STRUCTURE AND USE OF ALTIPLANO SPANISH
BILLIE DALE STRATFORD
y^/w ..; .. *^* *".s -c *k- -&.
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
Billie Dale Stratford
This dissertation is nothing if not a cooperative venture:
many people who made the work both possible and gratifying for me at each
stage, from whom I learned.
I extend my sincere appreciation and thanks to
the people of Bolivia and Peru
have so generously
me to begin
especially and deeply indebted.
In particular I wish to remember the people of
Adela P6rez de Suxo and
Ediberto Suxo, for their generosity
and the friends of Calle
garnaga, for the unending patience,
resourcefulness, and friendship they offered as we worked together.
who have been very open, skillful, and
understanding teachers are
Yapita Moya of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara,
La Paz; Jose
Universidad Mayor de San Andres, La Paz;
Huanca Laura of the
de Historia Oral Andina and Comunidad Pacha, La Paz; Juana
Vasquez of the
Museo de Etnografia
az; Diane Bellamy of Artesania Sorata,
Lawrence Carpenter, Paul Doughty
and Michael Moseley
. Anthony Oliver-
Smith in particular offered guidance on a range of issues and questions.
expertise which Lucy
Briggs applied to this project is largely responsible for
any of its successes; she surely went the extra mile,
step by step,
in order to
considerable knowledge of
Andean Spanish and indigenous influences.
consistent encouragement of my committee was akin to water in the desert.
My thanks go to Ronald Kephart,
Andre Moskowitz, and especially to
John Lipski for reading and commenting on the manuscript, and
and Francisco Mamani C.
for their kind assistance in translation
analysis of the
I am also grateful to the Fulbright-Hays Foundation, which sponsored a
year-and-a-half of field work for this dissertation in Bolivia and Peru, to the
to the Center for
at the University of
Florida for their support.
source of inspiration and support, go my love and my warmest appreciation.
shortcomings, which are my responsibility
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Review of the Literature ...
Trends in Dialectology
Spanish Dialectology ........
Organization of the Dissertation
ETHNOLINGUISTIC HISTORY ............ ............................
Conquest and Colonial and Republican Periods..
Modern Context .................. ................ .........................
Attitudes about Language and Ethnic Group
Cultural Similarity ....... ... ................. ........... ....
Direction of Influence ........................ ............. .
Geographic Divisions .. .. .. ............................
Urbanization and Population
Literacy and National Perspectives
Definition of Terms ...............................................
ABSTRACT .............................................................. ....... .............................
IN TRODU CTION ................ ................................ ....................
.. .. r........ 0... .. .. ... ..... ..o .. .. .... .*. 37
Analysis of Data
Phonemes and Allophonic Variation
Vow el System ....................................
Consonant System .................................
Data Source, Tense and Mood
Non-Personal Knowledge ...............................
Personal Knowledge ............................ .............
Structure of Time in Altiplano Spanish
Verbs ............ ...................................
Versus Subjunctive ......................
Person and Number Options .........................
A auxiliaries ............................................................
Verb Classes ...........
Clitic Pronouns ......
MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX:
*e .... o*( *ifi* cec.. t C *9**to e C w*eW*e*e .* ***I c t..
*. *5 SS c*W S 9* SW S C@ e*W ec cc *eSo ~ *e eeIte* C C
Gender and Number .............................
N ou n ............................................
Noun + Modifiers .....................
Mass Nouns ...............................
Pronominal Referent ..................
Noun and Modifiers .............................
Presence or Absence of Article
Word Order .....................
bien + Adjective ..... ........
Noun Combinations .............
....C......* c..... ..c.
........C* .e ...t.....e ..
SCC S....esect..e..... C..C. C.. .C
Data Gathering Processes ............................................
Formal ........................... ..............................
PH O N O LO G Y ............................................... .............................
Prepositional Object Pronouns
Data Source Marking .....
Verb Tense ...........
Forms of decir .....
G erund .............................................................
Adverbial Subordinator and Fronting
of Subordinate Clause
C ausation .................... ...... ................
.. ......... ...... .*...
si be. Seg ce0sec 9*W. c 6.cccc.
Suffixation ......... ..... ..... ..........
....... ...... .....c............. ....
........... ... s .. .. i .9. .9 ... c..
*. ec... ... cecec .cc.. e.*.. ... c.. .....b.... c ....cs...t.s
* b.bc*.b cc.eci* tee.i.b*.eb...... cc... seeS..., b....... bcc.a...
Repetition ...... .
AYMARA SUBSTRATE INFLUENCE ...............................
* c S.c e. ..t c ......................eetc. 9.......c.........
........ ..W...I...I............ ........................
Grammatical Structure .... ..... ................................
Gender and Number .......................................
Possessive and Locative Marking .................
Transitivity and Object Marking ...................
+ Infinitive and
+ Infinitive ... .......... ..................
Discourse Structure ....... .......... ......... .............. ........... ....
Su ffixation .................... ........... ............ ........
Topicalization .. ........... ................. .... ..................
lOui i rainn .---........------.....-....-.-.-----
IX DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS .................................
I SAMPLE DATA FROM WRITTEN MATERIALS ..........
II N A RRA TIV E ......................................................................
IlE NARRATIVE III .....................................................................
IV NARRATIVE IV .................... ..............................................
V NARRATIVE V .................................................................
N A RRA TIV E VIII ..................................................................
IX ..................................... ........................m........
X ................ .................. .................................
X I ................... ... .................. ..... ....... ........... ......
REFEREN CES ..................................................................................................
BIO G RA PH ICA L SKI ETCH ................................... ..................a..... .. .. ..........
N ARRA TIVE VII ..................................................................
Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
STRUCTURE AND USE OF
Billie Dale S
This dissertation provides a basic
tural description of a variety of
influences from the indigenous langua
after nearly 500 years of language
employed in the study to determine characteristic aspects of the grammar and
usage patterns of the dialect.
A knowledge of the language and culture of the
patterns of this dialect.
Previous research on the phonology and grammar of
LL~ I-- L--Y IY--,,,,,, I ,1 L~-. LL
there is substrate influence in
syntax of the dialect, and that it is particularly manifested in the verb system,
in which selected verb tenses are used to express a category of evidentials that
has come into the language from the substrate.
Aymara cultural postulates,
and respect for
language patterns in several areas of Altiplano Spanish syntax.
has also shown that the direction of influence in the context of language and
culture contact may flow from
influence may be profound indeed.
The results of this research contribute to
who number about three million, live primarily
on the high plains and mountains of the central Andes in Bolivia,
Peru and northern Chile.
Titicaca Basin is the historic and current
center of their culture,
there radiates south and eastward
Migration, primarily for economic reasons, to urban centers in
the last forty years and especially in the last five years has resulted in large
concentrations of Aymara also in Lima, Peru,
, Chile (Bourque 1984, Alb6 1981).
This dissertation is concerned
with a case of language contact which
Specifically, the object of the research reported here is a structural description
altiplano of Bolivia and
America, in that the typical post-Conquest language use pattern has resulted
in the elimination of most of the indigenous languages in favor of the status
The Aymara people, on the other hand, have persisted in
of the region may be seen in part as a concomitant of the vitality of Aymara
centuries of contact between Spanish and Aymara, elements of each language
subsequent creolization in any
Neither language has undergone
any degree of morphological simplification.
A primary source of interlingual influence is the multilingualism that
indigenous language bilingualism or multilingualism is the norm for nearly
all of the Andean region in
Bolivia and Peru, excluding
Estadistica de Bolivia 1980;
Institute Nacional de Estadistica del Peru
the norm throughout the Andes since the conquest (Laprade 1981).
Although Aymara (as well as Quechua in Ecuador,
Bolivia and Peru)
between Andean ethnic groups, social
also appears to be quite high and is probably both cause and consequence of
degree of bilingualism in
Yet a systematic structural
description of Andean Spanish remains to be done.
The purpose of this study
is to provide
immediate zone of Lake
Titicaca in Peru and Bolivia (hereafter referred to as
There is a further,
very practical need for such a study.
where it carries the low socio-economic and political status association
L6pez et al.
1984) and to a lesser
extent in Bolivia, Andean Spanish is regarded by speakers of other dialects of
Spanish as a form of incorrect or substandard speech.
The denigration of the
dialect, along with other manifestations of social and political oppression of
indigenous language and culture, has subsequent negative consequences for
speakers of it in, for example, educational settings.
, such negative
attitudes toward this dialect have been internalized by some of its speakers.
other dialects of Spanish,
contribute to its recognition as a legitimate
language form, by speakers of the dialect and speakers of other dialects of
Spanish, as well.
trip to Peru,
Bolivia and Chile in
was assured that the study of the Spanish spoken in the highlands of Bolivia
and Peru would be received as an integral part of the developing indigenous
area-which are b<
ning undertaken in
as a welcome co
social science research efforts in both Peru and Bolivia.
The following provides a summary of the areas of theory and research
which have guided this study.
Review of the Literature
Trends in Dialectoloev
All spoken languages change constantly, and a result of that change
interest, in the fact of their "different sameness" for the layperson; and for the
that present variation may prefigure significant
diversity in a long historical process of language differentiation
products of linguistic change, their spatial and temporal distributions, and the
causes and conditions for this change.
variation, which may be characterized as systemic (implicit tendencies within
a given linguistic system) and non- or extra-systemic factors (language contact,
poetic characterization of the former is well known:
"Language moves down
time in a current of its own making.
It has a drift. .
drift, in Sapir's
worked through the unconscious selection by speakers
linguistic environment, such as the dental articulation of /
/ in many dialects
of American Spanish (Garcia 1968: 76).
A consideration of systemic factors often includes historical dialect
Such is the case for
American Spanish, in
variation may at
thorough surveys of
the historical antecedents
for any region of
"it would be more proper to refer to Castilian and Atlantic Spanish" (Lapesa
182) rather than
and American Spanish, so many features
particular has amply demonstrated the importance of the diachronic factor in
American Spanish pronunciation (cf. Canfield 1964 and 1982).
change3 (cf., for example Weinreich 1979 ; McDavid 1964; Swadesh 1964;
Bright 1964; Ferguson 1972 
Labov 1972a ; Carpenter 1983).
relation between dialect and political, social and cultural units, showing how
the relation differed between cultural groups.
Sociolinguistic research often
involves the correlation of particular dialect variants with social factors (age,
some linguists have argued that
the stimulus for any systemic change in language may be found in the social
environment (Bright 1964;
of language contact in
long been fruitful in
establishing the sources of particular
a contemporary understanding of language contact in his
In Contact (1979 ), in which the sociolinguistic character of
(referring to the linguistic system as such) and the study of a dialect
combined with its spatial and temporal attributes) as two essentially different
Haugen (1956) stress the necessity for research in language contact situations
to provide (1) a good description of the results of language contact (i. e., the
linguistic analysis) and (2) attention to the social factors in current patterns of
usage which may account for linguistic change and which may point to on-
going processes leading to further change or maintenance.
Labov (1972b) and
Haugen in stressing the necessity
the course of linguistic data
order to achieve accuracy in both.
influence in the areas of phonology and lexicon, and usually does not prepare
us to consider
grammar of a language as it serves a particular cultural context, more than its
phonology or lexicon,
which radiates information about a culture.
interference at this level (although not necessarily its content or shape) might
also be anticipated in certain contact situations.
There are broad hints that
such changes are widespread in areas of extensive contact and lingua franca
for example, examines the problem of whether to utilize
despite the historical reasons for the spread of English,
it is quite capable, in
the hands of Africans
, of doing justice to the African experience.
He speaks of
an English that is like no other in the world,
that has been accommodated at
the syntactic level
contact with African languages and
express African reality.
as a result
placing the linguistic data in the contexts of language use and of the identities
of the speakers.
In the U.
S. this tradition of dialect study is identified with
, whose studies of the diverse dialects in New York City (1966,
results of language contact
contexts of language use.
have demonstrated that
reflect African linguistic and cultural heritage (Turner
1949 is the classic work
on the subject).
And the work of Labov et al.
(1968) shows that the African
American dialect of New York has distinct rules of its own and is not
African Americans trying to speak 'English.
to dialect study
the earlier tradition
their students, in
and analysis of language
data in its cultural context are an integral and primary feature of achieving
cross-cultural understanding (Boas 1966 ,
, Whorf [see Carroll
1956], and Lee
Reference is made to the perspective of Boas and his
students in early
American structuralist tradition that, simply put, languages
reflect the world views of their speakers.
It is therefore assumed in this study
language of the Bolivian and Peruvian altiplano may well exhibit linguistic
relativity theory, initiated in
Lee and Whorf
provides further basis for the contextual approach to dialect description.
In the literature on Spanish dialectology, there are,
prescriptivists (sometimes referred to as normativists),
who generally aim to
The prescriptivist approach has been a serious trend and actually
represents a third
view regarding the source of language variation.
rather than focusing on the question of systemic
or nonsystemic sources of
language variation, prescriptivists maintain that languages do not vary-they
remain the same or they decay.
Therefore a dialect, in this view, is merely an
imperfect attempt to speak
language patterns of
inquiry described above.
The best of these
studies have combined research in
extra-linguistic sources of
Martin 1978 and 1985).
very recently) within
the framework of the debate over the future of
Leopold Wagner, R. M. Pidal,
a few (cf.
Damaso Alonso and Angel Rosenblat, to name
106-108)-have struggled to determine whether
Spanish would remain a
language (the optimistic view),
On the pessimists'
side, the targets are the corrupting influences from other
(primarily indigenous) languages, and habits of speech which are due to lack
or to the generally profligate
The optimists, however, cite a variety of internal (to the language)
urbanization of rural speech,
the predominance of langue
Whether optimist or pessimist on
motivation for concern of such studies has of course been the recognition that
American Spanish (and the language in general) is hardly characterized by the
monolithic uniformity which many believed it to have.
Much of this debate was carried during in the late nineteenth century
through the first half of the twentieth.
to hold sway
during the latter part of
recently, the general thrust of concern has been not quite the defense of the
creation of academies and through education (Craddock 1973).
It is not clear,
just how in
practice the more moderate position
are the concern
to language variation.
the process of evaluating
dialect research it is clear that much of their debate misses the vitality and
flexibility that is the very nature of language behavior everywhere. Also, the
questions raised by prescriptivists, regarding what is essentially described as
prescriptivist heritage in the lack of availability of reliable and extensive data.
Lope Blanch (1968) and Martin (1978) provide detailed analyses
work of synthesis is almost impossible for lack of
are a few
methodological studies which would help provide the basis for establishing
dialect zones (Lope Blanch 1968; Rona 1963),
such as the proposal by Urefia in
proposals (e.g. Zamora
but, as previously indicated,
there exists very
little of the work necessary to establish dialect geographies for any region in
diversity of original peninsular Spanish dialects, the lack of information on
the many indigenous languages of Latin America, and "notorious examples
Further, as Lope Blanch notes, generalizations, such as Urefia'
notion of the
dialectology because they distort the reality of a language (1968: 156).
dialectologists in variation and in the social factors of language change and
of Latin American Spanish.
the Spanish of Peru, Bolivia
Both linguistic and sociolinguistic variation in
i and Ecuador have been subjects of interest and
general social science research
studies are concerned
Escobar 1972, 1978, and 1984, Anna Maria Escobar 1986,
1984, Justiniano de la Rocha
Garcia and Otheguy
1983, Muysken 1984 and
, Minaya and Lujdn 1982,
some of the work examining linguistic
variation in the Spanish of the Andes has been conducted under the auspices
(Hardman 1981 includes several preliminary studies).
very recent studies
to focus on
variants, there are a number of attempts to describe the grammatical aspects
of language as it is used in Spanish America.
Again, it seems that the best of
these studies consciously rely on anal
of the contexts of language use,
including knowledge of
where they have come into contact with Spanish.
an ethnolinguistic sort are equally
as necessary in
making grammatical analyses
as are criteria
151) for her work in discovering the explanation for the use of active
and non-active constructions in Costa Rican Spanish.
It is primarily in the Mayan contact regions of Mexico and Guatemala,
the historical (peninsular) roots of the Spanish of the region,
there are some exemplary studies.
Some recent research on language contact
Andes has contributed
to dialect theory in specific areas.
Jakobson (as cited in Cassano
and Weinreich (1979 ),
it has been
often assumed that a language accepts foreign structural elements only when
they correspond to its tendencies of development.
, as phonological
research by Cassano on Spanish-Mayan contact in the
discernible interference restrictions
language contact area are
those which are limited to the structure of the interfering
by Laprade (1981), Martin (1977
1981) and Hardman-de-Bautista (1982),
produce a grammatical category of evidentials in
it is present in the Spanish of the Andes.
The linguistic situation in the Andes is both complicated and enriched
by the continuous contact with very vital indigenous languages, so that one
may speak, in many instances, of both substratum and adstratum5 influence
of the same language family
if not of the same language.
The findings of
language influence in
while Spanish has influenced Quechua only superficially (at the
Andean Spanish in the direction of the Aymara evidentials category of data
source obligatorilyy marked in the Aymara language),
as well as Aymara time
suggests that the grammatical influences, which are more difficult to access in
borrowing than either the lexicon or the phonology, reflect the
intense and intimate linguistic association than that implied by the relatively
borrowing of words"
that future dialect
research based on a sound knowledge of indigenous languages in contact with
Spanish will produce similar findings regarding indigenous influence beyond
lexical and phonological features in other areas of the Americas.
change in the Spanish of the Central Andean region, under conditions of 400
years of intimate contact,
complete syntactic restructuring,
whereas the morphology,
and most of the
syntax, of Spanish in the area is largely intact.
This appears to be the case
throughout Hispanic America; Spanish creoles are rare (Holm 1988 and 1989).
In a broad survey of the available information
on American Spanish
dialects, certain general dialectal features stand out as being fairly common:
gender / number
studies, it usually is not possible to establish systematic trends.
Of the general
throughout Hispanic America.
For example, leismo and loismo both occur in
Ecuador, as characteristic styles in different regions of the country (Garcia and
areas reflects some of the general
tendencies indicated above for
Laprade suggests that Andean dialects in general appear to share
many common features in pronunciation and syntax,
and that the (central-
region for certain features within American Spanish (1981).
The Spanish of the altiplano area appears to be particularly distinctive
in the incorporation of data-source marking as a function of standard Spanish
verb forms (Hardman-de-Bautista 1982; Laprade 1981-a feature which led to
the current research.
Muysken (1984) also notes the widespread use of dizque
and its variants
/ 'it is said',
to indicate non-personal knowledge
of information in the Spanish of Quechua areas.
Laprade (1981) suggests that
influence of Jaqi linguistic
categories on Quechua.
The grammatical process of suffixation,
Spanish of the La Paz area in terms of frequency
distribution and function of
certain standard Spanish forms (Laprade
But it is the creative use of
standard Spanish forms to adapt the language to the demands of data-source
marking which are obligatory for Jaqi speakers that appears to be the most
distinctive feature of Altiplano Spanish.
Organization of the Dissertation
which have given rise to the language patterns discussed in this dissertation.
The chapter also serves to describe the setting for the research,
precedes the description of the methodology used in the study
in Chapter III.
which is given
Descriptions of the linguistic consultants who participated in
are included in
Chapter IV begins the report of this research on the Altiplano Spanish
dialect with a description of the phonological systems of both monolingual
was made to incorporate information
from earlier research in
of phonology in
complete description of the dialect.
Likewise, Chapters V
information from previous, related research,
for purposes of gathering in one
document the available information on the subject.
Particular attention is directed to the selection of certain verb tenses to express
the category of evidentials which has come into the dialect from the substrate
feature is pervasive throughout the
target area, is
common to all speakers, and is so unique to this variety of Spanish that alone
it would set apart the altiplano as a distinct dialect area.
The morphology and
The question of substrate influence on Altiplano Spanish is considered
in Chapter VIII.
This chapter may be more controversial than the others, for
substrate influence is rarely subject to confirmation.
The chapter sets forth
that it is primarily in
the use of
system that there is direct influence from the Aymara substrate.
of influence are probably less direct, involving reinforcement by the substrate
of existing patterns in the language.
These areas of influence are determined
Aymara and Altiplano Spanish.
research, and poses additional research questions.
Most of the speech data
obtained in the study were recorded and transcribed, and are reproduced in
Appendix I contains samples of written data which were
used in the research as information relating to speech data.
contexts surrounding the use of indigenous
and imperial languages in
of linguistic patterns
treatment of virtually any language question in the Andes given the social,
variety of disciplines-including anthropology
sociology, archeology, history,
as well as
useful in abstracting
outlines of language use patterns from early, pre-Incaic periods to the present.
The basic patterns reveal a remarkable persistence of indigenous linguistic
Hispanic forces since in the Conquest.
linguistic history are identified as pre-Conquest, Conquest and colonial, and
These characterizations are roughly based
the nature of the
historical influences and the type of information available for the period.
Investigation of the existence and collapse of pre-horizon and horizon
their probable movements and of the dynamics of the relationship between
indicate that relationship was a complex one.
Nearly 3500 years ago there was
populations depended upon the sea for stable protein sources, and highland
crops, such as tubers and grains, and animals were well on their way to being
ago, Andean coastal and highland societies were large, stable polities which
architecture and spatial
orientation suggest class- and kinship-based social systems, patterns of land
are just now
cosmology vastly different from our own (cf.
as Murra (1984) describes it, of social and
technological innovation in response to the climate, geography and geology
of the Andes
, was a fact by the time of the Inca empire and
during these earliest
we have only
Although many of the details remain obscure, it is certain that
extensive travel and trading have gone on throughout the length and breadth
and heights of the Andes for several millenia, as an outstanding characteristic
of the forms of
cultural and economic adaptation
(or intermediate periods) is a function of the tensions inherent in necessary
Such cultural oscillations
of extensive cross-cultural
and processes-varied economic resources, networks of exchange that crossed
the Andes and gave access to varied ecological zones, corporate labor practices
preservation and storage systems-persisted as principal
and economic modes on the coast and in the highlands until shortly after the
arrival of the Spaniards.
These structures and processes are also reflected in
character of indigenous
and republican regimes, and further aid in the explanation of the patterns of
language contact and maintenance in the Andes,
as indicated below.
was one of
accounting for the success of the high density populations of the mountain
valleys and the altiplano, has been increasingly a focus of his work for more
than 20 years.
distinguishes three distinct steps in the Andean success
(1) the development of highly productive, high altitude cultigens and
a picture of
across time and space as a place of constant movement of peoples and goods
to the valleys and lowlands, in all
which that movement is part of an essential and ingenious economic activity.
An examination of
altiplano will provide some understanding of the contact influences prior to
and periods of smaller-scale local development is correlated with the spread
of a number of languages with lingua franca status for imperial purposes, and
with the development of both dialectal variation and language loss.
Wari-Tiwanaku horizon speakers of proto-Jaqi-Arul
Wari site, near modern Ayacucho, into other valleys,
expanded from the
west to the coast, and
language of the
Thus Jaqi-Aru was being spoken on the
altiplano as well as throughout the mountains and in coastal areas
as a result
culture (Hardman and Moseley
It is likely that Jaqi-Aru and Pukina
were not the only languages being spoken on the altiplano at the time, and
throughout the Andes (Hardman 1985a).
Evidence of a
1000 A. D. (Hardman and Moseley
with a decline in
encouraged that decline, interrupting trade and other relations which would
be the basis of empire.
A subsequent period of local expansion lasting some
flourishing--Chimu to the north and Chincha on the south coast of modern
The rise of Pukina speakers, specifically the Inca, as imperial powers
their spreading the dominant
(by now proto-Aymara)
governance purposes for several generations of Inca rule and utilizing their
although Pukina was still spoken by populations around Lake
Titicaca as late
as the seventeenth
. Contact during Inca imperial
inclusion into the Inca realm and the switch
by the Inca from
language of a waning power, to Chinchay Quechua, spoken by a rising power
dominant Jaqi-Aru languages were then being divided by the penetration of
cut off from
Kawki in central
Peru (Heath and Laprade 1982).
Among the Incas'
many imperial accomplishments was a fairly light-
handed approach to the cultural and linguistic identities within
Individual languages and cultural patterns were not
promoted as effective tools of governance.
, the policy of resettling
groups in former highland Jaqi-Aru strongholds, and many Jaqi-Aru speakers
were resettled along the southern Peruvian coast (Heath and Laprade 1982).
By the fifteenth century the Inca had only relatively recently imposed
previously employed Jaqi-Aru for that purpose.
And their imperial policies
They had spread
Jaqi-Aru over a vast area and subsequently
with Chinchay Quechua,
while at the same time imposing and maintaining
Quechua and Jaqi-Aru families.
Conquest and Colonial and Republican Periods
Although Jaqi-Aru and Chinchay Quechua had both been employed as
lingua francas, the first during the 400-500 year pan-Andean
Wari / Tiwanaku
development and into Inca expansion, at the time of the conquest there was
Andes which were under Inca domination.
By the sixteenth century
the mid-sixteenth century, the Spaniards encountered fairly widespread use
of the Quechua languages, especially in the region of modern Ecuador, Peru
the second during the later period of localist Chinchay coastal
languages which had not been replaced by the recently imposed Quechua.
different language in nearly every intermontane valley
examined below, established the Hispanic pattern of relating to th
diversity in the Andes--which has existed in large measure to this day.
war, repression and exploitation were the consequences to the
languages were lost with the death of native speakers (Chang-Rodriguez 1982,
as most of the population was wiped out in the
first few years of the colonial period.
a matter of fact, it is likely that the
majority of the population was decimated by smallpox and other di
and Garcia's arrival to the continent, the original Andean
estimated at around thirty million, dropped by at least more than
two-thirds, according to Orlove (1985) and possibly by as much as ninety-five
virtually disappeared due to the combined effects of disease and repression
the ruthless economic and
policies of the
alleviate the abuse of power by the colonists.
For most of the colonial period,
the Spanish Crown espoused a policy of spreading the Castilian language to
the indigenous peoples for religious and political reasons, understanding the
power of language as "an instrument of empire" (Heath and Laprade 1982).
were beginning preparations for independence from Spain, it was clear that
there had been wide divergence between language policy and practice.
Following the soldiers into
the Andes were the religious agents and
the colonists who expropriated Indian lands and labor
(Murra 1984; Dobyns and Doughty
The difficult terrain discouraged all
colonial forces from venturing far or long from their settlements,
while at the
same time providing the relative security needed for pockets of resistance by
to continue for some time during the colonial and
influence over the Spanish Crown in this matter
religious instruction in the native tongues (Chang-Rodriguez
many of these languages, and religious orders were encouraged by the Crown
the decade long
1984]) probably promoted some bilingualism on both sides.
The somewhat contradictory policies of Castilianization, on one hand,
on the other,
evolved into an
aspect of the ultimately
antagonistic struggle between
interests of the Spanish Crown, which needed to maintain a loyal,
colony, and of the colonists,
who perceived direct control over the resources
and lives of the Andean peoples as necessary for their effective domination.
requiring the use of the Spanish language.
attempt to mitigate
the abuse of the native peoples by colonial representatives was persuaded and
encouraged by religious activists such as
de las Casas and Fray
Indigenous writers such as Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Adorno
only pleaded the Andean peoples'
cause against harsh subjugation, but also
encouraged the learning and use of Andean languages.
maintenance and spread of the major indigenous languages was the retention
This was true for a short period with Jaqi-Aru, but by the beginning of
further than the Inca had carried it as the Spanish extended their dominion
far beyond the original Inca empire (Torero 1972).
It should be noted that the
of Quechua fell
that it was
variety of Quechua,
influenced by the originally dominant Jaqi-Aru in the area (Mannheim
which was spread by the Spaniards.
, Heath and Laprade (1982) maintain
that in spite of an ideology which demanded
Castilianization and a strong
drive for enforced Spanish usage by the colonial administration, the Spanish
Crown's policy to this point may be described as having been more additive
than replacive with regard to the Jaqi-Aru,
On the other hand, Chang-Rodriguez (1982) stresses that an effect
of the dual policy was a strengthening of the hegemony of Hispanic language
use of the indigenous
to lose official
sanction (Heath and Laprade 1982).
However, there were a number of factors
people learning Spanish which belied some of the rhetoric produced by the
colonial administration regarding benefits to the Indians in the acquisition of
Spanish language and culture.
That is, from early in the Conquest period,
the right to Spanish language education only
cost of many lives.
came with the Spanish soldiers, became a feature of Andean society very early
in the conquest (Dobyns and Doughty 1976).
And with the development of a
centers, although the rural populations remained largely monolingual.
Paz, for example, Aymara and sometimes Spanish were the native languages
of the urban population until this century (Laprade 1981).
Although no other
indigenous language in Latin America can claim to have had, or have, since
the conquest, the national prestige that Guarani does in Paraguay (Rubin et al.
Aymara language in La Paz appears to have enjoyed a use and prestige similar
to Paraguayan Guarani.
That is, Aymara was the daily language for nearly all
classes and ethnic groups, except during formal occasions and for speaking
with foreigners, when Spanish was preferred (Laprade 1976:
In the former
Inca capital of Cuzco, the same conditions may also have applied to Quechua.
the development of varieties of
referred to today as patronn'
Aymara or Quechua attest to the probability that
the dominance of the indigenous languages in these contexts was short-lived.
' varieties were spoken by the upper class mestizo population and
were highly influenced by Spanish.
institutional support for the teaching of Spanish as a second language became
a reality anywhere in the highlands (Chang-Rodriguez 1982; Briggs 1985).
At the beginning of this century, indigenous peoples were faced with
both limited access to Spanish and a prejudice regarding their own languages
After nearly four
linger even today.
At the same time,
however, social and economic policies
continually reinforced reliance on traditional life styles in
conflicting forces on the usage of Spanish versus the indigenous languages in
the current context.
The highland Aymara and
the majority of Bolivia'
Quechua speaking groups today make up
nearly seven million people, numbering at least one
nearly half of the nation'
population of eighteen million (Gray
this century there has been increased bilingualism in Spanish for
absolute numbers of Quechua and Aymara speakers are increasing (cf.
Given these figures, it is not only the shift to increased Spanish
use which should be noted
, it is also the fact that the shift is relatively recent
after nearly 500 years of Spanish contact,
and that a corresponding decline in
major indigenous language use does not appear to be occurring.
One of the features of modern highland Andean society involves the
language and cultural identity are frequently associated with lower social class
status in the Andes (Klein 1982; Dobyns and Doughty 1976).
However, the fact
hierarchy, as seen through an examination of the language use patterns in the
language attitudes (Wolfson and Manes
degree of cultural similarity
language influence (Brosnahan
below in the light of these concepts.
Attitudes about Language and Ethnic Group Identity
considered to be a function of prestige or status factors, so that use of the
prestige language often means
to social mobility and
At the same time, ethni
group identity and language attitude
preserve ethnic identity also tend to strengthen mother-tongue identification
factors may indeed be considered important variables in the contact situation.
While the Spanish language indeed enjoys prestige and higher social status
from the perspective of the dominant culture and the rigid class
use plays an important role.
lifestyles which incorporate native language usage.
At the same time
individuals are cognizant of the personal advantages to be gained with access
to higher social status that may be obtained by Spanish language usage. But
the traditional values entail factors which mitigate a wholesale shift to use of
Spanish in specific contexts.
that the ancient indigenous social and economic patterns continue
massive urban migration.3
The result is that the indigenous peoples are able
still to rely on exchange and production from a variety of community, family
or individually held lands in different ecological
uncommon climatological disasters or fluctuations in the national economies
which have historically decimated other indigenous populations.
resources were burdened
to the extent that tensions were increased
Rather than being drawn into full participation in
this aspect of the
strong ethnic and linguistic identities, due to the necessity of relying on them
for continued livelihood and community in periods of increased contact with
Hispanic language and culture.
While increased multilingualism involving
Hispanic-indigenous contact in
contexts, and by the asymmetrical relationship of the languages in question,
the disappearance of the major native languages is not one of the correlates of
Rather, the native language ties are strengthened in the Andes
the nature of such
monolingualism among the mestizo community
Hornberger forthcoming), a conceivable outcome of this situation may be full
diglossia, or stable multiple language use (Ferguson
1972 ), as opposed
to language loss in any direction.
attitude-related factors which have been
to influence language
shift to the dominant language (Clyne 1985).
Though intermarriage has been
cultural differences between the Hispanic and indigenous populations which
remain are often reflected in language use:
Indigenous languages serve needs
in traditional contexts; Spanish is used in mestizo and urban contexts.
linguistic signs of
cultural distinction have served as a
equity in all
, while intermarriage
different languages in differing contexts,
furthering a trend toward diglossia.
Direction of Influence
Many scholars view the shift from a subordinate language to one
with more "prestige" (Weinreich 1979 : 7) as an automatic consequence
of political and economic subordination of language groups (Hill and Hill
But as suggested by Weinreich (1979 ) and Haugen (1972),
necessary to look at the conditions which have given rise to both pre- and
case study which focuses on
the historical imposition
Greek, Arabic and Turkish as lingua francas,
Brosnahan (1973) concludes that
language influence typically flows
Specifically, Brosnahan states a set of conditions which establish
the basis for a shift to the imperial language as the dominant, if not the only,
language in use in a society, as in the cases of Latin,
imposition of a language by military conquest;
Greek and Arabic:
, its maintenance by a
fourth, social advantages conferred by use of the imperial language.
that Hispanic conquest of
flow of influence at least primarily from Spanish to the indigenous languages
in the Andes might be anticipated. I
by the population until very recently,
However, Spanish has not been acquired
and its acquisition is not taking place in
a uniform manner.
The lack of
national and indigenous populations may be the essential stumbling block-
to the perception of Spanish as personally advantageous to many Quechua
and Aymara-which has slowed the process of castilianizaci6n. Additionally,
perhaps more important, as indicated above
there is a long history
denial of indigenous access to the Spanish language by Hispanic authorities.
There is no doubt that military, political, and economic oppression and
dominance established Spanish as
the prestige language from a national and
, outside of strictly economic parameters,
indigenous populations among whom multiple language use ebbs and flows
would be utilized in nearly
all social functions at one
end of the continuum, and Spanish, or a combination of the two, at the other
In the case of Quechua, Hornberger (forthcoming) reports an increase in
the contexts for Spanish
use in rural altiplano
Peruvian communities, but a
division remaining in
terms of the domains of the use of both
languages, and an increase in the incidence of Quechua use in urban settings
as those populations increase.
anecdotal evidence indicates that while few would deny
the value of learning to speak Spanish and Spanish literacy, many indigenous
language speakers in Bolivia and Peru indicate a preference for learning, apart
which are given in
the home or neighboring
contexts, or having different functions.
Further in this vein, L6pez4 reports
that younger Peruvian students associated with the Peru-Germany Bilingual
Quechua and Aymara languages and are generally more successful learners
the successes of bilingual
education programs in other countries.
while it is
likely that all speakers of Quechua or
would recognize the
Spanish, each linguistic
could rate the two languages independently and with different results.
those languages or national norms for language status.
The assessment by
fundamental to understanding the role of language dominance (Wolfson and
composed of waves of pan-Andean empire followed
by periods of localist
cultural ascendency and decline in terms of a tension generated in part by the
terrain, and the continued use of it by indigenous peoples,
is likely to have
discouraged the spread of Spanish to the highland indigenous areas outside of
Urbanization and Population
Literacy and National Perspectives
Much of the contact literature considers urbanization
number of non-
dominant language speakers
absolute and relative numerical
important interactive factors in
strength of low-status language speakers to be
the maintenance of low status languages or
Paz, or Cochabamba, one find
extensive Aymara and/or Quechua use and
organizations promoting such
use (cf. Anna Maria Escobar
1986; Hornberger forthcoming; Alb6 1988).
development of orthographies, grammars and literacy in Quechua and
Literary and pedagogical traditions in Jaqi-Aru and Quechua have also
developed, as indicated above, subsequent to strong indigenista movements
in this century in both Peru and Bolivia.
Briggs (1985) provides a review of
both Peru and
attitudes of native speakers and others favoring language maintenance.
numbers are growing in both nations of trained personnel
and/or political indigenist renaissance movements.
national recognition, at least nominally.
the achievement of national language
Some of the national gains include
with Spanish for Quechua
the enactment of the Oficializaci6n
Ouechua, as an
outcome of the
The use of the Quechua and
educational purposes became a part of national pedagogical
strategy in Peru
with the passage of the 1982 Nueva Ley General de Educaci6n (Impara 1986).
Bolivia there is yet no general law which grants national language status to
to provide support
phonemic alphabets were approved for the indigenous languages in Bolivia,
possibility of national status being conferred upon the indigenous languages.
indigenous struggle to preserve ethnic and linguistic
identity in both nations.
Aspects of these movements
CAdenas (1988) and Chang-Rodriguez (1982).
altered significantly since the original
and scarcely classifiable
both Quechua and
remain extraordinarily vital.
indicated above, more than a
of Peru and more than
two-thirds of the population
today speak either Jaqi-Aru or Quechua as first languages,
or one of the other
few remaining tongues which are represented
groups of speakers
For the approximately three million Jaqi-Aru speakers5 strong
language identity still exists.
This appears to me to be particularly true of the
Aymara, for example, creates confidence in and
bestows prestige upon
This strong linguistic identity
very solid cultural base in the La Paz area, relative economic independence
of native speakers in linguistics
and other social sciences have led to a recent revitalization of interest in the
outside of it.
Although demographic trends may indicate an uncertain future for the
and lifeways in the face of political and economic subjugation, as well as the
account for the development of new varieties of Spanish in the area (Escobar
1978; Hardman-de-Bautista 1982; Torero 1972).
This chapter describes methodological procedures which were utilized
for research on the morphology and syntax of Altiplano Spanish, including
on research site
, description of informants, and
VII) includes not only data from this research but from
to include such information,
especially from geographic areas or containing structural linguistic data not
covered by this study,
would provide a more comprehensive understanding
conventions used in this dissertation follows.
Definition of Terms
This study uses the notion of a
'standard' Spanish merely as a point of
departure for describing potential
There is no intent to
hold up a standard as a model of correct behavior for
udging the competence
the speakers of
4 S -- S 4 4 ~ r ~ I %. a S
that identify the source of data samples.
Those abbreviations are defined in
The references indicated in
bibliography of this thesis.
Abbreviations for Source of Data Sameles
This study, information
Hardman et al.
Appendices II through XI.
which are reported in
VII are marked
1Ar74h a 102rAIna nr1rfl-arr TArhir h 2nnrc irn naronthclccc cul ac (/ CTTTT
* / I
research; or, in
the case of data gathered in other studies,
they specify the
reference if there is more than one for an individual researcher.
numbers indicate the line number in the case of my data, or the page number
in the case of data from other investigators utilized in this research.
Bolivia and Peru, beginning in the city of La Paz, Bolivia, and from there to
the communities of Copacabana,
Huacuyo and Huatajata,
amount of research was also conducted in the town of Sorata in Bolivia.
the community of Chucuito and the town of Puno were locations for
Additional trips were made to other communities in both Peru and
Bolivia, but the data obtained on these trips are largely anecdotal.
Figure 1 is a
map of the research area.
All of these locations are traditionally and currently strongholds of
Aymara language and culture.
This is even true for the city of La Paz, which
retains a very indigenous flavor except in the southernmost zones of the city
which are dominated by wealthy mestizo and foreign white populations.
And even there, recent immigrants purchase lands and construct homes in
rural areas bordering and surrounding the enclaves of Western urban-style
streets which are crowded with large, often luxurious homes, and
supermarkets full of products imported from North America and Europe.
* F K
5 4 F
* C 0 *
* C :: C F F
* C C F C CB
* F.... *m
* F C F F F e w ew e
*:::;:;jS C F F F
** ** 1|* a ---w a ke4a**&maaaama&a4aaa4vn
* & 5 a 4 4 & a > a a a w 4 w 4 & 4 i a g i e a m *'* **C C *' *"*'*" "*"**
* * a ** * * a * a w 4 w e i> a e a a
* C F e e *
* C F *
* C *
* F F C *
* e a *
k ~ a s eme a J a4*em n a&&b s a a
S : :: :* Charaza *
& iA&A *se a < a a mas4a&a a a 96ww
* C F C F F *
S* C F F *
* . F C F *
*t F F
* F a 4 *
p F C p C o 4eaa
* e F F g o44M
* a 4 * || 4 9 4 J J m a g k h l m m e er m v a 4 e a a n r A 4 4 a B '
** * *( * II 4 4 ma a "'"'''* *w qam * a a '*'*'*"*'*'*1 J
.* ** w w* W 4 e & *w w a *a * 5 * a * *m *J
a w e ab m e ( e* & *w *g a *e * l 9 4 a a 5 m em a 4
* ** mam ** **** **** g a *s a sm * *s * *e *m fe
# me a n w w* m s 4 we * a *' *A a a n * r = *as k B
* F F
.* F *
* a * C
* C aC
** 4 F s *
* 4 F -
C...- "*' * ** '-* ** ,i t < t
p'- ... ** ********h ********* ***
'_-C ********** .****** *****.***
''F.* ********** **** -
F..._ *********-*< **^*******i
p... **- *-"** "iij y
C...* *** ** *< ***,,,,|:
* ******C-** *****..*** ****
F .,. ^ ^ _* *_ _* *_ _* _-_ _* * -_ _* _' '_ ____
F" "--" "- -
s G U4 ;
The people described here are my personal friends,
or their friends
whether the linguistic data taken from their speech and described in Chapters
VII may indeed
representative of the speech of segments of the population in general,
not from marginal or exceptional individuals.
The narratives which were transcribed and utilized for this research are
Several have spent time outside of that area, primarily in other regions of the
altiplano dominated by indigenous influence.
A few have traveled outside of
the altiplano region.
The informants were selected
on the bases of (1)
immediate circle of family and friends
of the relationships developed with tl
(2) their social positions.
these informants, or in
the case of two
with their immediate family and peer group associations,
The research focused on data collected from both monolingual Spanish
determine the existence of a variety of Spanish as a distinct dialect of Spanish
apart from the potential of direct interference due to bilingualism of a strictly
the research area and
the necessity for gathering
data in a
number of differing social and cultural contexts.
That is, it would have been
monolingual Altiplano Spanish-speaking informant base.
Of the ten informants whose narratives are included as data here, only
Aymara, including phrases which are useful at the markets,
and certain lexical items.
They may understand other, often-heard phrases or
produce a full sentence in the Aymara language except in extremely limited
contexts, and any speech production in Aymara by them would be lacking in
The remaining seven
are Aymara-Spanish bilinguals who vary considerably in the degree to which
either language in used, and in the contexts for its use.
are more often
subjective evaluations of a language variety by its speakers are considered
integral to the definition of that variety (1976:
Among the informants are
are conscious of,
a certain extent
particularly certain features of pronunciation and elements of syntax which
are differentiated by notions of prestige.
As the following chapters indicate,
regarding these stigmatized speech forms have not significantly altered
syntax and morphology of their own speech.
characteristics of the informants.
the factors of monolingualism and
non-linguistic characteristics of the informants and their lives are considered
relevant to an understanding of the data gathered for this
, occupation, age and
pertinent to the determination of stability of the linguistic features described
in Chapters IV-VII.
That is, the generalizability of linguistic patterns across
the speech behavior of persons of various age and social groups is a correlate
of linguistic patterns,
Social class refers principally to socioeconomic
, based primarily
different social strata live in different and fairly clearly defined areas in the
altiplano urban sites.
employed in fairly stable full time jobs, one is self-employed, and three are
students who are also employed from time to time.
Job categories range from
the service industry to banking, and include rural school
rural agricultural development projects, and secretarial work.
There is only
one informant recorded here who is considered
upon her occupation,
the social milieu in
which she generally
operates; others are middle and working class persons, including campesinos,
or 'farmers', again based upon their occupations and income, and
the networks of their social relations.
Six of the informants currently reside in large urban areas (Puno or La
two of them live in urban areas at present, but spend a great deal of time
in the countryside, in small rural communities; and two reside continuously
nearby urban center.
Of the six urban dwellers
, three continue to have very
strong ties with their rural heritage and maintain close contacts with family
or friends still residing in those areas.
Only three of the informants recorded for this research do not have at
least a high school diploma.
One of those is in her thirties with a high school
education only one year short of the diploma; another is a second year high
The third is a young man in his thirties who began to earn
Although social class and educational level are often correlated,
to find individuals
campesino or lower
Thus, six of the informants have had at least two years of
therefore are literate in Spanish; only
Aymara at the time the narratives were recorded.
Age and sex
Appendices II-XI consist of one narrative from each of five male and
five female informants.
Their ages at the time of the recordings ranged from
fifteen to approximately fifty-five years old.
The spread of data across genders
and different age groups provides initial information on characteristic dialect
Descriptions of Individual Consultants
The following section describes the linguisti
consultants for purposes
are not provided
of respect for
First names are used to identify those with whom I have been on a
first name basis.
Note that the
Roman numerals (II-XI)
Appendix number for each narrative; these numbers also correspond
original notebooks in which the transcriptions were made.
, a thirty
bilingual from the rural community of Quime, Department of La Paz, located
in the Cordillera de las
She has lived in the city of La Paz for
reciprocates by sending back to Quime goods which are available in the urban
MF speaks at times of wanting to migrate back to the community
tells of others who are doing
so-who are returning
promise of employment in
who are now
finding city employment less rewarding than working the land.
as a cook
tourists, where she not only cooks but is generally responsible for the smooth
operation of the restaurant. The type of labor and income for her work place
MF in the lower middle class of La Paz. MF and her two children, ages seven
and fifteen, and her brothers, live in the northeast area of the city of La Paz, in
a zone populated by a large, Aymara and mestizo working class population
and by pockets of middle class neighborhoods.
younger brother attends
the Universidad Mayor de San Andres, but works with her full-time.
just one year short of a high school diploma.
The language used at home is
on a typically
the dining room,
and later checked
there with her under the
bilingual from Pacajes who has lived in La Paz for nine years.
BA lives with
He works in the hotel industry; during the time I have known him
he has worked as a porter, a waiter, and as a chef.
in the countryside,
BA finished primary school
and high school in the city; after high school he completed
administration in La Paz.
's income, place of residence and type of work
place him firmly in the working class.
's narrative was recorded at his workplace, and later checked with
The interview was conducted by Zacarias Alavi,
a Bolivian school
administrator who was finishing a degree in linguistics
and native languages
myself included, were present during the interview
monolingual from the city of La Paz,
who studies English and French at the
worked full-time in an artisanry shop on Calle SagArnaga.
For nearly four
younger siblings, her mother having left for work in another country. BT's
income is meager, and she and her family live in the northernmost section of
La Paz, a working class zone.
and her mother is a Spanish monolingual.
lal father died when she was young,
She does not appear to be close to
other relatives who are bilingual.
The narrative was recorded at the artisanry
and was later checked there.
, a seventeen-year-old
would help his family with work in the fields as the seasons demanded; and
teachers, he would also participate in the household chores.
AW had never
been to La Paz, and had only traveled to nearby communities around the lake.
was recorded on a hillside overlooking his
Kusijata, the town of Copacabana, and Lake Titicaca.
The recording itself was
but specific items which
were part of the narrative
were later discussed with him, again in the community of Kusijata.
, a thirty
community of Huatajata,
located on the shores of Lake
Titicaca on the route
from La Paz to Copacabana.
PH has been through normal school, worked for
a time as a rural school teacher, and he later studied agriculture and animal
husbandry in Cochabamba.
At the time of the recording he worked as a rural
under the auspices of Radio San Gabriel
in La Paz (a Catholic Church-owned Aymara language station),
provided by a grant from the government of France.
between the countryside and the city of La Paz, althoui
time traveling to communities, at their request, to r
PH divided his time
gh he spent most of that
providee mini-courses in
this work, he usually used Aymara; Aymara is also used,
along with Spanish, at his workplace in La Paz.
parents also live, PH and his wife and family are constructing a large home
just on the shores of the lake.
PH's income is higher than the average for one
indigenous zones, although given
work he does
his place of work
the type of
materials for the countryside, and so forth),
he should probably be counted
among the lower-middle class.
association with his work as an agronomist.
relatively quiet street in the city of La Paz.
The narrative was recorded on a
the seventh narrative.
AF learned Spanish at an early
age in Catholic schools.
At the time of the recording, she had lived in the city
of La Paz for approximately ten years; however she spends much of her time
that she helped found
Costa Rica and the United States in
muier de polleral
Universidad Cat61lica, in the field of journalism and communications.
to exist on
and identifies herself with rural and working class groups.
AF was being interviewed for a
we were on
broadcasts programs in Aymara and
interview was conducted primarily by an announcer of that station.
(g) Narrative VIII was provided by ES, approximately fifty one years of
countryside for thirty years.
At present he and his wife are primary school
teachers, where they use both Aymara and Spanish in their classrooms.
three children live and work in La Paz, where they are all university students.
The family has a fairly large home in the town of Copacabana, in which
to retire to
Although rural school teachers make very little
- at times they are
not paid their salaries
- ES and his wife both are second generation teachers
and so enjoy
high standing in
Kusijata help to supplement their food supply.
family would be
seen as working class in the La Paz milieu, their children are preparing for
jobs and potential incomes which would allow them to shift their lifestyles to
the middle class.
checked in ES'
home in Copacabana.
(h) The ninth narrative is by VG,
is about twenty years old,
a monolingual from Puno, Peru.
has lived in Puno always and seldom leaves the
general she uses Spanish-at work, and at home with her
workplace, and some checking was done there a few days later.
He is a
community of Crucicuta, Oruro, Bolivia.
AC has built a home in the city of
in an indigenous
Department of La Paz as a collector of artisanry which he sells in the city.
work places AC in the working class, and he did not finish high school.
The recording was made in 1
mutual friends of AC and myself,
La Paz, among a group of people who are
who made the initial contact with AC on
recording with him.
was corrected with
the assistance of
a Peruvian Aymara-Spanish
(j) Narrative XI is by
, a monolingual who is approximately fifty five
AP is the sole upper-middle class informant for this study.
employed in a high-level position at a local bank in La Paz, and lives in the
southern zone of the city-generally a wealthy, modern area.
The interview and recording were made in the city of La Paz, at AP's
Tombs Huanca, who is an Aymara-Spanish bilingual sociologist
graduate and instructor, are also considered part of the data of this interview.
also speaks English, assisted in the correction of the transcription.
Summary Description of Informants
(by narrative #)
Key to Educational Level:
= Secondary or high school education
S = Post secondary, including vocational
and university education
= Primary school education
conversations among informants at community meetings and gatherings, in
at fiestas and
, elicitation, recording and continuous analysis were followed in
described in Pike (1947) and Nida (1946),
and which have been
elaborated by Hardman and Hamano (1981).
The full description of the data
Entering the community
sought for this research were not only linguistic structures
but also the meanings of those
structures, how the language is used in the
community as someone who could be approached and who had an interest in
the life of the community and (2) developing friendships which would link
underlies each of these is
that evidence of the fieldworker'
respect for the
target culture is necessary for the gathering of unbiased and accurate data (see
Collins and Painter, n.d.).
Apart from the need to listen well and sensitively
to the things people revealed about themselves, and the way they would use
behavior, an element which I found
to be completely necessary
these requirements was a large amount of physical effort.
, fulfilling these requirements
large numbers of people in different settings,
which normally meant getting
out and doing a tremendous amount of walking on a regular basis,
critical locations, becoming familiar with the urban layouts.
This then would
also involve letting the general research interests
for this study
interest in Aymara language and
or Peruvian national
life, and, more specifically
in discovering and explicating the grammar of a
stigmatized dialect in order to assist in establishing its legitimacy
. It was the
my research was also established, but this was generally interpreted in various
ways and was not
as curious to many people
as the question of my overall
interest in altiplano culture.
This seemed to me to derive from the politically
dominant culture's viewpoint regarding indigenous life-ways and languages,
which many people, especially in larger urban environments, assimilate and
responded positively to these expressed interests, and primarily in the area of
the city where I had
established a residence
and so on-in
northern area of the city of La Paz; near the train station and the markets in
In the smaller urban centers-Copacabana, Sorata in Bolivia,
in Peru-I generally had names of individuals which had been provided by
the urban areas.
It was not difficult to approach
Obtaining data was a very different kind of exercise in the rural areas
than in the cities and towns
, although there I often relied on initial contacts
made to feel
welcome, generally the people in the rural communities seemed to regard me
with greater reserve, and preferred ultimately to keep me at a distance and go
on about their lives.
The key, for me, to entering their lives more fully was
found in (1) use of the Aymara language and (2) work,
that is, participating in
The people of the rural communities responded quickly and with
particularly effective, more so if the labor was somewhat rigorous and I could
Especially among the women, participating in
community perceptions of my tenure in these areas.
From their perspective,
since I was willing to be involved in some of the principal labor of their lives,
be dealt with on normal, human
that the physical labor also prepared me for data collection, by increasing my
confidence and energy levels at the same time.
activities requiring large outputs of physical energy:
accepting invitations to
in the cities,
reconnoitering a particular location so that you do not become lost when the
event is due, making appropriate purchases of food or drink, and so forth, to
take to the hosts, and discussing the events ahead of time with enough people
so that you have some sense of your own role in
products for personal
relatives- at times it is possible to accompany friends on such
This rather utopian picture of field work has not included descriptions
But the aspects of the field experience that I believe are worth stressing in
order to have an understanding of the setting for obtaining linguistic data
from an anthropological
perspective are literally the physical requirements
The output of physical energy was directly related in a positive
direction to the amount of information that I could take in about the people I
was with, and about the language they used.
Labor provided a means of
discovering how the language means in the contexts of its daily use.
study, it was both necessary and rewarding.
Recording of the narratives
The majority of the samples used in this study,
and the narratives in
carried out by
the author or
were transcribed from
interviews varied in length from approximately five minutes to half an hour
or more, and
were made with
the two recorders available, either a
Sony or a G.E.
Most of the informants were each asked
questions in the initial section of the interview regarding his or her place of
birth and residence, length of time there, occupation, and languages) spoken;
at times this information was not recorded but written down.
the informants, this information had been obtained previously
With some of
so that it was
information from previous conversations with the informants.
although generally attention was directed away from the immediate question
of dialectal results of language and culture contact. It was possible to discuss
examples of the true grammaticality of forms which have been stigmatized as
not grammatical in popular folk etymology.
question of the influence of both the interviewer and
the interview situation
on the style of speech elicited
distinguishes between casual and careful speech, and states that "the formal
defines a speech
, the informant is more conscious of speech production and
therefore output is monitored
to some degree.
In daily life in general,
that the informants'
speech may be quite different, more relaxed
therefore less monitored.
it is assumed
that a foreigner,
interview which further direct the speaker toward more careful or moderated
As a matter of fact, as described in Chapter V
this is known to have
factors operating on language style.
On the other hand, speech elements most
under the control of the speaker are lexicon and phonology,
levels of language structure are generally not as readily available to conscious
manipulation by the speaker.
Inasmuch as this study is primarily concerned
Spanish, even in the more careful speech generated by the interview and the
in which more 'normal'
speech events occurred,
reflecting a more
That aspect of
data gathering, described
distinct from the structured interview situation.
Informal data gathering involved the observation of language use in a
variety of contexts, including the public markets,
third party conversations,
social events such as fiestas, plays, and baptisms, and in work environments.
It made use of information gathered
'on the fly'
, and although it usually was
information gathering raised
valuable questions which
were later discussed
with informants and other friends and colleagues.
Informal data gathering
also made use of written as well as spoken sources of language.
to be confirmations of
therefore were preserved for the study.
The information gathered
procedures was recorded in a
notebook especially reserved for that purpose, and identified in the samples
of data as from the source STRI.
Analysis of Data
It is important to note that both data collection and analysis,
conceived here, are interactional
(informant-linguist) in nature.
as they are
While the collection of data was usually by tape recorder,
checking was always done by pencil and paper.
component morphological and syntactic units, and
discovering the patterns
that emerged from contrasting and comparing the breakdowns.
As the data
, they were recorded and filed,
and comparisons were made as
consistent appearance of the
questions regarding use of the preterite:
how would you say this in a different
is there a difference in ha llegado versus lleg6
and so forth.
An important component of recording
contexts of use of a
particular linguistic item:
who spoke to
part of my data collection, I
was able to
analyze the patterns more thoroughly and with a great deal more confidence.
information from other investigators of the AS dialect.
on the morphology
descriptions of the phonology of AS are reproduced here in order to gather in
one document all the available information on the dialect.
come from research by:
1982), Justiniano de la
inventories, especially in the vocalic systems.
data reported by different investigators.
Following is a summation of the vowel and
There are also variations in the
consonant systems from
monolingual and bilingual speech.
Phonetic Chart of Bilineual Altiolano Spanish (Based on Laurade 1976,
Phonetic Chart of Monolingual Altiplano Spanish (Based on Laprade 197'
r. At fl
Phonemes and Allophonic
high front unrounded:
high front unrounded,
in monolingual speech when stressed
and unstressed; in bilingual speech when stressed, as in [sio ku],
mid high front unrounded,
in bilingual speech when stressed,
in bilingual speech, high mid front unrounded,
mid front unrounded:
voiceless mid front, in monolingual and bilingual speech,
unstressed and in the environment of voiceless consonants
mid high front unrounded, in
before /n/, as in [tinfa], tenia,
bilingual speech when unstressed
mid front unrounded, in monolingual speech before [r
and when not syllable final, as in [ty
in bilingual speech, when
stressed, [tr Es],
mid-high front, in monolingual speech when syllable final,
in bilingual speech,
, as in [n6
low central unrounded:
voiceless low central unrounded
when unstressed and in the
mid back rounded:
voiceless mid back rounded, when unstressed and in the
environment of voiceless consonants, as in [mu6
mid back rounded, elsewhere in monolingual speech; in
bilingual speech, when stressed, as in [g i6b u]
in bilingual speech,
mid high back rounded,
elsewhere, as in
high back rounded:
high back rounded, everywhere in monolingual speech
bilingual speech, when stressed, as in [pli m a],
in bilingual speech, mid high back rounded, unstressed, as in
bilabial voiceless unaspirated st
[p] everywhere, as in [pdlu]
alveolar (dental, according to some sources) voiceless unaspirated
everywhere, as in [tr ~
velar voiceless unaspirated stop:
[k] palatal voiceless unaspirated
before high front vowels, as
in [kinwa], quinua,
elsewhere, as in [k a6
bilabial voiced stop:
alveolar (dental, according to some sources) voiced stop:
alveolar (dental) voiced fricative,
intervocalically, as in
alveolar (dental) voiced stop,
, as in [kw
velar voiced stop:
palatalized velar voiced fricative, after a vowel and before a
high front vowel,
as in [la
voiced velar fricative, intervocalically,
as in [gry
palatalized velar voiced stop, before high front vowels,
[g n da
voiced velar stop,
as in [p6ogo],
voiceless alveopalatal affricate:
[c] everywhere, as in [canco]
voiceless labiodental fricative:
voiceless bilabial fricative
, in free variation with [f],
likely to occur in the environment of bilabials,
as in [a p
[f] voiceless labiodental fricative, elsewhere.
voiceless alveolar fricative:
voiced alveolar fricative, before voiced consonants,
as in [an
after voiced consonants before vowels,
'they have been'.
voiced retroflex assibilated fricative:
voiced retroflex fricative, everywhere, as in [6esa],
voiceless retroflex fricative, occurs finally, as in [mu
'; some investigators have it medially
voiceless velar fricative:
palatalized voiceless velar (some investigators place it post
velar) fricative, before high front vowels,
as in [xirafa]
voiceless velar fricative, elsewhere,
bilabial nasal resonant:
bilabial nasal, everywhere, [s mb r a],
alveolar nasal resonant:
velar nasal, occurs before velars and finally,
as in [si k o],
, and [kuras 6], corazon,
palatalized retroflex alveolar nasal,
retroflex consonants, as in [unni Bl
e], un roble,
bilabial nasal, before bilabial consonants,
as in [umb aso], un
palatal nasal resonant:
everywhere, as in [pan
', or [pezo],
alveolar lateral, elsewhere,
as in [le~e
palatal lateral resonant:
palatal lateral everywhere, [k r
labial medial resonant:
everywhere, as in [a
', and [wa
palatal medial resonant:
, and [y
alveolar flap, everywhere,
as in [piro],
All investigators report reduction and dropping of unstressed vowels.
The phenomenon is a regular feature of altiplano speech in all social contexts
and across all social groups:
it has been recorded in the speech of all classes,
educational levels, ages,
and in both
and in both informal and formal
unstressed vowel production.
In general in
the environment of voiceless
especially in the environments /t
, as in [potsi],
Hundley (1983) reports that weakening and
frequently among working class speakers, and less frequently among speakers
of the middle class, least frequently among the upper middle class.
as in [o6] for [6Eu],
ocho, or [alt
] for [altu
], altos (Pyle 1981:
of lack of stress is quite reduced in moderated or slower speech; that is, the
vowels reappear or resurface in speech under those conditions (Laprade 1976).
gathered for the present research include
'They are very sticky leaves'
iD6nde vas [a] ir mafiana?,
'Where are you going tomorrow?'
"A ya ahorita voy a hacer,
no te molestes"
"OK right now I'm going to do (it),
she says to me';
'Wait for me right here!'
. y nosotros teniamos que ver como comer,
and r47 har fIr
coo ahlrnnt pa2-ma rahft?'
my dad working there,
resultant sequence of /tt/ to /t/:
[esta trapaxandol-> [est.D trapaxando]
-> [es.tra axando
concerned with bilingual phonology
and describe the tendency of unstressed
the speech of bilinguals
equivalent to the Aymara
(and Quechua) vowel systemss"
in items such a
, and [e
slower speech reduces the effect of lack of
stress, resulting in the production of
a vocalic inventory within
Spanish five vowel system (Pyle 1981: 192).
indicates that he encountered
in data from
[i] to [e
than one front vowel phoneme, it is the
variations are quite broad,
as McGourn suggest.
that the front vowel phonetic
s, and as indicated by Gordon,
Pyle, Boynton and Laprade.
For example, it is possible to hear variants such
ss], for /di
The following are examples of realizations of certain vowel nuclei in
where unstressed /e/
where unstressed /u/
Mi mama sabia estar ayudAndome a mi, [sob fr],
'My mom helped me get on';
parece no solamente dos tres personas,
pinsE] que han sido un grupo
'And it seems to me not only 2 or 3 people, I
thought that they were a group ..
The latter example, in
unstressed /e/ of the verb pens6 is
to stressed /1/
, resulting in [pin
to be anomalous, since
unstressed vowels do not tend to change their stress pattern unless there is
reduction from a vocalic cluster.
Also in thi
example, the unstressed le/ of
the indirect object pronoun me is raised to [i].
Additional data from this research show a reduction from a glide plus
to a single
uch as [pini]
', and [
Laprade notes that certain vowel clusters in Pacefio Spanish tend
an accented vowel followed by a glide,
vowels and reducing the number of sylla
thus breaking the hiatus between the
Ibles. Examples from his data include
F -- S I
I I I
attempts by bilingual speakers to clearly distinguish between the sounds [e]
which are allophones of the phoneme /i/ in Aymara:
Pyle reports that vowel lengthening occurs frequently, and appears to
be the phonetic equivalent of vowel + glide for some bilingual speakers,
semantic connotations, as in [n
se enoja (sic),
'please don't get
, wherein a lengthened vowel with a slightly raised pitch signals a kind
The trends in the vowel system of
There is a tendency among bilingual
much like the substrate vowel system,
raised or lowered.
may be summarized as follows:
speakerss to form a three vowel pattern
in which the front and back vowels are
The phenomenon is more likely to occur when vowels are
unstressed, but it is mitigated by careful or slower speech.
There is a tendency
among both monolingual and bilingual speakers to reduce vowel clusters to
single vowels or vowels plus glides,
certain semantic connotations.
particular interest as dialectal variants will be discussed here.
Among allophones of /
, Gordon, Pyle, Boynton and Laprade found
cases of [z] or [z] before voiced consonants, although Gordon notes that the
phenomenon does not occur "with regularity" in his data (1977:
and Hundley note that /
never disappears in highland Peruvian
and both Escobar and
Justiniano indicate that in the environment before /i/
that acoustically it approaches
Peru and Bolivia.
I found some speakers for whom /
/ becomes [z] in initial
position after a nasal before vowels, as in
frequently as assimilations to the following consonantal point of articulation.
educational levels (1980: 350),
although I did not
see this reported by other
Laprade reports five allophones of /n/
before a retroflex consonant.
Nearly all of Gordon's informants (99.3
) of all social classes employed
/X/, as in [kaXe],
, and distinguished it "clearly and regularly" from /y/
thus he describes Bolivia, in contrast to the majority of the Hispanic world,
lleista, in agreement with all other investigators indicated above.
(1978) description of Peruvian Spanish rests the primary dialectal divisions in
- the Andean versus the Ribereflo areas
- on whether the distinction
as in [mux6
. Pyle reports that [C] becomes [z] in
allophone in medial
. In a recent study
Gordon (1982) determined that the use of the [z] allophone on
has decreased somewhat among men and among those with a higher level of
lowland Bolivia, perhaps due to the political and economic influence of the
altiplano (p. 11).
Justiniano reports that shifts such as [b ] to [w ],
[dr] to [gr],
[gw] to [w
are common among bilingual speakers.
Of these features
, only the
[b] to [w] is particularly characteristic of
the others are not unusual in
other dialects of Spanish.
AS characteristically retains consonants in nearly all environments; as
Laprade notes, it has consonantismo firme (1976:
The exception is the
weakening of intervocalic [6
VERB PHRASE CONSTITUENTS
Inflected Verbs: Data Source, Tense and Mood
It appears in the speech of persons all social groups in the
La Paz area, among monolinguals and bilinguals, in communities and towns
in a variety
altiplano as a distinct dialect area.
Verb inflections contain in their meanings,
signification of tense and mood, the category of data source, the
evidentials class referred to here as data source.
Data source is expressed in
the past tense system of AS through the selection of particular tenses which
signify that the information being relayed was obtained either through direct
having been told or having read about the information.
regarding the reliability of or responsibility for the message being conveyed
are available to speakers of AS by the use of the past tenses which express
degrees of personal assurance regarding the source of the message.
tenses also are influenced by the data source category
. One may speak of a
Another feature of the tense system of AS, related
to the data source
is found in reference to time.
The division between present and
past time, reflected in the use of the present and past tenses of verbs described
as it is
overriding distinction in
the tense system of this dialect of Spanish i
as a relatively
unimportant matter, much in the same way that number and gender receive
forms are found frequently referring to past time, in a distribution somewhat
different from that of the historical present of SS.
In examining the dialectal
used on the altiplano,
variations which occur in
it should be noted that it is not the forms per
vary, so that dialectal difference in verb usage may not be as readily apparent
as, for example, in phonology.
It is the meanings of the forms,
the contexts in
which they may be used, which have shifted.
The question of Aymara substrate influence on the verb system of AS
description is organized
to reflect the data gathered in
reason that these categories frequently occur in this manner in the texts.
whether the speaker is relaying the information in the capacity of
an eyewitness to the event being referred to.
Previous research has
knowledge used in Cochabamba,
these constructions frequently
indicate either surprise or that the speaker is not an eyewitness but reporting
enlargement, rather than a replacement,
past of a past.
of the sense of the pluperfect as a
Schumacher (1980) also found the data source distinction in the
speech of young people in Puno, Peru.
As Herrero (1969) indicates,
in AS the pluperfect tense does occur with
the SS meaning of "past of a
, or relevant anteriority to a
past, as in
Un extrafio estaba robando una mochila de un
grupo de pasajeros que habian ilegado,
'A stranger was robbing a backpack from a
group of tourists who had arrived.'
This tense also frequently indicates, however, that the speaker did not bear
to the event
constructions, for example,
Y, en nada habian encontrado trabajo
'And they didn't find any work (I didn't see this
The meaning of the form in this context then, is pero no me consta.
not a witness
, I don't personally vouch for this,
I didn't see it'
and at times an
expression such as no me consta,
or no lo vi accompanies the construction.
surprise or unintentional action.
, someone may say as you enter
meaning that the speaker
didn't know you
were coming, or when, or perhaps had forgotten about it,
until the event (your arrival) took place, or perhaps even after the event (not
having seen you enter the room,
you there sometime later),
and is surprised by it.
Reflexive expressions such as me habia cortado mi
or me habia dormido,
(accidentally) fell asleep'
58) use the pluperfect to indicate non-
volitional action, accidents or unintentional activity.
recent events and so
the pluperfect is one form
others; see Chapters VII and VIII) which may be used to signal to the listener
or interlocutor that the information
which follows comes from some source
other than the personal experience of the speaker.
frame the discourse,
The pluperfect serves to
which may then be given as it was originally heard or
context in which quoting is frequent and the quotes themselves may be quite
,'X is arriving'
and non-personal knowled
is expressed by use of
involve the use of forms of decir,
'to say, tell'
Si, ahora dice que ya esta cambiando.
'Yes, they say3 now that it's
Other strategies involve a statement or detailing of the source of the
information, such as having read about the event (He leido en El Diario que
la huelga sigue ya,
'I read in El Diario that the strike is still going on').
personal knowledge is not indicated,
it will be assumed that the speaker was
or is a
to the event
If the listener is
about the speaker'
intentions, perhaps ha
some reason to doubt them
the speaker's not indicating
be interpreted as
equivocation regarding the information source.
on a continuum
from definite, to less certain, to very uncertain.
Given this continuum, the
perhaps in response to the function
express a future which may be understood as less certain to very uncertain.
That is, the use of the simple future implies some doubt from the speaker's
perspective about whether the event in question will actually take place.
is in contrast to the periphrastic future (va a llegar),
discussed in some detail
certainty on the part of the speaker about the event in question.
, the message may be interpreted as signalling
later than ten o'clock'
, or 'I may not be there at all'
'I'll probably be much
. In another example of
Laprade (1976) reports that the statement
.las voy a contar por carta que recibirs ...,
'. .I'll tell you about them by letter that you
will receive .
as to whether
deliver the letter"
45), whereas the future formed by the periphrastic ir + a
+ contar signals certainty about writing a letter.
This selective use of the future tenses
was heard during the research
for this study as a feature of both monolingual and bilingual speech, and in
the lower and middle classes in urban and rural areas.
I have also heard the
therefore consider the
sense of personal assurance of or commitment to the event-to be a resource
in AS future time (or 'unseen') references, but not an obligatory distinction as
it is in the
, present and past) tenses.
preterite, present perfect and the imperfect, as well as the present tense as a
The SS meanings which these past tenses generally imply
continue to form essential or basic elements of the altiplano
have been shifted to encompass the world of meanings which the evidentials
category allows, and which reflect the social parameters of altiplano life.
Present perfect and preterite tenses
The very frequent occurrence of the present perfect (ha llegado) in AS
is quite remarkable.
As a matter of fact, the present perfect often occurs in
contexts in which SS prefers the preterite (lleg6):
Ha sido una sorpresa muy grande cuando
fuimos alli en catorce de septiembre,
'It was a big surprise when we went there the
14th of September';
Y en esas semanas ya no hemos hecho nadaps,
'And during those weeks (some six years ago)
we didn't do anything!';
Bueno, desde que yo he nacido practicamente yo
he vivido en un solo barrio,
'Well since I was born I've really lived in only
It is not unusual for the present perfect
to be used in
to refer to
recent or even
distant past events
bearing on the present.
But the orientation suggested by these examples is not
quite like that of
In AS the
present perfect is often
to indicate a
The preterite does remain an option for speakers who wish to indicate
or past events
relevant anteriority, respectively,
but one of social register.
Of the norms
which have been or perhaps are being established for 'correct'
speech in this
part of the Hispanic world, prestige is represented by the preterite form.
The pattern is found in this research in Bolivia and Peru, in urban and
rural areas and across all social groups,
and has also been reported by other
Mendoza (1988) notes that in Pacefo Spanish "the present perfect
has almost completely displaced the preterite.
and not exclusively, in formal situations (in
The latter form appears only,
Godenzzi (1986) also notes social class differences in preterite
versus present perfect usage, in the Puno area of Peru.
he found that
urban Punefios; the present perfect predominated in the speech of middle and
and rural Punefios, and
among Quechua or
Thus the preterite is marked as part of the prestige variety of the
Spanish of Puno.
As notions of social
prestige represented in language are internalized,
to shift register
to demand more formality
In the daily speech of
Copacabana (Bolivia) and Puno (Peru), the preterite is relatively infrequent,
although again both
preterite and present perfect may
contexts, relative to conception of time
aspect of the past event
spoken about, in which SS prefers the preterite exclusively.
In this research, one of the first clues to the connection between social
register and choice of verb tense in speech was in the switch made by a close
friend from her nearly preterite-free, informal speech to a present perfect-free
style in a tape recorded interview (see Appendix STRIV).
After the interview,
who is a
university student and a monolingual Spanish speaker
from La Paz, and who may be described for these purposes as middle class and
"upwardly mobile", stated her preference for the preterite,
and her dislike of
the campesino-sounding present perfect usage.
This young woman'
are not uncommon:
'Indian') speech is often identified by,
mimicked and even ridiculed for frequency of present perfect forms, despite
the urban areas, as
contexts when language was itself a topic, for example.
regarding these views of social prestige and language behavior were found in
television programs, comedy theater in the urban areas, and in observation of
daily social interactions in urban and rural areas.
surprising given the prestige factors associated with the preterite
use of present
perfect altiplano style was at times reinforced by comments such as iAy
bonito hablas va como
, 'Oh how nicely you speak now,
preterite, and a more frequent use of present perfect in order
to present a
solidary style of interaction with friends and acquaintances in the area.
In yet another level of interaction with the data source category, there
between the preterite and the present perfect in
personal support for or substantiation
of the message.
the level of
For some speakers
carries a sense of greater personal distance from the message.
the following, spoken by a young Bolivian who wasn't at all sure that he was
looking forward to a marriage in his family:
still haven't gotten married,
where SS would call for todavia no
se han casado.
Further, Bolivians have
expressed to me their feeling that statements in the present perfect can carry
more weight, more believability, than those in
which preterite is used.
as a stronger
preterite tends to reduce the level of personal involvement on the part of the
speaker in the message.
present perfect appears
This aspect of the difference between preterite and
but not an
these two tenses expresses a level of personal involvement.
It is the type of
which is very likely tied
will have to clarify the extent
across social groups and social contexts.
where the present perfect is casual and implies intimacy, the preterite is more
formal, therefore distant; where the present perfect i
identified as Boliviano
or altiplano, down-home,
and familiar and pretty to some (or in some social
contexts), it is identified as feo,
other social contexts) for whom the preterite is habla culta,
in linguistic contexts in which the preterite is used in SS.
, by others (or in
polite and correct
punctuated or concluded event, and the present perfect, relevant anteriority,
past tense system is
pluperfect as a non-personal knowledge form, on one hand and the present
perfect, the preterite, the imperfect and the present tense as past, as personal
knowledge forms, on the other.
such considerations as a sense of personal
social prestige factors weighing
stance of the speaker from the
message (an echo of the evidentials category) and formality of the situation
bear on the choice of preterite versus present perfect in linguistic contexts in
which SS would prefer the preterite.
continuance, that which was habitual or customary, or to describe qualities or
Estaba mal de su vista entonces no teniamos
A pan y caf4
Yo tenia de mi
mamA sus joyas.
Vendi todita sus joyas.
uno por uno, porque no llegaba dinero.
'Her eyesight was bad,
so we didn't have any
We were down to bread and coffee.
had my mom's
jewelry. I sold all her jewelry.
And it was one by one, because no money
The imperfect tense has
been relatively unchanged in its usage apart
the AS evidentials
as a personal
When the imperfect is used to relate events or conditions which the speaker
had not personally witnessed,
the discourse is framed in a number of possible
ways to indicate that fact.
of the present tense
the discourse may
with some form
decir, as in
'it is said, they say/said that'
, or the speaker may utilize the pluperfect
tense in an initial statement to signal
hearer that the information in
the discourse to follow is not from the personal experience of the speaker.6
Present tense as past
present is not uncommon in
, serving to
to the recital"
present tense when substituted in
this way for imperfect or preterite in SS
It is not at all
unusual for the present tense to be utilized in AS as a
past, but without the sense of immediacy conveyed by the historical present
distribution of present tense and past tense forms to signal past time.
as a past
concomitant changes in other tenses described by Ramsey.
are taken from Spanish-Aymara
speakers (urban and rural, lower
and middle cl
Bolivia and Peru)
a variety in
which does not occur in
tense with other past tenses
that the glosses are given in
English past tense in order to accurately render the sense of the statements,
the focus on
startle a speaker of non-AS.
se muri6 mi mama
, ya no nosotros,
ya, todo no hacemos,
'And when my mom died,
didn't do everything.'
, then, we
El acaba primero y
se fue al cuartel,
'He finished first and went into the Army'
Dicen en la filtima etapa
.. que el quechua
toma auge, en su importancia,
econ6mico y politico,
'They say that in the last stage
got a boost in its socio-economic and
Entonces ellos indican en el tiempo del
explotaci6n de los patrons, habia families que
surnames were Mamani,
of the present tense as a past extends to the subjunctive, although such
usage may be a continuation of the collapse of the subjunctive paradigm that
began in Spain.
Examples of the subjunctive present as past include:
Entonces el campesino estaba asi,
'So the campesino was like that, until
Estaba buscando algo, para que
'I was looking for something,
so that she might
knowledge qualifier in the discourse (i.
e, the unmarked form), such as some
form of decir, signals to the hearer that the speaker is a personal witness to
the event under discussion.
The use of a present tense form as a past tense
with a qualifier, such as dicen,
, indicates that the speaker was not an
eyewitness to the event, but that the original story is being relayed.
personal knowledge, or personal experience of the event in question.
that do not will occur in the context of discourse in
which the source of the
information is made clear; i.
e., that the speaker heard,
and-such is the case, is happening, and so forth.
Apart from considerations of
data source function
, certain aspects of
-~ ~ aI- aIL---I- n- ar -I~r a .L
Godenzzi (1986) reports that the periphrastic future (va a llegar) occurs
with more frequency than the simple future (llegara)
n Peru in the middle
and lower class.
Though the frequency of occurrence of the periphrastic form
may in itself be a dialectal indicator, it is also true, as noted by Laprade (1976:
future-there is a difference in the contexts of their occurrence both in Peru
and in Bolivia.
compound form signals a more certain future, or a stronger intention about
the future, than does the
to be influencing
In this sense
the choice of
, the evidentials category
different futures for AS
The more certainty one has about the future, the more a speaker is
willing to personally vouch for a future--as one does in choosing the present
perfect over the pluperfect to represent past events-then the future tense to
be selected will more likely be the periphrastic form.
If, for example, a friend says to me voy a
know that the event is more likely to take place,
'I will arrive'
or that my friend is more
determined to have the event take place, than would be the case if she were to
'I will arrive'
. Given the latter
I would be from less concerned to
unconcerned about waiting for her arrival.
Likewise, the question
Vas a estar aqui,
'You'll be here, right?'