
speech,


and both Escobar and


Justiniano indicate that in the environment before /i/


it acquires


palatalization so


that acoustically it approaches


in highland


Peru and Bolivia.


I found some speakers for whom /


/ becomes [z] in initial


position after a nasal before vowels, as in


han sido,


'they


have


been'.


Gordon


found


four


allophones


three


which


occur


most


frequently as assimilations to the following consonantal point of articulation.


also


following


reports


velar


that


found


consonant,


such


environments


for ma]


involving


form'


[peg


amos


think'


, throughout


Bolivia


, among


sses


and


educational levels (1980: 350),


although I did not


see this reported by other


investigators.


Laprade reports five allophones of /n/


including


a retroflex


before a retroflex consonant.


Nearly all of Gordon's informants (99.3


) of all social classes employed


/X/, as in [kaXe],


calle


, and distinguished it "clearly and regularly" from /y/


thus he describes Bolivia, in contrast to the majority of the Hispanic world,


lleista, in agreement with all other investigators indicated above.


Escobar


(1978) description of Peruvian Spanish rests the primary dialectal divisions in


Peru


- the Andean versus the Ribereflo areas


- on whether the distinction


maintained.


i o]









and [p


position,


perro,


'dog'


as in [mux6


. Pyle reports that [C] becomes [z] in


muier


. woman


', and


Laprade found


syllable final

the voiceless


allophone in medial


position, as


in [p


perro


'dog'


. In a recent study


Gordon (1982) determined that the use of the [z] allophone on


the altiplano


has decreased somewhat among men and among those with a higher level of


education,


that


usage


spread,


especially


among


women


, to


lowland Bolivia, perhaps due to the political and economic influence of the

altiplano (p. 11).


Justiniano reports that shifts such as [b ] to [w ],


[waka],


vaca.


cow


[dr] to [gr],


[pagre], padre.


'father'


[gw] to [w


, wantede


], guante,


'glove'


are common among bilingual speakers.


Of these features


, only the


[b] to [w] is particularly characteristic of


the others are not unusual in


other dialects of Spanish.

AS characteristically retains consonants in nearly all environments; as


Laprade notes, it has consonantismo firme (1976:


The exception is the


weakening of intervocalic [6


eZo]
















CHAPTER V


MORPHOLOGY


AND SYNTAX:


VERB PHRASE CONSTITUENTS


Inflected Verbs: Data Source, Tense and Mood


This


research


confirm


existence


an evidentials


system


Altiplano Spanish.


It appears in the speech of persons all social groups in the


La Paz area, among monolinguals and bilinguals, in communities and towns


around


Lake


Titicaca


Bolivia


Peru


, and


in a variety


contexts


including


formal


informal


situations.


Indication


data


source


is at


present


a very


table


feature


very


likely


itself


marks


altiplano as a distinct dialect area.


besides the


Verb inflections contain in their meanings,


signification of tense and mood, the category of data source, the


evidentials class referred to here as data source.


Data source is expressed in


the past tense system of AS through the selection of particular tenses which

signify that the information being relayed was obtained either through direct


personal


experience


or through


some


other,


indirect,


experience,


such


having been told or having read about the information.


Subtle distinctions


regarding the reliability of or responsibility for the message being conveyed

are available to speakers of AS by the use of the past tenses which express


degrees of personal assurance regarding the source of the message.


tenses also are influenced by the data source category


The future


. One may speak of a









Another feature of the tense system of AS, related


to the data source


distinction


is found in reference to time.


The division between present and


past time, reflected in the use of the present and past tenses of verbs described


present


section,


is not


always


as important


as it is


overriding distinction in


the tense system of this dialect of Spanish i


data


source,


rather


than


time-which


often


treated


as a relatively


unimportant matter, much in the same way that number and gender receive


optional


treatments


in the


noun


system.


The


result


that present


tense


forms are found frequently referring to past time, in a distribution somewhat

different from that of the historical present of SS.


In examining the dialectal


used on the altiplano,


variations which occur in


the verb


it should be noted that it is not the forms per


se which


vary, so that dialectal difference in verb usage may not be as readily apparent


as, for example, in phonology.


It is the meanings of the forms,


the contexts in


which they may be used, which have shifted.

The question of Aymara substrate influence on the verb system of AS


discussed


Chapter


VIII;


verb


system


is described


below.


The


description is organized


to reflect the data gathered in


this research,


which


demonstrate


primacy


data


source


distinctions.


Tense


mood


categories


are presented


as secondary


distinctions


to data


source,


reason that these categories frequently occur in this manner in the texts.

Non-Personal Knowledge

Past time


The


most


intriguing


aspect


altiplano


tense


' sys









specifically


whether the speaker is relaying the information in the capacity of


an eyewitness to the event being referred to.


Previous research has


indicated


that


pluperfect


tense conveys


contrast


to the


other


past


tenses,


which


forms


basis


data


source


indication.


Herminia Martin


(1976)


has written


the pluperfect/preterite


opposition


event


being


eyewitness).


in Pacefo


spoken

Herrero


Spanish


terms


known


(1969)


also


those


either


describes


tenses


indirectly


signalling

ir directly


pluperfect as


that


non-personal


knowledge used in Cochabamba,


Bolivia:


these constructions frequently


indicate either surprise or that the speaker is not an eyewitness but reporting


someone


else'


experience"


40)1


Herrero


also


notes


that


enlargement, rather than a replacement,


past of a past.


of the sense of the pluperfect as a


Schumacher (1980) also found the data source distinction in the


speech of young people in Puno, Peru.


As Herrero (1969) indicates,


in AS the pluperfect tense does occur with


the SS meaning of "past of a


past"


, or relevant anteriority to a


point in


past, as in


(STRI, 100)


Un extrafio estaba robando una mochila de un


grupo de pasajeros que habian ilegado,

'A stranger was robbing a backpack from a
group of tourists who had arrived.'

This tense also frequently indicates, however, that the speaker did not bear


personal


knowledge


witness


about


to the event


event


in the


through


capacity

another


an eye


source


witness,


, which


may


include









context,


pluperfect


usually


appears


in non-sequential


verb


constructions, for example,


(STRV


Y, en nada habian encontrado trabajo


. .,


'And they didn't find any work (I didn't see this


happening


myself but


was


someone


they didn't


find


work)


The meaning of the form in this context then, is pero no me consta.


'but I'm


not a witness


, I don't personally vouch for this,


I didn't see it'


and at times an


expression such as no me consta,


or no lo vi accompanies the construction.


The


context


usage


is further


amplified


to include


statements


surprise or unintentional action.


For example,


habias llegado,


'Oh, you've


arrived!'


, someone may say as you enter


a room,


meaning that the speaker


didn't know you


were coming, or when, or perhaps had forgotten about it,


until the event (your arrival) took place, or perhaps even after the event (not


having seen you enter the room,


the speaker


sees


you there sometime later),


and is surprised by it.


Reflexive expressions such as me habia cortado mi


dedo,


cut my


finger


(and


hadn't realized


or me habia dormido,


(accidentally) fell asleep'


(Laprade 1976:


58) use the pluperfect to indicate non-


volitional action, accidents or unintentional activity.


Further,


conversations


story


telling,


relating


historical


or more


recent events and so


forth,


the pluperfect is one form


(form


decir are


others; see Chapters VII and VIII) which may be used to signal to the listener


or interlocutor that the information


which follows comes from some source


other than the personal experience of the speaker.


frame the discourse,


The pluperfect serves to


which may then be given as it was originally heard or






80


context in which quoting is frequent and the quotes themselves may be quite


ong.2


Present time


The


present


expressed


using


forms


Slega. estA


llegando,


arrives'


,'X is arriving'


and non-personal knowled


is expressed by use of


discourse


strategies


which


signal


category


(see


Chapter


VII).


These


strategies often


involve the use of forms of decir,


'to say, tell'


as in


(STRX, 130)


Si, ahora dice que ya esta cambiando.


'Yes, they say3 now that it's


changing


Other strategies involve a statement or detailing of the source of the

information, such as having read about the event (He leido en El Diario que


la huelga sigue ya,


'I read in El Diario that the strike is still going on').


If non-


personal knowledge is not indicated,


it will be assumed that the speaker was


or is a


personal


witness


to the event


in question.


If the listener is


unsure


about the speaker'


intentions, perhaps ha


some reason to doubt them


then


the speaker's not indicating


data source


may


be interpreted as


hedging


equivocation regarding the information source.

Future time


Future


time


may


conceived


as existing


on a continuum


ranging


from definite, to less certain, to very uncertain.


Given this continuum, the


simple


future


(llegara)


tense


which


selected


speakers


perhaps in response to the function


of tha


tense


as a


conjectural in


express a future which may be understood as less certain to very uncertain.


. .1


~





81


That is, the use of the simple future implies some doubt from the speaker's


perspective about whether the event in question will actually take place.


is in contrast to the periphrastic future (va a llegar),


This


discussed in some detail


under


personal


knowledge


categories


verb


tenses,


which


signals


certainty on the part of the speaker about the event in question.


example,


someone


says


llegar6


a las


diez,


arrive


at ten


o'clock'


, the message may be interpreted as signalling


later than ten o'clock'


, or 'I may not be there at all'


'I'll probably be much


. In another example of


this usage,


Laprade (1976) reports that the statement


(LAPI, 45)


.las voy a contar por carta que recibirs ...,


'. .I'll tell you about them by letter that you
will receive .


implies


"uncertainty


as to whether


often


untrustworthy


mails


will


deliver the letter"


45), whereas the future formed by the periphrastic ir + a


+ contar signals certainty about writing a letter.


This selective use of the future tenses


was heard during the research


for this study as a feature of both monolingual and bilingual speech, and in


the lower and middle classes in urban and rural areas.


I have also heard the


simple


future


used


in much


same


manner


in which


periphrastic


future is


used


therefore consider the


influence of


data


source-in


sense of personal assurance of or commitment to the event-to be a resource

in AS future time (or 'unseen') references, but not an obligatory distinction as


it is in the


'already seen'


(i. e.


, present and past) tenses.


Personal Knowledge





82


preterite, present perfect and the imperfect, as well as the present tense as a


past.


The SS meanings which these past tenses generally imply


and which


continue to form essential or basic elements of the altiplano


tense system,


have been shifted to encompass the world of meanings which the evidentials

category allows, and which reflect the social parameters of altiplano life.

Present perfect and preterite tenses


The very frequent occurrence of the present perfect (ha llegado) in AS


is quite remarkable.


As a matter of fact, the present perfect often occurs in


contexts in which SS prefers the preterite (lleg6):


(STRII, 33)


(STRV


Ha sido una sorpresa muy grande cuando
fuimos alli en catorce de septiembre,

'It was a big surprise when we went there the
14th of September';


Y en esas semanas ya no hemos hecho nadaps,


'And during those weeks (some six years ago)
we didn't do anything!';


(STRIX, 11)


Bueno, desde que yo he nacido practicamente yo
he vivido en un solo barrio,

'Well since I was born I've really lived in only
one barrio.'


It is not unusual for the present perfect


to be used in


to refer to


recent or even


distant past events


which


for the


speaker, may


have some


bearing on the present.


But the orientation suggested by these examples is not


quite like that of


In AS the


present perfect is often


used


to indicate a


punctuated


or concluded


event,


including


those


which may


have occurred





83


The preterite does remain an option for speakers who wish to indicate


concluded


events


or past events


which


context


is closed


relevant


to the


present.


However


difference


between


preterite


present


perfect


frequently


one


concluded


event


versus


relevant anteriority, respectively,


but one of social register.


Of the norms


which have been or perhaps are being established for 'correct'


speech in this


part of the Hispanic world, prestige is represented by the preterite form.

The pattern is found in this research in Bolivia and Peru, in urban and


rural areas and across all social groups,


researchers.


and has also been reported by other


Mendoza (1988) notes that in Pacefo Spanish "the present perfect


has almost completely displaced the preterite.

and not exclusively, in formal situations (in


The latter form appears only,


which)


the prestige


variety (is


used)"4 (p.


Godenzzi (1986) also notes social class differences in preterite


versus present perfect usage, in the Puno area of Peru.


Briefly


he found that


the preterite


was


more


frequently


used


in the


discourse


wealthier


urban Punefios; the present perfect predominated in the speech of middle and


lower


class


and rural Punefios, and


especially


among Quechua or


Aymara


bilinguals.


Thus the preterite is marked as part of the prestige variety of the


Spanish of Puno.


As notions of social


prestige represented in language are internalized,


many


speakers


appear


to shift register


from


more familiar,


formal


present


perfect


forms,


preterite


form


situation


perceived


to demand more formality


or correctness.


In the daily speech of


campesinos


middle


lower


class


urban


dwellers





84


Copacabana (Bolivia) and Puno (Peru), the preterite is relatively infrequent,


although again both


preterite and present perfect may


appear in


the same


contexts, relative to conception of time


aspect of the past event


being


spoken about, in which SS prefers the preterite exclusively.

In this research, one of the first clues to the connection between social

register and choice of verb tense in speech was in the switch made by a close

friend from her nearly preterite-free, informal speech to a present perfect-free


style in a tape recorded interview (see Appendix STRIV).


After the interview,


the friend,


who is a


university student and a monolingual Spanish speaker


from La Paz, and who may be described for these purposes as middle class and


"upwardly mobile", stated her preference for the preterite,


and her dislike of


the campesino-sounding present perfect usage.


This young woman'


views


are not uncommon:


Campesino (read:


'Indian') speech is often identified by,


mimicked and even ridiculed for frequency of present perfect forms, despite


that


usage


is common


monolinguals


middle


upper


classes in


bilinguals.


the urban areas, as


It should


mentioned


well

that


as in

such


the rural


direct


areas and


among


stigmatization


present


perfect


in speech


occurred


during


research


only


certain


contexts when language was itself a topic, for example.


Additional sources


regarding these views of social prestige and language behavior were found in

television programs, comedy theater in the urban areas, and in observation of

daily social interactions in urban and rural areas.


The


distinction


social


register


between


these


tenses


is not


surprising given the prestige factors associated with the preterite


- including









everywhere,


associated


with


present


perfect.


own


use of present


perfect altiplano style was at times reinforced by comments such as iAy


bonito hablas va como


Boliviana


, 'Oh how nicely you speak now,


like a


Boliviana!'


The


general


effect


was


a 'weaning'


away


from


preterite, and a more frequent use of present perfect in order


to present a


solidary style of interaction with friends and acquaintances in the area.

In yet another level of interaction with the data source category, there


are differences


between the preterite and the present perfect in


personal support for or substantiation


of the message.


the level of


For some speakers


(perhaps


many),


stronger personal


use


testimony


than


present

use of


perfect


implies


preterite,


a somewhat


which


them


carries a sense of greater personal distance from the message.


For example,


the following, spoken by a young Bolivian who wasn't at all sure that he was

looking forward to a marriage in his family:


(STRV


, 57)


todavia no


se casaron,


'Right, they


still haven't gotten married,


where SS would call for todavia no


se han casado.


Further, Bolivians have


expressed to me their feeling that statements in the present perfect can carry


more weight, more believability, than those in


which preterite is used.


present

personal


perfect


knowledge


preferred,


therefore,


or personal


experience


as a stronger


than


preterite.


statement


And


preterite tends to reduce the level of personal involvement on the part of the


speaker in the message.

present perfect appears


This aspect of the difference between preterite and


to be


a resource


within


but not an


obligatory









these two tenses expresses a level of personal involvement.


It is the type of


distinction


research


which is very likely tied


will have to clarify the extent


to contextual


to which


appropriateness.


resource


Future


is exploited


across social groups and social contexts.


The


essential


differences,


then


between


forms


are these:


where the present perfect is casual and implies intimacy, the preterite is more


formal, therefore distant; where the present perfect i


identified as Boliviano


or altiplano, down-home,


and familiar and pretty to some (or in some social


contexts), it is identified as feo,


'ugly'


, Indian,


uneducated


other social contexts) for whom the preterite is habla culta,

in linguistic contexts in which the preterite is used in SS.


, by others (or in

polite and correct


Although


there


are speakers


whom


preterite


express


punctuated or concluded event, and the present perfect, relevant anteriority,


the primary


contrast in


the altiplano


past tense system is


that between


pluperfect as a non-personal knowledge form, on one hand and the present

perfect, the preterite, the imperfect and the present tense as past, as personal


knowledge forms, on the other.


Additionally


such considerations as a sense of personal


social prestige factors weighing

stance of the speaker from the


message (an echo of the evidentials category) and formality of the situation

bear on the choice of preterite versus present perfect in linguistic contexts in

which SS would prefer the preterite.

Imperfect tense


The


imperfect


tense


(llegaba)


retains


function


expressing


continuance, that which was habitual or customary, or to describe qualities or








(STRIV


28-32)


Estaba mal de su vista entonces no teniamos


dinero.


A pan y caf4


estabamos.


Yo tenia de mi


mamA sus joyas.


Vendi todita sus joyas.


Y iba


uno por uno, porque no llegaba dinero.


'Her eyesight was bad,


money.


so we didn't have any


We were down to bread and coffee.


had my mom's


jewelry. I sold all her jewelry.


And it was one by one, because no money
arrived.. .


The imperfect tense has


been relatively unchanged in its usage apart


from its


role in


the AS evidentials


system


as a personal


knowledge form.


When the imperfect is used to relate events or conditions which the speaker


had not personally witnessed,


the discourse is framed in a number of possible


ways to indicate that fact.


For example,


as in


case


of the present tense


mentioned


above,


the discourse may


begin


with some form


decir, as in


dizque,


'it is said, they say/said that'


, or the speaker may utilize the pluperfect


tense in an initial statement to signal


to the


hearer that the information in


the discourse to follow is not from the personal experience of the speaker.6

Present tense as past


The historical


present is not uncommon in


, serving to


"give more


animation


to the recital"


(Ramsey


1966: p.


336)


. Ramsey


suggests


that the


present tense when substituted in


this way for imperfect or preterite in SS


narrations


done


so consistently


is also


accompanied


relevant


changes


in other


past


tenses:


pluperfect


to perfect,


conditional


to future


indicative (p.


336)


It is not at all


unusual for the present tense to be utilized in AS as a


past, but without the sense of immediacy conveyed by the historical present









often


unimportant


in AS,


a fact


which


is reflected


rather


free


distribution of present tense and past tense forms to signal past time.


Further


present


tense


as a past


may


or may


accompanied


concomitant changes in other tenses described by Ramsey.


The following


examples


are taken from Spanish-Aymara


bilingual


speakers (urban and rural, lower


and middle cl


Bolivia and Peru)


show


a variety in


distribution


which does not occur in


the present


the standard.


Note


tense with other past tenses

that the glosses are given in


English past tense in order to accurately render the sense of the statements,


also


to diminish


the focus on


present-past distinction


which may


startle a speaker of non-AS.


(STRV


cuando


se muri6 mi mama


, ya no nosotros,


ya, todo no hacemos,


'And when my mom died,
didn't do everything.'


then we


, then, we


(STRIII,


El acaba primero y


se fue al cuartel,


'He finished first and went into the Army'


(STRI,


195)


Dicen en la filtima etapa


.. que el quechua


toma auge, en su importancia,
econ6mico y politico,


no?,


socio-


'They say that in the last stage


. Quechua


got a boost in its socio-economic and
political importance';


(STRVI, 2)


Entonces ellos indican en el tiempo del
explotaci6n de los patrons, habia families que


apellidan Mamanis,


Quispes, Ch'ukiwanka,


Wanka.








surnames were Mamani,


Quispe,


Ch'ukiwanka,


Wanka.


Use


of the present tense as a past extends to the subjunctive, although such


usage may be a continuation of the collapse of the subjunctive paradigm that


began in Spain.


Examples of the subjunctive present as past include:


(STRVIII,


Entonces el campesino estaba asi,


hasta que


suelde todo,

'So the campesino was like that, until


everything


mended';


(STRV, 8)


Estaba buscando algo, para que


se sane,


'I was looking for something,
recover.'


so that she might


The


present


tense


form


used


a past


without


a non-personal


knowledge qualifier in the discourse (i.


e, the unmarked form), such as some


form of decir, signals to the hearer that the speaker is a personal witness to


the event under discussion.


The use of a present tense form as a past tense


with a qualifier, such as dicen,


'they say'


, indicates that the speaker was not an


eyewitness to the event, but that the original story is being relayed.

Present time


Obviously many


statements


made


present


tense


will


involve


personal knowledge, or personal experience of the event in question.


that do not will occur in the context of discourse in


Those


which the source of the


information is made clear; i.


e., that the speaker heard,


read, etc.,


that such-


and-such is the case, is happening, and so forth.


Apart from considerations of


data source function


, certain aspects of


t *


-II .


f4


-~ ~ aI- aIL---I- n- ar -I~r a .L












Future time


Godenzzi (1986) reports that the periphrastic future (va a llegar) occurs


with more frequency than the simple future (llegara)


n Peru in the middle


and lower class.


Though the frequency of occurrence of the periphrastic form


may in itself be a dialectal indicator, it is also true, as noted by Laprade (1976:


that


two


future


forms


relay


same


message


about


future-there is a difference in the contexts of their occurrence both in Peru

and in Bolivia.


From


point


view


speaker


periphrastic


compound form signals a more certain future, or a stronger intention about


the future, than does the


be understood


imple form.


to be influencing


In this sense


the choice of


, the evidentials category

different futures for AS


speakers.


The more certainty one has about the future, the more a speaker is


willing to personally vouch for a future--as one does in choosing the present

perfect over the pluperfect to represent past events-then the future tense to

be selected will more likely be the periphrastic form.


If, for example, a friend says to me voy a

know that the event is more likely to take place,


ilegar,


'I will arrive'


then I


or that my friend is more


determined to have the event take place, than would be the case if she were to


say llegar&,


'I will arrive'


. Given the latter


I would be from less concerned to


unconcerned about waiting for her arrival.

Likewise, the question


(STRI, 145)


Vas a estar aqui,


no?,


'You'll be here, right?'




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PAGE 1

STRUCTURE AND USE OF ALTWLANO SPANISH By BILLIE DALE STRATFORD A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1989

PAGE 2

Copyright 1989 by Billie Dale Stratford

PAGE 3

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation is nothing if not a cooperative venture: There were many people who made the work both possible and gratifying for me at each stage, from whom I learned. I extend my sincere appreciation and thanks to the people of Bolivia and Peru who have so generously shared their time, knowledge, and trust. They have helped me to begin to understand the complexity, ingenuity, and integrity of altiplano culture-for this I am especially and deeply indebted. In particular I wish to remember the people of the community of Kusijata, Bolivia, especially Adrian Wara-Wara Quispe, Adela Perez de Suxo and Ediberto Suxo, for their generosity, and support. Special thanks also go to Bonifacio Aramayo, Andrea Flores, Marina Fernandez, Paulino Huafiapaku, Ascencio Cafiari Ayaviri, Rolando Lopez, Daniel Cala, and the friends of Calle Sagarnaga, for the unending patience, resourcefulness, and friendship they offered as we worked together. Others who have been very open, skillful, and understanding teachers are Juan de Dios Yapita Moya of the Institute de Lengua y Cultura Aymara, La Paz; Jose Mendoza of the Department of Linguistics and Native Languages at the Universidad Mayor de San Andres, La Paz; Tomas Huanca Laura of the Taller de Historia Oral Andina and Comunidad Pacha, La Paz; Juana Vasquez of the Museo de Etnografia y Folklore, La Paz; Diane Bellamy of Artesania Sorata, Sorata and La Paz; and Padre Domingo LLanque Chana of Chucuito, Peru. My doctoral committee deserves special thanks for their support and advice: the committee chair, Anthony Oliver-Smith, and Lucy T. Briggs, 111

PAGE 4

Lawrence Carpenter, Paul Doughty, and Michael Moseley. Anthony Oliver Smith in particular offered guidance on a range of issues and questions The expertise which Lucy T. Briggs applied to this project is largely responsible for any of its successes; she surely went the extra mile, step by step, in order to see its completion My thanks also to Lawrence Carpenter for lending his considerable knowledge of Andean Spanish and indigenous influences. The consistent encouragement of my committee was akin to water in the desert. My thanks go to Ronald Kephart, Andre Moskowitz, and especially to John Lipski for reading and commenting on the manuscript, and to Manuel Mamani M. and Francisco Mamani C. for their kind assistance in translation and analysis of the data. I will always be grateful to M J. Hardman-de Bautista for the training and general orientation she provided for this dissertation. I am also grateful to the Fulbright-Hays Foundation, which sponsored a year-and-a-half of field work for this dissertation in Bolivia and Peru, to the Tinker Foundation, which sponsored the preliminary site visits for the research, and to the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida for their support. To my family-especially to Norman-who have been an unfailing source of inspiration and support, go my love and my warmest appreciation. All of these have contributed mightily to this work, except for its shortcomings, which are my responsibility lV

PAGE 5

TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKN'OWLEDGEMENTS ....... .... .... . .. ... .. . .. ... . .... .. .... .... ... .. .. .. .. . .. ... ...... .. .. iii ABSTRACT .. .... ......................... .. ...... .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .............. ... ... ..... ..... .. ... ix CHAPTERS I INTRODUCTION .... .... .... . . . .. .. .......... ....... ... .... .. .. .. .... ..... . 1 Review of the Literature ........... ... .... .... ..... .. .... .. ....... 3 Explanatory Trends in Dialectology ...... ..... 3 Spanish Dialectology .. ..... . ...... .. .... .......... .. .. 8 Organization of the Dissertation ... .. .......... . .. .... ... .. 15 II ETHNOLINGUISTIC HISTORY ...... .. .... ........... .. .. .. ......... 17 Preconquest... ... ..... . . .. .. .. . ......... .. ........... .. ..... .... ...... .. .. 17 Conquest and Colonial and Republican Periods.. 22 Modern Context... ............. ........... . ...... .... .... ..... .. ......... 28 Attitudes about Language and Ethnic Group Identity .. . .. ............. .. ..... ..... ... .. ........... ... 30 Cultural Similarity .. . .. ... .. ... .... . . ... . . ...... .. . 32 Direction of Influence .. ....... .. .. .. ... .... .. .. . . . . 32 Geographic Divisions ..... ....... .. ... ... ... ..... .... .. 35 Urbanization and Population Trends : Literacy and National Perspectives 35 Summary ..... .. . ...... ...... .. .... ...... .... ..... .. . ... .. ... 37 III METHODS .... .... .. .. .. . .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .... .. .. ....... .. .... .. .... .. .. ..... ... ... .. 39 Definition of Terms .. .... ...... ...................... ... .... ... ... . 39 Research Site.. .... ....... ...... . ............ ... . .. .. .. ... .. ... ..... .. ... .. 41 Linguistic Consult ants .. . .. . ............... . ... ........ ........ ... 43 Linguistic Considerations ..... ... . . . .. .. .. .... ... .. 44 Demographic Considerations ....... ... ... ... ..... 45 Descriptions of Individual Consultants ..... 47 V

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Data Gathering Processes .... ...... .. . ..... .. ...... . .. ... .... ... 54 Formal .... ... .. .... . . ... .... ... ... .. ... ... .. .. ...... .. ... .... 55 Informal . . . . . . .. . .. . . .. .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. .. . . . . 60 Analysis of Data .. ... .. ...... ... .. ... .... .. ... ...... ... ..... .... . .. . 60 IV PHONOLOGY ... ........ .. . .. ... .... . .... ......... . .. .... .. . ....... ...... .. ..... 62 Phonemes and Allophonic Variation ... . ........ .. .. . . 65 Vowel System . . . . ..... .... ..... ...... ...... . .... ...... ......... . . .. 69 Consonant System.... .. .... ... ...... ..... . . ..... ..... ... .......... 73 V MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX : VERB PHRASE CONSTITUENTS .. . . ....... .. ...... .. ..... . .. ....... ... .. . .. .... .. 76 Inflected Verbs : D a ta Source Tense and Mood .... 76 Non-Person a l Knowledge ..... . ...... .. ..... ... ..... 77 Personal Kno w l e dge .... ........ .. .. . . ... . ... .. .. ... . .. 81 Structure of Time in Altiplano Spanish V e rbs ... ........ .... ....... ..... ... .... . ... .... ....... .. 92 Indicati v e V er s us Subjunctive .. ... . .. .. ... . ... 97 Person and N umb e r Options ..... .. ... . . ... . . .. 102 Au x ili a ri e s . ..... ...... ..... ............... . .. ......... .. ..... 104 Verb Clas s es ..... .. ... ....... . .. .... ........... . ... .. .. . .. .. .. ... .. ..... 105 Tr a n s iti ve -Intr a n s iti v e .. ............... ... ... ... .... 105 Refl ex i ve . ... .. .. .. . .. .. ... .... .......... ................ .. .... 106 Particip a ti ve .. .. .. ..... . ...... ... .. ...... .. ..... .. .... .. ... 108 Clitic Pronoun s ... .. ... ....... ... ... ...... .. . ... . .... .. . .... .. ... .... 112 Adverbial ...... .. ....... ... ... . .. . ... . ... .... ..... ..................... .. 121 VI MORPHOLOGY A N D S YN TA X : NOUN PHRASE CONSTITUENTS ... ..... ... ...... .. .. ........... .. .. ...... .. ..... . .. 128 Gender and Numb e r ............. .... .... .... . .. ... ... ..... ... ....... 129 Noun .... ..... . ... .. ... .. ... ......... .. ... ...... .. .... ..... . .... 129 Noun + Modifi e rs ............. ...... .. .. ..... ... ...... . . 130 Mass N oun s .. ...... .. .. ....... .... .... .... .... ... ...... .. .... . 134 Pronom i n a l R efe r e nt ... .. .... .. .. .... ....... .... ... .. ... 135 Noun and M odifi e rs .. .. .. ...... ..... ... ... ... ....... ....... ... . .. 135 Presence or A b se nce of Article . ... .. . ........ ... 135 Word Ord e r .... .. ............................ .. .......... .. ..... .. 138 bien + A dje cti ve .... .... .... .... .. ............. .... ..... .. 139 Noun Combin a ti o n s .................... ..... . ..... .. ..... ..... . ... .. 139 Possessive Phr ase s .. .. .. .. . .. . .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. . . . . . . .. .. ... .. 140 Subject Pronoun s .... ... .. ........ .. .. .. .. .. ... .... .. ... ........ .. ... ... 142 .m., v os a nd u s t e d ... .................. .. ........... ..... .... . 143 nos and n oso t ros .. .. .. .. ..... ...... .. ........ .. ....... .. . ... 146 V l

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Prepositional Obj e ct Pronouns ..... ............ .............. 147 VII SYNTAX : DISCOURSE PROCESSES......... .. ............ ...... . 149 Data Source M a rking .. .. . .. .. .. . ................ .. . ..... .. . ... . Verb Tens e ..... .. ... . . ... . . . .. ..... . ................ ..... Forms of d ec ir ... .......... ......... .... ..... .. .. .. ... .... . Quoting . . .. .... .. . . ... ... . .. . .. . .. ........... ..... . .. .... Combin e d Form s . . .... ... . .. .... . ..... ..... .. .. . ... Particles .. ... .. .. . .. . .... ... ... ... ..... ............ ... .... .. .. Subordination .. ....... ..... . .... .. ...... .. .... ... ...... ....... .. . .... Relativiz a tion ... .... .. ...... .. .. .. .. . .. .................... Gerund ... . .. . ........... ..... ...... .... . .. ........... . . Adverbial Subordinator and Fronting of Subordinate Clause .. .. .... ... .. ..... .. .... Con Junction ... .. .... . . .. .. .. .. . . ... ............. ....... ..... ... .. . Causation . .... ... .. ............ ... ... .... ...... ...... ....... . ............ Marking Cu s tom a r y Action ....... . . .... ..... ..... .. . ... .... .. Suffixation ........ .. .. ...... ... ..... .. ...... .. ...... ... . ... ... ... ....... ... Word/Phr a se L ev el .. ..... .. ..... .... . .... ... .. ... . . Phrase/ Cl a u s e L eve l ........... . ... .... .... ... .... ... .. . Topicalization . .. .... ... .... .................... .... . ....... .... .... Fronting .... .. .... . .............................. ........... .. ... Articles ... ... ... .... ...... .. . . . . ...... .. ..... . ............... Comm as ... .. ... ..... ... .... ............. ....... .. .... . ..... .... Repetition .. .. .................... ..... .. ... .. . .... ..... ..... .. .. ... ...... . 149 149 153 155 157 159 159 160 160 162 164 166 168 168 168 177 182 182 186 187 189 VIII AYMARA SUBSTRATE I N FLUENCE . .. .. ..... .. ..... . .... . . 194 Phonological System .. . . ... .... ..... . . .. .................... . . Vowels ... .. .. ... .... .... .. ..... .. ... ... .... .. ....... .. ....... ... .. . Consonants . .. ..................... ... .... ..... ... ...... .. ... ... Grammatical Structure .. ........ ... .. ... ... ...... .. .. ... ..... .. .. Gender and Number .. ........ . ..... ...... .... .. ..... .. Posse s si v e a nd Locati v e Marking ... ... ...... ... Transiti v it y a nd Object Marking .. .... ...... .... Verb Con s truction s: sab e r + Infinitive and h ace r + Infiniti v e ... .. .. .. .. . ........ .. ... . .. Discourse Structur e ........ ... . .... . ..... .. . .... .... .......... .. Suffi x ation ........... . . . ... . .. .. .... .. ........ ..... . . . . . Topicalizati o n ........... . ...... .. .. .. .. ......... . ...... . Duplic a tion ... .......... .. ... .... .......... ........ .. ... ... Linguistic Po s tul a t es ............. .. ..... .. .. ... ... . .. . .... .. ... .. Dat a Sourc e ......... ...... ....... .. ..... .. . . .. ..... .. ..... . Politen ess ................. .... ... .. .. .. .. .... .. .... . .......... V 11 195 195 196 196 196 198 200 201 201 202 209 209 211 211 214

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IX DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS................................ 217 APPENDICES ... .... .......... ...... .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. . .... .. ....... .. .. .. ...... .. ........ .. 229 I SAMPLE DA TA FROM WRITTEN MATERIALS .......... 229 II NARRATIVE II .. . . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. . .. . .. . ... . . . .. .. . .. . .. . . ... 230 ill NARRATIVE III .. .. . .. .. .. . .. .. . .. .. .. .. . . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. .. . .. .. .. ... 233 IV NARRATIVE IV .................................................................... 239 V NARRATIVE V ........ . ......... . ......... .. .. ......... ......... ............. ... 241 VI NARRATIVE VI .. .. ...................... ... ............................ ....... 249 VII NARRATIVE VII .. .. ... .. .... ... .......... ..... ..... ........... ... .............. 251 VIII NARRATIVE VIII .. .. .. . .. . .. . .. . . . . .. .... .. ... ...... ..... ..... ... .. .... 253 IX NARRATIVE IX .. . . .. .. .. . . .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. . .. .. .. . . . . .. .. . . .. ... . 256 X NARRATIVE X .. . ......... .......................... .. ........ .... .. .. ..... ........ 261 XI NARRATIVE XI .. .. . .. . . . . . . . .. . . . .. . .. . .. .. . . . .. . .. . .. . .. .. .. 268 REFERENCES ... .. ... .. ........ .. .. .. .. .. . . . . . . . . .. . .. . .. .. ... .. .. . . .. .............. .. .. ... .. 272 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .. ..... .. ..... .. .. .. ... .. .. ... ... .. . .. .. .. .. .. . . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..... 287 Vl II

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy STRUCTURE AND USE OF ALTIPLANO SPANISH By Billie Dale Stratford August, 1989 Chairman: Anthony Oliver-Smith Major Department: Anthropology This dissertation provides a basic structural description of a variety of Spanish spoken on the altiplano of Bolivia and Peru, which reflects influences from the indigenous languages after nearly 500 years of language and culture contact and extensive bilingualism in the region Anthropological field techniques of data collection and analyses were employed in the study to determine characteristic aspects of the grammar and usage patterns of the dialect. A knowledge of the language and culture of the Aymara people, who have occupied the target area of the research for millenia, was necessary for understanding the contexts for the linguistic patterns of this dialect. Previous research on the phonology and grammar of the dialect has been incorporated in to the report of this research for the purpose of gathering into one document the available literature on the topic l X

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This study has demonstrated that there is substrate influence in the syntax of the dialect, and that it is particularly manifested in the verb system, in which selected verb tenses are used to express a category of evidentials that has come into the language from the substrate. Aymara cultural postulates, such as politeness and respect for one's interlocutor, have also influenced language patterns in several areas of Altiplano Spanish syntax The research has also shown that the direction of influence in the context of language and culture contact may flow from the oppressed language and culture to the socially and politically dominant language and culture, and that this influence may be profound indeed The results of this research contribute to Spanish dialectology and to language and culture contact studies in the Andean region X

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Aymara people, who number about three million, live primarily on the high plains and mountains of the central Andes in Bolivia, southern Peru and northern Chile. The Lake Titicaca Basin is the historic and current center of their culture, which from there radiates south and eastward to La Paz and surrounding communities, south to southern Bolivia and the mountains of northern Chile and southwest to Moquegua and Tacna in coastal Peru. Migration, primarily for economic reasons, to urban centers in the last forty years and especially in the last five years has resulted in large concentrations of Aymara also in Lima, Peru, Buenos Aires, Argentina, and Arica, Chile (Bourque 1984, Alb6 1981) This dissertation is concerned with a case of language contact which has existed in a region of Aymara concentration since the Conquest Specifically, the object of the research reported here is a structural description of the variety of Spanish which is spoken on the altiplano of Bolivia and Peru The linguistic situation in this region is somewhat unique in Latin America, in that the typical post-Conquest language use pattern has resulted in the elimination of most of the indigenous languages in favor of the status language, Spanish The Aymara people, on the other hand, have persisted in the use of their native language, to the extent that they have developed projects for its broadened social usage (educational and literary) and heightened prestige. The influence of the Aymara language on the Spanish 1

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2 of the region may be seen in part as a concomitant of the vitality of Aymara persistence in the use of their native language. During the nearly five centuries of contact between Spanish and Aymara, elements of each language have been introduced into the other. As Laprade (1981) notes, the interinfluence of these languages was not a process of pidginization and subsequent creolization in any direction Neither language has undergone any degree of morphological simplification. A primary source of interlingual influence is the multilingualism that characterizes the Andean region. Census reports indicate that Spanish indigenous language bilingualism or multilingualism is the norm for nearly all of the Andean region in both Bolivia and Peru, excluding coastal Peru, where Spanish monolingualism is reported higher (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica de Bolivia 1980; Instituto Nacional de Estadistica del Peru 1981), and historical data indicate that Spanish-indigenous bilingualism has been the norm throughout the Andes since the conquest (Laprade 1981). Although Aymara (as well as Quechua in Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru) intragroup language maintenance is strong, the frequency of Spanish use between Andean ethnic groups, social classes and urban-rural associations also appears to be quite high and is probably both cause and consequence of the high degree of bilingualism in the region. Yet a systematic structural description of Andean Spanish remains to be done The purpose of this study is to provide a structural description of the Spanish of the Andes in the immediate zone of Lake Titicaca in Peru and Bolivia (hereafter referred to as 'Altiplano Spanish'), and an analysis of the usage patterns of Altiplano Spanish in its social and cultural contexts. The present study will serve as a basis for a more general description of Andean Spanish in the future.

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3 There is a further, very practical need for such a study. Particularly in Peru, where it carries the low socio-economic and political status association with serranos, 'highlanders' (Wolck 1972, Lopez et al. 1984) and to a lesser extent in Bolivia, Andean Spanish is regarded by speakers of other dialects of Spanish as a form of incorrect or substandard speech. The denigration of the dialect, along with other manifestations of social and political oppression of indigenous language and culture, has subsequent negative consequences for speakers of it in, for example, educational settings. Further, such negative attitudes toward this dialect have been internalized by some of its speakers A linguistic analysis of Andean Spanish, entailing full explication of its relationship to the substrate 1 languages and its systematic contrasts with other dialects of Spanish, may contribute to its recognition as a legitimate language form, by speakers of the dialect and speakers of other dialects of Spanish, as well. During a preliminary field trip to Peru, Bolivia and Chile in 1984,2 I was assured that the study of the Spanish spoken in the highlands of Bolivia and Peru would be received as an integral part of the developing indigenous studies of the area-which are being undertaken in large measure by the Aymara people themselves-and as a welcome contribution to national social science research efforts in both Peru and Bolivia. The following provides a summary of the areas of theory and research which have guided this study. Review of the Literature Explanatory Trends in Dialectology 1 the influencing language 2Funded by the Tinker Foundation through the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida

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4 All spoken languages change constantly, and a result of that change may involve dialectal variation within a language. Dialects compel great interest, in the fact of their "different sameness" for the layperson; and for the linguist, in the realization that present variation may prefigure significant diversity in a long historical process of language differentiation (Garcia and Otheguy 1983: 103). The questions raised in dialectology deal with the products of linguistic change, their spatial and temporal distributions, and the causes and conditions for this change. Linguists distinguish two fundamental sources for language variation, which may be characterized as systemic (implicit tendencies within a given linguistic system) and nonor extra-systemic factors (language contact, social and psychological pressures). In other words, there may be both linguistically and culturally motivated innovations in language. Sapir's poetic characterization of the former is well known: "Language moves down time in a current of its own making. It has a drift .. (1921: 165) Language drift, in Sapir's terms, worked through the unconscious selection by speakers of cumulative individual variations Sapir had in mind changes in phonology or grammar which can be accounted for on the basis of the linguistic environment, such as the dental articulation of / s/ in many dialects of American Spanish (Garcia 1968: 76) A consideration of systemic factors often includes historical dialect studies Such is the case for American Spanish, in which variation may at times be traced to original peninsular dialects. For example, although thorough surveys of the historical antecedents for any region of American Spanish have not been done, the sixteenth century Andalucian heritage of certain aspects of American Spanish has been well documented (Lope Blanch 1968) In the area of pronunciation (perhaps because it is better researched),

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5 "it would be more proper to refer to Castilian and Atlantic Spanish" (Lapesa 1964: 182) rather than peninsular and American Spanish, so many features are shared by the latter and Andalucian language history. Canfield in particular has amply demonstrated the importance of the diachronic factor in American Spanish pronunciation (cl. Canfield 1964 and 1982). Most linguists link language change to extra-systemic social change3 (cf., for example Weinreich 1979 (1953]; McDavid 1964; Swadesh 1964; Bright 1964; Ferguson 1972 (1959]; Labov 1972a (1969]; Carpenter 1983). Early in American linguistics, Kroeber (1906, cited in Hymes 1983) assessed the relation between dialect and political, social and cultural units, showing how the relation differed between cultural groups. Sociolinguistic research often involves the correlation of particular dialect variants with social factors (age, ethnicity, gender, class, etc.) and/or with different functional values ("diglossia" [Ferguson 1972]) And finally, some linguists have argued that the stimulus for any systemic change in language may be found in the social environment (Bright 1964; Capell 1966; Day 1985) The study of language contact in particular has long been fruitful in establishing the sources of particular dialect variation. Weinreich laid the groundwork for a contemporary understanding of language contact in his Languages In Contact (1979 [1953]), in which the sociolinguistic character of intimate contact and diffusion among languages is given fundamental treatment. Weinreich (1968) refers to the study of a language variety (referring to the linguistic system as such) and the study of a dialect (a variety combined with its spatial and temporal attributes) as two essentially different but highly compatible studies. Both Weinreich (1979 (1953] and 1968) and 3apart from the Chomskian trend, which isolates linguistic structure as the object of study apart from speakers and context.

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6 Haugen (1956) stress the necessity for research in language contact situations to provide (1) a good description of the results of language contact (i. e the linguistic analysis) and (2) attention to the social factors in current patterns of usage which may account for linguistic change and which may point to on going processes leading to further change or maintenance. Labov (1972b) and Hardman and Hamano (1981) go somewhat further than Weinreich and Haugen in stressing the necessity of incorporating non-linguistic (cultural contextual) data in the course of linguistic data collection and analysis in order to achieve accuracy in both. The dialect literature in general is often concerned with contact influence in the areas of phonology and lexicon, and usually does not prepare us to consider more fundamental linguistic changes. However, it is the grammar of a language as it serves a particular cultural context, more than its phonology or lexicon, which radiates information about a culture. Therefore interference at this level (although not necessarily its content or shape) might also be anticipated in certain contact situations. There are broad hints that such changes are widespread in areas of extensive contact and lingua franca use. Mazrui (1975), for example, examines the problem of whether to utilize English or indigenous languages in African schools He concludes that despite the historical reasons for the spread of English, it is quite capable, in the hands of Africans, of doing justice to the African experience. He speaks of an English that is like no other in the world, that has been accommodated at the syntactic level through contact with African languages and cultures to express African reality. The present study was carried out in the tradition of those dialect studies which pursue two goals The first and primary goal focuses on the description of linguistic variety in the language of a particular group of

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7 people, often as a result of language contact. The second goal involves placing the linguistic data in the contexts of language use and of the identities of the speakers. In the U. S. this tradition of dialect study is identified with William Labov, whose studies of the diverse dialects in New York City (1966, 1972a, 1972b, and Labov et al. 1968) directed linguistic attention from a singular focus on the results of language contact to include study of the contexts of language use. Studies of Black English' have demonstrated that the structural and functional patterns in the speech of African Americans reflect African linguistic and cultural heritage (Turner 1949 is the classic work on the subject). And the work of Labov et al. (1968) shows that the African American dialect of New York has distinct rules of its own and is not as has been the common misconception, a mass of random errors committed by African Americans trying to speak 'English.' This orientation to dialect study also follows the earlier tradition of American structural linguistic analysis developed by Franz Boas, Edward Sapir, and their students in which the collection and analysis of language data in its cultural context are an integral and primary feature of achieving cross-cultural understanding (Boas 1966 [1911], Sapir 1929 Whorf [see Carroll 1956], and Lee 1944). Reference is made to the perspective of Boas and his students in early American structuralist tradition that, simply put, languages reflect the world views of their speakers It is therefore assumed in this study that the Spanish which has been influenced by the indigenous Aymara language of the Bolivian and Peruvian altiplano may well exhibit linguistic expression of the Aymara world view 4 The orientation of linguistic 4Toe work was carried out in areas which are traditionall y and currently hom e of the Aymara culture as described in Chapter III.

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8 relativity theory, initiated in the U S. by Boas, Sapir, Lee and Whorf, thus provides further basis for the contextual approach to dialect description. Spanish Dialectology In the literature on Spanish dialectology, there are, broadly speaking, two approaches to dialect variation. The first is the approach of the prescriptivists (sometimes referred to as normativists), who generally aim to combat deviations from some standard in the (primarily) pedagogical tradition. The prescriptivist approach has been a serious trend and actually represents a third view regarding the source of language variation. That is, rather than focusing on the question of systemic or nonsystemic sources of language variation, prescriptivists maintain that languages do not vary-they remain the same or they decay. Therefore a dialect, in this view, is merely an imperfect attempt to speak a real language. The structural (descriptivist) approach, in contrast, has attempted to provide adequate analyses of the language patterns of daily use and is located in the tradition of linguistic inquiry described above. The best of these studies have combined research in systemic and extra-linguistic sources of dialect variation (cf., for example, Martin 1978 and 1985). Studies of Spanish dialects have been most commonly carried out (until very recently) within the framework of the debate over the future of the Spanish language. Major Spanish scholars-Rufino Jose Cuervo, Max Leopold Wagner, R. M Pidal, Damaso Alonso and Angel Rosenblat, to name a few (cf. Lope Blanch 1968: 106-108)-have struggled to determine whether Spanish would remain a 'unified' language (the optimistic view), or whether it would fragment due to 'corrupting influences' and eventually disintegrate into mutually unintelligible dialects (the pessimistic view) The primary threads of the arguments, which are detailed by Lope Blanch (1968), are these:

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9 On the pessimists' side, the targets are the corrupting influences from other (primarily indigenous) languages, and habits of speech which are due to lack of schooling or to the generally profligate behavior of some of the native speakers The optimists, however, cite a variety of internal (to the language) and external forces which constitute unifying elements, such as the urbanization of rural speech, or, theoretically, the predominance of langue over parole Whether optimist or pessimist on this question, the primary motivation for concern of such studies has of course been the recognition that American Spanish (and the language in general) is hardly characterized by the monolithic uniformity which many believed it to have Much of this debate was carried during in the late nineteenth century and through the first half of the twentieth. According to Lope Blanch, the optimists tended to hold sway during the latter part of this period. More recently, the general thrust of concern has been not quite the defense of the language from 'contamination and decay,' but the assurance of a general unification and the elimination of significant differences-this by the creation of academies and through education (Craddock 1973) It is not clear, however, just how in practice the more moderate position differs from the older 'pessimist' view The discussions outlined above are the concern primarily of the prescriptivists' approach to language variation In the process of evaluating dialect research it is clear that much of their debate misses the vitality and flexibility that is the very nature of language behavior everywhere Also, the questions raised by prescriptivists, regarding what is essentially described as good and bad language, have tended to distort data collection and evaluation That is, approaching a linguistic variant as though it were merely an error often precludes the investigation of its place in grammatical or usage patterns

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10 in a social context. Spanish dialectology therefore suffers from the prescriptivist heritage in the lack of availability of reliable and extensive data. Escobar (1978), Lope Blanch (1968) and Martin (1978) provide detailed analyses of problems confronting American Spanish dialectology, and all three conclude that "a general work of synthesis is almost impossible for lack of reliable national monographs" (Lope Blanch 1968: 109). There are a few methodological studies which would help provide the basis for establishing dialect zones (Lope Blanch 1968; Rona 1963), such as the proposal by Urena in 1921 delimiting five dialect zones in the Americas, based primarily on potential influence of various indigenous languages (Lope Blanch 1968; Zamora 1980). Since that time there have been a number of additional proposals (e.g. Zamora 1980), but, as previously indicated, there exists very little of the work necessary to establish dialect geographies for any region in the Americas. Martin (1978) describes the situation in American Spanish dialectology as suffering from the vastness of the geographic region, the diversity of original peninsular Spanish dialects, the lack of information on the many indigenous languages of Latin America, and "notorious examples of faulty scholarship regarding substratum influence" (Martin 1978: 2). Further, as Lope Blanch notes, generalizations, such as Urefia's notion of the homogeneity of American Spanish dialect regions, should be avoided in dialectology because they distort the reality of a language (1968: 156). Fortunately, there is a recent upsurge of interest by Spanish dialectologists in variation and in the social factors of language change and language contact, and there are signs of a "turnaround" (Martin 1985) in American Spanish dialect research. A tradition of dialect studies has developed in Latin America which breaks away from the more prescriptivist mode and contributes significantly to the available information on varieties

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11 of Latin American Spanish. Both linguistic and sociolinguistic variation in the Spanish of Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador have been subjects of interest and research as a corollary of general social science research concern with the social structure and cultural life of the Andean region. Several of these studies are concerned with influence by indigenous languages Works by Escobar 1972, 1978, and 1984, Anna Maria Escobar 1986, Hundley 1983, Lopez et al. 1984, Gutierrez 1984, Justiniano de la Rocha 1976, Alb6 1977 and 1980 Garcia and Otheguy 1983, Muysken 1984 and 1985, Minaya and Lujan 1982, and Hosokawa 1980, are part of the major trend in Latin American dialectology research Additionally, some of the work examining linguistic variation in the Spanish of the Andes has been conducted under the auspices of the Aymara Language Materials Program at the University of Florida (Hardman 1981 includes several preliminary studies). Though very recent studies tend to focus on phonological or lexical variants, there are a number of attempts to describe the grammatical aspects of language as it is used in Spanish America. Again, it seems that the best of these studies consciously rely on analyses of the contexts of language use, including knowledge of the grammatical patterns of indigenous languages where they have come into contact with Spanish. Berk-Seligson, for example, noted that "(c)riteria of an ethnolinguistic sort are equally as necessary in making grammatical analyses as are criteria of the strictly linguistic type (1983: 151) for her work in discovering the explanation for the use of active and non-active constructions in Costa Rican Spanish It is primarily in the Mayan contact regions of Mexico and Guatemala, in the Andean nations of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and to a certain extent, in Argentina and in Chile, that recent dialect research has focused on determining the effect of contact with the indigenous languages Though the

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12 work remains uneven in the care taken to understand both the contact languages and the historical (peninsular) roots of the Spanish of the region, there are some exemplary studies. Some recent research on language contact in the Andes has contributed to dialect theory in specific areas. Based on Jakobson (as cited in Cassano 1982), and Weinreich (1979 [1953]), it has been often assumed that a language accepts foreign structural elements only when they correspond to its tendencies of development. However, as phonological research by Cassano on Spanish-Mayan contact in the Yucatan indicates, the only discernible interference restrictions for that language contact area are those which are limited to the structure of the interfering system. The work by Laprade (1981), Martin (1977 and 1981) and Hardman-de-Bautista (1982), which indicates an evidentials category from Aymara having gone into Spanish, supports Cassano's revision of the notion of the structural limitations of interference phenomena No linguistic legerdemain will produce a grammatical category of evidentials in 'standard' Spanish, though it is present in the Spanish of the Andes. The linguistic situation in the Andes is both complicated and enriched by the continuous contact with very vital indigenous languages, so that one may speak, in many instances, of both substratum and adstratum 5 influence of the same language family, if not of the same language. The findings of preliminary research are intriguing in their implications of the extent of indigenous language influence in this area. For example, Muysken (1985) reports that, while Spanish has influenced Quechua only superficially (at the lexical level, and with virtually no phonological impact), Quechua has changed Spanish at a deeper level (grammatical and semantic distinctions). Sinfluencing language which is contemporary and in contact with the influence receiving language.

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13 As noted above, the research of Laprade (1976), Martin (1981a, b) and Hardman-de-Bautista (1982) indicate functional use patterns in Bolivian Andean Spanish in the direction of the Aymara evidentials category of data source (obligatorily marked in the Aymara language), as well as Aymara time orientations and visible-not visible distinctions Hardman-de-Bautista suggests that the grammatical influences, which are more difficult to access in borrowing than either the lexicon or the phonology, reflect the "much more intense and intimate linguistic association than that implied by the relatively simple borrowing of words" (1982: 149). It is possible that future dialect research based on a sound knowledge of indigenous languages in contact with Spanish will produce similar findings regarding indigenous influence beyond lexical and phonological features in other areas of the Americas Cerr6n-Palomino (1972) regards the general tendency of language change in the Spanish of the Central Andean region, under conditions of 400 years of intimate contact, as a process of creolization rather than dialectal variation. However, as Muysken (1985) and Laprade (1981) point out, a genuine creole would show greatly reduced or absent morphology and complete syntactic restructuring, whereas the morphology, and most of the syntax, of Spanish in the area is largely intact. This appears to be the case throughout Hispanic America; Spanish creoles are rare (Holm 1988 and 1989). In a broad survey of the available information on American Spanish dialects, certain general dialectal features stand out as being fairly common: a tremendous flexibility in the clitic pronoun system and in the gender /number agreement systems (adjective/ article-noun, noun-verb); a broad tendency to utilize pleonastic constructions; marked increase in gerund usage. Since contrastive data and information on source of variation (language contact/historical antecedent) are often missing from dialect

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14 studies, it usually is not possible to establish systematic trends. Of the general features indicated above, there is considerable variety in their occurrence throughout Hispanic America. For example, leismo and loismo both occur in Ecuador, as characteristic styles in different regions of the country (Garcia and Otheguy 1983; Muysken 1984). The Spanish of the Jaqi-Aru and Quechua areas reflects some of the general tendencies indicated above for American Spanish. Laprade suggests that Andean dialects in general appear to share many common features in pronunciation and syntax, and that the (central southern) Quechua-Jaqi-Aru contact areas may represent a single dialect region for certain features within American Spanish (1981). The Spanish of the altiplano area appears to be particularly distinctive in the incorporation of data-source marking as a function of standard Spanish verb forms (Hardman-de-Bautista 1982; Laprade 1981-a feature which led to the current research. Muysken (1984) also notes the widespread use of dizque and its variants, 'it is said', 'X says/said', to indicate non-personal knowledge of information in the Spanish of Quechua areas. Laprade (1981) suggests that this phenomenon may reflect the pre-conquest influence of Jaqi linguistic categories on Quechua. The grammatical process of suffixation, which carries a heavy functional load in Aymara, appears also to have penetrated the Spanish of the La Paz area in terms of frequency, distribution and function of certain standard Spanish forms (Laprade 1981).6 But it is the creative use of standard Spanish forms to adapt the language to the demands of data-source marking which are obligatory for Jaqi speakers that appears to be the most distinctive feature of Altiplano Spanish 6The Jaqi area Spanish use of nomas, pues pero and siempre as post-positive particles functioning (roughly speaking) as a !imitative (and an emphaticizer or a softener), a politive, an objector, and an emphatic modifier, respectively (Laprade 1981), parallel the functional loads of particular Aymara suffixes.

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15 Organization of the Dissertation The following chapter focuses on the historical and social contexts which have given rise to the language patterns discussed in this dissertation The chapter also serves to describe the setting for the research, therefore it precedes the description of the methodology used in the study, which is given in Chapter III Descriptions of the linguistic consultants who participated in the research are included in Chapter III, and their narratives, from which much of the data used in the study are drawn, are contained in the appendices. Chapter IV begins the report of this research on the Altiplano Spanish dialect with a description of the phonological systems of both monolingual and bilingual speakers Although this research was concerned with morphology and syntax, the decision was made to incorporate information from earlier research in the area of phonology in order to provide a more complete description of the dialect. Likewise, Chapters V through VII, which outline the grammatical system of Altiplano Spanish, also contain information from previous, related research, for purposes of gathering in one document the available information on the subject. Chapter V describes the morphology and syntax of verb phrase constituents in Altiplano Spanish Particular attention is directed to the selection of certain verb tenses to express the category of evidentials which has come into the dialect from the substrate Aymara language This feature is pervasive throughout the target area, is common to all speakers, and is so unique to this variety of Spanish that alone it would set apart the altiplano as a distinct dialect area. The morphology and syntax of noun phrase constituents are described in Chapter VI ; and the more complex constructions-beyond the noun or verb phrase level-are considered in Chapter VII

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16 The question of substrate influence on Altiplano Spanish is considered in Chapter VIII. This chapter may be more controversial than the others, for substrate influence is rarely subject to confirmation The chapter sets forth the contention that it is primarily in the area of the use of an evidentials system that there is direct influence from the Aymara substrate. Other areas of influence are probably less direct, involving reinforcement by the substrate of existing patterns in the language. These areas of influence are determined by examining parallel structures and/ or functions which exist in both Aymara and Altiplano Spanish. The final chapter summarizes the results and contributions of this research, and poses additional research questions. Most of the speech data obtained in the study were recorded and transcribed, and are reproduced in Appendices II-XI. Appendix I contains samples of written data which were used in the research as information relating to speech data

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CHAPTER II ETHNOLINGUISTIC HISTORY This chapter provides an examination of the social and historical contexts surrounding the use of indigenous and imperial languages in the south-central Andean highlands of Peru and Bolivia. An analysis of the historical contexts of linguistic patterns is necessary for a thorough-going treatment of virtually any language question in the Andes given the social, cultural, and linguistic complexity that exists there Information from a variety of disciplines-including anthropology, sociology, archeology, history, as well as linguistics-has proven useful in abstracting the probable, basic outlines of language use patterns from early, pre-Incaic periods to the present. The basic patterns reveal a remarkable persistence of indigenous linguistic and cultural identities in the face of attempts at social destructuration by Hispanic forces since in the Conquest. The historical epochs utilized below for purposes of framing the linguistic history are identified as pre-Conquest, Conquest and colonial, and modern These characterizations are roughly based upon the nature of the historical influences and the type of information available for the period. Pre-Conquest Investigation of the existence and collapse of pre-horizon and horizon period architectural and agricultural system remains on the Peruvian coast, in intermontane valleys, and in the Andean highlands has radically altered the picture of the ancient Andean populations, and provided a glimpse of 17

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18 their probable movements and of the dynamics of the relationship between Andean cultures and their habitats. The earliest archeological records indicate that relationship was a complex one. Nearly 3500 years ago there was large-scale irrigation of desert lands for agricultural purposes, settled populations depended upon the sea for stable protein sources, and highland crops, such as tubers and grains, and animals were well on their way to being domesticated (Moseley 1983; Orlove 1985) Some ten to fourteen centuries ago, Andean coastal and highland societies were large, stable polities which utilized massive irrigation projects for agriculture, maintained centralized political administrations, and aggressively expanded political and/or economic influence along the valleys and coast, and throughout the highlands (Moseley 1983 and Orlove 1985). Their architecture and spatial orientation suggest classand kinship-based social systems, patterns of land use and ownership that we are just now beginning to understand, and a cosmology vastly different from our own (cf. Murra 1984, Moseley 1983, and Urton 1981). The 'Andean achievement,' as Murra (1984) describes it, of social and technological innovation in response to the climate, geography and geology of the Andes, was a fact by the time of the Inca empire and was therefore being moulded during these earliest centuries of which we have only the barest traces. Although many of the details remain obscure, it is certain that extensive travel and trading have gone on throughout the length and breadth and heights of the Andes for several millenia, as an outstanding characteristic of the forms of cultural and economic adaptation described by Murra and others (Salomon 1982). Both Hardman-de-Bautista (1985a) and Lorandi (as cited in Murra 1985) suggest that the alternation between pan-Andean empires or expansions (horizon periods) and localist cultural developments

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19 (or intermediate periods) is a function of the tensions inherent in necessary access to the variety of widely dispersed ecological zones present in the Andean context. Such cultural oscillations, and the history of extensive cross-cultural contact, have been among the important contributing factors to language maintenance or decline in the Andes. The social and economic structures and processes-varied economic resources, networks of exchange that crossed the Andes and gave access to varied ecological zones, corporate labor practices and food preservation and storage systems-persisted as principal cultural and economic modes on the coast and in the highlands until shortly after the arrival of the Spaniards These structures and processes are also reflected in the essential character of indigenous Andean survival during the conquest and republican regimes, and further aid in the explanation of the patterns of language contact and maintenance in the Andes as indicated below Murra (1984 and 1985) was one of the first to grasp the significant accomplishments of Andean cultural ecology. The notion of ecological complementarity, "the simultaneous control by a single ethnic group of several geographically dispersed ecological tiers" (Murra 1985: 3), as accounting for the success of the high density populations of the mountain valleys and the altiplano, has been increasingly a focus of his work for more than 20 years. Murra distinguishes three distinct steps in the Andean success story : (1) the development of highly productive, high altitude cultigens and agricultural production in a vertical archipelago arrangement; (2) the domestication of the cold" (1984: 122), through which massive food production and long-term storage could be accomplished; and (3) the social, political and economic institutions which emerged out of the first two, and which are characterized by exchange and reciprocity (1984). Contributions

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20 such as Murra's to Andean anthropology provide a picture of the Andes across time and space as a place of constant movement of peoples and goods across the highlands, to the valleys and lowlands, in all directions, and in which that movement is part of an essential and ingenious economic activity. An examination of Andean cultural developments in the area of the altiplano will provide some understanding of the contact influences prior to Hispanic intrusion. The oscillation between pan-Andean imperial epochs and periods of smaller-scale local development is correlated with the spread of a number of languages with lingua franca status for imperial purposes, and with the development of both dialectal variation and language loss. During the Wari-Tiwanaku horizon speakers of proto-Jaqi-Arul expanded from the Wari site, near modern Ayacucho, into other valleys, west to the coast, and around the lake area of the altiplano, where Pukina may have been the language of the Tiwanaku culture. Thus Jaqi-Aru was being spoken on the altiplano as well as throughout the mountains and in coastal areas as a result of the Wari intrusion, even if it was not the language of the Tiwanaku culture (Hardman and Moseley 1987). It is likely that Jaqi-Aru and Pukina were not the only languages being spoken on the altiplano at the time, and that Jaqi-Aru was a lingua franca useful primarily in economic relations throughout the Andes (Hardman 1985a). Evidence of a 'mega-Nino' event c. 1000 A. D. (Hardman and Moseley 1987), correlated with a decline in the Wari-Tiwanaku horizon around that time, suggests that a combination of climatic and geographic conditions encouraged that decline, interrupting trade and other relations which would 1 Jaqi-Aru is used to indicate those linguistically and culturally related groups and their languages referred to as Jaqi by Hardman-de-Bautista and others, and as Aru by Torero and others. The term Jaqi-Aru is used by the Peruvian Aymara poet Jose Luis Ayala. In the Aymara language, the term jaqi refers to 'human beings'; aru refers to 'speech, language'.

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21 be the basis of empire. A subsequent period of local expansion lasting some 400 years, during which coastal societies actively engaged in trade were flourishing-Chimu to the north and Chincha on the south coast of modern Peru-involved a movement of Pukina speakers to the Cuzco area (Hardman-deBautista 1985a). The rise of Pukina speakers, specifically the Inca, as imperial powers entailed their spreading the dominant Jaqi-Aru (by now proto-Aymara) for governance purposes for several generations of Inca rule and utilizing their native Pukina for internal court purposes (Hardman-de-Bautista 1985a), although Pukina was still spoken by populations around Lake Titicaca as late as the seventeenth century. Contact during Inca imperial expansion with successful Chincha coastal trading polities resulted in their eventual inclusion into the Inca realm and the switch by the Inca from Jaqi-Aru, the language of a waning power, to Chinchay Quechua, spoken by a rising power, as an imperial language (Hardman-de-Bautista 1985a). The formerly dominant Jaqi-Aru languages were then being divided by the penetration of Chinchay Quechua, so that Aymara, in what is now southern Peru and altiplano Bolivia, was eventually cut off from Jaqaru and Kawki in central Peru (Heath and Laprade 1982). Among the Incas' many imperial accomplishments was a fairly light handed approach to the cultural and linguistic identities within their realm (Chang-Rodriguez 1982). Individual languages and cultural patterns were not repressed or replaced by Incan authority, but were utilized and even promoted as effective tools of governance. However, the policy of resettling Inca loyalist communities, mitmaes, in potentially rebellious areas (Dobyns and Doughty 1976) resulted in the establishment of other ethnic/linguistic

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22 groups in former highland Jaqi-Aru strongholds, and many Jaqi-Aru speakers were resettled along the southern Peruvian coast (Heath and Laprade 1982). By the fifteenth century the Inca had only relatively recently imposed Quechua as the imperial language for governing the large number of linguistically and culturally diverse groups under their control, having previously employed Jaqi-Aru for that purpose. And their imperial policies had otherwise dramatically altered the linguistic situation in their realm: They had spread Jaqi-Aru over a vast area and subsequently did the same with Chinchay Quechua, while at the same time imposing and maintaining linguistic and cultural divisions within those areas in order to assure the success of their realm. Such divisions encouraged the linguistic diversification which led to further separation of original varieties of the Quechua and Jaqi-Aru families. Conquest and Colonial and Republican Periods Although Jaqi-Aru and Chinchay Quechua had both been employed as lingua francas, the first during the 400-500 year pan-Andean Wari/Tiwanaku horizon and the second during the later period of localist Chinchay coastal development and into Inca expansion, at the time of the conquest there was no long-established lingua franca covering the vast highland areas of the Andes which were under Inca domination. By the sixteenth century, only the Quechua and Jaqi-Aru languages remained as lingua francas for any culturally mixed population in the highlands Thus, upon their arrival in the mid-sixteenth century, the Spaniards encountered fairly widespread use of the Quechua languages, especially in the region of modern Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, and the Jaqi-Aru language family in central to southern Peru and in highland Bolivia. They also encountered multilingualism involving these major languages as well as a large number of other indigenous

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23 languages which had not been replaced by the recently imposed Quechua. It is apparent that early chroniclers were astonished at the existence of a different language in nearly every intermontane valley (Levillier 1919). The Crown and colonial policies in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, examined below, established the Hispanic pattern of relating to the linguistic diversity in the Andes-which has existed in large measure to this day Disease, war, repression and exploitation were the consequences to the indigenous populations of the Spanish conquest. Large numbers of local languages were lost with the death of native speakers (Chang-Rodriguez 1982, Hardman-de-Bautista 1985a), as most of the population was wiped out in the first few years of the colonial period As a matter of fact, it is likely that the majority of the population was decimated by smallpox and other diseases traveling from the Caribbean area faster than the conquistadors to the Andean highlands-before Pizarro ever set foot in Cajamarca or Aleixo Garcia arrived in the area of modern Paraguay. In the quarter century following Pizarro's and Garcia's arrival to the continent, the original Andean population, estimated at around thirty million, dropped by at least more than two-thirds, according to Orlove (1985) and possibly by as much as ninety-five percent according to other estimates (Sanchez-Albornoz 1974). Although highland populations escaped total devastation, Andean coastal societies virtually disappeared due to the combined effects of disease and repression (Murra 1984). In comparison with the ruthless economic and social policies of the colonists, colonial language policy in practice appears to have been comparatively less harsh (Chang-Rodriguez 1982), mitigated by some desire on the part of the Crown and the religious orders to provide adequate religious instruction to the indigenous peoples and, in some cases, to

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24 alleviate the abuse of power by the colonists. For most of the colonial period, the Spanish Crown espoused a policy of spreading the Castilian language to the indigenous peoples for religious and political reasons, understanding the power of language as "an instrument of empire" (Heath and Laprade 1982) By the late eighteenth century, however, at the time when some colonies were beginning preparations for independence from Spain, it was clear that there had been wide divergence between language policy and practice Following the soldiers into the Andes were the religious agents and colonial authorities who gathered the Andean people into villages (reducciones), and the colonists who expropriated Indian lands and labor (Murra 1984; Dobyns and Doughty 1976) The difficult terrain discouraged all colonial forces from venturing far or long from their settlements, while at the same time providing the relative security needed for pockets of resistance by indigenous populations to continue for some time during the colonial and republican periods. While the church's mandated role in the program of castilianizaci6n, involving Spanish language instruction to the Andean people, was clearly linked to control over the indigenous population, the religious orders involved in cultural and religious indoctrination rapidly perceived the value of the native languages for instruction (Heath and Laprade 1982) The church's influence over the Spanish Crown in this matter ultimately led the royal court to provide continued political support for religious instruction in the native tongues (Chang-Rodriguez 1982; Wachtel 1977). By the mid-sixteenth century, religious materials were produced in many of these languages, and religious orders were encouraged by the Crown to learn them well, to the extent that clergy could be punished for not doing so (Heath and Laprade 1982) Further, indigenous-Spanish cooperation

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25 against the Inca (such as the decade long Wanka-Spanish alliance [Murra 1984]) probably promoted some bilingualism on both sides The somewhat contradictory policies of Castilianization, on one hand, and the utilization of the 'general languages of the Andes, on the other, evolved into an aspect of the ultimately antagonistic struggle between the interests of the Spanish Crown which needed to maintain a loyal, productive colony, and of the colonists, who perceived direct control over the resources and lives of the Andean peoples as necessary for their effect i ve domination. The colonists, supported by some of the less enlightened religious community, increasingly demanded a policy of forced Castilianization, arguing the cultural and intellectual benefits to Andean people-not to mention the efficiency of control and economic benefits to empire-of requiring the use of the Spanish language The Crown s attempt to mitigate the abuse of the native peoples by colonial representatives was persuaded and encouraged by religious activists such as Bartolome de las Casas and Fray Domingo de Santo Tomas (Chang-Rodriguez 1982 ; Levillier 1919) Indigenous writers such as Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Adorno 1956) not only pleaded the Andean peoples' cause against harsh subjugation but also encouraged the learning and use of Andean languages Another factor in the colonial situation which encouraged the maintenance and spread of the major indigenous languages was the retention of large portions of the Inca administrative structures and personnel-a network in which indigenous languages were crucial (Heath and Laprade 1982) This was true for a short period with Jaqi-Aru, but by the beginning of the seventeenth century Jaqi-Aru was losing further ground to Quechua The Spanish had perceived Inca-imposed Quechua as the major tongue of the Andes (Hardman-de-Bautista 1985a) and it was consequently spread even

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26 further than the Inca had carried it as the Spanish extended their dominion far beyond the original Inca empire (Torero 1972). It should be noted that the originally prestigious Chinchay variety of Quechua fell victim to Spanish conquest (Hardman 1985a), and that it was the Cuzco variety of Quechua, influenced by the originally dominant Jaqi-Aru in the area (Mannheim 1985), which was spread by the Spaniards. Thus, Heath and Laprade (1982) maintain that in spite of an ideology which demanded Castilianization and a strong drive for enforced Spanish usage by the colonial administration, the Spanish Crown s policy to this point may be described as having been more additive than replacive with regard to the Jaqi-Aru, Quechua, and other indigenous languages. On the other hand, Chang-Rodriguez (1982) stresses that an effect of the dual policy was a strengthening of the hegemony of Hispanic language and culture, further distancing the state from the majority (indigenous) population. Late in the seventeenth century the attitude of the Crown began to change, probably under the considerable pressure of the colonial administration, and use of the indigenous languages began to lose official sanction (Heath and Laprade 1982). However, there were a number of factors within the colonial social milieu which further attenuated the spread of Spanish. For example, there were attitudinal prohibitions against Andean people learning Spanish which belied some of the rhetoric produced by the colonial administration regarding benefits to the Indians in the acquisition of Spanish language and culture. That is, from early in the Conquest period, many of the Hispanic landowners preferred to learn Quechua or Jaqi-Aru rather than provide their indigenous laborers any potential access to the dominating culture by means of their learning Spanish. Painter (1983a) describes a history of active prohibitions in Peru against the use of Spanish by

PAGE 37

27 campesinos, who won the right to Spanish language education only at the cost of many lives. Mestizaje, primarily resulting from the fact that not many women came with the Spanish soldiers, became a feature of Andean society very early in the conquest (Dobyns and Doughty 1976). And with the development of a mestizo population, bilingualism or multilingualism in Spanish and the indigenous languages quickly became the norm in the highland urban centers, although the rural populations remained largely monolingual In La Paz, for example, Aymara and sometimes Spanish were the native languages of the urban population until this century (Laprade 1981). Although no other indigenous language in Latin America can claim to have had, or have, since the conquest, the national prestige that Guarani does in Paraguay (Rubin et al. 1977 and Rubin 1985), for some time during the nineteenth century the Aymara language in La Paz appears to have enjoyed a use and prestige similar to Paraguayan Guarani. That is, Aymara was the daily language for nearly all classes and ethnic groups, except during formal occasions and for speaking with foreigners, when Spanish was preferred (Laprade 1976: 5). In the former Inca capital of Cuzco, the same conditions may also have applied to Quechua. However, the development of varieties of Aymara and Quechua which are referred to today as 'patron' Aymara or Quechua attest to the probability that the dominance of the indigenous languages in these contexts was short-lived The 'patron' varieties were spoken by the upper class mestizo population and were highly influenced by Spanish. Spanish use in the Andean nations during the colonial era was generally restricted to urban areas. For the native population, the overall functions of Spanish remained limited until fairly recently, initially appearing only superficially in religious contexts, in polite communication

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28 with the Spanish elite, and in interactions within the colonial political bureaucracy (Avila Echazu 1974). Although Spanish was the language of prestige, it was not until the twentieth century that social and economic conditions encouraged an indigenous shift to Spanish, or that stable institutional support for the teaching of Spanish as a second language became a reality anywhere in the highlands (Chang-Rodriguez 1982; Briggs 1985). At the beginning of this century, indigenous peoples were faced with both limited access to Spanish and a prejudice regarding their own languages and cultures which were labeled as 'inferior and underdeveloped' by the dominant population (Chang-Rodriguez 1982). After nearly four hundred years of marginalization at the hands of the colonists, much of which involved forced castellanizaci6n, negative attitudes toward their own languages often resulted in the internalization of these prejudices which linger even today At the same time, however social and economic policies continually reinforced reliance on traditional life styles in which indigenous languages were vital. The following section e x amines the effect of these conflicting forces on the usage of Spanish versus the indigenous languages in the current context. Modern Context The highland Aymara and Quechua speaking groups today make up the majority of Bolivia's nearly seven million people, numbering at least one million and three million respectively. In Peru these groups constitute nearly half of the nation's population of eighteen million (Gray 1987; Impara 1986). In this century there has been increased bilingualism in Spanish for native Jaqi-Aru and Quechua speakers and decreased bilingualism for native Spanish speakers (Laprade 1981; Briggs 1985; Hornberger forthcoming). However, Briggs (1985) is careful to note that the bilingualism of many

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29 Aymara and Quechua speakers who have acquired Spanish may only be incipient or rudimentary (Diebold 1964) in Spanish, and that in fact the absolute numbers of Quechua and Aymara speakers are increasing (cf. also Alb6 1980). Given these figures, it is not only the shift to increased Spanish use which should be noted, it is also the fact that the shift is relatively recent after nearly 500 years of Spanish contact,2 and that a corresponding decline in major indigenous language use does not appear to be occurring One of the features of modern highland Andean society involves the correlation of language, social class, and ethnicity. That is, indigenous language and cultural identity are frequently associated with lower social class status in the Andes (Klein 1982; Dobyns and Doughty 1976) However, the fact of indigenous language and cultural maintenance in the south-central Andean highlands cannot be denied. Discussed below are factors which mitigate the generally oppressive consequences of an 'ethnicized' class hierarchy, as seen through an examination of the language use patterns in the area. Available literature suggests some of the mechanisms which may account for these language use patterns on the altiplano. These include language attitudes (Wolfson and Manes 1985), degree of cultural similarity between dominant and subordinate groups (Clyne 1985), the direction of language influence (Brosnahan 1973; Weinreich 1979 [1953]; Haugen 1972), geographic divisions (Weinreich 1979 [1953]), and urbanization (Fishman 1966) and population trends. The modern altiplano setting is examined below in the light of these concepts 2until fairly recently, native Spanish speakers in La Paz also knew Aymara, which was used in the market place, in the home with Aymara women as servants and childcare workers, and with Aymara men serving as laborers (Laprade 1981 ). I have met Pacefios who are members of the grandparent generation to whom this description applies

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30 Attitudes about Language and Ethnic Group Identity Language attitudes in multilingual communities are generally considered to be a function of prestige or status factors, so that use of the prestige language often means access to social mobility and thus to higher social status. At the same time, ethnic group identity and language attitude are often highly correlated, so that social factors leading to attempts to preserve ethnic identity also tend to strengthen mother-tongue identification (for example, Wolfson and Manes 1985). In the Andes, these attitudinal factors may indeed be considered important variables in the contact situation. While the Spanish language indeed enjoys prestige and higher social status from the perspective of the dominant culture and the rigid class structure of national society, another value system is operative as well in which indigenous language use plays an important role. Within the total social context of the altiplano, there is a large portion of the population which makes a conscientious choice in the direction of traditional values and lifestyles which incorporate native language usage. At the same time, these individuals are cognizant of the personal advantages to be gained with access to higher social status that may be obtained by Spanish language usage. But the traditional values entail factors which mitigate a wholesale shift to use of Spanish in specific contexts. Research in cultural and economic anthropology indicates, for example, that the ancient indigenous social and economic patterns continue to exist today in the highlands despite destructuring by the colonial and national governments (Brush 1977; Collins 1981; Hickman and Stuart 1977; Murra 1984; Painter 1983b; Orlove 1985; Carter and Mamani 1982) and a

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31 massive urban migration.3 The result is that the indigenous peoples are able still to rely on exchange and production from a variety of community, family, or individually held lands in different ecological tiers, diversified economic activity, and strong community and family ties in the face of the not uncommon climatological disasters or fluctuations in the national economies which have historically decimated other indigenous populations. For example, during the period of the development of export economies, which led to increased interaction between the indigenous peoples and the national authorities, the highland communities and their resources were burdened to the extent that tensions were increased (Orlove 1985) Rather than being drawn into full participation in this aspect of the national economy, the communities' reliance on traditional systems was reinforced. Thus the ancient patterns have encouraged maintenance of strong ethnic and linguistic identities, due to the necessity of relying on them for continued livelihood and community in periods of increased contact with Hispanic language and culture. While increased multilingualism involving Spanish may be supported through Hispanic-indigenous contact in certain contexts, and by the asymmetrical relationship of the languages in question, the disappearance of the major native languages is not one of the correlates of this contact. Rather, the native language ties are strengthened in the Andes through the nature of such contact. Thus, while pressures of status and access to the dominant culture have resulted in a shift to Spanish monolingualism among the mestizo community and increased bilingualism among the indigenous populations in this century (cf. Laprade 1976; 3The phenomenon of urban migration, which has caused upheaval in Latin American societies and economies throughout the last thirty years, characterizes Andean nations as it does much of modem Latin America (see Doughty 1986 and Safa 1986)

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32 Hornberger forthcoming), a conceivable outcome of this situation may be full diglossia, or stable multiple language use (Ferguson 1972 [1959]), as opposed to language loss in any direction. Cultural Similarity Degree of cultural similarity to the dominant group (including common rules of communication), and extent of intermarriage, are also attitude-related factors which have been determined to influence language shift to the dominant language (Clyne 1985). Though intermarriage has been extensive in the Andes (Laprade 1976), I have observed that the marked cultural differences between the Hispanic and indigenous populations which remain are often reflected in language use: Indigenous languages serve needs in traditional contexts; Spanish is used in mestizo and urban contexts Such linguistic signs of cultural distinction have served as a barrier to language equity in all contexts That is, while intermarriage and other factors may promote Spanish bilingualism, cultural markers may preserve use of different languages in differing contexts furthering a trend toward diglossia Direction of Influence There has been a certain amount of presumption in the language contact literature regarding the direction of influence during language contact Many scholars view the shift from a subordinate language to one with more "prestige (Weinreich 1979 [1953] : 7) as an automatic consequence of political and economic subordination of language groups (Hill and Hill 1980). But as suggested by Weinreich (1979 [1953]) and Haugen (1972), it is necessary to look at the conditions which have given rise to both preand post-Conquest bilingualism, persistent use of the indigenous languages in a multiplicity of social functions, and strong ethno-linguistic identity, to account for any change in Altiplano use patterns

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33 In a case study which focuses on the historical imposition of Latin, Greek, Arabic and Turkish as lingua francas, Brosnahan (1973) concludes that language influence typically flows primarily from the politically dominant language. Specifically, Brosnahan states a set of conditions which establish the basis for a shift to the imperial language as the dominant, if not the only, language in use in a society, as in the cases of Latin, Greek and Arabic: first, imposition of a language by military conquest; second, its maintenance by a similar authority; third, the presence of previous multilingualism; and fourth, social advantages conferred by use of the imperial language. Given that Hispanic conquest of the Andes reflects this pattern, the flow of influence at least primarily from Spanish to the indigenous languages in the Andes might be anticipated. However, Spanish has not been acquired by the population until very recently, and its acquisition is not taking place in a uniform manner. The lack of economic and cultural unity between the national and indigenous populations may be the essential stumbling block to the perception of Spanish as personally advantageous to many Quechua and Aymara-which has slowed the process of castilianizaci6n. Additionally, and perhaps more important, as indicated above there is a long history of denial of indigenous access to the Spanish language by Hispanic authorities. There is no doubt that military, political, and economic oppression and dominance established Spanish as the prestige language from a national and Hispanic perspective. However, outside of strictly economic parameters, the extreme linguistic complexity of the Andes-entailing highly mobile indigenous populations among whom multiple language use ebbs and flows through their history of conquest, migration and cultural effervescence and decline-gives rise to the question: Which language is dominant for whom, and when? I have been in two Peruvian and more Bolivian lacustrine

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34 communities, for example, in which along the modern rural-urban continuum, Aymara would be utilized in nearly all social functions at one end of the continuum, and Spanish, or a combination of the two, at the other end. In the case of Quechua, Hornberger (forthcoming) reports an increase in the contexts for Spanish use in rural altiplano Peruvian communities, but a fairly clear division remaining in terms of the domains of the use of both languages, and an increase in the incidence of Quechua use in urban settings as those populations increase. Additionally, anecdotal evidence indicates that while few would deny the value of learning to speak Spanish and Spanish literacy, many indigenous language speakers in Bolivia and Peru indicate a preference for learning, apart from literacy or formal education in the native language (as in cursillos which are given in the home or neighboring communities in rural areas) Such preference reflects a common tendency in multilingual communities for speakers to consider the different languages appropriate to different contexts, or having different functions Further in this vein, L6pez 4 reports that younger Peruvian students associated with the Peru-Germany Bilingual Education Project (Puno) prefer early school pedagogy in their native Quechua and Aymara languages and are generally more successful learners under that condition-a finding which parallels the successes of bilingual education programs in other countries. Therefore, while it is likely that all speakers of Quechua or Aymara would recognize the higher social status of Spanish, each linguistic group could rate the two languages independently and with different results That is, for each group language dominance is just as much a question of 4Luis Enr i que Lopez Universidad d e Alt i plano Puno, P e ru per s onal communication, 1987.

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35 functional utility of the languages involved as it is aptitude for speaking those languages or national norms for language status. The assessment by native speakers of the value of their own languages is considered fundamental to understanding the role of language dominance (Wolfson and Manes 1985). Geographic Divisions Weinreich notes that language contact and mutual influence are frequently restricted in clearcut geographic divisions (1979 [1953]) As indicated above, prior to the conquest Andean history may been seen as composed of waves of pan-Andean empire followed by periods of localist development Hardman-de-Bautista (1985a) describes these periods of cultural ascendency and decline in terms of a tension generated in part by the demands of a difficult terrain, amounting to geographic division. This terrain, and the continued use of it by indigenous peoples, is likely to have discouraged the spread of Spanish to the highland indigenous areas outside of urban zones. Urbanization and Population Trends: Literacy and National Perspectives Much of the contact literature considers urbanization, number of non dominant language speakers using the politically dominant language, and absolute and relative numerical strength of low-status language speakers to be important interactive factors in the maintenance of low status languages or shift to the dominant one (Fishman 1966). Though the creation of large urban centers in the Andean nations did give rise to bastions of Spanish language supremacy, the movement of indigenous peoples between these centers and the highlands has established lively enclaves of indigenous language usage in the urban areas, including publications in those languages. This is true to an extent of Lima, and in major urban centers such as Puno, La

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36 Paz, or Cochabamba, one finds extensive Aymara and/or Quechua use and organizations promoting such use (cf. Anna Maria Escobar 1986; Godenzzi 1986; Hornberger forthcoming; Alb6 1988). Associated factors which tend to curb castilianizaci6n involve the development of orthographies, grammars and literacy in Quechua and Jaqi Aru. Literary and pedagogical traditions in Jaqi-Aru and Quechua have also developed, as indicated above, subsequent to strong indigenista movements in this century in both Peru and Bolivia. Briggs (1985) provides a review of the bilingual educational efforts in both Peru and Bolivia which, although suggesting an uncertain future for such efforts, details the persistence of attitudes of native speakers and others favoring language maintenance. The numbers are growing in both nations of trained personnel who understand the value of multilingualism and who are convinced of the efficacy and dedicated to the spread of bilingualism in education and to cultural and linguistic maintenance. Often these efforts are associated with cultural and/ or political indigenist renaissance movements The enduring efforts of these people have paid off at the level of national recognition, at least nominally. Some of the national gains include the achievement of national language status with Spanish for Quechua in Peru in 1975 with the enactment of the Oficializaci6n del Quechua, as an outcome of the national educational reform enacted in 1972 (Impara 1986; Briggs 1985). The use of the Quechua and other vernacular languages for educational purposes became a part of national pedagogical strategy in Peru with the passage of the 1982 Nueva Ley General de Educaci6n (Impara 1986). Such official statements and legal enactments contrast sharply with the policies which existed in Peru from the eighteenth century until the 1970s specifically prohibiting indigenous language use in many areas of life. In

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37 Bolivia there is yet no general law which grants national language status to Aymara and Quechua, although there have been several government resolutions which have been intended to provide support at one level or another to bilingual education programs (Briggs 1985) In 1983 official phonemic alphabets were approved for the indigenous languages in Bolivia, and during my stay there local papers carried articles concerning the possibility of national status being conferred upon the indigenous languages These are some of the outcomes of a long and often violent history of indigenous struggle to preserve ethnic and linguistic identity in both nations. Aspects of these movements are covered by authors such as Victor Hugo Cardenas (1988) and Chang-Rodriguez (1982) Summary While negative Hispanic attitudes toward indigenous languages which have been heavily internalized by the native speakers-have not altered significantly since the original colonizer view of them as backward and scarcely classifiable as languages, both Quechua and Jaqi-Aru languages remain extraordinarily vital. As indicated above, more than a third of the population of Peru and more than two-thirds of the population of Bolivia today speak either Jaqi-Aru or Quechua as first languages, or one of the other few remaining tongues which are represented by small groups of speakers (Briggs 1985) For the approximately three million Jaqi-Aru speakers5 strong language identity still exists This appears to me to be particularly true of the Bolivian altiplano and in and around the city of La Paz Use of fluent Aymara, for example, creates confidence in and bestows prestige upon the SMost of these speak Aymara; Kawki is a dying langu a ge and J a qaru speakers curr e ntly number around three thousand (Hardman-de-Bautista 1985b)

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38 speaker within the Aymara community. 6 This strong linguistic identity, a very solid cultural base in the La Paz area, relative economic independence from the national economies, and training of native speakers in linguistics and other social sciences have led to a recent revitalization of interest in the learning and use of Aymara, both within the Aymara community and outside of it. Although demographic trends may indicate an uncertain future for the indigenous languages per se, it is perhaps this cultural and linguistic persistence and vitality-a strong commitment to indigenous institutions and lifeways in the face of political and economic subjugation, as well as the centuries of intense contact, primarily in the form of bilingualism-which account for the development of new varieties of Spanish in the area (Escobar 1978; Hardman-de-Bautista 1982; Torero 1972). 6Juan de Dios Yapita Moya, lnstituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara, La Paz, personal communication, 1986.

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I CHAPTER III METHODS This chapter describes methodological procedures which were utilized for research on the morphology and syntax of Altiplano Spanish, including information on research site, description of informants, and data collection and analysis The reporting of the phonology and grammar of Altiplano Spanish (Chapters IV through VII) includes not only data from this research but from work by others as well. It was decided that to include such information, especially from geographic areas or containing structural linguistic data not covered by this study, would provide a more comprehensive understanding of the grammar of Altiplano Spanish. A list of definitions of terms and conventions used in this dissertation follows Definition of Terms This study uses the notion of a 'standard' Spanish merely as a point of departure for describing potential dialectal variation. There is no intent to hold up a standard as a model of correct behavior for judging the competence of the speakers of Altiplano Spanish who are fluent in this dialect. Two sources have been used as the basis for references to standard Spanish, hereafter identified by the abbreviation SS: Ramsey s (1966 [1894]) A Textbook of Modern Spanish and Whitley's (1986) Spanish/ English Contrasts. The dialect of Altiplano Spanish is hereafter identified by the abbreviation AS. 39

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40 Additional conventions utilized in this thesis include abbreviations that identify the source of data samples. Those abbreviations are defined in Table 1, which follows. The references indicated in Table 1 appear in the bibliography of this thesis Abbrev. BEY BRI CER ESCI ESCII FRI GOD GUT HARi HARII HER KANI Table 1 Abbreviations for Source of Data Samples Reference Abbrev. Reference Beyersdorff, 1986. KANII Kany, 1947. Briggs, 1988 LAPI Laprade, 1976 Cerr6n-Palomino, 1988 LAPII Laprade, 1981. Escobar, 1978. LOZ Lozano, 1975. Escobar, 1976 MEN Mendoza, 1988 Frias, 1980. MIL Minaya and Lujan, 1982. Godenzzi, 1986. MUY Muysken, 1984. Gutierrez, 1984. ROD Rodriguez, 1982. Hardman, 1982. STRI This study, information gathered 'informally, Hardman et al., 1988. notebook #I Herrero 1969 STRII-XI This study, Appendices II through XI Kany, 1945. The data which are reported in Chapters IV through VII are marked with a leading indicator which appears in parentheses, such as (STRII, 12) The letters identify the individual whose research data are being cited, as indicated in the table above. The Roman numera l s immediate l y following

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41 identify the appendix number, in the case of the data gathered for this research; or, in the case of data gathered in other studies, they specify the reference if there is more than one for an individual researcher The Arabic numbers indicate the line number in the case of my data, or the page number in the case of data from other investigators utilized in this research. Research Site The research was conducted in 1986 and 1987 on the altiplano of Bolivia and Peru, beginning in the city of La Paz, Bolivia, and from there to the communities of Copacabana, Kusijata, Huacuyo and Huatajata, which are located northeast of La Paz on the shores of Lake Titicaca A minimal amount of research was also conducted in the town of Sorata in Bolivia In Peru the community of Chucuito and the town of Puno were locations for research. Additional trips were made to other communities in both Peru and Bolivia, but the data obtained on these trips are largely anecdotal. Figure 1 is a map of the research area. All of these locations are traditionally and currently strongholds of Aymara language and culture. This is even true for the city of La Paz, which retains a very indigenous flavor except in the southernmost zones of the city which are dominated by wealthy mestizo and foreign white populations. And even there, recent immigrants purchase lands and construct homes in rural areas bordering and surrounding the enclaves of Western urban-style streets which are crowded with large, often luxurious homes, and supermarkets full of products imported from North America and Europe

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' L. .. 1 '\. _/ . ~ 1 e L / r . ) ) "'---'--lJ Cuzco / B o l \,.. ~ Charazan ( ~ Apolo I J,, \ Lu/...c :: .. Map i ri / -1 Cochabamba c; ,.c1,1 1 ,.. Santa Cruz vo 'r/( 1 C, Sucre 11 <.t/ Potosi e'/" 0 ~ 'r,:,, [II] ltieuchSite ..., Tucuman \ ARGENTINA Mendoza Figure 1: Research Site 42 / (

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43 Linguistic Consultants The people described here are my personal friends, or their friends, in the research area. The section which follows provides the demographic information about these people which is necessary for a determination of whether the linguistic data taken from their speech and described in Chapters IV through VII may indeed be considered dialectal features. That is, this information is intended to demonstrate that the language samples are representative of the speech of segments of the population in general, and are not from marginal or exceptional individuals The narratives which were transcribed and utilized for this research are reproduced in Appendices II-XI. The informants who pro v ided these narratives are all life-long residents of the research area indicated above Several have spent time outside of that area primarily in other regions of the altiplano dominated by indigenous influence A few have traveled outside of the altiplano region. The informants were selected on the bases of (1) the personal relationships I developed with them and/ or with others in their immediate circle of family and friends; (2) their social positions. The nature of the relationships developed with these informants, or in the case of two informants, with their immediate family and peer group associations, is one of mutual trust and friendship. The process of establishing these relationships is detailed in the description of data gathering By social position, I am referring to relative position in altiplano society as fairly representative members of that society given the following linguistic and non-linguistic parameters.

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44 Linguistic Considerations The research focused on data collected from both monolingual Spanish speakers and bilingual (Aymara-Spanish) speakers: the first, in order to determine the existence of a variety of Spanish as a distinct dialect of Spanish apart from the potential of direct interference due to bilingualism of a strictly bilingual informant population; the second, due to the high incidence of bilingualism in the research area and the necessity for gathering data in a number of differing social and cultural contexts. That is it would have been possible, but limiting with regard to context, to work only with a monolingual Altiplano Spanish-speaking informant base Of the ten informants whose narratives are included as data here, only three are Spanish monolinguals. Of these, each has a rudimentary knowledge of Aymara, including phrases which are useful at the markets, and certain lexical items They may understand other, often-heard phrases or terms They are considered monolingual, however, because they cannot produce a full sentence in the Aymara language except in extremely limited contexts, and any speech production in Aymara by them would be lacking in morphological and syntactic complexity The remaining seven informants are A yrnara-Spanish bilinguals who vary considerably in the degree to which either language in used, and in the con texts for its use. All of the informants are considered to be fluent in the Altiplano Spanish dialect That is, they are fully capable of utilizing the Spanish language in any context or situation in which they may find themselves, particularly in urban areas in which those language skills are more often called into play In addition, my informants generally consider themselves to be 'Collas altiplano dwellers and speakers of the same dialect, as opposed to that of the 'Cambas' of Eastern Bolivia, for example. As Laprade notes, such

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45 subjective evaluations of a language variety by its speakers are considered integral to the definition of that variety (1976: 14) Among the informants are those who are conscious of, and to a certain extent have internalized the prejudices against, the most stigmatized forms of Altiplano Spanish, particularly certain features of pronunciation and elements of syntax which are differentiated by notions of prestige. As the following chapters indicate, however, for most of the informants the internalized social judgements regarding these stigmatized speech forms have not significantly altered the syntax and morphology of their own speech. The following provides a general assessment of the demographic characteristics of the informants Demographic Considerations Apart from the factors of monolingualism and bilingualism, various non-linguistic characteristics of the informants and their lives are considered relevant to an understanding of the data gathered for this study, including educational level, occupation, age and sex. The spread of these factors is pertinent to the determination of stability of the linguistic features described in Chapters IV-VII. That is, the generalizability of linguistic patterns across the speech behavior of persons of various age and social groups is a correlate of stability of linguistic patterns, and thus of dialect features (Labov 1984 [1972], Weinreich 1968). Social class Social class refers principally to socioeconomic status, based primarily on occupation and income level. One's primary social environment-the network of associations that constitute the definition of a person s activities with other people-is also considered to be a general indicator of social class Finally, the location of the home one lives in is another such indicator, for

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46 different social strata live in different and fairly clearly defined areas in the altiplano urban sites. Of the ten informants who provided recorded narratives, six are employed in fairly stable full time jobs, one is self-employed, and three are students who are also employed from time to time. Job categories range from the service industry to banking, and include rural school teaching, work in rural agricultural development projects, and secretarial work. There is only one informant recorded here who is considered upper-middle class, based upon her occupation, income and the social milieu in which she generally operates; others are middle and working class persons, including campesinos, 'peasants' or 'farmers', again based upon their occupations and income, and the networks of their social relations. Six of the informants currently reside in large urban areas (Puno or La Paz); two of them live in urban areas at present, but spend a great deal of time in the countryside, in small rural communities; and two reside continuously in small rural communities, although both travel frequently to a small, nearby urban center Of the six urban dwellers, three continue to have very strong ties with their rural heritage and maintain close contacts with family or friends still residing in those areas Educational level Only three of the informants recorded for this research do not have at least a high school diploma One of those is in her thirties with a high school education only one year short of the diploma; another is a second year high school student. The third is a young man in his thirties who began to earn his living in various ways just after he finished primary school, so that he did not go on to high school.

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47 Although social class and educational level are often correlated, it is not uncommon to find individuals who identified as campesino or lower class in, say, the urban context, but who have had normal school or university training. Thus, six of the informants have had at least two years of university or normal school training beyond high school. All of the informants therefore are literate in Spanish; only two were also literate in Aymara at the time the narratives were recorded Age and sex Appendices II-XI consist of one narrative from each of five male and five female informants. Their ages at the time of the recordings ranged from fifteen to approximately fifty-five years old. The spread of data across genders and different age groups provides initial information on characteristic dialect patterns Descriptions of Individual Consultants The following section describes the linguistic consultants for purposes of correlating this information with the linguistic data in the following chapters Full names are not provided out of respect for their individual privacy. First names are used to identify those with whom I have been on a first name basis Note that the Roman numerals (II-XI) correspond to the Appendix number for each narrative ; these numbers also correspond to the original notebooks in which the transcriptions were made (a) The informant for narrative II is MF a thirty eight-year-old bilingual from the rural community of Quime, Department of La Paz, located in the Cordillera de las Tres Cruces She has lived in the city of La Paz for thirty years; however her ties with her home community are very strong She visits there at least twice a year, associates with others who have immigrated to the city from the community, and is involved from time to

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48 time in promoting events which pertain to the welfare of the people of Quime. Like many urban dwellers with rural ties, she often receives shipments of produce harvested from family-owned lands, and she reciprocates by sending back to Quime goods which are available in the urban areas. MF speaks at times of wanting to migrate back to the community, and tells of others who are doing so-who are returning to family lands once abandoned for the promise of employment in the city, and who are now finding city employment less rewarding than working the land. MF has worked as a cook for at least fifteen years in French-style restaurants in La Paz. She is currently employed in one which caters to tourists, where she not only cooks but is generally responsible for the smooth operation of the restaurant. The type of labor and income for her work place MF in the lower middle class of La Paz MF and her two children, ages seven and fifteen, and her brothers, live in the northeast area of the city of La Paz, in a zone populated by a large, Aymara and mestizo working class population and by pockets of middle class neighborhoods. MF's younger brother attends the Universidad Mayor de San Andres, but works with her full-time MF is just one year short of a high school diploma. The language used at home is Spanish. The narrative was recorded on a typically slow afternoon at MF's workplace, in the dining room, and later checked there with her under the same conditions. (b) The informant for narrative III is BA, a twenty five-year-old bilingual from Pacajes who has lived in La Paz for nine years. BA lives with his brother and sister-in-law in Alto La Paz, a totally Aymara area in the northernmost, and highest zone of the city (over twelve thousand feet). BA retains contact with his parents in Pacajes, but seldom leaves the city for that

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49 purpose. He works in the hotel industry; during the time I have known him he has worked as a porter, a waiter, and as a chef. BA finished primary school in the countryside, and high school in the city; after high school he completed his one year military service, and then attended a course in hotel administration in La Paz. BA's income, place of residence and type of work place him firmly in the working class. BA's narrative was recorded at his workplace, and later checked with him there. The interview was conducted by Zacarias Alavi, a Bolivian school administrator who was finishing a degree in linguistics and native languages at the Universidad Mayor de San Andres in La Paz. Three other people, myself included, were present during the interview. (c) Narrative IV was provided by BT, a twenty one-year-old monolingual from the city of La Paz, who studies English and French at the Universidad Mayor de San Andres and at the time of the recording also worked full-time in an artisanry shop on Calle Sagarnaga For nearly four years BT has cared for, and at times been the sole support of, her three younger siblings, her mother having left for work in another country. BT's income is meager, and she and her family live in the northernmost section of La Paz, a working class zone. BT's bilingual father died when she was young, and her mother is a Spanish monolingual. She does not appear to be close to other relatives who are bilingual. The narrative was recorded at the artisanry shop where BT worked, and was later checked there. (d) The informant for narrative V is AW, a seventeen-year-old bilingual from the rural community of Kusijata, located at about a twenty five minute walk from the urban center of Copacabana on Lake Titicaca. AW was a student at the high school in Copacabana at the time of the recording, and

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50 divided his time between different activities in the two communities: he would help his family with work in the fields as the seasons demanded; and in Copacabana, where he lived for a while with the local rural school teachers, he would also participate in the household chores. AW had never been to La Paz, and had only traveled to nearby communities around the lake. AW was recorded on a hillside overlooking his home community of Kusijata, the town of Copacabana, and Lake Titicaca The recording itself was not checked with him, but specific items which were part of the narrative were later discussed with him, again in the community of Kusijata (e) Narrative VI is by PH, a thirty five-year-old bilingual from the community of Huatajata, located on the shores of Lake Titicaca on the route from La Paz to Copacabana PH has been through normal school, worked for a time as a rural school teacher, and he later studied agriculture and animal husbandry in Cochabamba. At the time of the recording he worked as a rural community agricultural technician under the auspices of Radio San Gabriel in La Paz (a Catholic Church-owned Aymara language station), with support provided by a grant from the government of France. PH divided his time between the countryside and the city of La Paz, although he spent most of that time traveling to communities, at their request, to provide mini-courses in his specialty In this work, he usually used Aymara; Aymara is also used, along with Spanish, at his workplace in La Paz. In the community of Huatajata, where PH's monolingual Aymara parents also live, PH and his wife and family are constructing a large home just on the shores of the lake PH's income is higher than the average for one who commutes between the countryside and the city. In the community of Huatajata he would be counted among the more well-to-do of the residents. In the city of La Paz, he stays in a one-room apartment in one of the poorer,

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51 indigenous zones, although given his place of work there and the type of work he does while in the city (program planning, producing educational materials for the countryside, and so forth), he should probably be counted among the lower-middle class. PH has traveled various times to eastern Bolivia and to Peru in association with his work as an agronomist. The narrative was recorded on a relatively quiet street in the city of La Paz. (f) AF, a thirty one-year-old bilingual from the community of Tiwanaku, recorded the seventh narrative. AF learned Spanish at an early age in Catholic schools. At the time of the recording, she had lived in the city of La Paz for approximately ten years; however she spends much of her time in the countryside, in work associated with the Aymara women's organization that she helped found (Organizaci6n de Mujeres Aymaras de Kollasuyo) and other indigenous organizations She has also traveled to Peru, Costa Rica and the United States in connection with this work. This year she will be the first mujer de polleral to receive a degree from Universidad Cat6lica, in the field of journalism and communications AF manages to exist on very little income, lives in Alto La Paz (an Aymara area), and identifies herself with rural and working class groups. The recording was made in the city of Puno, Peru, while we were on a trip together AF was being interviewed for a program carried by Radio Onda Azul, a station which broadcasts programs in Aymara and Quechua. The interview was conducted primarily by an announcer of that station. 1Toe term refers to the Aymara women in the urban areas of Bolivia, principally in La Paz, who continue to wear the traditional colorful, full, multi-layered skirt called the pollera They are very often business women, supplying, operating, and selling in the city mark e ts in the kiosks and in the stores that are located in their barrios.

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52 (g) Narrative Vill was provided by ES, approximately fifty one years of age, a bilingual rural school teacher who has worked in the Bolivian countryside for thirty years. At present he and his wife are primary school teachers, where they use both Aymara and Spanish in their classrooms. Their three children live and work in La Paz, where they are all university students. The family has a fairly large home in the town of Copacabana, in which they rent out rooms, but they are planning to retire to the community of Kusijata. Although rural school teachers make very little at times they are not paid their salaries ES and his wife both are second generation teachers and so enjoy a relatively high standing in the communities in which they serve. The small plots of land which they farm in both Copacabana and Kusijata help to supplement their food supply. While ES's family would be seen as working class in the La Paz milieu, their children are preparing for jobs and potential incomes which would allow them to shift their lifestyles to the middle class. The recording was made in the rural school in Kusijata, and later checked in ES's home in Copacabana. (h) The ninth narrative is by VG, a monolingual from Puno, Peru. She is about twenty years old, has lived in Puno always and seldom leaves the town except for trips to surrounding communities. Her father spoke Quechua, Aymara and Spanish; her mother, some Spanish but mainly Aymara. It is likely that VG uses some Aymara with her mother, but in general she uses Spanish-at work, and at home with her husband who is monolingual in Spanish VG works full time as a secretary in Puno, and has attended university classes as well as a secretarial training program. In terms of income and location of her home, VG is seen as working class. At work she interacts with

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53 individuals of differing social groups The recording was made at her workplace, and some checking was done there a few days later. (i) AC provided narrative X He is a thirty seven-year-old bilingual who also can speak and understand some Quechua and is from the community of Crucicuta, Oruro, Bolivia AC has built a home in the city of La Paz, in an indigenous zone, but travels frequently throughout the Department of La Paz as a collector of artisanry which he sells in the city The work places AC in the working class, and he did not finish high school. The recording was made in La Paz among a group of people who are mutual friends of AC and myself, who made the initial contact with AC on my behalf. I was later able to review some of the information on the recording with him The transcription was corrected with the assistance of Francisco Mamani, a Peruvian Aymara-Spanish bilingual who also speaks English. (j) Narrative XI is by AP, a monolingual who is approximately fifty five years old. AP is the sole upper-middle class informant for this study She is employed in a high-level position at a local bank in La Paz, and lives in the southern zone of the city-generally a wealthy, modern area The interview and recording were made in the city of La Paz, at AP's workplace by Tomas Huanca, who is an A yrnara-Spanish bilingual sociologist from the area The questions and comments by Huanca, a university graduate and instructor, are also considered part of the data of this interview Manuel Mamani, a bilingual university instructor from Arica, Chile, who also speaks English, assisted in the correction of the transcription

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Table 2 Summary Description of Informants Informant Soc-Econ Class Language Educ Level Age Sex (by narrative #) II lower middle bilingual PS 38 F III working class bilingual s 25 M IV working class monolingual PS 21 F V working class bilingual s 17 M VI lower middle bilingual PS 35 M VII working class bilingual PS 31 F VIII middle class bilingual PS 51 M IX working class monolingual PS 20 F X working class trilingual p 37 M XI upper-middle monolingual PS 55 F Key to Educational Level: S = Secondary or high school education PS = Post secondary, including vocational and university education P = Primary school education Data Gathering Processes 54 Speech data were obtained in a variety of situations, including informant interviews, and elicited and non-elicited (spontaneous) conversations among informants at community meetings and gatherings, in households, at fiestas and ceremonies, in markets and in other work and social environments. The basic linguistic field methods techniques of observation, elicitation, recording and continuous analysis were followed in the study, as described in Pike (1947) and Nida (1946), and which have been elaborated by Hardman and Hamano (1981). The full description of the data gathering methodology employed for this research is given below.

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55 Formal Entering the community The data sought for this research were not only linguistic structures but also the meanings of those structures how the language is used in the altiplano context. The essential requirements for obtaining these data in either an urban or rural environment were (1) becoming known in the community as someone who could be approached and who had an interest in the life of the community and (2) developing friendships which would link my identity in a positive way to the community An assumption which underlies each of these is that evidence of the fieldworker s respect for the target culture is necessary for the gathering of unbiased and accurate data (see Collins and Painter, n.d ). Apart from the need to listen well and sensitively to the things people revealed about themselves and the way they would use language to do so, and discovering the bounds of appropriate outsider behavior, an element which I found to be completely necessary to meeting these requirements was a large amount of physical effort. In the cities, fulfilling these requirements initially involved meeting large numbers of people in different settings, which normally meant getting out and doing a tremendous amount of walking on a regular basis, getting to critical locations, becoming familiar with the urban layouts This then would also involve letting the general research interests for this study be known : interest in Aymara language and culture, in Bolivian or Peruvian national life, and, more specifically, in discovering and explicating the grammar of a stigmatized dialect in order to assist in establishing its legitimacy It was the former-an interest in and respect for indigenous aspects of national life which engaged the greatest amount of attention of those who were finally my informants for this study That language and culture contact was the topic of

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56 my research was also established, but this was generally interpreted in various ways and was not as curious to many people as the question of my overall interest in altiplano culture. This seemed to me to derive from the politically dominant culture's viewpoint regarding indigenous life-ways and languages, which many people, especially in larger urban environments, assimilate and express. Ultimately, friendships were developed with the people who responded positively to these expressed interests, and primarily in the area of the city where I had established a residence, ate meals, and so on-in the northern area of the city of La Paz; near the train station and the markets in Puno. In the smaller urban centers--Copacabana, Sorata in Bolivia, Chucuito in Peru-I generally had names of individuals which had been provided by contacts in the urban areas. It was not difficult to approach these people directly, then, with requests for assistance in the research, and to receive positive responses. Obtaining data was a very different kind of exercise in the rural areas than in the cities and towns, although there I often relied on initial contacts which had been made before going into the communities. But in the countryside I found that, though received politely and made to feel quite welcome, generally the people in the rural communities seemed to regard me with greater reserve, and preferred ultimately to keep me at a distance and go on about their lives The key, for me, to entering their lives more fully was found in (1) use of the Aymara language and (2) work, that is, participating in their labor The people of the rural communities responded quickly and with openness to attempts to use their native language, however limited and inferior those efforts were. From that point it seemed to follow that I was often invited to help harvest potatoes, prepare ch'ufi.u (freeze-dried potatoes)

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57 and so on. Volunteering to help in community labor projects was particularly effective, more so if the labor was somewhat rigorous and I could perform adequately. Especially among the women, participating in such work seemed to make me worth consideration, and so appeared to alter community perceptions of my tenure in these areas. From their perspective, since I was willing to be involved in some of the principal labor of their lives, I could be dealt with on normal, human terms. Subjectively, I discovered that the physical labor also prepared me for data collection, by increasing my confidence and energy levels at the same time. There are some analogies with participating in rural labor to urban activities requiring large outputs of physical energy: accepting invitations to people's homes in the cities, attending functions there which traditionally support community relationships, can very often involve preparation for participation. Much of the preparation may involve activities such as reconnoitering a particular location so that you do not become lost when the event is due, making appropriate purchases of food or drink, and so forth, to take to the hosts, and discussing the events ahead of time with enough people so that you have some sense of your own role in them. And since many people are involved in travel in some way-to rural areas, especially, to obtain agricultural products for personal use or commercial resale, to visit relativesat times it is possible to accompany friends on such trips, which are often arduous, and provide companionship and assistance to them in some way. This rather utopian picture of field work has not included descriptions of all the false starts and misunderstandings of language data, the times when tremendous social errors were made out of ignorance, the broken down vehicles or the bureaucratic struggles which are also a part of the experience.

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58 But the aspects of the field experience that I believe are worth stressing in order to have an understanding of the setting for obtaining linguistic data from an anthropological perspective are literally the physical requirements for doing so, and the relationship of these to achieving some cultural awareness. The output of physical energy was directly related in a positive direction to the amount of information that I could take in about the people I was with, and about the language they used. Labor provided a means of discovering how the language means in the contexts of its daily use. For this study, it was both necessary and rewarding. Recording of the narratives The majority of the samples used in this study, and the narratives in Appendices II through XI, were transcribed from tape recorded interviews carried out by the author or by associates working with the author. The interviews varied in length from approximately five minutes to half an hour or more, and were made with one of the two recorders available, either a Sony or a G.E. minicassette recorder Most of the informants were each asked questions in the initial section of the interview regarding his or her place of birth and residence, length of time there, occupation, and language(s) spoken; at times this information was not recorded but written down. With some of the informants, this information had been obtained previously, so that it was not repeated for the interview The remaining part of the interview was more loosely structured, and the content was frequently based upon information from previous conversations with the informants. Usually they were asked to elaborate upon the telling of an event, description of a community, or a family or personal experience they may have had. All of the informants were aware of the fact that the interviews were part of a research project which involved altiplano language and culture,

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59 although generally attention was directed away from the immediate question of dialectal results of language and culture contact It was possible to discuss this, however, with most of the informants after the interviews, to give examples of the true grammaticality of forms which have been stigmatized as not grammatical in popular folk etymology. Finally, it is important to a discussion of methodology to raise the question of the influence of both the interviewer and the interview situation on the style of speech elicited during the interviews. Labov (1984 [1972]) distinguishes between casual and careful speech, and states that "the formal interview itself defines a speech context in which only one speaking style normally occurs, that which we may call careful speech" (p 79) In the interview context, the informant is more conscious of speech production and therefore output is monitored to some degree In daily life in general, it is recognized that the informants' speech may be quite different, more relaxed and therefore less monitored. Furthermore, it is assumed that a foreigner, even though she may be a friend, is nevertheless not wholly part of the interviewee's cultural and social milieu, and will add elements to the interview which further direct the speaker toward more careful or moderated speech. As a matter of fact, as described in Chapter V, this is known to have occurred and to have provided valuable information regarding prestige factors operating on language style. On the other hand, speech elements most under the control of the speaker are lexicon and phonology, whereas deeper levels of language structure are generally not as readily available to conscious manipulation by the speaker. Inasmuch as this study is primarily concerned with morphology and syntax, it was felt that those levels of language use would more likely follow the general patterns that exist in this dialect of

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60 Spanish, even in the more careful speech generated by the interview and the researcher. An additional source of data for the study was in less structured situations, in which more 'normal' speech events occurred, reflecting a more casual style. That aspect of data gathering, described below, is considered 'informal', distinct from the structured interview situation. Informal Informal data gathering involved the observation of language use in a variety of contexts, including the public markets, third party conversations, social events such as fiestas, plays, and baptisms, and in work environments. It made use of information gathered 'on the fly', and although it usually was not subject to immediate checking for the research, often this type of information gathering raised valuable questions which were later discussed with informants and other friends and colleagues. Informal data gathering also made use of written as well as spoken sources of language. Linguistic elements noted in newspapers, student papers, and personal letters were considered to be confirmations of the stability of the speech patterns and therefore were preserved for the study The information gathered by informal procedures was recorded in a notebook especially reserved for that purpose, and identified in the samples of data as from the source STRI. Analysis of Data It is important to note that both data collection and analysis, as they are conceived here, are interactional (informant-linguist) in nature. Analysis of data proceeded to some extent as the data were collected, in order to have the basis for developing research questions in the field and to be able to check with the assistance of informants and colleagues for both linguistic and

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61 contextual accuracy. While the collection of data was usually by tape recorder, checking was always done by pencil and paper. Data analyses involved breaking down collected speech data into component morphological and syntactic units, and discovering the patterns that emerged from contrasting and comparing the breakdowns As the data were collected, they were recorded and filed, and comparisons were made as the files were expanded. This would lead to particular questions about patterns which were becoming apparent in the data; for example, the consistent appearance of the present perfect verb form in the data led to questions regarding use of the preterite: how would you say this in a different situation? is there a difference in ha llegado versus lleg6?, and so forth. An important component of recording the data so that the research questions could emerge was the addition of information regarding the contexts of use of a particular linguistic item : who spoke to whom, when, under what circumstances. I did not do this with all of my data; where recording such information was a part of my data collection, I was able to analyze the patterns more thoroughly and with a great deal more confidence The following chapters provide the results of the analysis of grammatical and contextual data from this research, together with information from other investigators of the AS dialect

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CHAPTER IV PHONOLOGY Although this study focused on the morphology and syntax of AS, f descriptions of the phonology of AS are reproduced here in order to gather in one document all the available information on the dialect. Phonological data come from research by: Boynton (1981), Gordon (1980, 1982), Justiniano de la Rocha (1976), Laprade (1976), and Pyle (1981) for Bolivian Spanish; and Escobar (1978), Godenzzi (1986), Hundley (1983) and McGourn (1971) for Peruvian Spanish As may be anticipated, there are differences between monolingual and bilingual speakers of Spanish in their phonological inventories, especially in the vocalic systems. There are also variations in the data reported by different investigators Following is a summation of the vowel and consonant systems from the research indicated above, and phonetic charts which describe both monolingual and bilingual speech. 62

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Stop vc + vc Affricate vc Fricative + vc Resonants Nasal Lateral Median Flap High Mid Low ro ..... i:::: CJ,) ro 0 0 .0 ca .0 ca i::o i-J p b p m w Front i-. ro ro 0 ..... CJ,) r:: > CJ,) 0 < t d f s z (l1 (l n l 1 r Central 63 i-. ro 0 CJ,) > X < CJ,) 0 -ro 0 i-. ..... ..... ro ro i-. ro ..... CJ,) ro Q) i:;l.. p::; i:;l.. > re k g g c s t X X z ;y ;y n n n IJ y Back Figure 2: Phonetic Chart of Bilingual Altiplano Spanish (Based on Laprade 1976, Pyle 1981, Justiniano 1976, and Escobar 1978)

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64 I--, ro 0 ro Q) .... i::: I--, ::> X Q) ro < Q) ro Cl ::::: 0 ro 0 0 0 ro I--, .0 .... Q) .... .... ro i::: ro I--, ro ro .0 ::> ..... Q) ro ro Q) ro Q) c.a .,..J Cl < p,.. p,.. > Stop vc p t k k + vc b d g g Affricate c vc p f s s t X X Fricative + vc z z Resonants Nasal m (l1 D n n n n lJ Lateral l 1 Median w y Flap r Front Central Back High 1 u Mid CD 8) G Low Figure 3 : Phonetic Chart of Monolingual Altiplano Spanish (Based on Laprade 197 1 and Boynton 1981).

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65 Phonemes and Allophonic Variation Vowels / i / high front unrounded : [ii high front unrounded, in monolingual speech when stressed and unstressed; in bilingual speech when stressed, as in [s llJk v], cinco, 'five'. [ti mid high front unrounded, in bilingual speech when stressed, as in [dis~]. dice, 's/he says'. [e I in bilingual speech, high mid front unrounded, elsewhere / e / mid front unrounded: [~ I voiceless mid front, in monolingual and bilingual speech, when unstressed and in the environment of voiceless consonants, as in [lee~] leche, 'milk'. [t I mid high front unrounded, in bilingual speech when unstressed before /n/, as in [ttnia], tenfa, 's/he had'. [EI mid front unrounded, in monolingual speech before [r l and [z] and when not syllable final, as in [tyEza], tierra,'earth', and [Esto m ago], est6mago, stomach'; in bilingual speech, when stressed, [trEs], tres, 'three' [e I mid-high front, in monolingual speech when syllable final, and in bilingual speech, when unstressed, as in [n6ce I, noche, 'night'. /a/ low central unrounded: [~] voiceless low central unrounded, when unstressed and in the environment of voiceless consonants, as in [p6k ~], poca, 'little' [a] elsewhere, as in [grasa], grasa, 'grease', and [afwera], afuera, 'outside'.

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Io I mid back rounded: [ 9] voiceless mid back rounded, when unstressed and in the environment of voiceless consonants, as in [m uc9], mucho, 'much'. [ o] mid back rounded, el sew here in monolingual speech; in bilingual speech, when stressed, as in [g16bu], globo, 'balloon' (u] in bilingual speech, mid high back rounded, elsewhere, as in [blanku], blanco, 'white'. I u I high back rounded: 66 (u] high back rounded, everywhere in monolingual speech; in bilingual speech, when stressed, as in [plum a] pluma, feather'. [u] in bilingual speech, mid high back rounded, unstressed, as in [eskuca~], escuchar, 'to listen'. Consonants / p / bilabial voiceless unaspirated stop: [P] everywhere, as in [p:lu], 'hair'. It I alveolar (dental, according to some sources) voiceless unaspirated stop: [t] everywhere, as in [tr:s], tres, 'three'; [fruta], fruta, 'fruit'. / k / velar voiceless unaspirated stop: [k] palatal voiceless unaspirated stop, before high front vowels, as in [kinwa], quinua, 'quinua'. [k] elsewhere, as in [ka~Esal, cabeza, 'head'. I b I bilabial voiced stop: [~] bilabial voiced fricative, occurs after vowels, as in [Aa~e], llave, 'key'. [b] bilabial voiced stop, elsewhere, as in [b 6 m b a], bomba, 'pump'.

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Id I alveolar (dental, according to some sources) voiced stop: [a] alveolar (dental) voiced fricative, intervocalically, as in [peskaav], pescado, 'fish'. [ct] alveolar (dental) voiced stop, elsewhere, as in [kwando), cuando, 'when'; and [ctw:nv], dueno, 'owner'. I g I velar voiced stop: [y] palatalized velar voiced fricative, after a vowel and before a high front vowel, as in [la yitaza], la guitarra, 'the guitar'. [ y 1 voiced velar fricative, intervocalically, as in [gry:yo ], griego, 'Greek'. [g] palatalized velar voiced stop, before high front vowels, [gfndas]. guindas, 'cherries' 67 [g] voiced velar stop, elsewhere, as in [p6[Jgo], pongo, 'I put, place'. I cl voiceless alveopalatal affricate: [c] everywhere, as in [canco], chancho, 'pig' I [ I voiceless labiodental fricative: (p] voiceless bilabial fricative, in free variation with [f], although likely to occur in the environment of bilabials, as in [apwera], afuera, 'outside'. [f] voiceless labiodental fricative, elsewhere / s / voiceless alveolar fricative: [z] voiced alveolar fricative, before voiced consonants, as in [m fz mo], mismo, 'same'; after voiced consonants before vowels, as in [an zfdo), han sido, 'they have been'. [s] voiceless palatalized alveolar fricative, before high front vowels, as in [kansy6n], canci6n, 'song' [s] voiceless alveolar fricative, elsewhere

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I zl voiced retroflex assibilated fricative: [z] voiced retroflex fricative, everywhere, as in [zesa], reza, 's/he prays', or [pezo], perro, 'dog'. [i] voiceless retroflex fricative, occurs finally, as in [m uxti], mujer, 'woman'; some investigators have it medially, as in [peio], perro, 'dog'. Ix I voiceless velar fricative: [x] palatalized voiceless velar (some investigators place it post velar) fricative, before high front vowels, as in [xirafa], jirafa, 'giraffe'. [x] voiceless velar fricative, elsewhere, [x a~ 61J], jab6n, 'soap'. Im I bilabial nasal resonant: 68 [m] bilabial nasal, everywhere, [s6mbra], sombra, 'shade, shadow'. / n / alveolar nasal resonant: l lJ l [p] [nl velar nasal, occurs before velars and finally, as in [s11JkO], cinco, 'five and [kvras61J], corazon, 'heart' dental nasal, before dentals, [kw apdo], cuando, 'when'. palatalized retroflex alveolar nasal, before palatalized retroflex consonants, as in [unz6~le], un roble, 'an oak'. [m] bilabial nasal, before bilabial consonants, as in [um b aso ], un vaso, 'a glass' [n] elsewhere. / n / palatal nasal resonant: [n] everywhere, as in [panw:lv], pan.uelo, 'handkerchief' / 1 / alveolar lateral resonant: [U dental lateral, before dental consonants, as in [sold ado], soldado, 'soldier'

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69 [1] alveolar lateral, elsewhere, as in [lece], leche, 'milk' I/;_ I palatal lateral resonant: [,{] palatal lateral everywhere, [kry6,{u], criollo, 'creole'. /w / labial medial resonant: [w] everywhere, as in [awtu], auto, 'auto', and [wawa], wawa, 'baby'. /y I palatal medial resonant: [y] everywhere, [6y], hoy, 'today', and [ye 19 ], hielo, 'ice '. / r / alveolar flap [r] alveolar flap, everywhere, as in [pfro], pero, but'. Vowel System All investigators report reduction and dropping of unstressed vowels The phenomenon is a regular feature of altiplano speech in all social contexts and across all social groups: it has been recorded in the speech of all classes, educational levels, ages, and in both sexes, and in both informal and formal speech. However, reduction does not occur with every incidence of unstressed vowel production In general in AS the environment of voiceless consonants is conducive to the devoicing (/y /) or deleting (/-0-/) of vowels: V > V > 0 / C C. 0 As Gordon (1977) notes, the phenomenon occurs in Bolivian Spanish especially in the environments /t s/ and /s s/, as in [potsi], 'Potosi', and [mess], meses, 'months' (p 350). Hundley (1983) reports that weakening and deletion of vowels in Cuzqueii.o speech are favored by a preceding and following consonant that have the same manner and place of articulation, and that voiceless adjacent consonants strongly favor weakening and deletion of vowels. He also has determined that the weakening and deletion of

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70 vowels is socially stratified in Peru, with vowel deletion occurring more frequently among working class speakers, and less frequently among speakers of the middle class, least frequently among the upper middle class. Vowel reduction is also very common for final vowels following occlusives: V > V > 0 / 0 #, 0 as in [6c] for [6cv], ocho, or [alts] for [altvs], altos (Pyle 1981: 192). The effect of lack of stress is quite reduced in moderated or slower speech; that is, the vowels reappear or resurface in speech under those conditions (Laprade 1976) Examples of the phenomenon of vowel reduction/ deletion from data gathered for the present research include (STRVIII, 12) (STRI, 81) (STRI, 103) (STRI, 143) (STRIV, 8) (STRV, 56) Son hojas rnuy [peyaj6s~s], 'They are very sticky leaves'; LD6nde vas [~] ir rnafiana?, 'Where are you going tomorrow?'; "A ya ahorita voy a hacer, no te rnolestes" me [dis], "OK right now I'm going to do (it), don't worry," she says to me'; [aksitspErame], 'Wait for me right here!'; .. y nosotros tenfarnos que ver corno corner, l[nossyertol? ... and we had to see about eating, right?'; Es mi papa [es] trabajando en alla. Sf,

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71 'It's my dad working there, yes In the final example, [es] is considered to be the phonetic realization of /esta/, which has undergone final vowel dropping and reduction of the resultant sequence of /tt/ to /t/: [esta tra~axando]> [est.0 tra~axando]> [es tra~axando] Pyle (1981), Justiniano (1976) and McGourn (1972) are particularly concerned with bilingual phonology, and describe the tendency of unstressed vowels in the speech of bilinguals to form "a three-vowel pattern roughly equivalent to the Aymara (and Quechua) vowel system(s)" (Pyle 1981 : 192). The three vowel pattern incorporates phones which are variants of the phonemes /i/ ~ / e/, / a/ and /u/ ~ / o/, and results in items such as [: s u], / eso/ eso, that', and [eliksjbn], / ele k sj :) n/ elecci6n, election Again, slower speech reduces the effect of lack of stress resulting in the production of a vocalic inventory within which the contrasts are more like those of the Spanish five vowel system (Pyle 1981: 192). McGourn s (1971) analysis indicates that he encountered in data from the three Aymara-Spanish bilinguals of his study only one front vowel phoneme, /i/, which has allophones varying freely from [i] to [e] and intermediate varieties" (p. 178) While the present research implies more than one front vowel phoneme, it is the case that the front vowel phonetic variations are quite broad, as McGourn suggests, and as indicated by Gordon, Pyle, Boynton and Laprade For example, it is possible to hear variants such as [disE], [dfsE], or [desE], for /dise/, dice, X sa y s '; therefore 1r1 -> [il. [e 1, [fJ The following are examples of realizations of certain vowel nuclei in AS : (STRX 142) Este dizque [tinfa] llenito la llama, 'This they say was full (of) llamas';

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where unstressed /e/ -> unstressed [i]. (STRX, 113) Mi mama sabia estar ayudandome a mi, [sob fr], 'My mom helped me get on'; where unstressed /u/ -> unstressed [o]. (STRVI, 6) Y [mil parece no solamente dos tres personas, [mi pins] que han sido un grupo ... 'And it seems to me not only 2 or 3 people, I thought that they were a group .. .' 72 The latter example, in which the unstressed /e / of the verb pense is raised to stressed /f/, resulting in [pins]. appears to be anomalous, since unstressed vowels do not tend to change their stress pattern unless there is reduction from a vocalic cluster. Also in this example, the unstressed /e/ of the indirect object pronoun me is raised to [i]. Additional data from this research show a reduction from a glide plus stressed vowel to a single stressed vowel in items such as [~ini], viene, 'X comes', and [sintv], siento, 'I feel': [yel > 1n Laprade notes that certain vowel clusters in Pacefio Spanish tend to become an accented vowel followed by a glide, thus breaking the hiatus between the vowels and reducing the number of syllables. Examples from his data include [awra], ahora, 'now'; [kayao], caido, 'fell', and [leyao], leido, 'read': [a6] > [aw] [af] > [ay] [e[] > [ey] One also hears the /e/ of the cluster [ey] opened phonetically to /a/, resulting in [ay], as in [says], seis, 'six'. This may well be the result of

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73 attempts by bilingual speakers to clearly distinguish between the sounds [e] and [ii, which are allophones of the phoneme Iii in Aymara: leyl > layl Pyle reports that vowel lengthening occurs frequently, and appears to be the phonetic equivalent of vowel + glide for some bilingual speakers, as in [ko:ta], cuota. 'quota' or [b t : n te ], veinte. 'twenty': [wol > 16:l [ty] > [t:l It is very common for vowel lengthening to be accompanied by certain semantic connotations, as in [nose n6 : x a], nose enoja (sic), 'please don't get mad', wherein a lengthened vowel with a slightly raised pitch signals a kind of pleading. The trends in the vowel system of AS may be summarized as follows: There is a tendency among bilingual speakers to form a three vowel pattern much like the substrate vowel system, in which the front and back vowels are raised or lowered. The phenomenon is more likely to occur when vowels are unstressed, but it is mitigated by careful or slower speech. There is a tendency among both monolingual and bilingual speakers to reduce vowel clusters to single vowels or vowels plus glides, with a consequential reduction in the number of syllables. Additionally, vowel length may be accompanied by certain semantic connotations. Consonant System Those consonant phonemes which have manifested articulations of particular interest as dialectal variants will be discussed here The phonetic charts given above provide the summary descriptions of the findings indicated in this section.

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74 Among allophones of /s/, Gordon, Pyle, Boynton and Laprade found cases of [z] or [z] before voiced consonants, although Gordon notes that the phenomenon does not occur "with regularity" in his data (1977: 350). Escobar and Hundley note that / s / never disappears in highland Peruvian speech, and both Escobar and Justiniano indicate that in the environment before /i/ it acquires palatalization so that acoustically it approaches [s] in highland Peru and Bolivia. I found some speakers for whom /s/ becomes [z] in initial position after a nasal before vowels, as in [an zioo], han sido, 'they have been'. Gordon found four allophones of /n/, three of which occur most frequently as assimilations to the following consonantal point of articulation. He also reports that the [ lJ l is found in environments not involving a following velar consonant, such as [elJ la formal, 'in the form', or [peIJsamos], 'we think', throughout Bolivia, among all classes and educational levels (1980: 350), although I did not see this reported by other investigators. Laprade reports five allophones of /n/, including a retroflex before a retroflex consonant. Nearly all of Gordon s informants (99 3%) of all social classes employed FA/, as in [k a1e ], calle, and distinguished it "clearly and regularly" from /y/; thus he describes Bolivia, in contrast to the majority of the Hispanic world, as lleista, in agreement with all other investigators indicated above Escobar's (1978) description of Peruvian Spanish rests the primary dialectal divisions in Peru the Andean versus the Riberefio areas on whether the distinction 11-:t:.y I is maintained. All investigators discuss the use of the voiced apicopalatal assibilated retroflex [z] in both initial and medial positions, which characterizes highland Bolivian and Peruvian speech, as in [zikesas]. riquezas, 'riches',

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75 and [pEz::>], perro, 'dog'. Pyle reports that [z] becomes [?] in syllable final position, as in [m ux e ?], mujer, 'woman', and Laprade found the voiceless allophone in medial position, as in [pe~o], perro, 'dog'. In a recent study Gordon (1982) determined that the use of the [z] allophone on the altiplano has decreased somewhat among men and among those with a higher level of education, and that the usage has spread, especially among women, to lowland Bolivia, perhaps due to the political and economic influence of the altiplano (p 11). Justiniano reports that shifts such as [b] to [w], [w aka], vaca, 'cow'; [ctr] to [gr], [pagre], padre, 'father'; and [gw] to [w], [wante], guante, 'glove', are common among bilingual speakers. Of these features, only the [b] to [w] is particularly characteristic of AS; the others are not unusual in other dialects of Spanish. AS characteristically retains consonants in nearly all environments; as Laprade notes, it has consonantismo firme (1976: 31). The exception is the weakening of intervocalic [o].

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CHAPTER V MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX: VERB PHRASE CONSTITUENTS Inflected Verbs : Data Source, Tense and Mood This research confirms the existence of an evidentials system in Altiplano Spanish. It appears in the speech of persons all social groups in the La Paz area, among monolinguals and bilinguals, in communities and towns around Lake Titicaca in Bolivia and Peru, and in a variety of contexts including formal and informal situations. Indication of data source is at present a very stable feature of AS, and very likely in itself marks the altiplano as a distinct dialect area. Verb inflections contain in their meanings, besides the SS signification of tense and mood, the category of data source, the evidentials class referred to here as data source Data source is expressed in the past tense system of AS through the selection of particular tenses which signify that the information being relayed was obtained either through direct personal experience or through some other, indirect, experience, such as having been told or having read about the information. Subtle distinctions regarding the reliability of or responsibility for the message being conveyed are available to speakers of AS by the use of the past tenses which express degrees of personal assurance regarding the source of the message. The future tenses also are influenced by the data source category One may speak of a future which is more, or less, certain from the speaker's viewpoint by the selection of either the periphrastic or simple future tense. 76

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77 Another feature of the tense system of AS, related to the data source distinction, is found in reference to time. The division between present and past time, reflected in the use of the present and past tenses of verbs described in the present section, is not always as important as it is in SS. The overriding distinction in the tense system of this dialect of Spanish is data source, rather than time-which is often treated in AS as a relatively unimportant matter, much in the same way that number and gender receive optional treatments in the noun system. The result is that present tense forms are found frequently referring to past time, in a distribution somewhat different from that of the historical present of SS. In examining the dialectal variations which occur in the verb system used on the altiplano, it should be noted that it is not the forms per se which vary, so that dialectal difference in verb usage may not be as readily apparent as, for example, in phonology It is the meanings of the forms, the contexts in which they may be used, which have shifted The question of Aymara substrate influence on the verb system of AS 1s discussed in Chapter VIII; the verb system is described below. The description is organized to reflect the data gathered in this research, which demonstrate the primacy of data source distinctions. Tense and mood categories are presented as secondary distinctions to data source, for the reason that these categories frequently occur in this manner in the texts. Non-Personal Knowledge Past time The most intriguing aspect of the altiplano 'tense' system is the selection of Spanish verb tenses to express a category of evidentials which refer to the source of the information that the speaker wishes to convey;

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78 specifically, whether the speaker is relaying the information in the capacity of an eyewitness to the event being ref erred to. Previous research has indicated that the pluperfect tense conveys a contrast to the other past tenses, which forms the basis for data source indication. Herminia Martin (1976) has written of the pluperfect/preterite opposition in Pacefio Spanish in terms of those tenses signalling that the event being spoken of is known either indirectly or directly (as an eyewitness). Herrero (1969) also describes the pluperfect as non-personal knowledge used in Cochabamba, Bolivia: ... these constructions frequently indicate either surprise or that the speaker is not an eyewitness but reporting someone else's experience" (p. 40) 1 Herrero also notes that this is an enlargement, rather than a replacement, of the sense of the pluperfect as a past of a past. Schumacher (1980) also found the data source distinction in the speech of young people in Puno, Peru. As Herrero (1969) indicates, in AS the pluperfect tense does occur with the SS meaning of "past of a past", or relevant anteriority to a point in the past, as in (STRI, 100) Un extrafio estaba robando una mochila de un grupo de pasajeros que habfan llegado, 'A stranger was robbing a backpack from a group of tourists who had arrived.' This tense also frequently indicates, however, that the speaker did not bear personal witness to the event, in the capacity of an eye witness, but has knowledge about the event through another source, which may include having been told or having overheard the information, or having read about I "En el castellano hablado en Bolivia, csas construcciones indican frecuentemente o sorpresa o que lo que se dice no se sabe en calidad de testigo ocular sino par testimonio de otro."

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79 it. In this context, the pluperfect usually appears in non-sequential verb constructions, for example, (STRV, 76) Y, en nada habfan encontrado trabajo ... 'And they didn't find any work (I didn't see this happening myself but I was told by someone that they didn't find work) .. . The meaning of the form in this context then, is pero no me consta, 'but I'm not a witness, I don't personally vouch for this, I didn't see it', and at times an expression such as no me consta, or no lo Yi, accompanies the construction The context of usage is further amplified to include statements of surprise or unintentional action. For example, & habfas llegado, 'Oh, you've arrived!', someone may say as you enter a room, meaning that the speaker didn't know you were coming, or when, or perhaps had forgotten about it, until the event (your arrival) took place, or perhaps even after the event (not having seen you enter the room, the speaker sees you there sometime later), and is surprised by it. Reflexive expressions such as me habfa cortado mi dedo, 'I cut my finger (and hadn't realized it), or me habfa dormido, 'I (accidentally) fell asleep' (Laprade 1976 : 58) use the pluperfect to indicate non volitional action, accidents or unintentional activity Further, in conversations, story telling, relating historical or more recent events and so forth, the pluperfect is one form (forms of decir are others; see Chapters VII and VIII) which may be used to signal to the listener or interlocutor that the information which follows comes from some source other than the personal experience of the speaker. The pluperfect serves to frame the discourse, which may then be given as it was originally heard or told, including the use of tenses which convey the original teller s personal knowledge of the event. Such devices are particularly suited to the altiplano

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80 context in which quoting is frequent and the quotes themselves may be quite long.2 Present time The present is expressed using SS forms, llega, esta llegando, 'X arrives', X is arriving', and non-personal knowledge is expressed by use of discourse strategies which signal this category (see Chapter VII) These strategies often involve the use of forms of decir, to say, tell as in (STRX, 130) Si ahora dice que ya esta cambiando .. Yes, they say3 now that it's changing . Other strategies involve a statement or detailing of the source of the information, such as having read about the event (He lefdo en El Diario que la huelga sigue ya 'I read in El Diario that the strike is still going on ). If non personal knowledge is not indicated, it will be assumed that the speaker was or is a personal witness to the event in question If the listener is unsure about the speaker s intentions, perhaps has some reason to doubt them, then the speaker s not indicating data source ma y be interpreted as hedging or equivocation regarding the information source Future time Future time may be conceived as e x isting on a continuum ranging from definite, to less certain, to very uncertain. Given this continuum, the simple future (llegara) is the tense which is selected by speakers of AS perhaps in response to the function of that tense as a conjectural in SS to express a future which may be understood as less certain to very uncertain 2 See the section on data source in 'Discour s e Pro cesses '. 3Note that dice can also be gloss e d as th ey s a y' 'o n e s a y s ' it is said' or even I hear ', reflecting the notion that the stat e m e nt ex pr esses th e ge n e ral dir e ction of discussion on a particular matter. Its gloss as th e y sa y' al s o m ay r e fl ec t th e fa ct th a t numb e r concord is not a particularly relevant cat eg ory for speak e rs o f AS

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81 That is, the use of the simple future implies some doubt from the speaker's perspective about whether the event in question will actually take place. This is in contrast to the periphrastic future (va a llegar), discussed in some detail under the personal knowledge categories of verb tenses, which signals certainty on the part of the speaker about the event in question. For example, if someone says llegan~ a las diez, 'I'll arrive at ten o'clock', the message may be interpreted as signalling 'I'll probably be much later than ten o'clock', or 'I may not be there at all'. In another example of this usage, Laprade (1976) reports that the statement (LAPI, 45) .. .las voy a contar por carta que recibiras ... .. .I'll tell you about them by letter that you will receive ... implies "uncertainty as to whether the often untrustworthy mails will deliver the letter" (p. 45), whereas the future formed by the periphrastic ir + + contar signals certainty about writing a letter. This selective use of the future tenses was heard during the research for this study as a feature of both monolingual and bilingual speech, and in the lower and middle classes in urban and rural areas. I have also heard the simple future used in much the same manner in which the periphrastic future is used, and therefore consider the influence of data source-in the sense of personal assurance of or commitment to the event-to be a resource in AS future time (or 'unseen') references, but not an obligatory distinction as it is in the 'already seen' (i e., present and past) tenses. Personal Knowledge Past time Speakers will indicate by using verb tenses other than the pluperfect that they were eye witnesses to a particular event. Those tenses include the

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82 preterite, present perfect and the imperfect, as well as the present tense as a past. The SS meanings which these past tenses generally imply, and which continue to form essential or basic elements of the altiplano tense system, have been shifted to encompass the world of meanings which the evidentials category allows, and which reflect the social parameters of altiplano life. Present perfect and preterite tenses The very frequent occurrence of the present perfect (ha llegado) in AS is quite remarkable. As a matter of fact, the present perfect often occurs in contexts in which SS prefers the preterite (lleg6): (STRII, 33) (STRV, 24) (STRIX, 11) Ha sido una sorpresa muy grande cuando fuimos alla en catorce de septiembre, 'It was a big surprise when we went there the 14th of September'; Yen esas semanas ya no hemos hecho nadaps, 'And during those weeks (some six years ago) we didn't do anything!'; Bueno, desde que yo he nacido practicamente yo he vivido en un solo barrio, 'Well since I was born I've really lived in only one barrio.' It is not unusual for the present perfect to be used in SS to refer to recent or even distant past events which, for the speaker, may have some bearing on the present. But the orientation suggested by these examples is not quite like that of SS. In AS the present perfect is often used to indicate a punctuated or concluded event, including those which may have occurred long ago. This use of the present perfect to signal completed aspect has also been noted by Schumacher for the speech of young Puneii.os in Peru (1980: 557) and Laprade for the speech of Paceflos in Bolivia (1976: 52-53).

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83 The preterite does remain an option for speakers who wish to indicate concluded events or past events for which the context is closed and not relevant to the present. However the difference between preterite and present perfect in AS is frequently not one of concluded event versus relevant anteriority, respectively but one of social register Of the norms which have been or perhaps are being established for 'correct' speech in this part of the Hispanic world, prestige is represented by the preterite form. The pattern is found in this research in Bolivia and Peru, in urban and rural areas and across all social groups, and has also been reported by other researchers Mendoza (1988) notes that in Pacefio Spanish the present perfect has almost completely displaced the preterite The latter form appears only, and not exclusively in formal situations (in which) the prestige variety (is used)"4 (p 20) Godenzzi (1986) also notes social class differences in preterite versus present perfect usage, in the Puno area of Peru Briefly, he found that the preterite was more frequently used in the discourse of wealthier and urban Punefios; the present perfect predominated in the speech of middle and lower class and rural Punefios, and especially among Quechua or Aymara bilinguals. Thus the preterite is marked as part of the prestige variety of the Spanish of Puno. As notions of social prestige represented in language are internalized, many speakers of AS appear to shift register from the more familiar, less formal present perfect forms, to the preterite form as the situation is perceived to demand more formality or correctness. In the daily speech of campesinos and middle and lower class urban dwellers in La Paz and 4 "El presente perfecto casi ha desplaz a do compl e t a m e nt e al pr e t e rito simple Esta ultima fonna verbal solo aparece, y no e x clu s i v am e nte e n s itu a cion e s formales de la variedad culta

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84 Copacabana (Bolivia) and Puno (Peru), the preterite is relatively infrequent, although again both preterite and present perfect may appear in the same contexts, relative to conception of time and aspect of the past event being spoken about, in which SS prefers the preterite exclusively. In this research, one of the first clues to the connection between social register and choice of verb tense in speech was in the switch made by a close friend from her nearly preterite-free, informal speech to a present perfect-free style in a tape recorded interview (see Appendix STRIV). After the interview, the friend, who is a university student and a monolingual Spanish speaker from La Paz, and who may be described for these purposes as middle class and "upwardly mobile", stated her preference for the preterite, and her dislike of the campesino-sounding present perfect usage. This young woman's views are not uncommon : Campesino (read: 'Indian') speech is often identified by, mimicked and even ridiculed for frequency of present perfect forms, despite the fact that such usage is common for monolinguals in the middle and upper classes in the urban areas, as well as in the rural areas and among bilinguals. It should be mentioned that such direct stigmatization of the present perfect in speech occurred during this research only in certain contexts when language was itself a topic, for example Additional sources regarding these views of social prestige and language behavior were found in television programs, comedy theater in the urban areas, and in observation of daily social interactions in urban and rural areas. The distinction in social register between these two tenses is not surprising given the prestige factors associated with the preterite including formality, which is correlated with the SS usage and related popular notions of speaking Spanish correctly versus the sense of intimacy and greater solidarity, or at least familiarity, demonstrated daily in the usage one hears

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85 everywhere, associated with the present perfect. My own use of present perfect altiplano style was at times reinforced by comments such as iAY que bonito hablas ya como Boliviana ya!, 'Oh how nicely you speak now, like a Boliviana!' The general effect of this was a 'weaning' away from the preterite, and a more frequent use of present perfect in order to present a solidary style of interaction with friends and acquaintances in the area. In yet another level of interaction with the data source category, there are differences between the preterite and the present perfect in the level of personal support for or substantiation of the message. For some speakers (perhaps for many), the use of the present perfect implies a somewhat stronger personal testimony than the use of the preterite, which for them carries a sense of greater personal distance from the message. For example, the following, spoken by a young Bolivian who wasn't at all sure that he was looking forward to a marriage in his family: (STRV, 57) No, todavia no se casaron, sf, 'Right, they still haven't gotten married,' where SS would call for todavia no se han casado Further, Bolivians have expressed to me their feeling that statements in the present perfect can carry more weight, more believability, than those in which preterite is used.5 The present perfect is preferred, therefore, in AS as a stronger statement of personal knowledge or personal experience than the preterite. And the preterite tends to reduce the level of personal involvement on the part of the speaker in the message. This aspect of the difference between preterite and present perfect appears to be a resource within AS, but not an obligatory distinction; at this point, I do not think that every occurrence of either of SJuan de Dios Yapita, 1987, personal communication; and others

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86 these two tenses expresses a level of personal involvement It is the type of distinction which is very likely tied to contextual appropriateness. Future research will have to clarify the extent to which this resource is exploited across social groups and social contexts. The essential differences, then, between the two forms are these: where the present perfect is casual and implies intimacy, the preterite is more formal, therefore distant; where the present perfect is identified as Boliviano or altiplano, down-home, and familiar and pretty to some (or in some social contexts), it is identified as feo, 'ugly', Indian, uneducated, by others (or in other social contexts) for whom the preterite is habla culta, polite and correct in linguistic contexts in which the preterite is used in SS. Although there are speakers for whom the preterite expresses a punctuated or concluded event, and the present perfect, relevant anteriority, the primary contrast in the altiplano past tense system is that between the pluperfect as a non-personal knowledge form, on one hand and the present perfect, the preterite, the imperfect and the present tense as past, as personal knowledge forms, on the other Additionally, social prestige factors weighing such considerations as a sense of personal distance of the speaker from the message (an echo of the evidentials category) and formality of the situation bear on the choice of preterite versus present perfect in linguistic contexts in which SS would prefer the preterite Imperfect tense The imperfect tense (llegaba) retains the SS function of expressing continuance, that which was habitual or customary, or to describe qualities or places in the past. It is the tense used to provide the setting and background for tales and stories.

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(STRIV, 28-32) Estaba rnal de su vista entonces no teniarnos dinero. A pan y cafe estabarnos. Yo tenia de mi mama sus joyas. Vendi todita sus joyas. Y iba uno por uno, porque no llegaba dinero ... ', 'Her eyesight was bad, so we didn't have any money. We were down to bread and coffee. I had my morn's jewelry I sold all her jewelry. And it was one by one, because no money arrived ... '. 87 The imperfect tense has been relatively unchanged in its usage apart from its role in the AS evidentials system as a personal knowledge form. When the imperfect is used to relate events or conditions which the speaker had not personally witnessed, the discourse is framed in a number of possible ways to indicate that fact. For example, as in the case of the present tense mentioned above, the discourse may begin with some form of decir, as in dizque, 'it is said, they say /said that', or the speaker may utilize the pluperfect tense in an initial statement to signal to the hearer that the information in the discourse to follow is not from the personal experience of the speaker.6 Present tense as past The historical present is not uncommon in SS, serving to "give more animation to the recital" (Ramsey 1966: p. 336). Ramsey suggests that the present tense when substituted in this way for imperfect or preterite in SS narrations is done so consistently and is also accompanied by relevant changes in other past tenses: pluperfect to perfect, conditional to future indicative (p. 336). It is not at all unusual for the present tense to be utilized in AS as a past, but without the sense of immediacy conveyed by the historical present tense. The sense of a distinction between the present and past tense forms is 6see the section on complex constructions in this chapter for a discussion of data source presentation in discourse.

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88 often unimportant in AS, a fact which is reflected in the rather free distribution of present tense and past tense forms to signal past time. Further, the present tense as a past may or may not be accompanied by the concomitant changes in other tenses described by Ramsey. The following examples are taken from Spanish-Aymara bilingual speakers (urban and rural, lower and middle class, Bolivia and Peru) and show a variety in distribution of the present tense with other past tenses which does not occur in the standard. Note that the glosses are given in English past tense in order to accurately render the sense of the statements, and also to diminish the focus on the present-past distinction which may startle a speaker of non-AS. (STRV, 4) (STRIII, 22) (STRI, 195) (STRVI, 2) Y cuando se muri6 mi mama, ya no nosotros, ya, todo no hacemos, 'And when my mom died, then we, then, we didn t do everything El acaba primero y se fue al cuartel, 'He finished first and went into the Army'; Dicen en la ultima etapa ... que el quechua toma auge, en su importancia, lno?, socio econ6mico y politico, 'They say that in the last stage . Quechua got a boost in its socio-economic and political importance'; Entonces ellos indican en el tiempo del explotaci6n de los patrones, habia familias que apellidan Mamanis, Quispes, Ch'ukiwanka, Wanka, 'So, they indicate that in the era of exploitation by the patrons, there were families whose

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surnames were Mamani, Quispe, Ch ukiwanka, Wanka.' 89 Use of the present tense as a past extends to the subjunctive, although such usage may be a continuation of the collapse of the subjunctive paradigm that began in Spain. Examples of the subjunctive present as past include : (STRVIII, 34) (STRV, 8) Entonces el campesino estaba asi, hasta que se suelde todo, 'So the campesino was like that, until everything mended ; Estaba buscando algo, para que se sane, 'I was looking for something, so that she might recover The present tense form used as a past without a non-personal knowledge qualifier in the discourse (i. e, the unmarked form), such as some form of decir, signals to the hearer that the speaker is a personal witness to the event under discussion. The use of a present tense form as a past tense with a qualifier, such as dicen, 'they say', indicates that the speaker was not an eyewitness to the event, but that the original story is being relayed Present time Obviously many statements made in the present tense will involve personal knowledge, or personal experience of the event in question. Those that do not will occur in the context of discourse in which the source of the information is made clear; i. e., that the speaker heard, read, etc., that such and-such is the case, is happening, and so forth. Apart from considerations of data source function, certain aspects of present tense usage remain to be considered These involve a marked preference for use of the present progressive tense, and the present tense as a future. Chapter IX discusses these suggestions more fully

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90 Future time Godenzzi (1986) reports that the periphrastic future (va a llegar) occurs with more frequency than the simple future (llegara) in Peru in the middle and lower class. Though the frequency of occurrence of the periphrastic form may in itself be a dialectal indicator, it is also true, as noted by Laprade (1976: 45), that the two future forms do not relay the same message about the future-there is a difference in the contexts of their occurrence both in Peru and in Bolivia From the point of view of the speaker of AS, the periphrastic or compound form signals a more certain future, or a stronger intention about the future, than does the simple form. In this sense, the evidentials category can be understood to be influencing the choice of different futures for AS speakers The more certainty one has about the future, the more a speaker is willing to personally vouch for a future-as one does in choosing the present perfect over the pluperfect to represent past events-then the future tense to be selected will more likely be the periphrastic form. If, for example, a friend says to me voy a llegar, I will arrive then I know that the event is more likely to take place or that my friend is more determined to have the event take place than w ould be the case if she were to say llegan~, 'I will arrive' Given the latter I w ould be from less concerned to unconcerned about waiting for her arrival. Likewise, the question (STRI, 145) Vas a estar aqui lno? You ll be here, right? ', is less a question as to what will happen than the construction estaras aqui, no?, which also reads 'you'll be here, right?' The periphrastic future

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91 indicated that the speaker was fairly certain of the answer, where the simple future would have meant that the speaker was not so certain. For many speakers in unmonitored or rapid speech the periphrastic form is reduced, as it has been in Portuguese, from the construction ir a + infinitive to ir + infinitive, as in (STRI, 81) ;_A d6nde vas ir maftana?, 'Where are you going tomorrow?', and, from Escobar (1978) on Peruvian Spanish, (ESCI, 111) Me vas llamar, 'You'll call me This phenomenon may result from the phonological reduction of the unstressed vowel /a/, perhaps in combination with a predictable internal change. The form haber de + infinitive is occasionally heard as a future, as well, as in (STRI, 148) . me lo han de ensef\ar, ... you-all will teach her for me', implying that the addressees will act in the capacity of consultants for the speaker, to the speaker's daughter (here lo is the general form that occurs for direct object pronouns) Laprade (1976) also found the form used in this context, in "interrogatives of consultation" (p 45), as in or (LAP!, 45) ;_Que me he de poner?, 'What shall I wear (LAP!, 45) ;_Que nos han de decir?, What will they say to us?

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92 As in SS, future time may also be expressed using the simple present tense form, as in (STRIX, 72) ... entonces una vez que tu llegues aca ya veremos como arreglamos eso, ... so when you get here then we'll see how we'll settle that.' Also note that the present progressive form tends to occur, rather than the simple present tense form, in order to distinguish an activity that is happening in the moment of speaking and is to proceed into the consecutive future moments: (STRI, 236) Ya estamos llegando, 'Now we're arri v ing which was said by a bus driver as the bus entered the section of highway overlooking the city of La Paz. Structure of Time in Altiplano Spanish Verb s In considering the operation of data source distinctions in AS, both Richard Laprade (1976) and Herminia Martin (1976, 1981) note the influence of time perspective in the Aymara culture and language on the Spanish of La Paz. Chapter VTII considers such influences more fully, but it is necessary to sketch the perspective on time in AS in interaction with data source categories, which is suggested by the data gathered for this research, and as described by both Laprade and Martfn. Figures 4 and 5 illustrate the distinctions between and compare SS with AS perspectives in the verb tense system

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T I M E past: present: future: Perspective Past pluperfect habia llegado preterite lleg6 conditional habria llegado Figure 4: SS Present (Non-past & Future) present perfect ha ll e gado present tense ll e ga future tenses llegarci 93 The tense which is used in SS for portraying a situation depends on the time perspective of the speaker whether the speaker is referring to a present or a past, represented by the horizontal axis in Figure 4. Time (past, present and future) is represented in Figure 4 on a vertical axis. The principle time divisions in SS, in terms of the semantic potential of the forms, are past and non-past (composed of present and future time) That is, there may be overlap of the present and future, as in llega ahora, 'X arrives now' and llega mafiana, 'X arrives tomorrow' but not *llega ayer, X arrives yesterday' The event being described can be located along the vertical time axis in one of three ways given a present or past perspective. If the speaker s orientation is the present moment, or a present perspective (along the horizontal axis), s/he will choose the present tense for events concurrent with that moment. Events that have been or have begun before the present and still claim the perspective of the present are expressed by the present perfect. Future tenses express events which are seen as later with respect to the present moment.

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94 When narrating past events, a speaker usually switches perspective from the present to the past (along the horizontal axis in Figure 4). Simultaneity with respect to some recalled 'present' moment is expressed by the preterite. An event earlier than the recalled point is indicated by another perfect tense, the pluperfect, for it describes what happened before the recalled point, and it usually occurs in sequential time constructions where it represents the more remote of the past events. To complete the system, an event later than the recalled point may be understood as what would happen, and it is expressed by the conditional? The perspectives-expressed by the past and present/ future tenses-are parallel: the perfect tenses express relevant anteriority to a particular present moment; present and preterite indicate simultaneity with the adopted perspective point; future and conditional both represent posteriority with relation to a particular 'present' moment. In AS the principle orientation that determines the choice of verb tense is not time perspective, as in SS-that is, the perspective of past or non-past but data source. Figure 5 reflects this by indicating data source orientation of personal or non-personal knowledge on the horizontal axis. Time divisions of past, present and future time are indicated on the vertical axis of Figure 5 Thus, for example, if the speaker wishes to indicate that the events being described or the information being relayed come from personal knowledge or personal experience of the event, and the reference is to the present moment, then the present tense will be used. A switch to a non personal knowledge perspective will trigger the inclusion of some additional information in the speaker's discourse indicating the source of the data. 7 This interpretation of standard Spanish ten se seq u e nc e is adapted from that developed by M. Stanley Whitley 0986: 103-134).

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95 Perspective Non-personal knowledge Personal knowledge past: (not visible) (visible) pluperfect present perfect hab[a Ilegado ha llegado preterite forms of decir + lleg6 past tenses imperfect dice que lleg6 llegaba present as past T llega I M E present: forms of decir present or other NPK form ll e ga + present tense dice que llega future: simple future periphrastic future llegarci v a a ll eg ar Figure 5 : AS Martin has written that the preterite and pluperfect tenses in Pacefto Spanish can be distinguished by the fact that they represent a visible past versus a not-visible past respectively (1976 : 128; 1981: 205) She further suggests that this division corresponds to categories of personal and non personal knowledge as the source of the information being referred to. In fact, the data just described indicate that it is not only the preterite but the present perfect, imperfect and present tense as past which are included in AS as tenses relaying the category of personally experienced past event-that is, a formerly visible or seen past. Further the use of preterite tense may signal a

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96 weaker tie to or less involvement in a personally experienced event or personal knowledge of an event than the present perfect-a fact represented in Figure 5 by the preterite having been placed somewhat closer to the non personal knowledge category. This particular distinction is represented more accurately in Figure 6, which excludes the imperfect and present tense as a past from considerations of level of involvement until further research is done I N V 0 L V E M E N T None: Weak Non-personal knowledge pluperfect habia llegado Strong: I Personal knowledge preterite lleg6 present perfect ha llegado Figure 6: Level of Involvement Espressed by Verb Tense Further, the division which exists between past and present is not as strong in AS as it is in SS. Syntactically this is reflected in the rather free distribution of present tense forms used as past, as indicated above. In AS references to past time the exclusive use of past tense forms is simply not as important, or obligatory, as in the standard Martin s analysis also supports this interpretation of the data: a past which is visible, personally experienced, (versus a non-visible one) can be understood as sharing the characteristic of being visible or experienced with the present, thus creating an additional link

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97 between past and present time which does not exist in any way on a grammatical level in SS. Richard Laprade suggests that present perfect in AS represents a kind of 'open context' which, in the speaker's view, is still in some way quite relevant to the present; that is, that the perspective on time in Pacefio Spanish, which has been influenced by Aymara time perspective, enlarges the scope of the personally experienced past expressed by the present perfect (see Laprade 1976: 47-53). Open context in terms of time orientation may be an important factor in the preference shown for present perfect forms in AS, especially given that open context is a function of the present perfect in the standard. But the present research suggests that data source indication whether one has personally seen the event in question, and to what extent one is willing to vouch for the information-is overall a more salient category for AS speakers than relevant anteriority (SS present perfect use) versus non-relevant anteriority or concluded event (SS preterite use) A comparison between Figures 4 and 5 illustrates the primary distinctions in the dialectal systems of SS and AS on verb usage, with data source providing the significant options for speakers of AS in verb use, and time perspective providing the options for verb tense selection in SS A further discussion of data source marking in AS, with examples in longer chunks of discourse, is given in Chapter VII. Indicative versus Subjunctive There is considerable variation in subjunctive use in AS. The following describes findings from this research and from earlier research on this form and the use patterns typical of AS

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98 Escobar refers to a "subjunctive displacement" (1978) which occurs with the conditional in Peruvian serrano speech, and Mendoza (1988) describes the same phenomenon in research on Pacefio Spanish. For example: (ESCI, 111) (MEN, 12) Si yo sabria que no viene, no lo esperaria, 'If I knew that he wasn't corning, I wouldn't wait for him' Si yo realrnente tendria mas tiernpo, haria su parte tarnbien, 'If I really had more time, I would do his share also.' Kany (1947) indicated that Bolivian usage frequently involves the imperfect subjunctive in the conclusion of a contrary-to-fact condition, as in (KANII, 197) Si yo fuera hombre, me plan tara .. If I were a man, I would x . ', which is possible but rare in the standard, which would more likely use Si yo fuera hombre, me plantaria ... Thus the research by Escobar, Kany and Mendoza shows a tendency toward use of the conditional in contrary-to-fact clauses, replacing the subjunctive in these clauses, and followed by a second conditional statement. Additionally, there is a tendency to use past subjunctive, rather than the conditional, following a contrary to fact clause in which the subjunctive is employed. The patterns are (a) si + conditional, conditional and (b) si + subjunctive, past subjunctive-a type of 'modal harmony 8. However, it is not possible to tell from the reported research if these two patterns are used in divergent ways, or if they are simply alternative constructions for representing a particular circumstance. 81ne term was suggested by Ronald Keph a rt per s onal communication.

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99 Most of the data gathered for this research involve the more standard construction prefaced by a g, 'if', clause for contrary-to-fact conditions: (STRXI, 6) Ahora si hoy dia supongamos estuvieran vivos Don Elizardo Perez tanto como Raul Perez, i_C6mo enfrentarfan la educaci6n actual?, 'Now, if we were to suppose that today Don Elizardo Perez and Raul Perez were alive, how would they confront the current educational situation?' According to the present research, use of the subjunctive is somewhat unstable in AS among both bilinguals and monolinguals, and among lower and middle class groups Indicative forms and subjunctive forms may be used in similar contexts. That is, for each example of indicative use that occurs in the research data where SS prefers the subjunctive form, the more standard pattern was also heard at other times for similar uses The frequency of this variability has not been determined by this research, nor whether the contexts determine the shift in which the subjunctive is used, implying a correlative semantic shift. For example, SS calls for the subjunctive form after verbal constructions such as querer que, and after esperar que In the following examples, the first from a Peruvian monolingual from Peru and the second from a bilingual from Bolivia, both speakers employ the indicative after the construction querer que: (STRIX, 39) ... pero, como quieren que yo pertenezco a un movimiento .. ... but, since they want me to be a member of some movement ... ';

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(STRVII, 6-7) Tenemos objectivos de que integren otras .. Dentro de eso no queremos que estamos encerrados puramente aymaras, 'We have objectives that others may join ... given this we don't want to be comprised of only Aymara people'. 100 In the example below a Bolivian bilingual informant does follow the SS pattern: (STRI, 97) Espero que no caiga en este sentido, 'I hope that it doesn't fall in this sense.' The standard also requires the subjunctive after temporal adverbs if future action is being ref erred to, as in (STRIX, 50) Ojala que cuando vengas en enero la puedas traer aca para conocerla lno?, 'Let's hope that when you come in January you can bring her so that we can get to know her.' Again, however, the indicative may also be heard in these constructions in AS. The following was used in reference to events (a conference) which were as not yet planned : (STRI, 136) Quizas invitarla cuando OMAK esta haciendo un conferencia, 'Perhaps invite her when (and if) OMAK has a seminar In the following example, the pattern of consecutive verb forms is standard, except for the fact that there is no change in subject from one inflected verb to the second inflected verb, which the standard prefers (but does not require) for the use of the subjunctive: (STRV, 77) ... y, mi tfo habia ido tambien para que trabaje, .. and, my uncle also went to (find) work',

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101 Given the sense of the utterance, the standard would be .. y, mi tfo habfa ido tambien para trabajar More typical yet of AS is the use of the present subjunctive in contexts which are completely in the past, in which past tense forms are used for the indicative mood. For example : (STRII, 35-36) (STRV, 77) Hemos hecho llamar a los mandones principalmente para que se reuna. Vinieron y se dieron una sorpresa grande al recibir calaminas y libros, 'We had the authorities called principally so that they would meet. They came and they had a big surprise on receiving the roofing materials and books'; Y, esta mi tfo en ahi, y le habia encontrado, y, mi tfo habfa ido tambien para que trabaje, 'And, my uncle is there and (my brother) met him, and, my uncle went also to work.' In the example below, a Bolivian speaker uses both past and present subjunctive forms in the same conte x t: (STRVII, 5) Entonces el campesino me dijo de que "no me tocara aqui" ni siquiera le a visara al medico, para que le atienda su fractura en una de las rodillas, So then the campesino told me "don't touch me here", neither did he want me to advise the doctor, so that he could attend to his knee fracture.' In the Peruvian data recorded for this research, however, only the past subjunctive forms appear in these conte x ts : (STRIX, 18-19) .. yo he ido a conversar con unos profesores de la universidad ex plicarles mi situaci6n, Lno? Que me permiti e ran e studiar, que me dejaran

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solamente ir a dar los examines bajo mi responsibilidad de rendir o no rendir, ... I went to talk with some university professors, explain to them my situation, see? That they permit me to study, that they just allow me to take the exams on my own responsibility to succeed or not 102 It is possible that the use of present or past subjunctive for representing past time contexts varies with speaker, educational level, and so forth, in Peru. Additionally, as indicated earlier, subjunctive use appears to be in somewhat of a state of flux in AS. Another indication of this may be found in the fact that there are speakers who seem to avoid subjunctive forms in contexts in which SS would prefer their use And other speakers, who are otherwise fluent in this dialect, seem to stumble over some of the forms, as in (STRID, 7) Siempre el ha tenido ese carifio hacia nosotros para que nosotros asi en esta vida triunfimos triunf triunfemos lno?, 'He's always had this affection for us, so that we could triumph in this life, no?' Person and Number Options Number 'disagreement' between verbal subject and verb inflection has been described as a characteristic of Andean Spanish. Cerr6n-Palomino's (1988) description of Peruvian serrano Spanish includes this phenomenon, as in (CER, 68) los libros es de el, 'the books are his', and Mendoza (1988) notes that number 'discord', which he prefers to consider a "new form of concord" (p 12) that is substituted for the morphosyntactic

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103 norm, occurs nearly always in popular speech m Pacefio Spanish. The examples from his data include: (MEN, 12) Senoras, ustedes de que zona nos deda, "'Senoras, what area are you from?', X said to us.' The phenomenon was recorded for this research from the speech of monolinguals as well as bilinguals, and in both rural and urban areas throughout the research area. Examples include: (STRVII, 21) (STRIV, 26) (STRII, 40) (STRX, 32) (STRIX, 30) Las organizaciones amigas de OMAK tiene que tratar ayudarnos, 'The organizational friends of OMAK have to try to help us'; Has ta septiembre nos d ur6 los doscientos d6lares y luego no, no teniamos, 'The two hundred dollars lasted us until September, and then, we didn't have (any)'; Pero siempre cada autoridad que entraba sacaban multa o alguna otra cosa, 'But always every new authority extracted fines or something'; ... entons digamos diez cargas que sea para mi zno?, .. so then, let's say, ten loads that are for me, right?'; Ha dado los examenes y al final he salido lo rnejor nota incluso de todos compafieros que bien ha asistido a clases, 'He took the exams and ultimately I finished (with) the best grade, including of all the classmates who had attended classes regularly';

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(STRVI, 6) (STRVIII, 2) Y [mi] parece no solamente dos tres personas, [mi pinse] que han sido un grupo de campesinos que han levantado alli enfrentarse con el patron, 'And it seems to me not only two or three people, I think that it was a group of campesinos there who stood up to the patron'; Entonces alli era el mes de marzo, cuando las lluvias se asecaba mas .. 'So then there it was the month of March, when the rains are not as heavy .... 104 Less frequent is the incidence of variation in person marking in AS, and it was heard only in the speech of bilinguals, as in: (STRX, 90) Auxiliaries Yo he entendido que tu me ha dicho que "voy a ir sola", no Sola no, 'I understood that you told me "I'm going to go alone", no. Alone, no .' In addition to haber, 'to have ', ser, to be ', and sometimes tener, to have', before past participles, and es tar, 'to be', before present and past participles, frequent auxiliary verbs are seguir, 'to continue, follow', ir, 'to go' and andar, 'to go' (in the imperative). They are primarily auxiliaries used with the gerund (see section above). The following are examples: (STRIX, 54) (STRI, 131) Y ademas quiero decirte que la Amalia sigue estudiando ... 'And I also want to tell you that Amalia continues to study ... '; ... y van aportando generalmente, .. and they generally are supportive';

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(MEN, 22) Anda pensando que te vas a poner para la fiesta, 'Think about what you'll wear to the party.' Verb Classes 105 For convenience, and following Ramsey (1966: XXI), the following types of verbs have been grouped into classes in terms of the manner in which their action is represented: transitive/intransitive; reflexive/non reflexive; and participative9. Transitive-Intransitive Many verbs which in SS require stated objects do not do so in AS; that is, there is a tendency not to make a transitive/intransitive distinction in terms of sentence construction for verbs which are transitive in SS. For example, (STRVTI, 10) or (STRV, 40) A nivel de OMAK podemos llevar con mas f ? en as1s, Lno., ... 'At the level of OMAK we can carry on with more strength, see?. . .. ella esta agarrando .. which would likely be in the standard ella lo tiene, ... she has it. .. '. The following is a very typical construction, from a letter written by a faculty member of the Universidad Mayor de San Andres in La Paz who speaks Aymara, Spanish and English: 9The term was suggested by Jose Mendoza of the Universidad Mayor de San Andres in La Paz (cf. Mendoza 1988).

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(STRI, 217) Hasta ahora no he podido conocerlo a P.H., ya que he buscado varias veces .. 'Until now I haven't been able to meet P H., though I've looked (for him) several times .. 106 In all cases of intransitive interpretation of verbs which are generally transitive, the verbal complement is understood from the context; i. e ., from the situation or some previous reference to the object. Furthermore, transitivity /intransitivity is optional, or variable; that is, a verb may be treated as either, or both, sometimes within the same discourse, as in (STRVII, 9) Porque ellos tambien pueden aportar. Porque quizas puedan aportar las ideas que ellos estan pensando, zno?, 'Because they can contribute also. Because maybe they can bring the ideas that they're thinking of, right?' In the literature on Andean dialectology much has been made of the fact that the Andean treatment of objects varies tremendously from the standard: from 'object deletion' where the standard would call for a stated object, to 'overmarking of objects where the standard would delete clitics (see the section on clitic pronouns). It is likely that the options available to Andean speakers regarding treatment of objects in language use, and the variability in verb transitivity, are related to the same linguistic phenomenon. A verb is treated as intransitive, therefore no object is stated, though again one may be understood given the context of discourse. Reflexive In much the same manner that transitive and intransitive verbs often occur in the same contexts, AS also treats reflexivity as an elective category for many uses which would require the reflexive in SS. The same processes appear to be at work: the reflexive pronoun se carried by the verb, which in

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107 the case of true reflexive meaning signals that the object is also the subject of the verb, is optionally indicated in AS. Therefore verbs which carry the reflexive marker se in the standard, may or may not do so in AS, even though the sense of the verb is 'reflexive'. The following are examples of items which occur in the data for Bolivia and Peru, and for which speakers of other dialects seem to prefer a reflexive form. (STRVIII, 22) Entonces, eso se ha ido reduciendo, a medida que han, que ha ido moliendo, 'So, that was being reduced, as it was being ground.' This first example is interesting because it refers to an item (eso) which is treated with both a reflexive and a non-reflexive verb in the same sentence. In both cases eso is both the subject and the true object of the verb: the item was reduced because it had been ground-but only 'reduced' carries the reflexive marker~ 'ground' does not. (STRVI, 8) (STRIX, 61) Y bueno, han colocado en ese lugar donde han sido trasladados Tarabuco que actualmente es con el mismo nombre de ese comunidad que era Carabuco y ahora actualmente es Tarabuco, 'And well, they settled in that place where they had been relocated Tarabuco that really carries the same name of the community 'Carabuco', and is now "Tarabuco".' Nunca hace tratar de preocupar por los problemas que podemos tener, yo, A., o cualquiera de nosotros, zno?, 'Never (does X) try to concern (herself) with the problems that we may have, me, A or whoever of us, see?'

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(STRVIII, 14) (STRVI, 2) (STRVI, 6) Participative Es una hierba tambien que hay en la falda de los cerros, que tambien usa harto para curacion para precfpite para solar como yeso, o como para las fracturas, 'It's also an herb that there is in the foothills, that is also used a lot for curing, as a precipitant, for binding like plaster, or like for fractures.' Entonces, ellos indican en el tiempo del explotacion de los patrones, habfa familias que apellidan Mamanis, Quispes, Ch ukiwanka, Wanka, 'So, they indicate (that) in the time of exploitation by the patrones, there were families that were named Mamani, Quispe, Ch'ukiwanka, Wanka .' Y [mi] parece no solamente dos tres personas, [mi pinse] que han sido un grupo de campesinos que han levantado alli enfrentarse con el patron, 'And it seems to me not only two, three people, I think that it was a group of campesinos who rose up to confront the patron 108 Participative verbs, as they are being referred to here, carry the set of pronouns known as reflexive pronouns. In a true reflexive use, these pronouns signal that the action of the verb is directed toward the subject of the verb; that is, the subject is also either the direct or indirect object of the verb, as in Ella se vio en el espejo, She saw herself in the mirror or Olga se compro una blusa. 'Olga bought herself a blouse' (examples from Whitley 1986: 175) In the participative use in AS, the pronouns indicate not the

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109 recipient of the activity of the verb, but rather serve to underscore or intensify the involvement of the subject. Whitley (1986: 174-187) summarizes the "multifaceted" uses of the reflexive in modern Spanish, indicating that the varied and complex occurrences of non-reflexive se + verb are more frequent that those of the true reflexive. And in a discussion of verb functions, Ramsey (1966: 380) notes that in SS intransitive verbs will be made reflexive in order to emphasize the actor's "volition, interest or free will and accord in the case, sometimes implying that the accomplishment of the act calls for a special effort." Whitley, citing both Bello and Ramsey, agrees with them that the addition of reflexivity to some verbs intensifies "specifically the involvement or affect of the subject" (1986: 177). Whitley also provides a list of such verbs, including irse, olvidarse, temerse, entrarse and others, for which the reflexive-like use intensifies the state or action "rather like English particles such as 'up', 'down', 'out', and 'away"' (p 177) Therefore the altiplano use is not unknown or even unusual in other dialects of Spanish. But the reflexive-like participative is highly characteristic of altiplano speech and is therefore set apart here because of the frequency of its occurrence and because its function does not exactly duplicate the true reflexive. The following are examples from this research: (STRI, 66) (STRI, 40) (STRI, 210) LEI se ha comprado poncho para su hijo?' 'He bought a poncho for his son?' Yo me como solo, 'I eat alone'; Todo el dia yo me he cansado, 'All day I ve gotten more tired';

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(STRID, 15) (STRIII, 59-61) (STRII, 36) (STRV, 24) (STRI, 205) Alli nos cocinabamos los dos y bueno asi fue transcurriendo los aflos pasando y posteriormente nos venimos aqui a La Paz el afto setenta y siete, 'There the two of us cooked for ourselves and well like that it was passing the years passing and later we came here to La Paz (in) 1977'; Ellos me recuerdan. Yo tambien siempre me recuerdo Claro que no me olvido, Lno?, 'They remember me I still remember (them), too. Sure I don t forqet (them) right? Vinieron y se dieron una sorpresa grande al recibir calaminas y libros, 'They came and they had a huge surprise (they really saw!, i. e were really surprised!) on receiving roofing and books'; Tres dias nos hemos atrasado en ahi, yen esas semanas ya no hemos hecho nada, Three days we d e la y ed there, and in those weeks we didn t do an y thing '; Entonces con esto queremos decir que se valoran a ellos como a un profesional ... So with this we want to say that they value them as professional(s) .. '; 110 Familiar command forms may be cla s sed as participative as well, with the addition of the participative pronoun : (STRI, 106) (STRI, 48) (STRI, 49) Teodora servf servf la comida a marni, Teodora serve serve the meal to mom', Comete el almuerzo 'Eat the lunch!', Llevatelo nomas,

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111 Just take it!' The function of the participative in these constructions is to place stress or emphasis on the second person without being impolite, as you might be if you were to say instead: Tu, llevalo nomas, 'You, just take it!', for example. In other words, the participative forms a type of polite imperative. Two linguists from the research area, Juan de Dios Yapita M., Director of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara, La Paz, and Jose Mendoza, Chair of the Facultad de Lingiiistica e Idiomas Nativas at the Universidad Mayor de San Andres, La Paz, who have studied local Spanish, have indicated the preponderance of participatory forms in this variety of Spanish. Mendoza (1988), who has identified the form as a participative ', remarks that although it is known in other dialects of Spanish, the reflexive-like participative does not occur in those dialects "with the frequency nor the extensiveness with which it is employed in Pacefio Spanish"lO Mendoza also found that slightly more than one-third of the occurrences of the participative in his data were from the variedad culta. Therefore though the form is more characteristic of speech in the lower socio-economic and educational levels of the population, it is certainly a feature of the speech of the upper classes as well. Examples from the research by Mendoza on the participative include (MEN, 16) (MEN, 16) Me lo he de estar queriendo siempre, 'I will still want it ; Hoy se van a subir al Alto todos a festejarle, 'Today everyone's going to go up to the Alto to give X a party ; 10 ... no con la frecuencia ni la extension con la que se e mpl ea en e l castellano pacefto" (1988: 17).

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112 and in the command form: (MEN, 10) Por ultimamente, anda comprate de donde otras, 'Finally, go buy from someone else.' Apart from Mendoza's work on the participative, additional clues to its function in AS were given by LLanque 11 who indicated that, for the Aymara, to say of someone muri6, indicates that that person died alone. "It is a very sad thing to say of someone.'' says LLanque. Among the Aymara we use se muri6 or se ha muerto His comments imply that, for some uses of the construction in any case, 'participative' also means 'interactive', or participating in the true sense of the word-with others It is a nuance which may be more fundamental to the use of the participative than is often apparent. Cli tic Pronouns Clitic pronouns are defined as that set of object pronouns which may be attached to an inflected or infinitive verb form. Norms for use of object pronouns vary considerably throughout the Hispanic world. The following provides information on the fundamental use patterns pertaining to these forms on the altiplano, and with the understanding that particular aspects of the patterns may or may not be familiar to speakers of other varieties of Spanish. The forms are listed in Table 3, below 11Padre Domingo LLanque Chana, Chucuito, P e ru, personal communication, 1987

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113 Table 3 AS Object Pronouns Indirect Object Direct Object Person, Number, Gender 1 Sing. me}, /me/, /mi/ {me}, /me/ 2 te}, / te/ {te}, /te/ 3 Masc le}, /le/ {lo}, /lo/ Fem le}, /le/ {la}, /la/, /lo/ Neut le}, /le/ {lo}, /lo/ 1 Plural nos}, /nos/ (nos}, /nos/ 3 Masc les}, /les/ {los}, /los/, /lo/ Fem les}, /les/ {las}, /las/, /los/ Neut les}, /les/ (los}, /los/ Altiplano Spanish is primarily loista, that is, (lo} refers to direct objects and {le} is reserved for indirect objects. This statement may describe the meanings of the relevant morphemes but it scarcely describes the complexity of the altiplano clitic (object pronoun) system in use The use of clitic pronouns in AS follows several patterns which at least in part appear to be a function of an interaction between the altiplano generalization of lo for the direct object regardless of gender or number, and the option of treating any given verb as either transitive or intransitive, which is also characteristic of the area. Many verbs which require an explicit object in SS will not do so in AS; and, when an object is stated, it may well have a different realization than it would have in the standard in terms of gender and number marking.

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114 Agreement in number may be considered optional for some speakers, so that the morphemes {lo, -s} and {le, -s} may represent either singular or plural, although for many speakers the morphology does reflect the SS categories. Examples of the former case are: and also (STRV, 39) (STRIX, 44) (ESCI, 111) A los adivinos le hemos dicho, 'We told the fortunetellers', A veces a una mejor les trata ... 'At times the better you treat one .. .'.; No lo vi a sus hermanitos, 'I didn't see X's siblings'. More common than the number option is the fact that /lo/ does not necessarily have the specific gender reference that it has in SS when it is not used as a neutral pronoun, and therefore for some speakers /la/ is replaced by /lo/ for the direct object, as in: (STRX, 130) ... tiene su llama y lo vende .. ... you have a llama and you sell it .. .' Escobar (1978) and Lozano (1975), in discussions of Peruvian highland Spanish, both refer to this phenomenon as gender neutralization', and give the following as examples: (ESCI, 110) A mi hija todos lo adoramos, 'We all adore my daughter ', (LOZ, 304) A Marfa nosotros lo adoramos, 'We adore Marfa '.

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115 Mendoza (1988) proposes that /lo/ be seen as an invariant, gender and number neutral direct object form, the use of which implies a concord system which diverges from the standard. Escobar (1978) and Lozano (1975) have noted that /lo/ instead of /le/ for the indirect object is also characteristic of Peruvian serrano Spanish, and give the following: (ESCI, 110) (LOZ, 301) A Florencio lo has dicho que no venga, 'You told Florencio not to come'. El los dio algunas instrucciones, 'He gave them some instructions I have heard the same in Bolivian usage, therefore for some speakers of AS loismo includes the use of /lo/ as the indirect as well as the direct object. 1. (0 Vt) or (cl Vt1 As indicated in the section on verb classes, it is very common to dispense with object pronouns altogether with transitive verbs. The phenomenon occurs in writing as well as in speech, and is very frequent in both, although less so in writing. It is characteristic of both monolinguals and bilinguals, in urban and rural areas, and among the middle and lower classes. In these cases the retention of the semantic information is contextual, as in the following which was given during a conversation about the death of a young man's mother: (STRV, 15) Ya han enterrado, y no me han dejado ni ver a mi mama, 'They buried (her), and they didn't even let me see my mother.' Other examples of this phenomenon are:

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(STRV, 69) (STRI, 103) (STRX, 147) Primeramente he visto yo estudiando, que las incas se habfan hecho de piedra, sf, y, como habfa una piedra mas fina, 'piedra pulida habfa llamado, de ese se han hecho, 'First I saw studying, that the Incas made (things) for themselves of stone, yes, and, as there was a very fine stone, it was called 'polished stone', they made (things) of that'; A ya ahorita voy a hacer, no te molestes" me dice, "Oh yes I'm going to do (it) right now, don t worry she says to me'; . siempre en campo necesita pues la gente . de camino hacen llegar, lno v e? .. .. in the countr y side the people still need (them; i. e llamas) ... on the road they cause (goods) to arri v e (i. e, they bring goods), don't you see?' 116 Various investigators have noted the phenomenon. Kany (1947) provides the following example from Boli v ian Spanish, w hich is still very characteristic of speech in the target area : (KANII, 195) Aquf estan los medicamentos. lC6mo has traido?, Here are the medications. How did you bring them?' Beyersdorff (1986) has noted the pattern in the literature of Arguedas : (BEY, 37) Por eso queriendo para turu pukllay, where the standard is given as (BEY, 37) Por eso lo queremos para la corrida de toros, 'For that reason we want it for the bull fight'; Escobar (1986) provides the following from the speech of Peruvian bilinguals :

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(ESCII, 86) Se dice que los antiguos peruanos utilizaban para alimento del ganado, 'It is said that the ancient Peruvians utilized (it) as food for animals' 117 As the following example illustrates, the clitics may or may not surface in the same utterance. Additionally, the referent, in this case 'a llama', may or may not appear in the same utterance--it makes no difference with regard to the manifestation of the clitic: (STRX, 49) ... entonces cambiamos tambien con una llama, matamos, y lo cambiamos con maiz, asi tambien ? con tngo, l_no .. so also we exchange (it) with a llama (i.e, we exchange llamas for other goods), we kill (it), and we exchange it for corn, also like that for wheat, see? The following are taken from writing samples; the first from a letter written by a Peruvian friend, and the second from an article in Presencia, a daily newspaper in La Paz: (STRI, 219) (STRI, 234) 2. (N 0 Vt) or (N cl V_tl Hace tiempos que no recibo una carta tuya, estoy extranando mucho, 'I haven't received a letter from you in a while, I miss (you) a lot'; Porque distribuye Libreria XXX, 'Because Libreria XXX distributes (it).' Second, AS does not require an object pronoun when the nominal object is fronted. In the example below, the fronted object todo in SS would trigger the surfacing of a clitic pronoun: (STRV, 51) Si, todo cocinaba,

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118 'Yes, he cooked everything' Escobar (1978) and Lozano (1975) have noted absence of object pronouns when the nominal direct object is left-extraposed in Peruvian highland speech, as 1n: (LOZ, 300) (ESCI, 110) A Juan conocf, 'I met Juan', La venta hace su esposa, 'His wife is doing the selling' In SS a clitic is obligatory when the word order given above occurs. In AS, one is just as likely to hear hace su esposa, or lo/la hace su esposa, or la venta hace su esposa, all meaning his wife is doing the selling' ~o 0 Vt) or (cho cloo Vtl Third, when a clitic is used, it tends to be the indirect object pronoun, and there is a concomitant "disinclination" (Kany 1947: 195) to use two object pronouns together, as in (STRV, 28) Ella se ha tejido y se ha perdidops12, 'She wove it for herself and she lost it!', where the standard calls for Ella se lo ha tejido y despues se lo ha perdido ... As Kany (1947: 195) indicates, rather than Se lo agradezco 'I'm grateful to them for it.' the construction (KANII, 195) Les agradezco 12_~ represents the phonetic realization of the word pues, which often occurs as a postpositive suffix on a variety of word classes. See the discussion of postpositive particles in the section on discourse processes

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119 is very typical of highland Bolivian Spanish In each of the instances where the indirect object pronoun is used without the direct object pronoun, the context supplies the reference for the direct object. 4 ([N] V t+cl [N]) Double marking of objects with pronouns which do not necessarily agree in gender or number with the referent noun is a fourth option in this dialect. The double marking involves a nominal object preceding or following the verb plus a clitic. From a Bolivian monolingual, upper-middle class informant, the following in which esto is marked twice: (STRI, 94) Esto es importante mencionarlo. 'It is important to mention this as well as the following from a bilingual Bolivian rural school teacher: (STRV1II, 21) Entonces, el proceso ha constitido (sic ) en molerlo todo eso, 'So, the process consisted of grinding all of that.' Additional examples from both written texts and recorded material collected for this research include: (STRV, 39) (STRX, 115) (STRI, 224) (STRI, 212) A los adivinos le hemos dicho, 'We told the diviners', ... ya lo he dejado la llama, ... now I've left (working with) llamas', Tu lo tienes la direcci6n, 'You have the address ; ... preferirfa no contestar a ninguna pregunta que usted quisiera hacerl.Q_hasta que haya pasado los cinco minutos,

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' .. X would prefer not to answer any question that you may wish to ask until the five minutes have passed.' 120 This last example was taken from a written translation of testing instructions originally prepared in English, and translated to Spanish by a university professor from La Paz who also speaks Aymara. Double marking of objects may also occur within relative clauses which modify a preceding noun, as in: (STRVI, 16) (ESCI, 111) ... y la pregun ta lo que lo he hecho es .. .. and the question that I asked is .. .' ; Este es el perro que lo mordi6 a mi hermano. 'This is the dog that bit my brother Escobar (1978), Escobar (1986) and Lozano (1975), among others who have studied Peruvian Spanish, and Kany (1947) and Gutierrez (1984), and others writing on Bolivian Spanish, have all found doubly-marked direct objects. 5. (cl V Lill The direct and indirect object pronouns may also duplicated, as in the constructions (STRI, 218) (STRIX, 45) (ESCI, 111) (STRVI, 16) Lastimosamente no la he podido conocerla quiza este muy ocupada 'Unfortunately I haven t been able to meet her, maybe she's very busy'; Te estoy hablandote yo de aca, 'I'm speaking to you from here ; Te voy a preguntar~ 'I'm going to ask y ou ... y la pregunta lo que lo he hecho es, Lpor que lo hacen Carabuco?,

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' ... and the question I asked is, why did they name it Carabuco ?' 121 Kany s 1947 description of the sp e ech of highland populations in the Andean nations remains adequate for much of AS : a redundant lo is the rule (p 195), although a preferred statement would from my point of view would be to indicate that the rule governing object indicators permits additional object marking. And many s peakers regardless of educational level, "employ lo regardless of gender or numb e r of the direct object noun (Kany 1947: 195) In many cases of such usage in AS, t h e duplicat e d object represents a politive overmarking of a human object s uch as in the first three examples given above. Adverbi a l The category of adverbials includ e s p a rts of speech which function as adverbs, conjunctions and prepositions (Whitley 1986). The general classification is warranted based on syntactic and lexical considerations The notion of complemento circunstancial, circumstantial (verbal) complement' or adverbial phrase, in Spanish grammar is us e ful for such classification "It generally expresses el lugar, modo, tiempo, medic, causa o instrumento de la acci6n verbal"' (ibid. : 206) The forms for adverb, preposition and conjunction are generally constructed using th e sa me b a se word (as in antes, antes de and antes que) and thus share lexical foundations (ibid.: 201). Kany (1945 and1947) has some discussion of forms which are common in Bolivian usage. Other scholars have done more recent work on specific forms and will be cited as the forms are discussed The list presented here is not intended to be exhaustive, but demonstrates the items which occurred frequently during the research on AS Laprade (1976) discusses adverbial

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122 forms not noted here which are common in AS but which do not appear in the texts gathered for this research e n + locative Adverbial locative phrases such as en aquf here en ahi, there', for the standard aquf and ahf, are extremely common and productive in AS, and occur in all areas and across socio-economic g roups in Bolivia and Peru. The following will serve as examples of this phenomenon: (STRX, 48) (STRI, 114) (STRV, 45) (STRV 77) (STRV, 56) Alla en adentro al g unos tambien quieren, lno? entonces para carne siempre quieren, lno? 'There further in ( to the interior) some want (it) also see? s o the y a l w a y s w ant (it) for meat, right? Salen sabado en la mafl a nita en aquf estan a las seis de la tarde They leave S a turd ay in the ea rly morning, the y' r e here at s i x in the aft e rnoon ; Asf y, todavfa esta c a sa no estaba techado, esa v ez cuando se h a mu e rto mi mama en abajo se ha velado Like that and, this house didn't have a roof yet, that time when m y mom died they had the wake for her (in a house) down below ; Y esta mi tfo en a hi, y le habfa encontrado, y mi tfo habfa ido t a mbi e n para que trabaje, A nd, m y uncl e is th e r e, a nd X met him (but I didn t see it happen), a nd my uncle also went there to work (but I can t personally vouch for that because I can t know my uncle's intentions unless he tells me) .' Es mi papa [es] trab a jando en alla, sf,

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(STRI, 32) 'It s my dad working there, yes ; Yo vivo en aquf, 'I live here .' 123 The phenomenon of en + locati v e is well known as a characteristic of Andean Spanish. Herrero (1969) has reported the use of adverbial phrases in Bolivian Spanish, such as esta en ahf, 'X is there and Mendoza (1988) notes that such usage occurs in both el habla popular and el habla culta of La Paz. Puente (1981) also discusses the redundant usage of the preposition en for locative expressions. Godenzzi (1986) notes the use of en + adverbial in the speech of native Punefios, across all classes, as in (GOD, 40) de as despues de Toda la gente en ahi vivimos .. 'All of us Ii ve there .. .'. Kany (1947) has noted that constructions such as (KANII, 200) Te veo de algunos aftos, meaning Hace algunos anos que no te veo, 'I haven t seen you for some years', contain a reduction from despues de to de. He indicates that these constructions are "peculiar to Bolivia" (1947: 200) and are common there. The form occurs several times in the Bolivian data gathered for this research, in speech and in written form: (STRI, 133) (STRI, 221) Has venido de mucho tiempo, 'You've come (after) a long time (i. e, it's been a while since I've seen you)'; Para mi una satisfacci6n bien grande recibir tu carta de tiempo .

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(STRV, 81) a veces '(It was) a great satisfaction for me to receive your letter (after) a (long) while ... '; Si, de cinco meses, asi nomas viene, si, 'Yes, (after) five months (i. e., every five months), just like that he comes, yes'; 124 Frequent! y one hears [ a y ~es es] or [ a y ~es] given as an alternative form for a veces, in Bolivia and Peru, in urban and rural areas, and in the speech of monolinguals and bilinguals: (STRIV, 9) (STRX, 20) de as par Tenfamos que quedarnos [av~eses] en las noches solos nosotros, 'At times we had to remain by ourselves at night'; Entonces .. [ay~e s] se moria, Lno? la llama siempre bueno [av~es] con enfermidad se muere, 2,no? ... 'So ... at times they died, no?, the llama always, well, at times dies of illness, see? . de is often used where the standard has prepositional l2QL as in: (STRIT, 29) ... pero ninguna personas ya preocupado del pueblo sino han reunido fondos, han recaudado la cantidad de dinero y ... .. but no one so concerned about the community (in that way) but they have collected money, have put aside the quantity of money and . '. Kany (1947) also cites this use of de: (KANII, 203) De eso no mas me viene a pegar,

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'For this you come to beat me!' con + second or third person(s) 125 The prepositional phrase con + second or third person(s), often preceded by the adverbial junto, as in junto con mi hermano or junto + verb + con mi hermano, lit. 'together with my brother', is rendered in SS quite differently than it is at times meant in AS. In the standard, a sentence such as (STRID, 49) Vivimos junto con mi hermano, could be translated to English as 'We (speaker + other(s), addressee excluded) live together with my brother. In AS, however, the construction may also serve to foreground the person or persons indicated in the prepositional phrase, who are also included in the subject of the verb. In the sentence given above, an English gloss that approximates the AS sense would be: 'My brother and I, we live together.' As yet no syntactic clues have been discovered which would reveal a structural parallel for one or the other sense of vivimos jun to con mi hermano, exclusively. It is an ambiguous construction in AS: either translation may be correct, depending on the context. My experience is that it is precisely that-context-which enables the listener to distinguish the correct interpretation of the construction Laprade (1976), who has also reported this use of the structure, refers to its occurrence in first person plural constructions only He refers to the function as a "double inclusion of the addressee ; i. e that the addressee is marked twice, "once in the verb and once as the complement of con" (p. 93). His examples include (LAPI, 93) Vamos a ir contigo,

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126 'We (you and I) are going to go (with you)'; (LAP!, 93) Estabamos hablando contigo, 'We (you and I) were talking (with you).' The present research has demonstrated that the construction may be extended to third person(s) who are included in the subject of the verb, and that the rule includes the use of third person plural verb inflections. Additional examples of this use of the construction con + second or third person(s) include (STRI, 140) (STRIII, 12) (STRIII, 18) (STRV, 75) Estuvieron alla con los chicos, 'The boys, they lived there ; Entons junto andabamos con el, 'So, he and I together, we went about'; Bueno, nosotros segufamos estudiando aqui en colegio Balivian, Jose Ballivian del Alto, Alto Lima, bueno asi junto con mi hermano, 'Well, my brother and I, we continued to study here in Balivian high school, in Alto Lima, well, together like that.' A La Paz se han ido con otro, con mi primo, se habfan ido para, en trabajar, 'They went to La Paz, (my brother) and another, (my brother) and my cousin, they went to work In the data gathered for this research, there are only a few occurrences of the construction that appears to overmark the subject or part of the subject of the verb However I did hear the phrase used in this manner on many occasions, in the speech of bilinguals from the lower and middle classes, in Peru and in Bolivia. Additional research will reveal the extension of the usage across social groups.

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127 donde As Laprade notes, donde may function much as the French chez, meanmg 'the home of"' (1976: 100), or the place of, the place where Additionally, in this usage the alternate forms onde or ande may also be heard. The usage is common in Bolivia and Peru, among lower and middle class speakers, among monolinguals and bilinguals, and in urban and rural areas It is considered to be a special feature of the dialect by its speakers, although the forms are also heard and used in similar fashion in other dialect areas. Future research will determine if the forms are used in this way by the upper classes Examples of the construction include: (STRV, 84) No he ido donde mi hermano, 'I haven t gone to my brother s'; (STRI, 246) ... la mande (sic ) ande su tfo Fabian, ... I sent her to her uncle Fabian's.' The second example occurred in a letter from a Bolivian friend. The usage is apparently common in various parts of Latin America, is used colloquially in parts of Spain, and may be the survival of an archaic usage (Kany 1945). However the frequency of its occurrence in Bolivian Spanish warrants its inclusion here.

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CHAPTER VI MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX: NOUN PHRASE CONSTITUENTS Several writers have discussed the number and gender inflections in the nominal system of AS, frequently using such descriptions as "unstable" (Escobar 1976), "fluctuating (Florez 1963 : 9), and "a weakening of these categories (Lozano 1975: 304) In a research project begun in 1973 dealing with the dialect zones in Peru (Escobar et al. 1975), the investigators distinguished several variant grammatical features of initial and advanced bilingual language, among them the instability" (p. 94) of number and gender in the noun system, to the extent that syntactic agreement is affected. Cerr6n-Palomino (1988) also notes "absence (p. 68) of gender concord in highland Peruvian Spanish as in (CER 68) pizarr~ viej~ 'old blackboard and (CER, 68) plat~ enterrad~ buried money '. Gutierrez (1984) found "lack of concord" (p 96) in both gender and number between nouns and articles or adjectives in Bolivian Spanish, as in (GUT, 98) Ya tienen bastante hijos, Now they have a lot of/ enough children', and (GUT, 98) La pino muy grande es, 128

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129 'The pine is very large.' But the treatment of these categories by altiplano speakers may be considered to represent an increase in the number of options that exist for handling the general linguistic notions of gender and number.1 Specifically, AS allows masculine as well as feminine gender marking on modifiers of nouns marked as feminine; and less often, feminine as well as masculine marking on modifiers of masculine nouns In terms of number categories, plural nouns may be modified by singular articles and adjectives. And singular or plural subjects (expressed as nouns or pronouns, or previously stated subjects), may take verbs marked differently in number. The following indicates those options in number and gender marking at the morphological and syntactic levels in the nominal system of AS which were encountered in this and in previous research, as well as other aspects of the relation between modifier and modified, and details regarding possessive phrases, subject pronouns, and noun combinations which are characteristic of the structure of AS. In general I found more variety in gender realization than in number marking in the noun phrase, although number marking does show considerable variation from SS in the noun to verb relationship, as described in Chapter V. Gender and Number Noun In AS, as in SS, nouns are marked for number by suffixation to the noun in the following manner: The singular form is the unmarked form; that is, it carries no suffix for singular, or a /-0 / allomorph. The plural form 1That gender and number are treated differently may also represent an alternative perspective on these matters is discussed in Chapter IX.

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130 is marked by a morpheme {-s} which has the allomorphs /-s/ for nouns ending in vowels and /-es/ for nouns ending in consonants or glides. A characteristic of altiplano Spanish rapid or unmonitored speech involves vowel reduction or vowel dropping in the plural allomorph /-es/ to [ s] or [-s]; and any noun ending in a vowel may have the final vowel similarly devoiced or dropped altogether before the plural suffix /-s/; for example, (STRIII, 5) (STRX, 9) Me hicieron estudiar en [diferents eskwels rurals], 'They had me study in different rural schools': Hay alguno bonitos, mas gordos, muy altos, lno? hay [6tr~] muy [~k i'ts], 'There are some pretty (llamas), very sturdy, tall, no?, there are others very small.' Kany (1945) notes a general tendency in American Spanish to "differentiate natural gender of nouns, adjectives and participles more carefully than in the standard language" (p 6) Particular cases of gender divergence, such as the use el tigre and 1E. tigre to agree with the sex of the animal, were not noted in this study Reference is made to the discussion earlier on in this report of syntactic patterns of gender agreement which are particularly characteristic of the research area. Noun + Modifiers Article + noun Either el or~ may be used with feminine nouns m the speech of monolinguals and bilinguals:

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(STRIV, 15) (STRII, 27) (STRV1II, 17) Llego algo de ingl e s y s e presento en el embajada americana . .. por una amiga consiguio trabajo en l a e mb a jada americana .. 'She (learned) some English and presented herself to the American embassy .. . through a friend she obtained work in the American embassy ... Le hemos dado una sorpresa ya a los autoridades, 'Then we gave the authorities a surprise .' ... el restos que queda como palitos . ... the remain ( s ) th a t are left like little sticks . .' 131 In a very few cases the masculine singular definite article was given as 1Q; as in (STRVI, 3) Entonces, estes sefiores no obedecieron a lo patron, y fueron trasladados muy lejos de aqui, lno? 'So these men didn t obey the patron, and were sent very far from here see? lo also appeared rather than the feminine singular la in (STRIX, 30) Demonstrative + noun .. he salido lo mejor nota .. ... I got the b e st grade .. .' The use of demonstratives which differ in gender marking from the modified noun was recorded in bilin g u a l s p eec h only: (STRX, 59-60) Entonces ese sal compramos, y ese sal llevamos en la llama, adentro E s a sales para ganado . .', 'So, we buy that salt, and we carry it by llama into (the mountains). That salt is for livestock

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(STRVI, 17) (STRI, 5) Noun + adjective Ellos me contaron en ese forma, 'They told me in that way.' De la generaci6n de esta tiempo, algunos no ven a los padres como tales, 'Some of today's generation don't look at their parents as such.' 132 As with nouns, adjectives are marked for number as in SS, that is, {-0} indicating singular and {-s}, /-s/ and /-es/, indicating plural. Additionally, the plural morpheme contains the allomorph / ,; s /, and addition of the plural /-s/ may give rise to devoicing or dropping of a word final vowel. (STRIII, 5) Me hicieron estudiar en [diferents eskwels ruralsl, 'They had me study in different rural schools.' However in AS not all adjectives which modify plural nouns carry the {-s} plural morpheme. If we are concerned that number concord be demonstrated between nouns and modifiers, then we may say that there are options within this system which include considering {-0} as a plural adjective suffix. That is, one may hear (STRX, 88) (STRX, 66) (LOZ,304) Si, pero mujeres sola usted me ha dicho .. 'Yes, but women alone you told me .. .'. Hay hartos otros tambien Ayaviri, tambien son igual-0, 'There are also many others the Ayaviris, they are the same', Los informes fueron excelente-0,

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133 'The articles were excellent'. If we are not concerned with the imposition of SS grammatical rules on this dialect, we may say that for some speakers of AS number is not a necessary distinction in adjective use, and therefore number concord between nominals and their adjective modifiers is also not necessary, although it may well be considered an option. The pattern may be extended to cover several noun modifiers, where the modifiers for a particular noun may also exhibit gender or number differences with each other (STRVIII, 30) (STRVIII, 11) . las mujeres campesinas tienen unos kanawaykas gruesas, ... the campesinas have some thick 'canes'.' .. un arbusto mediana, de mas o menos de unos tres metros de al tura, ... a medium-sized bush, some three meters high.' There is a tendency to use the basic masculine gender marking of modifiers which are furthest from nouns they modify. (STRV, 45) (STRII, 29) (STRX, 9) (STRV, 45) .. todavfa esta casa no estaba techado ... ... this house didn't have a roof ... ... pero ninguna personas ya preocupado del pueblo .. ... but no one else so concerned about the community ... Hay algunos (llamas) bonitos, mas gordos, muy altos, lno? hay otros muy chiquitos, lno?, 'Some (llamas) are pretty, sturdier, very large; others are very small, right?' ... todavia esta casa no estaba techado ..

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134 ... this house didn't have a roof ... (STRI, 158) Las casas antiguas son descoloradas, 'The old houses are discolored', Note that this last example was both spoken and then written on the blackboard by the teacher at a rural school in Bolivia. In the same lesson he also repeated aloud and wrote on the board: (STRI, 157) La hoja del cuaderno es rayado, 'The page of the notebook is lined.' indicating the acceptability in the spoken and at times in the written language of variation in gender realization of nominal modifiers. The latter example may show some influence from cuaderno to the gender of rayado. Instances of such variation in number realization were very few in this research for noun phrase constituents, although they occurred with some frequency in the noun-verb relationship, as shown in Chapter V. Mass Nouns A strong feature of the nominal system is the abundance of singular nouns where the plural form may be expected by speakers of other dialects. This phenomenon occurs in the Bolivian data for this research, and is mentioned by Escobar (1976: 95) regarding the speech of Peruvian bilinguals and by Hardman (1978: 129) as characteristic of the Peruvian population in general. Examples from these and from the present research include: (STRX, 147) No hay caso criar harta llama ahora, (STRX, 36) (ESCII, 95) 'There's no reason to raise a lot of llamas now ; La llama trae tres arroba nomas, 'The llama carries only 3 arrobas'; La senora vende huevo, 'The senora sells eggs.'

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135 Hardman (1978: 129) remarks that, in the face of this tendency to utilize singular nouns where SS calls for plural, the phenomenon may be understood as an enormous expansion of the preexisting mass noun category She further notes that the category of mass nouns es pecially for comestibles has been greatly expanded, to the extent that (HARII, 129) Quiero corner 'I want to eat potatoes', is the correct form in Peru, and that even in Lima one seldom hears Quiero corner papas. Pronominal Referent Subject and prepositional object pronouns exhibit the gender /number variability in terms of their referent nouns: (STRVIII, 32) (STRIX, 38) "Pulu" llarnan ellos, las rnujeres, 'They, the women call (them) "pulu".' ... y con ideas diferentes a los de los papas, ... and with different ideas from their parents'.' Verbal object pronouns also display different patterns from SS reflecting those in the nominal system of AS These were discussed in Chapter V, above. Noun and Modifiers Presence or Absence of Article Altiplano Spanish allows the use of nouns not preceded by definite or indefinite articles in contexts in which speakers of other dialects have indicated they would prefer the use of articles. (STRV, 9) Con parto ha muerto mi mama, con parto, 'In childbirth my mom died, in childbirth',

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where speakers of other dialects2 prefer con el parto, and (STRIX, 30) . incluso de todos compafieros que bien .. .. including all the compafteros who ... ', where others prefer todos los compafteros. 136 The following example was taken from a flyer passed out at a demonstration: (STRI, 102) Problemas como el de impuestos y patentes deben resolverse en cabilde abierto ... Problems like taxes and patents should be resolved in an open town meeting . For some speakers the use of definite articles appears to be optional in the sense that not using one does not appear to be related to any shift in meaning, as in (STRX, 149) Entons tiene que estar llama, 'So there have to be llamas', compared with the following, from the same speaker: (STRX, 146) ... l d6nde va a es tar l a llama?, .. where will the llamas stay? Various writers from Kany (1947) to Cerr6n-Palomino (1988) have described the omission of definite articles in various contexts in which SS would prefer the article. Kany writes of the omission" of the article before certain nouns such as colegio and casa in Bolivian Spanish, and Cerr6n Palomino in a description of el habl a r mot os o in Peru (1988), notes a characteristic of motosidad in the expression of nouns not preceded by definite articles: (CER, 68) esta en calle, 2M. Noriega, a Panamanian speaker, person a l communication, 1987.

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and (CER, 68) 'X is in the street', cd6nde esta caballo?, 'where are there horses?'. 137 Escobar describes the absence of articles before nouns as the direct object in Peruvian serrano Spanish, as in (ESCI, 108) Maria escribe carta, 'Marfa writes a letter'. Given the tendency to move many nominal items in the vocabulary to the mass noun category, it is possible that the tendency to use nouns without definite articles may reflect that process Therefore, in AS the meaning of the sentence given immediately above can be understood to be 'Maria writes a letter' only from the context of the situation, while a different context could indicate that the meaning should be 'Maria writes letters'. The Quechua-influenced writings of Jose Maria Arguedas (Beyersdorff:1986) reflect the tendency indicated above for both definite and indefinite articles, as in : (BEY, 37) Ahura K'ayau va echar Misitu de don Jolian en plaza, where the standard is given as or (BEY, 37) Ahora los de K'ayaw van a echar en la plaza el Misitu de don Julian, 'Now those from K'ayaw will toss don Julian s Misitu in the plaza,' Sallk'a grande no mas es Misitu, enrabiado hasta coraz6n. where the standard is given as

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El Misitu es solo un toro salvaje grande, enojado hasta el fondo de su coraz6n, The Misitu is only a large wild bull, maddened to the depths of his heart. 138 Definite articles are frequently used with first names in both Bolivia and Peru, regardless of sex, and without denoting d e nigration as is the case in other dialect areas: (STRI, 250) (STRIX, 55) Word Order La Andrea tambi e n continua con su proyecto y viaja mucho al campo, 'Andrea also continues with her project and travels a lot to the countr y side La Soraya tambi e n esta estudiando .. 'Soraya is also stud y ing .. Although others have reported for Peruvian highland Spanish a shift in modifier-noun word order, specificall y the descriptive adjective preceding a noun, no instances of this phenomenon have been recorded in this research. Cerr6n-Palomino (1988) reports it e ms s uch as (CER, 68) grande reja, large grating, grill' and (CER 68) viejo cuchara 'old spoon'. This order was also found by Minaya (1981) e t al. in research on children and adult Peruvian bilinguals. Genitive-noun order does occur in the current data, as described below.

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139 bien + Adjective Another characteristic adjective phrase in AS involves an extension of the construction bien + past participle as adjective, as in bien hecho, 'well made', bien mostrado, 'well shown', etc. As indicated by Mendoza (1988: 1415), in AS this function of bien is generalized to include the form bien + simple adjective, as in bien lista, 'very bright', bien enferma, 'very sick', etc., and bien has come to take on the function of an intensifier, with the sense of muv, 'very'. The structure is very common in the speech of the lower and middle classes, and was heard in urban and rural areas in Bolivia during the course of this research It was not heard in Peru, although the data from there on this topic is limited. (STRI, 162) Bien harto pajaros mueren con el helado, 'Very many birds die with the freezing cold'; Noun Combinations There are noun combinations composed of two or more nouns, which from the perspective of SS appear to have deleted a connecting preposition as in factor de tiempo, time factor', which in AS may be given as factor tiempo The AS usage does not appear to be highly productive but is noted for both urban and rural Bolivia, and urban Puno in Peru The construction does not necessarily have an underlying de, but may instead result from substrate pattern influence discussed in Chapter VIII, or it may be an extension of SS constructions such as mesa directiva, as in (STRII, 28) ... estamos formando una mesa directiva para el bien del pueblo, .. we are forming a governing board for the good of the town ',

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140 in which the noun mesa is followed by the modifier directiva in the SS tradition. Other realizations of this pattern include, for example, (STRX, 6) and (STRVI, 1) (STRIII, 64) ... nosotros vendemos a los matanceros llama macho . .. we sell male llamas to the butchers . ', ... es una zona aymara del sector Iago Titikaka, .. it's an Aymara zone in the Lake Titikaka area'. Claro que no viajo por factor tiempo, ;,,ve?, 'Of course I don t travel because of time, see?' The following, in which articles at times precede the first or both nouns, differ more clearly from SS: (STRX, 156) (STRVII, 13) (STRVII, 13) En Chapari esta la mayorfa la gente, .. 'The majority of the people are in Chapari, ... '; Pueden estar los h a blante castellanos ... 'Spanish speakers can be there ... . otras compafieras que es amiga nuestra organizaci6n ... ... other compafieras who are friends of our organization .. '; Possessive Phrases The preposed adjective forms, mi(s), .tY._(fil, singular and plural fil:!hl and n ues tro / a(s), are far more common in AS than the postposed forms, mio/a(s), tuyo/a(s), etc. Use of the preposed personal possessive adjective for reference to body parts, etc., is also noted, and contrasts to the standard use of the definite article preceding possessed nouns of that type (Laprade 1976). For example:

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(STRVIII, 2) (STRIII, 36) ... un campesino que se llamaba Facundo, ha sufrido una caf da, y se ha malogrado la rodilla, una de las rodillas de su s pies .. a campesino called Facundo suffered a fall and displaced his knee, one of the knees of his legs'; Eso es mi meta que tengo, 'That is the goal that I have.' 141 Possessive, or genitive, constructions such as su marido de su hija, or de su hija su marido, 'the husband of her daughter', have often been characterized as reflecting indigenous (Quechua or Aymara) language syntactic elements, where both possessed and possessor carry inflections for possession. Possible contact influences are discussed in Chapter IX. Escobar (1978) refers to the 'emphatic' possessive in the Spanish of the Peruvian sierra: (ESCI, 108) Esta es su tienda de mi compadre, 'This is my compadre's store', and Lozano (1975) uses the term 'double' possessive, referring to data on the Spanish of Quechua-Spanish bilinguals in Ayacucho, as in (LOZ, 299) Obedezcan sus ordenes de gl, 'Obey his orders '. Lozano also includes the structure in which the possessor phrase precedes the item possessed, for example, (LOZ, 299) Se quem6 del joven su pantal6n, 'The young man's trousers got burned', in his remarks on the syntactic pattern 'double possessive'.

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142 Gutierrez (1984) and Herrero (1969) also have noted the Bolivian use of constructions in which the genitive complement precedes the principal nominal phrase, resulting in the double possessive structure (GUT, 96) de la Marfa su casa, 'Maria's house'. Additional references to this type of structure include those from Cerr6n-Palomino (1988), Rodriguez (1982) and Escobar (1978) for Peruvian Spanish, for example: (CER, 68) de mi tfo su casa, my uncle 's house '. Both types of constructions were encountered frequently during this research in both monolingual and bilingual speech, including: (STRIV, 30) (STRI, 153) (STRII, 16) Yo tenfa sus .. de mi mama sus joyas, 'I had her .. my mom 's jewelry'; De mi tfo su casa es, It is my uncle's house '; Despu es hemos obsequiado libros al escuela de alla que tampoco tenfa su ayuda del alcaldfa, mas que todo, o vecinos del pueblo, 'Afterward we gave books to the school there, which also didn t have the help of the office of the mayor, most of all, or of the mestizos of the community .' Subject Pronouns The following constitutes the subject pronoun paradigm for altiplano Spanish:

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143 Person Singular Plural I yo nosotros, nos3 II tu, VOS III el, ella; ustedes usted, vos Tur VOS and usted Vos is frequently heard as a familiar form in both urban and rural areas of Bolivia, as well as ll!, among peers, family, and to indicate friendship or familiarity between persons of varying socio-economic or cultural backgrounds. For some speakers the use of vos indicates a greater degree of intimacy than ll!, which is therefore considered somewhat more formal or polite. These speakers then have a three way system along a continuum from intimacy to formality, with usted as the formal and very polite (or very distant) address form: vos = [+intimacy] tu = [ + polite] usted = [ + formal] Vos is currently a very popular form among young people, and at times can be heard as an invariant form replacing both tu and U d. in the speech of speakers in both rural and urban areas. Vos is used with the singular verb form associated with 11!., as in (STRI, 22) Vos no quieres ensenarles, 'You don't want to teach them', except in the imperative where the plural form is used: 3per Richard Laprade (1976).

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(STRI, 16) jA ver habla vos!, 'Come on, talk!' 144 Kany (1947) indicated that vos sois may be heard as well as vos eres for the present indicative of ser (p 194); that usage was not noted during this research. Mendoza (1988) maintains that vos (= !.ill is not characteristic of either popular speech or the variedad culta on the Peruvian altiplano, and that its use in Bolivia distinguishes Bolivian Spanish from Andean Spanish in general (p. 16) Likewise in the Peruvian data recorded for this research vos occurs as an object of a preposition but not in the subject slot, where only the tu form occurs. Terms of address follow the general patt e rns for SS: usted for formality, and as an expression of politeness, respect or distance; and tu or vos for familiarity, and as an expression of friendship, solidarity or intimacy. The specific patterns, however require some e x plication, and as a matter of fact this research may reveal more questions about those patterns than it answers. Highlanders in Bolivia (and possibl y P e ru-the research data from Peru is limited on this point) display a preference for informality or friendly address with the addressee, and frequently request that second person forms (tu and vos) be used reciprocally This was my e x perience in the La Paz area especially with those who may be considered middle class, and with both monolinguals and bilinguals; and it was also the case in the rural area although usually without the request for mutual tu teo Campesinos were justifiably more cautious of a stranger, especially a foreigner, and would initially use usted and then would use tu or vos when they had obtained sufficient information about me, or any other stranger, to warrant it.

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145 I am not suggesting that the shift from initial use of usted followed by a rapid shift to vos occurs across all social and economic boundaries. It is not likely that upper class Bolivians would insist that a campesino, particularly a stranger, refer to them using the familiar forms, even while they may be employing those forms to address the campesino-a classic case of the French tu/vous class dichotomy described by Brown and Gilman (1960). On the other hand it is not uncommon to hear tu or vos used between familiars of different socio-economic strata and ethnic backgrounds: university students and professors, live-in maids and employers, clients and shop attendants or bank tellers. I also heard the exclusive use of vos for address by some speakers, especially by older bilinguals, suggesting to me that at least in some bilingual speech vos may replace both tu and usted. It is possible, of course, that I simply wasn't present when the context appeared in which usted would be appropriately used by these speakers. However, one may also hear either vos or tu accompanied by the third singular verb form (vos dice/ ha dicho), which may reinforce the notion that vos serves for all situations as a term of address for some speakers. It is usually accompanied, however, by the second person singular verb form (vos dices/ has dicho) An additional feature of highland discourse involves these subject pronouns as a resource for providing shape or tone to a particular message. In a variety of situations involving introductions and requests, particularly, as well as in more general conversations, it is not uncommon to be addressed first as usted, then as tu or vos (if it is socially appropriate) as the discourse conversation, explanation, relation of events, etc.,-proceeds, and finally, the use of usted again to round out the discourse-for leave-taking, to summarize or restate a request, or to end the conversation on a polite note.

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146 The general feeling this lends to the conversation is the speaker's respect for the addressee, and at the same time a reinforcement of or desire for friendship~r at least a pleasant communication-with that person Unfortunately the research is incomplete w ith regard to determining the correct response to such desirable treatm e nt My own experience was such that I could either follow the pattern indicat e d a bove, or persist in the use of either usted or tu/vos with the speaker, depending on which was appropriate, and my response was acceptable for a foreigner For those conversations in which the courteous friend s hip ( u s ted-tu/vos-usted) pattern was noted and I w as able to d e termin e a r es pon se p a ttern, it proved to be usted-tu/vos-usted as well. However in not ev er y case was it possible to determine the relationship of the interlocutors w hich probably has a bearing on the appropriate response pattern. Some speakers will u s e tu with familiars initially in a conversation and switch to vos when the topic of conversation becomes intimate, so that topic is a clear correlate of change in register. Top i c may be said to govern the usted-tu/vos-usted pattern indicated abov e, at l ea st in part. nos and no s otro s According to Laprade (1976) nos may b e us e d to indicate the inclusive (speaker + /others + addressee) first person plur a l a nd nosotros or mi + the first person plural verb form to indicate the e x clusive of addressee first person plural. Nos as a subject form does not occur in these data, in which nos is instead used in a reflexive (or 'participative se e Chapter V) sense It is likely that Laprade s interpretation is not appropriate for this sample Examples from the present study include :

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(STRV, 24) (STRIII, 15) Tres dfas nos hemos a trasados en ahi, y en esas semanas ya no hemos hecho nada, 'Three days we delayed there, and during those weeks we didn't do anything.' ... y posteriormente nos venimos aqui a La Paz, ... and then we came here, to La Paz.' 147 In the first example, the nos hemos a trasado may be understood to mean something like 'we delayed on our own, to ourselves, among ourselves'. And in the second example, the context of the statement is a description of the lives of two brothers in rural Potosi, in which the speaker talks about their having to cook for themselves in the rural schools More from his discussion is presented in the example below: (STRID, 13) Nos cocinabamos en las escuelas que estabamos internados, lno?, 'We cooked for ourselves in the schools where we boarded.' Prepositional Object Pronouns The prepositional object pronoun (OP) forms are identical with the subject forms (above), with the exception of mf, ti and reflexive g, for which the allomorphs -migo, -tigo, and -sigo follow con. Vos appears as OP as well: (STRI, 167) (STRI, 115) El lo ha pedido para vos, 'He asked for it for you'; Con vos mas, vos, Teodora, y la Delia, 'With you, too, you Teodora, and Dale.' The form vos as prepositional object does occur in the Peruvian as well as in the Bolivian data for this research. The Peruvian sample is limited, it is from a tape-recorded letter to a sister currently living in La Paz where vos is current, and thus this sample may be exceptional:

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(STRIX, 74) Tarnbien te estoy rnandando saludos de parte de mi mama, de parte de Helga, para vos y para todos, 'Also I send greetings to you from Morn and Helga, for you and for everybody .' 148

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CHAPTER VII SYNTAX: DISCOURSE PROCESSES Discourse processes refer to those features of speech which contribute to the grammatical structure of discourse, and others which primarily function to lend AS its particular 'shape at a level beyond the construction of sentences. Included below are the elements involved in data source marking and other grammatical processes such as conjunction and subordination, the various processes which often are performed by suffixed elements, and the functions of topicalization and repetition. Data Source Marking As indicated in Chapter V, the evidentials category, referred to as data source, is expressed in AS by the use of (1) selected verb tenses and (2) forms of decir A third option is quotation, and the three may be combined in varying ways which at first may seem confusing to speakers of other dialects of Spanish. In fact such confusion, a result of a misunderstanding or misreading of the structure of AS, often leads to the conclusion on the part of the hearer or reader that speakers of AS simply do not have command of the Spanish language. The following will describe the several ways in which data source categories are manifested in speech events in AS. Verb Tense As we have seen, verb tenses in AS specify the source of the information being relayed at least as much as they indicate the time frame of the events in question. A full description of the individual tenses and their 149

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150 relevance to data source has been provided in the section on the syntax and social contexts of verb tenses. What follows are portions of texts recorded for this study, with a detailed English gloss of the AS texts which includes explication of the data source information contained in the individual verb forms. An attempt has been made to represent the narratives according to the flow of speech, rather than in paragraph forml. Commas represent pauses, periods represent utterance-final pauses; ellipses are used only for deleting material that includes hesitations, switches in the midst of word formation, etc. Full transcriptions of the narratives are included in the appendices. Information provided in parentheses is from context. English translations of verb meanings (excluding data source categories) are underlined, as are the corresponding AS verb forms. Data source meanings are indicated in italics. The first text is from a young man who had just turned 15 years old at the time of the recording in early 1987, a bilingual (Aymara-Spanish), living in the rural community Kusijata, Provincia Manco Kapac, located very near to Copacabana in Bolivia. (STRV, 71-80) (M)is hermanos estan en La Paz, en la ciudad esta, mi hermano mayor, ha salido el afio pasado bachiller de nuestro colegio. Y, este afio ha ido al cuartel, y, el afio creo que va a estudiar. Y mi otro hermano esta trabajando asi. Se ha salido del colegio, estaba en primer medio, y .. en julio, por alli se ha salido. A La Paz se han ido con otro, con mi primo, se habian ido para, en trabajar. Y, en nada habian encontrado trabajo, y buscando asi. Y, esta mi tio en ahi, y le habia encontrado, y, mi tio habfa ido tambien para que trabaje. Sf, el otro tambien con su cufiado se habfa ido a trabajar, mi primo, y, desde ahi de ese afio ... el anteafio pasado, se ha ido. ld. Hymes 1981 and Tedlock 1983

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Del anteaflo pasado estabaps en La Paz es. No viene casi. 'My brothers are in La Paz, he's in the city, my older brother, last year he graduated from our high school, I was th e re, I saw him graduate And, this year he went into the Army I know because I saw him do it or perhaps I saw the papers and next year I believe he's going to go (to school), I have some reason to vouch for that And my other brother is working like that (you know how work is). He left high school, he was in junior high, and .. in July, around that time, he left I was th ere, I saw him go They went to La Paz, he and another, he and my cousin, I was there, I saw them go, they went (to find) work I suppose, I can't say that I know it personally how can you know someone e lse's mind? And they didn't find work (doing) anything it appears I wasn't there, (they were) looking around (for it). And, my uncle is there, and (my brother) met him so the story goes, I wasn't th e r e, I didn't see it, and, my uncle also went there to work that was likely his intention but I can't personally testify to it And another, my cousin, also went with his brother-in-law to (find) work this is their personal knowledge, not mine And from this year .. the year before last (my brother) left I saw him go Since year before last he s been in La Paz, (that's where) he is. He seldom comes (here).' 151 Note that throughout the narrative, the speaker gives the non personal knowledge form, the pluperfect, w hen he tells about the motives or intentions or ideas of others. These are things he cannot know personally, he knows about them only if they are spoken aloud by the person who has them. So while the speaker does not say specifically at this point where the information about comes from about his family members having gone to La

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152 Paz for the purpose of looking for work, it is clear that he can't speak of these matters using forms that would indicate that the information is his through his own personal experience On the other hand, the informant can speak from personal experience about the fact that the family members have left Kusijata for La Paz-he saw them go, saw them get on the bus bound for La Paz with their possessions. The present perfect is the form chosen here to express the personal knowledge category of information. Likewise the speaker knows from personal experience that his brother graduated from the high school near Kusijata, and that then he went into the army. The use of the present tense without a non-personal knowledge marker such as me dicen, they tell me to relay information occurs in the context of discourse in which the essential parameters are laid out in otherwise unambiguous data source terms. In one of the narratives recorded for this research, the informant consistently used the present perfect forms to relay information about activities that she had been involved in as an member of an Aymara community. The preterite, also a personal knowledge form, was used to signal personal knowledge, but regarding activities of 'others'-including activities of the 'authorities' from whom she clearly wishes to distance herself. The following is taken from this narration wherein the informant is giving a list of activities on behalf of the community in which she participated (see text II in the appendices for a complete picture of the events in question): (STRII) Hemos habido una reunion ... Hemos obrado . para el techado de las piezas de los profesores . . Hemos preparado varios platos ... Hemos comprado las calaminas .... Y entonces esto h~

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sido una sorpresa .... Le hemos dado una sorpresa ya a los autoridades ... 'We had a meeting .... We worked for the roofing for the teachers rooms ... We prepared various dishes .... We bought the roofing tin . . And then this was a surprise .... We gave a surprise to the authorities .. ; 153 Compare the following statements describing the activities of others in regard to working for the welfare of the community: (STRII) ... los mandones corregidor, alcalde obsequi6 un pequefio terreno para la construcci6n de seis o siete piezas .. Vinieron y se dieron una sorpresa grande al recibir calaminas y libros Sf, quedaron muy sa tisfechos, .. the authorities governor, mayor gave a small piece of land for the construction of six or seven rooms ... They came and they had for themselves a big surprise on receiving the roofing tin. Yes, they were very satisfied .' Th us levels of personal in vol vemen t a nd of community and companionship versus distance and formality, a re expressed by use of either the present perfect or the preterite forms, and must be considered an integral part of the message of the narrative Forms of decir Many researchers have commented on the use of decir as a narrative element in the speech of highlanders of Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia A few have noted the place of this speaking style in the evidentials system of Andean Spanish. Beyersdorff, for example, (1986) notes the use of forms of decir as a reportative in the literature of Arguedas, which frequently uses the speech of Peruvian serranos as the literary motif:

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(BEY 36) !Encanto, encanto, diciendo pichk'achuris, taitay! where the standard is given as !Los Pichk'achuris dicen que es encanto, mi papacito! 'The Pichk'achuris say that it's enchantment, my papa!' 154 Muysken, researching Ecuadorian Spanish, has noted the high frequency use of diz Q_Y.g, 'X says, they say (1985: 66). He remarks that such constructions correspond functionally to the Quechua suffix indicating hearsay information (indirect or non-personal knowledge). In general, it is the frequency of such usage in the Andean context, not the form itself, which is considered a feature of altiplano Spanish. Additionally, forms of decir often occur, as Escobar (1978) notes, in utterance-final position, as in (ESCI, 109) Extrafiaba a su marido, dice, 'She missed her husband, she says.' The frequency of the form in the sentence final position, and its role in the eviden tials system, leads to the con cl us ion that these constructions serve syntactically as sentence particles signaling non-personal knowledge Use of the construction for this purpose is widespread throughout the research area. The following is taken from a narrative recorded in 1987 for this study. The speaker is a 33-year-old trilingual (Aymara-Spanish-Quechua) from Wari, La Paz, Bolivia In this particular narrative the sentence particles from decir are used most often to introduce information; they occur syntactically prior to information to which they refer. The format of the narrative presentation follows that given for the previous narrative

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(STRX, 136-145) Es la verdad, esta cambiando, esta cambiando (el uso de las llamas), verdad. Igual decfa en mi pueblo, mis familias, dice que tenia mi abuelo, dizque tenia la llama jharto! Ahorita tiene los canchones tiene, de llama, los canchones tiene los . morallas, tiene ahora de piedra son pues eso. Tiene, lo tiene ahorita .. Este dizque tinia llenito la llama Aparte dice que tinfa alpaca. Dizque antes era dizque era lindo, ahora no hay eso. Porque hay mucha g e nte ahora. 'It's true, it s changing, it's changing (the use of the llamas), true. They said the same thing in my community, my family, they say that my grandfather had, they say he had many llamas! Right now the llama corrals have, they have the corrals have .. walls, they have (them still), they're of stone! They have (them), they have them now . .. This they say was full of llamas And they say that he had alpaca. They say that before, they sav it was beautiful, now this doesn t exist. For there are (too) many people now.' 155 The use of decir to indicate non-personal knowledge allows the speaker to use personal knowledge forms, in this c a se the imperfect, to express past events to which the he was not a personal witness. Note that the use of the present tense without non-personal kno w ledg e qualification would signal that Ascencio had seen the llama corrals with stone walls that he describes. Quoting There is a high incidence of the use of direct quotes in AS, and often these are encapsulated in sentence structure Indeed, at times it seems this

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156 form of reference is preferred to indirect quotes, replacing subordinated clauses Quoting is relevant to data source indication not only as a means of signaling the source of the information It also provides a way to transmit the information as directly as possible, that is, without going through the filter of interpretation. Thus the high value which is placed on accurate indication of data source in AS also attends the concise transmittal of the information. In text II (see appendices), a relatively short narrative, the speaker makes use of direct quotes three times The following provide examples of use of the encapsulated quote (STRVIII, 5) (STRV, 40) (STRV, 34) (STRVI, 12) Entonces el campesino me dijo de que "no me tocara aquf, ni s iqui e ra le a v isara al medico, para que le atienda s u fractura en una de las rodillas, 'So the campesino told me don't touch me here neither did he want me tell the doctor, so that he might attend his knee fracture.' Si, y nos ha dicho "ella esta agarrando", asi, 'Yea, and X told us s he has (it)," like that.' "Asi que este nomas t a mbien mi papa ha dicho, "Let it be like that my dad also said.' Entonces, yo le deda "c por que lo han colocado 'Carabuco'?, y ellos me decfan de que "la gente de aqui ha salido . 'So, I asked (them) "w hy did they name it Carabuco'?, and they told me "the people left from here" .. .'

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157 Combined Forms Combinations of the data source indicators listed above (verb forms, forms of decir, and quoting) are created b y s peak e rs of AS in order to express a variety of subtle distinctions r eg ardin g personal and non-personal knowledge For example, the u s e o f th e pluperfect together with constructions using some form of d e cir o r o ther w ise indicating that the source of the information was outside the personal e x perience of the speaker, yields more personal distance for the spe a k e r from the information In the following, the speaker signals that he wa s told information during his travels (he heard' it, they told' him, the y indi ca t e d '), a nd th e form used initially is the pluperfect tense Data source indicator s are und e rlined : (STRVI, 1-2) Lo poco que h a bf a es cuch a do a traves de los viejitos o ancianos que me contaron cuando estaba pas a ndo por la comunidad de Carabuco, es una zona ay m a r a d e l s ector Lago Titicaca, provincia C a macho E ntonces, ellos indican en el tiempo d e l ex plot a ci 6 n de los patrones, habia familias que a p e llid a n M amanis, Quispes, Ch'ukiwank a, Wan k a, (I'll tell you o f) th e littl e th a t I heard from the older ones or eld e rl y ones who told me when I was travellin g throu g h the community of Carabuco, it's an A y mara area of Lake Titicaca, (in) Camacho pro v inc e So, they indicate(d) (that) in the e r a of e x ploitation b y the patrons, there we re families w hose surnames were Mamani, Quispe, Ch ukiwanka, Wanka In the first line of the narrative th e n th e s p eake r no t onl y indicates that he heard the information, but underscores th e fa ct that the events in question did not happen to him by utilizing the pluper f ect. The imperfect progressive (estaba pasando) and the unqualified pr ese nt t e nse forms indicate personal knowledge or personal e x perience. The present tense forms (indican and

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158 apellidan) are cases of the present tense used as a past, and are personal knowledge forms. Note that apellidan provides the original (as told to the informant) statement. The personal knowledge form is permitted here because it is qualified by the statement ellos indican, 'they indicate(d) Certain types of emphasis or stress can be also be placed by use of forms expressing personal knowledge In the followin g the speaker indicates in the first line of the narrative where the information is from: it came from study, it did not happen to him personally. However, his use of the present perfect and the phrase 'I have seen, I saw here tends to highlight the fact of study as the source of the data-for some reason h e wa nts to make that very clear. Perhaps he feels that study can be an important source of knowledge. (STRV, 69) Primeramente h e v i s to y o estudiando, que las incas se habfan hecho de piedra, sf, y, como habia una piedra mas fina, piedra pulida' habia llamado de ese se han hecho, 'First I saw (by) studying that the Incas made (things) for themselves of stone, yes, and, as there was a very fine stone, it was called polished stone ', they made themselves (things) of that'; In sum the speaker points out vouch es fo r the fact that he studied, so he can use a personal knowledge form to relay that information. The pluperfect forms which follow a re used to relay the information that was obtained by study, since the speaker was not there during the time of the Incas He states what the stone was called during that epoch, using the pluperfect form. In all of this, the addition of the pluperfect to an utterance in which non-personal knowledge data source is already indicated provides an additional signal to the listener that the information is not personal knowledge. He wanted to be sure that I understood that, perhaps because I'm

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159 a foreigner and may not understand their history. However, because he stated the source of his information he can use the personal knowledge form (here, the present perfect) in the context of telling what he learned about the Incas, and he does so in the last part of the telling. Particles Expressions such as seguro, seguramente, quiza, de repente, and supongo may be used to indicate agreement without personal knowledge (e g., 'I'm sure that is the case but I wasn t there ) These items occurring in responses to statements do not indicate that those statements are doubted, which is often the misinterpretation given by those who do not speak AS (cf Hardman 1985b). On the contrary, the response which includes these expressions is intended to convey a positive message to the interlocutor, while at the same time meeting the requirements of the data source category (see Chapter V), which are to clarify whether one has personally experienced the information being given Subordination Three types of subordination which occur m AS will be considered here: relativization, through which a noun is modified by a sentence embedded inside the noun phrase; subordination by gerund usage; and subordination by juxtaposition Although the structures indicated below occur in the data and are recognized as sufficiently frequent in AS for inclusion in this report, it must be noted that at this point only the occurrence of the items can be discussed. A more important point from the perspective of linguistic anthropology is whether the constructions cited below signal a different meaning in their usage than that indicated by subordination processes in SS. For example, both and lo~ occur in AS in relative

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160 pronoun slots-does lo que have a somewhat different meaning than que? Future research in the dialect area will identify such distinctions if they exist. Rel a ti viz a tion "A relative clause is a sentence embedded inside NP, modifying that NP's head noun like an adjective" (Whitley 1986: 293). The relative pronoun which leads the embedded sentence has the same referent as the antecedent noun modified by the embedded sentence. There is a tendency among some speakers to provide an antecedent, neuter or masculine lo before the relative pronoun que Kany, also noting the constructions, asserts that it was probably brought into being by the use of invariable lo as a redundant pronoun" (1947 : 203). Examples in this research include the following, in which lo is repeated after que: (STRVI, 16) (STRI, 127) (STRVI, 9) Gerund ... la pregunta lo que lo he hecho es ... ... the question that I asked is ... '. De los aymaras los que han venido del campo, hay mucha gente que esta capitalista, 'Of the Aymara people who've come from the countryside, there are many who are capitalist'; Y por eso la gente de alli habla todavia aymara, se recuerda, pero en sf no quieren decirlo tal vez de este lo que habfa pasado, 'And for this reason the people from there still speak Aymara, it's remembered, but in themselves they don't want to say they do, perhaps because of what had happened'; At times gerund forms will play the functional role in AS of subordinated clauses introduced by or by subordinating conjunctions

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161 used in SS, such as cuando, como si, etc . There are few instances of this in the data recorded on tape for this research: (STRV, 69) Primeramente he visto yo estudiando, que las Incas se habfan hecho de piedra ... Mainly I saw (when I was) studying that the Incas made (things) for themselves of stone .. The gerund as a subordinated verb is also used in writing, especially in direct translations from Aymara to Spanish, suggesting parallels with structures in the indigenous language. The following were taken from such translations: (STRI, 242) (STRI, 244) (STRI, 248) Entonces nosotros entre los dos estudiando, junto siempre donde sea solfamos ir .. en el campo a diferentes colegios, 'So we two studying, together wherever we used to go ... in the countryside to different schools.' Entonces estando un ano en el cuartel ya sabfa en alla, 'So being a year in the army, then I knew (what it was like) there' Al Tupak Katari agarando llevar6n a una cueva en esa oyada han matado .. . su cabeza llevaron a la ciudad de La Paz hasta Liquiliqui han hecho llegar. Y asiendo llegar clavaron su cabeza a la Tierra (original spelling preserved), where the standard might read Cuando habfan agarrado al Tupak Katari, lo llevaron a una cueva, y en esa hoyada lo mataron .. su cabeza llevaron a la ciudad de La Paz, hasta Liquiliqui la han hecho llegar. Y cuando la habfan hecho llegar, clavaron su cabeza a la Tierra, 'When they had captured Tupak Katari, they carried (him) to a cave, (and) in this hollow

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(BEY, 35) they killed (him) .. . they carried his head to the city of La Paz, to Liquiliqui they took (it). And when (it) arrived, they nailed his head to the earth'; Capaz cerro grande tambien cargando hasta la mar k'ocha, 162 The second example, taken from the literature of Jose Maria Arguedas, is cited by Beyersdorff (1986); a standard interpretation of the Peruvian sample is given as 'Tambien es posible que carguemos el cerro grande hasta el mar', 'Also it s possible th a t we carry the large hill to the sea. Muysken (1984) also notes a high frequency of gerund use in subordinated constructions in Ecuador, such as : (MUY, 104) Ya desyerbar terminando, a la yerba lo llevado a la casa, Having finished weeding, I took the weeds to the house Adverbial Subordinator and Fronting of Subordinate Clause Presence of adverbial head Cerr6n-Palomino (1988: 68) has reported that, in the speech of both bilinguals and monolinguals in Peru, subordinate clauses often occur before main clauses, as in (CER, 68) for the standard and En lo que estaba jugando se cay6, Se cay6 donde estaba jugando 'He fell down where he was playing',

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(CER, 68) for the standard De lo que faltaste se molest6, Se molest6 por lo que faltaste, 'X was bothered because you were absent 163 Note that for both of the examples given by Cerr6n-Palomino, the standard adverbial subordinators donde (locative) and 12..QI ( causal) have been replaced by what he considers to be the semantic calques en lo que and de lo que, respectively (p. 68). Cerr6n-Palomino considers both the order of the subordinate and principle clauses and the source of the calques to be due to Quechua influence. The examples give by Cerr6n-Palomino for P e ruvian Spanish are also characteristic of Bolivian usage, and thus are considered to represent AS in general. Although there were no utterances recorded for this research with the type of semantic calque heading the adve rbial clauses in the examples above, they were heard in the target area during the current research in the speech of bilinguals. Because it is the case that fronting or foregrounding of elements of the sentence that the speaker chooses to present first, emphasize, etc, is a characteristic of AS, it may be that the fronting of subordinate clauses is at least partially influenced by stylistic patterns. Absence of adverbial head Subordinate clauses may stand 'alone in the sense that they need not be introduced by subordinating conjunctions. Instead, there may be juxtaposition of clauses, wherein inferenc es a re made with regard to the propositional relationship between the clauses. There are only few examples of this form of subordination in the d a t a gat h e r ed for the research. The extent of its occurrence is not yet known, nor w hether it occurs in monolingual speech-the examples below are from bilinguals (Aymara-Spanish).

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(STRV, 7) (STRVI, 2) Y, se muri6 estaba caminando por otro lado yo buscando asi para que se sane por ahi, lno?, 'And (when) she died I was looking elsewhere for something to help her get well, see? Entonces, ellos indican en el tiempo del explotaci6n de los patrones, habfa familias que apellidan Mamanis, Ouispes, Ch'ukiwanka, Wanka, 'So, they indicate(d) (that) in the era of exploitation by the patrones, there were families whose surnames were Mamani, Quispe, Ch'ukiwanka, Wanka.' 164 Beyersdorff (1986) has also noted an absence of subordinate clauses introduced by que" (p. 35), in the narratives of Jose Marfa Arguedas: (BEY, 37) iMentira encanto!, 'iES mentira que sea encanto! ', 'It's a lie that it's an enchantment!' Muysken (1984) also found this structuring to be characteristic of Quechua Spanish interlanguage in Ecuador. Conjunction The sentence conjunction que may be replaced by the construction de que This phenomenon, certainly a feature of other dialects, is a common one in AS as well-so much so th~t word mavins who wish to cure unseemly language behavior, write to the daily presses that dequefsmo is a construction erroneously used by persons of diverse cultural levels ( Frias 1980), and proceed to offer linguistic solutions. Constructions such as (STRVI, 12) Entonces, yo le decia Lpor que lo han colocado Carabuco?", y ellos me dedan de que la gente de aqui ha salido," entonces, alli tambien se ha

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puesto con este nombre Tarabuco' y no 'Carabuco' 'So, I asked (them) why did you name it Carabuco? and they told me that the people left from here ," so, there they used the (similar) name 'Tarabuco' and not Carabuco ', 165 are very frequent in daily speech and across social and ethnic groups in AS. The following examples come from both Peruvian and Bolivian bilinguals and monolinguals, who represent the middle and lower class social groups of altiplano society (STRI, 211) (STRVIII, 54) (STRIX, 65) (STRIX, 71) (STRIII, 113) Creo de que . 'I believe that . .'; Entonces el campesino me dijo de que "no me tocara aqui" ni siquiera le avisara al medico, para que le atienda su factura en una de las rodillas, 'So the campesino told me "don t touch me here", neither did he want me to tell the doctor so that he could attend the knee fracture .' Ha hecho de que nosotros no somos ni su familia ni nada . 'He made (it so) that we aren't part of his family or anything . .'; Que estas pensando de que puede pasarme algo por el hecho de que estoy casada, cualquier cosa, 'That you're thinking that something could happen to me because I'm married, whatever .' Yo pienso de que se origina este, esta verguenza de, de hablar aymara, de eso, 'I think that this shame of speaking Aymara originates from that .'

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Frias (1980) cites the examples (FRI, 3) (FRI, 3) Dice de que volvera pronto, 'X says that X will return quickly', Mehan contado de que salio ternprano, 'They told me that X left early.' 166 Frias also notes the occurrence of queisrno, in which the subordinated clause is not proceeded by the prepositiona such as (FRI, 3) Estoy seguro que el rnuchacho no llevaba dinero, 'I'm sure that the boy wasn't carrying money, although Frias notes that the construction is actually less frequent than the conjunction de que Causation Herrero (1969) discusses influence of the causative suffix in Quechua translated as some form of hacer + infinitive in the speech of Bolivians, as in (HER, 39) Haz cocer estas papas con Juan, Have Juan cook these potatoes.' The question of indigenous language influences will be taken up more thoroughly in Chapter VIII. At this point it should be noted that the construction described by Herrero in his discussion of the Spanish of Cochabamba is very commonly employed throughout the AS dialect area. Frequently the forms occur as in the following: (STRII, 35) (STRII, 34) Hernos hecho Harnar a los rnandones principalrnente para que se reuna, We had the authorities called principally so that (they) could meet ; Hernos hecho llegar los libros,

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(STRX, 31) (STRX, 8) (STRIII, 68) (STRIX, 61) 'We had the books arrive (i. e., we sent them)'; Entonces, viajo al valle, del valle llego con veinte llamas hago llegar ya digamos veinte cargas, 'Well then, I travel to the valley, from the valley I arrive with 20 llamas, I cause to arrive then, let's say, 20 cargos ; ... y bueno de alla sacamos ese trigo y mafz, lo hacemos moler . ... and, well, from there we get that wheat can corn, we have it ground .. '; Por ejemplo, el anteafio pasado ha venido por solamente hacerse curar y es enfermisa, 'For example, year before last she came just to have herself treated, and she s very sick'; Nunca hace tratar de preocupar por los problemas que podemos tener, yo, Amalia, o cualquiera de nosotros, Lno?, 'Never does she try to concern (herself) with the problems that we may have, I, Amalia, or f ?' any o us, see., The following is taken from a written sample of AS: (STRI, 239) Despues oi tambien, algunos padres y madres de que no dejan hacer hablar aimara a sus hijos segun dichos, 'Afterwards I also heard (of) some parents who don't give up having their children speak Aymara, they say .' 167 While the construction hacer + infinitive in general is standard, it is often used in AS, as the examples illustrate, in contexts in which other types of constructions are preferred in SS Also, the particular type of structure given by Herrero above, which includes the non-SS phrase con + person, is a feature

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168 of speech throughout the dialect area, although it was not recorded for this research and it was not heard in the speech of monolinguals. Marking Customary Action The verb saber is used in AS where other dialects more frequently use soler, 'to be accustomed to', in the construction saber + infinitive, as in: (STRI, 144) (STRV, 36) (STRV, 54) Este toro sabe correr, 'This bull runs (watch out!)'; El bus sabe venir cada dia, 'The bus comes every day'; Yo tambien se cocinar a veces Sf, 'Also I sometimes I cook. Yes.' Suffixation The forms listed below occur in altiplano Spanish as post-positioned grammatical elements which fulfill a variety of discourse functions Laprade (1976 and 1981) also discusses these forms in his description of the Spanish of La Paz. Laprade's description is true of my data as well, and he is correct in his interpretation of the forms as "bound units which modify the meaning of the word or phrase to which they are suffixed (1976: 77). The forms occur as they are presented here in the speech of monolinguals and bilinguals, in the middle and lower classes. Future research will determine the extent to which the AS forms occur in the speech of the upper classes. Word/Phrase Level The SS conjunction pues, 'as, since', has been transformed in AS to a particle which is suffixed to various parts of speech. The form occurs frequently as the phonetic variant [ps], and it is in this manifestation that the

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169 identity of the form as a suffix is most obvious. Pues or -~ are very commonly attached to verbs very frequently to commands, but also to question responses (& no, or substantive responses), question forms (lpara que?, ll2QI. que?) adverbials (especially nomas, todavfa), adjectivals (mucho, harto, etc.), object nouns, indefinite nouns (nada, nadie, etc.), the sentence suffix-like particle asi, 'thus, like that', and to other elements which were not recorded for this research. As Laprade (1976) notes the function of the particle varies considerably, and correlates highly with sentence intonation. Generally, as the full form pues, which tends to occur in speech which is somewhat moderated, the form functions as a politive, a softener, a polite emphatic. In the examples below, the English equivalent of emphasis is represented by italics: (STRX, 167) (STRXI, 15) (STID(, 108) (STRI, 126) Siempre en campo necesita pues la gente, 'In the countryside the people still (or always) need (llamas)'; Pero eso tambien yo creo, a pesar que no puedo explicar, ni se exactamente como ha sido, pero me ha quedado, me ha quedado pues en el recuerdo muy profundamente, la forma de que soy yo lno?, 'But I also believe that, in spite of the fact that I can't explain, nor do I know exactly how it was, but it has remained for me, it has stayed very deep in my memory, the person I am, see?'; A veces mis tios tambien algunos son malos, ? b lno., sea urnan pues, . 'Sometimes some of my uncles are bad, see?, they got bored . .. '; Invitale a la senorita Delia platano, hablapues, 'Offer some banana to ms. Dale, go ahead!';

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(STRI, 91) (STRI, 26-27) (STRI, 184) DHepues, 'Go on, tell her'; zPara que pues vas a vender? jPara tener dinero pues!, Why on earth are you going to sell (it)? To have money of course!'; Hace cuatro siglos atras, hablaban aymara pues, los jatunqullas, 'Four centuries ago the Jatunqullas spoke Aymara. 170 At times, the form uttered as [pwe:s] (with a lengthened vowel) is used as an exhortative, as in anda pue:s, 'go along, please, ok?' or 'come on, please go on, ok?' In many, perhaps in most, cases in which the full form appears, the politive function persists and softens the message, be it principally command, question, or emphasis, or any combination of these The emphatic sense of pues may extend over the whole message, in the sense of underscoring a particular point, as an exclamation, to make the reasoning clear, and so forth as in (STRX, 62) Algunos compran diez quintales con lo que tienen, segun lo que tienen ganado pues y algunos tienen harta ganado entons tambien compran harto, 'Some (people) buy ten quintals with what they have, depending on the li ve stock they have that is and some have a lot of livestock so they also buy a lot (of salt) .' In this construction we may say that pues is a particle attached to a sentence or a phrase or clause, rather than a word particle. Additional examples of this include

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171 (STRI, 25) Para alegrarme pues, 'In order to be happy! Especially in the form -~ the particle serves as a somewhat sharper emphatic, punctuating the speech of altiplano speakers as an exclamation point does on paper. The reduced suffix is highly assibilated, and is frequently but not exclusively used in rapid speech. It is often the variant heard when the speaker expresses irritation, frustration, and so forth, so that a command such as anda pues, 'go ahead, go on, ok?', becomes more imperative, a somewhat sharper command as andaps, 'go on, go!' However, the politive element remains attached to the semantic field of the particle in its reduced form, even given the stronger imperative implication. As Laprade (1976) notes, anda standing along without the politive suffix pues in any form is an imperative more brusque, more curt in character, than with it. The reduced form, however, is very common in rapid, unmonitored speech, and in this context does not seem necessarily to carry a different semantic load from the full form. Again, emphases or other meanings expressed by the particles are rendered in spoken English by intonation, and below, in italics. Examples include: (STRI, 207) (STRI, 208) (STRV, 90) Asi nomas~ Delia me va a apenar mucho no poderte ver, 'Just so, Dale, I'm really going to miss you!'; Hay en la orilla casi pura aymara es~ 'On the shores (of the lake) it is nearly pure Aymara.' Si, con esa parte han acabado, ahora ahi van a formar~ con palos asf, van a formar alrededorito ...

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(STRI, 154) (STRI, 93) (STRV, 35) (STRX, 157) (STRIII, 34) 'Yes, they've finished with that part (of the house), now (up) there they re going to use pieces of wood like so (this is the work they r e going to do next ), they ll arrange them around I I Nose si hayllli mujeres que trabajan con polleras, 'I don t know if there are women in traditional dress working (in offices) that would b e news! '; 'Listen to me, do it now!'; Y, nosotros no le hemos dicho como estabamos un poquito chiquitos, y no le hemos dicho!lli nada, 'And, we didn t tell her because we were small, andwe didn't s ay anything to her !'; Antes siempre cno? la gente no venfallli aquf a la ciudad, nadailli, Before the people never came to the city, nothing (like that)!' El que esta en este campo, cnollli? One who is in this field (of endeavor), isn t that right?? 172 The full form also appears in contexts which are more like the traditional SS syntax usage rather than as a suffix; that is, it is preceded by a pause, but the meaning is not as, since but rather closer to well : (STRXI, 47) ... usted ha vivido con su padre, en Caisa, pues ha estado tambien en Warisata .. . you lived with your father in Cafsa, well you were also in Warisata ... ;

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(STRIII, 40) nomtis Entonces no se si Dios quiere, pues, bueno, voy a pasar a otras secciones a otras areas mas ... 'So I don't know if God wills, well, well, I'll go (in)to other aspects, other areas .. 173 Both Kany (1947) and Laprade (1976 and 1981) remark on the frequency of this particle in Bolivia, and its functioning as a !imitative as a reinforcer of modifiers, and as an emphatic or intensifier. Laprade's (1976) discussion is especially pertinent here He notes that the form occurs in Pacefio Spanish as a post-positive element only; this is true for my d a ta as well. It is also the case that nomas may function as a suavizador, 's oftener at the same time as it performs any of the other three functions listed above As a !imitative, in the sense of 'only or 'just', nomas is found as in the following: (STRI, 113) (STRV, 34) (STRV, 64) Es medio dfa de viaje nomas, It's only a half day trip'; "Asi que este nomas" tambien mi papa ha dicho, "Just let it be like that my dad also said'; Yo eso nomas tambien quiero, Also I want only that.' As as intensifier or emphatic, examples include : (STRV, 31) (STRI, 49) Es mi tia nomas tambien, 'It's my aunt too!'; Llevatelo nomas, Just take it!' As a reinforcer of modifiers: (STRIII, 58) Asi, asi entonces estamos tranquilo nomas, 'Like so, so we re pretty much content';

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(LAPI, 84) (STRX, 111) siempre Chiquito nomas, 'Just a small thing'; Apenas nomas a veces la carga, estaba sobiendo la llama, 'At times the cargo would barely get on the llama 174 Laprade (1976, 1981) also discusses the use of siempre, which, apart from transmitting its standard meaning as 'always' in other syntactic positions, as a post-positional particle m AS is frequently used to communicate the notions of surprise, continued intent or emphasis: (LAPI, 85) (LAPI, 85) (STRI, 137) (STRV, 58) (STRX, 160) Aqui habia estado siempre, 'It was indeed here (and I hadn't realized it)!'; Nos hemos olvidado siempre, 'We did forget after all! ; Ese nombre creo que siempre era, 'I believe it was that name! (I had heard it before but had forgott e n about it until you mentioned it) ; cCuando siempre se casaran no?, 'When will they marry?; He durmido como muerto siempre, 'I slept like a corpse! The surprisal function of siempre, expressed m the first three examples above, is an echo of the data source category carrying much of the same content load as does the pluperfect form when it is used as a surprisal.

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175 In statements and in interrogatives the particle siempre also takes the meaning, roughly, of 'yet, still', or 'still?' a request for affirmation carried in standard Spanish by L
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176 tam bi en The conjoiner tambfen has not undergone a semantic shift, but in AS it is frequently treated as a suffixed item : (STRV, 64) (STRX, 23) Yo eso nomas tambien quiero, 'Also I only want that'; . buen tambien se puede morir los machos tambien, ya flaco ya no sirve tambien, siete afios, seis afios hay que venderlo ya Sf, . well also the males can die also, so thin they aren t useful either, seven years, six years they have to be sold Yes.' The SS diminutive suffix -ito/a, especially when attached to adjectives or adverbs in imperatives but also on nominals functions as a politive suffix as in the following, from a newspaper advertisement: (STRI, 99) Vecinita, Ud. que sale lpodria comprarmelo unas cebollas y tomates ... ?, 'Neighbor, you who are going out, would you (please) be able to buy me some onions and tomatoes .. ?' The following examples were t a ken during an auto ride across the altiplano in Peru. The passengers, apart from engaging in discussion, would occasionally give directions to the driver, a Catholic priest, about where to drop them off. The priest would also occasionally ask the passengers to do certain things, using imperative structures For e x ample, when one of the passengers first entered the car, the priest asked: (STRI, 140) Cierra la puerta un poquito mas fuertecito, '(Please) close the door a little bit harder.'

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177 As the passengers neared their destinations they would indicate these to the driver by expresssions such as: (STRI, 140) [aksito] voy a bajar 'Right here I ll get off', where the -ito functions both as a specifier and as a politive. (STRI, 140) and (STRI 140) Voy a bajar mas abajito 'I'll get off a bit further down the road, please, Deja.me ahfci to P a dre 'Please leave me ri g ht over there, Father. As a nominal suffix, -ito/a often expresses respect, at times cariflo: (STRVI, 1) Lo poco que habfa escuchado atraves de los viejitos o ancianos que me contaron ... 'The little that I heard from the elderly, the old ones who told me .. In most conversations in which -ito/a is employed, a semantic overlay of politeness and friendliness accompanies the diminutive sense of the suffix; in contrast, -ito/a is generally not used in brusque or sharp language The use of the suffix in the politive sense is a characteristic of speech in all social groups Phrase I Clause Level Linking The terms entonces, 'then, so then, well then', asf, 'thus, like so, like that and (less frequently) _y_ 'and', occur with very high frequency as discourse connectors, introducing the idea or set of ideas which follow a given statement. Entonces, perhaps because of the general length of the word

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178 and because it occurs so often in both rapid and moderated speech, has several variants which reflect characteristic vowel dropping in AS, including /entons/, /ntons/, /tonse/, /nse/. In some of the narratives recorded for ' this research, the linker appears to occur more frequently in more rapid speech. Narratives II and X are examples of this (see Appendices). In narrative V, the speaker utilizes the terms _y_ and asi as other speakers employ entonces The following examples are drawn from these and other narratives, although the overall rhythm and sequencing of the forms as connecting elements are best understood by examination of the entire texts (STRII, 8-9, 25-30) Entonces para que no haiga ese problema los mandones ... obsequi6 un pequefio terreno para la construccti6n de seis o siete piezas Entonces faltaba para el techar .. . Y entonces esto ha sido una sorpr e sa Alla hemos llegado un paquete grande Spara el techado de las piezas. Le hemos dado una sorpresa ya a los autoridades Entons ellos dijeron lpor que? a veces uno dice, estamos formando una mesa directiva, para el bien del pueblo Pero tantas otras personas habfan h e cho lo mismo .. entons no habfa nada p a ra el pueblo. Entons pensaban que los c a mp e sinos nosotros lo que estamos haciendo ib a a s er lo mismo .. ', 'Well then, in order not to have that problem the authorities .. gave a small piece of land for the construction of 6 or 7 rooms Then the roofing was lacking ... And so this was a surprise. We took a large package there, for the roofing of the rooms We gave the authorities a surprise. So then the y said, "w hy?, at times someone said we re organizing an executive board for the communit y welfare .' But so many others did the same thing ... so then there wasn t anything for the community. Well then they thought that we campesinos, what we were doing, was going to be the same ;

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(STRVIII, 2-8) (STRV, 4-16) Entonces allf era el mes de marzo, cuando la lluvias se asecaba mas, un campesino que se llamaba Facundo, ha sufrido una caida . . Entonces este campesino, era muy bueno, era colaborador con los maestros rurales, entonces yo quise ayudarle, llevandole en la bicicleta a un centro de salud de la Fuerza Naval en Tiquina. Entonces el campesino me dijo de que "no me tocara aquf" ni siquiera que le avisara al medico ... Entonces los campesinos Lque han hecho? .. ', 'Then there it was the month of March, when the rain doesn't come down quite as bad, a campesino called Facundo suffered a fall. ... So this campesino, he was a very good person, a collaborator w ith the rural teachers, well then I wanted to help him, to carry him on the bicycle to the clinic at the Navy Base in Tiquina. So then the campesino told me "don't touch me here neither did he want me to tell the doctor ... So then the campesinos, what did they do? .. '; Y cuando se murio mi mama, ya no nosotros, ya todo nos hemos ... nos hemos ocupado y muy triste Lno? Y llorando asi. X, se murio estaba caminando por otro lado yo buscando asi para que se sane .... Y ya asi. Ya han enterrado, .:y_ no me han dejando ni ver a mi mama, si, de poco tiempo, ya mi papa se habfa buscado otra mujer, si', 'And when my mom died, then everything we didn't. . we (were) preoccupied and very sad, no? And crying, like that. And (when) she died I went around like looking for (something) to cure her ... And thus like that. Then they buried (her), and they didn t allow me not even to see my mom, yes, and after a little while then my dad looked for another wife, yes.' 179 As connectors, entonces, asi, or combinations of these, are often used as fillers, elements which indicate that the speaker is not yet giving up the floor, is planning to say more.

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180 Summarizing A common discourse feature in AS involves not only the discourse connector or linker, discussed above, but also the use of summarizers, principally asi but also entonces, or combinations such as asi entonces, or _y_ asi. As a summarizer, these forms occur primarily at the end of the statement to which they refer, as in (STRV 40) (STRX, 10-12) Si, y nos ha dicho "ella esta agarrando" asi, Yes, and (they) told us "she has (it) like that.' Entonces, depende bueno del tamaii.o Lno? Cuando es bueno en tonces tambien ellos pi den como cinco arrobas Lno? entonces. Cuando es bueno tambien igu a l e ntonces, y traemos eso . I I Well then, it depends on the size, see? When it s good well then they ask for like 5 arrobas, right? so then. When it's good the same so then, and we carr y that .. When a form such as asi or entonce s is used as a type of summarizer for a concept or piece of information, it may also serve as a bridge or connector to the following speech as in th e sec ond e x ample above Thus the functions here specified as linker and summarizer may be merged. Confirming A tremendous amount of discour se in AS is literally peppered with utterances such as Lno? (rising intonation), for right?' 'see? 'ok? or Lno es cierto?, or the variant /n6ssierto/ (ag ain rising intonation), 'isn't that right?', and sometimes LU?, y es?' The u s e of such utterances is highly interactive; that is, the speaker continues to ascertain just how the other interlocutors are responding to the message, whether the message is being understood, and so forth. And, not surprisingly, the listeners are generally

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181 obliged to respond in some way-through either verbal or non-verbal cues to the speaker that they are attentive, that they understand and so forth I have seen conversation stopped, discussion interrupted, topics switched from the speaker's point to the listener s not having responded (as in what's wrong, why aren't you listening or commenting?'), with the failure to respond to these elements, which are here termed confirmers. Examples of the use of confirmers were recorded in the speech of monolinguals and bilinguals throughout the research area, and in all social groups. (STRVI, 3) (STRIII, 33-34) (STRIX, 24) (STRXI, 28) Entonces, estes sefiores no obedecieron a lo patron, y fueron trasladados muy lejos de aquf, lno?, de su comunidad, 'Well then, these gentlemen didn't obey the patron, and they were relocated very far from here, see?, from their community ; Esque quiero aprender bastante y ademas esta relacionado mucho con el turfsmo y uno que no sabe ese puede fracasar. El que esta en ese cam po en tons lnops?, 'It's that I want to learn a lot and furthermore it's very much related to tourism, and one who doesn't know that can fail. One who is in that field, that is, right? ... entonces los tres profesores me han . d ? mv1ta o, l~, ... so then the three professors invited me, see?' Yo tengo muy mala memoria, ademas yo no he vivido en La Paz, entonces, me he desvinculado totalmente con esa gente, lno?, 'I have a very bad memory, furthermore I haven't lived in La Paz, so then I've completely lost touch with those people, no?'

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(STRIV, 7-8) (STRX, 9) Teniarnos que quedarnos a veces en las noches solos nosotros. Y la cornida tarnbien porque salia a veces ella en la rnaftana y nosotros teniarnos que ver coma corner, nos cierto?, 'At times we had to stay by ourselves at night. And meals, too, because at times she would leave in the morning and we had to see about eating, right?; Hay algunos bonitos, mas gordos, rnuy altos lno? hay otros rnuy chiquitos lno?, 'There are some (llamas) pretty ones, sturdier, very large, right?, there are very small ones, see? 182 Confirrners generally fall after the word, phrase or clause for which the speaker is 'checking' listener response, often occupying the place of or functioning as suffixes. Topicaliza tion Topicalization refers to the process of identifying or marking the principle feature of an utterance from the speaker s perspective, or the specific answer to a question, or the information in an utterance that the speaker wishes to foreground for some reason. In AS topicalization occurs in several ways: through fronting, i e., bringing the information in question to the head or initial position within the utterance; by using linguistic markers such as articles, or emphasizers such as nornas or pues (discussed above); and in writing, by the use of commas Fronting Peruvian and Bolivian linguists have described the fronting of certain parts of speech of highlanders in those countries (Cerr6n-Palornino 1988, Lozano 1975, Escobar 1972, Minaya and Lujan 1982, Mendoza 1988): adverbials are brought to the sentence head, as in

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lJ (CER, 68) (MIL, 274) (MEN, 11) and verbal objects, as in (CER, 68) (LOZ, 300) (LOZ, 300) (ESCI, 110) Al plaza esta yendo, 'Xis going to the pl a za En ahf dormiamos, 'We slept there Yo de nada no me enojo, 'Me, nothing makes me angry ; Pan voy comprar, 'I'm going to buy bread'. A Tuan conoci I met fuan A Juan he pegado fuerte, 'I hit Juan hard' La venta hace su esposa, 'His wife is doing the selling'. (MIL, 274) ... verduras estan cultivando, ... they're cultivating vegetables'; 183 Bilingual speech behavior described by Minaya and Lujan (1982) includes, in addition to the word order shifts resulting in structures such as object-verb and ad verb-verb, indicated above, adjective-noun and genitive-noun constructions, as in (MIL, 274) (MIL, 274) Tu chiquito oveja vendeme, Sell me your little sheep'; De una senora su frazada mi papa sac6, 'My dad took a sefiora's blanket'; Cerr6n-Palomino (1988) mentions fronting of subordinate clauses before main clauses, for example

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184 (CER, 68) En lo que estaba jugando se cay6, 'He fell down while he was playing.' In the data gathered for this research, fronting was a common phenomenon throughout the research area, and among all social groups. Fronted elements of speech (words, phrases, clauses) are those which the speaker chooses to foreground, highlight, underscore, or simply place in initial position because the element is prior in the speech event, perhaps as the response to a question. In the following examples, the topicalized elements are underlined: (STRV, 9) (STRV, 42) (STRIV, 26) (STRIV, 20) (STRVIII, 38) Con parto ha rnuerto mi mama, con parto, In childbirth my morn died, in childbirth', Si, no hay aqui, para saber quien agarra, y saben los adivinos, adivinanps, 'Yes, there aren t any here to know who took (it), and they know, the fortunetellers, they divine! Hasta septiernbre nos dur6 los doscientos d6lares y luego no, no teniarnos, 'Until September the $200 lasted us and then, we didn't have (any) ', Como una extranjera se fue, 'Like foreigner she left', Si, cojeaba un poco, pero, no ha sido intervenido por medico, por un medico de la academia, que es la universidad, sino la curaci6n se han hecho ellos rnisrnos, 'Yes, she limped a little, but, it wasn't treated by a doctor, a doctor of the academy, which is the university, but they did the treatment themselves',

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(STRI, 71) (STRI, 56) (STRI 59) (STRI, 57) (STRII, 19) (STRV, 64) (STRX, 22) (STRVIII, 8) (STRVI, 5) Sf, del Tose he comprado un poncho 'Yes, from Tose I bought a poncho ', LRopa compraste? You bought cloth es?', LDe la calle Tumu s la compraste ropa?, 'On Tumusla Street y ou bought clothes?', L Tu ropa com pras te?, 'You bought clothes?', ... porque alla ge neralmente solamente primaria ha y, ... because over there generally there's only an elementary school', Yo eso nomas tambien quiero 'and that is all I want', .. los que)@ son viejos entonces hay que venderlo tambi e n tonces, .. those which a re old then, well then you have to sell (them), too, then Entonces los c a mp es inos Lque han hecho?, 'Well then the campesinos, what did they do? ', Como en este tiempo no habfa ni movilidad, era todo caminar, entons ellos los que han sido trasladados, no podfan retornar, 'As in those times there wasn't any transportation, it was all walking, so then those who had been relocated couldn't return '; 185

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(STRIX, 36) (STRI, 137) (STRI, 160) Pero, mira, por parte de mi esposo tengo la familia . por parte de mi el va a ser el primer. . entonces lo va a ser un poco dificil, estoy viendo, 'But, look, on my husband s side I have family .. on my side he's going to be the first (grandbaby) .. so then I see (that) it's going to be a little difficult.' Ese nombre creo que siempre era, 'I believe it was that name'; Este para conejo era. Cocina era, 'This was for guinea~It was a kitchen. 186 A raised intonation, amounting to paralinguistic stress, often accompanies the fronting of topicalized elements in AS. Articles Hardman-de-Bautista (1982) notes the use of definite articles with proper names, such as el Papi, 'Dad', la Rosa, Rose'. In AS, such usage implies the topicalization of names of persons, rather than a deprecation of the individual, as is the case in other dialects when articles are used with proper names. Hardman-de-Bautista also notes that "the reference (is not) limited by social class" (p. 150); indeed, the usage was heard throughout the research area, among monolinguals and bilinguals, and across all social groups. Not a great many examples of the u se of articles with proper names were recorded for this research due to the nature of the topics covered in the recorded narratives. The two exceptions are provided as the first two examples of the phenomenon. Additional examples come from written samples: a letter received from the research area and a student paper done in that area:

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(STRIX, 54) (STRI, 12-13) (STRI, 250) (STRI, 248) Y ademas quiero decirte que la Amalia sigue estudiando, el Raul ingres6 a la universidad en sociologfa ... 'And I also want to tell you that Amalia continues studying Raul entered the university in sociology .. '; Salen sabado en la mafianita, en aquf estan a las seis de la tarde Con vos mas, vos, Teodora, y la Delia, 'They leave Saturday(s) in the morning, they're here at 6 in the afternoon. With you also, you, Teodora, and Dale ; La Andrea tambi e n continua son su proyecto y viaja mucho al campo, 'Andrea also continues with her project and travels a lot to the countryside.' Al Tupak Katari agarrando llevar6n (sic) a una cueva, 'Capturing Tupak Katari, they took (him) to a cave. 187 At times these topicalizers + proper name appear to fall under the same semantic net as the pronouns tu or vos: signifying an informal, friendly relationship, closeness, even endearment. Commas Sentence topics-generally syntactic subjects-are clearly marked by comma placement in written AS Hardman-de-Bautista (1982) refers to the placement of commas in the written language, such as (HAR, 150) Juan de Dios Yapit~es uno de los mas .. 'Juan de Dios Yapita is one of the most .. .'. Given that such patterns may reflect habits of thinking related to speech, it would be useful to examine written samples for confirmation of the

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188 phenomenon throughout the dialect area. For this research such data was taken from the La Paz area and from other urban centers in Bolivia only; therefore future research will determine the Peruvian patterns. Examples include the following, taken from a local newsletter entitled 'Perla del Ande', from the community of Sorata, in the province of Larecaja The English translations reflect the topicalization in the underlining: (STRI, 249) Soratg_,_fue denominada NOBLE VILLA DE ESQUIBEL el 3 de enero de 1827 en memoria al valiente patriota JUAN CRISOSTOMO ESQUIBEL quelluchara (sic) contra el yugo espafiol junto al clerigo Ildefonso de las Mufiecas, 'Sorata was named Noble Villa of Esquibel on January 3, 1827 in memory of the valiant patriot Juan Crisostomo Esquibel who fought against the Spanish yoke together with the priest Ildefonso de las Mufiecas ; The next example is taken from an articl e in El Diario, La Paz (reproduced in Appendix I). Daily newspapers such as E l Di a rio r e gularly contain this pattern of comma placement. (STRI, 226) El gobierno d e l P e r.!:L,tiene un plan de integraci6n latinoam e ricana, en lo que respecta a la industria y e l cornercio de arnbos paises . 'The government of Peru has a plan of Latin American integration with respect to the industry and commerce of both countries ... The following examples are from a writing sample from a student in native language studies at UMSA in La Paz (STRI, 213) La zorr,_furiosa fue corriendo en busca de la gansa, 'The furious fox was running in search of the goose';

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189 (STRI, 214) Como la gans~estaba en el medio del Iago 'As the goose was in the center of the lake.' This feature of writing, which occurs in at l e ast part of the altiplano dialect area supports the notion that topicalization is an inherent characteristic of AS discourse Appendix I contains reproduced samples of these items. Repetition Repetition of specific items such as verbs object pronouns, adverbials, and nominals as subjects, objects or predicate nominatives, occurs frequently in AS. Duplication also takes place at the level of the phrase or clause and there is the phenomenon of repetition within grammatical categories wherein, for example, both the nominal and clitic forms of a verbal object appear in the utterance in which SS w ould prefer to exclude one or the other. The speech of bilinguals appears to cont a in more repeated items, especially of verbs and objects, but the phenomenon also occurs in monolingual speech Examples from this and other research follow Minaya and Lujan (1982), reporting on the speech of Peruvian adults and children (data from the Cuzco area) who are bilingual in Quechua and Spanish, reveal a "hybrid" pattern, arising from the u s e of both languages, in the verbal syntagma of the form verb-object-verb (VOV), where the verbs are duplicates. The hybrid pattern, typical of adults and children, is illustrated by the following in which verb duplication takes place : (MIL, 277) De Puno traemos hartas ocas traemos, V O V 'We bring many ocas from Puno Minaya and Lujan have also identified duplicated adverbs (Adv) and clitic pronouns (Pro), as in: (MIL, 284) En aca nomas es SU pension en aca. I

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190 Adv Adv 'Right here is X's hostel', where the standard would be Su pension es aca nomas; and (MIL, 284) ... y un enanito corriendo viene corriendo, Adv Adv ... and a dwarf comes running,' where the standard would be y un enani to viene corriendo. Further, (MIL, 284) Me tenia que regresarme a mi casa, Pro Pro 'I had to return to my house', for the standard Tenia que regresar(me) a mi casa Mendoza (1988) mentions repetition of indirect objects in Pacefio Spanish, as in (MEN, 10) Todos esos me han venido a manifestarme sus Pro Pro declaraciones de amor, 'All those came to express their declarations of love for me.' In the data recorded for this research, repetition occurs often, especially in the speech of bilinguals, but the phenomenon is present in the speech of monolinguals as well. In particular, verbs and direct and indirect object pronouns are repeated more often than other elements A repeated verb often falls in the sentence final position, as described by Minaya and Lujan (1982). No repetition of adverbials is present in the recorded data, but such

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191 constructions were heard repeatedly throughout the research area. Examples include: (STRX, 64) (STRIX, 45) (STRX, 77) ... es una estancia cincuenta familia ... it's an estate (of) fifty families'; Te estoy hablandote yo de aca, 'I'm speaking to you from here'; Ellos viajan con los ochenta viajan, 'They travel with eighty they travel.' A repeated element may fall within the same phrase or clause in which the first expression of the element occurs, as in the examples above, or it may form part of a distinct phrase or clause, as in the following And note in the example which follows that, apart from the triplicated subject 'family', there is the duplication of the verb vivimos at the end of the utterance which gives the speech the characteristic rhythm that is present in much of AS, particularly in bilingual speech: (STRX, 68) Alla vivimos nosotros pura familia familia familia vivimos, 'There we live, pure family, family, family we live. In the following example, the duplication of the clause es para hombre, 'it's for men is also characteristic: (STRX, 93) Es para hombre siempre es, es para hombre ... 'It's for men it always is, it s for men .... Repetition also occurs in the written language, most frequently involving clitics, as in the following given in a letter from the research area: (STRI, 218) Lastimosamente no la he podido conocerla quiza este muy ocupada,

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'Unfortunately I haven't been able to meet her, perhaps she's very busy.' 192 Below are examples of repetitions in speech which do not involve duplicates of specific elements necessarily but which mirror their grammatical functions and meanings: (STRV, 56) Es mi papa [es] (= esta.)2 trabajando en alla. Si, 'That's my dad working there. Yes', where the second es is considered to be the phonetic realization of esta, where the final vowel has been dropped and the final / t/ is assimilated to the following consonant in trabajando Also: (STRI, 208) (STRV, 79) (STRIX, 48) (STRX, 64) (STRVIII, 2) Hay en la orilla casi pura aymara esps, 'On the shore(s of the lake) there are nearly all Aymara people'; Del anteafio pasado estabaps en La Paz~ 'Since year before last he s been in La Paz'; . que con lo que me han dicho contandome me han dicho que, que es linda ella, lno?, ... that with what they told me, telling me, they told me that, that she s pretty, no?'; .. nosotros somos [a] de familia Cafiari, yo soy Cafiari, mi apellido ntons familia Cafiari somos unos casi cinquenta somos de un este nomas de, [i] una estancia .. Entonces allf era el mes de marzo, cuando las lluvias se asecaba mas, un campesino ... ha sufrido una caf da .. al bajar en una cues ta que se llama Larisani, bajando la bajada de San Pedro de Tiquina, 2cf. Chapter IV on AS phonology.

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'So then there it was the month of March, when the rains aren t as heavy, a campesino ... suffered a fall ... on descending a slope called Larisani, descending the slope of San Pedro de Tiquina.' 193 Repetition at times appears to be employed for purposes of emphasis; however, not all repetitions are manifestations of the same grammatical or semantic processes, inasmuch as they occur in areas of syntactic relations which are quite different.

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CHAPTER VIII AYMARA SUBSTRATE INFLUENCE This chapter takes up the question of substrate (or adstrate) influence on the phonology and grammar of AS. Given that the research was conducted in a geographic region in which the Aymara people have been the dominant indigenous culture for more than a millenium, the possibility of influence from that language and culture on AS is considered. The areas of possible influence by Aymara language and culture are compared to the grammatical and phonological patterns discussed more fully in the preceding chapters 'Influence' may range across many directions of language use, and may involve phenomena such as a reinforcement or strengthening of specific existing linguistic patterns of the influence-receiving language, or the introduction of semantic nuances through contact, resulting in a rearrangement of even the more loosely patterned domains" of linguistic structure (Weinreich 1979 [1953]: p. 1), such as syntax, in the influence receiving language. When there is a correspondence between particular forms of Aymara and AS, often there is only a loose functional equivalence; there is usually no direct one-to-one correspondence between forms and their functions across the two languages. On the contrary, influence patterns may be subtle and complex as they are woven throughout the levels of a language by speakers who find at times unpredictable ways of using and combining the varied resources of their different languages to express themselves. This 194

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.... 195 analysis does not presume to cover all the existing areas of interlingual influence from Aymara to Spanish, but some of the more apparent and suggestive (to this author) possibilities are included here. The relevant Aymara structures are discussed below under Phonological System ' Grammatical Structure', 'Discourse Structure', and 'Postulates' All information regarding the Aymara language is taken from Hardman et al. (1988), Hardman (n. d ), Briggs (1988) and from Martin (1975). Phonological System Vowels Vowel dropping is a principle morphophonemic device of the Aymara language. As Hardman (n. d.) describes: Final vowels of words which are medial in a sentence will be dropped entirely, except in certain phrase structures such as modifier plus noun where the modifier retains its vowel" (p. 37). Further, sentence final vowels are dropped entirely after certain consonants, or devoiced after voiceless consonants. Also, word final vowels occurring within a sentence which are retained due to morphophonemic rules will devoice if their immediate phonetic environment is two voiceless consonants (Martin 1975: 40). As indicated in Chapter IV, vowel dropping and devoicing are features of AS. To briefly summarize: Laprade found deletion and dropping of mid and low vowels common in unstressed s y llables (in Pacefto Spanish), and in the environment of preceding voiceless consonants and before / s / (1976: 24). He also noted that slower speech and emphasis tend to diminish vowel reduction (dropping or devoicing). Hundley (1983) found the voiceless consonant environment to be the primary linguistic condition for vowel reduction in Cuzquefto Spanish. He also found social class to be an important variable in the phenomenon of vowel reduction: Devoicing or dropping of

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196 vowels is most characteristic in working class speech, and least characteristic in upper-middle class speech. In the course of this study, the phenomenon was encountered in the speech of all social groups, but there is no indication of the frequencies of occurrence within social groups As vowel dropping is characteristic of other dialects of Spanish, Aymara influence may be said to reinforce, but not be considered a unique source, of the pattern of vowel reduction in AS. Consonants As indicated in Chapter IV, there is a retention of / y / and / / in AS. Given that the distinction was a feature of at least some of the Spanish of the Conquest, and that the distinction is also made in the Aymara language, it seems reasonable to assume that the substrate has again served as a reinforcing influence, in this case on the retention of an older Spanish form. AS is also noted for retention of consonants in almost all environments, with the exception of intervocalic / d / for some speakers. This is another phenomenon which may be reinforced by similar processes which occur in Aymara. Martin notes that consonants, which carry most of the functional load of the morphophonemic system of Aymara, are always very clearly articulated (1975). Grammatical Structure Gender and Number As indicated in Chapters V and VI, the grammatical categories of gender and number are handled somewhat differently in AS than they are in SS; for example, it is very common for the clitic lo to be utilized in reference to any nominal direct object, even one which may be otherwise categorized as feminine or plural. The following statement from Garcia and Otheguy is

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197 representative of characterizations of Andean patterns of gender and number marking from the literature on syntactic research in Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador: (T)his phenomenon is part of a larger dislocation of the entire pattern of gender marking. This dislocation is manifested in what from the perspective of general Spanish is the omission of articles, their use with words of the wrong gender, and the failure to make demonstratives and other adjectives agree with their nouns (1983: 120). To briefly summarize the data: The morphological categories affected relative to gender marking are clitics, nouns-articles and nouns-modifiers; and relative to number marking, clitic agreement with referent, nouns-modifiers, increase in numbers of mass nouns, and nouns-verbs. The strongest patterns appear to be in the use of the clitic lo as an invariant form of the direct object, and the use of masculine noun modifiers for feminine nouns, especially but not exclusively when they are further from the nominal in question. The AS patterns are generally stronger in the speech of bilinguals, but are not absent in monolingual speech The differences between the altiplano dialect and other dialects of Spanish may well signal a different point of view on these matters, which is that the notion of agreement in these areas is relatively unimportant. Mendoza (1988), in a report of his research on Pacefio Spanish, proposes that we consider these patterns as representative of a different system of concord: .. estos casos tradicionalmente llamados de discordancia pueden ser tratados como manifestaciones de una nueva forma de concordancia. Es decir estarfamos hablando de la substituci6n de una forma de concordancia por otra . . Esta nueva forma de concordancia, insistimos, puede ser considerada como caracteristica preponderante d e la variedad popular del castellano pacefio (p. 13)

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198 In Aymara, there is no grammatical category of either gender or number, although number appears to be corning into use in the speech of bilinguals, perhaps due to Spanish influence, via the nominal suffix {-naka}, which originally indicated 'several and via the increased use of the verbal derivational suffix {-p-}, which indicates plurality of subject person, object person, or both. Thus it is likely that bilingualism in Aymara and Spanish produced the patterns indicated above, and have been incorporated into the speech of some monolinguals-especially those who have learned their native language in the proximity of bilingual speakers. Possessive and Locative Marking Rodriguez (1982), in a discussion of the 'redundant' possessive in the Spanish of Peru, notes that constructions such as su casa de Tuan, 'Juan's house respects standard Spanish word order. Further, Rodriguez finds historical antecedents for these structures in archaic Spanish documents from the 11th through the 16th centuries, and notes that the construction is current in Spain today A more direct influence from Quechua can be seen in the phrasing of de Juan su casa, which reflects both Quechua word order and the double possessive marking of the Quechua genitive For example, in the following (ROD, 118) de Juan su arniga, hwarn~ arniganrni 'Juan's friend the first line is from Ayacucho Spanish, the second is Quechua, with the same meaning Possession markers are underscored in both phrases, indicating parallel construction of the Spanish to the Quechua

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199 Rodriguez' discussion is applic a bl e to the case of Aymara influence on AS. An Aymara construction 1 similar to the Quechua one provided above, with possessive markers underlined, would be Juwantirr uta~ Juwanti= Juan -n < -na = possessor uta= house -pa < 3 rd p e r s on m a rker on possessed where the construction literally reads Juan-de ca s a-su ' Juan-of hous e -his or Ju a n s house .' The AS pattern of locative marking (en aqui, en ahi, en alla) also reflects substrate construction. Aymara uses the nominal locative suffix -na, as in (BRI, 227) utan., uta = hous e' -n < -na = locati v e marker 'en (la) c a sa ', 'in (the) house Following this pattern, '(in) here would b e akan.., aka = here -n < -n a = locative marker. The parallel structure in AS is en aquf, 1 Note that in the examples of Aymar a pre se nted b e low the phenomenon of vow e l dropping especially in word final position, as in-~> -n, occurs fr e qu e ntl y

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200 usually best glossed simply as 'here where an analogy is made between the preposition en, attached to the adverbial locative, in AS, and the Aymara locative suffix -na. Transitivity and Object Marking The relationship between transitivity of verbs and verbal object marking may derive from substrate influence. Many verbs in AS are treated as both transitive and intransitive at the same time, or randomly, where SS would call for one or the other Likewise patterns for verbal object marking, involving either the nominal object or a clitic, consist of either deleting the verbal object from the utterance where a transitive verb in SS calls for explicit object(s), or marking it more than once where SS would only use one object reference. These phenomena-the transitive/intransitive treatment of the verb, and manifestation of the verbal object-are obviously two sides of the same coin Both patterns are found in monolingual as well as bilingual speech in AS. It is likely that underlying these patterns is the fact that Aymara verbs are all potentially transitive; that is, inflectional suffixes on the verb indicate not only subject but complement person as well, as in churtwa, 'I gave (something) to X', where {-ta} (here reduced to /-t-/) equals first person subject, and third person complement Furthermore, many Aymara verbs, like chura-, 'to give', have inherent direct objects. That is, churameans 'for someone to give something to someone.' As a consequence, depending on context, not only subject but also object nominals may be deleted from Aymara surface structure. The specific processes involved in object and verb relationships are not copied in AS, but the general pattern is there in the handling of verbs as both transitive and intransitive, and causing objects to surface or not, in constructions which are quite distinct from SS. -'

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201 Verb Constructions: saber + Infinitive and hac e r + Infinitive Verbal constructions such as sabe venir frecuentemente, 'he usually comes often', (many dialects use soler, 'to be accustomed to', for this use of saber) or hacemos llegar los libros, we re sending/bringing the books are not unknown in other dialects of Spanish However they are frequent and very productive in AS, in both monolingual and bilingual speech, and in bilingual translations from Aymara to Spanish For example, (STRI, 14) LSabes comer chicharron?, 'Do you eat chicharron ?, is the translation given for the Aymara Chicharron manq irita ti, where the nominalizing verbal suffix {-iri-} functions to convert a verb to an actor who habitually does the action indicated by the verb root (Briggs 1988: 191) The definition (STRI, 89) hacer comprar algo con alguien, 'have/ cause someone to buy something was given as the translation of the A y mar a infinitive form ala~fia where {-ya-} is a verbal derivational suffix meaning cause someone to do' the activity indicated by the root to which it is suffixed. Thus functional analogies are drawn between AS saber as habitual or customary action' and the Aymara suffix {-iri-} as 'one who habitually or customarily does the action ; and between hacer in AS as to c a use a ction, and {-ya-} as an Aymara verbal causative suffix. Discourse Structure Discussed below are elements of the discourse structure, at the sentence level or higher, which were presented in Chapter VIII and which appear to

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202 have been influenced in some way by interaction between Spanish and the substrate Aymara. These include the processes of suffixation, topicalization, and duplication. Suffixation Inflectional and derivational suffixes carry a heavy semantic load at the morphological and syntactic levels in Aymara, in all grammatical categories (see Hardman et al. 1988) The process of suffixation is primary in the language, and it is not surprising that it has been replicated in various ways in AS, as indicated in Chapter VII Provided below is a summary of the suffixed forms that occur in AS and their equi val en ts in Aymara Emphatics, politives, objector, and aggregator The forms nomas, pues, tambien, and siempre, generally as 'suffixed' either to word or phrase and sentence level constructions, all have at least rough equivalents in Aymara suffixes. These are most clearly seen in translations from Aymara to Spanish, where the basic values can be established, although the AS uses are not exactly those of the Aymara forms. For example, the Aymara phrase (STRI, 6) ... jisk'achxakiwa, jisk'a = 'little, small' -ch<-cha= verbalizer & causative -xa= completive, completely -k<-ki = !imitative, 'nomas', -i = 3rd to 3rd person inflection -wa = personal knowledge suffix (data source) is translated by a bilingual speaker as ... les rebajan nomas,' ... they simply belittle them.'

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203 It is dear that the AS nomas as a suffixed limitative parallels function and distribution of the Aymara suffix {-ki}. As indicated in Chapter VII, pues as a suffix generally serves as a softener of imperatives or statements ; it may also serve an exclamatory function, and at times this has a somewhat negative, but still politive, tone. The politive and softener pues, which is suffixed to words and also to phrases and clauses in AS, functions very much as the sentence suffix {-ya} in Aymara which signals courtesy, and attenuates the effect of messages-as a command softener, for example. The following example from Aymara with the Spanish translation is taken from Hardman et al. (1988): (HARil, 284) Kimsaniruy churita, Kimsa = three -ni = e numerator -ru = relational -y <-)@ = politive chur= to give', root -ita = 2nd to 1st person verbal inflection; translated from Aymara to Spanish as, 'Demelo pues por tres, por favor, 'Give it to me please for three, please .' Both the Aymara {-ya} and AS pues may be found attached to nouns, verbs, and other parts of speech. Some bilingual speakers find another analogy to pues in the use of the long vowel, J,2 wh ich, as a sentence suffix, serves an exclamatory function in Aymara (Hardman et al. 1988: 287). An example in the two languages would be: 2Juan de Dias Yapita M. personal communication, 1986

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204 (STRI, 27) Qullqinifiatali qullqi = money -ni = 'one who possesses' -na = infinitive suffix, verbalizer -taki = in order to' -~ = exclarna tory 'Para tener dinero pues!', 'In order to have money, of course!' Another function of suffixed pues corresponds more directly to the Aymara suffix {-raki} (see below). The meaning here may be roughly glossed as a polite scolder or challenger (see Hardman et al. 1988: 275); examples come from Juan Yapita (personal communication, 1986) and Hardman (1982): (STRI, 26) translated to AS as: Kunatakirak aljatasti, kuna = interrogative 'what' -tak < -taki = purposeful 'for' -rak < raki = polite challenger, 'pues' alja = to sell', verb stern "ta = 2nd to 3rd person future verbal inflection -sti = marking connection to previous reference 'Para que pues vas a vender? 'What on earth are you going to sell (it) for?!' The AS objector pero, suffixed to phrases and clauses, has been described in analogy with the objector function of the Aymara independent suffix {-raki} (see Laprade 1976: 87). As Laprade and Hardman et al. (1988)

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205 note, this Aymara suffix serves many functions, and its meaning is somewhat difficult to pin down. The most basic significance of {-raki} is as an aggregator, translated as tambien, 'also', but it is also used as an objector, i e raising an objection to a statement or action which occurred previously. An example from Hardman et al. (1988) is: (HARIT, 276) Aymar parlxaraktasa, Aymar< aymara = Aymara language parl= 'speak', verb root -xa= completive' derivation suffix -rak < -raki = objector -ta = 2nd to 3rd person verbal inflection -sa = sentence suffix, contrary marker = exclamatory translated by Hardman et al. (1988) as: Pero jUd. ya habla Aymara!' But you already speak Aymara!', although more frequently pero occurs as a suffixed item, as in (HARI, 151) 'jUd. ya habla Aymara pero!' As indicated above, {-raki} frequently functions as an aggregative suffix in Aymara, translated as tambien. The distribution of tambien in AS often matches the suffixing pattern of the Aymara {-raki}, especially in bilingual speech, and at times where SS would not employ the term: (HARII, 275) Jis, uk"amarakipi', jis = affirmative uk"ama = 'like so, thus' -raki = 'a lso, tambien' -pi = exclamatory

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= exclamatory, translated as 'Sf, asf es, tambien', 'Yes, it's like that, also.' 206 Finally, siempre, when occurring in a suffixed position, and with the meaning of 'still, yet' (continued intent) or of surprise, is often translated from, or as, the Aymara suffix {-puni} or {-pini}, an emphatic which also may express the sense of surprise, or that the situation is unchanged or uncompromised (Hardman et al. 1988: 273). The example of a cross translation involving these forms comes from Hardman (1982): (HARI, 151) Armt'asipuntanwa, translated to AS as armt'a= forget verb root -si = reflexive -pun < -puni = here meaning 'still, yet' -tan = 4th to 3rd person verbal inflection -wa = person knowledge sentence suffix 'Nos hemos olvidado siempre', 'We still up and forget.' As Laprade (1976) notes several of the AS suffixes can combine in sequence, and when doing so follow order rules. These reflect much the same process as suffixation in Aymara, wherein suffixes are combined according to relatively fixed ordering. The suffixes nomas, pues and pero may co-occur, and in that order; for example: (HARI, 151) Sakirakipuni"ta, sa= 'to say, tell', verb root -ki = !imitator, 'nomas'

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-raki = challenger, 'pues', objector, 'pero' -puni = ex clamatory, 'p ues = exclamatory -"ta = 2nd to 3rd person future verb inflection; 'Dile nomas pu es 'Well, just go ahead and tell!' 207 Several of the Aymara suffixes indicated above are what are known as independent suffixes; i. e. they occur independently of any morphological class combining with words of various grammatical classes, syntactic units or sentences. These are (-ki}, (-raki} and (-puni}. These suffixes are some of the 'freest' in Aymara in the sense of where, w ith w hat word categories, or at what level of language-ranging from word through the sentence level they may affix. And the Aymara suffixes indicated above do share some functional analogies with the original or SS items w hich correspond. The AS functions are based upon elaborations, a t time s hifts in the direction of the Aymara suffixes, of the SS use patterns for these items. AS suffixed particles have roughly the same range of us e, both semantically and syntactically. While there is no one-to-one correspond e nce between the Aymara and AS suffixes, the general process of suffixation and aspects of the functions of particular suffixes in Aymara have been drawn into u se in AS. Linkers and summarizers The AS asi, en tonces and ll. may se r ve as syntactic linkers, or connectors, between ideas, statements a rguments, and aspects of a story. They may also serve to summarize or conclude a particular idea or statement; and at times they serve both functions Particularly but not exclusively when they occur as summarizers they are plac ed in word, phrase or sentence final

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208 position, and so take on the suffix-like pattern of the particles nomas, pues, and so forth, discussed previously. The analogous substrate pattern may be found in the use of the term uka, 'thus, so, like that', usually as one of the variants ukat, ukax, at times ukatx, or uk"ama, as syntactic linker and summarizer (Hardman et al. 1988: 313 and Hardman n.d.: 230) A good deal of Aymara discourse is shaped and timed by the use of these forms, which provide frames for the flow of the narrative from one point to another. In AS asi, entonces and at times il are employed not only with very much the same function and distribution, but also with similar timing and rhythm Appendices II, V, VIII and X are particularly good examples of this for AS. McKay 1987 provides a detailed linguistic analysis of an Aymara text in which this discourse feature is highlighted. The following chart (Table 4) illustrates the correspondences indicated above which exist between AS particles and their Aymara suffix counterparts. Table 4 Summary of AS Particle/Aymara Suffix Correspondences Function/meaning !imitator softener, politive scolder, challenger aggregator surprise; 'yet, still' summarizer, linker Aymara suffix {-ki-} {-ya} {-raki}-} {-raki2-} {-puni / -pini} uka, etc. AS particle nomas nomas; pues1; (i. e. vowel length) -~ pues2; pero tambien siempre asi, entonces, X

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209 Topicalization The process of topicalization by the use of fronting, articles, and commas in the written language echoes the use of a number of features of the Aymara substrate which function as topic markers Aymara utilizes sentence suffixes which function, among other things, to mark the subject or topic of comment, in statements usually the suffix {-xa}. As described in Chapter VII, both articles before proper names and commas in the written language help to define topic in AS. In questions, other Aymara suffixes, {-ti} or {-sa1}, mark the specific question being asked (if 'yes' or no '; and what, when, where, how who' or 'whom'), and specific answers are marked with the sentence suffix {-wa}. It is plausible that these suffixes may also be conceived of as a type of topic marker. In AS, the process of fronting, which occurs in both interrogative structures and in statements which answer questions, tends to front either the question being asked or the answer to the question, so that fronting functions to highlight both questions and answers in a manner similar to the interrogative and responsive suffixes in Aymara. Duplication Minaya and Lujan (1982), reporting on the speech of adults and children in Peru who are bilingual in Quechua and Spanish, state that their data reveal a "hybrid" pattern in verbal syntagma of the form verb-object-verb (VOV), where the verbs are duplicates This pattern is original to these bilinguals, since they do not derive it direct! y from either of their two languages. Quechua has an S(ubject)OV order while standard Spanish is SVO The resulting hybrid pattern utilizes the Spanish VO while retaining the Quechua pattern of verb in sentence final position (V#).

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210 The children at the first stage of L2 acquisition, the initial phase, place the main verb at the end of the sentence, preceded by complements and adverbial modifiers; and modifiers like genitives and attributive adjectives are placed before the nominal. For example: (MIL, 274) ... verduras estan cultivando, 0 V 'they are cultivating vegetab les,' where the (Peruvian, Limefio?) standard would be estan cultivando verduras. V 0 (MIL, 274) En ahf dormfamos, Adv V We slept there,' where the standard would be Dormfamos ahf. V Adv The hybrid pattern is illustrated by the following: (MIL, 277) De Puno traemos hartas ocas traemos, V O V 'We bring many ocas from Puno' Other duplicated grammatical categories (adjectives, adverbials) were also identified in their research. The analyses by Minaya and Lujan are convincing, suggesting that at least verbal repetition, as described in Chapter VII for the AS target area, may well be the product of bilingual speech patterns in which syntactic features of both languages are utilized. Aymara verbs frequently, but not always occur sentence finally. Repetition of cli tic pronouns may also result from a combination of syntactic patterns from the two different languages, but involving verbal inflection in Aymara. That is, since both subject and object persons are marked in the inflections on the

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211 verb, a stated person object which surfac e s in the sentence may be said to be doubly marked. The AS pattern of double object marking with clitics which is considered redundant by speakers of oth e r Spanish dialects may reflect the relationship between verbs and obj e ct m a rkin g in A y mara as suggested earlier in the discussion of the transiti v it y of verbs in AS Lingui s tic P os tul a t e s The notion of the linguistic postulate w a s developed by Hardman (1978) and defined by her as "those ideas and c o nc e pts w hich run through the whole of the language, cross-cutting all level s, w hich a re involved as well in the semantic structure and which a r e ti e d into the Aymara world-view" (Hardman n d.: Ch. 2), and "those r e curr e nt c a t e gorizations in the language which are most directly and most ti g htl y tied to the perceptions of the speakers ... (Hardman-de-Bautista 1 9 78 : 122). The linguistic postulate may be thought of as the operationalization of the S a pir-Whorf hypothesis, which generally correlates language structur e w ith cultur a l themes in the sense that it is only after a formal anal y sis of a l a n g u age in its cultural context that certain linguistic postulates b e com e ap p a r e nt ( H a rdman-de-Bautista 1978; 122) Those postulates which are m a rk e d in the lin g uistic system of Aymara and have behavioral correlates in oth e r p a rts of the culture, and which have given rise to specific influences in AS a r e d a ta s ource and politeness Data Source Verb system At the syntactic level, it is the ca t ego r y o f data source, described in Chapters V and VII, whose existenc e id e nti f i e s A S as a distinct dialect of Spanish There is no question th a t d a t a so urc e -the statement of the source of one s information-is a key compon en t o f A y mara language and culture. It is impossible to utter a sentence in Ay m a ra without marking for the source

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212 of data, specifically, whether the information was personally seen or experienced, or not. Data source in Aymara is realized in the verbal inflectional system, in the system of sentence suffixes, and in syntactic structure (Hardman-de-Bautista 1978: 125). It is reasonable to assume that over the course of the nearly 500 years of contact through bilingualism, speakers of Aymara and Spanish selected elem en ts of the Spanish verb system to represent the data source distinctions which in Aymara are necessary in order to be able to speak at all. The features then spread throughout the area, and were incorporated into the speech of those whose first or primary language is Spanish. Much of the verb system of AS has been influenced by the data source postulate (see Chapters V and VII). New syntactic resources for expression of very subtle distinctions-for example, the suggestion of personal distance from the topic, or of a future which is less certain-were developed within AS, reflecting an interaction between the data source postulate and social prestige factors which also influence the linguistic system. While everyone from all social groups, including monolinguals, shares the use of the pluperfect versus the present perfect and preterite forms as non-personal and personal knowledge forms, respectively, other aspects of data source expression are understood here as resources in AS, rather than obligatory categories. Thus, although not to the extent that it is in Aymara, the data source category can be seen as generalized in the dialect. While the components of the verb system in AS may not differ from other dialects of Spanish, the data source function of that system does, and may reasonably be understood to have derived from substrate influence on the imported language. For example, a preference for periphrastic verb forms, such as the compound future over the simple future, characterizes much of

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213 American Spanish (cf Presente y Futuro de la Lengua Espanola (1963]) as it does AS. However, because the choice of the periphrastic form in AS signals a different, specific meaning within a systematic conste llation of linguistic formsutilized for expression of various distinctions of data source, the use of this future tense in AS must be understood as different from its uses in other American Spanish dialects Discourse cues Framing and quoting As indicated in Chapter VII, discourse in AS is often structured so that the source of information in the topic under discussion is indicated by the appropriate verb form placed initially or finally, or both in the narration. The data source indicators are used in this way to frame the information, which is given in as close to the original version, using the original verb forms, as possible. Often the texts are given as direct quotes, which can be quite lengthy, as long as the data source indicator is unambiguously provided elsewhere in the narrative. Aymara narratives often contain this type of structure (Hardman 1985b; and see McKay 1987 and Huanca 1987 for complete analyses of Aymara narratives). Particles as data source signals The suffix-like particles siempre, quiza, and the particles seguro and seguramente, as well as expressions like supongo or de repente often express non personal knowledge senses of of course, surely, still', or I suppose', as described in Chapter VII. The use of these forms to convey a sense very unlike their use in the standard occurs w hen an affirmative response is appropriate, but when personal knowledge 1s lacking. Functionally analogous in Aymara are expressions containing inasa, 'perhaps', and the

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214 Aymara verbal inflectional suffix {-chi}, which indicates non-involvement and a lack of control over a situation. Politeness While not classifiable as a linguistic postulate of Aymara, politeness, defined here as behavior which is based upon consideration for others in your presence, is an Aymara cultural postulate for which a number of linguistic postulates in the language are corrolary, such as the overmarking of the second person, and human/non-human distinctions. Likewise, speakers of AS employ a number of linguistic structures which are indicative of politeness toward their interlocutors These have been discussed in Chapters V through VII under the various grammatical categories which these structures represent, and are brought together here as indicators of a strong cultural pattern. Overmarking of other persons The structure con + second or third person(s), frequently used as a subject indicator, as in vivimos junto con mi hermano, 'my brother and I live together', amounts to an overmarking of persons involved as the subject along with the speaker. In the Aymara language, "the second person is preeminent" and is "gross! y overmarked in the inflectional system" (Hardman-de-Bautista 1978: 127), reflecting a consciousness highly tuned to the addressee. In AS, the same pattern is followed, but extended to include third persons-a phenomenon which diverges from the Aymara inflectional patterns but is consonant with the politeness parameters. An additional form of person overmarking in AS which often indicates politeness may be seen in the pattern of duplication of person clitic pronouns, described in Chapter V I

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215 Patterns of subject pronoun use Much of the complex patterning of subject pronoun use in AS discourse, described in Chapter VI, is also based upon politeness parameters. This is particularly true of the tendency to use the polite usted in initial conversation, followed by the less formal, but friendly (in AS) tu or vos, if they are appropriate, and then the usted form again is used to close an interaction in a respectful manner. Interactive processes in discourse Likewise the interactive mode signalled by such interjections as lno? (with a rising intonation), Lno es cierto? or d@.?,-and the appropriate responses to them-which appear very frequently in discourse of almost any length, serve to assure interlocutors that each is 'in tune' with the other. Use of suffixes As we have seen, the particles pues, nomas and pero each have various functions in AS, among which the politive or suavizador is very common as a discourse feature across all social groups Always occurring as post positioned or suffixed to the word or sentence, these items may soften imperatives or otherwise sharp responses questions and objections. Polite requests are made more so by the use of one or more of these forms suffixed to the verb. Another politive suffix which appears on nominals and on adjective and adverbial modifiers is -i to/ a, as in cierra la puerta un po qui to mas fuertecito, '(please) close the door a little bit harder' Paralleling politive suffixes in AS is the Aymara sentence suffix {-ya}, which softens commands or signals a polite request for attention (Hardman et al. 1988: 284). In comparison of structures across languages, {-ya} correlates most closely with AS pues, considering both semantic functions and structural features. But the

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216 general analogy remains, taking into account both the process of suffixing and the politive function, with the other politi v e suffi x es of AS. Use of articles with proper names The use of forms such as la Mari a, e l Daniel, el Papi, and so on, not only are not derogatory forms as they are in other dialects, but they may also be used in AS as expressions of endearment or indicative of familiarity or intimacy Related to this is the fact that the articles function as topicalizers, marking the proper nouns as primary or important propositions in an utterance Therefore their use falls under the general tendency toward a demonstration of respect b y th e sp ea k e r fo r o thers within the range of the discourse.

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CHAPTER IX DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS This study utilized traditional anthropological linguistic field methods of data gathering and analysis to examine the Spanish spoken on the altiplano of Bolivia and Peru. The data were examined, with regard to form or usage patterns for morphological and s y ntactic variation from a standard'. It was found that there are indeed some salient variations in the syntactic and semantic patterns in AS, especially in the verb system and in certain discourse features, and that these patterns define a distinct dialect of Spanish. There are fewer but distinct morphological variations. In addition, this research supports earlier reports by other investigators concerning phonological variation which occurs in the speech of Bolivians and Peruvians in the specific geographic areas of the target region. Although this study yielded only a first approximation of AS characteristics, the importance of familiarity with the indigenous language and culture for language contact studies has been demonstrated. Additionally, the research has highlighted the necessity of awareness of cultural context for accurate research on dialectal variation at the level of syntax. That is, knowledge of formal variation without a sense of the semantic content which that variation represents tends to lose the liveliness, cultural relevance, and possibility inherent in all language. Especially in a context involving language and culture contact, it is important to consider 217

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218 the possibility that the parameters of a dialect may include semantic field as much as variation in form at the levels of phonology, morphology, or syntax Although Weinreich and Haugen made it plain that the direction of interlingual influence may not be assumed in linguistic or sociolinguistic research, there is a tendency in discussions of language contact phenomena to do just that, favoring the strength of social and politically dominant languages. This research has demonstrated that influence from the dominated language and culture may be significant in the establishment of new varieties of language-in this case, a distinct dialect of Spanish. Recognition of this dialect may be important to the conduct of research on language variation in change in the Andean region For example, in research by Escobar (1986) focusing on stages of bilingualism in Peru, certain constructions in bilingual speech were equated with developmental levels in the acquisition of Spanish, the standard for which was the coastal Limefio variety. The present research would tend to question one of the basic assumptions of Escobar's work. That is, what if the standard used for the research had been Andean or highland Spanish-the variety spoken in the area where the speakers originated-rather than the coastal variety? Those speakers who were previously considered as exhibiting a lower level of acquisition behavior would then be considered to be at a more advanced stage in the acquisition process. It remains to be seen whether speakers who were described as being at a particular learning stage relevant to one variety of Peruvian Spanish may not in fact be quite fluent in another variety of Peruvian Spanish which is used in their own milieu. This dissertation is not the first study to have raised such questions regarding the assumptions and the perspective of the investigator Garcia and Otheguy contend that, in the case of clitic variation influenced by Quechua

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219 substrate, the characteristic usages are "not simply temporary interferences in the rudimentary Spanish of nascent Quechua-Spanish bilinguals in the sierra, but stable characteristics of the fluent Spanish of bilinguals in and out of the sierra" (1983: 121). They also state that there is every indication that these traits have been diffused from bilingual Quechua-Spanish speakers to monolingual Spanish speakers." Thus a constellation of these traits may comprise a different dialect. Cerr6n-Palomino (1988) also states that motosidad, or the characteristic speech style of Peruvian highlanders, should not be interpreted as initial bilingual speech behavior. Ocurre que muches de tales rasgos tipifican el habla de quienes ignoran el quechua o de zonas en las que esta lengua fue desplazada. Asi, pues, un proceso estrictamente psicolingiiistico-como el de la in terferencia-deviene en elemento constitutive de las formas del castellano local, es decir adquiere el estatuto de norma (social) (p. 69) In this regard, he also cautions against attributing the status of interlanguage, considered to represent acquisitional stages, to stable speech characteristics. One of the weaknesses of the present research is that the data do not reveal the total social or geographic spread of the dialect, nor the stability of some of the specific dialectal features in terms of frequency and extent of use. Because of the limited amount of data gathered from upper-middle or upper class speech, for example, determination of the extent to which the features described in Chapters V-VIII are characteristic of the speech of that stratum of altiplano society awaits future research. Statistical analyses of the social correlates of specific dialect features requires a larger group of speakers from each social group, and there is a need to correlate the phonological, morphological and syntactic variations with each other and across social groups. Additionally, the concept of social class needs to be defined more

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220 precisely, incorporating criteria other than occupation, educational level and income. Also, the geographic area of the research should be expanded. Data from Quechua-dominated highland areas provide tantalizing clues suggesting that some of the linguistic features discussed in this study may be in fact pan-Andean. Herrero (1969) discusses many aspects of Spanish spoken in Cochabamba which are similar to AS. Hundley's (1983) research on / s/ and vowel deletion discusses the Andean spread of these phonological characteristics, for example, and Muysken (1984) considers syntactic features similar to those described in this study which appear in both Ecuadorian and Peruvian highland Spanish. Additionally, there are items which appear in the data gathered for this research which stand out as unusual or intriguing phenomena, but for which not enough adequate contextual information was gathered in order to make plausible statements regarding the distribution and use of these forms. Investigators interested in pursuing research on this dialect may do well to proceed in these areas, summarized below At the level of morphophonology, the relation between vowel length and semantic load, as described in Chapter IV, needs to be further clarified. In the syntax of AS, additional research may further clarify the uses of the suffixed particles nomas, pues, pero, siempre, tambien, as well as the particle ll which appears very often in discourse but was not analyzed in this research. Interrogative usage is another area of the grammar where there appears to be some interesting variation. For example, l~ que? is often heard for Lpara que?, the question L~ c6mo? refers to price per item', and so on. Additionally, given the frequent usage and general distribution of the present tense as a past, which may be a result of reinforcement by J aqi time

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221 orientation as it is expressed in language, additional research on present tense as a future may provide some interesting results. A number of examples of gerund usage which warrant further study appear in the data from this research The use of gerunds in the role of subordinated verbs in the speech of bilinguals has been indicated in Chapter VIL Bilinguals often translate Aymara subordinated verbs carrying the subordinator {-sa} as gerunds in AS, where they play subordinate verb roles. However, there are other particularly interesting gerund uses, indicated below, which are not quite standard, nor do they fit the pattern of gerund as subordinated verb. Gerund forms in combination with the verb ir form an interesting case. Such combinations express the notion of doing something, indicated by the gerund, while going somewhere, on the way to someplace, while traveling or moving along (walking, riding), indicated by forms of ir. The gerund form of ir in the following sentence is used by the speaker to help clarify the usefulness of llamas in the modern context: They are still used for cargo, but not in the ancient way-they no longer are as necessary in the networks for exchange of goods that once crisscrossed the Andes for months at a time in the form of llama caravans, having been replaced for those purposes by trucks. By adding yendo to the sentence nova estar cargando, 'the llama will not be transporting', the speaker specifies the notion of long distance hauling: (STRX, 150) Entonces es siempre llama, no va a estar yendo cargando no, 'So there still are llama, ([but] the llama) won't be going (on long trips) transporting (cargo), no.'

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222 In the following example the gerund form of ir carries a similar semantic load in reference to movement, but the construction is formed with serial inflected verbs: (STRI, 75) Yo sigo estoy yendo, 'I'm going (right now)', which implies 'I was on my way to some other place when I arrived here, and I'm continuing on my way there now.' In the example below, the message with the use of ir in combination with a gerund form indicates the activity of speaking (hablando) while going (i.!:): (STRI, 22/24) Podfamos/Podrfamos ir hablando, 'We could (past/ future) go speaking', or 'We could talk as we went along'/Let's talk as we go.' In AS constructions with the gerund are very frequent, as they are in other dialects of American Spanish Progressive forms with the gerund frequently replace the simple forms used more regularly in the standard: (STRI, 42) (STRV, 40) for Ella sigue estando 'She continues to be ; ... ella esta agarrando 'ella lo tiene, ' ... she has it.' One often hears statements such as J:Q_y queriendo, 'I want', estoy creyendo, 'I believe' and the following : (STRIX, 34) Eso es el gran problema que estoy teniendo ahora, Lno?, This is the major problem that I'm having now."

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223 As in SS, the sense of immediac y is often heightened with use of the gerund in the progressive tenses, w hich i s the case in the example above, implying state or action accomplished or to be accomplished at the moment of speaking. Also, gerund forms occur w ith a number of auxiliary verbs, including estar, seguir, and i.G and in a variety of tenses: (STRVIII, 22) (STRX, 108) (STRX, 113) (STRI, 241) (STRIII, 18) Entonces, eso se ha ido reduciendo, a rnedida que han, que ha ido rnoliendo, 'So, that was b e ing reduced as it had been ground. ... se aburrian pues que donde va cada afi.o, va a estar ayud a ndo a mi mama, con la llama lno?, ... they w e re bored wherever they go every year, they would wind up helping my morn with the llamas, right?' Mi mama sabfa estar ayudandorne a mi ... 'My morn used to help me ... Hasta ahora, sus hijos, del idiorna ayrnara, seguirnos nornas hablando, Up to the present their children continue speaking (of) the Aymara language!' Bueno, nosotros s egufarnos estudiando aqui ... 'Well, we continu e d to study here ... '. Additionally, statements such as the following occur in the context of descriptions of events, or in explanation s : (STRX, 117) Mas antes todavfa viajando yo por lado de Santa Cruz, asi adentro 'Before I still traveled over to Santa Cruz, into the interior (away from my community).'

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224 A number of investigators have commented on the frequency of gerund usage in the highlands of Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, including Kany (1947), Gutierrez (1984) and Mendoza (1988) on Bolivian usage, and Godenzzi (1986) on usage in Puno, Peru, and Muysken (1984) on Ecuadorian speech. Kany remarks on the use of the form indicating incipient action (1947: 198), and Mendoza reports gerund use in exhortative clauses in the speech of all social groups (1988: 22). Clearly additional research is indicated in order to understand the patterns of gerund use in AS. Another intriguing area of research in AS spans both syntactic and discourse levels (beyond sentence construction), and involves meaning carried by intonation. Anecdotal evidence indicates, for example, an intonation pattern over words indicating the listing of information; another intonation pattern covers the sentence which indicates respect for the interlocutor, and is used particularly in situations in which the speaker is making a request. The latter pattern is often misinterpreted by those unfamiliar with the usage as begging or pleading. At the discourse level there are several areas of research which are promising. A study of discourse structure of highland Peruvian Spanish (Stratford, 1985) indicated considerable substrate influence on the construction of narratives in political discourse in the context of community meetings. And Tomas Huanca, a native speaker of Aymara and AS, has indicated 1 that there may be parallels in AS to aspects of the structure of Aymara discourse described in his research report (Huanca 1987). Finally, the field of lexical research is largely unexplored and potentially very rich in AS. An essential part of the meaning of any linguistic 1 personal communication, 1987

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225 form is the contexts within which that form may be used or for which it is appropriate. This is an area within which the influence of the indigenous forms may exist, but about which it may be very difficult to speak. On one level, we can be fairly certain that the use of verb forms to indicate data source is a direct result of indigenous language contact with the conquest language. On another level, the experience of the language on the altiplano has a different flavor and smell and feel, and the references are quite changed for many of the words, from the language in say, Lima or Sucre. It is composed of a myriad of events and relationships and perceptions of the physical world, from the miniscule to the grand which would be difficult to recount in entirety, or to equate as the elements of meaning for many items. Lexical studies which would explore word meaning and usage patterns in the altiplano context are needed for a better understanding of AS and language contact phenomena. This study provides basic linguistic and contextual data for a description of the Spanish dialect of the altiplano area of Bolivia and Peru. It is only a beginning, and it is hoped that the study will provide some impetus for additional research in the area in order to confirm and build upon the present data. Provided below is a summary of the general characteristics of AS which are reported in this study. Table 5 Summary of Characteristics of Altiplano Spanish Nominal system Options m the syntactic treatment of gender and number categories, including:

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masculine and feminine articles, adjectives, and demonstratives with feminine nominals; 226 singular and plural articles, adjectives, and demonstratives with plural nominals; singular and plural pronouns with plural noun referents; augmentation of the class of mass nouns. Pronominal system includes use of vos, and possessive phrases with the construction de + possessor su + possessed. Options for plural marking of nouns and adjectives, which include the plural inflection allomorph /-0s/ resulting from vowel reduction. Verb System The use of selected verb tenses to indicate the source of the information being conveyed and levels of personal involvement with the information, specifically: pluperfect tense expresses non-personal knowledge of the information; present perfect and preterite tenses express personal knowledge of the information, with the preterite signaling more formality, less intimacy, and more personal distance from the information or its source. Neutralization of the distinction between transitive and intransitive verbs, and optional object marking via both clitic pronouns and nouns; reflexive verbs used to underscore personal involvement, known as 'participative' verbs. Reduction of the significance of the present versus past time distinction, realized in the verb system by frequent use of present tense forms

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227 to refer to past events includin g u ses of the present subjunctive for past subjunctive reference. Discourse Processes Data source is indicated b y combin a ti o n s of ve rb tenses, forms of decir, use of quoting, and use of particl e s su c h as s i e mpre, se guramente, or quiza. Politeness requirements a re f ul f illed v ia syntactic strategies in pronominal use, other-person o v erm a rkin g interactive si g nals in discourse, suffix-like placement of pu e s, n o m as, a nd pe ro a nd b y certain functions of the diminutive suffix -ito Processes which p a rall e l s u ff i x in g of wo rd s o r phras e s to word, phrase, and clause-level units perform th e f unction s indicat e d below: emphasis (pues or-~ nom as, s i e mpre), exhortation (pues ), limitation (noma s) objection (pero) aggregation (tambi e n), expression of surprise ( s i e mpr e ) linking (entonces, a s f, y ) summarizing ( a si, enton ces, or combinations of these) confirming (lnossierto? l no? l)@.?), as well as fulfilling the politeness r e quir e m e nt s a s indicated above Topicalization occurs throu g h frontin g of underscored items, the use of articles with personal names, and th e pl a c e ment of commas in the written language Repetition, especially of ve rb s a dj e ctives and adverbs, serves to structure discourse.

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228 Subordination occurs by (1) use of the relativizer lo _QQg, (2) the use of a gerund as a subordinated clause, and (3) by fronting of the subordinated clause with an optional adverbial head.

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APPENDIX I SAMPLE DATA FROM WRITTEN MATERIALS EL DIARIO sabado 1s de julio de 1987 Expo Peru 87", se desarrollarj dcsdc el pr6ximo lunes 20 al 25 oc jul i o en el Hotel Sheraton de em. capit:il, en la oportunidad expondrfu los productos pe ruanos, donde participarfu m1s de 60 empresas de! ve_cino pals. ti Instinuo de Comercio Exterior (ICE) de P e n'1, es un organismo con rango mi nis terial, explic6 Garav i to Am~zaga y e ntre sus ob j etivos princip:lies se dest:ica, e l naci o nalizar y concertar las acciones q ue el pals desarrolla, en m a teria de co mercio exterior, formulando polfticas, mis adecuadas en esta materia y forta lc.ce la capacidad negoc:.u!ora de! Peru. en el exterior 229 : : .- Co1110 .l1 fi!iStJ, 1 sfab[I 111 Jl/il//JdiJ j;/ /490. fi1ba.s t ft ~ ct d1irv ;~ /;r, sttu r 1/~!t;u o. Ja JO! rrcc ft1nos--o._ ft111 tornido Ill /lt1s--ca tlP /4. qa us ct.1

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APPENDIX II NARRATIVE II Sigue asi porque ahora ultimamente de los ya de la tercera, cuarta generaci6n, ya jovencitos, ellos dijeron: "lPor que nosotros no podemos hacer algo para el pueblo?" Hemos habido una reunion asi con una mesa directiva, forrnarnos a una persona mayor como presidente, para que el planifique las cosas, que cosas al pueblo le falta. Entonces estaban bien. Casi dos meses march6 bien. Hernos obrado, por ejemplo, para la construcci6n, para el techado de las piezas de los profesores. Que siempre cada ano mandan alla profesores, pero no tienen donde vivir. Entonces para que no haiga ese problema, los mandones-corregidor, alcalde-obsequi6 un pequefio terreno, para la construcci6n de seis o siete piezas. Entons faltaba para el techado. La calamina faltaba. Nosotros entramos de acuerdo aquf para poder hacer una kermes. Y todo los fondos. Hemes preparado varios platos-chicharro:n, sajta de pollo. Todo, toda esa cosa, era en beneficio del pueblo. Y hernos comprado las calaminas, los, las palisadas. Despues hemos obsequiado libros al escuela de alla, que tampoco tenia su, su ayuda del alcaldfa, mas que todo, o vecinos del pueblo. No, no habfa esa ayuda. Casi la mayor parte de los campesinos alcanzan para hacer la inscripci6n a sus hijos, pero ya no alcanzan para poder comprarles unos 230

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231 libros, otros libros, que piden el escuela Y nosotros entramos de acuerdo aca para poder por lo menos por persona, el libro que tenga uno, que ya no le sirva, porque alla generalmente solamente primaria hay. No hay secondaria Obsequian por lo menos a dos libros. Todos recolectaron a dos libros, a dos libros Toda el pueblo Hemos reunido doscientos libros, doscientos libros. Y entonces esto ha sido una sorpresa. Ya hemos llegado un paquete grande y para el techado de las piezas Le hemos dado una sorpresa ya a los autoridades. Entons ellos dijeron: LPor que", a veces, uno dice estamos formando una mesa directiva, para el bien del pueblo Pero tantas otras personas habian hecho lo mismo, p e ro ninguna p e rsonas ya preocupado del pueblo sino, han reunido fondos h a n recaudado la cantidad de dinero, y entre toda la mesa directiva, si han partido a veinte, a treinta mil, entns no habfa nada para el pueblo." Entons pensaban que los campesinos nosotros lo que estamos haciendo, iba a ser lo mismo. Ellos dicen que comentaban a lla : Ah, no, esto no, nosotros no podemos esperar algu.n beneficio para el pueblo porque siempre dicen lo mismo y no hay tal cosa Ha sido una s orpresa muy grande cuando fuimos alla en catorce de septiembre. Hemos hecho llegar los libros Hemos hecho Hamar a los mandones principalmente para que se reuna Vinieron y se dieron una sorpresa grande al recibir calaminas y libros. Sf, quedaron mu y sa tisfechos Pero despues, poco a poco aca que obsequiaron hace, no se cuantos aftos atras, una maquina para la electrific a ci6n, pero que estaba en mal estado Entonces tenfan que hacer una cota, los que radican allf en el pueblo, para poder hacer arreglar, la maquina, y empezar a enstalar un tanque, para que funcione y que sea todo el pueblo alumbrado.

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232 Pero siempre, cada autoridad que entraba, sacaban multa o alguna otra cosa. Era para el beneficio de su bolsillo. No era para el pueblo.

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APPENDIX III NARRATIVE III Bueno, yo en realidad, como deda, yo soy natural de provincia Pacajes. Yo tengo mis padres alla. Yo he crecido alla hasta mis siete, no hasta siete, hasta siete afios junto con mis padres Bueno con mis padres, no .. Me hicieron estudiar en [diferents esc w els rurals] ya ellos no les gusta que nosotros estemos asi con los ganados Bueno no, no le ha gustado a mi padre. Siempre el ha tenido esa, ese carifio hacia nosotros para que nosotros asi en esta vida triunfimos ... triunfemos, ino? Yo tengo un hermano que siempre no me separaba con el. Basta ahora no me separo de mi hermano mayor. El trabaja en la polida actualmente. Yo trabajo aca. Entons junto adabamos con el. Nos cocinabamos en las escuelas que estabamos internados, ino? En Rosario mas que todo estabamos internados. Alli nos cocinabamos los dos, y, bueno asi, asi fue transcurriendo los afios pasando y posteriormente nos venimos aqui a La Paz el afio setentaysiete. Llegamos a una de nuestra .. nuestras tias. Ahi estamos alojado casi cinco afios. Bueno, nosotros seguiamos estudiando aqui en colegio Ballivian, Jose Ballivian del Alto, Alto Lima, bueno, asf junta con mi hermano. Bueno, un afio yo me aplace sinceramente, y todo por, por, porque el adolescente siempre tiene travesuras. Bueno, et cetera, ino? Por esas razones en m1 persona, y bueno, asi me, me venci6 mi hermano y bueno, asi acabamos bachiller. El acaba primer, primero y se fue al cuartel. Yo tambien despues, y 233

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234 me fue al cuartel. En cuartel estuve el afio ochentaydos y fue al cuartel un afio tambien alla. Me quede a trabajar en el mismo regimiento otro afio mas. Despues, como le decia, que los militares no son de buen aspecto para mi, Lno? Siempre tiene una, una forma de proceder, en forma de tosca asi gritando siempre. Es por eso que no me ha gustado. Es por eso que me he retirado y decidi estudiar una profesi6n civil. Me entre a la escuela hotelera Estudie la carrera de administraci6n hotelera y, bueno, de alli egrese y ahora actualmente me encuentro trabajando en este hotel. Asi como le deda que este es mi profesi6n y, siempre, siempre, nunca perdi la esperanza de triunfar, y siempre actualmente estoy estudiando ingles. Es que quiero aprender bastante y ademas esta relacionado mucho con el turismo y uno que no sabe ese puede fracasar. El que esta en ese campo, entons, Lnops? Me gusta .. me esta gustando aprender ingles y lo voy a hacer. Eso es mi meta que tengo. Bueno, mi proyecci6n a medida que vaya pasando el tiempo como tambien que y o vaya practicando Ahorita estoy empezando de, en este restaurante del comedor donde ya se el movimiento del comedor, como es. Entonces no se si dios quiere pues bueno voy a pasar a otras secciones, a otras areas mas, bueno, que que, a traves de la practica, tambien desarrolla una buena experiencia. Bueno, asi si dios quiere voy a triunfar. Voy a, voy a llegar a administrar un hotel. Es mi objectivo que sigo como mi profesi6n, es esa. Ese seria todo en cuanto de lo que estamos hablando y hasta el momento. Yo he, no o sea, yo casi, casi, muy rara vez voy a mi pueblo, porque en realidad no tengo tiempo y nunca, siempre he de tener tiempo. Yo me encuentro siempre aqui junto con mi hermano, entonces muy rara vez. Por ejemplo ahora ya asi cuatro o cinco aftos, ya no, ya he ido visitar a mis padres, pero, si, ellos vienen aca.

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235 Yo tengo mi casa en el alto, es Villa Pacajes tambien, en esa zona Villa Pacajes. Vivimos junto con mi hermano Entons mis padres siempre vienen a visitar ya modo de comprarse. Y asf porque ellos viven alla y siempre con la ganaderfa. Bueno, con la dedicados a la agricultura. Entonces siempre vienen. Bueno, coma, bueno coma es de costumbre de las del campo siempre vienen a comprarse alga asf alime:ntos .. Bueno, asf ellos siempre me vienen aver aca a La Paz. Entons, yo soy, claro, yo, los unicamente los dfas jueves salen las carros. Yo mando a veces alguna encomiendita .. Asf, asf entonces, estamos tranquilo nomas. Ellos me recuerdan Yo tambien siempre me recuerdo. Claro que no me olvido, lno? Siempre mando una carta, una pequefia encomie:nda, asf. Como ellos han tenido t a nto carifio para mi, entonces yo nunca me va a olvidar, es imposible Claro que no viajo par factor tiempo, lve? Carezco del tiempo. (E)l problema es que mi mama, es es, enfermisa o sea, no viene aca casi, a veces. Por ejemplo, el anteafio pasado ha venido par solamente hacerse curar y es enfermisa. Tiene un a taque y casi, casi no, o sea, serfa no .. o lo negaria que la sacara las expressiones de alguna manera. Eso sf. Mas antes tenfa un abuelito hace, h a ce recientemente ha fallecido que, 98 an.as, imagfnese. Entonces el sabfa todo. Bueno, no he sabido aprovechar esas veces. Claro que es importantfsimo el, coma dices, esas palabras metaforas o esas expresiones, L[nos] cierto? Y es, para mf es importante, lno? porque hay que saber como somos nativos somos criollos Y debfamos estar al tan to de eso porque estamos en nuestra tierra, ;_ ve? Entonces es bueno saber, pero yo lamentablemente, esa vez, cuando muri6 mi abuelito no, no tomaba importancia en este aspecto. Claro, pero de todas maneras yo tambien, estoy tomando o sea, en este instante estoy tomando la consciencia de que esas

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236 palabras, eses expressiones, se debe investigar, o se debe buscar, estudiar, dnos] cierto? y analizar, por ultimo, que quiere decir, pues, de d6nde viene, por que se dice eso, para que sirve, ;_,ve? Esas cosas me gustaria saber, pero yo ahorita no, no se que quiere decir, pero son palabras que mas o menos me imagino que son igualito como los fil6sofos expresan sus pensamientos o dejan, imprimir sus libros, sus pensamientos. Es lo mismo que nuestros abuelos, antepasados, han sacados esas, esas palabras Pienso que tienen algun significado rnuy importante. Bueno, al respecto, yo diria por ejemplo los, los jovenes actuales ... Bueno, aqui en la ciudad como lo decia en aymara, cambian un, o sea, hay un cambio, un cambio total del ambiente, por ejemplo Nose puede comparar la ciudad con el campo. En la ciudad siempre existe, bueno, la gente es mas extrovertida, o sea, quiero decir que la gente es un poquito, siempre esta, al tanto de las modas, por ejemplo. Un ejemplo seria, al tanto de las modas, que la juventud en especial siempre esta al tanto de las modas. 0 sea, con eso quiero decir que la juventud que esta aca o que vivia, somos ciudadanos mas que, nunca ha ido al campo, pues, si, si aquf tiene una forma de usar un vestido o expresarse de alguna manera o, bueno, cierta caracterfsticas, esa persona influye al otro que viene alli mismo. 0 al ambiente que se mete, influye bastante porque en primer lugar un joven siempre llegar a tener amigos. Yo, por ejemplo, he tenido, yo, yo he llegado casi un innocente que no sabfa nada, de modo, bueno, como usted se imagina que uno que llega de campo siempre llega tfmido. Bueno, uno tiene rniedo de hablar yes mas humillado, bueno, et cetera, mas, l[nos] cierto? Pero a medida que vaya pasando el tiempo como tambien se vaya ambientando ese muchacho, como yo, por ejemplo, conoce bastante amigos, por ejernplo, en los colegios, en las escue-, colegios, o bueno, en instituciones

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237 de formaci6n profesional. Bueno, ya estar ne-, sumergido en un ambiente totalmente diferente al campo Es por eso que la juventud tambien cambia automaticamente. Claro, el no se da cuenta porque, pero autornaticamente ya cambia su, su forma de proceder, sus actit ud es, bueno, sus caracteristicas, su, su caracter del campo. Y es por eso que, como le deda, el aymara es despreciado o, para mi seria, parece de que/a mi parecer en el campo la gente siernpre no estarnos aseado porque no hay tiempo para asearse. Y bueno, puede haber tiempo para asearse. Pero te aseas para unas/ m as hora s. Yo, por ejemplo, bien, en el campo me recuerdo me lavaba, pues me lavaba, pero como alli es la tierra donde hay much[o], la tierra, el viento, bueno, los pajonales, bueno, et cetera. Y me lavo un rato, pues, bueno, es . Como vivo en la tierra todo, o sea, siempre es la tierra, Lno? No es como la ciudad empedrado Entons a la fuerza tengo que ensuciarme o los trabajos rnisrnos, es asL Es algo, no digarnos sucio, sino es el trabajo, siempre esta relacionado con el, con la tierra y esa tierra es, bueno, suciedad, asL Llega a ser una suciedad Entonces la gente que vive aca o a los campesinos que, que v ienen del campo y a la gente que vive aca, lo mira que siernpre sornos morenos, somos, timidos, bueno, etc Somos siempre lo mas bajo, o sea, la gente lo ve asi, que somos los campesinos que venirnos aca, siernpre lo ven de mas bajo Entonces es por eso que le da la impresi6n al ciudadano que vive aca, le da la impresi6n de que, bueno, hablar ayrnara no seria irnportante para ellos. Porque en realidad tiene ese im-, es mala impresi6n, pero en realidad esta confundida. No es mala, sino es natural. Eso no cornpriende los ciudadanos, o sea, la gente que vive en la ciudad. Entonces, con eso sico l6 g icarnente a uno ya, ya, sicol6gicarnente ya lo desprecia al ayrnara porque el aymara, al decir aymara ', bueno, ya, ya se da cuenta que clase de persona es, y que clase de tez, o la cara

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238 es rnorena, bueno, et cetera, i_[nos] cierto? Yo pienso de que se origina este, esta vergiienza de, de hablar ayrnara, de eso. Yo pienso de que se origina de eses, de eses aspectos naturales del campo que no son anorrnales, son norrnales: cara rnorena, tez rnorena, bueno, siempre.

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APPENDIX IV NARRATIVE IV [e] Bueno, mi papi falleci6 en mil noveciento sesentaysiete, y quedarnos mi mami y mis cuatros hermanos, o sea, conmigo son cuatro, Jnos] cierto? Yo soy la mayor, y tengo mis hermanos, se llaman Milena, Saleth, y Wilson. [om] Cuando cuando quedamos huerfanos, yo quede de doce aftos y mi hermana de, de nueve aftos Los otros cumpleando los dos y los tres aftos. Y luego mi mami empez6 trabajar, turno [esta] era auxiliar de enfermeria. Y ernpez6 trabajar y tenia turnos en la noche Teniamos que quedarnos [ay~eses] en las noches solos nosotros Y la comida tambien porque salia [ay~eses] ella en la maftana y nosotros teniamos que ver como comer, Jnos] cierto? Entonces yo ya sabfa preparar la comida. Tropezabamos con algunos problemas porque [ a y ~es es] mis hermanos tenfan que quedarse solitos, iban chiquititos. Entonces para ir al colegio teniamos que turnamos [a y ~es es], mi hermana "Yo tengo religion hoy dia entonces no es tan importante mi materia anda tu que tienes matematicas ", por ejemplo. Salir asi. Y mi mami empez6 trabajar y comenz6 estudiar idiomas y secretariado. Lleg6 alga de ingles y [se de] se present 6 en el embajada americana. Menas mal que por una amiga consigui6 trabajo e n la embajada americana, y allf trabaj6 y mejor6 nuestra situaci6n mejor6. Yo seguf estudiando en [e] en colegio. Mis hermanos tambien y, y despues pas6 al embajada de Francia mi mami. 239

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240 Luego de alla se le present6 una oportunidad para irse con una empresa privada y ahora el afio pasado, ochentaycinco en julio se fue, a Italia. Como una extranjera se fue. Y se quedaron mis hermanos aca conrnigo. Mi mami me dijo, los vas a ver, yo te voy a mandar dinero," todo eso, Lno? Pero [ay~eses] no llegaba con frequencia. No hay una persona que ven-, una persona vaya llevando el dinero, Lno es cierto? Entonces el afio pasado por ejemplo mi mami cuando se fue nos dej6 doscientos d6lares. Hasta septiembre nos dur6 los doscientos d6lares y luego no, no teniamos Y justo por estos dias tambien mi hermana le enferm6 el ojo. Estaba mal de su vista entonces no teniamos dinero. A pan y cafe estabamos. Yo tenia sus [estes] de mi mama sus joyas. Vendi todita sus joyas. Y iba uno por uno, porque no llegaba dinero, entonces, decia y, el medico me decia "tiene que comprar gotas", y seis pastellitas al dia tenia que tomar ella en la mafiana.

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APPENDIX V NARRATIVE V AW: Siem pre haciamos algo DS: l Con ella? AW: SL Haciamos chacra, con mi mama hadamos todo, hadamos, sembrabamos cebollas, zanahorias, lechugas, todo. Y cuando se muri6 mi mama, ya no nosotros, ya todo nos hemos .. nos hemos ocupado y muy triste ,no?. Y llorando asi. Y, se muri6 estaba caminando por otro lado yo buscando asi para que se sabe por ahi ,no?. Estaba buscando algo, para que se sane. Con parto ha muerto mi mama, con parto. DS: ,Y la wawa? AW: Y wawa, vivia, vivia Vivia cinco meses estaba viviendo. Se ha muerto. DS: A, se ha muerto tambien. AW: Se ha muerto tambien. Y ya asi. Ya han enterrado, y no me han dejado ni ver a mi mama, si, y de poco tiempo, ya mi papa ya [si] ha buscado otra mujer, si. Ya tiene otra mujer DS: A ,tiene otra mujer ahorita? AW: Sf, otra mujer tiene. SL DS: ,No es como tu mama pero? AW: No ya no es como mi mama. DS: Y cuando se falleci6, ,ustedes no fueron a las chacras, nada de eso tampoco? 241

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242 AW: No, no fbamos, teniamos que ir a a sacar papa, escabrar papas, lno? Y ya no hemos ido. No, a sembrar era. A sembrar era, teniamos que sembrar por ahi arriba, por el cerro, y ya no hemos idops a sembrar. Tres dias nos hemos atrasados en ahi, y en esas semanas ya no hemos hecho nada. Si, tambien, cuando se ha muerto ya esa noche, despues de esa noche, se ha perdido un awayu. DS: A lsi? AW: Un awayu, se ha, ella se ha tejido. Sabia tejLr mi mama. DS: Aya AW: Ella se ha tejido y se ha perdidops[h]. Sf se ha perdido en la casa abajo estabamos esa vez. Y se ha perdido y habra sabemos quien agarra. Es mi tia nomas tambien. DS: lTu tfa? AW: Si, mi tia Y, asi nornas nosotros hernos dejadops. "Asi que este nornas" tarnbien mi papa ha dicho Y, nosotros no le hernos dicho corno estabamos un poquito chiquitos, y no le h e rnos dichops nada. Y mi hermano siern pre ha (xx) t DS: lSiernpre tiene, tu tfa? AW: Si, lo tiene y creo que ya lo ha vendido DS: A lsi? AW: Si. A alguna parte ya lo ha vendido Hernos ido a Yunguyo, a los, le hemos preguntado los adivinos. DS: lC6mo? AW: A adi vinos le hernos dicho DS: A lsi? + (xx) = recording not clear at this point.

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AW: Si. Y nos ha dicho "ella esta agarrando asi. DS: A, za Yunguyo han viajado? AW: Sf, a Yunguyo hemos ido. DS: ,No hay (xx) aca? 243 AW: Si, no hay aqui, para saber quien agarra, y saben los adivinos, adivinanps. Si. DS: ,Como adivinan? AW: [o] si, depende de ellos como adivinan, a veces con sus coquitas, a veces con sus casienas, asi. DS: mmm AW: Asf y, todavfa esta casa no estaba techado, esa vez cuando se ha muerto mi mama, en abajo se ha velado Si y sabes nosotros hemos, y nos hemos ido a otra casa. (xx) en mi casa, si y, despues que se ha muerto ya, poco tiempo, y, nosotros vivfamos asi. Asi ha falta mi mama, quien cocinaba, estabamos en, con el en la escuela tambien. Estabamos en la escuela. DS: Y qui en ha cocinado? AW: Mi papa nomas cocinaba. DS: A ,sf? ,todo? AW: Sf, todo cocinaba. Sabe cocmar m1 papa Si, has ta ahora, sigue cocinando, si. Yo tambien se cocinar a veces Si. Se ha buscado otra mujer, che, se han juntado, asf es, con una mujer, en alla arriba es. Es mi papa [es] trabajando en alla. DS: A AW: SL DS: ,Nose han casado? AW: No, todavfa no se casaron. Sf. ,Cuando siempre se casaran, zno?. ,Quien sabe?. ,Ellos estan hablando, o no? ,Quien sabe?

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244 OS: L Tu quieres que se casen? AW: [m] yo (xx) yo, si, se pueden casar pero. Que no refian mis hermanitos OS: A, ya. AW: Sf. OS: Que les trate bien. AW: Si, que les trate bien. Que les atienda, y comida bien, asi. Yo eso nomas tambien quiero. Yo no estoy, que a veces tambien vengo aqui. Y asi, le trataps mal y por eso yo a veces reniego. SL Me voy calladito nomas. OS: A, LYa, no dices nada? AW: No, no digo nada. Me (xx) alla tan poquito que estoy, me vuelvo ir a Copacabana. Si, a veces, cuando hacernos chacra vengo a ayudar aqui, a mover tierra asi. Estoy durmiend9 tarnbien aqui. Si, el dia siguiente o la tarde me voy. SL Y vengo siempre ayudarles, si. Escabrar papa, mover tierra, aumentar tierra, las plantitas, Lno? SL Yo voy al colegio asf, a estudiar. Siempre voy. .. Y, se venir tambien a qui a la iglesia, en las tar des, el df a rniercoles en la tarde y domingo en la tarde, si. Se juntan asi un grupo, y ahf adentro cantan y oraciones hacen, asi. OS: LTu vienes? AW: Si, vengo. OS: A, LSi? AW: Sf. OS : LPor esto? AW: Sf, por eso. OS: LTe gusta? AW: Si, me gusta, can tar asf, se grabar, yo tengo gravado en Copacabana Os A '? : l Sl. AW: Si.

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245 OS: LOe este grupo? AW: Si, de ese grupo tengo [gra~ao 9 ], como cantan, asi. Pero no he grabado como hacen sus oraciones, asL SL OS: Es otra cosa, Lno? AW: Sf, es otra cosa. OS: Parece que han acabado con esta parte de la casa. AW: SL Con esa parte han [aca~a ~ o], ahora ahf van a formarps con palos asi, van a forrnar [alrededori't9I, van a formar y, ahf, a lo largo van a poner [m] palos delgadits para que sujete, que no se entre los pajas ahi adentro, adentro la cocina. Para eso ponen e s o OS: Eso es como se hacen, no sabf a. AW: Con estos pajas hacen, mas fuerte es esta parte. Sf. OS: Bonito aca, bonito vivir aca, Lno? AW: Sf, bonito es vivir, piro, asf conversando con alguien. Solito no hay caso de vivir, hay tristezas asf, no hay caso de vivir tarnbien. OS: Pero hay bastante ninos, Lno? para jugar? AW: Sf hay bastante, y, algunos no quieren mandar tambien sus padres, asf. SL A mi me siempre mandan, me sabe mandar mi papa jugar asi con los chicos. Siernpre vengo asf jugar aquf con la pelota. Sf. Me gusta jugar siempre, asi tambien me gusta estudiar. Mas quiero saber de todo. OS: LA ti que te gusta mejor? AW : Estudiar, asi, pero jugar un poco. OS: L Que prefieres estudiar? AW: A, yo quiero estudiar matematica Os A '? : / LSL AW: Si, matematica, ingles quiero aprender pero no puedo. OS: Tu puedes si quieres

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AW: No. Me gusta sociales tambien, estudios sociales. OS: Esto me gusta tambien. 246 AW: (xx) hablando de las planetas y todo esas cosas. Algo del mundo interior. El afio pasado hemos pasado sociales en primero medio. Primero basico siempre pasan estudios sociales, pero despacio con estas semanas tambien, y el ultimo, todo. Y hay que saber todo del mundo, que cosas hay, asL OS: ,Que quiere decir "mundo interior ? AW: Mundo interior. OS: Sf, L que quiere decir eso? AW: Mundo interior, nose que te decfa. OS: LQue estudias cuando estudies el mundo interior? AW: Estudiamos de las planetas de las cometas, ese. OS: A, eso. AW: SL Este estudiamos nosotros en el colegio. SL (xx) De los Incas. Si. Y artes plasticas tambien poco me gusta. Si. De los Tiwanakus, dibujar. OS: Bueno, entonces, ,estas listo para tu escuela? AW: SL (xx) OS: ,No quieren estudiar? AW: No quieren estudiar. Se pasan con jugar. OS: mmm AW: En cambio yo, yo no mucho juego, pero un poco se jugar siempre (xx) Cuando acabo mis tareas, ya, voy a jugar. OS: Bueno, entonces vas a aprender mucho. AW: Si, puedo aprender. OS: Y despues del colegio quisieras seguir con tus estudios, ,no?

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247 AW: Si, quiero seguir con mis estudios Muchos aqui se salen de la escuela, del colegio, asi. Se salen. (xx) estudiando asf, pasteando ovejas, vacas, asi no (xx) se pasa DS: A, ya. AW : SL DS: Salen sin su ti tulo AW: No salen (xx) ni siquiera recogen sus libritos, de medio afio, al acaba del afio se salen. Ya no pueden (xx), ya no puedenps. Yo nunca he salido (xx), sin cuadernos. DS: LSin cuadernos? (Break in tr anscription he re) AW: Como hadan sus hachas asi los salvages Primeramente he vis to yo estudiando, que las Incas se habian hecho de piedra, sf, y, como habia una piedra mas fina, piedra pulida se habfa llamado, de ese se han hecho, y despues, ya, pasaron mucho tiempo ya, ya usaron el hierro para hacer hachas, las flechas, todo eso. SL De ese y o he estudiado el afto pasado (Break in transcription here) DS: LSigues siendo cerca de tus hermanos? AW: Si, sigo siendo pero mis hermanos es t a n en La Paz, en la ciudad es tan, mi hermano mayor, ha salido el afto pasado bachiller de nuestro colegio. Y, este afto ha ido al cuartel, y, el afto creo que va a estudiar. Y mi otro hermano esta trabajando asi. Se ha salido del colegio, estaba en primer medio, y estaba en meclios, en julio, por ahi se ha salido A La Paz se han ido con otro, con mi primo, se habian ido para, en trabaj a r. Y, en nada habian encontrado trabajo, y, buscando asf. Y, esta mi tio en ahf, y le habfa encontrado, y, mi tio habia ido tambien para que trabaje Sf, el otro t a mbien con su cuftado se habia ido a trabajar, mi primo, y, desde ahi de ese ari.o, el afto pasado, el anteafio pasado, se ha ido. Del anteafto pasado estabaps en La Paz es. No viene casi.

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248 OS: LNo viene? AW: Si, de cinco meses, asi nomas viene SL Trabajando en ahf, pero no OS: L Tu le has visi tado all a? AW: No, ni una vez que se ha ido mi hermano yo no he visitado a La Paz No he ido, donde mi hermano. Siempre estaba aquL Por eso no conozco bien La Paz. OS: Este lugarcito es mucho mas tranquilo. AW : Sf y mucho frio Lno? OS: Y hay mucho mas tiempo aca tambi e n AW: Si. OS: En la ciudad el tiempo va muy rapido, no hay horas para hacer cosas, aquf hay AW: SL Sf en la ciudad dicen, como y o no voy, yo no seps.

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APPENDIX VI NARRATIVE VI PH: Lo poco que habia escuchado a traves de los viejitos o ancianos que me contaron cuando estaba pasando por el, la comunidad de Carabuco, es una zona aymara del sector Lago Titicaca, provincia Camacho. Entonces, ellos indican en el tiempo de [e] del explotacion de los patrones, habfa familias que apellidan Mamanis, Quispes, Ch'ukiwanka, Wanka. Entonces, estes sen.ores no obedecieron a lo patron, y fueron [a] trasladados muy lejos de aquf, lno?, de su comunidad. Ellos han vivido en en Carabuco, actualmente, y asf. Como en este tiempo no habia ni mobilidad, era todo caminar, entons ellos los que han [zfdo] trasladados, no podfan retornar. Y mi parece no solamente dos tres personas, mi pinse que han [zfdo] un grupo de campesinos que han levantado allf enfrentarse con el patron, tal vez de este motivo han [zfdo] llegados alla por Sucre, y hacen [e] bueno vivieron allf, y ellos mismos como no habfa este [u] la forma de devenirse, se casaron con mujeres quechuas, y a la fuerza tenfan que hablar quechua y bueno, han colocado en ese lugar donde han [zfdo] trasladados, Tarabuco, que actualmente es con el mismo nombre de ese comunidad que era Carabuco y ahora actualmente es Tarabuco y por eso la gente de alH habla todavia aymara, se recuerda, pero en sf no querfan decirlo tal vez de este lo que habfa pasado. Bueno eso me contaron lno? DS: lQuien, pero, en Watajata? 249

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250 PH: No, cuando yo estaba pasando por Carabuco, me contaron eso Entonces, yo le decia, "LPor que lo han colocado 'Carabuco'?" y ellos me decian de que gente de aqui ha salido, entonces, alli tambien se ha puesto con este nombre 'Tarabuco y no 'Carabuco' OS: LQue quiere decir tarabuku? PH: tara es una palabra aymara que quiere decir dos [a] cosas juntas' lno? OS: Ya, como par'. PH: Como un par, si un par', [tara], y [buku], bueno, puede ser [u] tal vez No hay en aymara pero tal ve z en quechua se puede decir eso, Lno? pero tampoco no entiendo quechua bien y nos e. OS: LHay algo semejante en a y mara como [puku] ... ? PH: Bueno, puku olla puede s e r lno? p e ro no estoy bien seguro tal vez tiene otras cosas mas, como a la pasada bu e no, charlamos con los puntos y la pregunta lo que lo he hecho es "LPor qu e lo hacen 'Carabuco ?, LOe d6nde nacio?" Ellos me contaron en ese forma Na da m a s que te puedo hacer, pero, eso es.

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APPENDIX VII NARRATIVE VII Son hijas ya que hablarnos ya el espafiol ya, pero son hijas de ayrnaras, hijas de ayrnaras. Ya algunas estan estudiando algunas estan en alguna [a] preparandose rnejor para poder llevar. Entonces son ayrnaras [pa] son Ahora estarnos por rnejor porque lo mas que podernos organizarnos, hernos ido purarnente ayrnaras, purarnente indfgenas corno se nos Harnan, Lno? Estarnos purarnente herrnanas ayrnaras, pero, esto no sera sirnplernente asi. Tenernos objectivos de que integren otras, tarnbien, otras cornpafieras nuestras de que puedan ayudarnos. Dentro de eso no querernos que estarnos encerrados purarnente ayrnaras, porque el, la idea no es eso. Solarnente cuando hernos organizado hernos estado integrados purarnente ayrnaras, pero ahora si el grupo, si [e] la organizaci6n va creciendo, Lno? poco a poco, darnos la puerta abierta para los otras cornpafieras: estudiantes, profesionales, y de otros (xx) les pueden entrar a la organizaci6n, tranquilarnente. LPor que? Porque ellos tarnbien pueden aportar, porque quizas puedan aportar las ideas que ellos estan pensando, Lno? A nivel de OMAK podernos llevar con mas enfasis, Lno? con mas, puedan integrar corno las herrnanas qulliris en rnedicina natural, las parteras que son nativas, Lno? y asf corno los otros medicos tarnbien en rnedicina natural o las enferrneras auxiliares populares que hay, Lno? Entonces, tratarnos de entregarle a este grupo, otras cornpafieras, otras rnujeres profesionales tarnbien Porque tarnbien esta, lo que se ve para el rnejor del OMAK, para lo rnejor de la organizaci6n, no 251

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252 queremos encerrarnos dentro de ahi, puramente aymaras Pueden estar los hablante castellanos, y otras compafleras nuestras que es ami:ga nuestra organizaci6n, y a lo menos si (xx) son, y si quieren ser siempre simplemente hermanas que quieren ayudar pues, estan invitadas para que pueden integrar a OMAK. El OMAK tiene actualmen te nmguna parte ha tenido su [finansyamyent9] Estamos por otro lado, quizas eso, por eso es que esta muy lento lno? que el, el paso de OMAK. Si tuviera un financiamiento bastan-, o digamos financiamiento por lo menos, lo poco que puede ser, OMAK quizas marcharia con mas enfasis, con mas seminarios, porque nosotros hemos tenido proyectado para hacer seminarios, conferencias, encuentros, y cursillos, evaluaciones, y todo mas. Esos han sido nuestro plan. Pero estamos compliendo casi la mitad nada mas, no estamos compliendo todo lPor que? Porque no tenemos posibilidades econ6micas. No hay, tenemos que hacer Las organizaci6nes amigas a OMAK tiene que tratar ayudarnos. OMAK no ha tenido financiamiento actualmente ninguna parte. Eso no, veremos ahora que, por eso esta un poco, muy, muy joven lno? pero yo creo que con todo aunque asi, voluntariamente aunque trabajando OMAK, voluntariamente, las compafieras que han prestado sus servicios a OMAK, o estan entregando a OMAK, no estan, no reciben sueldo de ninguna parte. Ellas concientemente si estan trabajando, van a ayudar algunas instituciones, esto es muy diferente, lno? Pero dentro de OMAK no tenemos ningun financiamiento

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APPENDIX VIII NARRATIVE VIII Te voy a contar antes sobre una curaci6n que hemos presensiaba, en la localidad de Calata Mercedes en aqui en la provincia Manco Capac Entonces alli era el mes de marzo, cuando las lluvias se asecaba mas, un campesino que se llamaba Facundo, ha sufrido una caida, [e] y se ha malogrado la rodilla, una de las rodillas de sus pies, al bajar en una cuesta que se llama Larisani, bajando la bajada de San Pedro de Tiquina. Entonces este campesino, era muy bueno, era colaborador para con los maestros rurales, entonces yo quise ayudarle, llevandole en la bicicleta a un centro de salud de la Fuerza Naval en Tiquina. Entonces el campesino me dijo de que "no me tocara aqui" ni siquiera le avisara al medico, para que le atienda su fractura en una de las rodillas El campesino, o sea los campesinos lo hicieron un tratamiento con puramente medicina aqui de lugar, aqui el medicina natural, o sea (xx) con hierbas. Pero la rodilla, toda la r6tula, sonaba como un fardo, de botellas rotas, sonaba de [k "a k "a k"a] toda la rodilla. Entonces los campesinos lque han hecho? Han preparado de la siguiente manera. Han conseguido una buena cantidad de hojas, que se llama 'c h ilka '. 'Ch'ilka'. Una hierba, una plantun arbusto mediana, de mas o menos de unos tres metros de altura. Son hojas muy pegajosas con papel (xx). Luego, 'ch'ili ch'ili'. Es una hierba tambien que hay en la falda de los cerros, que tambien usan harto para curaci6n para predpite para solar como yeso, o como para las fracturas. Despues 'mank'apaki', otra de las hierbas que 253

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254 tambien hay en los cerros. Luego han conseguido una buena cantidad de lagartos, verdes, culebras que hay en los cerros, zno? Luego, han conseguido la, [e] de lo que va sacando la quifiua, se llama, el resto de la quifiude lo que se golpea la quifiua, [e] el restos que queda como palitos, esto han conseguido buena cantidad. Despues han conseguido [e] una buena cantidad o unos tres o cuatro masos de digo de bolos de 'chankaka negra', zno?, 'chankaka negra', todo eso. Luego, era mas o menos unos tres montones, asf. Los campesinos lo han molido en el batan, en un batan de piedra, (xx) de piedra, tambien. Entonces, el proceso ha constitido en moderlo todo eso, vivoras, no aqui no hay vivoras, culebras lagartos todo todo, en uno Entonces, eso se ha ido reduciendo, a medida que han, que ha ido moliendo. Al ultimo era solo asi una, una masa, media cafe, zno? Y, al carnpesino, lo han mariado para que no sienta el dolor, porque corno no era anestesia, lo anestesia por medio del alcohol. Entonces los campesinos tienen las quenas que tocan, han hecho su cabestrillo, bonito Han tejido, han [o] hecho como un especio de cabestrillo, asi, corno un tejido especial, corno una canillera que usan los futbolistas. Entonces con eso lo han colocado con todo eso preparado con todo esa masa molida, de todo esos que te digo de los hierbas, de las culebras, lagartos chankaka, en fin todo eso, habia tarnbien incensio, cobalto esas cosas Con esa rnasa, lo han colocado bien, y lo han puesto con este cabestrillo hecho de quenas, bien [o] corno tejidito lo han dejado asf. Entons lo han rnasfriado con eso, y le han puesto lo han protegido por encima con ese especie de cabestrillo, con e s o de palitos que ha servido corno un suporte. Y posteriarnente para que s ea fijo, fijo, han, las rnujeres campesinas tienen unos kafiawaykas gruesas. Lo han partido en cuatro que sirve para tejer sus awayus, sus frasadas asf. Llaman 'polos 'Pulu' llarnan

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255 ellos, las mujeres. Con eso lo han colocado del altura del buzo hasta la altura del tobillo. Entonces el campesino estaba asf, hasta que se suelde todo. Esto mas o menos era los fines del mes de marzo. Marzo, abril, mayo, junio, julio, agosto, septiembre. El veinte cuatro de septiembre, que es dfa la festividad en la comunidad, el campesino estaba bailando ya su moreno con, con su ropa de moreno, bailando la morenada. Sf cogeaba un poco, pero, no ha sido intervenido por medico, por un medico de la academia, que es la universidad, sino, la curaci6n se han hecho ellos mismos Sf, he presenciado porque me h e interesado en saber como era el proceso de la curaci6n, todo eso. Pero, sf el campesino ha tenido un reposo de unos [d], abril, mayo, junio, julio, unos cuatro meses ha estado postrado, has ta agosto mas o menos ha estado postrado en su cama, y en [ay], no se movfa para nada. Nose movfa para nada. (D)e una vez que le han puesto esa masilla especie de masilla se preparado su molido, con todo eso (xx) con todo, [e] el campesino estaba en su cama, y hacia el hilado, el torcido de hilados pa su mujer. Despues el tiempo, (xx) pierden el tiempo, y entonces estaba completamente sano bailando el moreno (xx), lno? Esa es la medicina natural que he visto asf. Era el mil novecientos sesenta y nueve, lno? sesenta y nueve Mil novecientos sesenta y nueve.

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APPENDIX IX NARRATIVE IX Yo me llamo V .... Ahorita estoy trabajando aca in Radio Onda Azul. Mira, exactamente en Radia Onda Azul como ocho meses. Recien .... El ochenta y dos termine la secondaria, y despues me puse estudiar en una academia: contabilidad, secretariado, de todo un poco, de oficina Y el ochenta y tres estuve trabajando en un colegio de contadores tambien como secretaria. Luego de eso engrese a la universidad, a periodismo. Estuve estudiando todo un afio, de la cual he salido becada, ,no?, primer puesto. Luego de esto por cuestiones econ6micas, tenia que dejar estudiar para ponerme trabajar, aqui en la Radio. (A)hora estoy trabajando aca. en la Radio de dia, pero en la noche tambien estoy estudiando contabilidad, en un instituto superior, que es desde las seis y media hasta las diez y media, once de la noche .... de lunes a viernes. Si, soy de Puno. Si, naci aca y bueno yo desde que he nacido practicamente yo he vivido en un solo barrio, es el barrio (xx), que es el barrio mas cerca y la parte central de Puno. En la parte donde estoy viviendo, donde tengo me casa, es eso tambien en el barrio central mismo. Mi papa hablaba quechua y aymara, los dos idiomas, tambien castellano. Mi mami solamente el castellano [um] con mucha dificultad, y el aymara. (Y)o pienso seguir trabajando hasta donde me dejo la oportunidad, lno?, porque las condiciones econ6micas no me permiten dejar de trabajar. 256

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257 (L)a intenci6n de mi es [de] seguir estudiando pero por ejemplo yo he ido conversar con unos profesores de la universidad, explicarles mi situaci6n, lno? Que me permitieran estudiar, que me dejaran solamente ir a dar los examines finales rendir o no rendir Entons ellos me han dicho que "no" que necesariamente yo tengo que asistir a clases. Como yo trabajo en la maftana y en la tarde no me doy tiempo para asistir a las clases, lno? Habido como tres profesores que me han dado esa posibilidad de estudiar asi. Me dijeron que si, podia ir a dar examines [nomah] y que (xx) podia presentar incluso, despues de [tye:mpo], que me conocian, que sabian que era una persona que [estudia:ba], que rendia. Pero, entonces los tres profesores me han [in~itao], LYa? Y son profesores que a veces no entienden, Lno? Son estrictos, academicos. Dicen "no, la asistencia de la alumna va a ser veinte cinco por ciento." Si el alumno viene, y viene y esta un poco mal, no riende, tienen posibilidades de (xx), que aquel no viene, y asi (xx) el exam, lno? Habido examines por ejemplo en los que yo he asistido sin haber hecho clases con profesores me he preparado en la casa [nomah] (xx) y ni querian sacar (xx) de examines a veces, lno? (xx) ha dado los examines y al final he salido lo mejor nota incluso de todos companeros que bien ha asistido a clases. . Pero yo pienso que, lo que yo pienso ahora es terminar contabilidad, que me falta solamente dos semestres, porque estoy haciendo el sexto semestre ya, son ocho semestres. Tengo ya sexto semestre terminando ya ahora y terminar el octavo semestre y luego, luego, mire, como ya voy a tener un poco de tiempo por las noches terminar la contabilidad, hacer mi tesis, sacar me bachillerata en contabilidad y [despwe] ponerme estudiar periodismo. 0 si no, si es que por alli se las cierra las puertas de seguir estudiando periodismo, estoy pensando de postergar a la carrera de derecho.

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258 Ese es el gran problema que estoy teniendo ahora, lno? Estaba pensando, tengo familia, lno? Pero, mira, por parte de mi esposo tengo una farnilia, pero ya, con diez nietos la abuela ya esta cansada de los nietos ya mas de edad y todo eso, por parte de mi el va a ser el primer, el primero de la familia, primer nieto, y ademas con ganas de verlo pero tengo que ver tambien que ella tiene que trabajar con el negocio entonces lo va a ser un poco diffcil, estoy viendo Estaba pensando una guarderia. Sf, hay aca uno, pero pensando en la guarderia de, tal vez, a veces es bueno los hijos desde muy chiquititos hay que hacer costumbre, hacer relaciones con todo el mundo y no hay que tenerlos muy muy sobreprotegidos porque hay veces (xx). Entonces los hijos salen con proyectos diferentes a los que han tenido los papas, lno? y con ideas diferentes a los de los papas Por ese lado estaba pensando yo, con la idea guarderia, pero, como quieren que y o pertenezco a un movimiento, y tenemos asesores tambien gente vieja, que ya tiene familia ya cuatro, cinco hijos, (xx) es decirle que es una cosa negativa tambien la guarderia, lno? Porque hay veces traen nose que tanta cosa lno? Entonces estoy un poquito (xx) no se como voy a hacer eso. Ese es mi gran problema. Hasta mientras que lo tenga, voy a ver, lno?, que posibilidades vengan, porque estaba pensando en una empleada tambien pero una empleada o una persona (xx) acompafiar solamente con el cuidado del bebe, pero ahora ya nose estoy muy desafinada de ellas, lno? A veces a una mejor les trata, parece que peor se ... peor salen las cosas mal, lno? (Carta oral a Guillermina de V ) lQue tal? lC6mo estas, Guillermina? Te estoy hablandote yo de aca Es tu hermana V Te estoy mandando saludos a ti, tambien mando saludos a Roberto. La wawa yo no la conozco (xx) que con lo que me han contandome me han dicho que, que es linda ella, i_no? Es rica la chiquita y quisiera

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259 conocerla Ojala que cuando vengas en enero la puedas traer aca para conocerla, Lno? Nosotros aca Guillermina siempre con algunas problemas, con algunas dificuldades de la familia, pero todo bien, Lno? Todo siempre se [azegla], Lno? Mi mama esta bien. El problema que nosotros teniamos que tu ya conocias (xx) el problema judicial se ha arreglado mas o menos. (xx) esta en Lima, para no te preocupes, Guillermina. Y ademas quiero decir te que la Amalia sigue estudiando, el Raul ingres6 a la universidad en sociologfa que esta [sistyendo] clases. La Soraya tambien esta estudiando y como tu ya sabras yo estoy trabajando ya, aca en la Radio La Amalia te va a contar algo de eso, Lno? Tambien te va a interesar que estoy esperando familia y que cuando llegues tal vez en enero ya encuentres otro miembro en la familia si sera baron o mujer, ,no? Nosotros siempre aca en Puno esperando tu [f:e;ya : oa], para poder [kom~ersa:r] y poder unirnos mejo:r despues de mucho tiempo de habernos separao, ,no? como seis, siete afios, despues de no nos hemos visto. Tambien quiero decirte Guillermina que Aida viene de vez en cuando a vernos, pero no como deberfa de ser, ,no? con una preocupaci6n con nosotros, que decir "Len que problemas estan? Lque es lo que tie:nen? l,que te puedo ayudar?", ,no?, sino viene simplemente un [ratf:to], un saludo, y luego se va, Lno? Nunca hacer tratar de preocupar por los problemas que podemos tener, yo : Amalia, o qualquiera de nosotros, Lno? Siempre desde lejos [nomah], Lno? y con cierto indiferencia viene siempre ella, l,no? Y con respecto a (xx) dice de que no se ha arreglado nada, que mas bien encontraria surgir de nuevos problemas, y hemos decidido por dejarlo asi eso de (xx). El tio Alejandro tambien se ha dedicao hablar un mont6n de cosas y a decirle que tu habias venido desde La Paz para reclamar solamente terre:nos,

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260 que tu no tenfas ningun [derecl. Y que a nosotros nos ha desconocido del todo, lno?, Ha hecho de que nosotros no somos ni su fami:lia ni nada, que si alguna vez mi papa tenfa algo de amor era porque a el le daba pena y que por eso el tenia, pero que ahora que el se ha muerto, absolutamente nosotros ya no somos parte de la familia, dice, zno? Entonces ya no viene casi nunca a vernos y ni nunca mas le he acercado ya, entonces no tenemos noticias de el ni tampoco ya creo que ya nos interese porque como (xx) con lo poco que gano por lo menos ya hay algo pa la casa y de alguna forma es una ayuda, lno? pa los de la ca:sa, pa la [ko m i : o a] y de alguna forma ya estamos mejor que antes, lno? Entonces yo quisiera decirte que tu no te preocupes mucho, estoy bien [nomah] y que estamos bien con casi ningun problema lno? En mi situaci6n personal no tienes porque preocuparte, porque estamos bien Con Edgar mas que todo estoy bien, no tengo problemas ni con mis suegros hasta ahora no habia ningun tipo de choque, nada. Con Radio he sentido el apoyo de ellos, y entonces no quisiera que te preocupes de eso, lno? [kestas] pensando de que puede pasarme [a : lgo] por el hecho de que estoy [kasa : oa], cualquier cosa No. No, entonces una vez que tu llegues aca y a veremos c6mo arreglamos e:so zno? Entonces yo no quisiera que te preocupes Guillermina, zno? Tambien te estoy mandando saludos de parte d e mi mama, de parte de Helga, para vos y para todos.

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APPENDIXX NARRATIVE X AC: Bueno yo se no? como he andado no?, bueno como antes bueno como, desde chango yo he caminado, con, caravanas, con llamas, estaba viajando a, [adentrcil, al lado de Sucre, mas adentro [tooawia]. De Sucre todavfa se queda eso como doscientos kil6metros de Sucre alla DS: Ah ldoscientos kil6metros mas? Y lde d6nde salen las caravanas? AC: Las caravanas salen de, de este, de provincia, Alvaroa, departament Oruro, la provincia de, nombre de Alvaroa. Si. Bueno, nosotros asi [ay~es], vinimos a la feria, es en abril, la feria en, Wari [es o]. Cada aflo es la feria no? 0 Entonces llega hay pues caravanas son, casi de dos aflos lno? de dos aftos de tres aflos llega, pero [nos 9 tr 9 s], y vendemos a los matanceros, llama macho, lo vendemos y con eso compramos tambien, este, los carawanas. Entonces, con esto vamos al valle, e se ya tres ya aflos ya cargan pues, cargueros son, de tres aflos. Entonces viajamos con eso [e] bueno, [e] fuimos al valle, del walle sacamos asi [tri:go], maiz, y bueno hava, mayoria sacamos trigo y maiz, y sacamos y bueno de alla sacarnos [e] ese trigo y mafz, [Am], lo hacemos moler, [e], tambien [ay~es] cuando no hay plata entonces eso traemos llevamos a, por caravana para cambio, y bueno hacemos canje con eso, cada llama cambiamos a, un, tres arrobas, y tres, cuatro arrobas, depende de llama tambien. Hay alguno bonitos, mas gordos, muy altos no? hay [6trs] muy [cikfts l no? 0 261

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262 Entonces, depende bueno del tamafio lno? Cuando es bueno entonces tambien ellos piden como cinco arrobas ino? entonces. Cuando es bueno tambien igual entonces, y traemos eso y tambien y lo criamos en nuestro pueblo y despues el siguiente afio tambien fuimos. Cada afio pues, cada afio. DS: Y lcuantas llamas hay en las caravanas, asi, cuanta gente, cuantas llamas? AC: La gente tiene, depende bueno, Lno?, depende de capacidad, algunos tiene bueno como [sen], algunos tiene cincuenta, diez, viente. Depende lno? ... De la gente pues tiene. Por ejemplo yo tenia, veinte tenia. Entonces de veinte, [ay~ es] se moria ino? la llama siempre bueno [ay~ es) con enfermidad se muere Lno?, entonces [ay~es] llega hasta, dieziocho asi, tonces aqui vamos alla tambien compramos como diez mas entonces llevamos treinta. Tonses cada afio entonces. Compramos diez el siguiente afio entonces cuarenta, los que ya son viejos entonces hay que venderlo tambien tonces. Asi, [e] creciendo y tambien disminuyeps, donde:, esto, como se llama:, tambien hayps machos ino? tambien venderlo entons, cuando hay asi lo de esperamos buen tambien se puede morir los machos tambien, ya flaco ya no sirve tambien, siete afi.os, seis afios hay que venderlo ya. Si. Dos afios hay que tenerlo hasta siete afios, de siete afios los vendemos ya, ocho, nueve afios [ya:) no dura ya DS: Se pueden cargar para cinco afios mas o menos. AC: Si. Carga, tres afios, cuatro afios bien cargueros son. Bien carga. Carga, carga bien .... Como, yo te digo mira asi. Por ejemplo yo tengo, [miray] yo tengo veinte llamas. Digamos los veinte llama yo tengo, y ahora yo con veinte llamas viajoal valle, al valle viajo Lno? Entonces viajo al valle, del valle llego con veinte llamas, hago llegar ya digamos veinte cargas. Buen entons veinte cargas, entons digamos diez cargas que sea para mi, Lno?

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263 Entonces pa comer Lno? pa comer diez llamas digamos. Ntons de eses llamah yo lo llevo por llama, [nse] cambio entons para el siguiente afio yo puedo tener treinta. Eso, con ese diez ya bueno por eso cambiamos con tres [af6as] no? La llama trae tres arroba nomas Ntonses cambiamos con tres arrobas (xx) de dos aftitos y un ano y medio asi. Entonces pa el siguiente aii.o ntons ya pr6ximo aii.o yo puedo tener treinta llamas ya puedo tener Eso te he dicho ... Entonces yo ya puedo tener treinta llamah Lno ve? entonces treinta llama entonces con este, siguiente aii.o puedo ir ya bueno con, puedo retornar con treinta llamas ya. Pero esos ya no son pues cargueros todawia. Tengo [kesperar tooawia]. DS: 0 sea la caravana de llamas es una ida y vuelta AC: Ida y vuelta DS: Nada mas llevando productos y trayendo tambien (xx). AC: Tambien este, [e] este, alimentos, Lno? Eso es. DS: Pero venden los viejos y asf. AC: Alla, alla no vendemos. Nosotros vendemos claro Alla en adentro algunos tambien quieren lno? e ntons para carne siempre quieren Lno? Ntons [ay~eses] tambien cuando falta asi pa comprar lno? entonces cambiamos tambien con una llama matamos, y lo cambiamos con maiz, asi tambien con trigo lno? Tambien cambiamos Si ntons, y lo traemos y bueno rse mp rel bueno [nos otr s l llegamos a nuestro pueblo y vamos por, por caravana siempre vamos a este frontera Chile, a Sajama [ay~eses], [ay~eses] vamos a Corawa de Garancas, tambien vamos a este, [ A m] Sawaya . . Bueno nosotros ahi no traemos por eso como te digo, harina [e] trigo, y traimos y cambiamos con llama. Este llama lle v amos alla, y llegamos a nuestro pueblo, de nuestro pueblo vamos a, al walle, ir al valle de ahi sacamos sal, pa cambiar tambien. Es pal valle no? Des ya no ya no se lleva nada, bueno solamente

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264 lleva platita y tenemos que tener este, costales, [e] soga, nada mas. Y llegamos [ay] a una mina, es departaminto, es partaminto, Sucre es. Sucre. En ahi hay una mina, de sal. .. Una mina, lno? minas son. Entonces ahi trabajan los este, digamos como mineros lno?, la gente trabajan sacando sal, de la mina lno? Entonces ese sal compramos, compramos y ese sal llevamos en la llama, adentro. Esa sal es para, pa ganado compran alla, cambian con maiz, ellos quieren pa ganado lno? Alguna persona compran como cuatro quintal tres quintales Algunos compran diez quintales con lo que tienen, segun lo que tienen ganado pues y algunos tienen harta ganado entons tambien compran harto. Ntons algunos tienen poco ganado e ntons tambien compran poco no? Asi, ntonse, asi nosotros digamos si e mpre bueno, nosotros somos [a] de familia C., yo soy C mi apellido ntons familia C. somos unos casi cinquenta somos [UlJ] de un este nomas de, y una estancia, digamos, es un estancia cinquenta familia es Somos C. pura C. Hay hartos [6 A tr9s] tambien A tambien son igual. Pura pura familia. Alla vivimos nosotros pura familia familia familia vivimos. Cada estancia tiene su familia tiene. Bueno llevamos asi ntons vamos asi traemos d e l va lle nosotros. OS: Y LCuantas llamas en total viajan asf en las caravanas? AC: [uuuu] Miles! . jSi! jSf! Porque mira no asi. Por ejemplo yo soy mira, yo tengo mi hermano, dos [somoh] lno?, ntons yo ahorita yo tenia por eso [e] veinte llamas Ntonses. Otros mis tfos tienen como cinquenta llamas Lno? [ s i lJ kw e: n ta], algunos tienen [ o c e : n ta l, en tonces ellos tienen como ya cuatro familias asi. Entonces ellos viajan con los ochenta viajan. Viajan asi. Con harta viaja. Por ejemplo yo mis familias son, ahorita debe ver [e], en esta estancita debe ver como, dos mil llamas tal vez, todos embra y macho. Macho debe ver un mil, si, porque ahora tal vez ya tiempo ya no voy a mi pueblo tal vez ya,

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265 nose por que, siempre yo voy asi, hace, hay vez no hay tambien llego a la casa asi, dos afios un afio asi llego ya a mi pueblo. Ya no ahora aqui ya tengo mi ca:sa y, ya no voy. Alla tambien es, porque mi pueblo no produce nada Solamente hay llama, oveja, nada mas. DS: .. .. Y tambien tu me has dicho una cosa, el otro dia, que nunca las mujeres van. AC: [mojeres] no van. Mujeres van [kompaNaodo] con el, con hombre ... Van pue:s. Si, pero mujeres s6la usted me ha dicho, mujer sola nunca, no, no van. DS: Pero si yo estuviera con un equipo de gente trabajando, asL AC: SL [a:] puede pues, puede eso. Yo he entendido que tu me ha dicho que voy a ir s6la", no. Sola no. Eso te he dicho. DS: Asi acompafiado. AC: Compafiado, jque!, por ejemplo ahorita puede ser tres [mojeres] con un hombre, puede porque, llamas son ch6caras, pfcaros son llamas. Es para hombre siempre es, es para hombre y algunos tambien manzas son no? es tambien, no son igual la llama Sf algunos son . . Posible. Puede. Asi es bueno. Ese seria lo que he andado con la llama. Y bueno, tambien bueno hay algo, [ay~eses] tambien compramos embra, en caravanas embra i_no ve? entonces tambien pone criaps eso Por ejemplo ahorita digamos, compramos, de tres afios compramos, entonces diez compramos, pa el afio, ya sacan los ocho o diez tambien. Sf, [ay~eses] fallan i_no? Algunos fallan, entons que fallan bueno, un ocho o siete sacan asf. Sf. Tambien de allf salenps ya bueno, [ay~es] sale mayoria embra, [aye~] sale tambien machos i_no?, entons de alli tambien sacamos . . Entons yo solito eraba ni c6mo mantener y quien va a mantener mi mama. Yo esa vez ya estaba joven. Entons yo andaba cada afio con mis tios.

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266 [a y e se s] mis tios tambien algunos son malos Lno? se aburrian pues, que donde va, cada aflo va a estar ayudando a mi mama, con la llama, Lno? Entons yo mira chango ya como, trece aflos. Yo ya he, he sabido cargar todo ya, y listo. Apenas nomas [ay~eses] la carga, estaba sobiendo a la llama. No podia sobir. Mi mama sabfa estar ayudandome a mi, sobir Lno? De ahi ya, asi es andar. Si, entonces, ya asi bueno ya, cuando ya he tenido mi mujer, ya no, ya lo he dejado la llama. Si, ya no he andado aqui, porque siempre bueno me he dedicado a ser comerciante, bueno. Mas antes todavfa viajando yo por lado de Santa Cruz, asi adentro. Por esos !ados de ahi, lo he dejado ahora. Ya no tengo llama ya. Ya no tengo llama . . Sf, porque yo he andado pues como, sesentayocho, nueve, ese chango estaba, yo estaba viajando, esa vez, [puuu], este el camino, es grave, por el camino grave es cargar llama, ese tiempo. DS: Pero tu crees que, por ejemplo, nuevos caminos en que pueden salir camiones, todo eso, iYa esta cambiando? zlas caravanas de llamas? AC: Sf, ahora dice que ya esta cambiando porque ya no, ya no anda mucho llama dice ahora, porque esta mucho en camion mas va mas facil pues, y mas facil, consiguen platita, tiene ya su llama y lo vende la llama, y con eso mas facil van en camion, llegan en dos semanas y ya bueno, es mas facil [e] mucho gastito pero es [minus] trabajo, facil es . . Es la verdad, esta cambiando, esta cambiando, [weroao]. Igual deda en mi pueblo, mis familias, dice que tenia mi abuelo, dizque tenia la llama harto! Ahorita tiene los canchones tiene, de llama, los canchones tiene los [Am], los estes, los canchones digamos los estes, zno?, los morallas, tiene ahora de piedra son pues eso. Tiene, lo tiene ahorita. Tiene su casa, esta deshecho todo pero, tiene.

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267 OS: LLos canchones todavfa esta? AC: Sf, tiene todavia Este dizque tinfa llenito la llama. Aparte dice que tinia alpaca Dizque antes era dizque era lindo, ahora no hay eso. Porque hay mucha gente ahora. Y d6nde va el campo y si mucho criendo criendo (sic) la llama y d6nde va a estar la llama, porque no hay campo, hay mucha gente. No hay caso, criar harto llama ahora, hay poco claro, esta bien para, pa viajar asi, par cargar, bueno, siempre en campo necesita pues la gente, par cargar bueno llega de la de, c6mo se llama, de carro traen, de camino hacen llegar ,no ve? LY al camino? Del camino para trasladar a este, a su casa. Entons tiene que estar llama. Entonces es siempre llama, no va a estar yendo cargando no, y algunos claro dentra cami6nes a algunos, estancias Lno? ahi lo lleva en camion. Y algunos no tiene bueno, tiene que llevar al carretero, tiene que llevar en llama. Sf, o burros Lno? Si. Asi es. Si. Entonces, ya, de poco [~I poco esta cambiando, es verdad. Si. Esta cambiando. Algunos lo han vendido la llama, todito lo han vendido, se han ido a Yungas, a este, a Chapari, lno? En Chapari esta la mayoria la gente, coca esta, ahi han ido la gente, lo han dejado asf, todo, algunos son las casas esta asi esta desrumbandose asi esta las casas. Sf. . Si. Asi senora. Si porque antes siempre Lno? la gente no veniaps aqui a la ciudad, nadaps. Siempre estaba en el campo viviendo con llama

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APPENDIX XI NARRATIVE XI TH: Senora A., usted referia a Don E. P y su hermano y la trayectoria que han tenido en la educaci6n indigenal. Me gustaria saber, LCual era el objectivo, o que queria hacer, del indio, Don E. P. tanto como Don R. P.? AP: Esta muy claro expresado en su libro. El queria liberar al campesino. Eh decir que, que mostrar ante la gente que ellos podian trabajar y podian, es decir, superar esa, esa, esa vida que tenfan Lno? no ser los siervos, no ser los esdavos y un dfa por lo menos ser letrados, y estar de igual igual en cualquier lado. Esa era la idea de E. P. TH: Ahora, si hoy dia, supongamos, estuvieran vivos Don E. P. tanto como R. P LC6mo enfrentarian la educaci6n actual? lPodria darnos alguna opinion, Senora A.? AP: Bueno yo de mi padre puedo hablar, pero de E. P., no puedo hablar mucho. A mi lo que yo se de mi tfo E es que ha servido a gobiernos que, oligarquicos lno? Entonces para mi es un poquito sobre eso. Ahora ha tenido oportunidad en esos momentos de tener, unos cargos politicos, puede ser lno? que haya (xx) seguramente lo ha hecho con la idea de llegar al campesino como autoridad, no importa de que forma Lno? Eso es, yo creo es justificable. En cambio mi padre ha sido persona de mucho mas de izquierda. Tenfa, tenia raices de su vida muy muy de izquierda Lno? Pero eso tambien yo creo, a pesar que no puedo explicar, ni se exactamente como ha sido, pero, me ha quedado, me ha quedado pues en el recuerdo muy profundamente, la 268

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269 forma de que soy yo lno? Y esa forma solo ha tenido que ser a traves de las ideas de mi padre, es decir, como he visto trabajar a mi padre, le he escuchado hablar, como impreso en sus hijos, especialmente en mi que he vivido toda la vida con el, como impreso sus ideas Lno? Hay un asunto de mi padre, que, antesito de ir a las escuelas indigenales, el estuvo en la escuela Augustin Aspiazu, que el llam6 'experimental', Augustin Aspiazu lno? Era Augustin Aspiazu pero la ment6 experimental. Ahi, el alumno tenia que hacer su propio directorio, es decir su propia directiva. Ahi ellos se manejaba Lno? Ellos tenian su, ellos, no, no se bien, pero era una idea avanzada. Era la primera escuela en [ess] momentos, en la Republica, de ese tipo, que ahora sf que en todas partes, tratan de hacer eso lno? de que el mismo alumno se maneje. Habfa incluso me acuerdo que habia, como decirle, una cosa de libertad, que quienes querian, podian entrar al curso, quienes no querian, no podfan entrar al cu-, no necesariamente tenian que entrar al curso Lno? 0 si no, podfan entrar a otros cursos. Era, se les daba demasiada libertad. Y habfan, y se manejaba mediante la directiva de los alumnos, todavfa no de los padres de familia, ha sido a su posterior Lno? Y hay muchos, hay muchos pues, alumnos de mi padre desde entonces, quien sabe mejor eso, es mi hermano Lno? porque actualmente el es amigo de los que fueron alumnos de mi padre en la escuela Aspiazu. Yo tengo muy mala memoria, ademas yo no he vivido en La Paz, entonces, me he desvinculado totalmente con esa gente Lno? No tengo ese cfrculo de amistades, ntons no conozco a esa gente, pero mi hermano, sf, los conoce a uno, y a otro, y sabe. Pero eso es una idea que dan, de que mi padre era muy revolucionario Lno? entonces el siempre quiere, estaba buscando metodos nuevos, y tenia una biblioteca mi padre, que era del, del primer pedagogo de Bolivia, que entonces era Mario Legran, hasta ahora tengo algunos libros de el. El se

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270 llarnaba, [ayayay], bueno, su seud6nimo e ra Mario Legran, y el, mi papa le compr6 esos libros su biblioteca a ese senor. TH: Senora A., hace poco tambien referfa un poco el rol de la iglesia, digamos, a traves de los sacerdotes en Cafsa. Usted, en su opinion, LC6mo veria hoy dia, cual podria ser el papel de la iglesia, de los sacerdotes ahora, en el campo, con los campesinos, referido a la educaci6n? AP: Bueno, yo tengo una clara idea sobre eso. Yo estaba, yo he estado muy de cerca con un grupo de la iglesia Lno? un grupo aquel realmente admiro Lno?. Y para mi, es decir, yo he conocido a la etapa de Caisa, de Warisata, que para mi ha sido muy linda, muy grande, y a este grupo mas o menos, comparo con ese grupo Lno? gente que, de total desprendimiento, como se interesa por la gente de, del campesino, es decir, gente, gente muy muy linda. Pero, asi como iglesia, yo no estoy de acuerdo con esa parte, iglesia Lno? Con esas personas, si, estoy (xx) yo, a mi me gustaria trabajar con ellos hacer una cosa comun, pero como iglesia no. Porque yo tengo una opinion muy diferente de lo que es iglesia, por ejemplo hoy dfa Lque ocurre? Hoy dfa ocurren, de que en nombre de toda esa gran gente de campo, traen muchisimo dinero. Traen la iglesia angelica, la iglesia cat61ica, un mont6n de gente, y al final se aprovechan de sus dineros Lno? No Hegan al carnpo como deberian llegar. Hacen alguna labor, indudablemente que la hacen Lno? pero esa gente que hace esa labor, por ejemplo las monjitas, esas, son, es gente admirable. Ahi estan en los hospitales metidos, curando los enfermos pobres, pero, hacen, no quiero comparar ese trabajo, claro que es parte de la iglesia Lno? No quiero que, me parece que es otra gente que esta trabajando ahi, y otra gente, la cupula, la gente, otra gente Lno? A mi me parece que son dos gentes bien diferentes z.no? totalmente distintas, la que esta trabajando ahi codo a codo con el hermano pobre, y el otro que sta tratando de apercollar

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271 dineros y dineros, y se hace de edificios, y se hace de una cosa y se hace de otra cosa, yes prepotente, y abusa del mismo campesino, y no se da cuenta, bueno se da cuenta, de que todo eso lo tiene, porque pide en nombre de nuestro pueblo, porque les mandan dinero en nombre de nuestro pueblo. TH: [affirmative sound] Senora, le voy a hacerle una ultima pregunta, que, seria referido un poco, usted ha vivido con su padre, en Cafsa, pues ha estado tambien en Warisata, y ya estaba formando parte, de esa, educaci6n indigenal durante su vida. Hoy dia, len que medida usted continua, ese trabajo, con el campesinado? AP: Lastimosamente no hago nada con el campesinado Yo quiero acercarme a ellos porque como les he dicho al comienzo, [eel, encuentro menos esa amistad antiguo esa amistad de mi infancia, de mi juventud. Por eso me gusta estar con ellos charlar con ellos, me, me siento mas, en mi ambiente. Pero lamentablemente, no creo, seria, seria mentir si digo que hago algo por ellos lno? no hago nada.

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REFERE CES Adorno, Rolena 1956 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala: An Andean View of the Peruvian Viceroyalty, 1565-1615. Societe des Americanistes. Pp. 121-137. Al b6, Xavier 1977 El Futuro De Los Idiomas Oprimidos en los Andes. La Paz: CIPCA. 1980 Lengua y Sociedad en Bolivia 1976 La Paz: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 1981 (ed). Chukiyawu: La Cara Aymara de La Paz. La Paz: CIPCA. 1988 (ed.) El Mundo A y mara. La Paz: Alianza Editorial. Avila Echazu, Edgar 1974 Literatura Pre-Hispanica y Colonial. La Paz, Bolivia: Gisbert Berk-Seligson, Susan 1983 Sources of Variation in Spanish Verb Construction Usage: The Active, The Dative and the Reflexive Passive. Journal of Pragmatics 7 : 145-168. Beyersdorff, Margot 1986 Voice of the Runa: Quechua Substratum in the Narrative of Jose Maria Arguedas. Latin American Indian Literatures Journal 2(1): 28-48. Boas, Franz 1966 (1911) Introduction to the Handbook of American Indian Languages. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 272

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273 Bourque, Susan C 1984 Peru: Affirmative Action for the Majority. USDE: ERIC Document No. ED 249 304. Boynton, Sylvia S. 1981 A Phonemic Analysis of Monolingual Andean (Bolivian) Spanish. In The Aymara Language in Its Social and Cultural Context. M. J. Hardman, ed. Pp. 199-204. Gainesville: University Presses of Florida Briggs, Lucy Therina 1985 Bilingual Education in Peru and Bolivia. In Language of Inequality. Nessa Wolfson and Joan Manes, eds. Pp. 297-310 New York: Mouton. 1988 Estructura del Sistema Nominal. In The Aymara Language in Its Social and Cultural Conte x t. M. J. Hardman, ed. Pp 171-264 Gainesville: University Presses of Florida. Bright, William 1964 Social Dialect and Language History. In Language in Culture and Society. Dell Hymes, ed Pp 469-472 New York: Harper and Row. Brown, Roger, and A. Gilman 1960 The Pronouns of Power and Solidarity In Style in Language. T. A. Sebeok, ed. Pp. 11-53. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Brosnahan, L. F. 1973 Some Historical Cases of Language Imposition. In Varieties of Present Day English. R. Bailey and J. Robinson, eds. Pp 26-57. Washington, D C.: Georgetown University Press. Brush, Stephen 1977 Mountain, Field and Family: The Economy and Human Ecology of an Andean Valley. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press Canfield, D. Lincoln 1964 The Diachronic Dimension of Synchronic Hispanic Linguistics. Linguistics 7: 5-10 1982 The Diachronic Factor in American Spanish in Contact. Word 33 (1-2): 109-118.

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274 Capell, A. 1966 Studies in Sociolinguistics. The Hague: Mouton. Cardenas, Victor Hugo 1988 La Lucha de un Pueblo. In El Mundo Aymara. Xavier Alb6, ed Pp. 495-534. La Paz: Alianza Editorial. Carpenter, Lawrence 1983 Social Stratification and Implications for Bilingual Education: An Ecuadorian Example. In Bilingualism: Social Issues and Policy Implications. Andrew W Miracle, Jr., ed. Pp. 96-106. Athens: The University of Georgia Press. Carroll, John B. 1956 Language, Thought and Reality: Selected Writings of Benjamin Lee Whorf. Cambridge : The M I.T. Press Carter, William E., and Mauricio Mamani P 1982 Irpa Chico: Individuo y Comunidad en la Cultura Aymara. La Paz: Libreria-Editorial Juventud Cassano, Paul V. 1982 Language Influence Theory Exemplified by Quechua and Maya. Word 33: 127-142. Cerr6n-Palomino, Rodolfo 1972 La Ensefiaza del Castellano: Deslindes y Perspectivas. In El Reto del Multilinguismo en el Peru. Alberto Escobar, ed. Pp 143-166. Lima: IEP. 1976 Calcos Sintacticos del Castellano Andino. In Linguistica y Educaci6n: III Congreso de Lenguas Nacionales. Pp. 159-167. Cochabamba: Instituto Boliviano de Cultura. 1988 Aspectos Sociolinguisticos y Pedag6gicos de la Motosidad en el Peru. Pueblos Indigenas y Educaci6n 2(5): 55-84. Chang-Rodriguez, Eugenio 1982 Problems for Language Planning in Peru. Word 33 (1-2): 173191. Clyne, Michael 1985 Language Maintenance and Language Shift: Some Data from Australia. In Language of Inequality. Nessa Wolfson and Joan Manes, eds. Pp. 195-206. New York: Mouton

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275 Collins, Jane 1981 Kinship and Seasonal Migration Among the Aymara of Southern Peru: Human Adaptation to Energy Scarcity. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Florida. Collins, Jane, and Michael D. Painter n.d. Linguistic Field Methods in Ethnographic Research. Unpublished monograph University of Florida. Craddock, Jerry R. 1973 Spanish in North America. In Current Trends in Linguistics 10. Thomas A. Sebeok, ed. Pp. 467-504. The Hague: Mouton. Day, Richard R. 1985 The Ultimate Inequality: Linguistic Genocide. In Language of Inequality. Nessa Wolfson and Joan Manes, eds. Pp 163-181. New York: Mouton Diebold, Richard 1964 Incipient Bilingualism In Language in Culture and Society. Dell Hymes, ed. Pp 495-508. New York: Harper and Row Dobyns, Henry E., and Paul L. Doughty 1976 Peru: A Cultural History New York: Oxford University Press. Doughty, Paul L. 1986 Peace, Food and Equity in Peru !.n. Directions in the Anthropological Study of Latin America: A Reassessment. SLAA Monograph Number 8. Jack R. Rollwagen, ed Pp. 45-59 New York: Institute for the Study of Man, Inc. Escobar, Alberto 1972 El Reto del Multilingufsmo en el Peru. Lima: IEP. 1976 Bilingualism and Dialectology in Peru. Linguistics 177: 85-97. 1978 Variaciones Sociolingufsticas del Castellano en el Peru. Lima: IEP. 1984 Refonologizaci6n o Velocidad de Ciertos Cambios en el Espanol Amaz6nico. In Logos Semantikos: Studia Linguistica en Honorem Eugenio Coseriu, Vol V Pp. 425-433. Madrid: Editorial Gredos. Escobar, Alberto, Jose Matos Mar, and Giorgio Alberti 1975 Peru: LPais Bilingue? Lima: IEP.

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Escobar, Anna Maria 1986 Types and Stages of Bilingual Behavior: Analysis of Peruvian Bilin g u a l Spanish. Linguistics Department, SUNY Buffalo. Ferguson, C. A. 276 A Sociopragmatic Ph D. dissertation, 1972 (1959) Diglossia. In Language and Social Context. Pier Paolo Giglioli, ed. Pp. 232-251 Baltimore: Penguin Books Inc Fishman, Joshua 1966 Language Loyalty in the United States. The Hague: Mouton. Florez, Luis 1963 El Espanol Hablado en Colombia y Su Atlas Linguistico. In Presente y Futuro de la L e ngua Espanola, Vol. 1. Pp. 5-78. Madrid : Ediciones Cultura Hisp a nica Frias Infante, Mario 1980 Problemas de "dequefsmo y queismo ". Presencia, 30 de marzo P 3. La Paz. Garcia, Erica C. 1968 Hispanic Phonology In Current Trends in Linguistics IV. Thomas A Sebeok, ed. Pp. 63-83. The Hague: Mouton. Garcia, Erica C and Ricardo L. Otheguy 1974 Dialect Variation in l e (smo : A Semantic Approach. In Studies in Language Variation Ralph W Fasold and Roger W Shuy, eds. Pp 65-87 Washin g ton D C.: Georgetown University Press. 1983 Being Polite in Ecuador: S trategy Reversal Under Language Contact. Lingua 61: 103-132 Godenzzi, Juan Carlos 1986 Lengua y Variaci6n Sociolectal: El Castellano en Puno Documentos de Trabajo del Area de Lingufstica Andina y Educaci6n, #5 Puna : Universidad Nacional del Altiplano. Gordon, Alan M. 1980 Notas Sobre La Fonetica del Castellano en Bolivia. In Actas del Sexto Congreso Internacional de Hispanistas Pp. 349-352. Toronto: Department of Spanish and Portuguese, University of Toronto

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277 1982 Distribuci6n Demografica de los Al6fonos de /r / en Bolivia. Primer Congreso Internacional Sobre el Espanol de America, San Juan, P.R., October, 1982 Gray, Andrew 1987 The Amerindians of South America. Report No. 15: The Minority Rights Group. London: Expedite Graphic Limited. Gutierrez Marrone, Nila. 1984 Influencia Sintactica del Quechua y Aymara en el Espanol Boliviano. In Language in the Americas: Proceedings of the Ninth PILE! Symposium Donald Sola, ed. Pp. 92-105. Ithaca: Cornell University. Hardman, M. J. (n.d ) Aymara Grammar Unpublished monograph Gainesville: University of Florida Hardman, M. J., ed. 1981 The Aymara Language in Its Social and Cultural Context. Gainesville: University Presses of Florida. Hardman, M. J., and S. S. Hamano 1981 Language Structure Discovery Methods. Unpublished Manual. Gainesville: University of Florida. Hardman, M. J., and M. E. Moseley 1987 Historical Linguistics and Archeology. Unpublished monograph. Gainesvill e : University of Florida Hardman, M. J., Juana Vasquez, and Juan de Dios Yapita 1988 Aymara: Compendio de Estructura Fonol6gica y Gramatical. La Paz: Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara Hardman-de-Bautista, M. J. 1978 Linguistic Postulates and Applied Anthropological Linguistics. In Linguistics and Child Language Memorial Volume in Honor of Ruth Hirsch Weir. Pp. 118-136 The Hague : Mouton. 1982 Mutual Influences of Andean Languages and Spanish Word. 33:143-157 1985a The Imperial Language s of the Andes. In Language of Inequality Nessa Wolfson and Joan Manes, eds. Pp 183-193. Pittsburgh: The University of Pennsylvania Press.

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278 1985b Class notes, ANT 6627, Advanced Discourse Analysis, Spring. Gainesville: University of Florida. Haugen, Einar 1956 Bilingualism in the Americas: A Bibliography and Research Guide. American Dialect Society 26. 1972 The Ecology of Language: Essays, Selected and Introduced by Anwar S. Oil. Stanford: Stanford University Press Heath, Shirley Brice, and Richard Laprade 1982 Castilian Colonization and Indigenous Languages: The Case of Studies in Pp. 118-147. Quechua and Aymara. 1n. Language Spread: Diffusion and Social Change. Robert L. Cooper, ed. Bloomington: University of Indiana Press Herrero, Joaquin, S J. 1969 Apuntes del Castellano Hablado en Bolivia Boletin de Filologia Espanola 30-31: 37-43. Hickman, John M., and William T. Stuart 1977 Descent, Alliance, and Moiety in Chucuito, Peru: An Explanatory Sketch of Aymara Social Organization. In Andean Kinship and Marriage R. Bolton and E Mayer, eds. Pp. 43-59 Washington: American Anthropological Association. Hill, Jane H., and Kenneth C Hill 1980 Metaphorical Switching in Modern Nahuatl: Change and Contradiction In Papers from the Sixteenth Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society Pp. 121-133. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Holm, John 1988 Pidgins and Creoles, Vol. I: Theory and Structure. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1989 Pidgins and Creoles, Vol. II : Reference Survey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hornberger, Nancy H. (forthcoming) Spanish in the Community : Changing Patterns of Language Use in Highland Peru Il!. Proceedings of the Conference on Sociolinguistic Research on Spanish in Europe, Latin America and the United States. Minneapolis, Minnesota March 4-5, 1988.

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279 Hosokawa, Koomei 1980 Diagn6stico Sociolingufstico de la Region Norte de Potosi. La Paz: Institute Nacional de Estudios Lingiiisticos. Huanca Laura, Tomas 1987 The Yatiri in Aymara Communities. Master s thesis, University of Florida. Hundley, James Edward 1983 Linguistic Variation in Peruvian Spanish: Unstressed Vowel and /s/. Ph.D. dissertation University of Minnesota. Hymes, Dell H. 1964 (ed.) Language in Culture and Society. New York: Harper and Row. 1981 In Vain I Tried to T ell Yo u : Essays in ative American Ethnopoetics. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1983 Essays in the History of Linguistic Anthropology. Studies in the History of Linguistics III Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company Irnpara, Maria Marta 1986 A Comparative Stud y of Educational Programs for Linguistic Minorities in Three Pluralistic Nations: Canada, Peru, and Sweden. Ph D. dissertation The Florida State University. Instituto Nacional de Estadistica de Bolivia 1980 Bolivia en Cifras. La Paz: Instituto acional de Estadistica. Instituto Nacional de Estadistica del Peru 1981 Peru: Compendia Estadistico 1981. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica del Peru. Jakobson, Roman 1960 Linguistics and Poetics. In Style in Language Thomas Sebeok, ed. Pp. 350-377 Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Justiniano de la Rocha, Dora 1976 Apuntes Sobre la Interferencia Fonologia delas Lenguas Indigenas en el Espanol de Bolivia. In Actas de III Congreso de ALFAL. Pp. 157-166 San Juan: Universidad de Puerto Rico.

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280 Kany, Charles E. 1945 American Spanish Syntax. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1947 Some Aspects of Bolivian Popular Speech. Hispanic Review 15: 193-206. Kishi, Daisuke 1982 Algunas Observaciones Morfosintacticas de la Expresion "no mas" en el Espanol de America Pantoc, No. 4: 13-17. Klein, Herbert S. 1982 Bolivia : The Evolution of a Multi-Ethnic Society New York: Oxford University Press Labov, William 1966 The Social Stratification of English in New York City. Washington, D. C.: Center for Applied Linguistics. 1972a (1969) The Logic of Nonstandard English. In Language and Social Context. Pier Paolo Giglioli, ed. Pp. 179-216 Baltimore: Penguin Books. 1972b Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1984 (1972) Sociolinguistic Patterns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvia Press. Labov, William, Paul Cohen, Clarence Robins and John Lewis 1968 A Study of the Non-Standard English of Negro and Puerto Rican Speakers in New York City. New York: Columbia University Press. Lapesa, Rafael 1964 El Andaluz y el Espanol de America. In Presente y Futuro de la Lengua Espanola, Vol 2. Pp 173-182. Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispanica 1983 Historia de la Lengua Espanola. Madrid: Credos. Laprade,Richard A. 1976 Some Salient Dialectal Features of La Paz Spanish. Master s Thesis. University of Florida.

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281 1981 Some Cases of Aymara Influence on La Paz Spanish. In The Aymara Language in Its Social and Cultural Context. M. J. Hardman, ed. Pp. 207-227. Gainesville: University Presses of Florida. Lee, Dorothy D. 1944 Linguistic Reflection of Wintu: Thought. IJAL 10: 181-187. Levillier, Roberto, ed. 1919 Gobernantes del Peru : Cartas y Papeles, Siglo XVI. Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra Lope Blanch, Juan M. 1968 Hispanic Dialectology In Current Trends in Linguistics IV. Thomas Sebeok, ed. Pp 106-157. The Hague: Mouton Lopez, Ortiz, Ossio, Pozzi-Escot, and Zuniga 1984 Peru 1984: Caracterizaci6n Sociolinguistica, Apuntes para un Debate. Lima: Centro de Investigaci6n Linguistica Aplicada. Lozano, Anthony G 1975 Syntactic Borrowing in Spanish from Quechua : the Noun Phrase. Linguistica e Indigenismo Moderno de America. Trabajos Presentados al XXXIX Congreso Internacional de Americanistas. R. Avalos de Matos and R. Ravines, eds. Pp. 297-306. Lima: IEP McDavid, Raven I, Jr. 1964 Postvocalic -r in South Carolina: A Social Analysis. In Language in Culture and Society. Dell H H y mes, ed. Pp. 473-482. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers. McGourn, Francis Thomas 1971 A Study of the Pronunciation of the Spanish Spoken by Three Aymara Indians of !lave, Peru. Ph D. dissertation, Stanford University. McKay, James Tuell 1987 Language Structure, World View, and Culture Contact: Understanding Aymara Culture and History m a Bolivian Context. Master s thesis, University of Florida. Mannheim, Bruce 1985 Contact and Quechua-E x ternal Genetic Relationships. In South American Indian Languages: Retrospect and Prospect. Harriet E. Klein and Louisa R. Stark, eds. Pp. 644-688. Austin: University of Texas Press.

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282 Martin, E. Herminia 1976 Un Caso de Interferencia en el Espanol Pacefi.o. Filologia 17-18: 119-130 1981a Data Source in La Paz Spanish Verb Tenses. In The Aymara Language in Its Social and Cultural Context. M. J. Hardman-de Bautista, ed. Pp. 205-2 0 7 Gainesville: University Presses of Florida 1981b Effects of Spanish Verb Tenses versus Aymara Tense on Mutual Attitudes. In The Aymara Language in Its Social and Cultural Context. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, ed. Pp. 237-239. Gainesville: University Presses of Florida Martin, Laura 1975 Phonology of Aymara. In Aymar Ar Yatiqanataki, Vol. 3. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista ed. Pp. 22-79. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms. 1978 Mayan Influence in Guatemalan Spanish: A Research Outline and Test Case In Papers in Mayan Linguistics. Nora C England, ed. Pp 106-126 Columbia: University of Missouri Press. 1985 Una Mi Tacita de Cafe: The Indefinite Article in Guatemalan Spanish Hispania 68: 383-387. Mazrui, Ali A. 1975 The Political Sociology of the English Language. The Hague: Mouton. Mendoza, Jose 1988 Algunos Rasgos del Castellano Pacefi.o. Unpublished monograph. La Paz: Universidad Mayor de San Andres. Minaya, Liliana, and Martha Lujan 1982 Un Patron Sintactico Hibrido en el Habla de los Ninos Bilingues en Quechua y Espanol. Lexis 6(2): 271-293 Moseley, Michael E. 1983 The Good Old Days Were Better: Agrarian Collapse and Tectonics. American Anthropologist 85: 773-795. Murra, John 1984 Andean Societies. Annual Review of Anthropology 13: 119-141.

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283 1985 "El Archipielago Vertical" Revisited. In Andean Ecology and Civilization: An Interdisciplinary Perspective on Andean Ecological Complementarity. Shozo Masuda, Izumi Shimada, and Craig Morris, eds. Pp. 3-14. Tokyo, Japan : University of Tokyo Press. Muysken, Pieter 1984 The Spanish that Quechua Speakers Learn: L2 Learning as Norm-Governed Behavior. In Second Languages : A Cross Linguistic Perspective. Roger W. Anderson, ed. Pp. 101119. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House Publishers. 1985 Linguistic Dimensions of Language Contact: The State of the Art in Interlinguistics. Review Quebecoise de Linguistique 14: 49-79. Nida, Eugene A. 1946 Morphology Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan. Orlove, Benjamin S 1985 The History of the Andes: A Brief Overview Mountain Research and Developm ent 5 (1): 45-60. Painter, Michael 1983a Aymara and Spanish in Southern Peru: The Relationship of Language to Economic Class and Social Identity In Bilingualism: Social Issues and Policy Implications. Andrew W. Miracle, Jr., ed. Pp 22-37. A thens: University of Georgia Press. 1983b Agricultural Policy, Food Production and Multinational Corporations in Peru Latin American Research Review 18 (2): 201-218 Pike, Kenneth L. 1947 Phonemics. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan. Proyecto EBI 1988 Pueblos Indfgenas y Educaci6n 2(5). Quito, Ecuador: Ediciones ABYA-YALA Pyle, Ransford C. 1981 Bolivian Bilingual Spanish Phonology. In The Aymara Language in Its Social and Cultural Context. M. J Hardman, ed. Pp. 187-198. Gainesville: University of Florida Presses.

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284 Ramsey, Marathon Montrose 1966 (1894) A Textbook of Modern Spanish. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Resnick, M. C. 1975 Phonological Variants and Dialect Identification in Latin American Spanish. The Hague: Mouton. Rodriguez Garrido, Jose A. 1982 Sobre el Uso del Posesivo Redundante en el Espanol del Peru Lexis 6(1): 117-123. Rona, Jose Pedro 1963 El Problema de la Division del Espanol Americano en Zonas Dialectales. In Presente y Futuro de la Lengua Espanola, Vol. 1. Pp. 215-226. Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispanica Rubin, Joan 1985 The Special Relationship of Guarani and Spanish in Paraguay In Languages of Inequalit y. Nessa Wolfson and Joan Manes, eds. Pp. 111-122. New York: Mo uton Rubin, Joan, Bjorn H. Jernudd, J. Das Gupta, Joshua A Fishman and Charles A. Ferguson 1977 Language Planning Process The Hague: Mouton Safa, Helen I. 1986 Urbanization and Poverty in Latin America: A Dependency Perspective. In Directions in the Anthropological Study of Latin America: A Reassessment. SLAA Monograph Number 8 Jack R. Rollwagen, ed. Pp 135-164. New York: Institute for the Study of Man, Inc Salomon, Frank 1982 Andean Ethnology in the 1970s: A Retrospective. Latin American Research Review 17 (2): 75-128. Sanchez-Albornoz, Nicolas 1974 The Population of Latin America. Berkeley: University of California Press. Sapir, Edward 1921 Language New York: Harcourt, Brace and World.

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285 Schumacher de Pefia, Gertrud 1980 El Pasado en Espanol Andino de Puno, Peru. In Romanica Europaea et Americana: F e stschrift fur Harri Meier. Hans Dieter Bork, ed. Pp 553-558 B onn: Bouvier Verlang Herbert Grundmann. Stratford, B D. 1985 Aspects of Andean Spanish : Political Discourse Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Anthropology Association, Washington D C. Swadesh, Morris 1964 Diffusional Cumulation a nd Archaic Residue as Historical Explanations In Language in Culture and Society. Dell H. Hymes, ed. Pp. 624-637 New York: Harper and Row, Publishers. Tedlock, Dennis 1983 The Spoken Word a nd the Work of Interpretation. Philadelphia: Universit y of Pennsylvania Press. Torero, Alfredo 1972 Lingua e Historia de la Sociedad Andina. In El Reto del Multilingiifsmo en el Peru. Alberto Escobar, ed. Pp. 51-106. Lima: IEP. Turner, Lorenzo Dow 1949 Africanisms in the Gullah Dialect Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Urton, Gary 1981 At the Crossroads of the Earth and Sky: An Andean Cosmology. Austin: University of Texas Press. Wachtel, Nathan 1977 The Vision of the Vanquished: The Spanish Conquest of Peru through Indian Eyes, 1530-1570 New York : Barnes and Noble Weinreich, Uriel 1979 (1953) Languages in Contact. New York: The Linguistic Circle of New York. 1968 Is a Structural Dialectolo g y Possible? In Readings in the Sociology of Language. J A Fishman, ed Pp 305-319. The Hague: Mouton.

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286 Whitley, M. Stanley 1986 Spanish/English Contrasts: A Course in Spanish Linguistics. Washington, D. C.: Georgetown University Press. Wolck, Wolfgang 1972 Las Lenguas Mayores del Peru y Sus Hablantes. In El Reto del Multilinguismo en el Peru. Alberto Escobar, ed. Pp. 185-216. Lima: IEP. Wolfson, Nessa, and Joan Manes, eds. 1985 Languages of Inequality New York: Mouton. Zamora, Juan Clemente 1980 Las Zonas Dialectales del Espanol Americano. Boletin de la Academia Norteamericana de la Lengua Espanola 4-5: 57-68. Zamora Vicente, Alonso 1985 Dialectologia Espanola (revised). Madrid: Gredos.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Billie Dale Stratford was born in Greensboro, N.C., on August 17, 1946, and attended high school and college in South Carolina. Ms. Stratford graduated from Winthrop College w ith a B A. in philosophy in 1967, and in 1968 received an M.Ed. in philosophy of education from the University of Florida. After working as director and e ducational coordinator in educational programs for inner-city youth, and then as a labor organizer, for several years, Ms. Stratford studied linguistics and English as a second language. She received her M A in linguistics from the University of South Florida in 1980 She plans to continue linguistic and a nthropological research in the Andes and hopes to contribute to teaching in these fields at the college or university level. 287

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertati~the de~a:;or of __ t:s,phy.-~y Oliver-Smith, Chairman -i~~te fyofessor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation f r the ct of Do o of Philosophy. _,_pI certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality as a dissertation for the .degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ___ 1JL~_;( I, . 0 _______ Michael E Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ~~ tur~~ n :~ n ~7 r ----Visiting Associate Professor of Latin American Studies I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarl y,; presentation and is ~ly adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertati~n f ~ r t he degr z e O -0 oc M ophy C /p/Y;Jf/' /,, I;; / /, --------4, ------------Lawrence K. Cfrpenter Associate Professor of Anthropology

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