University faculty attitudes toward career and academic potentials of male and female students

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Title:
University faculty attitudes toward career and academic potentials of male and female students
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vii, 160 leaves : ; 28 cm.
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English
Creator:
Pins, Sue, 1944-
Publication Date:

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Prediction of scholastic success   ( lcsh )
Prediction of occupational success   ( lcsh )
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bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1989.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-158).
Statement of Responsibility:
by Sue Pins.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.

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University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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notis - AHA7014
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Full Text











UNIVERSITY


FACULTY


ATTITUDES


TOWARD CAREER AND ACADEMIC


POTENTIALS


OF MALE AND FEMALE STUDENTS


PINS


as


rr
S:





0"
1wj r lit
2


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
O THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
O7R THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


SVI :V S ITY OF FLORIDA
/3a '9


2





































Dedicated to


Greg,


Emily,


and Daron

















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


This


study could not


have


been conducted without


the contributing


efforts of many persons.


The author wishes


to express


appreciation


to all


persons who


have assisted


in this endeavor


Special


recognition


is due


those persons who


have


played a major


part


in the completion of


this


study.


Joe Wittmer,


chairman of


the author


s doctoral studies


super-


visory


committee,


provided encouragement when


it was needed,


advice


when


it was


sought,


and gentle prodding when


it was necessary.


Larry


Loesch,


. Phyllis Meek,


and Dr


.Art Sandeen,


members


of the author


s doctoral


committee,


offered


their patience and


guidance.


Abraham Pizam of


University


of Central Florida gave


time,


friendship,


continued support.


Dr. Andy Creamer provided


last


push.


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TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


ABSTRACT


CHAPTERS


INTRODUCTION


S ~ 4 4 4 t 4 S S S S S S S 1


Statement
Purpose of


of the


Problem


4 5 4 9 4 5 5 S S 4 9


the Study


Significance of


Definition


the Study


of Terms


REVIEW OF RELATED


Introduction


LITERATURE


. . 14


S S 5 S S S S S S S S S S S S 514


After Graduation


--Women


s Experience


in the


Labor


Market


5 0 9 5 4 4 5 5 S S S S S S S S S a 14


Before College


--Personality


Factors


the Female


Student Brings with Her


4 0 4 S S S S S S a S S S 24


During


the College


Years


--The Female Student


Rationale


for the


Use of


Bogus


Profiles


S . 65


METHODOLOGY


Introduction
Population


S S 5 5 4 0 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 568


S ~ S S 5 1 4 5 4 9 4 5 5
S S S S S S S S S S S S S S S S S


The Bogus
Procedure
Hypotheses


(Student)


Profile


. S 70


S S S S S S S S S S
S S S S S S S 9 5 S


Statistical Analyses


RESULTS


Frequency Data


Results


of Tested Hypotheses


S S S S S S S S S S




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SUMMARY,


DISCUSSION,
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AND RECOMMENDATIONS


Suauary
Overview


r I r


S S ,(,(r


Discussion


Recommendations


Further Study


APPENDICES


LETTER TO FACULTY


DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONS


STUDENT PROFILES


REFERENCES


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH


Page
















Abstract
of the Un


of Dissertation


diversity


Presented


to the Graduate School


Florida in Partial Fulfillment of


Requirements


for the Degree of Doctor of


Philosophy


UNIVERSITY FACULTY


ATTITUDES TOWARD CAREER AND ACADEMIC


POTENTIALS OF MALE AND


Sue

Augus


Chairman:


FEMALE STUDENTS


Pins

t 1989


Joe Wittmer


Major


Department:


Counselor


Education


purpose of


study was


to investigate


expectations and


perceptions


held


by faculty members of


a Florida state


university


regard


to students


! career


and academic


potentials.


A bogus


profile


technique,


wherein


the academic ability,


gender,


college


enrollment


of the


student


described were


varied,


was


principal


methodology.


members


The study


expectations


also


focused on


as a function


differences


of their


genders,


.n faculty

ranks, o


colleges


of employment


within


the university


The subjects were


faculty members

Administration,


in the colleges of


Education,


Arts


Engineering,


and Sciences, Busin

and Health from the


ess


University


of Central Florida.


hundred and


faculty members


completed


ratings on


the profiles.


Pn rt rti rfnrra Ta


liltv msmhsrs were given


bonus


nrnfi 1 s


flint


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profiles


were


varied


in regard


gender


(male or female),


academic ability


level


(low or


high),


an4 academic majors


(liberal


studies,


general business,


engineering, :or


administration and supervision,


respiratory therapy).


Therefore,


computer


twnity differiet


profiles were distributed


faculty members were


to assume


they


were


working with


the student described


in the


profile.


They then


rated" the


(bogus)


students


on Likert


-type


items pertaining to career


and academic


potentials.


No significant


differences


in expectations


perceptions


university faculty members


toward male and female students


of the same


academic ability


level


were


round.


However,


faculty had more


favorable


perceptions


of and expectations


for students with higher


academic abilities.


In addition female


faculty


consistently ranked


students


higher


than


the male faculty.


lack of


gender


bias


by the faculty toward students


is posi


tive


in that


it indicates equal academic and


career


opportunities


university


students.


However,


further


study should


be directed


to the


differential


favoritism for


students


having


higher


academic


ability


well


as to differences


in students


' evaluations


based


on gender


differences


among


faculty.


E


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4 ""


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION


Yet even
education


the woman who


often makes an


. does nothing tangible with her


intangible contribution.


(Feldman,


1974,


After your


three


years


college girl
in teaching


graduated,


By that


she may,


time she


possibly,


spend


is tolerably certain


to get married.


then what


becomes of her


higher


education?


(Feldman,


1974,


Education has


often


been


described as


being


the pathway to


"American


dream"


success.


Women have


been


traveling


this pathway


in increasingly


larger numbers


with outstanding


academic


records.


However,


despite


superior university


accomplishments


women often


fail


to fulfill


their potential following


graduation


from college.


Should


success


college graduates


experience


in college ensure


them success


in the


labor market?


Should


their


education


a ticket


to the


"power,


" "privilege,


" and


"prestige"


by which success


iden-


tified in


society?


for the women students,


will


graduation


repre-


sent


the end of


a fruitful


four years and


their


finest


hour?


This


study focused on female students


during their


residency at a univer-


sity from the standpoint of


the educational


climate


in which


they


function and


their


relationships with college


faculty.


Prior


to the


late


1950s,


very


little


attention


been given


researchers


to the


study


of higher education


institutions


(Feldman &


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to ascertaia how to
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improve students


choice of


college,


and uLti


lately how to produce


better matches


between students and


insti-


tutions.


The researcher of


this


study attempted


to investigate


quality


of American higher education and


to better understand


natures of


individual


institutions.


Quality of


institutions was


typically evaluated on


basis


of the quality


of the faculty,


measured


by terminal degree and research,


dents attending.


Rarely were colleges


and of


judged on


caliber of


basis


stu-


of the


contributions


they made


to the


lives


of their


students


(Wilson,


1978)


The early research conducted


consisted


primarily


of descriptive


studies


(Astin,


1978a;


Astinr & Bayer,


1972;


Astin & Kent,


1983;


Feld-


man,


1974;


Feldman & Newcomb,


1969).


The majority


of these


researchers


collected


data


using


comprehensive questionnaires.


example,


Astin and Bayer


(1972)


used


the returns


from


the Carnegie-ACE


survey


of college and university teachers


in 1969.


Feldman


(1974)


used Astin


s data


(1978,


1983)


in addition


to data


collected


by the


Office of Education.


The Carnegie data consisted


of 32,963


completed mail questionnaires


from graduate


students


in 158 colleges


60,028


from faculty


in 303


institutions


(Feldman,


1974,


Another


source of


information was data


from the Cooperative


Institutional Research Program


(CIRP)


Each


year


since


1966,


CIRP has


surveyed entering


freshman


classes at a


representative


sample of U


colleges and universities.


Over the past


two decades


its sample of


institutions


grown


to more


than


300,


it has


accumulated


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subj ects


(Katz & Hartnett,


I1976 )


example,


Gregg


(1973),


in his


study


because


of graduate student


"The environment


satisfaction,


used only male students


of graduate education


large,


male environment.


With


the exception


of just


a few departments,


most


graduate


students


are males,


and most


graduate


faculty


are males,


virtually


departmental


chairmen are males


490)


Although


earlier researchers


did not necessarily


avoid having women as


sub-


jects,


they


generally


did not


research college


females


needs,


concerns,


experiences,


or general


development


(Erkut,


1982).


Until


1970s,


researchers


were almost exclusively male,


the instruments


used


were


calibrated


using males.


example,


Feldman and Newcomb


(1969)


measured


value changes


in students while


college


examining


types


of values


described


terms


types


men"


on the Allport


-Vernon-Lindzey


Study


of Values.


As late as


1978,


Rich and Jolicoeur,


in their


study


student attitudes


and academic


environments


in California


colleges


universities,


used


same


Allport-Vernon-Lindzey Study


of Values


with


same male norms.


However,


results


of Rich and


Jolicoeur


s study were


reported for


male


female


students


collectively.


During


1960s


, 1970s,


and early


1980s


, college and


university


populations


were


changing


drastically


According


to Statistical


Abstracts


of the United States


(1984),


the following were


the male and


female enrollments


in United States


' colleges


universe


ities


* 1n9r0--


,004,000


male and


,223,000


female;


1970-


-4,005,000 male and


:


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Florida State Universtty System 1984


student


census


Listed 67,922


females and 67 ,54 males.


1984 census for the


University


Central Florida,


where this study was


conducted,


listed a total


stU-


dent


population of


15,876


students almost evenly divided between males


(7,927)


and females


(7,949).


Past


research results


probably


are not generalizable to con-


temporary college campuses


because


the students


on those campuses are


now approximately 50% female.


Much of the research to date does not


reflect changes


the student


population,


impacts


that


population


changes


have on colleges


and universities,


the special


charac-


teristics

Not


female students


bring to college environments.


only have females entered higher education


in increasingly


larger numbers,


they have done so


successfully


(Randour,


Stras-


burg,


& Lipman-Blumen,


1982)


example,


a perusal


recent


data


from the


University


of Central Florida


(UCF)


with regard


to grade


point


average


yielded


interesting results.


Female student grade point


averages


surpassed


those


of male students


in all


three


categories


--graduate engineering,


and freshman and graduate health.


Across


colleges


the average GPAs


for males was


2.716


and for


females


.961.


In spite of


ate with


their


positive


academic


self


success


-confidence


female students


that might


do not


be expected


(Adler,


1976)


Crandall


(1969)


found


that undergraduate women expected


lower


course grades than men even


though


their


grades


actually were


higher.


gradu-










-Women- also


proportion


have not


to their


been as


successful


academic success


(Devanna,


in the


labor market


1984)


Female gradu-


ates,


although often successful


as college


students,


typically do not


duplicate


such success


as members


of the


labor


force.


For example,


educational


attainment


females does not appear to


significantly


related


to income


(Angle & Wissman,


1981).


At every educational


level,


women


s median


income


is far


below that of


similarly educated


men.


Among


college graduates,


the median


income of women


is only 59%


of that earned


by men


(U.S.


Department


of Labor


, 1980).


This


income


differential


maintained


throughout


female


s life.


Further,


is not


simply


result


of a skill


differential,


as defined


dif-


fering


occupational


levels or


educational attainment,


because


exists within all major


occupations


and education groups


(Angle &


Wissman,


1981)


"What


is striking


is that


women


s earnings


constitute


a similar


fraction of


male earnings


in all groups


, and


that


the rela-


tive


earnings


position


of females


shown


little


change


over


time"


(Devanna,


1984,


Although


females


' salaries


show


little


proportionate


increase


regardless


of increased


women working


educational


continued


opportunity,


to increase,


proportion


with an average of


nearly


million


year


joining


the labor


force


between


1970


1979.


Females


constituted


almost


of the nation


s total


work


force


1980


(U.S.


Department


of Labor,


1980)


Most


females,


however,


work


within a


relatively


small number


occupations.


One quarter


of all


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1980).


Because nso ny female workers


remain concenated


in a few traditionally
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"female"


professions


where


is tradi-


tionally


lowest,


the aarage salary f or


a til-time working


fetl .


with a


bachelor's degree today is about


the same as that


of a male


high school dropout (Chusmir,


1982).


In our


society it


is assumed


that a major


avenue


to success is


means


of education.


But,


despite


their gains


in access


to higher


education,


especially


since


the passage of Title IX,


many women under-


graduate and graduate students


do not enjoy full


equality of


eduea -


tional opportunity.


Unfortunately,


the role


that education


plays


maintaining this


received


little attention.


Sociologists,


demographers,


and economists


recognize


postcollege factors


influ-


encing the differential,


research


into the contributions of


educational


experience


itself


does not


yet exist


(Purin,


1982).


Thus,


despite


the fact


that America has


a culture and an educational system


that


ostensibly


encourages and prepares males


females


identically


careers,


many factors


contribute


to the


preservation of


the dif-


ferences


There


limiting


been extensive


opportunities


for females.


research on female students


in order to


determine


internal


factors


(e.g.,


personality factors)


that may


account for the differences


in educational


outcomes


of males


females


(Denmark,


1980).


Researchers


have


investigated


factors


such


as sex role attitudes,


affiliation needs,


motivation,


socioeconomic


aspirations,


background,


achievement


parents


versus


' background,


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IE


been a system of,


as Mednick and


Tangri


(1972)


wrote,


"self-blam"


(i.e.,


females


blaming


self)


rather than


"system blame


Personality factors within female students


appear to


have a great


effect


in determining educational


outcomes


female students


(Prin,


1982)


But external,


systemic or


structural


factors


in educational


environments


According to


also contribute


Hall and Sandler


to female students


(1984),


educational


institutional


outcomes.


"atmosphere,


"environment,"


or "climate"


plays-a crucial


role


in impeding


female


students


full


personal,


academic,


and professional


development.


Although many persons and experiences


can help shape campus


climates,

effect (H


faculty


[earn & Olzak,


1981).


K


behaviors of

atz (in Katz


ten have


& Hartne


the most

tt, 1976)


profound

wrote


of female


students


particular


sensitivity.


The newly
respects


raised
fragile


consciousness


In the


of women


intellectual


students


is in


and academic


some


spheres


there


still a


tendency for women


to think


themselves


as not


quite on


a par with men


. there


some


indication


that


women are


meeting


challenge creatively,


they also could


use some


help


from their


teachers.


410)


Such assistance


is not


always


available


part


because


of the


disproportionate number


of male faculty members


at the college and


university


level.


Several studies


have concluded


that male


faculty


members


tend


to affirm students of


their


own


sex more


than


students of


beings


sex,

who


often

less


perceive female

capable and less


students

serious


primarily


than male students


(Hochschild,


1975;


Tidball,


1976).


Although


such attitudes


have been


chaneine.


a host


of behaviors which can


convey


such attitudes


attitudes


opposite


sexual





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.KKK i^


Gaite


(177), inM a study to assess


likely effects


high school


teachers have in


inlun~cin


St Udts


attitudes


toward achievement


lifestyle,


investigated teachers


perceptions


of ideal male and


female students


in schools.


Gaite first


prepared a written,


bogus


description


dent


an ideal


had most


senior


student.


of the qualities


The description was of


typically


considered as


a stu-


desirable


in society.


Thus,


the student was excellent


in both scholastic


achievement and athletics,


friendly


and extroverted,


liked


by fellow


students


teachers,


and a student


leader


in both formal


informal


activities.


These


characteristics


were


incorporated


into


several descriptions of


students;


half


of the descriptions


involved


male students


and half


involved female students.


The descriptions


were


essentially


identical,


except


that


students were either


clearly male or


clearly female.


profiles were


then


presented


50 high school


what


teachers who were


they perceived as


invited


a possible later


to write a


career


short account


lifestyle for the


student represented


in the profile.


teachers


also


responded


specific questions about


the students


lives when


the students were


years


old,


respectively.


There


was an


indication


in Gaite


s (1977)


results


indicating that


teachers


have different


perceptions of male


and female


students.


Without


exception,


teachers


described male


students


years


engaging


in some


kind


of further


education and


at 31


years as


actively,


and usually


successfully,


pursuing some


job or


career


rr:l









Overall,


the picture of male students that


teachers


presented was que


ala "IN


of purposeful


status.


behavior directed toward achieving money,


Females were described only


and were perceived as


in terms of marriage and a home,


(Gaite,


1977)


Also,


there were no


significant differences


in the


responses


of male and female


teachers,


except


that


female


teachers


more often described female students


as working as


a teacher


or a


nurse


prior to marriage and children


than did


the male


teachers.


According to Gaite


(1977),


teachers do not have


the same expec-


stations


for female and male students.


The author


also suggested


that


this


in itself


a contributory cause of


low achievement and


restricted opportunities


facing


females


in society.


It also was


found


that


teachers were not


consciously aware of


the different ways


which


they perceived students


opportunities.


Gaite


contended


that a


necessary first


step


in widening


the opportunities


achievement


female students


is to educate


teachers


to perceive


possibility


that a female may pursue a career


and have a


lifestyle similar to


that


which is


currently perceived as


a preserve for men


only


Statement


of the Problem


Since


United States


congress


passed


Title


IX (the Equal


Educational


Opportunities


for Women Act),


equal access


to higher


education has


been


ensured for


females


as well as


for males.


With


equal


access


to colleges


and universities,


female students


have had


the opportunity to


perform competently


competitively with males


essentially subordinate to their


husbands


:i ;~xc, ,;ix;isii" r :F"xi"i(,,'ir ;I;
P: E:
r "EE",B




to"~ llli~ E ~l: liE:~~li l i

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_ "--W R WI~llfKPB ;iW *lf VWKmi;


May iiterprstations rave been offered to explain


this


phenomenon.


heqor1to"1411 ad Sandler
Sxx "I xt


(1984),


institutional


or 'climate" plays


a crucial


role in


impeding


female students


in full personal,


academic,


professional


developments.


University faculty are obviously major


factors in


determining university endtrlnients *


Therefore,


investigated in


this


study was whether university faculty have differential


expectations


perceptions


of male and


female college students


' career


academic


potentials.


Also


investigated in


this


study was whether the


faculty members


college affiliation,


age,


rank


influenced


their


expectations


perceptions.


Purpose of the Study


The atmosphere


in a


college classroom exerts a great


influence on


students.

interaction


However,

with te


greater


tachers.


significance


Unfortunately,


for students are

there are many be


their


haviors


and attitudes


by faculty of


both sexes which often


inadvertently


reveal


that


they treat female students differently than


they


treat


male students


(Hall


& Sandler,


1984)


This


differential


behavior may


lead females


to lose confidence,


lower


academic goals,


limit


career


choices


(Hall


& Sandler,


1984).


In addition,


some


faculty


take education for female students as


seriously as


for male stu-


dents


(Harris,


1970).


In some ways


university faculties


are


typical


of the


popu-


lation


in general


SSex role stereotvoes


continue


to be held


V


iera's


"il~s~ere, ?f~~M~r~;l.~


U


&









valued more


than female attributes


(Broverman,


Vogel,


Broverman,


Clarkson,


& Rosenkrantz,


1972).


In addition,


behaviors that are


feminine are


standards


considered deficient


a successful,


with respect


fulfilled,


to the


general


career-oriented adult


(Berg &


Ferber,


1983)


This


investigation was


designed


to determine


faculty have


differential

(a) career c


expectations and perceptions of


counseling needed,


students


choice of major


in regard


field,


advo-


cation


of independent


study,


potentiality


as research assistants,


potentiality for


success


as graduate


students,


potential


success


in an academic


ment/administration


career,


career.


potential success


Faculty


indicated


in a manage-


their expectations


providing


ratings


on statements


pertaining to


each of


these factors.


research questions


addressed


in the study were:


Does


the profiled


student


s gender


affect


faculty ratings


seven statements?


Does


profiled


student


s ability


level affect


faculty


ratings


on the seven statements?


Does


interaction of


the profiled


student


s gender


ability


level affect


Does


faculty ratings


the gender


on the seven


the faculty member


statements?


affect


faculty ratings


on the


seven statements?


Does


the academic


rank


faculty member


affect


faculty


ratings


on the seven


statements?.


L1


c




"iiiiii Ji: "" """" < 1
..... 12


t Significance ofthe Study


Female undergraduates


feel less


confident


about


their preparation


graduate school


than do males attending the same


institutions


(Feldman,


1974),


There also


is a decline


in academic


and career


aspirations


among many female students during their


college years


(Astin,


1978b).


Finally,


there


is continuing


low enrollment


females


in graduate education


in "traditionally masculine"


fields


(Randour,

question


Strasburg,

of why these


& Lipman-Blumen,


trends


1982).


continue has not


Unfortunately,


been answered


satisfactorily.


However,


results


of this


study can


part


of the


answer


to this


question.


According to


Sandier


(1981)


there are at


least


three ways


to deal


with problems of


sex


inequity in academe.


is to develop


strate-


gies


to help


females


cope more effectively with


problems


of discrimi-


nation.


A second


involves development of mechanisms


for resolving


grievances.


A third,


the one of


concern


here,


is the gathering


valid

which


information about the

female students exist.


environments,


Many


and elements


institutions


therein,


have addressed


increased awareness


by pressing


a report


on the


status


of women.


The goal


of such reports


is to identify


specific


problem areas


document


problems.


Studies with


these goals


have


been


conducted at


Brown


University,


Oberlin


College,


the University of


California at


Berkeley,


and Cornell


University


(Hall


& Sandier,


1984)


Definition


of Terms




ii Hr
if Th


1 i" l8:


The average


student is defined accerdi o'
?! 1; !"! "a "4 Mi


Central Florida data from February


1985,


ter University of


using average grade point,


scores,


scores,


and age of


the current


student population.


The above average student


is a student scoring


in the upper


quartile nationally on


the SAT


and ACT.


A college


is a division


of a university offering


courses and


granting


degrees


in a


particular


field or


discipline.


A department


is a division of


a college.


Expectation


the expressed


probability of


an occurrence


or an


evaluation


of the


likelihood of


occurrence of


a certain event.


It is


operationalized on


bogus profile as a


rating


on a Likert


-type


scale.


Perception


a set of beliefs,


feelings,


and attitudes


that


influences


how one


person acts


toward another


It is defined


on the


bogus profiles


as a rating on a Likert-type scale.


C:


>[>r 172
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x i ;i; x :i7;
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CHAPTER II


REVIEW OF RELATED


LITERATURE


Introduction


Women are caught


interrelated set


up in a


of problems.


vicious


cycle mada up of


a


Differential socialization


complex
of the


sexes


leads


girls toward dependency,


being other-directed and


developing an inferior


self-


image.


These characteristics


fre-


quently


lead


them to avoid masculine occupations


to enter


those


consistent with


traditional feminine


image.


Itt ,women


do enter masculine fields they find


difficult


to complete


training and


to obtain desirable


remain subordinate to men,
and the motivation necessa


since


Lrv to


positions
they also
achieve at


. They


are


likely to


lack aggressiveness


high levels


. Thus


socialization practices


both result from and cause stereo-


typically feminine


behavior.


Thus


the circle


is indeed a


vicious, la
are used as
ways which
p. 164)


In this


rge-scale,
the basis
justify the


chapter the


self


-fulfilling prophecy.


of behavior which leads


premises.


investigator


(DeLamater


addresses


These premises


others


& Fidell,


the above


to behave


1980,


phenomenon


by examining


three separate areas of


research and


literature affecting


women


today.


The first part


of the literature


review


focuses


on women


in the


labor market.


Next,


the personality factors


that


the female


student


Lastly,


brings with her to


investigator will


the educational


concentrate


process


on factors


are addressed.


of the female


student's


college environment


that affect


her performance


both


inside


outside


the classroom.


After Graduation


- -Women


s Experience


in the Labor Market


I:
r::
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expectations


success


in the labor market


AMtin,


1978;


Cross,


1971;:


Fitaatrick,


1976)


. The chances are,


however,


that


they


will


find many


obstacles


(Wallston,


1987).


These


barriers


to women'


progress


two perspectives:


instructively from


i.e.,


in organizational


structures,


general


stereotypes,


in the atti-


tudes


of their peers and superiors


(Nieva & Gutek,


1980);


they may


be seen as


residing within women


themselves,


i.e.,


in attitudes and


motivations


that


can


impede


high levels


of achievement.


In the


past


few years


there has


been a sharp


increase


in the


number


of people obtaining


college degrees and a corresponding


increase


in the proportion


of these graduates


labor market.


According


to the


- Department


of Labor


(1984)


the anticipated


number


per year


of bachelor


during


s and higher


1980s.


degrees


In 1984,


awarded


nearly


one


will exceed


in four


a million


adult workers


completed


one


college.


seven


A little more


had as much formal


than a


schooling.


decade earlier,


Whereas


in 1970,


pro-


portion


of working men


with a college degree


rose


by more


than


two-


thirds


over


1970-83


period,


that


of females


almost


doubled


(Young


& Hayghe,


1984)


Along with


the increase


in the number


of graduates,


there


been a


sharp upward


trend


in females


' labor


-force


partici-


pation.


In 1960,


only


a little more


than


23 million women


(38% of


population)


were


in the


labor


force;


1982


the number was more


than


twice


that


level


the labor


force


participation


rate


females


in the work environment


can be viewed most


obstructions may be


found in external factors,


just





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contrasting 4L nemale labor force trends is that
I^Tr~ys~ or.-al~iiaei orT'te tFn ren- shoic *Isatl


femaest


sha of the collge-graduate work force has


increased from


27% in 1970


to 38%


in 1983


(Young & Hayghe


1984)


With the increase of


females


in the


labor


force there follows a


concomitant change


in marital


are postponing marriage,


and family patterns.


families


are


becoming smaller,


Many young people


and many young


mothers are continuing to work.


Thus,


larger numbers


of females are


gaining more years


of work experience


than


in the past,


and fewer


young females


are


interrupting their work


lives


(Norwood,


1982).


As the number of wives


in the


labor


force increased,


the dual-


earner


family


become a


prominent


feature of


American


life.


Approximately two-thirds


of the wives


in these dual-earner


families


work all


or most


of the year,


and most


of them work


full


time.


addition


to these developments


in married-couple families,


the number


of females maintaining families


has more


on their


than doubled over the past


own,


with no


two decades.


spouse present,


In 1987,


one of


every


six of


16.4 million families


the nation was maintained


a woman.


In fact,


of every eight


women


in the


labor


force at


that


time,


one was


a woman who maintained her


own family


(Jackson &


Grabski,


1988).


Females


enter


the work


force out


of economic neces-


sity


and have now


become a


permanent


part


of the


labor market.


How-


ever,


most


females


continue


to work


in the


country


s lowest


paying


industries.


Those


industries with a


high percentage of


female


employees


tend


to have


low average hourly earnings.


Ii '"i 2< 8


I i i;-~
ii
B ::









some professional


occupations


had occurred.


For example,


over the


last


decade,


a large number


of increases


the professional occu-


pations occurred among


accountants,


engineers,


and computer


specialists.


from 25%


In 1981,


in 1971;


females


5Z of


accounted for


all engineers,


39% of


up from 2%;


all accountants,


and 27% of


computer


specialists,


from 20%


(U.S.


Department


of Labor,


1982).


Females earned


of the M.D.


degrees awarded


in 1983 as


compared


1971


when


they earned


1985


females were


16% of


physicians,


lawyers,


27% of


pharmacists,


38% of


economists


(Association of


the female


American Colleges,


labor force and


1985).


the major


in the concentration of


females


changes


par-


ticular


occupations


industries


have had


little corresponding


effect


upon


their


earnings


The Current Population Survey


(Ci'S)


showed a wide disparity


in the median earnings


of females and males,


and a


basic


ratio


of females


to males


earnings that


remained


fairly


stable since


1939


Department


of Labor,


1982)


More


years


of schooling usually translate


to higher


annual


earnings


for females


as well as males.


Median


earnings


female


college graduates who work at full


-time


jobs


are


greater than for


females whose


formal


education


terminated


with high school graduation


greater


than


for those


had not


completed high school


. For


males,


proportions


are


similar


However,


every


level


of eduea-


tional achievement,


females


median


earnings


continue


to lag


behind males


earnings.


$15,325 which female


college graduates


;,;;; ; .iiiii;;; ;;
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r,


bachelor


degree


earn


a median


income


$20,832,


while female home


economists


females earn


earn $13,547


$17,574;


At the master'


level males earn $24,000 and


the doctorate level males


earn $27,321


females earn $23,614


(American Association


of Colleges,


1985)


The average female graduate entering


the labor market


immedi-


ately


confronted with


the disparity described above.


The exceptions


are deceptive.


Devanna


(1984)


reported


that upon graduation,


female


MBAs often command salaries


similar to


those of


their male counter-


parts,


that


through


years


the disparity widens until


their


salaries


apparent


represent


despite


59% of


level


the males


salaries.


of degreeearned or


inequities


concentration.


example,


in the area of


science and


technology female PhDs


in 1984


were half


as likely as


their male counterparts


to be hired for


industrial


research


positions,


those who did


obtain


employment


were only


(Women


half


as likely


in Technology,


as men


1984)


to advance


Despite


females


to management


' growing


positions


presence


this


field


(4,500 new women doctorates


per year),


the median salary


for male scientists exceeded


that of


their


female


colleagues


about


$4,000


to $8,000,


depending


on the


field.


Among


scientists


industry,


male and


female PhD


s with


15 or more


years


of work


experience differed


by as much as $10,000


in annual


(Hornig,


1984;


Shenhav & Haberbeld,


1988).


preceding data are often greeted skeptically


the public.


Skeptics


cite differences


between males


and females


in age,


years of


area of


are


gi" ")









with the same fact-


-earnings of


females were geQrilly


lower than


earnings


of men.


On the avera

school dropouts,


therefore,


females earn about


male counterparts are paid


(Devanna,


whether college graduates or


cents


1984).


high


for every dollar their

These disparities are


present for the


low-paying wage and salary occupations as well as for


the high-paying wage and salary occupations


(Norwood,


1982).


The above described data can


be disturbing and discouraging to


female graduate expecting to use


her newly


learned skills


hoping


to fulfill


her potential.


Many female


college graduates


cannot


obtain


jobs


that


require a


college degree,


let alone a degree


in their


area of


concentration.


In the


10-year period


between


1970


1980,


for example,


percentage of


female


college graduates employed in


secretarial


or clerical


jobs


increased


by nearly


70%,


from 13%


to 22Z


of female


college graduates


(Association


of American


Colleges


, 1985)


When a female does


obtain


a position at


a level appropriate


to her


level


of training,


other factors


emerge


to inhibit her upward mobility


(Gurin,


1966).


Obstacles


to a female


s success


appear


immediately upon her entry


into


labor market.


only


have


females


tended


to enter the


labor market


in lower


entry


level


positions


than do males


(Stockard et


al.,


1980),


but,


in addition,


once


hired,


they


find


themselves


"expert"


rather


than decision-making


roles


(Steward & Gudykunst,


1982)


in low


status,


low power,


dead-end


positions


(Bridges,


1988;


1""E:: "" E::q i::E':Ei EE
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ss:: t* 3


the aggressiveness,


leadership


ability,


often required


in management positions has sometimes


been used


to explain


the different treatment of


Females,


hbut a more


probable explanation,


according


to Terborg


(1977),


is found


in the


existence of


pervasive and persistent sex role stereotypes


general,

jective,


females are perceived as


and as


being


lacking such attributes


dependent, passive,

as competitiveness,


and sub-

ambition,


and leadership ability (Broverman et al.,


1972).


Accordingly,


in the


business


context,


females


are


perceived as


being too emotional and


otherwise


unfit for managerial


positions


(Schein,


1975).


Successful middle managers


are


perceived


possess


those


charac-


teristics,


attitudes,


temperaments more commonly


ascribed


to males


in general


than


to females.


Whereas males


are


commonly


seen as


aggressive and analytical,


characteristics


that make


them good candi-


dates


for managerial


positions,


females


are


seen as


passive and non-


analytical,


therefore predisposed for repetitive,


less


challenging


jobs


(Mai-Dalton


& Sullivan,


1981;


Schein,


1978).


In fact,


middle


-line managers,


both male and


female,


believe


that


successful


managers and males


possess


these


"positive"


characteristics


(Schein,


1978)


To the extent


that


this


association


between male


sex role


stereotype and


requisite management


characteristics


fosters


a view of


females


as being


less


qualified


than males


for managerial


positions,


the results


imply that female managers


are as


likely


as male managers


to make


selection,


promotion,


placement


decisions


in favor of


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~Th<


V;


Evaluation of managers varies depending on the sex of the evaluator


the sex of


the manager to


performance as well as


be evaluated.


on the power


strategy or


Managers


style of


rated on


leadership


employed.


When considering performance,


specific and


concrete


infor-


nation about


the merits of


an individual


relevant


to the demands of


the particular


situation has


to be provided.


Without


such


information


evaluators


tend


to resort


to inferences


based on what


is generally


known about


the group


to which the person belong


(Bridges,


1988;


Nieva


& Gutek,


1980).


This


tendency means


that without


concrete and


specific


information


to the contrary,


judge


bases


or her


evaluation


on traditional sex role stereotypes


to the disadvantage of


the women


being rated.


In the evaluation

research suggests that


power


adoption


strategies or

of similar st


leadership


rategies


style,


or styles


males


females


does not necessarily


assure equivalent


evaluation of


their performances.


The power


strategies


that


result


in more


positive


evaluations


for males


result conversely


in less positive


ratings


females


and vice versa


(Bartol


& Butterfield,


1976;


Wiley


& Eskilson,


1982).


what


a female manager then,


proven successful


modeling her


leadership


for a male manager would


in all


style after

likelihood


prove disappointing for


Regardless


of the power


strategy used,


male


seems more


likely to


be assumed superordinate


than a female,


particularly when


the target


of influence was male


(Wiley


& Eskilson,


1982).




p~j"Ejj 0 iE~E": l"~j"EEi:lliEjjE~: ~~~
,ra~,ls,., I;ls; siC~~,i;4 ;;


Gusteki


1980),


Nieva & tek refer to Samuel Johnson to


illuminate


this phenomenon


a woman preaching


is like a dog walking on its


hind


legs.


It is not done well,


you are


surprised


to find


it done


at all.


much out o


Thus, t

if role,


he fexuale's


seems


to have


leadership


performance,


been given more value


because

than t


it is so


he equiva-


lent male


performance.


Feather


and Simon


(1971)


found concurring


evidence


that


because females were not


expected


to be competent,


they


were


rated disproportionately favorably as


a result of


the deviation


from sex-role congruence.


In addition


to subscribing


to the


sex-role stereotyping of


managers,


females


often evaluate other


females


adversely


Terborg


(1977)


identified


this


as the


"queen


bee"


syndrome.


The queen bee


is a female


attained


success


and status


in a male world and


views


other


females


as competitors


for her position.


In addition,


when


female


students


find


themselves


in an extreme minority they often


adopt


the attitudes


of the majority group,


the male members


of the


department.

acquiesce t


And,


when evaluating a


:o the majority


(Holahan,


female


1979)


faculty member,


In an


the females


investigation of


female students


enrolled


in two medical


schools,


Kutner


and Brogan


(1981)


find


them to


be either


just as


likely


as their male peers to


hold an


unfavorable attitude


toward female medical


students


or to be


unsure how they


felt


toward


them.


In their


study


of male and female


students


in a school


business,


of male and female


bank execu-


tives,


Mai-Dalton and Sullivan


(1981)


found


opposite


to be the


~'5ir ,.









difference


in the attitude can be accounted for


by the professions


that


were studied.


Females


in management are often faced with working with males who


threatened


by their presence.


Younger males are especially


likely


to feel


threatened and


uncertain about


their masculinity when close


successful females


(Spence & Helmreich,


1972).


Even when competency


was not a relevant factor,


Hagen and Kahn


(1975)


found


that males did


like females


in competitive contexts.


Spence,


Eelmreich,


Stapp


(1975a,


1975b)


discovered


that males


rated females who were por-


trayed as


competent


in stereotypically masculine activities


less


favorably than


they rated


those


portrayed as


competent


in tradi-


tionally feminine activities.


The conclusion drawn was


that


females


leave


their


traditional


role and


become competent


then


find


that


their


competence is


threatening


to others.


Negative


responses also


appeared much more


readily


in this


study when females were


competing


directly with males


and where such competence


infringed


upon males'


self-evaluation.


respond


Most males


saw themselves


in a nonprejudicial manner


as nonprejudiced and would


in the absence


consequences


themselves.


But,


since any prejudice


that


did exist


would more


likely


result


in discriminatory


behavior whenever


one


s responses


have


consequences


oneself,


a work


context would


tend


to emphasize


negative male attitudes


toward female


coworkers


(Hagen


& Kahn,


1975)


Furthermore,


when a


competent


female was


given


the status


commensurate


with


performance,


the males


she worked with would


tend not


to like


are


iiii :iiii iii::


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Ac4ding to asen and K a(1975) males do not
ASL ^*tl1f'lfl" to Hagn^ vi\ 'iedn 'Sp~n'fc'iri .^'a kI:OS -s i ^ *n''y
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face these pressures.


Males


in their


study tended


like other males who were competent,


nominating them for positions of


leadership,


and readily sought


include


them into


their group


(Hagen & Kahn,


1975).


It should

relatively new.


be noted


that research on females


It is only since


the passage of


in management


the Equal Employment


Opportunity


1972 that much


interest has


been


expressed


this


area


(Terborg,


1977).


Regarding management


research in general,


almost all of what


is known about managerial effectiveness


is based


research using males

It is clear fro


as subjects


(Bartol & Butterfield,


m the above literature


review that


1976).

females


management


face difficulties


in fulfilling


their potential


success.


Most


of the obstacles appear to


be the


result


of females


attempting to enter


a traditionally male domain.


According


to Marino


Villella


(1982),


males must


learn


to trust females,


to respect


them for their


intelligence,


to acknowledge


their


ability to


contribute


in a


professional manner to


the success


of the organi-


zation.


Before ColleRe-


-Personality


Factors


the Female


Student


Brings with Her


The first


part


of this


review of


related


literature


focused on


likelihood


success


in the


labor market


for females


in general


and for female college graduates


in particular.


Attention was


directed


toward


structural


factors within


work environment





li: 25I E,


suggest


that


internal or personality factors inhibit 6malss


progress
m B^^,.ri^-*^i"LUJl*Js K jBJJ^K


(Denmark,


1980;


Hall,


1982;


Hall


& Sandier,


1984;


PIedinick,


1975;


Nieva


& Gutek,


1980;


Stein & Bailey,


1973)


Mednick defi ed


internal


factors under


umbrella of


achievementr-related motivation


(Mednick,


Tangr i,


& Hoffman,


1975)


Achievement-related motivation refers


the personality factors that come


into play when a person undertakes a


task at


which he or she will


be evaluated,


enters


into competition


with other persons,


or otherwise strives


to attain some standard of


excellence


(Smith,


1969)


. This


second section of


review of


liter-


ature addresses


these


personality factors with emphasis on


their


interactions with social


constraints.


United States


is an achievement-oriented


society


When we


children what


they want


to be when


they grow up,


we are


really


asking them what


they


hope


to achieve.


Boys and girls


from grade


school


through graduate school are


and many professionals


are


required


required


to pass


to take achievement


state


tests,


licensing


examinations


before


they


can work


in their


chosen fields.


Newspapers,


magazines,


television emphasize striving,


accomplishing,


success


persistently urge us


to run faster,


work harder,


learn


more,


to better


ourselves


and our


life


styles


(Schaffer,


1980)


Both males and


females


in society value


importance of


accomplishment and achievement,


but females


have not achieved equal


prestige and status


relative


to males.


Even


though females constitute


over


50% of


population


our


society,


most


of them have not


pur-






26


achieve at-


relatively high levels,


their ultimate


levels


of achieve-


ment as women were considerably


lower than those of men


(Crandall,


1969)


during the


1960s and before.


There is no evidence


that


this


situation has changed.


Various


internal factors


have


been proposed


to explain why


females


goals


fail


inherent


to strive and sometimes


strive


in the American dream of


but fail


success.


to achieve


Of the


inherent


factors,


the following are considered here:


achievement motivation


(Stein & Bailey,

and aspirations;


1973);


affiliative needs


causal attribution


theory


(Hoffman,

(Erkut,


1972);

1983; F


expectation


leather,


1969;


Feather


& Simon,


1971,


1973)


fear


success


(Hoffman,


1974;


Horner,


1972).


In considering


these


internal factors


it is important


to realize


that none occur


in isolation.


Achievement motivation


is defined and measured as a masculine


characteristic with


little applicability for


females


(Stein


& Bailey,


1973)


For white,


middle-class males,


achievement motivation


corre-


latest


reasonably well


with academic


performance,


which


is the usual


measure


of achievement.


Also


in males,


achievement motivation


rather


consistently


correlated


with


traditionally masculine


person-


ality characteristics.

cited with achievement


competitiveness,


Some of


behavior,


belief


one


personality


such as


s own


characteristics asso-


independence,


competence,


are


assertiveness,


antagonistic


to cultural


demands


cultural


on females


influences


sex-role appropriate


rather than


the abilities


behavior.


of males









Furthermore,


the data


indicate


that


females


as a group


are every


as interested


in the goals


and activities of higher education as are


'Ion.~I


There


is no evidence


that


females are less


interested in


ideas


or less able


to work constructively with them.


Cross


(1971),


Maccoby


and Jacklin


(1974),


and Wallston


(1987)


asserted


that on measures of


academic ability,


academic accomplishment,


and academic


interests and


motivations,


females


constitute an


impressive group.


It appears


then


that


barrier for females


is not


lack of


ability


cultural


expectation.


High achievement


is considered nontraditional


and low


achievement


In trying


is considered


traditional.


to define and measure females


achievement motivation,


researchers


have used measures


taken


from studies


conducted on males.


The use of


such measures


resulted


in the conclusion


that


females


are not motivated


to achieve


(Stein & Bailey,


1973).


Sex differences


in achievement motivation


initially


appear


during


the elementary


school


years


(Crandall,


1969)


. For


young


females


approaching adulthood


there


is more and more


pressure not


to achieve,


although it


is not


applied


in a direct manner


pressure


is more


to adhere


to feminine


role


expectations,


which


definition auto-


matically encourage


females


to assume


lowered cultural expectations


achievement.


Those


females who


are


high-achievement motivated have


been


discovered


to have different


patterns


than are normally


asso-


ciated with females


(Frieze,


1975);


i.e.,


these high-achievement


females


are


clearly


distinguished


in many


other ways


from more


tradi-


? i ; ;; ; ;;;; ;; ;;I;:":"""ixi"";l, :"
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Frieze (1975)


some iters suggetest


that


professional females must


professionally better than males


to experience the same career


success.


Furthermore~


they perform at


this


high level


without many of


the environmental supports


that


professional males


frequently have.


Professional females operate without


the services of


a wife,


without


general


societal


recognition,


and with


the absence of


general


support


achievement


from family and friends.


Early researchers using projective measurement


techniques


have


found females


earlier,


to have


this result


lower


achievement needs


is explained in


part


than males .

classifying


As stated


the need


compete as a masculine attribute


(Chusmir,


1983).


Female achievement


striving


is often


interpreted as


being motivated


by the need for


affiliation


or external


social approval


rather


than


an internalized


desire


to meet a standard of


excellence,


or by the


intrinsic pleasure


in mastery for which males


strive


(Crandall,


1969;


Veroff,


1969).


relationship of


achievement


to social


influences,


or the need


please,


been


amply


documented


(Canter,


1979).


How this


correlates


with females


' achievement motivation was


investigated


by Stein and


Bailey


(1973).


After


a review


of the


literature


they rejected


"affiliative"


line of


reasoning


but suggested rather that


attainment


of excellence


the areas


is often a goal


in which such attainment


of the female's


is sought


achievement


are


frequently


efforts,


different.


According to


these


researchers


the differences


between males


females


is not


in needs


for achievement


, which are similar,


but in


: EiBi:, ::,


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i






29


interpersonal success were


important for women as achievement goals in


this


study,


and men


placed higher value on other


kinds of


achievement


such as


academic endeavors


competitive sports


(Schaffer,


1980).


According to


this


explanation,


it is the areas


of achievement that


differ for


females


and males,


and not


the motives


achievement.


Other


researchers


offer


alternative explanations


to controvert


the affiliation


theory


(Chusmir,


1983;


Donnel & Hall,


1980;


Zahra,


1977).


Zahra distributed a


questionnaire


to two


samples of


employees


in a medical


center


to determine whether


there was


a significant


difference


between males


and females


in terms


of need


for achievement


versus


need


for affiliation.


first sample


consisted of


125 lab


technicians,


of whom were male;


the second sample


consisted of 200


female nurse

significant


Using


difference


a multivariate approach,

s between males and fema


Zahra


lies


found a


in terms


lack of


of the need


achievement


(N Ach)


versus


the need for


affiliation


(N Aff)


Using


a sample


known


to be more achievement-oriented


than Zahra'


(1977)


sample,


Chusmir


(1983)


conducted a


similar


study using MBA


students.


Female managers


in this


study had a


significantly higher


need


for achievement


than did


the male managers.


Chusmir


surmised


that


successful managerial


of females


in general.


females


According


in his stu

to Chusmir,


tdy were


men


probably


do not need


atypical

to be


as highly motivated


to become managers


because management


con-


sidered a


traditional and


proper career


for men"


In addition,


females


have


sex-


role


conflicts,


lower pay


sometimes


titles with




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that feaes


in management must


fight discrimitao n" and Bexist


remarks and must often pioneer


into


areas where

welcome or


females are believed not


accepted.


to belong.


This would suggest,


They


are rarely


according to Chusmir,


that


females who


survive


in such an arena would have a


lower need for


affiliation


than females


in general.


Since female managerial


partici-


pants


have chosen nontraditional careers,


it may


be proper to expect


that


they


are also


untraditionally


lower in affiliation needs


than


females


in general.


Perhaps


different


conclusions among


researchers


result from


their


consideration of


achievement motivation


as a unitary construct.


Veroff,


McClelland,


and Ruhland


(1975)


hypothesized


that


there were


several facets


of achievement motivation


that would account for the


different


patterns of


behavior that males


females exhibited


expressing


their


achievement needs.


Using


three


types of


instruments


to assess


achievement motivation,


Veroff


et al. isolated


six major


factors.


Females were found


to be lower than males


in "assertiveness


females were


found


to be higher than males


in "hope of


success.


investigators


concluded


that


females are


taught


value achievement


only under


certain


conditions


in certain


specific


situations


(Veroff


et al


., 1975).


Veroff


et al


. (1975)


imply


that females


as well as males


are motivated


by the need


to achieve


express


this need


in different


situations


and in different ways.


An area


that


further


implications


achievement


expec-


competence"





::E ii: j


expectation of


success.


Across a


variety of


age groups.,


from e len-


tary school


to college and


ona


variety of


intellectual


tasks,


it was


found


that females


consistently manifested


lower expectations


their


own achievement.


Females


expectations


concerning academic


situations


and novel


tasks were low relative


to their past


perfor-


mance,


while


those of males were high.


A study


conducted


Fitzpatrick


(1976)


indicated


concurrence with Crandall


s (1969)


findings


that


from elementary school


through college,


females


have


comparably


lower


expectancies


about


their


intellectual


and academic


accomplishments


are


typically


than males,


as good as or


despite


better


the fact


than


that


those of


their performances


their male counter-


parts.


Men and


boys


expect


greater


success


than women and


girls not


only


in clearly


defined masculine


tasks


and apparently


"sexless"


intellectual


tasksI


according to


Valle


and Frieze


(1976),


but also,


some


cases,


in tasks


defined as


feminine.


The question


is why females


have


lower


expectancies


of intel-


lectual and academic


accomplishment


when


their performances


typically


as good as


or better


than


those of males


(Astin,


1978b)


What


are


implications


a female


s capacity to achieve


if she


underestimates


her performance and ability?


That


this


tendency


likely to


have debilitating effects


is strongly suggested


by evidence


that


individuals


who approach


tasks with a


low expectancy


success


in fact


likely to


perform less well


than


those with a high expec-


tancy


(Crandall,


1969;


Feather,


1966)


Stein and Bailey


(1973)


are


are




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performance


but mlght also adversely affect an


individual


s initiative


and lower his or


aspirations


(Bridges,


1988;


Canter,


1979;


Lenney,


1977).


"Relative


to their


own


past academic performance,


boys were over-


optimistic, wh

pessimistic as


ile girls were at

their college ca


first


reers


slightly hopeful


progressed"


(Crandall,


became more

1969,


This phenomenon persists during the undergraduate


years as


females


aspirations


higher


degrees declines while males


aspi-


rations


increase


(Keller


& Moglen,


1987).


For males an


intellectually


competitive environment


enhances


their


aspiration


level,


and an aware-


ness


of competing


on a fast


academic


track


further


reinforces con-


fidence


in their own capacity


to successfully negotiate advanced


academic


training.


Females,


on the other


hand,


feel


uncomfortable


this


type


of competitive environment.


Academic competition


plays


little


role


in the educational


aspirations


of females;


instead,


their


aspiration


level


is raised


in the


sort


of institution where


"collegiate"


type activities are not


dominant


(Pascarella,


1984).


Female colleges


often


provide such an


environment


for the female


student


(Astin,


1978a;


Tidball,


1976).


According to Monahan


sensitive


(1983),


females


are


than are males


found


and as


to be much more


consequence


suffer more from adverse circumstances


Three


situational


variables


in particular


appear to affect


a woman


s performance and aspiration--


degree of


evaluative


stress,


past


performance,


performance


feed-


to their environment




7< SI" i;.I:;":~
s
Th V V>


33


performance,


was


being told


that. their


I.Q.


was


being tested.


Females,


on the other hand,


appeared


to be


influenced


by all


these


variables


in their


intellectual


performance and on


their aspirations


when performing


both motoric and


intellectual


task-~


(Monahan,


1983).


Perhaps this


phenomenon


is due


to the mixed messages university


female


students


receive.


As her


academic


career progresses and she


nears


completion


of her undergraduate education,


a female student's


parents


peers


often


became


intensely concerned with her marrying.


Their


earlier value of


considerably.


Females


academic

often be


accomplishments


gin with majors


appears


to diminish


in "masculine"


subjects


such as


science,


switch


to majors


in the humanities and education


later

(Stein


in college

& Bailey,


years;


1973)


they


Gurin


also


(19


lower their c

81) suggested


career

that


aspirations

in addition


mixed feedback from family


and friends,


some women's


aspirations might


be affected


by their


knowledge of


the existing


bias


in the


labor


market.


According to dissonance


theory people adjust


their


occupa-


tional aspirations


they perceive as


in such a


way that


realities of


their


they


are


consistent with what


occupational


or educational


opportunities


(Hahn,


1975)


In this way,


then,


females


lower


their


expectation of


success


in an attempt


to avoid


extreme frustrations.


Canter


s survey


(1979)


of 200 unmarried female undergraduates


summarized


the effects


success


expectation


on females.


He found


that


higher


occupational and


educational


aspirations


in females were


associated


with


the following


factors:


a more egalitarian sex-role


:


~::: "E18 t;";9
,ii









and (d) more egalta Ipsace:ived expectations of

female peers.


close male and


Another


aspect


achievement motivation


that must


be considered


to obtain a more complete picture


is attribution


theory


This


concept


is based on


the theory that


the causes of


achievement


behavior


perceived differently for the


to attribution


sexes


theory people can use


(Schaffer,


internal,


1980)


or personal,


According


expla-


nations


to describe success or failure,


or they can use external


explanations.


For example,


an internal


explanation might


be based on


the aptitude or


ability of


individual,


while an external


explanation might


be based on


luck or


the difficulty


of the


task.


part,


our


individual


choice of


explanation depends upon our prior


experience with


the person


or the


task


involved.


Weiner


and Kukla


(1970)


proposed


that when


trying to


understand


the causes


of their


success


or failure


people frequently referred


to four factors--their


ability,


the effort


they put


into


work,


their


luck,


the ease


or difficulty of


the task.


Success


could


be attributed


to high


ability


and/or trying


hard,


as well as


to good luck or the easiness of


task.


ability,


Conversely,


failure could


trying hard enough,


be explained


luck,


terms


or the difficult


of lack of

y of the


task.


These four


causal explanations


of achievement


behavior


have


been


jointly classified along the dimensions


of internality


stability.


Ability and


effort are considered


to be internal factors


since


they


originate


in the person;


luck and


task difficulty


are con-


are


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success


in terms of


stable factors,


,ie.,


one's ability to do well or


the easiness

Attributions


of the task,


encourages ant icipation


of success to effort or: good


further


1 however,


SucCess,


both of which


are subject


to change,


do not necessarily


lead


to an expectancy


continued success.


On the other hand,


when failure


is attributed to


lack of


effort


or bad


luck,


improvement


in future performances


remains


a possibility


(Erkut,


1978;


Feather,


1969;


Feather


& Simon,


1971;


McMahan,


1973;


Valle & Frieze,


1976;


Weiner & Kukla,


1970).


Attribution


theory


is used


to explain causality


our own


behavior

studies


to attribute cause


that explore


to others


the usefulness of


this


behavior


conceptual


Of the several


framework,


those


that deal


with


perceptions


of the success


and failure of


male and female


performance are particularly relevant


(Feldman-


Summers


& Kiesler,


1974)


Deaux and Emswiller


(1974)


found


that


attributions


of causality were


indeed affected by the sex of


person whose


behavior was


being explained.


Using ability versus


luck


as the dependent measure,


they found


that a


college girl


s success on


a perceptual


task


in which males were expected


to do


better than


females


was


attributed


both male and female subjects


to luck rather


than


ability


reverse was


true when a male succeeded.


Feldman-Summers


and Kiesler


(1974)


attempted


to replicate


preceding


study using


researchers


both nonlaboratory and


predicted


that success


laboratory type


by males would


tasks.


be attributed


more


to their


ability than would success


by females.


And,


attribution




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g ining unexpected sea es s;


expected success


by males was


explained


ability.


Many


studies reveal


that females generally make external attri-


buttons


and explain


their


behavior


in terms of


luck or


characteristics


of the


task at hand


(McArthur,


1976).


Females


have


been found


to rely


on luck attributions


to explain


both


their


successes and failures


(Feather,


1969;


Feather & Simon,


1973).


To the extent


that females


attribute


their successes


externally to


luck and


task characteristics,


they


are not


likely to


take


responsibility for their


accomplishments.


Furthermore,


an excessive


reliance on


luck as


a causal agent


is likely


to lead


to reduced expectancies for success


in future achievement


situations


(Erkut,


1983)


Luck had


been an unstable factor


addition to


being


beyond


one


s own control.


That


, if good


luck led


success,


there was no


guarantee


that


the lucky


streak would


last.


It came as no surprise,


then,


that most


studies


found


females


to have


low expectancies


success


(Crandall,


1969;


Feather,


1969).


evidence suggests


that


sex differences


in both causal


attribution of


achievement and


expectancy for future


performance are likely to result


in lower


achievement


behavior


In a study to


further


investigate


this


evidence,


Erkut


(1983)


found


that more males


than


females entered an


achievement situation with


the claim that


they would succeed.


self


-confidence males


displayed was associated


with a


belief


that they


the ability to do well and


task would


be easy.


females


appeared


that expectancy for


success was


situationally determined.









orientation for


both males and


females,


but more


so among females.


The more feminine


the orientation of


the females


in the sample,


greater the chances of

expectancy and attribu


finding


tion


significant sex differences


patterns.


last of


review of


the personality factors to


achievement-related motivations


be considered


of females


in this


is fear


success

motive


(Homer,

to avoid


1972).

success


Homer maintains


because


that many people have a


they expect negative consequences


successful.

for example,


According to Homer, th

being socially rejected


ese negative consequences


by other people.


include,


To find out


whether


or not males


and females were afraid of


success,


Horner


asked


college students


"Anne,


of both sexes


" a student at


to write a story


top of his or


about


"John"


her medical school


class.


female students were always


given


"Anne"


story


the males


"John"


story.


Homer


found


that


65% of


the females wrote stories


that


indicated


that


"Anne"


was


unhappy


or had negative experiences as


result


of her


good grades


example,


some


stories


suggested


that


"Anne"


decided


to quit medical


school and


become a nurse or that


became depressed and


sick.


On the other


hand,


only


10% of


the males


wrote


stories


that


indicated


unpleasant


consequences


"John"


as a


result


success.


Homer


(1972)


concluded


that females


as a group


were more afraid


success


than males.


Since Horner


s original


study,


several


other


investigators


have


repeated


her methods


results


indicate


that


the percentages of


37










replicated pqt ef Roener's (1972)

variations in the story cue to mea


research and


sure fear of


introduced

success. A


three


sample of


245 undergraduates at the same university was


divided into


four


groups.


All received


the original


instruments


to measure achievement


motives and fear of


failure.


One group


received


the original fear of


success


changed


to a less masculine academic


area;


in another,


achievement


was communicated


privately rather than publicly;


in a


third,


the competitive aspect was minimized.


In none of the vari-


nations was


fear of


success diminished.


Furthermore,


the frequency for


females was


the same as


earlier.


However,


a surprising difference


emerged for the males who went


from 8%


to 77% in fear


success.


most


common


theme


in the male


responses


involved


questioning


value


the achievement.


The males


in Hoffman's


study


seemed


to be charac-


terized


ambivalence


toward academic achievement


rather than


rejection.


In another


attempt


to replicate Horner


s (1972)


results,


data


obtained


in the


course of


a laboratory


class


in social


psychology


Robbins


and Robbins


(1973)


to question


the generality


of Horner


(1972)


findings


validity


of her


interpretations.


These


researchers


departed


from Horner


s (1972)


procedures


by presenting


each of her


stories


to both male and female respondents


in order to


permit

study,


Cross-s

females


ex comparisons.


In the Robbins and Robbins


rated John and Anne evenly with regard


(1973)


to their


chances


success.


Males on


the other


hand


were


slightly more


optimistic


:E Th
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further


examination.


It also


suggests the posity that.. some of


the observed differences


between


the Anne and John stories might


reflect


realistic variations


rather than necessary


in current


differences


between


life styles

n thp sexes


and possibilities,

(Robbins &


Robbins,


1973).


Maj or


(1979)


took a different approach and


investigated


relationship


between


fear of


success


and sex role orientation.


this


study the Ben Sex-Role Inventory,


in addition


to measures of


fear


success


graduates.


(FOS),

It was


was


pre


administered

dicted that


to a group of female under-

females who were androgynous would


evince

It was


less

also


than females


predicted


that


who were


high-masculine or high-feminine.


females who embraced masculine


characteris-


tics


(androgynous


or sex-reversed)


would


be higher


in both achievement


motivation and


performance


than


low-masculine


females.


Both


pre-


dictions were


confirmed,


with


the additional


discovery that


sex-


reversed females were


highest


in FOS.


Androgynous


females


in this


study were achievement motivated


and unafraid


of the consequences of


success,


while sex-reversed


females


were achievement-motivated


anxious


about


success.


appears


that Horner


s original


study


prompted much


research and


conclude,


there


however,


that


been


great


there has


variation


been


in the


confirmation


results.


of Horner


One could


s (1972)


work


suggesting


that academic


success


se does


arouse


anxiety


in a


high


proportion


of college females.


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differently meted but


according


to sex


Such


soci alizatfon


experiences


motivation


have consequence for the development of

in females.


During the College


Years


internal


--The Female Student


This part of the literature


review includes citations


of the


better


known studies that deal


with


the status of


females on


campus as


analyzed


by Hall


(1982).


They include


the studies


conducted at


Amherst


(1980),


Berkeley


(1977),


Brown


(1979),


Hall


(1982),


Harvard


(1980),


Michigan State


(1982),


and Oberlin


(1980)


Surveys


of entering college


students


clearly reveal


that


females


less


interested


in early marriage and


increasingly motivated


pursue careers


in medicine,


law,


business,


engineering


(Astin,


1978a).


1984 Statistical Abstracts


reported


that


in 1950,


18,000


females pursued a medical


degree;


in 1960,


the number


increased


26,000;


in 1970,


it was


34,000;


1980,


the number


of females


seeking


a medical degree had


increased


twenty-fold


a total


700,000,


or 2000% of


1970


figure.


Between


years


1966 and


1982,


the number


of females


pursuing


a business


degree


went


from 23%


of all


students


seeking a


business


degree


to 49%.


In engineering,


females


in 1982 made


21% of


the engineering


students


as compared


with only


1% in 1966.


Not only


females entered higher education


in ever


increasing numbers,


they were


also


pursuing more advanced


degrees.


In 1983


reached an all


-time


the number of


hish of


females


10.485.


receiving


or 34% of


the doctorate


the new doctorate


are


are


;;~i;


W










particularly in education,


where


the number


females


exceeded


number of males

Once in co


for the first


llege,


time


research indicates


(National Research Coun-il,


that


1983).


females continue to


demonstrate superior


academic


performance.


In a survey conducted


Roby


(1973),


female freshmen from all


types of


institutions achieved a


better profile of


academic performance during


their first


year


college


than did males.


Some


28.6% of


freshmen females


compared


19.6% of


freshmen males


earned a grade point average of B or


higher


their first


year.


same


pattern continued


into graduate school


(Roby,


1973).


At the end of


first


semester of


1969-


academic


year,


first


year


that


female students were permitted


enroll


in Yale,


the female students


was


slightly higher than


that


of the male students


(Schwartz & Lever,


1973).


It has


been


shown


that


females


drop


out of higher education


greater numbers


than do male


students


(Feldman,


1974;


Holland &


Elsenhary,


1988.


But,


during


the first


year


of co-education at


Yale


University,


despite


their male


-leadership


ethos,


only


15 females,


3% of

that


female undergraduates withdrew,


of the male students


Southeastern


(Schwartz & Leve


Psychological Association


a dropout

r, 1973).


reported


that


rate


lower than


Further,


there were


apparent


differences


between


the attrition rates


female and male


students


(Joesting,


1974).


More


recently,


results


of a College Board


study


indicate


that


patterns


of attendance for male and female


students


are


in general


quite


similar,


with


the dropout


rates


being


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profiincty


0 0


and desire to prsue graduate study,


less dedicated


female graduate


than male students


(FelAman,


1974).


This perception


is more noticeable


in those


fields


that are male-dominatede.


least seriously;


The professors


in the departments where


in these areas take females


females are a minority,


there


is usually more prejudice against


campus,


both sexes appear to


them (Feldman,


support


1974,


job equality for females


rej ect


traditional


view that


the proper place for married


females


is with


the home and


family (Astin,


1978b).


campus,


how-


ever,


such


is not


the case.


Aside from being a


female,


the female


student


is atypical.


While


there are more and more


female students


higher education,


the female student


is usually


older,


a mother,


performing the equivalent


of a full


-time unpaid


job at home,


often discouraged from pursuing advanced study


(Rich,


1979).


Because


is atypical,


the female student has


special needs and


concerns.


campus


is not a


'tser-re~ly


place for


Most male


faculty


and administrators


are relatively


insensitive


to issues


that


affect


their


female students and


female


colleagues as well


(Lyons


Green,


1988;


Tidball,


1976).


Tidball


(1976)


concluded


from a


study


conducted


by the American


Council


on Education


(ACE)


that all


educational


environments were


male-oriented and male-dominated.


This


study was


conducted


with 42,000 respondents.


The data


showed


that,


with respect


several


issues


that


affected all


institutions


of higher


learning,


students are ttill perceived as






43


differing views on some


basic


issues,


coupled with the fact


that there


were more male faculty than female faculty,


lead


to "male primacy"


campus.


The male


view


the opinion


of men set


tone and determine


reward system for


percent


some


of women students


96 percent of women faculty and


The data are consistent with the


ideas


that


women-related


issues


remain


relatively unsupported and


that men faculty perceive women students


as sexual


beings


and as


less


serious


and capable


students


than men,


thereby excluding


women students


from full


partnership


in collegial relationships.


relatively small


assures
models,
dents,
1976. D


proportion of women faculty on most


that women students


while


their


own


will


the women faculty


level


of self


have few


adult


same-sex


campuses
role


are affirming of women stu-


-esteem runs


very


low.


(Tidball,


386).


Many


experts


in student


development,


and many


college graduates,


contend


that


what


happens


outside


the classroom is


as important for


students


personal


intellectual


growth


as what


happens


inside


classroom


(Hall & Sandler,


1984)


. The


wide


range of


activities


experiences


involving


all members


of the campus


community


(faculty,


staff,


and students)


are not so much extra-curricular


co-curricular


They


are complementary


and crucial


parts


of the


learning


process.


Ideally,


the college environment as a whole should


help


students


acquire knowledge,


build skills


confidence,


teach


them how to make


informed


choices,


and how to


handle differences,


including those of


That


colleges


race,


class


, and gender


universities


(Hall


too often


fail


& Sandler,


to meet


1984)


the chal


lenge


students,


a diversity


is underscored


of students,


especially


by findings of


the most


in the case of


complete


women


longitudinal


study


of student


development


to date.


e researcher


concluded


that




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between mn and women in


behavior,


personality,


aspirations and


achievement.


(Astin,


1978a,


216)


Outtside


the classroom there


is often more


leeway for different


treatment


by faculty,


peers,


and others;


more


segregation


by race and


ses;


more invoking of


gender


as a mark of


difference and defi-


ciency;


more overt exclusion and sometimes


even hostility (Lyons &


Green,


1988).


Indeed,


though faculty,


staff,


and students of


both


sexes want


to be fair,


sex-based expectations,


roles,


and rules often


determine


how students are actually treated.


These concerns take on a


new


significance


in light of


current and


projected


enrollment


patterns.


Female students


are


the "new majority"


of undergraduates.


The education of


females


is literally


central


to the


postsecondary


enterprise.


The manner


admissions


in which


and financial a


both within and


females are

id process


treated


sets


institution.


in the


Yet,


college


for their partici-


at both


undergraduate and graduate


levels,


students


too often


encounter per-


sonnel


about


who unwittingly


female and male


communicate


students.


limited


Admissions


or outmoded


staff,


preconceptions


example,


inadvertently


lead


females


to doubt


their


goals


question


their


potential,


and,


financial aid


officers


see females


need


for aid as


less


important


than males


latter problem is


particularly impor-


tant,


only


because of


its economic


implications,


but also


because


receipt of


aid had


been


shown


to be closely


connected


with female


students


' intellectual


self


-esteem and academic


persistence.


pation


beyond


the tone




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4i t09


the part


of the


institution,


which has a symbotic meaning far


beyond


the mere dollars


granted"


(Paterson & Sells,


S's.


In light


of females


' higher


academic


performance


they should


receive more financial support


in the form of


fellowships


and grants.


They have not


(Roby,


1973).


According to


Frazier


and Sadker


(1973)


females


received


fewer


scholarships


and less


financial aid


than males.


In 1973,


females


received $518


as an annual average while males


received an annual average of


$760.


A study


by the Women


s Equity


Action League disclosed


that


less


than


10% of


the White House Fellows


or Fulbright Fellowship


Award winners were


females.


In addition,


practically


federal aid


, both


scholarship


loans,


was


available


only


students


enrolled


in full-time study,


a requirement


that many


married


1984,


females


females


found


received


impossible


28% less


to meet


in grant


(Frazier


awards


& Sadker,


16% less


1973).


in loans


than


their male counterparts


(Sadker,


1985).


According


to the


American


Council


of Education,


during


the 1981


academic


year,


females


obtained


only


cents


grant money


every


dollar


grants


to males.


The Association


of American


Colleges


(1985)


reported


that


about


one-fourth


of the humanities


students


obtained financial


aid from public


agencies


through scholarships


or loans.


Of the


students


received aid,


a majority were


female,


however,


report


indicated


that


females were


less


likely than males


to gain support


from other


outside


sources,


particularly from businesses


(Association


of American


Colleges,


1984,


Spring).


;r "" ""'*'~: IE' "C~C)' "~s~ ;00 V, U~;t ;" xI
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": "::
a


i




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drop out of


school


because of unmet


financial needs


than are males


(Sadker,


1985).


In admissions,


too,


merit


is not


the only consideration.


Although quotas


and other restrictive admissions policies


are


pro-


hibited


graduate


by Title IX in


institutions,


public undergraduate


the percentage of


institutions


females remains


in all


substantially


below that of males


in most fields


at the graduate and


professional


level


(Bogart,


1984).


Harris


(1970)


examined a report from the Uni-


versity


of Chicago which contained evidence


that


it was easier for


male


than


for a female


to get


into graduate school.


The most con-


elusive


evidence


was


grade point average of


the females,


which was


significantly


higher than


that


of the males.


According


to Hornig


(1984),


the most


distinguished


universities admitted


significantly


more males


than


females.


In the fields


of science and


engineering


Cordes


(1988)


and Hornig


(1984)


found


that fewer


females


than males


attended


institutions where serious undergraduate


training


in science


and engineering was even an


option.


liberal


-arts


colleges


state


colleges where females were overrepresented


could seldom offer


the full


range of


science and engineering


subjects,


nor could


they


offer


the facilities


intellectual


climate


that


attracted distin-


guished


research faculty.


Thus,


according to


Hornig


(1984),


far fewer


females


than males


the opportunity to


attend


institutions


that


could


train


them to


become competitive scientists


or engineers.


In summary,


admission staff


and financial aid officers may treat






S47


ask women,


but not men,


questions relating to


their


actual or


potential marital


or parental status;


treat women who are married,


have children and/or will attend


part-time as


having


less potential


than other applicants;


assume


that men have greater need of


educational


credentials


therefore of


aid;


favor married men over married women on


the presumption that


a woman needs


less help


because her


husband will support her.


(Hall


& Sandler,


1984,


Another


area with great


impact


on the female


college student is


academic advising


career counseling.


Studies


have


illustrated


that


counselors


attitudes


toward females may not differ substantially


from the general


population


s limited views.


These


studies


indicate


that


while female counselors


are


becoming more accepting of


choices


that


depart


from conventional


views


of women and work,


a corresponding


change


in the attitudes


of male counselors


been noticed


(Avery,


1980).


A review


of the literature on different


counselor perceptions of


male versus


female established


sex-role stereotypes


the prevalence of


in the current


practices


such conventional


of helping profes-


sionals.


In what


come


to be widely regarded as


a landmark


study,


Broverman


et al.


(1972)


explicitly


identified


the double standard


mental


health.


That


clinical


judgments


about


the characteristics


of healthy mature


individuals were different


depending upon


the sex of


person


being judged,


and further,


these differences


paralleled


stereotypic


sex-role


differences.


In addition,


behaviors


judged


healthy for

of mental h


an adult,


health,


which were


resembled


presumed


behaviors


to reflect an


judged


ideal


healthy for males


standard

but




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A similar bias


been


reported with secondary school


counselors


Who tend

clients


to reinforce trad

(Thomas & Steward,


lillpnaCnaj..,Saan


1971)


career goals


and/or who actively


in female


discourage


females

1973).


from entering masculine occupations

Bingham and House found counselors


(Pietrofesa & Schlossberg,

to be greatly misinformed


on issues


relating


to females


in the


labor


force


(1973a)


display


attitudes which demean career


In an attempt


to ascertain whether


achievement


bias


in females


changed


(1973b).


in the mid-


seventies,


Maslin and Davis


(1975)


conducted a study using


counselors-


in-training.


results


confirmed


that


bias


still existed among


males


in their


assigning


to females


those


characteristics which were


considered appropriate


for females.


Other


research continues


suggest


selors

(1975)


that females


and males are viewed stereotypically


counseled according


did find evidence


becoming more accepting of


departed from the


that f


to these stereotypes.

emale counselors were


career


traditional.


choices


However,


and

they


coun-


Maslin and Davis

changing and


lifestyles which

did not find a corre-


spending


change


in the attitudes


of male counselors.


Lichtenberg


and Heck


(1983)


examined


recent


reviews of


literature on gender


bias


in counseling.


The first,


a meta-analysis


conducted


by Smith


(1980)


showed an absence


of bias


in counseling.


The second study


concurred.


Whitley


(1979)


found


that


although


clinicians


same stereotypic views


of males


and females as did


their


contemporaries,


these


stereotypes


did not affect


their pro-


ii




:: aV
I:~T 49"


evidence on


the subject did not demonstrate coselors or the therapy


process


in general


to be sex


biased.


contrast,


the results


a recent study


by O'Malley and


Richardson


(1985)


replicating the 1970


research of Brovermac et al.,


did i

males


n fact


indicate


and females


that counselors


that


still hold different


their standards parallel


concepts of


the stereotyping


of sex roles


established in


our


society.


However,


there was


50318


indication


that


old stereotypes were weakening.


This


research indi-


cated


that


counselors


perceived


both


typically feminine characteris-


tics


typically masculine characteristics


as appropriate for the


normal adult.


female could not


In contrast,


behave as


in the Broverman et al


an adult without


. (1972)


being deviant,


study,


because


adult


did not have


the feminine qualities


that


the female was


supposed


to have


to be considered healthy.


Preliminary findings


a study


Massachusetts


guidance counselors


indicated


that


both male and female


counselors


admitted


to some feelings of


ambivalence with regard


counseling


girls


to aspire


to nontraditional


fields and professions


(Fitzpatrick,


1976).


Taken


collectively,


these


studies demonstrate


that


practicing


professionals may not


differ


substantially from the general


population


terms


of their


attitudes toward


females who


choose


to pursue life-


styles which depart from traditional


sex-role socialization.


question


is whether


such attitudes


interfere with


the counselor during


professional


interaction.


research


is mixed


on this


point.










conducted witi male


smpleq (OS pow,


1979 )eynn


though there


evidence


that


important


sex differences exist


in terms


careers.


Counselor


and academic advisers alike overtly or


subtly


dis-


courage women.


Hall and Sandier


(1984)


summarized


the kinds of


behaviors


that


could have a deleterious effect


on the female student


seeking


advice and counseling as follows:


counseling
"male" and


students


in accord with stereotypical


ideas


"female" majors and careers;


responding differently to students


short-


and long-term


goals primarily


on the


basis of


the student's sex;


viewing marriage and


women,


family


but as an advantage,


as a negative career


a stabilizing


factor


factor for
and symbol


of maturity,


for men;


. providing


realistic


feedback,


negative as well as positive,


to men,


but not


to women;


. acting in
. presuming


ways


that are patronizing


to women;


that men who are direct and assertive


in manner


are


more knowledgeable,


self-directed,


and goal


-oriented than


women,
(Hall


whose manner may


& Sandier,


be more polite or


less self-confident


1984,


Once


the entry


barriers


are hurdled,


female


student


faces


another


of obstacles


peculiar


to her


sex in the


counseling and


academic advising she


receives.


a group


that


so often


is made


feel


unwelcome,


whose


creativity is questioned,


whose motivation is


held suspect,


it is surprising that


female


students


achieve as well as


they


do (Roby,


1973).


Female students

often subjected to a


at both the


concentrated


undergraduate and graduate


dosage of materials


level are


formulated


and filtered


through an


exclusively male


perspective


(Rich,


1979;


Roby,


1973).


A 1972


study


of science,


math,


reading,


spelling,


social


studies


textbooks


revealed


that


mdvy


a j_ a


of all


illustrations


1''"""11 """~' 8" i: E e~
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.






5]1


texts,


content


analysis


studies


demonstrate that male and fema Iroles


continue


to be stereotypic and


that females are excluded from the


narrative and content


(Sadker,


1985)


In introductory psychology


texts which are


required


reading for most undergraduate students,


females


are typically mentioned only


in chapters on


the family.


such chapters


females


are described


in their


'"tradlitional1'


roles as


full


-time


homemakers


and mothers


(Roby,


1973).


Further examination of


research


in psychology,


in several areas


inquiry,


reveal


researchers


and subjects


have


been predominantly male


(Adler,


1976).


Adler


(1976)


reported


that


in a few


areas


initial samples


included


both sexes,


that


female


responses were discarded as


being too


erratic or


complex and


further


research


included only males.


Because


of this,


theories

wanted t


a number


of psychological


of male psychology.


o teach female


Until


recentlS


psychol


even faculty members who

ogy would not have been


able


to do


since


information simply was not available.


"This


frequently


interesting


conveyed


to study


the message


that males were more


that major


contributions


important


to the


or more


field will


made


in the male


context,


probably


by male


researchers"


(Adler,


1976,


207).


Such


also


case


in history textbooks.


Most American


history textbooks


according


to Trecker


(1977),


are marred


sins


omission and commission.


Texts


omit many women of


importance,


while


simultaneously minimi


zsing the


legal,


social,


and cultural disabilities


theories were more accurately


as well as male




;iE: lilE:":"
Ix
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,EEEEEEaE ,,,


discussion.


According
|j ^ '_ ''' I


Trecker


(1977),


the treatment


of female


simply reflects


the attitudes


prejudices


society.


Male


activiitae


i" ar mopiety are considered


male activities are give primacy in


the more

texts (T


important ;


reeker,


therefore


1977).


Psychology and history are not alone


in ignoring female asset-


tiveness,


initiative,


and creativity.


Economics,


sociology,


literature courses also overlook females.


What


is needed


of traditional


is a new attitude
views of women and


that


their


breaks away from the bias


"place"


and attempts to


treat


both women and men as partners


in their


society;


one that


does not


automatically value activities


by the


sex performing


them;


and,


one


that does not


relate history from the


viewpoint of


only half


of the human


family.


(Trecker,


1977,


156)


The university can attend


to the services


it offers


admissions,


financial aid,


and counseling,


and also analyze and inte-


grate women' s


scholarship


into


its curriculum;


if discrimination


exists

female


in the

student


faculty ranks,

s. The change


s-


it still


.s seen


would have a negative


in the increased number


impact on

of female


students on


the campus


has not


been mirrored


in the composition of


faculty population.


proportion of


female and minority faculty


relative


to all academics


has not


increased significantly


(Menges


Exum,


1983).


Further,


absolute numbers


remain


small,


particularly


senior ranks.


The distribution of


females


on college faculties


resembles


were female,


a pyramid.


but only


In 1978,


30% of


at the


assistant


base,


50% of


professors,


instructors


20% of


associate


professors and a mere


10% of


full


professors were


female


(National


Center


for Education Statistics.


10751


a


-81)


By the early


1980s.


741 of


, i.i: E
;;";"rr/;


V


.






53


(Sadker,


1985)


. The


typical


rank


a female faculty member was


that


of untenured instructor,


while the


typical


rank


a male faculty


member was


that of


tenured full


professor


(National


Center for


Educa-


tional Statistics,


1978


-81)


In the area of history,


for example,


during the


1970s,


more


females gained PhD'


females


held more


responsible


positions


in the


American Historical Association;


they


obtained


jobs more easily


professional historians.


However,


within higher


education


they


remained


low on


the ladder.


One-third of


all males


received a PhD


in history


between


1970


and 1974


were


full


professors


1980,


contrasted with


the fewer


than


one


-eighth


of the


females who


achieved


this


rank


(Menges


& Exum,


1983)


In science and engineering,


72% of males


but only


46% of


females


hold


tenure,


that


disparity has


increased


over


time


(Menges


Exum,


1983)


In 1984


there were about


171 PhD granting


physics


departments


in this


country,


with a


total


of almost


4,300


faculty


positions


at all


levels.


Only


these were


held


females


1982.


Females


held only


188 of 4,400


faculty posts


in chemistry


departments


that granted doctorates


in 1983


. "At the


present


rates


hiring


female


expected


promoting women,


faculty


there


in another decade,


for another


years


should


but no


" (Hornig,


be a


few more permanent


significant


1984,


41).


The number,

for humanities f


distribution,


!acuity,


and females


rate of

remain


tenure


also


in number


remain stagnant

r in this


change


can






54


imeAes were females.but females were better represented at two year


colleges


than at universities,


Almost


75% of humanities


faculty were


temired,


white ales


"ing the highest


rate


(80%)


and white females


lowest


(58%);


gender differences were greater than either racial


or ethnic differences (As~pciation of


As would be anticipated,

trative positions in higher e

fewer than 200 out of more th


d


American


very few female

.ucation in the


an


2,500 accredi


iS


Colleges,


hold


1985 )


top-level adminis-


United States.

ted institutions


In 1979,

had


females


as chief


executive officers.


Nearly one


-third


of the female


presidents were members


of religious


orders.


Only


one


private univer-


sity was


headed by a


female.


Only three


public


institutions with


enrollments


over


10,000 were headed


by females.


Indeed,


more


than


one-half


of the state universities and land-grant


colleges did not


have


women


in top


-level administrative positions


(Andruskiw & Howes,


1980)


In 1989


in the


state university


system in


state of


Florida,


none of


the nine university presidents was a


female,


of the


six provosts none was


female,


5 of the 39


systenwide vice


presidents


were


female,


of the


102 deans,


23 were female


Tarleton,


Board


of Regents,


personal


communication,


1989).


Sex discrimination


in academe does not,


however,


begin at


time a female accepts an appointment at a


college


or university.


Rather,


it is rooted


in the cumulative effects


of early


childhood


socialization


for "appropriate"


sex role


behavior


and attitudes


differing


treatment


and expectations


of boys


girls


(Broverman et




~iI"g.r~i~ fl7::j 9~ :r" "~ir Vli ""F"" u:u. '"IuuaI t101ii:"ii~ i Ar "'i""DDDEI9: DDDi!DA""AA:D"!IA'AAII


those of


their male counterparts.


As university fatiLty members,


females


experience a


second


barrier


to equality.


The academic reward


system has


been


biased


toward


behaviors


and activities exhibited more


often


by males


than females


(Aisenberg & Harrington,


1988)


Thus,


administration,


research,


publication,


which males engage in


toa


greater


extent


than females,


receive higher rewards


than


teaching,


which females devote more


time


than males.


According to Robinson


(1973)


a pattern of


discrimination exists


in academe,


evident


numerous


studies


on the


status


of academic


females.


This


conclusion


was drawn


following


a review


of 125 reports with data from


145 schools


that


dealt


with


following


status


variables:


institutional


par-


ticipation rate,


departmental


participation


rate,


rank


, initial


appointment


level,


marginal appointments,


promotion,


tenure,


salary,


administrative activities.


There was


consistent


documentation of


sex discrimination against


faculty females


on the nine dimensions sum-


marized


by this


study


(Robinson,


1973).


The sparsity


of university


level


female


faculty


has had a


dele-


serious


effect


development


on females.


of the


female


presence of


student'


female


professional


faculty in

1 identity


fluences

Female


faculty members


act as


examples


encourage


female students


to com-


plete


their


education.


On the other


hand,


"what


encouragement


there


for the


female


graduate


student


when she


sees


the status of


women


faculty where at


best


they


are merely token professional


women


barely


surviving


in a man


s world"


(Rich,


1975,


lack of


:~ "~




I$~EEfri9:.,X;
I":X'"Ei~ 1BE":,'"EE:E::8 5 6


in "etrvii not be inspired or emboldened
stKw-i^ik:


to enter


PhD sudies


leading to college, teaching if she observes no women faculty in her


field or finds them given only


low rank and slow promotion"


(Fitzpatrick,


1976,


475).


The above section


of the


literature


review


focused on


"subtle"


forms of


discrimination


that


originates


in the


traditional


nature of


the academic world.


The prescribed academic


style


is often


unfamiliar


and incongruent with females


styles.


Thus,


"female


students may


be forced either to


leave


institution or to


adopt


competitive,


egocentric,


entrepreneurial,


stereotypically


masculine culture of


the university"


(Roby,


1973,


. 134)


. Although


many persons and experiences


could help shape


the campus


climate,


faculty


attitudes and


behaviors


often have


the most


profound effect,


especially for


female


students.


A faculty member


serving on


the Ad Hoc


Committee on


Education


of Women at Oberlin,


states


the problem accordingly.


Although more difficult


to document


than other


areas


studied,


question of
vital. Not


needs


campus


only


environment


do these


and goals of women


determine


shape


those goals


a woman's


inside


intangibles


. but


Indeed,


self-concept,


they


since


classroom is no


affect


also


less


the educational
to some extent


the campus


especially during y


climate can help
ears of rapid


developmental


change


it can affect not


only her


academic


choices


and achievements,


will need
challenges


also


ability to develop the skills she


in order to meet future academic


(Oberlin


College,


1980,


professional


16-17)


Inside


the classroom there


is more and more evidence


that


faculty


are particularly


important in


influencing occupational


decisions and


educational aspirations


(Feldman.


1974:


Weidman.


107Q0


nllrar


a. S~ Swc e **


.*






ANNA AA5 7
:257:^


faculty ranked along with parents


as extremely


important.


In fact,


with only two or three exceptions,


students perceived faculty to


either


as influential as


their parents


or more so


(Feldman,


1974)


Knowing that


faculty could have such an


impact,


the attitude of


faculty


becomes


even more critical.


Overtly discriminatory comments


on the


part of


university faculty were


prevalent


in a study


conducted


by Hall


(1982)


Such


comments


are often intentional,


although those


teachers who engage


in them might


have


been unaware of


their


potential


to do


real


harm.


They might


occur not


only


in individual


student-


teacher


interchanges,


but also


in classrooms,


office consultations,


academic advising


situations,


other


learning contexts.


Again,


according to


Hall


(1982),


there are


indications


that


overtly sexist


verbal


behavior


on the


part


of faculty might


be most


concentrated


those fields


institutions where


females


are


relative newcomers


that


it often


increases


in both intensity


effect at


the graduate


level.


Some


students


from the


University


of Chicago


found


these


types of


remarks


so odious


they


drafted a statement addressed


to their


professors explaining why


such


remarks were


offensive and harmful.


They said,


part:


Comments


women


They


such as


students
indicate


stations
graduate


about


these


can hardly


to develop an


that


our


students,


performance


expectations


be taken as


image of


themselves


essors


encouragement


as scholars


have different expec-
the performance of male


ability as


individuals


on the


fact


that


we are women.


Comments


like


these


indicate


that


we are


expected


to be decorative objects


the classroom,


that we're not


likely to


finish a


Ph.D.


-4 -


if we


some


of our prof


than about


based not


on our


b




N I"&" ; : ;E i~i~i:"":"" E"G i~~i": li;il'E3::


;~;:; r:58


Whether or not their


intended purpose is


innocent ,


sexist humor


and overtly sexist comments


could interfere with classroom learning


and have negative effects that go far


beyond


immediate classroom


or related learning situation.


Such


comments


could cause many prob-


lems


for the female student.


Cross


(1971)


found


that over


one


third


of female students


said


that


they often felt nervous,


tense,


or shy in


class;


less


than one quarter of the males


articulated such feelings of


insecurity.


While academic


tasks themselves


could account


some


portion


of tension or


shyness


among female university


students,


atmosphere created


by faculty communicating


sexist attitudes must


greatly


exacerbate


such feelings among female


students.


Part


of functioning


in a


climate such as


that described above,


reveals


that


in many


cases academic work done


by males


is valued more


highly than


that done


by females;


a female student has


to outperform


her male


peers


to be taken


seriously


by her


professors


(Hall,


1982).


Because many


females


consciously or unconsciously


share society


limited


view


females


' abilities,


some female as well as male


university


faculty expect


less of


their


female


students,


expectations


that


1982).


in many


Hall


instances


found


often


almost a


become self


climate of


-fulfilling prophecies


unexpectation.


(Hall,


Faculty


administrators


appeared


to question


the seriousness of


the female


student


as to her


academic


pursuits


reflected


this


in their


dealings


with female students


(Dickerson & Hinkle,


1979).


Rosenthal


and Jacobson


(1968)


termed


this phenomenon


Pygmalion effect.




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'E:

5"9


"bloom.


Rappaport


and Rappaport


(1975)


and Zai-a,


Shras,


and Cooper


(1975)


suggest


that


the phenomenon does not gio ome way,


from teacher


to students,


is actually


an interactive effect between student and


teacher.


According


to Zanna et al.


(1975)


there


a combined effect


of teacher expectancy


and student expectancy which


results


in an


interaction


in terms


of performance.


In this study teachers were


informed


that


some of


their elementary


aged students were projected


bloom,


while no definite projection could


be given for


some others


their


students.


In addition,


some students were


informed


that


they


were


projected


to do well,


and some


students were not


informed


anything concerning their potential.


The main dependent


variable was


change


after


in English and mathematics


the summer program.


completed either


the sixth,


achievement,


The subjects were 54


seventh,


assessed


before and


students who


behaved


in ways


consistent


with


the expectancies


they had


for their


own performance.


When a positive


teacher


expectancy was


combined with


a. positive student


expectancy,


no improvement


resulted


(Zanna


et al.,


1975)


since


expectation was


uniform.


in the absence of


positive


student


expectancy,


students whose


teachers


were given positive expec-


stations


of their performance did


better than


students whose


teachers


were


given no


such expectancy.


"If the


faculty


the sole source


encouragement


if a negative


bias


exists


, the


student


can


become


victim" (Rappaport & Rappaport,


1975).


The expectations


faculty have for


both male and female


students


or eighth grade.


just


Students









rittn work frequently approach a
*'ii ^tte' '~o~~i^n Byir jsiif '^fllfl'llilll' i"p jlrcsri^cjir i


teacher privately after class


to follow up on


begins


issues raised earlier (Puri,


in elementary school,


1982).


The patten


and with each passing year of


school,


more and more of the girls put


assignments


their energy


that allow t1en to outline


talent


their ideas


into written


clearly and


logically for their teachers


eyes only


(Sadker


& Sadker,


1982).


These


same girls are often unwilling or unable to express


their


thoughts


in classroom discussion;


if they talk


in class,


they aih t


find


themselves


labeled as


aggressive and


thus


as too


smart


independent for


boys


to want


to date


(Puirt,


1982).


By the


junior


year


of college,


according to


the reports


of faculty members,


majority


of their


teacher takes


female students do not


special


steps


speak


in class unless


to require and support verbal


partici-


pation


(Lyons


& Green,


1988).


Females


initiate


interactions


less


often and end


interactions


sooner


than male students


(Sternglanz &


Lyberger-Ficek,


1977).


sex of


faculty does


have an


influence


on female student par-


ticipation.


In male-taught


classes male students are more likely than


female students


to be directly


questioned by the


instructor


(Speizer,


1981).


In addition,


males


are


twice as


likely as


female students


respond


to a comment made


by a male


teacher.


In female-taught


classes


percentage of male and female


responses


are


almost


identical


each


category under


observation.


Female


teachers are equally


likely


to direct


questions


to male


and female students


(Karp &


Yoels,


1975).


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When female students do contribute in


the classroom,


the sexual


differences


in their


linguistic


styles reflect and sustain females'


minority status


(McMillan,


Clifton,


McGrath,


& Gale,


1977)


Females


use more


linguistic


forms that


connote uncertainty when males are


present


likely to


than when males


interrupt


are absent.


Furthermore,


than females are


males are more


to interrupt males.


higher


interruption rate of males,


and particularly their greater


propensity to


interrupt females,


lends


support


to the


interpretation


that


sex differences


in linguistic


style


reflect and sustain females'


minority


status


(McMillan et al.,


1977)


Hall


(1982)


suggested


that


males dominate females,


in light


of the other surveys


in this


paper,


it is reasonable


to conclude


that males


assertion


of dominance


through


linguistic and


interaction patterns might


create greater


uncertainty


among


females.


Female


college graduates


have comparable or


even


better


grades


than


their male


peers,


yet are somehow unable


to fulfill


the potential


that


these grades


promised.


The school


years


are an


important


training period for


learning


how to


take


verbal


risks.


if females


remain


silent


in school,


the fear


of speaking


grows


greater with each


passing year.


Faculty members who allow


students


to remain


silent


class d

silence


discussion are


can put


thereby


them at a


doing


them a disservice.


considerable disadvantage,


Females'


only in an


academic


but also


in a career


setting


(Hall,


1982).


The manner


in which males


and females


speak also differs


in ways


females









speech


college


university


settings


more


often


found among


male


than


among


female


speakers.


These


patterns


include


(Hall,


1982)


highly assertive speech,


impersonal and abstract styles,


and competi-


tive,


"devil


's advocate"


interchanges


In a


college or univer-


sity


setting,


these ways of


talking are often


equated with intel-


ligence and authority.


Some female students


feel


uncomfortable in


trying to adopt


this way of


speaking.


Even


in doing so


the experience


does not have


the same effect for females as


it does for males.


following quote attests


to this disparity:


Women watch men argue with one another


play word


games,


to win one another's


new set


respect.


of rules and sanctions


When women try to compete,
is introduced. Frequently,


a whole
they


find


that


their entry


into


the male debate simply


is ignored.


(Schwartz


& Lever,


1973,


Faculty


are often


observers of


this phenomenon.


Female students come


to the classroom with certain verbal


behaviors


that


faculty


accept


passively


perhaps encourage and


reinforce.


Perhaps verbal


interactions


ii a


classroom are


related


to sex-role attitudes


beliefs


not easily observable


but powerful


in their


effect on


student nonetheless,


both during college and


following graduation


(Lyons


& Green,


1988;


Speiser,


1981).


Difficulties


also


arise for


the female students


in respect


collegial


relationships with faculty.


In many


institutions,


males are


still more


likely than females


to be chosen


by faculty for positions


as student assistants.


A female student


is also


less


likely than a


male


to be taken


on as


a protege and


less


likely to


form close


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63


work experiences with faculty often play a crucial role


in sponsorship


jobs


and admission


to graduate and professional


programs


(Hall,


1982).


Feldman


(1974)


did,


in fact,


find


that


university students who


close


relationships with their professors were more apt


to plan a


college


or university teaching


career.


Schwartz


and Lever


(1973)


stated


that male


professors


encouraged male students


gave


them the


"outside


-the-classroom"


support


that


in reality


determined


the course


a person


s academic


career.


The collegiality


of these student-


faculty


relationships was


also an


important


predictor of


satisfaction


with graduate school


(Gregg,


1973)


As is evident,


satisfaction with


student/faculty relationships was


lowest


among


females


(Astin,


1978a)


Supportive


relationships with faculty


and administrators


plays


crucial


role


in increasing


students


' self


-esteem and self


-confidence,


especially for


female


university


students


(Astin & Kent,


1983).


Faculty members who


take


time


to socialize


with


their


female students


might


help


them


to overcome any


doubts


they may


have about


their


intellectual


competence and


thus


help


them


to develop


greater


academic


self


-esteem


(Astin


& Kent,


1983)


Unfortunately,


however,


many


studies


also


show that


female


students


generally receive


less


attention


from faculty


less


informal


feedback


than do males


(Adler,


1976).


In a study conducted


by Kjeruff


and Blood


(1973),


sample


of female


students viewed


their relationship with


their


advisor


as "less


relaxed


, jocular,


equalitarian,


casual,


or friendly"


629)


than


did males.


They


also


indicated


that


they missed


on informal


own






64


with their


advisor about


the advisor


s research


interests


than did


male


students.


This problem is exacerbated


by the small number


women


in senior faculty positions


and administrative posts.


The men have a
faculty members


tremendous


advantage.


it's


We have so few women


sort of


a fraternity.


The men


graduate students play squash and


tennis with


the men faculty


members,


but the women students don't


really have


that kind


access
have
we'd


to becoming


joked,


"Gee,


be doing a lot


Some of


if we could only play


better.


(Hartnett,


the women graduate students


squash with


1976,


the faculty,


. 70)


There


is a need


to increase


interaction


between female students


and university faculty to


level male students now


enjoy


Such


contact may be essential


to successful


progress toward advanced


degrees


because


interested faculty,


it has


been shown,


are


the primary


source of


recommendations,


guidance,


and encouragement


(Sternglanz &


Lyberger-Ficek,


1977).


there a moral


basis


arguing that college and


university


administrators


faculties


have a


responsibility


to change


attitudes,


policies,


and practices


that


result


in differential


effects


academic men and women?


According


to Astin


(1978),


the answer


a resounding yes.


Discrimination


, however


subtle or unconscious,


inescapably


a moral


question


in the college


or university


setting,


it is this


fact


that makes


the lack of


equality


for women


in higher


education a moral


flaw


Astin,


1978


171).


In conclusion,


review of


literature


reveals


that women


have


achieved access


to higher educational


institutions


that most


fields


of study that


five


years


ago were closed


women,


are now


open


For the men


friends.




V"". s ii:";~; """
ii" ii'" s,,,4 Th


-S


with ensuring equality


in education for all students,


men and women,


both


inside


classroom and outside


the classroom.


Rationale for the Use of Bonus


Profiles


This


study used


a bogus


profile


technique for


data gathering.


More


specifically,


genders,


academic


bogus pr

colleges,


sofiles were used


in which students'


and academic achievement


levels were


manipulated,


while other variables were held constant.


rationale


for using


a bogus


profile was


based


on the nature


of the data sought.


That


it has


become


increasingly more diffi-


cult


to conduct


research on


personal


attributes,


therefore an


indirect method was


necessitated


(Schaffer,


1980)


Populations


such research have


usually


been


college-educated


people or


college


students who were very much aware of


responses


"expected"


of them


(Rosenkrantz,


Bell,


Vogel,


Broverman,


& Broverman,


1968;


Spence,


Helmreich,


& Stapp,


1975a)


Methodologies


designed


to reveal sex role


attitudes must


be less


than


obvious


to the sample


(Erkut,


1982).


Such


case with social


psychologists who


successfully used


identical


case histories while manipulating


gender


as a dependent


variable


(Schaffer,


1980),


articles


authored


by either


a male or


female


(Goldberg,


1968),


resumes


either


a male or


a female


(Fidell,


1970;


Lewin


& Duchan,


1971)


and student


profiles


that


described


either


a male


or a female student


(Gaite,


1977;


Lanier,


1975;


Persons,


1972)


to possibly reveal


identify


sex-


biased


attitudes.


To determine


if women


were


oreiudiced against women.


Goldbere


was









dietetics.
*^i^E-^ artt ^I lj~^ii^^* ^i^k
|^ ^'lg^~y ^*h^'ia1^* ^


.alf the suects saw a male author's name on the article


and half


received an article authored


a female.


The female


subjects


judged


those articles


authored by men and


those by women


differently.


In the following


two examples


bogus


case histories were


designed


to reveal


sex-biased


views


of mental health counselors.


Abramo-


witz


citedd


in Schaffer,


1980)


asked male and female counselors to


evaluate mental health


based on case studies


in which


the client was


identically described except for the name,


Joan or


Jon,


political


orientation,


right or


left.


In a similar


fashion,


as an exercise in


book,


Schaffer


(1980)


presented


two case studies each describing


similar


situations,


one dealing with a man and


the other


a woman.


Counselors were asked


to evaluate


the case


histories.


In both situ-


nations


was


found


that


counselors did,


in fact,


evaluate


the case


studies


differently based


on sex.


A variation


on the


theme was


conducted


by Denmark


(1980)


Several hundred


female and male subjects were


instructed


to evaluate


either


a male or


female


professor who


purportedly written what was


termed


either


an "outspoken


or a "conciliatory"


message.


The pro-


fessors were


to be evaluated


on a number


of dimensions.


Each female


professor


had either


an outspoken or


a conciliatory message attributed


to her,


each male


professor


had an


outspoken


or conciliatory


message


attributed


to him.


Since


the set


of messages attributed to


female or male professor was


identical,


researcher was


able


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teachers

teachers


(Gaite,


sex and


1977;

race


Persons,

bias was


1972).

conduct


Another


study to


James


Lanier


determine

(1975).


From the


review


of literature using


bogus


profiles


in research,


it was


apparent to


this researcher


that


the method


using


profiles,


articles or resumes with sex and/or race manipulated,


been used


many


disciplines


with great


success.


This was


especially


so for


identifying and revealing


sex-


race-biased attitudes.


clear that


for the purposes


of this


study the


bogus profile was


appropriate method


use.


Since


literature


indicates


that males


respond favorably to


the more


competent


female,


as opposed


to the


average


female


(Lewin &


Duchan,


1971)


was


decided


to use


both an average and an above


average


profile


both males


females


in this


study


6 7


was
















CHAPTER II
METHODOLOGY


Introduction


purpose


of this


study was to


investigate expectations


perceptions of


faculty members of


a Florida university toward male and


female


students


in regard


to the


students


* career


and academic


potentials.


Also


addressed


in the


study was whether those expec-


stations

genders,


perceptions


academic


ranks,


varied as


a function of


or colleges of


the faculty members


employment within


university


. A bogus


profile


technique,


wherein


the academic


ability,


gender,


college


of enrollment


of the student


described were


varied,


was


primary methodology.


This chapter

procedures, data


contains d

collection,


descriptionss


of the


population,

s used in t


sampling,

e study.


An explanation


of the


data analyses


found


at the


conclusion


of this


chapter.


Population


University


of Central Florida


(UCF)


was


established


in Orange


County,


Florida,


in 1965.


UCF was


the fifth university


nine)


be established


in the Florida State


University


System


(SUS)


Located


on over


1.000


acres.


UCF was


third


largest university


the state


the instrument


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W.A-


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The student


evenly divided-


population of


between male (m


approximately


- 7,838)


16,000


and female


is almost


= 7,810),


students.


Because


university has only 899


residential housing


units


for students,


most


commute.


Also,


a large


percentage


(45%)


the students attend part


time.


The median age of


lower division


(i.e.,


freshmen and sophomore)


students


is 19 while


for upper division


(i.e.,


junior


senior)


students


the median age


is 23


years.


There are a


total


of 668 full


-time faculty


at the


University


Central


Florida assigned


to five


different


academic


colleges:


Arts


Sciences,


Business Administration,


Education,


Engineering,


and Health.


Of these,


556 are men and


112 are women.


Among


these,


there are


men and


women


holding the


rank


of full


professor,


127 men and


women holding


the rank of


associate


professor,


114 men and 33


women holding


rank of


assistant


professor.


There also


are


26 male


27 female


instructors


lecturers.


Of the 112 women faculty,


are not


tenure


track positions


as opposed


to the 556 male faculty,


of which 36

faculty in


are not


the


in tenure


five academic


track positions.

colleges by gender


The

are:


distributions of

College of Arts


and Sciences,


tration,


women;


198 men and


men


College of


39 women;


women;


Engineering,


College


College of


82 men and


of Business


Education,


women;


Adminis-


43 men and


College of


Health,


13 men and


18 women.


Seventy percent


of the UCF


faculty hold


terminal


.e., doctoral)


degrees.


Their


degrees are from


institutions


representing


a broad


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""~':u ,i .r:,I
0 V ; 70


four


-year


public


higher educational


institutions


Southeastern


United States


(Hall


& Sander,


1984)


The Bogus (Student)


Profile


bogus


from records of


student


profiles,


students at


based on representative


the University


information


of Central Florida,


were


devised for use


in this


study


(Appendix C)


One profile described an


average student at


UCF while


the other described an above average


student.


The student's date of


admission,


reason for


application,


age,


race


were held


constant


on all


profiles


Also,


Scholastic


Aptitude


Test


(SAT),


American College


Test


(ACT),


Wechsler


-Adult


Intelligence Scale


(WAIS),


Myers-Briggs Type Indicator scores,


as well


as hobbies


listed,


were


the same on all


profiles.


Twenty


differ-


bogus


profiles were developed


by varying


combinations of


academic


performance


(high and


low)


with gender


(male and female)


across


five


different academic majors.


Each faculty member


in each academic


college


received a


profile


describing

college.


a (bogus) student majoring in

For example, in the College of


an area appropriate


to that


Arts and Sciences


student


s major


on the


profile was


Liberal Studies.


Similarly,


major was General


Business


in the


College of


Business Administration,


Administration and Supervision in


Engineering


the College of Education,


in the College of Engineering,


Computer


and Respiratory Therapy


College


that


of Health.


The majors were


there were approximately


equal numbers


selected as


of males


representative


and females










as being either


a clearly male or


a clearly female preference aong


students.


The age,~


SAT,


and ACT


scores for the average student


profile


reflected


the average of


each of those variables for students


attending the

the study was


University of

conducted. S


Central Florida during the year


cores


in which


for the above average student profile


reflected near upper

nationwide. The Mye


limit scores of those


rs-Briggs Personality T


intuitive-thinking-perceiving;


EITP)


was


taking the ACT/SAT

voe used extrovert


P


type ascribed


exams


to 131 of


the general


population,


largest percentage


any one of


the 16


Myers


-Briggs


' types.


College activities


hobbies on


profiles


were


those which Astin


(1978a)


found


to be among


students who


succeeded


in college.


faculty


evaluated seven statements on


each profile and


responded


to each on a


five-point,


Likert


-type


scale.


seven


statements


on each profile were:


This


student would


benefit


from career development


counseling.


This


student should


consider


an alternative major


area of


study.


.1


would


like


the opportunity


of supervising this


student in


an independent


research study.


would


be willing to


have


this


student appointed as my


personal


research assistant


i ":"
""EE"
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,,,: ; ~iii
1


1--- -


t~










n This etbdent has tem potential for a rewarding academic


career at


'ICE,


Upon graduating,
^^adutvn


I would recommend


this


student for a


career


in administration or management.


faculty were asked


to respond


to each statement


on the


basis


of strongly


agree


(SA).


agree


(A),


undecided


(U),


disagree


0D),


strongly disagree


(SD).


statements the faculty members


responded


to concerning the


profile were


appropriate


constructed


by four expert


by the


judges


investigator,


from the University


reviewed and deemed


of Florida.


Procedure


An assistant


to the researcher distributed


bogus


profiles


faculty


in attendance at


first fall


faculty meeting


in each of


five


colleges.


It was explained


prior to


the distribution of


profiles


that


this was


a study


career


and academic


counseling,


the questionnaire would


take approximately


five minutes


to corn-


plete,


responses


to all


seven statements


on the


profile were


requested,


they not


their names or


social security numbers


on the


forms.


The faculty


tionnaires

prevent th


in each


to return


e various


bogus


college were


the respo

profiles


nses


from


instructed


during

being


to complete the ques-


the faculty meeting to

discussed among faculty.


Each faculty member within a


particular


college received one of


four profiles:


average male.


a~VeraPPs


female. -


above average


. aj


.


I U


.






73


faculty were


instructed


to read


the (student's) profile carefully and


assume


that


they were


faculty member working with


the student


described


in the


profile.


The number of


faculty


profiles


in the College


completed and


of Engineering


returned


(representing


were 47


from


28.1% of


total


faculty


in the college);


58 in the College of


Arts


and Sciences


(34.7X);


27 in the College of Health


.2%);


35 in the College of


Business Administration


(21Z);


35 in the College of Education


(29%)


Hypotheses


In an


attempt


to answer the


research questions presented


Chapter


* the following


six null hypotheses were developed:


There


is no difference


in the faculty'


mean


ratings on each


of the


seven


statements


of the


student


profiles


based on


the gender


student


described.


There


is no difference


in the faculty


S mean


ratings on


each


seven


statements


of the


student


profiles


based


on the ability


of the student


described.


. There


are no


interactions


in the


faculty


s mean


ratings


each


of the


seven


statements


of the


student


profiles


based


on the


gender-ability


combinations


of the student


profiled.


There


is no


difference


in the


faculty


s mean


ratings


of the


gender-based


student


profiles


on the


basis of


the gender


of the


faculty member









Thes .K K KK
s uno difference
ne "..:i gi


the faculty'" mean ratings of


gender-


based student


profiles on


basis of


the academic


rank of the


faculty member.


There is no difference


in the faculty


's mean ratings


of the


gender


-based student profiles


on the


basis


the college affiliation


of the faculty member


Statistical Analyses


The analyses


of the data


were conducted


in several


steps.


First,


frequency

responses


distributions were compiled


to each variable,


to determine


the frequencies


including demographic variables.


This was


done


to facilitate organization


of the data.


Next,


in order to


be able


to evaluate null hypotheses one,


two,


three,


analysis


of variance


procedures were used.


More


specific


cally


a2X 2


factorial ANOVA


was utilized


to evaluate hypotheses one


through


three.


A separate analysis was


conducted for each of


seven statements


on which faculty rated


the student


profiles.


level


of significance was


employed for


of these


procedures.


Analyses


of variance procedures were


also used


to examine


responses


to each of


items


in null hypotheses


four,


five,


and six.


More specifically,


a2X2


factorial ANOVA


was utilized


to examine


Null Hypothesis


four;


a2X


factorial ANOVA


was used


to examine Null


Hypothesis


Hypothesis


five,


six.


and a 2 X 5


Again,


factorial ANOVA


.01 level


was used


of significance was


to examine Null


employed.


Whenever


a significant F-ratio was obtained


for academic


rank or


74


the










employed


to determine which of


the means were significantly different


from one


another.


results


of these analyses are found


in Chapter


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CHAPTER IV
RESULTS


purpose of


this


study was


to investigate expectations


perceptions


a university faculty toward male and female students


regard


to the


(bogus)


students


* career


and academic potentials.


Each


college faculty member participating


in the study was


given a


bogus


student


profile containing hypothetical academic and


personal


information,


student


with gender,


being manipulated.


academic ability,

The faculty rate


and academic major


the students


of the


on seven


items,


each having a Likert


-type response scale pertaining to


career


and academic potentials.


Frequency Data


202 faculty member respondents


in this


study were distributed


throughout


Florida.


five academic


In Table


can


colleges


be seen


of the


that


University


College


of Central


of Arts


Sciences


highest number of respondents


(58),


the College


of Health had t

Of the 202


he fewest


(27).


faculty members participating


in the study,


responded


to the question


on age.


can


be seen


in Table 2,


over


of the respondents were age 40


or older.


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77


Table 1


Frequency Distribution of Faculty Member
by College Affiliation


Respondents


College Frequency Percent


Engineering .. 47 23.3

Arts and Sciences 58 28.7

Health 27 13.4

Business Administration 35 17.3

Education 35 17.3

Total 202 100.0


Table


Distribution


of Faculty Member


Respondents


Age Frequency Percent


20-29 8 4.0

30-39 47 23.7

40-49 83 41.9

50+ 60 30.3




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Table 3


Distribution


of Faculty Member
by Academic Rank


Respondents


Rank Frequency Percent


Instructor 18 9.1

Assistant Professor 57 28.9

Associate Professor 64 32.5

Full Professor 58 29.4

Total 197 100.0


Median


rank


= Associate Professor









ranks


professor,


of full


with 57


professor,


respondents,


with 58


were


respondents,


similar


and assistant


in number.


One hundred forty-nine


of the


respondents were male and


were


female.


Six respondents did not


provide gender


information


see


Table


Table


Distribution


of Faculty Member
by Gender


Respondents


Gender Frequency Percent


Male 149 76.0

Female 47 24.0

Total 196 100.0


Results


Null


Tested Hypotheses


Hypothes is


Null


hypothesis


one


stated


that


there


no difference


in the


faculty


s ratings


on each of


seven


statements


of the student


profiles


based


on the gender


of the student


described.


Analysis


of variance


procedures were


used


to examine


responses


each


of the


seven


questions


on the


bogus


profile


to determine


if there


were statistically


significant


differences


between


faculty members'


mean gender


-based


ratings


among


the male and


female


student


profiles


each


of the


seven


statements..


More


specifically,


a2X2


79






80


In regard to the gender of


the student profiled,


no statistically


significant main effect differences were found on any of the seven


questions


(Tables :5 ad 6).


In summary,


because no


.statistically


significant differences were


found,


hypothesis one was not rejected.


Null Hypothesis Two


Null hypothesis two stated


that


there


is no difference


in the


faculty'

profiles


s mean ratings on each of the

based on the academic ability


Analysis


seven statements


of the


of variance procedures were


used


of the student


student described.


to examine


responses


to each of


the seven questions on


the bogus profile


determine


if there were statistically


significant differences


between


faculty members


mean


ratings


on each of


the average and above average


profiles


each of


the seven


statements.


In regard


to the ability


level


of the


student


(average or


above


average),


statistically


significant


differences on


basis


ability


of student


profiled


were


found


for the questions


on the pro-


file addressing


supervising


independent


research,


appointment as


research assistant,


recommendation


for graduate


school,


and recommen-


dation


academic


career.


No significant


differences on


basis of


ability


of the student


profiled were


found


concerning


question of


recommendation of


career


counseling,


recommendation


alternative major


recommendation


an administrative or manage-


men t


carner


(Tables


5 and


- .




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Table 5


Cell Means and Standard Deviations:


The Seven Statements on the


Student Profile,


Ability


Level of Student


and Gender of


Student


Recommendation of Career Counseling

Above


Average


Recommendation for


Average


an Alternative Major


Above


Average


Average






82


Table 5


--continued


Supervising


Independent Research


Above


Average


Average


Appointment as Research As


Above


Average


Average


Recommendation for Graduate School

Above


Average Average


sistant






.33


Table 5


--continued


Recommendation for UCF


Academic Career


Above


Average


Recommendation for an
or Management


Average


Average


Administrative


Career

Above
Average










Table 6


Source ofVariationroied Studet,


Academic Level


Student,


Gender of


Student


Source of Variation df S.S. M.S. F


Recommendation of Career Counseling


Ability level ------ -1------ ~ --0.64 0.64 0.59
Gender 1 2.64 2.64 2.41
Interaction 1 .04 .04 .04
Within Groups 189 206.93 1.09
Total 192 210.26


Recommendation for an Alternative Major


Ability level 1 2.05 2.05 1.28
Gender 1 0.03 0.03 0.02
Interaction 1 0.20 0.20 0.12
Within groups -- 189 303.65 1.61
Total 192 305.93


Supervising Independent Research


Ability level 1 60.43 60.43 43.52*
Gender 1 2.85 2.85 2.05
Interaction 1 0.30 0.30 0.21
Within groups 189 262.41 1.39
Total 192 325.98


Appointment as Research Assistant


Ability level 1 82.10 82.10 80.86*
Gender 1 0.49 0.49 0.48
Interaction 1 0.54 0.54 0.53
Within groups 189 191.87 1.02
Total 192 275.02


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Table


--continued


Recommendation for Graduate School


Ability
Gender


level


~-I


166.11


3.48


Interaction
Within groups
Total


204.98
374.58


Recommendation for UCF Academic Career


Ability level 1 87.73 87.73 88.93*
Gender 1 2.73 2.73 2.76
Interaction 1 0.08 0.08 0.09
Within groups 189 186.47 0.98
Total 192 277.02


Recommendation for an Administrative or Management Career


Ability level 1 7.07 7.07 7.58
Gender 1 1.16 1.16 1.24
Interaction 1 0.00 0.00 0.00
Within groups 189 176.35 0.93
Total 192 184.58


,18 ,,, 5 ,

85










pect to abilty


level


of student .indicated


that not all


differences wre statistically significant.


Null Hypothesis Three


Null hypothesis three stated that


there are no


interactions


faculty's mean ratings


on each of


the seven statements of


student profiles


based on


the gender-ability combinations


of the


student profiled,


Analysis


responses


of variance procedures were used


to each of the seven questions on


to examine


bogus profile


determine


if there were statistically significant


on the gender-ability combination of


the student


interactions


profiled.


based


No statis-


tically significant


interactions were found


(Tables


summary,


none of


the seven


interactions of


gender


and ability


of the students profiled were statistically significant;


therefore,


hypothesis


three was not


rejected.


Null Hypothesis


Four


Null


hypothesis


four


stated


that


there


is no difference


in the


faculty's mean ratings


of the gender-


based student


profiles


on the


basis


of the


gender


of the faculty member.


Analysis


responses


of variance


to each of


procedures were used


the seven questions on


to examine


bogus profile to


determine


if there were statistically


significant


differences


between


faculty members


mean ratings


among


"male"


"female"'


student


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respondents nor was


one found


on the


basis of gender of


the student


profile.


Also,


no statistically


significant


interaction was


found


(Tables


and 8)


Table


Cell Means:


Recommendation


of Career Counseling,


Gender


of Faculty Member


Gender o
Faculty


Student


Profile


Fl




Table


Source


of Variation


Recommendation of


Career Counseling,


Gender


of Faculty Member


Source of Variation df S.S. M.S. F


Faculty 1 1.7 1.7 1.63

Student 1 2.0 2.0 1.92

Interaction 1 0.0 0.0 0.00

Within Groups 189 198.2 1.04

Total 192 201.9


In regard


to recommending an alternative major


, no statistically


8 7 K K
: : I.:









the Pofile .


Also,


no statistically signify icant
All^ s -3cwJQI kd L gn& L f^J- a JA4 tl


interaction was


found


(Tables


10).


Table


Cell Meanss


Recommendation


for an Alternative Major


Gander of Faculty Member

Gender of
Faculty


Student Profile


Table


Source of Variation:


Recommendation for


an Alternative


Major,


Gender of Faculty Member


Source of Variation df S.S. M.S. F


Faculty 1 0.03 0.03 0.02

Student 1 0.52 0.52 0.32

Interaction 1 0.00 0.00 0.00

Within Groups 189 304.96 1.61

Total 192 305.51


In regard t

for the student,


.o whether faculty would


no statistically


supervise


significant main


independent


effect


research


difference


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Table


Cell Means:


Supervising


Independent Research,


Gender


of Faculty Members


Gender of
Faculty


Student


Profile


F










Table


Source of Variation:


Supervising


Independent Research,


Gender


of Faculty Member


Source of Variation df S.S. M.S. F


Faculty 1 0.58 0.58 0.35

Student 1 4.64 4.64 2.76

Interaction 1 0.35 0.35 0.21

Within Groups 189 318.41 1.68

Total 192 323.98


Thh


~f; a










When


considering


whether


faculty would appoint


the student as


research assistant, there was no significant


responses given


difference


by the male and female faculty members.


between


Concomitant


with


that,


there was no significant difference


in the overall


ranking


all faculty members


between male and


female students.


In addition,


interaction


between


faculty gender


and student


gender failed


produce a statistically significant difference


(Tables


13 and


14).


For the question concern

student for graduate school,


ning whether faculty would recommend


no statistically


significant main effect


difference was


found


gender of


respondents nor was


one found


on the


basis of


the student


in the


profile.


Also,


no statistically


significant


interaction was


found


(Tables


15 and


16).


When


considering


the question


of recommending a student for


career


in academia at


UCEr,


there was no


significant


difference


between


responses


given


by the male and female faculty members,


between


male and female students,


or for the interaction of


the two factors


(Tables


17 and


18).


In regard


to the


recommendation


of a student


a career


administration


or management,


no statistically


significant main effect


difference was


basis


found for gender


of gender


of the


of the student


respondent nor was


in the profile.


one found on


Also,


statistically significant


summary,


interaction was


hypothesis number


found


four was not


(Tables


rejected


19 and 20).


because


results


of testing


the faculty' s


responses


to the seven statements


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Table


Cell Means:


Appointment as


Research Assistant,


Gender of Faculty Member

Gender of
Faculty


Student


Profile


Table


Source of Variation:


Appointment as


Research Assistant,


Gender


of Faculty Member


Source of Variation df S.S. M.S. F


Faculty 1 0.01 0.01 0.01

Student 1 1.01 1.01 0.70

Interaction 1 0.62 0.62 0.43

Within Groups 189 273.39 1.44

Total 192 275.03


2.82 2.92
(72) (25)

2.93 3.08
(75) (21)






92


Table


Cell Means:


recommendation for Graduate School,
Gender of Faculty Member

Gender of
Faculty


Student Profile


Table


Source of Variation:


Recommendation


for Graduate School,


Gender


of Faculty Member


Source of Variation df S.S. M.S. F



Faculty 1 1.41 1.41 0.01

Student 1 7.05 7.05 0.02

Interaction 1 0.26 0.26 0.00

Within Groups 189 327.41 137.41

Total 192 336.13


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Table


Cell Means:


Recommendation


for UCF Academic Career,


Gender of Faculty Member

Gender of
Faculty


Student


Profile


F









Table


Source of Variation:


Recommendation


for UCF


Academic


Career,


Gender


of Faculty Member


Source of Variation df S.S. M.S. F


Faculty 1 1.70 1.70 1.18

Student 1 3.21 3.21 2.23

Interaction 1 3.09 3.09 2.15

Within Groups 189 272.70 1.44

Total 192 280.70