Antihaitianismo in the Dominican Republic

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Title:
Antihaitianismo in the Dominican Republic
Physical Description:
vi, 312 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.
Language:
English
Creator:
Sagas, Ernesto, 1964-
Publication Date:

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Haitians -- Dominican Republic   ( lcsh )
Relations -- Dominican Republic -- Haiti   ( lcsh )
Relations -- Haiti -- Dominican Republic   ( lcsh )
Ethnic relations -- Dominican Republic   ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1993.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 270-311).
Statement of Responsibility:
by Ernesto Sagas.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
aleph - 001943445
notis - AKB9691
oclc - 31063949
System ID:
AA00002078:00001

Full Text










ANTIHAITIANISMO


IN THE


DOMINICAN


REPUBLIC


ERNESTO


SAGAS


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY













ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


would like


to thank my supervisory


committee


for


their


assistance and helpful


dissertation.


McCoy,


Thanks


comments


in particular go to


chairman of my supervisory


in writing this


Terry


committee and my


academic


advisor since


1986.


Also,


would


like


to thank the


Graduate School


the University


of Florida,


whose


financial


support enabled me to pursue graduate studies.


Special


thanks go to Mrs.


Latin American Studies,


Carmen Meyers,


who


has helped me


of the Center for

in countless ways.


To my parents,


Eduardo and Nancy,


thanks are expressed


for their constant


me a great devotion


like


love and support,


for the


to thank my relatives and


and


instilling


Dominican Republic.


friends


would


United States


and the


Dominican Republic who


in some way helped me


complete this dissertation


Special


thanks go to my


friend


Orlando


Inoa,


and his wife Lidia,


whose help and hospitality


made this


dissertation possible.


Finally


would


like


thank my wife,

bearing with me


Amparo,


and my


throughout


this


son,


Antonio


long


ordeal.


'rnesto,

It is


for

to them


that


this dissertation is dedicated.


















TABLE OF CONTENTS



PageACKNOWLEDGMENTS

~~ACK OWLEDMENTS...... .. .. .. ...... .... .i


CHAPTERS


Haiti and the Dominican Republic........
The Problem: Antihaitianismo..............
Outline of the Dissertation...............
Notes................. ....................


.....0..
.......
.......
..0....
* .C **
* S a. S
* S* ** 5
* C ** *


II LITERATURE REVIEW, THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY......................... 40


Literature Review...........
Theoretical Framework.......
Main Thesis.................
Research Methodology........
Notes.......................


..........0..00
.....000........
...............
...............
..............*


........
...0.....
........
....0...
* .a *s
SSC***S*
* a .
* .. .a **


III A HISTORY OF HAITIAN-DOMINICAN RELATIONS.......... 73


From 1492 to the Haitian Revolution................ 74
From the Haitian Revolution to 1961................ 95
Conclusion: The Historical Legacy.................. 116
Notes ....... ........... ............. ............ 124


IV CONTEMPORARY HAITIAN-DOMINICAN RELATIONS........... 125


The Post-Trujillo Period........................... 126
Dimensions of the "Haitian Problem"
in the Dominican Republic........................ 140
Notes................. ................ ..... ...... 172


ABSTRACT.......................... ....................


I INTRODUCTION.................... ...................










V PERCEPTIONS OF
THE DOMINICAN


ANTIHAITIANISMO IN
REPUBLIC.........


Anti-Haitian
Attitudes of
The Haitian
Notes.......


Attitudes in
the Dominican
Perspective on


the Generi
Elites..
Antihait


al Public....... 175
................ 194
ianismo......... 200
................ 203


THE
AS


DEVELOPMENT OF
AN IDEOLOGY..


ANTIHAITIANISMO


Elites and the
The Role of the
Antihaitianismo
Notes..........


Reproducti
Media....
: Ideology


on


of Antihaitianismo


.* *.
or S


ymboli


c Raci


sm?.


* ... 2
* .. 2
* ..... 2
* .... 2


VII


CONCLUSION


: ANTIHAITIANISMO


AND


CONSEQUENCES...


Results of the
Antihaitianismo


Study...
and its


Consequences.


. . . . 2
...... .. ..... 2


APPENDICES


ELITE


QUESTIONNAIRE........................ ........


FOCUS
IN


FOCUS
IN


FOCUS
IN


GROUP QUESTIONNAIRE
THE SUGAR PLANTATIONS


GROUP QUESTIONNAIRE
THE SUGAR PLANTATIONS


GROUP QUESTIONNAIRE
THE BORDER REGION....


FOR
. .* *


FOR
.* *


FOR


DOMINICAN
* S S


HAITIAN
a....e..


DOMINICANS


WORKERS


WORKERS


LIVING


PRESIDENTIAL


DECREE


BIBLIOGRAPHY................... ................... ......


BIOGRAPHICAL


SKETCH................................... ..


Page


I


1


___


233-91............... ..........













Abstract


of Dissertation


Presented


Graduate


School


the


University


Requirements


of Florida


for


the


Degree


in Partial
te of Doctor


Fulfillment of
: of Philosophy


the


ANTIHAITIANISMO


IN THE


DOMINICAN


REPUBLIC


Ernesto


December


Sagas


1993


Chairman:


Dr. Terry


McCoy


Major


Department


: Political


Science


the


Dominican


Republic


, hi


story


geography


have


combined


to give


to a racial


-sociocultural


credo


designed


Dominicans.


to sharply


Thi


differentiate


credo,


between


which


Haitians


practical


and


purposes


negates


and


plays


down


black


elements


within


Dominican


society


has


come


to be known


Dominican


Republic


antihaitianismo


Antihaitianismo


and


the


consi


object


the


dissertation.


creation


reproduction


negative


Dominicans


attitudes


directed


, symbols


toward


, and


Haitians


stereotypes


living


, among


Dominican


Republic.


The


main


thesi


ssertation


that


the


causes


of the


existing


anti


-Haitian


attitudes


(antihaitianismo)






historically


conflictive nature of Haitian-Dominican


relations


and,


second,


the deliberate development and


social


reproduction by members of


anti-Haitian


ideology


the Dominican elites of


It has been the deliberate work of


some


Dominican elites


that


, based


on political


interests,


nationalism,


racism,


a multi-faceted


or their combination,


ideology


has given rise to


of anti-Haitian attitudes,


symbols,


and stereotypes


known as antihaitianismo.


This thesis was


examined


through a


comprehensive


analysis


the history


of Haitian-Dominican relations,


field work


elite

The r


the


interviews,


resulting


Dominican Republic


and an examination of


conclusion


, library research,


Dominican media.

ismo is the


that antihaitian


consequence of


the manipulation of the tense Haitian-


Dominican relationship


Dominican elites


for the


achievement of


political


ends,


distorting Dominican history


and popular culture,


and


effectively transforming


antihaitianismo


antihaitianismo


into a


is not an


dominant


ideology.


individual


Furthermore,


attitude,


as most


Dominicans


have actually very


little daily


contact with


Haitian migrants,


but a socially shared and reproduced


attitude,


deeply


embedded


in Dominican culture through


efforts of Dominican elites.












CHAPTER


INTRODUCTION


Racism,


problems


prejudice


the


and


contemporary


intolerance


world.


are


Even


still


maj or


countries


where


laws


have


been


enacted


to protect


racial


and


ethnic


minority


. United


States),


there


still


much


to be


done


, as social


tensions


remain


latent


under


a surface


apparent


calm.


These


problems


are


magnified


Third


World


countries


, where


paucity


resources


the


lack


institutionalized


channel


dissent


further


exacerbates


social


island


tensions.


divided


when


independent


scenario


countries,


a small


these


Caribbean


issues


can


take


on enormous


proportions.


That


case


of Haiti


and


the


Dominican


Republic


, the


nations


that


share


Caribbean


island


of Hispaniola,


object


dissertation.


Relations


between


these


countries


have


usually


been


tense,


several


as Haiti


invaded


occasions,


Dominican


Dominican


Republic


Republic


has responded


kind


interf


ering


Haitian


affairs


and


killing


thousands


relationship


credo,


of Haitians


has


1937


to the


a somewhat-vague


This


development


ideology


known


conflictive


an anti-Haitian


as antihaitianismo.








As an


ideology,


antihaitianismo has turned Haitians


into the


scapegoats

barbaric,


of a society that

and undesirable.


considers them inferior,

This dissertation is an


examination


this


Caribbean phenomenon,


a kind


ideological


apartheid within


the confines of


a small


island


The


implications


this study,


however


, extend well


beyond


Haiti

Americ


and th

a and


e


Dominican Republic to other countries


the world with similar racial


in Latin


or ethnic


conflictive


situations.


This


introductory


chapter


is be divided


three parts.


The


first


one will


serve as an


introduction to Haiti


and the


Dominican Republic.


It will


describe


the main


characteristics


these two countries


regarding their


geography


, society,


economy,


political


system,


and relations


with each


other,


order to


familiarize the


reader with


two countries and


problems


to be analyzed


this


dissertation.


The


second part will


describe the problems to


be analyzed


this dissertation,


namely the existence of


antihaitianismo


in the Dominican Republic.


Finally


, the


last part will


briefly


outline


the contents and


organization


of the


remainder of


the dissertation.


Haiti


The


and the Dominican Republic


Land


The


island of Hispaniola


(originally


known as La





























a


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and the


Dominican Republic


in a


geographic area


of 29,628


square miles,


including


some


small


adjacent


islands


(see


Figure


1-1)


Haiti


occupies


the western


part of the


island


and with


10,714


square miles


a little over a


third


of the


island's


territory


(Goodwin 1984,


180) .


The Dominican


Republic,


with


18,914


square miles,


occupies


the eastern


two-thirds


(Goodwin


1984,


176)


Though


the


island


Hispaniola


second


largest


island


the Caribbean


(after Cuba) ,


it has


the highest


(Pico


Duarte


10,249


feet)


lowest


(Lake


Enriquillo -131


feet)


elevation points of


the region.


These geographic extremes help


to represent the


geographic diversity


island.


While


the northeast


humid and


fertile,


the southwest


is dry


and arid.


Rain is


usually


brought by the trade winds


from the northeast,


Hispaniola's


tall


peaks serve as a barrier


, trapping most of


rain and


leaving very


little


to fall


on the


southwest


side of


the


island.


Moreover


a look at


the


topographic


maps of Haiti


(see


Figure


1-2)


the Dominican Republic


(see


Figure


1-3)


reveals other


important geographic


characteristics.


seen


in Figure


1-2,


Haiti's


territory


is mostly


coastal


covered with mountains,


plains


with


the Cul-de-Sac valley


thin strips of


in the south-


central


portion.


Notice


particular the


long


southern


peninsula mostly covered by a moun


tain range.


This


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countryside.


Certainly


is still


easier


travel


boat


from


the


south


to Port-au-Prince


than


car


Dominican


Republic,


on the


other


hand,


enj oys


a smoother


topography


seen


Figure


, the


central


mountain


range


still


pre


sents


a formidable


barrier.


However,


mountain


range


flanked


fertile


valleys


, the


Cibao


valley


These


two


the


north


valleys


and


, besides


Juan


making


valley


communications


south.


easier


have


become


the


breadbaskets


the


Dominican


Republic


and


produce


most


the


agricultural


products


consumed


Dominican


people.


Moreover,


eastern


peninsula


wide,


fertile


plain


covered


cattle


ranches


sugar


plantations


communications


This


unique


simple


and


geography


effort


has


ess


made


, while


east-west


north-south


communications


are


only


particularly


difficult


when


one


encounters


the


central


mountain


range.


The


People


The


population


of Haiti


the


Dominican


Republic


also


pre


sents


some


interesting


characteristic


Based


official


population


estimates


1990,


Haiti


had


time


6.513


million


inhabitants,


while


the


Dominican


Republic


had


7.170


million


(IDB


1991,


271).


When


one


compares


population


difference


of 1


ess


than


one


million


inhabitants








1990,


Haiti had approximately


inhabitants


per square


mile,


as compared


to 378


for the Dominican Republic


Globe


1990) .


True,


other Caribbean nations have an even


higher population density,


such as Puerto Rico


(with


inhabitants per square mile)


and Barbados


(with


1,554


inhabitants


per square mile)


However,


these nations have


small


territories,


high


urbanization rates and per


capital


incomes well


above Haiti's.


Haiti's overpopulation


, then,


is only


problems,


one of


problems,


creates a


that when coupled with


vicious circle


that has


other


kept Haiti


the


poorest country


the Western Hemisphere.


Most of


Haiti's


population


lives


in the countryside,


with


only


about


of the


population


living


in urban centers,


most notably


in Port-au-Prince with


473,000


inhabitants


(PC Globe


1990).


Other major cities


are Cap Haitien,


Petionville


(now


considered a suburb of Port-au-Prince),


Gonaives,


Les Cayes,


Port-de-Paix,


Jacmel


and Jtremie


(see


Figure


1-1)


The


Dominican Republic has


recently become an urbani


country


with 52%


population now


living


in towns


cities.


This


is mostly due


to the


fact


that Santo


Domingo's


population has


swollen in recent


years


to 1.4


million


inhabitants


(PC Globe


1990).


Other


important


urban


centers


include Santiago de


Macoris,


los Caballeros,


San Francisco de Macoris,


La Romana,


Vega,


San Pedro de


San Juan de


Maguana,


Barahona


and Puerto


Plata


(see Figure


1-1) .









Haiti


Dominican


Republic


have


relatively


young


populations.


For


example


half


of Haiti


s population


IS 19


years


old


or 1


ess


, while


of Dominicans


are


or under


(CEPAL


1991,


168)


This


fact


presents


a great


challenge


both


nations


, as these


young


sters


will


soon


be joining


labor


market


that


cannot


assimilate


them.


Racially,


Haiti


and


the


Domini


can


Republic,


though


geographically


close,


display


sharp


differences


(see


Figure


-4).


While


Haiti


blacks


constitute


overwhelming


majority


of the


population,


Dominican


Republic


an heterogeneous


racial


composition.


Almost


three-quarters


of all


Dominicans


are


mulatto


black


and


white


mixed


ancestry)


with


skin


tones


ranging


across


spectrum,


while


pure


blacks


whites


repr


sent


substantial


racial


minority


es.


In Haiti


mulattoes


besides


being


a small


minority,


constitute


social


and


economic


elite.


Neverthel


ess,


Haiti


can


considered


Republic,


a truly


as Selden


racially


Rodman


homogenous


(1984)


country,


put


"Black


Dominican


Republic


, on the


other


hand,


defies


easy


classification.


Its


racially


-mixed


population


is most


similar


composition


to Venezuela


s or Panama


, but


without


the


Amerindian


element.


These


facts


should


be kept


mind


when


analyze,


development


following


of Haiti


and


chapters


the


the


Dominican


historical

Republic.


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Haitian


people


speak


Creole,


French


Haiti


s official


language.


French


is the


language


of politics


, business,


culture,


and


course,


power


prestige.


conse


quence


, the


of Haiti


s population


that


monolingual


full


(Creole


participation


-speaking)


contemporary


effectively

y Haitian s


barred


society.


from

Haiti


can


be described


then


, "as a nation


composed


two


linguistic


communities


: the


bilingual


elite


[that


speaks


Creol


masses


Dominican


plus


French]


" (Valdman


Republic


monolingual


1984,


No such


where


Spanish


has


rural


conflict

always


and


urban


exists


been


the


the


dominant--and


sometimes


the


only--language


the


land


Even


quality


more

life


important


the


than


population


inhabitants


figures


these


two


the


nations.


Table


provides


some


appalling


statistics.


TABLE


QUALITY


AND


OF LIFE


DOMINICAN


IN HAITI
REPUBLIC


I-- ~L~- -- -~II~~~~~~--- -----------


Dominican


Republic


Haiti


Life E
Infant


xpectancy
Mortality


at Birth


61 years
68/1,000


3J years
115/1,000


Adult L
Average
Access


iteracy
Caloric
to Safe


Rate


Intake
Water


102%


FAO


of FAO


Source:


Goodwin


1984,


, 180.


on a minimum


diet


the


United


Nations


Food


and


Agricultural


Organization.


Both


Haiti


and


the


Dominican


Republic


are


poor,


Third


World


*. .. A. -


A.- 15


. f A -


Based


L


JFt








expectancy


in the


Dominican Republic


is about


ten years


less


than


the developed world.


the case of Haiti


about


twenty years


less!


Infant mortality


levels are high,


and even more dramatic when


they


are compared


to neighboring


Cuba


with 21/1,000


and Jamaica


with


16/1,000


(Goodwin


1984,


170,


182) .


Adult


literacy


is particularly


in Haiti


compounded by an


educational


system that mainly


teaches


in French,


while the


totality


of Haiti's


population


speaks Creole.


Malnutrition remains a


serious problem


both


countries,


where


large


segments of


the


population are


undernourished and


when


they


can,


not


when


they want


Again,


this


is more evident


in Haiti,


where an estimated


10,000 malheureux


(the unfortunate)


sleep out


on the streets


of Port-au-Prince at night and


struggle


just


to survive


another day


(Prince


1985,


59) .


the Haitian countryside,


prolonged droughts and


the


total


lack


of government aid have


driven peasants


to the brink of


starvation,


particularly


the dry northwest


something that


region.

taken f


developed countries,


is a


Finally


:or granted


luxury


access to


safe water,


the majority


for the


of the


inhabitants of


Hispaniola.


While


the


Dominican Republic a


little over


half


the


population can


enjoy


in Haiti


only


a meager


of the population


(and most of them


in Port-au-Prince)


has


access to


(Goodwin


1984,


180).


These apparently unsurmountable problems


have


spurred a


--









second


largest


concentration


of Dominicans


after


Santo


Domingo,


and


Miami


the


second


largest


concentration


Haitians


after


Port-au


-Prince


There


are


an estimated


750,000


Dominicans


and


a slightly


smaller


number


of Haitians


living

also m


the


igrate


United S

to Puerto


states

Rico


(Corten


1993,


Spain,


129) .


while


Dominicans


Haitian


migrants


have


established


large


community


Canada


the


Bahamas.


One


can


then


conclude


that


both


Haiti


Dominican


Republic


face


enormous


human


problems,


particularly


the


areas


of health,


education


, and


quality


of life.


Problems


that


need


to be


taken


care


, but


which


there


are


very


little


resources


to do


, as we shall


see



The


next.



Economy


The


measured


wealth


the


lack


well-being


of wealth)


of its


of a country


inhabitants


only


It al


takes


into


account


available


resources


to promote


that


common


well-being


or healthy


standard


of living.


In thi


sense,


Haiti


and


the


Dominican


Republic


are


impoverished


countries

economies


that

given


are

the


struggling

limited


to develop


resources


their


available


respective

to them.


Haiti,


the


smallest


and


poorest


the


two


nations,


the


poorest


nation


Americas


Even


when


compared


. S- S


I I


* *


-- i


i






14





Millions of US$


$6000


$5000

$4000


$3000


$2000


$1000


$0


Haiti


Dominican Republic


Agriculture
Industry
Services


$723.84
$497.64
$1040.52


$876.96
$1644.3
$2959.74


Economic Activity


Services


industry


Agriculture


FIGURE 1-5
Gross National Product of Haiti


and the Dominican Renublic.


1990


xvar n au+>; x RA, 4.4
++=-++ ++++r++.v+m, evass
av+rve+Aerme>za ag+4a pa
v++ +++ ++++wav4PA vax












the


same


population


size


as the


Dominican


Republic


(though


a smaller


territory)


Haiti


s Gross


National


Product


(GNP)


is 1


ess


than


half


that


neighbor


As a matter


of fact,


the


economic


activity


of jus


services


sector


the


Dominican


Republic


surpasses


in monetary


volume


Haiti


s GNP


1-5. The

remained


1990,


estion,


so small


can


then,


and


why


undeveloped?


be easily


Why

The


observed


has Haiti

answers


Figure


s economy


are


multiple:


Haiti


paucity
systems
labor,


capit


factors


s economic
resources,


stem


poorly


technological
al deficiency,
of production


charact


developed


level
and 1
[Tata


uns


erized by
production


killed


productivity


1982,


39] .


This


not


a new


phenomenon


, but


rather


a continuing


trend


Haitian


story


Along


different


decades


, Crist


(195


Pierre

(1978)


-Charles

, Lundahl


(1965),

(1979,


Leyburn


1984) ,


(1966)

Prince


, Logan

(1985),


(1968),


and


Andic


other


Haitian


and


foreign


observers


have


commented


on Haiti


economic


problems.


The


main


trend


has


been


towards


economic


decline


and,


at best,


economic


stagnation.


To be fair,


of Haiti


s economic


problems


have


economic


roots.


Mats


Lundahl


(1984


, 1989)


has


shown


, many


of Haiti


s current


economic


problems


are


rooted


history


and


contemporary


politics


First,


Haiti


s economic


infrastructure


was


destroyed


as a result


revolution.


Second,


the








recognition.


Still,


Haiti


was considered a pariah state and


was diplomatically


isolated by the


international


community


until


the


late


1960s.


Finally,


Haiti's


revolutionary


leaders developed


the Haitian state


into a


corrupt predatory


state,

taxing


solely


concerned with reaping the country's


or seizing them


a trend that continues


riches by


into the


present


(Rotberg


1971)


Haiti's


economy has always been based mainly


agriculture.


Agriculture contributed


the GNP


1955,

(Andic


the GNP


1978,


1975,


; PC Globe


and 32%


1990) .


the GNP


Moreover,


1990


agriculture


employs more


than


of the work


force


(Tata


1982,


54),


including many women and


children


Haiti


(outside of Port-


au-Prince)


is a


country


of peasants with


particular


characteristics.


The


Latin American


legacy


of haciendas,


large


plantations,


latifundia,


and monoculture


is alien to


the Haitian peasantry.


Haiti


s rural


structure,


on the


contrary,


is characterized by minifundia and polyculture


a direct

III).


t


result of


post-revolutionary policies


Most of Haiti's agricultural


(see Chapter


land is divided


in small


plots


of less than


five acres on


the average


(Tata


1982,


54),


which


are


intensively


cultivated by their owners.


These


plots


produce tropical


foodstuffs


for domestic


consumption,


plus cash crops


such as coffee and cocoa.


Haitian peasant's main objective


to feed his


family


I









or manufactured goods.


In his daily struggle,


faces


numerous obstacles:


lack of modern


farming tools


(including


plows)


and techniques,


small


plots that are


further


subdivided by

erosion. As


inheritance,


Jacques Couste


and most

au (1986)


important of


all,


has dramatically


shown,


Haiti's topsoil


is being


literally washed away by


heavy


tropical

farming


rains

(even


into the s

in marginal


ea.


Decades of


lands)


cutting trees


for the


production of


charcoal


(Haiti


main cooking fuel)


have denuded


the


Haitian landscape


(Murray


1984)


That has created a


vicious


circle of


tree cover


ecological


leaves


degradation.


its thin


removal


layer of topsoil


of Haiti's


unprotected and


easily washed away by the rain.


This decreases


agriculture

tree patch


yields and


for farming


forces the peasant


or charcoal


to clear another


(to obtain much needed


cash),


starting the cycle all


over again.


For


example,


1938,


Haiti


had


540.000


hectares of


arable


lands,


1970


this


figure was down


to 225,


hectares


(Baez


Evertsz


1986,


30) .


Furthermore,


the topsoil


that is being washed away


(and


that will


take nature decades to


replace)


becomes silt


that clogs Haiti


s water sources,


literally suffocating


fish


and water plants


(Cousteau


1986).


Amid these serious problems,


agriculture remains a


vital


part of Haiti's economy.


For over


150 years,


1 -.


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of industry to Haiti


the


1970s,


the dollar


amount of


agricultural


exports has


remained


constant.


That


is easily


explained by the previous


examination of Haiti's peasantry.


Industry


is an urban


activity,


mainly


limited


to Port-au-


Prince.


In the


countryside,


the Haitian


peasant maintains


his


usual


lifestyle,


producing


foodstuffs


cash crops


(usually


coffee)


This


is corroborated by


Figure


1-7.


Even


with


its ups


and downs,


coffee exports account


for about


US$20 million


every year.


Mining was a minor


economic activity


in Haiti,


in the


sense


that


less


than


1,000 were employed by


(Tata


1982,


and


that


was controlled by


foreign companies.


Regarding


steady


exports,


source of


however,


income.


mining became a


Figure


valuable and


shows how mining


contributed


to Haiti's exports


1970s.


Bauxite


is the


most


important mineral


in Haiti


it was exploited by the


Reynolds Company,


until


it closed down


operation


in 1983


because


Copper

(Andic


it was no


is also

1978, 1


longer profitable


found


21) .


(Prince


it was exported


Bauxite's


importance


1985


in small

is shown


, 48).


quantities

by Figure


1-7.


Even when


coffee exports declined,


bauxite provided a


steady


source


of foreign


exchange,


as was


case


1979,


when bauxite exports


reached US$20.7


million


(Prince


1985,


54).


l nn n+h a o


orn nnmm iC' conr'+nr v


1 c mTnamffant,1rii rnrr


rh i rh ha









exports.


Manufacturing


also


mostly


hands


foreign


corporations


that


take


advantage


of Haiti


s low


wages


(the


lowest


in the


Caribbean


, US$3


a day


1985)


and


tax


breaks


(Prince


1985


, 47)


They


are


called


offshore


assembly


industry


because


they


import


most


the


material


that


they


use,


and


turn,


export


most


of what


they


produce.


Haiti


basically


provides


them


only


with


labor


, utility


and


a place


to assemble.


About


60,000


Haitians


worked


one


time


these


labor-intensive


industry


, producing


garments


underwear


, baseballs


other s

(Prince

sector


porting

1985,

during


goods

48).

the 19


, toys


The


70s


and


rapid


can


some


growth

seen


electronic


of Haiti


in Figure


components

industrial


1-6.


Industrial


exports,


negligible


1960


, grew


surpass


agricultural


and


mining


exports


, more


than


doubling


the


value


the


latter


1976.


Figure


clearly


shows


how


incredible


growth


was


in direct


proportion


to the


growth


the


assembly


industry


As a result


, coffee


was


displaced


industries


as Haiti


' exports.


s number


Just


one


export


recently


assembly


, however,


international


sanctions


levied


against


Haiti


s military


government


(for


the


overthrown


of democratically


-elected


president


Jean-


Bertrand


Aristide


1991)


have


seriously


affected


these


assembly


industry


es.


The


OAS


-imposed


embargo


has


forced


n-nt. U tt A s.


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The


Dominican


Republic


presents


a different


economic


picture.


activities


to the


the


early


Dominican


20th


century,


Republic


main


were


cattle


economic


ranching


and


subsistence


agriculture


The


development


the


sugar


industry


abruptly


changed


the


economic


panorama.


Like


Cuba


and


Puerto


Rico,


the


Dominican


Republic


became


a large


-scale


sugar


producer


, and


today


the


second


largest


Caribbean


after


Cuba


(Hagelberg


1985,


OEA


1990


Ownership


the


sugar


industry


divided


between


the


Dominican


government


private


consortia


Sugar


cultivation


has


some


obvious


advantages


: "it


has


been


recognized


that


sugar


cane


the


best


even


the


only)


suitable


crop


many


parts


Caribbean"


(Hagelberg


1985,


115)


On


other


hand,


also


some


serious


drawbacks


World


sugar


ces


can


fluctuate


wildly,


system


of quotas


limits


amount


sugar


that


the


Dominican


Republic


may


sell


main


buyer


the


United


Stat


es.


Since


these


factors


are


beyond


control


the


Dominican


government


country


S excessive


dependence


on sugar


(i.e.


sugar


monoculture)


has


created


a roller


coaster


effect


on its


economy.


When


sugar


prices


are


high


and


production


good


, the


result


is an economic


bonanza.


But


when


pri


ces


plummet


, the


economy


hurts


badly.


For


example


, Figure


shows


how


value


sugar


exports


moved


up and


down


along


with


sugar


prices.


While


1975


, 48)


__








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just


three years


later,


sugar exports earnings dropped to


less than


US$200 million,


of 1975's nominal


earnings.


This situation creates economic uncertainty--not


mention economic chaos--for policy makers


in the Dominican


Republic.


That has


led several


Dominican administrations


embark on economic diversification


programs,


in an effort


reduce the country's dependence on sugar.


As Figure


shows,


from the mid-1980s


sugar


earnings have not kept


up with sugar prices.


That has


been


result of


decreased


sugar production,


as the Dominican government


tries to


diversify


its exports.


A fitting


example of


these efforts


the government-owned


Catarey


sugar mill


Villa


Altagracia


down and


(near Santo


the


Domingo).


lands are now being used


operation was closed

for the cultivation of


citrus and winter vegetables


for export.


Other


export crops of


importance are coffee,


tobacco,


cocoa


(see


Figure


1-9) .


Their


importance,


nowadays,


becoming


a thing of


the past.


Exports of these three


traditional


crops have declined


considerably


from their peak


in the


1970s.


In fact,


agriculture as an economic activity


losing ground


in the contemporary Dominican Republic.


1990


, agriculture accounted


for only


15.5%


of the country's


GNP


(EIU


1993,


11).


Then,


what economic activities are


substituting


for agriculture?


Mininrr i c


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Dominican


Republic


has


deposits


of gold,


silver,


bauxite


and,


in particular,


ferronickel.


These


are


exploited


government


alone


(e.g.


Rosario


Dominicana


Cotui)


or in


agreement


with


foreign


companies


(e.g


. Falconbridge


Bonao).


As Figure


1-10


shows,


1985


mining


exports


had


surpassed


sugar


exports


in value,


a trend


that


still


continues.


1989,


mining


accounted


of all


Dominican


exports


(Wiarda


and


Kryzanek


1992,


Tourism


become


a vital


economic


activity


the


Dominican


Republic.


Political


stability


, recent


infrastructural


developments


, cheap


prices,


and


many


tropical


enchantments


have


turned


the


Dominican


Republic


into


one


the


favorite


tropical


destinies


of European


tourists.


In 1992


alone


1.6 million


tourists


visited


the


country,


although


half


a million


those


were


Dominicans


that


live


overseas.


Tourism


(including


visiting


Dominicans)


now


accounts


the


country


s GNP


foreign


exchange


earnings


("Luis"


1993,


and


tourism


has


now


surpassed


remittances


from


Dominicans


living


abroad


as the


number


one


source


of foreign


exchange.


The


last,


and


rapidly


becoming


very


important


economic


activity


the


Dominican


Republic,


industry.


Past


present


administrations


have


encouraged


the


industrialization


the


country


through


vigorous























0h
a\
r oo
cc
10




tO
rnt


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r(^
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010
S
N
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Figure


1-11


shows


how


foreign


investment


boomed


the


1970s.


Though


remained


constant


mining


(there


are


only


a couple


mines


invest


, it


increased


finance,


commerce,


service


and


, most


dramatic


cally,


industry


Most


major


multinational


, such


as Colgate


Palmolive,


Philip


Morri


, Alcoa,


Esso


, 3M, Gilette,


and


Xerox


and


have


Kryzanek


subsidiaries


1982


, 77)


the


There


Dominican


Republic


a Sheraton


Hotel,


(Wiarda


Club


Med,


Chase


Manhattan


Bank,


Radio


Shack,


even


Domino


zza.


Though


these


foreign


investments


provide


jobs


and


capital


there


have


been


problems


, too.


That


was


the


case


with


Gulf


and


Western,


the


country


s number


one


investor,


owner


the


Central


Romana


sugar


mill


(the


largest


country),


the


Casa


de Campo


resort


complex,


other


important


investments


the


financial


sec


(Lozano


1985,


209-213).


According


to Jan


. Black


(1986)


Gulf


invested
Republic.
landowner


land


, and


and


Western


in some


was


with


had


90 busin


the


about


largest


more
esses


country'
8 percent
employer


than


$200


in the D
s largest
t of all


Global


million


ominican
private
arable


annual


es
the


accused
labor le
outright


of Gulf


and


Dominican


Western
Republic


of employing


aders


bribery


repres


political
J. Black


are


larger


. [and


sive


than
it]


tactics


antagonists


1986,


the


GNP


was


against
and of


67].


Thus,

force


Gulf

that


and

the


Western b

Dominican


became


a state


Republic


coul


within

d not


state.


control


, but,


the


other


hand.


could


not


live


without.


Finally.


- a


1985


__









Western's


properties


the Dominican Republic and Florida.


Regardless of


the actions of


some of these


multinationals,


fact


that


industry and foreign


investment are


in the country to stay.


Balaguer administration


1970s,


Starting with


the government has


implemented a


dynamic program of


zonas


francas


industriales


(industrial


free


trade


zones)


the capital


and most major


towns,


in order to attract


labor-intensive assembly


industries.


Figure


1-11


shows


the spectacular growth of


foreign


investment


industry


that


time.


These


companies are offered


tax exemptions


for a number of years,


import


incentives,


export exemptions


(Wiarda and


Kryzanek


1982,


The government'


goal


to create as


many jobs as


possible,


thus


helping to replace


those


that


are being


lost


in agriculture,


and to alleviate


country's unemployment and


underemployment problems.


The Caribbean Basin


Initiative


(CBI),


developed


during


the


first administration of US president Ronald Reagan


(and


followed by the


Bush administration),


gave


industrialization


a further push.


Besides enhancing trade and promoting


investment,


the Caribbean


Basin Initiative also provided the


Dominican Republic with


over $100 million per year


economic aid.


In the early


1990s,


however,


in spite of


intense


lobbying by the Balaguer administration,


that


figure


. -


L


I









In conclusion,


both


Haiti


and


the


Dominican


Republic


face


enormous


economic


problems,


but


the


Dominican


Republic


has


achieved


a greater


degree


economic


development.


particularly


reflected


a commonly


-employed


stati


stical


measure:


GNP


per


capital.


While


GNP


per


capital


Haiti


1990


was


US$324,


the


Dominican


Republic


stood


US$716


the


same


year


(IDB


1991,


273)


over


twice


as much!


While


the


Dominican


Republic


no economic


paradise,


may


look


as such


thousands


impoverished


Haitians


who


live


on the


other


side


border,


fact


that


must


kept


mind


when


multiple


facets


the


Haitian-


Dominican


relationship


are


examined


later


work.


The


Political


System


Both


Haiti


the


Dominican


Republic


have


suffered


under


authoritarian


regimes


most


their


lives


colonies


and


independent


countries.


Thi


will


be covered


later,


in greater


detail,


Chapters


but,


needl


ess


say,


this


tradition


been


an additional


obstacle


Except


countries


very


' social


brief


and


isolated


economic


development.


interludes,


Haiti


has


never


had


a truly


democratic


government.


Elections,


when


they


have


taken


place,


have


traditionally


been


manipulated


(not


say


fraudulent)


and/or


have


excluded









under the auspices and close monitoring


of the United


Nations.


Father


Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected


president with


vote,


only to be deposed by the


military


on 30 September


1991


(Pierre-Charles


1993).


Haiti's political


system is


thus characterized by the


intervention of the military


corps,


widespread corruption,


the repression of


dissent,


and the exclusion of


the majority


people


from the system.


Dominican Republic


has not


fared much better.


did not have


20 December


first


1962.


free elections


The elected president,


in modern


times until


Juan Bosch


of the


Partido Revolucionario Dominicano


(PRD),


was overthrown by


the


Dominican military


on 25 September


1963.


On 1 July


1966,


after


a civil


war,


elections were held under US


supervision,


and Joaquin


Balaguer


of the Partido Reformista


(PR)


won with


the vote


Black


1986


, 40).


Balaguer


was


reelected


1970


1974,


with most of


the opposition


abstaining.


1978,


for the


first


time


in contemporary


Dominican politics,


an orderly transfer of power


from the


governing party to the opposition


took place,


with


the


victory


of Antonio Guzman.


Ever since,


Dominican


Republic has been considered a democratic country.


Still,


democracy

developing


Dominican Republic


institution


to consider


is a very young and

it as an established


A -









The


Uneasy


Relationship


Besides


their


social


economic


disparities,


Haiti


and


the


Dominican


Republic


have


had


different


historical


legacies


that


have


contributed


great


part


the


make


their


relationship.


The


Haitian


-Dominican


relationship


traditionally


been


fraught


with


tension,


and


occas


ionally


, violence.


The


colonies


of Saint


-Domingue


and


Santo


Domingo


represented


the


two


sides


the


colonial


coin.


Two


modes


of economic


exploitation


coexisted


side


side


on the


economic


same


even


island,

racial


each


developing


structures.


different


On the


western


social,


side


the


island


French


successfully


established


a plantation


system


based


on the


forced


labor


of imported


African


slaves.


the


other


side


of the


island


, the


Spani


sh had


practically


forgotten


about


their


colony


the


late


16th


century.


The


small,


mixed


creole


population


survived


on cattle


ranching


and


cultivation


of foodstuffs.


On 1


January


1804


, the


French


colony


of Saint-Domingue


became


independent


state


of Haiti.


The


whites


, the


mulattoes


black


slaves


fought


each


other


prolonged


and


bloody


struggle


that


the


slaves


ultimately


won,


and


that


left


Haiti


devastated


and


diplomatically


isolated


decades


come.


The


other


side


the


island


did


not


fare


better


. It


was


occupied


the


French,


the


-~~~~ S S- -


* = m


rl rl


r


1


b









formally


established on


February


1844,


declaring


independence


from Haiti.


republican life of Haiti


and the Dominican Republic


the


based


19th

on the


century saw the development of


1822-1844


early animosities


Haitian occupation and Haiti's


subsequent attempts


to annex the Dominican Republic.


In the


20th


century,


the new American military presence


in the


Caribbean


forced,


the military


sense,


the


unification of


the


island.


American


troops occupied Haiti


from


1915


1934,


Dominican Republic


from


1916


to 1924.


In the


Dominican Republic,


American commercial


interests


invested


large-scale sugar production and started


importing Haitian workers to cut


the American occupation was


sugar cane.


final


the


practice of


Another result


definition


Haitian-Dominican border


by a


treaty


in 1929


(later amended


1936).


1937,


dictator


Rafael


Trujillo--a


fierce


nationalist--ordered the massacre of


thousands


of Haitians


who


resided and worked


Dominican Republic,


mainly


the border region and


the Cibao valley.


The


1937


massacre,


however,


did not stop the


flow of Haitian migrants,


which


continues


this day.


Haiti's


presence and


that of


a substantial


number of


Haitian migrants


the


Dominican Republic still


affect the


Dominican Republic


in several


ways.


Just


to mention a


flm'l4 %v- nr 1*1 5 n n 1sI ii 4 rd'nnvt iinaninl arnrn


nAl~~l A AF


AV~ mnl An









is used


extensively


throughout


the


rural


areas


(ONAPLAN


1981) ,


while


the


presence


of Haitian


workers


in the


cities


increasingly


becoming


more


apparent.


Moreover,


recent


food


shortages


in the


Dominican


Republic


have


been


attributed


the


uncontrolled


outflow


of foodstuffs


Haiti,


as the


Haitian


courde


the


official


fixed


rate


five


gourdes


per


dollar)


is now


a stronger


currency


than


Dominican

population


peso.


the


Finally,


Dominican


estimates

Republic


of the Hait

(including


ian


their


descendants


that


often


are


not


considered


full-fledged


Dominican


citizens)


range


from


200,000


(Madruga


1986,


137;


Veras


1983,


over


a million


(Gautier


1993,


Guerrero


1989).


the


above


circumstances,


plus


the


long


history


of animosity


between


both


countries,


have


turned


Haitians


into


the


favorite


scapegoats


of Dominican


society.


Haitians


Dominican


Republic


are


subjects


of everyday


discrimination,


both


semiofficially


and


unofficially,


and


appeals


solutions


"the


Haitian


problem"


oroblemAtica


haitiana)


are


common


in the


Dominican


news


media.


the


Today,


Dominican


repeating


the


Haitian


Republic

1937 mas


governments


and


sacre.


no longer


Dominicans


Still,


the


plan


would

same c


invade


consider


conditions


that


produced


these


terrible


events


remain


place:


I





1









The


Problem:


Antihaitianismo


This brief


account has


served


illustrate


two basic


points.


First,


the Haitian-Dominican relationship


is biased


a heavy historical burden,


stretching back to colonial


times,


that acts as an


equalization


And second,

Dominicans,


of relatio


geographical

even against


obstacle to the normalization and

ns between Haitians and Dominicans.


proximity links Haitians and

their will, as events on one side


the


island affect


the other.


To these


two objective,


unavoidable,


ever-present


elements we must add a


third


one:


the


creation


and reproduction--deliberately


or not--of


negative attitudes,


symbols,


and stereotypes,


among


Dominicans and directed


Dominican Republic.


toward Haitians


That


living


in the Dominican Republic,


history


geography


have combined to give rise


to a


racial-sociocultural


credo designed not only to sharply


differentiate between Haitians and Dominicans,


but


that


all


practical


Haitian)


purposes negates and downplays all black


elements within


"ideology"3 has come


Dominican society.


to be known


in the


(read


This


Dominican Republic


as antihaitianismo and will


the object of this analysis.


This dissertation addresses two different,


but


intertwined


issues:


the


politics of Haitian-Dominican


relations,


and the causes


and


consequences of





1


I









antihaitianismo,


thus


helping


to understand


will


analyze


the


general


characteristics


of the


Haitian-Dominican


relationship,


characteristics


that,


their


particular


nature,


have


promoted


creation


and


persistence


antihaitianismo.


objective


to present


an exhaustive,


yet


coherent,


review


the


different


aspects


of the


Haitian-Dominican


relationship,


while


concentrating


on the


particular


issue


the


development


of antihaitianismo


the


Domini


can


Republic.


second


concern


, the


"ideology"


of antihaitianismo,


isolated


problem.


It has


be examined


general


context


of Haiti


-Dominican


relations


order


to be clearly


understood.


Outline


Dissertation


Thi


dissertation


has


potential


to make


a real


valuable


contribution


to Dominican


social


science


examining

politics.


the


an issue


The


Dominican


with


seemingly


Republic,


current


relevance


increasing


as well


present


as the


to Dominican

ce of Haitians


ecological


economic


deterioration


of Haiti,


concern


both


common


elite


Dominicans.


dissertation,


therefore,


strives


provide


the


a more


complete


long-standing,


understanding


but


precarious


forces


relationship


at work


between


Haiti


and


the


Dominican


Republic.









contains


a review


literature


relevant


work,


the


which


res


main


thes


study,


my analysis


earch.


based


Chapters


theoretical


, and


and


methodology


are


framework


employed


an examination


Haiti


-Dominican


relations


Chapter


covers


the


history


of Hispaniola


from


1492


to 1961,


while


Chapter


IV looks


contemporary


issues


an overview


of ant


Haitian

i-Haiti


-Dominican

an attitude


relations.


Chapter


their


expre


sslon


Domini


can


SOC


iety


, and


presents


results


of data


collected


while


conducting


field


research


the


Dominican


Republic.


Chapter


examines


anti


-Haitian


attitudes


are


created


reproduced,


as well


as how


good


they


sting


theoretical


constructs


Finally,


Chapter


serves


consequences


as conclus


work


of antihaitianismo


both


analyze


Haiti


the


the


Dominican


Republic.


Notes


Statistics


Haiti


the


Dominican


Republic


mus


t be


used with


truly
always


was
of


in
the


care


accurate


been
1950,


and
repr


almost


O


nly


as general


esentations
nonexistent


was


statisti


not


Haiti


cons
are


references


In Haiti


The
idere


stati


never


stics


last population


d


very


to be found


accurate.


as
have
census
Most


foreign


publications


the Inter
estimates


, such


-American


The


cas


as the


reports


Development
e of the Do


from


Bank


minican


World


even


Republic


Bank


these
is s


and


are


imila


only
r to


Haiti


s up


statisti


late


became


1960s


norm


, when


accurate


Although


government


Dominican


government


collected
r~ra *r ^i


statistical
S .. -5


data


as far


back


as the


~t A 21


Lt-









ZFor an excellent study


of Gulf


and Western's operations


the


Dominican Republic please


3Notice the use of "ic
because we still have


geology"


refer to Castillo

in quotation marks.


to judge whether


(1974)


This


antihaitianismo


really
in the


qualifies as an


following


ideology,


chapters.


that are logically related,


something that will be done


Ideology
and that


is defined as
identify those


"ideas


principles


or values


that


lend legitimacy to political


institutions and behavior"


(Rodee et al.


1983,













CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW,
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY


This chapter serves


four purposes


First,


it will


review the general


literature on Haiti


and


the


Dominican


Republic,


different


and more specifically,


issues of


literature on the


the Haitian-Dominican relationship.


Second,


used


will


present and discuss


this dissertation


for the


theoretical


purpose of


framework


fitting my


research work into the general


body


theories on racism,


prejudice,


and discrimination.


Third,


will


introduce the


thesis


examined


this work.


Finally,


will


present and


justify the methodology


employed during my


research


for this


dissertation.


Literature Review


Though a


respectable number of works have been written


about Haiti


the Dominican Republic,


their


importance


among


Latinamericanists


remains secondary


at best.


Mexico,


Brazil,


Argentina,


other


large Latin American countries


command more scholarly attention.


Haiti


Even among Caribbeanists,


the Dominican Republic are overshadowed by Cuba's


S p


r 1, J .a a nLa a-anw


~CIYII~ YA irl


mr,,,, EIUI









to other


Latin


American


countries,


very


little


written


Haiti


Dominican


Republic


foreign


intellectuals.


Most


of what


is written,


then,


produced


native


intellectuals


locally


or at foreign


institutions.


the


two


countries


Haiti


the


one


that


has


received


more


attention.


Haiti


s unique


history


and


very


particular


characteristics


make


a distinctive


case


Latin


American


studies,

Dominican


plus


Republic,


also s

on the


tudied

other


some


hand,


Africanists.


is considered


The

just


another


"typical"


small


Latin


American


country,


and


does


command


much


outside


attention.


When


reviewing


the


specific


literature


on Haitian-


Dominican


relations,


two


things


can


immediately


noticed.


First,


that


most


of the


literature


is of Dominican


origin.


The


latter


not


surpri


sing,


since


Dominicans


traditionally


consider


themselves


as the


affected


part


the


relationship


. It


was


the


Dominican


Republic


who


was


invaded


and


occupied


Haiti


19th


century,


who


has


lost


territory


to Haiti


on several


occasions,


and


who


receives


influx


thousands


poor


Haitian


migrants


every


year.


Consequently


, the


topic


has


received


much


more


attention


the


part


Dominican


writers.


The


second


thing


that


can


noticed


the


proliferation


of propaganda


works,


again


coming


mostly


from


the


Dominican


side.


This


was


- -,I -A. 2 ---* --- A--- -- n--AI I. -- 5-


a ~ -


A. --


Lt


Am'A--


B








Certainly,


one thing


characterizes


literature on


Haitian-Dominican relations,


that


varies greatly


quality.


This


literature


review will


only


cover books and


articles dealing exclusively with Haiti,


the


Dominican


Republic,


and their relationship


Works dealing with


theoretical


covered


sections,


framework


later.


to be used


I have divided


and works have


in my dissertation will


literature review


been arranged by their


subject


and/or specificity.


General


Introductory Works


This category


introduction


includes


to the country


those works t

, its history,


:hat serve


and


as an


culture.


Although


their treatment


the Haitian-Dominican


relationship


is superficial,


they


fulfill


their purpose well


introductions


to the


non-specialist.


surprisingly,


most of these works are written by


foreigners,


or by


local


intellectuals but published abroad.


On Haiti,


there are


Haiti:


Breached Citadel


(Bellegarde-Smith


1990)


Haiti:


Family


Business


(Prince


1985) ,


and Haiti:


Land


of Poverty


(Tata


1982) .


On the Dominican Republic,


we have The


Dominican Republic:


Beyond


the


Lighthouse


(Ferguson


1992),


The Dominican Republic:


Politics and Development


in an


Unsovereiqn State


Black 1986) ,


and The Dominican


,


.









A classic


worth


mentioning


Haiti


and


the


Dominican


Republic


(Logan


1968)


Although


outdated,


still


excellent


comparative


study


the


two


country


es.


It offers


a good


review


of Dominican


and


Haitian


history


and


emphasis


zes


the


socioeconomi


differences.


Also


included


as general


works


are


the


national


histories


of each


country


These


are


books


that


summarize


the


country


es' history


from


their


Amerindian


past


the


present.


They


are


usually


written


local


storians


many


are


used


as history


textbooks


at school


and


university


es.


Haiti


has


Manue


d'Histoire


d'Haiti


(Dorsainvil


1958) ,


La Naci6n


Haitiana


(Bellegarde


1984),


Written


Blood


: The


Story


of the


Haitian


People


, 1492


-1971


(Heinl


and


Heini


1978),


From


Dessalines


to Duvali


er:


Race


. Colour


and


National


Independence


Haiti


(Nicholls


1979)


The


Dominican


Republic


has


Manual


de Hi


storia


Dominicana


(Moya


Pons


1984)


Historia


Social


V Econ6mica


Renublica


Dominicana


(Cassa


1992


and


the


early


20th


century


ass


Naboth


s Vineyard


The


Dominican Republic,


1844


-1924


(Welles


1928)


Opposina


Viewpoints


Thi


section


looks


at works


that


deal


more


specifically


with


the


Haitian


-Dominican


relationship.


As mentioned


-- fl ~a~n -4 n1 n .---I .nn-44-


a lr nt 1A


CIL^^^l-


SL~C


II~A


111*11111









perspective.


These have several


things


in common.


First,


they are strongly nationalistic.


They defend their nation,


race,


or culture,


to the point of


considering


it superior to


their neighbor's.


Second,


they


claim to represent and


endorse


the


so-called


"official


line"


of their respective


country with


its particular views of the Dominican-Haitian


relationship


Third


, although


rhetorical


in nature,


they


try to


justify their


arguments under the mantle of


scientific objectivity


And


fourth,


they were written by


historian-ideologists


, highly respected and recognized


their own countries.


These


intellectuals


formed new schools


though bent


on reinterpreting their countries


' past and


on defending their


"true"


national


culture


from foreign


influences.


the


Dominican Republic


, this


fiercely nationalist


(and anti-Haitian)


school


reached


its heyday


during the


dictatorship of Rafael


Trujillo


, particularly after the


1937 massacre.


It was


represented by the


literary


production of


S6crates Nolasco


(1955)


, Angel


Rosario


Perez


(1957) ,


Manuel A


. Pefia


Batlle


(1954),


and Joaquin


Balaguer


(1947).


Trujillo,


who by that time had practically


eliminated all


forms of


internal


opposition,


recruited


these


intellectuals

dictatorial r


to provide a moral


egime and his


justification


for his


authoritarian policies.


These


S


- 4-..--.l Ye


* 1 a -: S a. A. a I
* n ,uufl-4 11*^ a ^f^a tn ^fll*


C1~1.1


~CI









limited.


Anyway,


these


Trulillista


intellectual


portrayed


Trujillo


messiah


who


had


come


save


the


country


from


social


decay.


They


wrote


political


and


historical


studi


(sometimes


xenophobic,


but


always


nationalist)


that


praised


the


Hispanic


heritage


the


Dominican


Republic


downplayed


obvious


, strong


African


influence


that


main


feature


of Dominican


culture.


Good


examples


kind


of literature


are


the


works


of Pefia


Batlle


(1954)


Balaguer


(1947)


Truiillo


his


Pena


famous


Batlle


speech


(1954)


of 1942,


reproduces


Sentido


Political


de Una


Political


There


he describes


common


Haitians


undesirable


and


says


them,


pure


African


race,


they


cannot


represent


an ethnic


incentive


any


kind"


(Pefia


Batlle


1954


, 67)


Joaquin


Balaguer


wrote


1947


what


considered


the


most


brilliant


defense


of the


Trujillo


regime


and


Haitian


policy:


La Realidad


Dominicana.


There,


Balaguer


argued


the


right


of the


Dominican


people


to maintain


their


Hispanic


culture


traditions,


and


protect


them


vigorously


from


foreign


(read


Haitian)


influences.


Almost


forty


years


later,


1984,


Balaguer


basically


repeats


the


same


arguments


La Isla


Rev6s.


a sense,


very


little


changed


Balaguer


s world


view,


as the


same


old


arguments


are


redefined


and


a new


generation


-. n-----* S


* -- .. -


at. --


- p -


a* -.2-


lllbl II









economic


arguments


defending


their


ideas.


Among


this


new


generation


of anti-Haitian,


nationalist


works


are


the


writings


of Carlos


Cornielle


(1980),


Julian


Perez


(1990),


and


Manuel


Nifiez


(1990)


Alarmi


nature,


they


appeal


the


Dominican


people


s nationalism


traditional


fear


of Haiti.


They


portray


Dominican


Republic


as a


country

Haitian


reversed.


decline


migration


Manuel


unless the

d national


N1iez


present

disunity


(1990),


trends

are d


of illegal


drastically


particular


Ocaso


de la


Naci6n


Dominicana,


defends


the


pos


ition


of Pefa


Batlle


from


a national


virulent


(and


st point


personal)


of view.

attack of


He also


SDominican


undertakes

Marxist


his


torians


, whom


accuses


of di


starting


torical


facts


with


intention


of advancing


their


doctrine


of being


Haitianophiles


(Haitian


sympathizers),


even


of being


anti


-national i


(NUfiez


1990,


65-70


, 78-79).


Haitians,


on the


other


hand,


are


free


from


these


prejudices,


either


Many


of their


studi


share


a noiriste


theme


, further


defined


development


of n4critude


the


20th


century.


As a result


American


military


occupation


serious


of Haiti


reexamine


(1915


them


-1934),


selves.


Haitian


Led


elites


began


ethnologist


Jean


Price-Mars,


the


indiczniste


movement


sought


to revalorize


Haiti


s real


culture


: the


black


peasant


culture


whose


ar;rin in I 0i


I tI


A fri n; a


(T-rrni intr


1QQn-


1"1 .-


NWnri tidie


took









political


character.


They


believed


inherent


supremacy


the


black


race


(proven


Haiti


independence


1804)


on the


universal


brotherhood


of all


black


nations


peoples


around


world.


Lorimer


Denis


and


Francois


Duvalier


(1938)


Le Probleme


class


ses


travers


'histoire


d'Haiti


even


interpreted


Haiti


s history


as a struggle


between


blacks


and


mulattoes


power


interpretation


rej ected


Price-Mars)


surpri


singly,


when


Francois


Duvalier


came


power


1957


he used


neiritude


as the


state


s ideology


order


to justify


dictatorial


regime.


Regarding


relations


with


the


Dominican


Republic,


these


ideologists


relation


have


with


sought


to reinterpret


neighbor.


They


Haiti


view


s troubled


Haitian


occupation


1822-1844


favorable


light


and


feel


that


inhabitants


of Hispaniola


must


share


a common


destiny.


One


example


kind


of literature


Jean


Price-Mars


(1953)


La Reoublica


de Haiti


v la Repablica


Dominicana.


Price-Mars


defends


Haitian


idea


(written


in the


nation


first


cons


titution)


that


island


of Hispaniola


"one


and


indivi


sible,


" and


urges


Dominican


brothers


to accept


their


common


destiny


and


unite


with


Haiti.


Other


arguments


presented


Price-Mars,


and


that


many


Dominican


intellectual


have


furiously


attacked,


were


that


the


Haitian


*S a -


*


__


* II


A rrrr


1A


I









abolition of


slavery,


integration of the


island,


and


"fact"


that Haitian authorities acted for the common good of


island'


inhabitants.


Daniel


Fignole


(1948)


Notre Nevbe ou Leur


Bahoruco?


lays claim to the Dominican


province of Bahoruco,


based on his particular


interpretation


of history and


on the


fact


that


it contained a


large number


of Haitian residents.


More


recently,


Haitian governments


have been accused


of using the Haitian-Dominican


"crisis"


order to manipulate Haitian nationalism for political


purposes and


to present destabilization as coming


from the


other side of


the border.


In this


same


newspaper


article,


the author reports that


on Haiti's


national


radio


Dominican


president Joaquin


Balaguer was called--among other things--a


"racist blind man"


"a dictator protector of


macoutes"


(Louis


1991,


Haitian Micration.


Sucar.


and Border Conflicts


issues of Haitian migration and sugar,


two of the


most


controversial


(and


interrelated)


topics


in Haitian-


Dominican relations,


are also the


two best


covered


the


literature.


Again,


this


is a reflection of


larger


number of works having been written by


Dominicans.


For most


Dominicans,


Haitian migration


the most visible component


the Haitian-Dominican relationship.


Sugar


, on the other


t~~~~~nA-2~~~ aU a -L A 1i aY1 a) sLw *


-a


L,


I,,, LL,,,,L









Dominican


labor


economy.


links


almost


issue


exclusive


of migration,


reliance


and


on Haitian


until


recently,


was


difficult


to separate


one


from


the


other.


Furthermore,


Haitian


labor


has


become


indispensable


the


harvest


of Dominican


coffee,


and


widely


employed


the


Dominican


countryside


menial


or hard


tasks.


Even


the


cities


, Haitians


are


found


engaged


low-paying


jobs,


such


as construction


workers,


domestic


servants,


or street


peddlers.


Sociological


and


anthropological


studi


of Haitian


migration


the


Dominican


Republic


and


use


labor


force


the


sugar


industry


provide


some


the


most


balanced


analyses


of Haitian-Dominican


relations.


The


literature


is particularly


rich


on the


issue


of Haitian


semi


-slave


labor


in the


Dominican


sugar


industry,


situation


that


has


been


widely


denounced


international


forums.


Most


these


works


show


careful


research,


objective


analysis,


and


an understanding


the


particular


historical


and


cultural


dimensions


the


relationship.


These


studies


have


focused


on the


structural


causes


that


compel


Haitians


to emigrate


(Castor


1987;


Stepick


1987) ,


the


quantitative


qualitative


aspects


of the


migrating


groups


(Hernande z


1973a,


1973b;


Veras


1983,


1985),


and


their


insertion


into


the


sugar


economy


(Ferran


1986).


Studies








analyses


1983;


(Baez


Madruga


Evertsz


1985,


1986;


1986;


Corten


Murphy


1986;


1984) ,


Grasmuck


studies


1982,


commissioned


local


government agencies


(Moya Pons


1986,


ONAPLAN


1981),


international


organizations


(Plant


1987;


Sociedad Anti-


Esclavitud para


la Protecci6n de


Derechos


Humanos


1982),


and some


journalistic accounts


(Cruz


1989;


Fink


1979;


Garcia


1983;


Latortue


1985b).


Most of


these studies


, however,


not concern

attitudes t


themselves with


oward Haitians,


the

or th


formation of

e social and


racial


political


consequences of


these attitudes.


The Haitian-Dominican border question and


the


diplomatic relations


between Haiti


and the


Dominican


Republic have also encouraged literary production on


these


topics.


Most


works argue


the historical


viewpoints of


either Haiti


(Fignole


1948,


1957;


Matteis


1987;


Price-Mars


1953)


or the


Dominican Republic


(Balaguer


1984;


Machado


Baez


1955;


Pena


Batlle


1946)


the other hand,


there


are some


objective studies


(mostly


foreign scholars)


that


examine


the border question and life


the borderlands


(Augelli


1980;


Box and


de la Rive


Box-Lasocki


1989;


Casals


Victoria


1973;


Palmer


1980) .


Diplomatic relations


between both


countries have


been analyzed by


both


local


and


foreign


scholars,


sometimes using


as sources document collections


the United States and


other


foreign countries


(Bellegarde-


Smith


1974.


19"4 ?


Castor


1987:


Fauriol


1979:


Louis


1991:








Malek 1980;


Manigat


1965;


Matteis


1987;


Messina


1973;


Tomasek 1968;


Vega


1988;


Wilson


1975)


One other


important contribution


to the


literature on


Haitian-Dominican


relations has been


the recent publication


of historical


studies


(Castillo


1978;


Gardiner


1979;


Vega


1988)


and collections of


documents


(Cuello


1985) ,


that have


helped to complement older works


(Pefa Batlle


1946;


Price-


Mars


1953;


Rodriguez


Demorizi


1955).


Finally


, though no


less


important,


has


been


the development of


a rich narrative


tradition


(Alexis


1986;


Lemoine


1987;


Prestol


Castillo


1987)


that


provides an


insight and


"feeling"


for Haitian-Dominican


relations that many


scholarly works cannot get across.


Antihaitianismo


As seen above,


Haiti migration


literary production on

the Dominican Republic,


topics of


relation


the sugar


industry,


the Haitian-Dominican border,


and their


diplomatic relations,


has been plentiful.


Dozens of works,


the form of books and articles,


have been written on


these


issues.


This


is not


the case,


however,


with


issue


of antihaitianismo.


Works dealing


specifically with


the


problem of


anti-Haitian attitudes


in the Dominican Republic


are actually rather


limited.


Agapito


Betances


(1985),


Despradel


(1974),


Prankl i n .T_


Fr anrn


11 Q7 _


1Q7QaI-


ann PP arn A-


Poryz CahriT-al









Haitian attitudes and the practice of


racial


segregation


Dominican society.


They


have done


from a historical


perspective;


that


they


have traced the historical


development


of anti-Haitian prejudices


in Dominican society.


The book by


Perez


Cabral


(1967)


focuses on


19th


century,


and


on how Dominican


leaders sought


foreign protection


from


the Haitian


"threat.


He argues


that most Dominican leaders


were anti-national


opportunists that manipulated the


fear of


Haiti


for their own personal


The works


Betances


reasons


(1985),


(money,


Despradel


power,


(1974) ,


racism).

and


Franco


(1973,


1979a)


also emphasize


19th


century,


particular the Haitian occupation of


1822-1844,


but conclude


with


the Trujillo dictatorship.


The article by


Despradel


(1974)


, "Las Etapas del


Antihaitianismo en


la Repiblica


Dominicana:


Papel


de los


Historiadores,


" merits


separate attention here,


since


a path-breaking


study.


In this article,


Despradel


examines


the


role


of Dominican historians


in re-interpreting and


distorting


Dominican history.


She argues that,


for a number


reasons


(including racism),


Dominican historians


deliberately


downplayed the Dominican Republic's African


heritage,


substituting


for a


false and concocted


indian


heritage.


That gave


(and still


gives)


Dominicans the


false


impression


that


they are not black or mulatto,


but


indian.


Th an


IV


av+o nc nfl .


nnlv 4s1*isnc tr0 h1in kr


I(nrt









paradoxical


when


one


considers


fact


that


Amerindian


population


of Hispaniola


disappeared


quickly;


just


about


11,000


remained


Two


other


1517


authors


(Moya

that e


Pons


examine


1977,


antihaitianismo


are


Fennema


Loewenthal 1


(1987),


Dore


Cabral


(1985).


their


work,


the


authors


analyze


racist


course


Balaguer


(1984)


La Isla


al Reves


and


Fennema


and


Loewenthal


(1987)


introduce


concept


neo


-racism


describe


Neo-racism


differs


from


old-fashioned


biological


racism


fact


that


stores


ses


cultural


differences


of racial


groups.


Haitians


Dominicans


are


culturally


origin,


different:


while


Therefore,


they


the


Dominican


should


Haitian


people


mix


people


are


(Fennema


are


of African


of Spanish


origin.


Loewenthal


1987,


43-45)


This


concept


of neo-racism


very


similar


concept


of "symbolic


racism,


" that


will


be described


detail


the


next


section.


Finally,


Carlos


Dore


Cabral


(1987) ,


"Los


Dominicanos


de Origen

Dominicana


Haitiano


" examines


Segregaci6on


antihaitianism


Social

o from


en la


RepUblica


a different


and


unique


perspective:


the


plight


of Dominicans


of Haitian


origin.


In the


Dominican


Republic,


the


first


and


even


second-generation


descendants


of Haitian


migrants


are


not


considered


Dominicans.


Though


they


are


legally


Dominican


. .. i


_* ..


JL ..


- J "m __


F


________








forces them to


internalize their situation.


They consider


themselves Haitians,


even though


they probably


have never


been


to Haiti


Dore Cabral,


they do not speak Creole


besides


identifying


like a native.


and describing this


phenomenon,


also analyzes


of these attitudes


the causes behind the persistence


in the Dominican Republic.


Haitians and


their descendants,

labor for most of


Dore Cabral


argues,


Dominican population,


a cheap source of

from the Haitian


maid


that works


in an upper-class


home,


to the Haitian


laborer that harvests coffee


for a small


Dominican


farmer


(Dore Cabral


1987,


70-71).


Therefore,


in the best


interest of


the majority


of the Dominican population


to keep


Haitians subjugated as a


cheap,


docile


labor force.


As this review of the


literature has shown,


the


research question


that


this dissertation addresses has


just


begun to be examined


literature on Haitian-Dominican


relations.


Only a


few articles have been devoted to


and


they


cover the


issue of


antihaitianismo superficially.


That


being the case,


this dissertation will


be making a


unique


contribution to this problem.

discriminatory attitudes, on


The


formation of these


the other hand,


is also an


integral


part of


an ample,


well-established literature on


race and prejudice.


from this


literature


that


I have


developed the


theoretical


framework for this dissertation.








Theoretical


Framework


Causes of


racial


and ethnic prejudice


the


literature


range


from general,


individual


structural)

prejudice at

examining a


socio-historical


psychological


approach looks

the national


country's hist


causes.


interpretations,


The socio-historical


for the causes of

or supra-national

ory, society, and


racism and

level. By


culture,


tries


to explain the prejudice of


one group


(nation)


towards


another as


based on deep-seated historical,


political,


cultural


differences.


Individual


explanations,


on the other


hand,


look at personal


attitudes


as the main cause of


prejudice.


Racism and prejudice,


is claimed,


are


individual


acts caused by


individual


attitudes.


For


example,


local


worker


hates and discriminates


against


the


illegal migrant workers


that


take away his


job or that


lower wages.


Caribbean Race Relations:


A Study


of Two


Variants,


the


work of Hoetink

norm image in C


(1971)


on the two variants of the somatic


aribbean societies,


is an excellent example


of the


socio-historical


Iberian somatic norm


approach.


image


that


Hoetink contrasts


prevalent


the


the Spanish-


speaking Caribbean with


the Northern European somatic norm


image of the


rest of the


islands.


He concludes


that


there


is a


smaller somatic distance


formerly


Iberian


mian i oc Chnn 1 n tho n+thr 'ninnr fmcc


Wnr ovnm ni a


n in h+









within the


Iberian somatic norm


(Cuba,


Puerto Rico,


and the


Dominican Republic),


while that same person would be labeled


as black in countries


within


the Northern European somatic


norm


(other Caribbean


islands,


the United States).


That


leads


to a


reduction


(but not elimination)


of racial


prejudice


in the


former countries,


plus


it also encouraged


miscegenation.


Another good example of


the socio-historical


approach is


Raza


e Historia


en Santo


Domino


by Hugo


Tolentino


Dipp


(1992).


This work analyzes


the


formation of


racial


prejudices


the


first


colony


of the New World:


Santo


Domingo.


The main thesis of Tolentino


Dipp


that


the origins of


racial


prejudice had nothing to do with skin


color.


Rather,


these


prejudices had an economic basis,


sugar production.


The


profitable production of


sugar


demanded a


cheap and


docile


labor


force


(either


indians or


African slaves),


racial


prejudice helped


justify


maintain this


status quo


(Tolentino


Dipp


1992,


223-224).


separated


the white master


from the black slave,


the


powerful


from the


powerless,


the wealthy


from the destitute.


Even more


important,


justified this


separation and


provided an easily


The study


identifiable reference


of racial


sign:


relations and prejudice


skin color.

is not


limited


to historical


times.


Anthropologists,


sociologists,


and political


scientists,


both


in the United States and


arn 1 nil1, a rean an amr n


nnk rhnk amnnk rrh kh tB^ ----^.h^k^fbJ,*ck--


,l h rA Il 4


FII~h~n









drawn


on those


whose


research


most


closely


parallels


the


research


objectives


this


ssertation


work


of Teun


van


Dijk


(1987)


central


to thi


theoretical


framework.


In Communicatinci


Racism


: Ethnic


Prejudice


Thought


and


Talk,


he shows


that


prejudice


group


attitude


and


that


these


attitudes


are


"acquired,


used,


and


transformed


social


context


s" (van


Dijk


1987,


195)


More


explicitly,


prejudice


not


a personal,


individual


attitude


toward


acquired,
in-group


ethnic


minority


shared,


[van


Dijk


and


groups
enacted


1987,


but


socially


within


dominant


345]


respect,


van


Dijk


follows


the


socio


-cultural


approach


, but


from


a different


perspective


interviewed


individuals


order


assess


whether


their


prejudices


were


mainly


personal


or social.


What


he found


, as mentioned


above,


that


racism


and


prejudice


are


social


phenomena.


But,


who


are


responsible


creating


transmitting


these


ideas


are


they


simply


spontaneous?


Van


Dijk


singles


out


elites'


as providing


the


initial


(pre) formulations


of ethnic


prejudices


society,


and


the


media


as their


major


channel


the


reproduction


of these


ethnic


attitudes


(van


Dijk


1987,


360-361).


People
opinion
express
without


do not
s about


and


spontaneou
ethnic mi


communicate


sociocultural


nori
them


"invent"
ty groups


negative


nor


everyday


constraints.


do they


talk


Prejudice


and


reproduction


(verbal


or other)


interaction


I--


- .0 a - .0 .& - U -U -- .


.. "


I


* __ *


I I


1









For van Dijk,


elites create


(or maintain)


most of


these


negative opinions with


the aim of


preserving their status


quo,


and they are


in turn


reproduced by the news media--also


controlled by


elite groups


(van Dijk


1987,


360).


Other


media,


such as magazines and


additional background


textbooks,


ethnic prejudi


provide an

ce. The general


literature on socialization supports


these claims,


mentions


schools,


parents,


and the mass media


as the main


agents of


socialization


(Orum


1983,


266-272).


These


arguments are also


reflected


in the


literature on Haitian-


Dominican relations by


Despradel


(1974),


who argues


that


was


the work of many


Dominican historians


to keep alive and


even


create new versions


of antihaitianismo


, as well


as to


arouse nationalist f

Hispanic heritage of


feelings by


exalting the


Dominican people.


"purely"

The general


public tends


to adopt


these dominant elite opinions given


"the absence or scarcity


of alternative


forms of


discourse


and


information,


antiracist models,


and positive


information"


(van Dijk


1987,


363) .


In the Dominican


Republic,


authoritarian power structures have


reinforced


these


trends.


Van Dijk has also classified prejudice as based on


three dimensions of


"threat,


" that


the supposed threat


that


foreigners or minorities


represent


to their host









represent an unfair economic competition,

different and do not seem to adapt to the


are culturally


host society's


cultural


norms,


and are social


misfits who wreak the


established social


order


(van Dijk


1987,


58-60).


In simpler


terms,


they


are


"different"


from the


"established order,"


and


that makes them the subject of prejudice.


FOREIGNERS/MINORITIES


----------THREAT----------


ECONOMIC

(interests)

(competition)


CULTURAL

(difference)

(adaptation)


SOCIAL

(order)

(deviance)


FIGURE


Simplest Schema


for the Thematic and


Cognitive Organization of Ethnic


Prejudice


Source:


van Dijk


1987


Finally,

based or


van Dijk establishes


i elite


the media.


five


(pre)formulations and


These are:


immigration,


rejudice categories,

their reproduction by

crime and aggression,


unfair competition,


cultural


conflicts,


and personal


characteristics


(van Dijk


1987,


364-366).


Under these


five


categories,

to denigrate


different prejudices are expressed that


(or dehumanize)


try both


immigrants and to portray them


as a


threat.


The majority


these prejudices are also


found regarding Haitian migrants


in the Dominican Republic,


as seen in


Chapters


V and VI.


For example,


under the


, 61.









prejudices


found


the media


(van Dijk


1987,


364).


Under


the crime and aggression category,


he condemns


the common


media pr

suspects


actice of


specifying the ethnic background


(van Dijk 1987,


364)


of crime


In the unfair competition


category,


the main prejudice


is the widespread belief


that


migrant workers


"steal"


jobs


from native residents and


burden socioeconomic resources,


without ever mentioning the


fact


that


they


are employed


in activities that natives


refuse to do


(e.g.


farm work,


domestic work),


or that


they


contribute


the country's economic well-being


(van Dijk


1987,


364-365)


the cultural


conflicts category,


most


prejud


ices


depict


foreign


cultures as


"strange,


"different,


or "inferior"


(van


Dijk


1987,


365-366).


Finally,


the personal


characteristics category


includes


descriptive allusions


regarding


immigrants,


that are


portrayed as stupid,


lazy,


uneducated,


backward,


childish,


etc.


These attributed


characteristics then become,


country's


popular culture,


"typical"


and everyday


behavior of minority groups


My use of


(van Dijk


individual-level


1987


explanation;


, 366).

ns in this


dissertation


follows


Kinder and Sears'


(1981)


theoretical


debate on racial


threats versus symbolic racism.


According


to them,


the racial


threat hypothesis originates


competition between blacks and whites


for a share of the


a- -- a.- S. t C-a-----------~--


.r a r o m









discriminate


blacks


measure


that


they


individual


, feel


that


their


share


the


"Good


Life"


being


threatened


this


out-group.


similar


argument


commonly


made


Dominican


Republic


about


Haitian


migrants


who


are


accused


of "stealing"


jobs


and


lowering


wages


(see


Chapter


The


symbolic


racism


hypothesis


, on


the


other


hand,


stre


sses


early


life


socialization


processes


which


influence


adult


attitudes


and


perceptions


later


life


results


affective


responses


to symbols


regardless


tangible


consequences


adult


s personal


life.


example,


many


adults


United


States


opposed


busing


black


white


children


together


integrated


schools


, even


though


they


did


not


have


any


children


that


could


and


have


Speer


been


1979)


affected


McConahay


that


and


decis


Hough


(Sears,


(1976)


Hensler,


probably


present


st definition


the


symbolic


expression


terms


racism,


of abstract


ideological


feeling


that


making


symbols
blacks


and
are


illegitimate


symbolic
violating
demands f


behaviors
cherished


changes


the


values


the


racial


status


quo


[McConahay


Hough


1976


, 38].


Again,


argument


can


be made


Dominican


Republic,


where

and H


Haitians


ispanic


are


accused


values


the


of "tainting"


Dominican


people.


racia

For


make-up


those


reasons,


these


two


constructs


are


utilized


this


ssertation


as the


main


instruments


to examine


the


causes


-~ ~ -1 a- a *-- -


. it


It


1 --


-


m








Summing


two


theoretical


approaches


are


employed


this


ssertation


in order


test


main


thesi


First,


the


socio-historical


approach


, as used


Hoetink


(1971),


Despradel


(1974),


Tolentino


Dipp


(1992),


and


above


all,


van


Dijk


(1987)


on the


reproduction


of elite


discourse


and


social


context


of prejudice.


And


second,


individual


level


approach,


using


the


constructs


of racial


threats


and


symbolic


racism


and


applying


them


the


Dominican


case.


Main


Thesis


main


thes


ssertation


then


that


causes


existing


anti-Haitian


attitudes


(antihaitianismo)


among


Dominicans


lie,


first


, in


the


generally


tense


and


storically


conflictive


nature


Haitian-Dominican


development


Dominican


conflictive


dimensions


economic,


relations


social


elites


Haitian


(social


etc.)


, second,


reproduction


an anti-Haitian


-Dominican


, political


has repeatedly


the


members


"ideology.


relationship,


, cultural


given


deliberate


the


The


numerous


, historical,


to tensions


even


clashes


on both


sides


border


. That


has


provided


fertile


ground


the


development


of biased


judgements.


As a result,


prejudiced


opinions


stereotypes


are


created


regarding


opposite


camp.


However,


these


themselves


are


enough


to sunnort


lonq-standingq.


powerful


.


.... i








standing


disputes


(e.g


. France


and


Germany)


do not


always


lead


to the


creation


of strong,


long


-standing,


prejudiced


attitude


es.


Even


the


case


of Haiti


the


Dominican


Republic


, the


Haitian


-Dominican


relationship


has


not


always


been


tense


and


conflictive.


As a matter


of fact,


on several


occasions


Haitian


-Dominican


relations


have


been


cordial


and


amicable


The problem


that


the


relationship


has


generally


been


presented


as conflictive,


and


here


the


second


part


comes


into


play


It has


been


the


deliberate


work


some


Dominican


elites


that


, based


political


interests


, nationalism,


racist


ideologies


, or


their


combination,


has


given


to a multi


-faceted


"ideology"

stereotypes


of anti-Haitian


known


attitudes,


as antihaitianismo


symbols,

In other


and

words,


though


the


general


conditions


for


these


attitudes


have


usually


been


there


. a conflictive


relationship)


, it


has


been


elites


who


have


shaped,


preserved,


socially


reprodu


these


attitudes


until


they


have


become


part


intrinsi


of Dominican


culture.


Research


Methodolocr


approaches


presented


theoretical


framework


section,


socio-historical


approach


and


the


individual


-level


approach,


demand


diffe


rent


methodologi


es.


Tn a rA or anA


T1 4'h


Tn hrtvrtii


4-^Q


onrlrE


n C +1^








to the greatest extent


possible.


The socio-historical


approach


employs an


interdisciplinary methodology that


characterized by


its emphasis on the study


of a nation's


history,


politics,


culture,


and society.


Therefore,


mostly based


on the examination of written materials


(books,


articles,


case


The


documents)


regarding those


in the work of van Dijk


individual-level


(1987),


approach,


issues an

on field


the other hand,


interviews.


is based


exclusively


on interviews.


The


first


research strategy


for this work consisted of


library research and


broad


participant


scope of the Haitian-Dominican


required a


thorough examination of


Haitian-Dominican relations,


observation.


Given


relationship,


the


as well


its study


literature on


as an


in-depth analysis


of present-day


issues,


such as


the social,


economic,


political,


historical,


cultural,


racial,


and


ecological


issues of


the Haitian-Dominican relationship.


The main part


the essential


library research on


these


issues was


conducted during a


two-year period at the University


Florida's


Latin American Collection,


which has specially


strong holdings on the Caribbean area


This


research was


complemented with my


own sources


that


include


rare or


unpublished works not available outside the Dominican


Republic


(e.g.


Ginebra


1940).


The bibliography


the end


of this


dissertation contains most of


the over five hundred









examined


remainder

Dominican


and


cataloged


the


Republi


library

c using


myself


research

library


a database


was


sources


program.


completed


and


The


the


newspaper


archives.


Nacional


Librari


consulted


la Repdblica


included


Dominicana,


the


the


Biblioteca


library


of the


Banco


Central


de la Repablica


Dominicana,


the


library


the


Direcci6n


General


de Migraci6n,


the


Dominican


Collection


the


Universidad


Aut6noma


de Santo


Domingo


(UASD),


and


the


libraries


the


Pontificia


Universidad


Catl1ica


Madre


Maestra


(PUCMM)


Santiago


and


Santo


Domingo.


Newspapers


articles


, from


dailies


or weeklies


such


as El Siqlo,


Listin


Diario,


El Nacional,


El Sol,


Ultima


Hora,


Haiti


Observateur


, and


other


prominent


Dominican


foreign


newspapers,


were


also


used.


History


textbooks,


particularly


those


sections


that


deal


with


the


Haitian


theme,


are


important


sources


the


study


the


origin


of attitudes.


Education


fundamental


part


the


social


action


process


(Orum


1983,


-269),


most


educated


Dominicans


(even


college


students)


draw


their


knowledge


of Haiti


and


Haitians


from


their


story


or soc


studi


courses


I examined


history


textbooks


dating


back


as the


early


20th


century


order


to study


the


anti-Haitian


ases


any


analysis


those


particular


sections


dealing


with


Haiti


r14-oArw e44 in a 1n a


eo4-11


ra~ta~l arl


wk a 4


la ____ J


1 a^V -n\


ak nrrC^4








Haitian people


in school


(see Chapter VI


for more


information).


Another of my


research strategies consisted of


participant


observation and personal


assessment.


involved visits


to the


three


regions of major


interaction


between Haitians and Dominicans:


the borderlands,


the


sugar


industry,


There,


and the cities of


examined the


Santo


nature and


Domingo and Santiago.

daily manifestations of the


Haitian-Dominican relationship on a


personal


level,


thus


helping me get a


close


"feel"


for my research


topic


visited


these


contrasting


regions,


personally saw what


took


place


there,


and


talked


to dozens


of people,


some of


them


personal


friends and


long been one of


the


relatives.


Participant observation has


favorite research


tools of


anthropologists and sociologists,


is still


considered


as one of


the basic


research devices of the social


scientist


doing


field work.


And with good


justification,


since


participant observation


often


lets


one get


insights


into the


issues that are otherwise


impossible


to grasp.


Definitively,


no amount


of reading


or library research


compares to the


living reality


of being


"there,


" seeing what


Haitian-Dominican


relations are


really about at


the personal


level.


As a


result,


participant


observation has been used


in this study to validate,


on an


individual basis,


the


; a r' i nnc; nrnsrnptA hsre -.


Fnr exmann e.


one thin


-I- fl









another


a sugar


mill


and


actually


see


them


work


and


talk


them.


The


next


step


in my


research


was


to interview


elites.


Elites


the


Dominican


Republic


are


a rather


small


group,


but


they


have


been


attributed


with


exerting


a great


influence


the


creation


and


reproduction


of anti


-Haitian


attitudes


Betances


1985;


Despradel


1974;


Franco


1973).


the


Dominican


Republic


elites


control


policy


making


and


the


media


therefore


exerting


cons


iderable


influence


public


opinion.


Therefore


, beliefs,


opinions


, and


ideologies


held


Dominican


elites


permeate


popular


opinion


way


of the


media


and


authoritarian


power


structures.


we al


include


educators


in the


definition


of elites,


then


the


influence


of elite


attitudes


reaches


mass


proportions.


It would


not


an exaggeration


that


elite


attitudes


the


Dominican


relationship


are


Republic


fairly


regarding


representative


Haitian-Dominican


general


population'


views,


given


their


control


(and


manipulation)


information


sources


(news


media,


education


, politics,


etc.).


That


fact


alone


justifies


and


demands


study


Dominican


elites.


considerably


Finally,


cheaper


ess


a study of

complicated,


Dominican


elites


probably


reliable


as its


logical


alternative,


a general


population


survey,


which


might


cost


thousands


of dollars.


- a&


- 1


I


L


Li A








conducted


these


semi structured


interviews with members of


the Dominican elites,


such as politicians,


government


officials,


journalists,


media


figures


(both of


the printed


and broadcast media),


military


officers,


educators,


and


intellectuals.


Interviews were also conducted with Haitian


leaders,


such as community


or church leaders,


living


in the


Dominican Republic


in order to compare


their perspective of


"the Haitian problem"


with


that of


Dominican elites.


Interviews with Dominicans were conducted


in Spanish,


while


interviews with Haitians were conducted either


in Spanish or


Haitian


Creole.


The


interviews were


recorded,


when possible


and practical,


and confidentiality


sources was


assured.


Elite


interviews were arranged through my personal


contacts


in the


Dominican Republic,


particularly with


journalists and


intellectuals.


These


interviews were


carried out during my visits


to the Dominican Republic


1989,


and


1991


to 1993.


The


semistructured


interview


format consisted


of a set


of eight


to ten


open-ended questions


that were administered


in 20


to 30 minutes,


more


if necessary.


course,


a longer


time


frame and additional


questions are always more


desirable,


long


interviews tend


to become


repetitive and


many


of my


subjects had limited time.


The semistructured


format differs


from the structured


interview


in that


allows


for more


leewav


in responses while maintaining a









have


to follow


a precise


order,


as long


as one


getting


the


desired


information--one


can


always


back


later


the


unanswered


ones.


Also,


the


use


of open-ended


questions


allows


further


, more


precise


inquiries


when


additional


information


needed


(Peabody


et al. 1990).


copy


of the


original


elite


questionnaire


Spanish


and


trans


lation


into


English


are


Appendix


The


questions

migration,

cultural a


followed


impact


racial


a thematic


order,


of Haitians


clashes,


covering


the


political


topics


Dominican


implications


such


economy,

, etc.


Since


the


questionnaire


should


not


contain


more


than


ten


questions,


some


questions


(marked


with


an asterisk)


were


only


asked


when


time


allowed,


or on a second


interview.


While


first


twelve


questions


are


thematic,


should


noted


that


question


thirteen


tries


to pinpoint


the


source(


respondent


s anti-Haitian


attitudes,


any


The


first


part


targets


symbolic


racism,


while


second


part


targets


self-interest.


Finally


, que


stion


fourteen


deal


with


possible


solutions


to the


"Haitian


problem,


" and


designed

regarding


to evaluate


Besides


use


giving


of authoritarian


information


measures

on the


different


topics


, the


questionnaire


was


designed


to provide


general

Haitians


insights

SThe d


into


ata


respondent


collected


was


s attitudes


of a qualitativ


towards

e nature


S. S U


II


q


i


I II








antihaitianismo


is present among the


Dominican elites and


what


forms


it takes.


Finally,


people in

the sugar


conducted


the three regions


industry,


focus group


that


and the cities


interviews with


visited:

of Santo


local


the borderlands,

Domingo and


Santiago.


focus group methodology


consisted of the


selection


of seven to ten participants who were given a


couple of


"topics"


(sometimes


in the


form of


questions)


then allowed

reactions in


to discuss


their experien


a group setting.


In the


ces, feelings,

literature, it


and


: has


been defined as


"a carefully planned discussion designed to


obtain perceptions on a defined area


interest


in a


permissive,


nonthreatening


environment"


(Krueger


1988,


18) .


the case of my


research work,


was


interested


their


perceptions of the Haitian-Dominican relationship,


that


their


attitudes,


stereotypes,


and prejudices.


These


discussions usually


extended


for over


an hour


, but all


lasted less than


two hours.


The majority


of focus group


interviews were conducted among


Dominicans,


though a smaller


portion consisted of Haitians and their offspring


whom are Dominican citizens by birthright).


to confirm the employment and effect


discrimination against


(many


latter


of stereotypes and


those who are most affected by their


use.


Furthermore,


Haitians themselves,


and particularly


their offsnrina.


are believed


to suffer from


identity


crises









as equals.


As such,


their


attitudes


are


a valuable


source


information


about


Haitian


-Dominican


relations,


as they


are


the


most


affected


group


in this


scenario.


focus


group


interview


format


consi


sted


the


discussion


topics


dealing


with


Haitian-Dominican


relations.


the


case


of focus


groups


made


of Dominican


subj ects,


topics


centered


around


the


question


"How


are


Haitians


generally


treated?"


discussions


on "Haiti


and/or


Haitians


residing


Dominican


Republic


For


Haitians


their


offspring,


the


topics


were


modified


"How


do Dominicans


treat


Haitians


general


discussions


about


"Dominicans


and


Haitians


The


original


focus


group


questionnaires,


Spanish


and


Haitian


Creole,


are


in Appendi


ces


, C,


and


These


focus


group


interviews


were


carried


out


1989,


during


five-week


eld


research


period.


For


simplification,


restricted


groups


to lower


and


lower-middle


majority


the


ass


Dominicans,


population.


Groups


as they

include


represent

d both se


the


xes,


well


as different


age


groups.


Participants


were


selected


location


(convenience


sampling),


a technique


substantiated


the


literature


(Krueger


1988,


and


dictated


field


realiti


es.


Again,


the


interviews


were


recorded,


and


the


participants


' confidentiality


was


assured.


The


data


collected


focus


groups


interviews


was


qualitative


nnfrm rnr an


-.2-I.


- -.~


I1' i I I r 1o U L O II


4-Li 1 1 ,ior a4-o-


4-ha


viin-iara


snna








In conclusion,


for my research I


methodology that combined


developed a


the perceptions of


the nations'


leaders


(through elite


interviews and


literary sources),


with


that of


the common citizen


(through


focus group


interviews and participant observation).


This


qualitative


data


will


be used


in ways.


First,


to document


the presence


of antihaitianismo at both


the elite and


popular


levels.


Second,


illustrate


that prejudice


is not an individual,


but a


social


phenomenon.


And


third,


to show how elites have


utilized antihaitianismo


for political


purposes.


Notes


'Elites are defined


groups


that have


political,


Dijk

2Both


1987,


in van Dijk's work as


various


economic,
367).


the elite and the


conducted either
translations of
the appendices f


types


social,


of power ar


cultural,


focus group


in Spanish or
the original q


or the


"social (m
id control,


or personal"


minority)
whether
(van


interviews were


in Creole.


English


questionnaires are


included in


reader's convenience.













CHAPTER


A HISTORY
DOMINICAN


OF HAITIAN-
RELATIONS


The


origin


the


present-day


states


of Haiti


Dominican


Republic


lies


the


unique


and


convoluted


history


thi


island.


The


island


of Hispaniola


a special


case


that


two


independent


states


share


the


same


small


island,


but


trace


their


origins


to entirely


different


colonial


traditions


the


cas


observer,


Haiti


the


Dominican


Republic


offer


a startling


contrast,


difficult


to interpret.


History


the


key


to decipher


thi


social


, cultural,


political,


and


economic


dualism.


This


chapter


divided


three


sections


first


section


covers


the


colonial


story


of Hispaniola


from


Columbus


state


' arrival


of Haiti


1492


on the


the


western


creation


part


of the


island.


independent


The


second


section


follows


events


from


the


Haitian


Revolution


the


ass


assination


of Dominican


dictator


Rafael


Trujillo


1961.


The


third


final


section


will


examine


the


influence


development


the


of Haiti


storical


and


the


legacy


Dominican


on the


national


Republic,


on the


relationship


between


them.







74

From 1492 to the Haitian Revolution


The Haitian Revolution marks


the beginning of


the end


of colonial


domination


in Hispaniola,


and the eventual


development of two separate states


in the


island.


This


section will


also


follow a


chronological


order whenever


possible,


as it will


be divided


into


topics.


More


precisely,


this section will


cover:


the devastaciones,


French


Spanish


settlement


recognition of


in Hispaniola,


border problems and the


Saint-Domingue,


trade between


colonies,


the Haitian Revolution and French occupation,


finally,


the


triumph of


the Haitian Revolution and the


attempted


unification of


the


island under the


rule of


Dessalines.


political


We begin with a brief


economic decline


look at Hispaniola's


from its discovery by


Columbus


17th century.


From Prized


Colony to


Forgotten Territory


In a


little over two centuries,


Hispaniola


went


from


being Spain's


first and most prized


colony


in the New World


to a


forgotten backwater of


In 1492,


during the


the declining Spanish Empire.


first of his voyages to the New World


Columbus discovered an


island that


the native


indians called


Ayti.


He named that


Hispaniola),
* __t- ^ 9 1 .i


because


island La Espafiola


(later anglicized to


reminded him so much of Spain.


The


a n I- -_


C









force


to be exploited.


The


combination


of gold


and


indians


was


too


good


to resist.


Hispaniola


quic


kly


became


the


focus


the


Spanish


presence


Americas


and


gained


notoriety


through


a series


of first


events:


first


European


settlement,


first


church,


first


university,


but


also


first


indian


massacre,


first


plundering


New


World,


etc.


this


way


, Hispaniola


became


stage


and


testing


ground


a colonization


strategy


that


would


be repeated


Spanish


throughout


New


World.


sword


and


cross--in


Domingo


that


into


order--the


a mining


Spanish


quickly


enclave,


transformed


Taino


indians


Santo


into


virtual


slaves.


With


gold--and


the


Tainos--quickly


exhausted,


Spanish


interest


colony


of Santo


Domingo


declined


rapidly.


Between


1515


1517,


over


colonists


left


Hispaniola,


leaving


about


only


behind


(Moya


Pons


1984,


28) .


The


discovery


greater


riches


the American


mainland


relegated


a minor


pos


ition


Spanish


Empire.


Without


gold


indians,


Santo


Domingo


had


little


to offer


to the


Spanish.


Economically,


could


compete


with


territories


of New


Spain


and


Perdu.


And


strategically,


Cuba


particular


La Habana)


replaced


This


steady


oss


population


became


the


trend,


with


only


about


3,000


indians


left


1519,


the


colony


was


steadily


becoming


S S a-


*q *


rrl


i


I--1








Short


economic


booms


sugar


(after


1521) ,


later,


ginger


cultivation


(after


1581) ,


along


with


the


extermination


indians


the


importation


black


century

however


slaves


(Moya

were


from


Pons


Africa,


1984,


short.


beginning


32-38).


After


their


the


These ec

decline,


early


:onomic


16th


booms,


depopulation


and


economic

became a


stagnation


forgotten


again

colony


followed.


exten


Thus


Santo


sive--but


Domingo

already


decaying--Spanish


and


Empire.


monopolistic


Spain


policies


s limit


prevented


ed export


from


capacity


effectively


supplying


colonies


with


the


products


they


needed.


According


to chronic


cler


SAnchez


Valverde,


. .only about


every


three


years


could


a Spanish


specially


een in
the Du


tho, took advantage of
ktch, t-ok a-- vantage of


this


calm.


They


carried
colony
the pas


brought


out our
maintain
t century


their cla
products
d itself
[Sanchez


ndestine


and i
until


n thi
the


Valverde


goods


S


manner


beginning
1947, 109]


Furthermore,


new


European


presence


in the


Americas


was


threat


to Spain,


the colonists


Hispaniola,


faced


with


economic


stagnation


dire


need


of European


goods,


had


no qualms

contraband


about


dealing


developed


int


with

o the


the foreigners.

main source of


Soon,


SEuropean


products


colonists


of Santo


Domingo,


extension,


main


economic


activity


of Santo


Domingo


(Moya


Pons


1984


, 39-49).


All


this


economic


activity


was


triggered


cattle


I


~_


nations,








had


found


a perfect


place


to multiply


the


plains


Hispaniola,


where


wild


herds


of cattle


soon


roamed


thousands


contraband


plains


naturally


devoid


blended


of human


together,


habitation.


as one


Cattle


gave


and


way


the


other.


The


colonists


supplied


foreign


merchants


(mostly


Portuguese,


Dutch


French)


with


cheap


hides,


and


turn,


they


were


supplied


with


European


products


(Moya


Pons


1984,


51-53).


The


Spanish


Crown,


course,


did


not


approve


and


took


drastic


steps


to reduce--and


eventually


try


eliminate--contraband.


was


this


formative


historical


stage


when


the


economic


bases


colony


of Santo


Domingo


were


set.


cattle


ranching


economy


of Hispaniola


led


the


development


of a product--hides--that


could


not


find


outlet


Spanish


market.


An acute


lack


transportation


(few


ships


had


any


interest


on Hispaniola),


plus


little


demand


Spain,


meant


that


inhabitants


Hispaniola


could


rely


on the


Spanish


market


to solve


their


economic


problems.


Contraband


naturally


became


only


the


way


the


colonists,


of this


economic


economic


deadlock.


reality,


The


recognition,


would


eventually


lead


them


to accept


(and


adapt


other


circumstances,


most


of which


were


favorable


to Spain


s colonial


interest.


The


Spanish


authorities,


therefore,


decided


that


contraband


hari


tn hs








The


Devastaciones


The


most


extreme


measures


taken


the


Spanish


Crown


to protect


destruction


Hispaniola


the


towns


was

the


abandonment


northwestern


and


part


the


island


1605


and


the


resettling


those


colonists


new


towns


built


near


the


capital


(see


Figure


3-1).


The


devastaciones,


as they


were


known,


were


to have


unforeseeable


consequences


the future


development


colony


of Santo


Domingo.


devastaciones


were


more


than


a protectionist


economic


measure.


The


Spanish


authority


had


doubts


about


loyalty


of colonists


whose


subsistence


depended


on trade


with


foreign


powers.


The


Catholic


Church


was


also


particularly


concerned


with


the


spread


the


Protestant


faith,


brought


into


island


foreigners.


Thus,


Church


State


joined


forces


to put


an end


the


situation.


Both


a bureaucrat


Hispaniola,


Baltasar


L6pez


de Castro,


new


archbishop,


Fray


Agustin


DAvila


Padilla,


wrote


the


Crown


complaining


about


the


illegal


activities

solutions


taking


the


place


problem


(Moya


island and

Pons 1984,


recommending

54-56).


Ultimately,


was


the


recommendations


L6pez


de Castro,


calling


the


uprooting


and


relocation


towns,


people


and


cattle,


that


were


followed


the


Spanish


Crown.


His


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governor,


Antonio de Osorio,


to carry


out the


relocations.


The process of


relocating the


inhabitants of the


towns


doomed


for eradication was a harsh and bitter one


, but


spite of the complaints brought


forward by the colonists of


Hispaniola,


royal


orders


were dutifully


carried


out by


Osorio


1605.


Homes,


churches,


and


crops were burned to


the ground,


and the


inhabitants were


forced


to move with all


their belongings.


towns originally marked


eradication,


Puerto


Plata,


Bayaha


and


Yaguana,


Osorio


added Montecristi


other


colonists


living


in the


countryside.


Two new towns were created


to the north


Santo


Domingo


, Monte


Plata


and Bayaguana,


for the


inhabitants of Montecristi


and Puerto


Plata,


and Bayaha and


La Yaguana,


respectively.


Not surprisingly,


the colonists


tried


to avoid being


relocated,


and


in some


instances,


even rebelled against the


Spanish


authorities.


Cattle


ranching,


moreover,


suffered


the most,


is estimated


that


less than


ten percent of


the cattle


was


successfully relocated;


the


rest died,


were


lost,


or left behind


(Moya Pons


1977,


127)


Even after the


cattle


reached the new towns,


. because


the colonists complained


the pastures are


so bad,


that


in which


there i
cattle,
that it


arrived


.s only


a grass


that


is very harmful


it has died and has been consumed


: will


two


not be


found among


thousand heads of


cattle


to
so much,


those that
[Moya Pons


1977,


128].









such


as Santo


Domingo,


contraband


provided


an unique


opportunity


devastaciones,


to improve


a meager


furthermore,


living


opened


the


standard.


door


The


wide


free


intrusion


of foreigners


into


Hispaniola.


The


open


spaces


of northwestern


Hispaniola


, packed


with


wild


cattle,


were


tempting


foreign


powers.


The


devastaciones


simply


gave


them


the


carte


blanche


they


needed.


From


vantage


point


of history


, we can


see


now


that


the


relocation


towns


was


a policy


doomed


from


the


beginning


(Pefia


Battle


1946,


63-69)


we shall


see


, these


two


features


of the


colony


of Santo


Domingo


the


contraband


lifestyle


devastaciones


, were


destined


to have


unforeseeable


consequences.


They


important--links


became


the


first


chain


two--but


events


most


eventually


leading


the


establishment


the


French


colony


of Saint


-Domingue


in western



Foreigners


Hispaniola


Tortuca


The


origins


the


French


colony


Hispaniola


date


back


to 1630,


when


the


French


the


English


were


expelled


from


St. Kitts


a Spanish


fleet


Barred


from


St. Kitts,


these


French


and


English


colonists-adventurers


decided


establish


themselves


elsewhere


West


Indi


es.


group


landed


Tortuga


island,


off


coast


of northwestern


A -









northwestern part of Hispaniola,


a result of the


devastaciones.


They quickly


adjusted to the local


conditions and soon adopted a suitable modus vivendi


that


allowed


them to survive.


In Hispaniola,


because
cattle


in the


forests and


roamed everywhere,


in the plains pigs and
they felt comfortable


and


after the Dutch


offered


ass


them with


everything necessary


in exchange


for the hides


that


they


obtained


from cattle hunting,


they ended


up by settling under this assurance


Valverde


1947


, 119].


[Sanchez


These adventurers


survived by


hunting wild cattle and


trading their


devastaciones


hides


prevented


European goods,


the Spanish colonists


the same thing the


from doing.


From their base


months at


in Tortuga


time,


they went


into Hispaniola


despite the efforts of


the Spanish to


oust


them,


foreigners clung to the


island.


1 They became


known as buccaneers or


filibusters,


and


included various


nationalities,


though


as time


passed


French


took over


the administration of Tortuga.


They


also occupied the


Samana


peninsula,


from which


they were


forcefully


expelled


by the Spanish


colonists


(Sanchez


Valverde


1947,


120) .


This


last


incident helps explain why the French were able to


cling to Tortuga


and northwestern Hispaniola,


but failed to


hold


the Samana


peninsula.


The attitude of the Spanish


colonists made the difference.


northwestern Hispaniola


9 a a a .


While Tortuga and


were outlying territories,


v~~~aL a a' a t a 1 C! n UI n I.~ n a4 4 1 all an 4


c.l








to defend,


as the


colonists


were


more


willing


to participate


military


campaigns


which


their


own


well-being


was


clearly


at stake.


Border


Conflicts


Official


Recognition


of Saint-Domincue


by the


Spanish


Crown


1676


besides


Tortuga,


French


controlled


the


northwestern


coast


of Hispaniola


from


Port-de-Paix


Rebouc


river


(Moreau


de Saint-Mery


1944


, 11)


And


they


were


determined


to stay


Spanish


colonial


authority


did


not


officially


recognize


French


settlements,


but


clearly


understood


the fact


that


they


did


have


military


capability


to eradicate


them.


Thus,


fragile


understanding


took


place.


The


Spanish


tolerated


the


French


presence


long


as they


did


not


threaten


Spanish


settlements.


However,


as the


French


kept


expanding


along


the


northern


plain,


border


clashes


were


inevitable


In 1678


France


Spain


signed


the


Treaty


of Nimega,


again


restoring


peace


in Europe.


colony


of Santo


Domingo

limits


between


treaty

n the


led

two


to the


coloni


first


es.


offi


In 1680,


cial


demarcation


after


friendly


talks,

(Pena


the R

Batlle


ebouc

1946,


river


was


73-77)


established


Peace,


as the


however


did


agreed

not 1


border


ast


very


long,


either


Hispaniola


Europe.


The


French


kept


expanding


their


settlements,


while


the








more


land


resources.


a consequence,


border


clashes


between


French


Spani


sh coloni


were


frequent.


In 1689


France


Spain


were


again


war,


1690


the


French,


led


town


Governor


de Cu


of Santiago


invading


Francois


, attacked


Caballeros.


French


capital


colony


French


sacked


The


1691, a

colony),


Spanish


attacking

killing


Spanish


responded


Cap

Governor


Cussy


Spanish


battle


again


(Pefia


invaded


Battle


the


1946,


western


78-80)


part,


In 1695,


time


the


with


help


an English


fleet.


England


was


war


with


France


the


Hispaniola,


had


French,


been


from


their


carrying


colony


raids


western


against


Jamaica


(Moya


Pons


1977,


197-198)


Although


French


suffered


heavy


losses


the expedition


did


eradicate


French


presence


in northwestern


Hispaniola.


1697


, peace


had


been


restored


Europe,


and


the


Treaty


(Moreau


of Ryswick


de Saint-Mery


reestablished


1944,


the


-13)


status


Things


ante


went


bellum


back


normal


, that


, to


the


trying


to expand


their


possessions,


Spanish


trying


to contain


them.


This


tense


situation


went


on for


almost


eighty


years.


During


that


time,


the


French


Spanish


quarrelled


constantly


with


occasional


oss


of lives.


object


their


contention


was


usually


the


same


: land


(Moreau


de Saint-MHry


1944,


13-27


Finally,


1777,


Spain


France


signed


the

























































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the

two


island


things.


of Hispaniola


First


see


Figure


officially


3-2) .


recogni


The


zed-


-fo


treaty

r the


did

first


time


almost


sovereignty


years


over


of French


western


part


occupation


--French


of Hispaniola.


And


second,


established


fixed


and


permanent


border


between


the


two


coloni


es.


The


latter


assured


the


Spanish


colonists,


who


now


felt


secure


their


ssess


ions


, and


annoyed


their


French


county


rparts


, who


could


not


continue


expanding


to the


east


(Pena


Batlle


1946


, 94-97).


For


the


time


being,


relations


between


the


two


coloni


normalized.


Trade


between


the


Two


Colonies


mid


-18th


century,


the


economies


two


colonies


Hispaniola


were


strikingly


different


, in


size,


composition,


production,


and


rhythm.


While


the


Spanish


colony


remained


tied


to its


traditional


cattle


ranching


economy,


the


French


colony


had


prospered.


The


French


settlers


developed


Saint


-Domingue


from


a cattle


ranching


subs


istence


economy


the


early


17th


century


full-


grown


plantation


colony


the


mid


-1800s,


the


pride


of the


French


Empire.


As related


chronicler


Sanchez


Valverde,


sently


. Saint-


produced
unrefined


farms,


and


that


produced


150,000


one


may


Domingue]


1773


two


brown


produced


four


pounds


count


723


sugar


hundred


sugar,


in Santo


mills


forty


and


an infinity


84 millions


millions


of indiqo


Domingo
that
millions
of coffee


of coffee,


of cotton,


about


more


same


they
than


. pre


v o


i V m


.


,









sixth


part


that


has


been


traded


contraband


Sanchez


Valverde


1947,


158-159]


course,


a plantation


economy


, such


as Saint-


Domingue


, left


little


room


cattle


ranching


. Intensive


hunting


practically


eliminated


wild


cattle


the


French


colony,


meat


was


needed


to feed


the


population--mainly


slaves


who


worked


the


plantations.


The


expansion


plantation


economy


precluded


the


establishment


the


large,


open


ranches


needed


raising


cattle.


The


problem


was


solved


turning


to the Spanish


colonists.


Starting


in the


late


17th


century,


Santo


Domingo


became


the


main


supplier


meat


animals


the French


colony.


This


trade,


course,


was


always


legal


, nor


stable.


War


and


the


Spanish


authorities


curtail


the


trade


on several


occasions,


but


could


not


stop


completely


(Moreau


Saint-Mery


1944,


359-392


The


supply


of cattl


, which


never


could


keep


with


French


demand,


benefitted


the


Spanish


colony


Later


on, during


the


18th


century,


the


Spanish


authority i


taxed


the


trade,


which


added


cons


iderable


income


the


coffers


local


colonial


administration.


The


influx


money


that


resulted


from


the


cattle


trade


infused


life


back


into


the


stagnant


economy


Santo


Domingo,


and


allowed


the


Spanish


colonists


to acquire


the


manufactured


products


that


they


needed


from


the


French.


In thi


way,


two


economies


became


complementary.


The








situation would probably have continued had


it not been for


an event


that drastically


changed


the


face of the Caribbean


forever:


the Haitian Revolution.


The Haitian Revolution and


French Occupation


In less than a


century the French transformed the


colony


of Saint-Domingue


into a huge plantation that


produced


sugar,


coffee,


cocoa,


cotton and other tropical


products


European markets.


Large amounts of


labor were


required


to achieve


that


kind


of production.


That meant


massive


importation of


a slave


labor


force


from Africa


that,


1789,


was estimated at almost half


a million


slaves


(Knight


1978,


149) .


In general,


the


plantations--and the


slaves--belonged


to absentee owners


and French


colonists,


known as grand blancs.


Together with


their poorer


countrymen,


the


Detits


blancs,


they numbered about 25,000


(Knight


1978,


149) .


Between them and


the slaves,


were


the


aens de couleur;


ex-slaves,


mulattoes,


some of them even


plantation owners themselves.


total,


there were only


about


60,000


free men


in Saint-Domingue,


overseeing half


million slaves.


In contrast,


there were


110,000


free men


the Spanish


colony


of Santo


Domingo,


with about


15,000


slaves,


as shown


in Figure


3-3.


The disparate and


precarious


social


balance of


the Saint-Domingue colony was


ma int i nflnr until


17RQ.







89






Thousands


600


500


400



300


200



100


0


I I


Saint-Domingue


Free Men
Black Slaves


60
500


Santo Domingo

110
15


FIGURE 3-3


Population of


Saint-Domingue


1


A









1789,


the repercussions of


the French Revolution


made themselves


felt at


the colony.


three ruling


minorities


rallied behind the motto of


"Liberty,


Equality


and Fraternity,


" though


each


one


its own reasons.


The


grand blancs wanted autonomy,


while the Detits blancs and


the gens de couleur demanded equality with


the richer group.


Demands


increased,


and with


them,


conflict.


Soon all


three


groups were mobilizing their slaves as troops


for their


cause.


The


At one point,


slaves,


however,


things got out of


realizing their strength


in numbers,


control.

revolted


1791.


What began as a


conflict between elites


turned


into


the


largest slave


revolt


in history.


Chaos soon engulfed


The slaves,


Saint-Domingue.


Toussaint Louverture


white and mulatto armies


under the direction of


, an ex-slave himself,


in a bloody


defeated


10-year struggle that


destroyed


the colony's economic


infrastructure.


In France,


Napoleon


Bonaparte,


encouraged by


his victories


in Europe,


then decided to


recover his Caribbean colony.


Louverture


was


tricked,


captured and sent


to France,


where he died.


The


imprisonment and death of Toussaint Louverture


marks a


turning point


the history


the Haitian


Revolution

commander


Toussaint was not only the ablest military


in Saint-Domingue and a skilled negotiator but


also the most beloved


figure


in the colony.2


His exile was


- -a.,,.AL*, I 4.- 1_.. 1_ f 1 4 f


.*


O^TI+-~kh Ck*^^ ^^ -^^


^1 1 ^.^ -









Napoleon


had


Louverture


slaves


never


s ablest


continued


seen.


offi


their


Under


cer


furious


the


leadership


, Jean-Jacques


Dessa


struggle,


lines,

late


the

1803,


the


French


army


was


soundly


defeated.


On 1


January


1804,


Haiti


result


became


that


first


costly


black


colonial


republic


campaign,


of the


world.


Napoleon


lost


40,000


of his


best


troops,


their


commander,


Gen.


Leclerc,


the


colony


of Saint-Domingue


, and


ultimately


, hi


imperial


dreams


(Knight


1978


, 155).


The


war


left


country


destroyed.


Anything


reminiscent


plantations,


of France


irrigation


or the


white


systems


man


, etc


(buildings,


disappeared.


But


more


important


were


SOC


consequences


of the


war


Thi


was


not


a simple


war


independence,


like


those


that


were


to follow


Latin


Ameri


during


19th


century,


but


a true


Soc


revolution,


the


first


Americas.


such,


had


traumatic


effects


on the


country


The


plantation


system


, based


exclusively


on the


exploitation


slave


labor


, collapsed.


The


white


ruling


elites,


even


some


of the


cens


de couleur,


were


mass


acred


and


replaced


blacks


and


mulattoes.


And


the


colonial


government


gave


way


an independent


republic


three


aspects,


social,


economical


and


political,


revolutionary


changes


were


effected


through


use


of violence.


- -


I


1


mm


*I


I


A









Toussaint


sought


refuge


East,


and


even


fought


along


with


the Spanish


some


time,


before


finally


turning


against


them


their


continuing


support


of slavery


(Korngold


1965


, 95-107)


Furthermore,


Spanish


colony


supplied


the


huge


amounts


of cattle


that


war


effort


demanded


Food


became


scarce


Saint-Domingue,


both


as a


result


the


lack


of slave


labor


grow


crops


slaves


' guerrilla


French.


tacti


Finally,


of burning


Santo


Domingo


the


itself


fields


became


to starve


fully


involved


the Haitian


Revolution


since


had


been


ceded


to France


in 1795.


pain,


having


been


defeated


France


Europe,


had


cede


Santo


Domingo


colony


the


French


order


regain


territory


that


had


lost


Iberian


peninsula


during


war


(Penia


Batlle


1946,


100-101)


That


cess


was


rend


ered


offi


cial


the


Treaty


of Basel


However,


France


had


no way


of occupying


Santo


Domingo.


They


could


even


control


their


own


colony


of Saint-Domingue,


now


under


the


effective


control


of Tou


ssaint.


was


Toussaint

occupying


himself


who


former


finally

Spanish


enforced


colony


the

1801


Treaty

(Pena


Basel,


Batlle


1946,


-103)


Spanish


French


, in


particular


Napoleon


, tried


to delay


Toussaint,


but


no avail.


Napoleon--who


did


trust


Toussaint--wanted


a French


army


1rmcca f 3Rt


fnmi nrnn


h1~n1c


th0


?Cant-^


rv 1mv


nt~r'r'Tik


* *I


* J


*1 I|I









chaotic


situation


Saint-Domingue,


the


presence


Toussaint


s black


troops


was


horrifying


The


Santo


Domingo


coloni


did


not


like


the


French,


but


they


feared


Toussaint


s troops


more.


Many


res


idents


decided


to leave


Santo


Domingo


colony


and


moved


Spanish


possess


ions


of Cuba,


Venezuela,


and


Puerto


Rico,


both


before


after


the


arrival


of Toussaint'


army


(Moya


Pons


1984,


-181,


-192


the


time


since


French


landed


Tortuga


the whole


island


was


under


a single


administration.


fashion,


Touss


aint


s annexation


led


to the


creation


notion


the


indivi


sibility


the


island.


The


unification


the


whole


island


seemed


to Haitian


revolutionary


leaders


like


the


ideal


conclusion


the


transcendental


revolution


just


taking


place.


The


annexation


the


eastern


part


island


provided


the


revolutionary


armies


with


an additional


margin


of security


when


French


Dessalines


Takes


decided


Over


to invade.


Tri


Aqain


Toussaint,


however,


never


had


the


chance


to make


dream


come


true.


In 1802


, the


expected


French


inva


sion


finally


arrived.


as we know,


shipped


French


Toussaint


occupied


to France,


of Hispaniola


where


and,


he died.


T nA anA an raa


,-^f nni 4+


Danlkl1l ,


l&Thjn


,-lh


h-HA


Aanl ~ va~


Tt T ae


n









Domingo.


French


General


Louis


Ferrand


however


decided


not


to surrender


took


over


Santo


Domingo


city


prepared


a long


siege.


That


came


in 1805


, when


Dess


alines


decided


annex


eastern


part


the


island.


Divided


two


columns,


Haitian


armi


advanced


through


north


and


the


south,


meeting


outside


the


city


of Santo


Domingo.


For


three


weeks


Dessalines


laid


siege


city,


but


had


to abandon


when


French


ships


appeared


on the


horizon.


Believing


that


they


represented


a potential


French


invasion


of Haiti,


he raced


back


the


west


prepare


defense


The


invas


never


took


place;


was


a deceptive


tactical


move


French


(Moya


Pons


1984,


201-


203)


During


their


retreat


They


, however,


ransacked


the


the


Haitian


towns


armi


their


left


path,


trail


killing


of blood.


many


their


inhabitants


According


to Haitian


historian


ce-


Mars,


army
epis


And
was


odes


Burnings
execution
children,
after the
portrait
people of


his


This


eternal


was


so it


one


was


that


most


of a dramatic
of farms, des
of hostages,


the t
army;


of futile


East


enemies


state


brutal


nothing


the


retreat


dramatic


and


bloody


tructions


arrests


transfer


was


horrors.
resembled


and


the


Haitian


bloodiest


history.


of cattle,


of
of


women


them


missing


For
the


[Price-Mars


things


and
the West,


such


Dessalines


French


1953


in the


a sad
, the


whites
:97-98]


island


Hispaniola


beginning


the


19th


century


originally


Spanish


colony


had


witnessed


the


emergence