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Aspect in Bonggi

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Aspect in Bonggi
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Boutin, Michael E., 1953-
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English
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x, 240 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Adjectives ( jstor )
Linguistics ( jstor )
Locative case ( jstor )
Nouns ( jstor )
Predicates ( jstor )
Prepositions ( jstor )
Syntactics ( jstor )
Trucks ( jstor )
Verbs ( jstor )
Vowels ( jstor )
Austronesian languages -- Malaysia -- Sabah ( lcsh )
Bonggi language -- Aspect ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Linguistics -- UF
Grammar, Comparative and general -- Aspect ( lcsh )
Linguistics thesis Ph.D

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1994.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 230-238).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Michael E. Boutin.

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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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ASPECT IN BONGGI


By

MICHAEL E. BOUTIN



























A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1994


















Copyright 1994


by


Michael E. Boutin























This work is dedicated to my father who taught me to work hard, be honest, and have integrity.

He also loaned me the money for my first linguistics course, and

recognized that I enjoyed "book learning" long before I did.

If dad were still alive,

he would love to hear me say that he was right about the "book learning"

and find that his investment is bringing forth dividends.














ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


I would like to thank my Bonggi friends for all their help and patience in teaching my wife and

I about their language and culture. Living and working with the Bonggi has been a rich experience

for us. The number of Bonggi who have befriended and helped us is too large to mention. Those

who stand out as being especially close to us for different reasons include: Mual bin Tugulan, Tagi

binti Limbatan, Sayad bin Liad, Aplan bin Liad, Darah binti Kundasan, Nunga binti Latip, and

Tipah binti Timisup.

I am very grateful to the Sabah State Government for permission to undertake this research

and the cooperation I have enjoyed from them. I especially thank Patricia Regis and Rita

Lasimbang of the Sabah State Museum for their interest in the Bonggi.

My colleagues in Sabah, who have also been involved in language research, have provided a

good sounding board for some of my ideas. I especially appreciate the healthy dose of skepticism I

have received from Richard Brewis, Hope Hurlbut, Julie King, Paul Kroeger, and Dave Moody. I

am also grateful for the help I received from linguistic workshops conducted in Sabah by Steven H.

Levinsohn and Ivan Lowe and for the encouragement I have received from different administrators

in Sabah including: Ken Smith, Gene Fuller, Paul Setter, and Wayne King. I also thank all those

who have helped me to attend various linguistic conferences and the Linguistic Institute at the Ohio

State University in 1993.

My SIB friends in Sabah have blessed me with their encouragement, especially Kenneth Ng,

Philip Lynn, Paul Wang, Simon Goh, and Michael Chen. Beyond Sabah, I appreciate both the

friendship and the encouragement of Malaysian linguists: Mashudi Kader, Boon Seong Teoh, Bibi

Aminah binti Abdul Ghani, and Eileen Yen Ee Lee.









I wish to thank Professor Haig Der-Houssikian who has served as chairman of my doctoral

committee. Working one-on-one with him has been a real privilege. I have benefited greatly from

both his excellent linguistic help and his counsel and encouragement.

I also would like to express my gratitude to the other members of my committee: Professor

Chauncey Chu, Dr. William J. Sullivan, and Professor Donald E. Williams. Each of them

provided valuable suggestions and encouragement to me.

My time at the University of Florida would have been very different had I been discouraged

from working on a minority language of Southeast Asia. I thank the following members of the

faculty for their encouragement and interest in my work: Michel Achard, Robert de Beaugrande,

Diana Boxer, Jean Casagrande, Gary Miller, David Pharies, Roger Thompson, Andrea Tyler, and

Ann Wyatt-Brown. I also appreciate the encouragement I have received from fellow graduate

students, especially Timothy Ajani, David Hankins, Wayne King, and Suzanne Norris.

Outside of the University of Florida, I am indebted to Robert Van Valin for his

encouragement and correspondence. His suggestions and critique of my earlier work have been

extremely helpful.

I thank all my family and the many friends in the U.S. who have encouraged and supported

Alanna and I these years. My sons Seth and Micah have been very understanding and loving when

I have not had as much time to play as they would have liked.

Finally, my heartfelt thanks go to my wife Alanna who is a real Proverbs 31 woman. She has

been a help in every sense of the word. She has enjoyed learning Bonggi with me and living in

remote villages where most westerners could not cope for a month, much less for years. Alanna

has been my chief encourager and has edited all my work always with a cheerful attitude and an

uncomplaining spirit.














TABLE OF CONTENTS



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS................. ........... .............. iv

KEYS TO SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS ............................. viii

ABSTRACT ............................. ................. ix

CHAPTERS

1. INTRODUCTION ............ .............................. 1

1.1. The Bonggi Language and People ........... ................ .. 1
1.2. Aspect in Bonggi .................. ............ ........... 6
1.3. Basic Descriptive Sketch of Bonggi ................................ 15
1.3.1. Simple Clauses ........................................ 15
1.3.2. Simple Nominal Phrases ................................... 22
1.3.3. W ord Classes ............ ...... ..................... 26

2. SITUATION ASPECT IN BONGGI................................. 31

2.1. States ....................... ............. ......... .. 34
2.1.1. Equational States .............. .... .... .... ........... 36
2.1.2. Locative States ............. ......................... 42
2.1.3. Condition States ............ ...... .................. 50
2.1.4. Possession States ....................................... 68
2.1.5. Cognition States ........... ........ .. ................. 72
2.2. Achievements ........... .............................. .. 79
2.3. Activities ...................... ...................... 99
2.3.1. M otion Activity Verbs ......... ..................... .. 100
2.3.2. Nonmotion Activity Verbs .......... .................. .. 113
2.4. Accomplishments ........... .... ... ...................... 122








3. VIEWPOINT ASPECT IN BONGGI............................... 148

3.1. Viewpoint Aspect in Verb Morphology .................... ... 151
3.1.1. Morphophonemic Contrasts within the Peg- Group ................ 152
3.1.2. Semantic Structure of the Peg- Group ......................... 158
3.1.3. Iterativity: Specific and Distributive Viewpoints ................... 187
3.2. Viewpoint Aspect inside Verb Phrases ..... ..................... 199
3.3. Viewpoint Aspect outside Verb Phrases ..... .................... 218

4. CONCLUSION ............................................ 223

4.1 Summary ................. .. ........... .. ..... .......... 223
4.2 Implications ................. .... ............................ 225

REFERENCES ....................... ........................... 230

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH......................................... 239















KEYS TO SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS


ACC
ACH
ACT
ACY
APL
Arg
AS
CAU
d
DEF
DIR
DIS
EMPH
exc
EXP
FPFT
GEN
IMP
INSTPL
IT
LINK
LOC
NEG
NOM
NP
NPIV
NPST
NV
0
p
PFT
PIV
pred
POS
PRF
PST
REC
s
S
ST
UND
UPL
US
V
VA


Explanation or Gloss
1 first person
2 second person
3 third person
@ consonant in root/stem which is
separatedfrom root/stem by
an infix
[-mk]UPL unmarked undergoer pivot
accomplishment
[+mk]UPL marked undergoer pivot
accomplishment


Explanation or Gloss
accusative case
achievement
actor
activity
actor pivot accomplishment
argument
actor subject
causative
dual
definite
directional verb
distributive
emphatic
exclusive
experience
future perfect
genitive case
imperative mood
instrument pivot accomplishment
iterative
linkage particle
locative
negative
nominative case
noun phrase
nonpivot
nonpast tense
nonvolitional
object
plural
perfect
pivot
predicate
positive
perfect
past tense
reciprocal
singular
subject
state
undergoer
undergoer pivot accomplishment
undergoer subject
verb
viewpoint aspect














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


ASPECT IN BONGGI

By
Michael E. Boutin

August, 1994

Chairman: Haig Der-Houssikian
Major Department: Linguistics

This dissertation presents an analysis of aspect in Bonggi within the framework of Role and

Reference Grammar (RRG). Bonggi is a Western Austronesian language of Sabah, Malaysia.

The morphology of Bonggi distinguishes situation types: states, achievements, activities, and

accomplishments. Because these four situation types are the starting point for a RRG grammatical

analysis, there is a reciprocal harmony between the RRG model and Bonggi.

Bonggi verbs are classified semantically according to the relationships which exist between

predicates and their arguments. These relationships are described in terms of logical structures

which are linked to the verb morphology by a series of rules including the assignment of thematic

relations, semantic macroroles, syntactic functions, case, and verbal cross-referencing.

Each situation type has a unique set of inherent aspectual properties (Aktionsart) which are

reflected in the logical structures by predicates and a small set of operators such as BECOME and

CAUSE.

The model highlights the distinction between Aktionsart and viewpoint aspect by treating

viewpoint aspect as an operator. Whereas Aktionsart properties are determined from the logical

structures in a constituent projection that accounts for argument structure, the assignment of

viewpoint aspect belongs to an operator projection which includes viewpoint aspect, tense,









modality, negation, and illocutionary force. Unlike Aktionsart which is determined from the logical

structure, viewpoint aspect is independent of the logical structure. Although each situation type

has a unique logical structure and a unique set of Aktionsart properties, the same situation can be

presented from different viewpoints. That is, the inherent Aktionsart properties do not change with

a change in viewpoint aspect.

Viewpoint aspect in Bonggi is formally expressed in: 1) the verb morphology, 2) a system of

free form auxiliaries, 3) a system of enclitic particles, and 4) a system of temporal adverbs.

Although aspect, tense, and modality all belong to the operator projection, they modify

different layers of the clause. For example, viewpoint aspect is an operator modifying the clause

nucleus. This model not only provides a framework for treating aspect independently of modality

and tense but also for treating the interrelationship of aspect with modality, tense, and other verbal

categories.














CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION


This chapter briefly answers two questions which arise from the title of this dissertation. The

first question, 'Who are the Bonggi?' is answered in 1.1, while the second question, 'Why study

aspect in Bonggi?' is addressed in 1.2. Finally, a condensed sketch of Bonggi is provided in 1.3.


1.1. The Bonggi Language and People

Bonggi is a Western Austronesian language spoken by approximately 1,400 people on Banggi

and Balambangan islands in the Kudat District of Sabah, Malaysia. (See Figure 1 for the location

of Banggi and Balambangan in Southeast Asia.) Outsiders usually use the exonym 'Banggi' or

'Banggi Dusun' to refer to the people, while the Bonggi refer to themselves by the autonym Bonggi.

The term 'Banggi' is somewhat derogatory in nature as banggi means 'corpse' and is used in the

curse, Banggi nu! which is equivalent to the English phrase 'Drop dead!'

The term 'Dusun' is a misnomer from a linguistic point of view. Linguistically, the term

Dusun refers to a group of languages in Sabah. The majority of the indigenous languages of

Sabah belong to one of three groups: Dusunic, Murutic, or Paitanic.1 Bonggi is a linguistic isolate

which does not fit into any of these three groups. In fact, the Murutic languages are more closely

related to the Dusunic languages than Bonggi is to either group. Thus, calling the Bonggi Dusunic

as opposed to Murutic or Paitanic is a linguistic error. However, 'Dusun' has become a highly

politicalized term in Sabah, and it is in this sense that the label 'Banggi Dusun' is often used. I use






1These groups are based solely on lexicostatistics from Smith (1984). Previous groupings based
on lexicostatistics were proposed by Dyen (1965) and Prentice (1970). The most well-known
subgrouping argument dealing with any of the languages of Sabah is Blust (1974).









the term 'Bonggi' to refer to both the language and the people, and the term 'Banggi' to refer to the

island.2


Figure 1: Location of Banggi and Balambangan in Southeast Asia


On the basis of lexicostatistics, the closest linguistic relative of Bonggi is the Molbog

language spoken on Balabak and Ramos islands in the Philippines south of Palawan Island. A

comparison of basic wordlists indicates that Bonggi and Molbog are only about 50% cognate.

Furthermore, the two languages are far from being mutually intelligible. There are some Molbog

speakers on Banggi Island who are referred to as Belobog by the Bonggi. Many Bonggi speakers

living near the two Molbog villages on Banggi island have learned to speak Belobog. On the other




2For a discussion of the origin of the term 'Dusun' see Lebar (1972:148). For a recent discussion
of problems associated with the term 'Dusun' see Lasimbang and Miller (in press). For a general
discussion of nomenclature problems in Borneo see Appell (1968), Blust (1974), and Lebar
(1972).









hand, only a couple of Molbog speakers who have married Bonggi women have learned Bonggi.

This is typical of the sociolinguistic situation on Banggi and Balambangan islands.

Besides Bonggi and Molbog, there are four other language communities on these two islands:

Suluk (known in the Philippines as Tausug) and three languages from the Sama language family:

Bajau, Ubian, and Kagayan. All of the languages, with the exception of Bonggi, have their

geographical center in the Philippines. That is, Molbog, Suluk, Bajau, Ubian, and Kagayan

speakers are relatively recent arrivals in Sabah compared to the Bonggi.3 On the other hand, there

are no Bonggi speakers in the Philippines.

The general sociolinguistic picture pertaining to the Bonggi is as follows: Bonggi villages are

somewhat scattered over the two islands, but group into village clusters consisting of at least two

geographically close villages belonging to the same ethnic group.4 For example, the Limbuak

cluster in the southwest portion of Banggi Island includes the following Bonggi villages: Limbuak

Darat (Pega'Diaa), Batu Layar Darat (Liag Diaa), Lumanis Darat (Lemeis Diaa), and Kuda-

Kuda (Kuda'-Kuda);5 the Palak cluster in the southeast portion of Banggi Island includes Palak

Darat (Giparak Diaa) and Memang (Milimbiaa).

In general, with the exception of a few people who marry into a Bonggi community, speakers

of other languages do not learn Bonggi. It is the Bonggi who have learned to speak the languages

of the other ethnic groups. The other ethnic groups are also scattered around the islands in villages

which tend to cluster in groups. For example, the primary ethnic group near the Limbuak cluster is





3However, Bajau are known to have lived on Banggi island since at least as early as 1769
(Dalrymple 1769:65). For a discussion of relationships among the languages in the Sama language
family see Pallesen (1985). For an overview of relationships among Philippine languages see
Walton (1979). For an overview of the language situation and distribution of languages on Banggi
and Balambangan see Boutin and Boutin (1985).

4The term bunua 'community' is used refer to a hamlet, village, or village cluster. For a discussion
of the importance of the term bunua in Bonggi society see Boutin (1990).

5Village names are given in Malay, the national language, with Bonggi names provided in
parentheses.









Bajau who live in the two Bajau villages of Limbuak Laut (Pega'Loud) and Batu Layar Laut

(Liag Loud), while the primary ethnic group near the Palak cluster is Kagayan who live in the two

Kagayan villages of Palak Laut (Giparak Loud) and Laksian (Leksiadn).

As a general rule, the Bonggi learn the language of the outside community which is

geographically closest to their cluster. Thus, most Bonggi speakers over thirty years of age who

have lived in the Limbuak cluster speak Bajau, while those who have lived in the Palak cluster

would speak Kagayan due to their respective exposure to these two languages. The older a Bonggi

and the longer he or she has lived in a village cluster, the more likely he can speak the language of

the nearby outside community. Among younger speakers from different ethnic groups there is a

greater tendency to use Malay because: 1) Malay is the language of the schools; 2) the young

people have been increasingly exposed to Malay via radio and television; and 3) relationships

between Bonggi children and children from other language groups often begin during their school

years where they are required to speak Malay to each other.

Very few Bonggi are monolingual; most Bonggi over thirty are trilingual (speaking Bonggi,

Malay, and the language of the geographically closest outside community). It is not uncommon to

find Bonggi who speak four or five languages. In terms of language use, Bonggi is always spoken

between Bonggi speakers, except in cases where a speaker may use a few phrases from another

language. When a Bonggi meets a non-Bonggi, the language of the non-Bonggi is used if the

Bonggi has sufficient knowledge of the language; otherwise, Malay is spoken. This

accommodation strategy fits a possible sociolinguistic universal suggested by Quakenbush

(1986:242):

In a multilingual setting where language groups are of markedly different social
status, the group on 'bottom' will accommodate to the group on 'top' by using that
group's first language in face-to-face interaction, regardless of other components
of the social situation such as role relationships, location, formality, etc.
Despite the fact that few Bonggi are monolingual, Bonggi is not being replaced by a different

language. Bonggi children are learning the language as their first language, except in some cases









involving mixed marriages.6 The Bonggi have borrowed a number of words from Malay and some

words from English. The majority of English borrowings are nouns, although a few verbs have

also been borrowed (Boutin 1994).

There are differences in the Bonggi language spoken in different areas. However, these

differences are not great enough to cause any difficulty in communication. According to Bonggi

folk linguistics, the most important dialect variation is between the Bonggi spoken on Banggi

Island and that spoken on Balambangan Island. However, I have found that 'alleged differences'

tend to be exaggerated. Bonggi speakers have a very ethnocentric perspective of their own dialect.

The home village cluster dialect is always best, and the "Bonggi over there" are always the ones

who kiara youk 'have an accent'. The majority of Bonggi on Banggi Island have never been to

Balambangan. They tend to stereotype the Balambangan Bonggi and attribute to them a number of

noncognate lexical items. I have found in talking to Balambangan Bonggi that many of the lexical

items attributed to them are either archaic or unknown.

The vast majority of the Bonggi data presented in this book is from either the Limbuak village

cluster or the Palak village cluster on Banggi Island. There are some regional differences on

Banggi Island as illustrated by variation in the use of [ei] and [oi] in a small set of words.

Limbuak Darat NW part of island Palak Darat Gloss
/soid/ solidd' ] ['seid'] ['soig'] 'inside'
/toin/ ['toidn] ['teidn] ['toidn] 'jungle'
/sin.doin/ [sm'doidn] [sm'deidn] [sm'doidn] 'fingernail'
/oid/ ['oid'] ['oid'] ['og] 'boat'

The language variation which does exist is primarily phonetic. There are a few lexical

differences such as the use of the Bajau term angat 'said' by Bonggi in the Limbuak cluster.






6Although few Bonggi are monolingual, this is not meant to suggest that there is a high level of
bilingualism. Without having measured for degrees of bilingualism, my assumption is that the
level of bilingualism is not sufficient to pose any threat to the viability of Bonggi at this point.









However, angat is never used by speakers in the Palak cluster except in ridiculing the people from

Limbuak. No morphosyntactic differences have been observed between dialects.

The Bonggi are primarily subsistence farmers and fishermen. Subsistence agriculture is based

on cassava (Manihot esculenta Crantz).7 The actual origin of the Bonggi and the time period in

which they arrived in their present location are unknown. Early Bonggi settlers to Banggi and

Balambangan probably settled along the coast at estuaries, initiating a pattern which has persisted

to this day. Later, with the arrival of further immigrants, the Bonggi, being the weaker community,

were displaced into the interior.8 The only published record of the Bonggi language before the

1980s was a wordlist taken in 1937 (Schneeberger 1937). Several short Bonggi folktales appeared

in an English newspaper in 1923 (Agama 1923a, 1923b, 1923c, 1923d). They were probably told

in Malay and translated into English. Previous linguistic work on Bonggi which is most relevant to

the topic of this dissertation is Boutin (1991a) and Boutin (1992).


1.2. Aspect in Bonggi


In beginning an examination of aspect in Bonggi, it is important to realize that one structural

feature in a language often predicts, implies, or constrains the distributional possibilities of another

feature. My goal is to demonstrate how certain structural features in Bonggi predict and constrain

the distributional possibilities of aspect. Specifically, this dissertation answers two general

questions with respect to aspect in Bonggi: 1) what are the aspectual possibilities in Bonggi? and 2)

how are they constrained?

The term 'aspect' has been used to refer to two related, but distinct, phenomena:





7For an overview of Bonggi social organization see Boutin (1990).

8Many of the village names are a reflection of this pattern, diaa 'inland' (Malay: dart) and loud
'sea' (Malay: laut) are a reflection of this pattern; e.g. Limbuak Darat (Pega'Diaa) an interior
Bonggi village, and Limbuak Laut (Pega'Loud) a coastal Bajau village. For a discussion of
Bonggi history see Boutin (in press).








(a) Aspect refers to ways in which languages mark notions such as duration,
frequency, and completion in verbs. Simply speaking, from this standpoint, aspect
is a matter of the speaker's perspective or viewpoint on a situation. For example,
the speaker may choose to depict a situation as beginning, ending, continuing,
repeating, or completed.

(b) Aspect refers to the inherent features of situations or verbs; that is, whether the
situation or verb is static or dynamic, punctual or durative, telic or atelic. This
second use of the term aspect has been called situation aspect or Aktionsart 'kind
of action' (from German).
The distinction between (a) viewpoint aspect and (b) situation aspect (Aktionsart) is often

blurred in studies on aspect. My analysis of aspect in Bonggi shows that this distinction is

fundamental. Briefly speaking, each situation type has a specific situation aspect (Aktionsart)

associated with it, and given any situation type, there are constraints on the viewpoint the speaker

can have. That is, situation types have an inherent aspect (referred to here as situation aspect)

which constrains viewpoint aspect.

I provide a brief overview of situation types which are described in detail in Chapter 2. The

semantic notions which are discussed in this paper are interrelated and it is very difficult to discuss

one notional category such as aspect without discussing all the other categories which interact with

it and thus, effect the form in which aspect is realized. For example, past tense is marked

differently depending upon the situation type and which argument is selected as subject.

Following Lyons (1977:483), Smith (1983:481), and others, I use situation as a cover term

for both events and states.9 Vendler (1967) devised a universal four-way semantic distinction in

situation types: 1) states; 2) achievements; 3) accomplishments; and 4) activities. These four types

of situations correspond to major verb classes which are encoded in the verbal morphology of

Bonggi. In the remainder of this section, I provide a brief example of the four basic situation types

using data from both English and Bonggi.


9Situations are comparable to States of affairs (e.g. Dik 1981:32-36).









States are static situations. Several sub-classes of states are elaborated in Chapter 2. Only

condition states are discussed in this overview. The English sentence in (1) illustrates a condition

state.

(1) It is dry.
English condition states such as (1) are primarily realized by a form of the verb be followed

by an adjectival complement. Bonggi does not have a verb comparable to English be. Instead,

condition states like (1) are realized as a stative verb derived from an adjective root.10 This is

illustrated in (2) by the stative verb ngkorikng which is derived from the adjective root korikng

'dry'.11

(2) Sia ngkorikng.


it dry
'It is dry.'
Achievements are nonvolitional changes of state which are inception-oriented. Sentence (3)

illustrates an achievement in English, while (4) illustrates the Bonggi achievement verb kimorikng

which is derived from the adjective root korikng 'dry'.12


(3) It became dry.

(4) Sia kimorikng.
it become.dry
'It became dry.'
Accomplishments refer to changes of state which are brought about by a volitional actor and

have a final endpoint. Sentence (5) illustrates an accomplishment in English, while (6) illustrates

the Bonggi accomplishment verb ngorikng which is derived from the root korikng 'dry'.

(5) She dries coconuts.






10States whose complement is an adjective as in (1) are often referred to as attributive clauses.

11The morphological processes resulting in the Bonggi surface forms are elaborated in Chapter 2.

12Chapter 2 describes subclasses of achievements, accomplishments, and activities.








(6) Sia ngorikng piasu.
she dry coconut
'She dries coconuts.'
Activities involve a volitional actor and are activity-oriented referring to events which often

have no clear endpoint. Sentence (7) illustrates an activity in English, while (8) illustrates the

Bonggi activity verb ngkapak which is derived from the root kapak 'sing'.

(7) She sings.

(8) Sia ngkapak.
she sing
'She sings.'
The Bonggi root korikng 'dry' was used to contrast states, achievements, and accomplishments

resulting in respective surface contrasts between: ngkorikng (2), kimorikng (4), and ngorikng (6).

This root can also occur unaffixed as illustrated in (9).

(9) Bakng kiou meiti na, korikng.
if wood dead dry13
'If wood is dead, it is dry.'
However, an activity verb cannot be derived from korikng 'dry'. Thus, the Bonggi data

provided so far do not sufficiently illustrate a surface contrast between activities and the other

situation types. 14 However, there are other roots such as uru 'medicine' which can be used to

derive both an activity (ngguru) and an accomplishment verb (nguru) as in (10).

(10) Ama' Numpang ngguru tina robi. Sia nguru n Daya'.
father Numpang medicate later night he medicate NPIV Daya
'Numpang's father is medicating people later tonight. He will medicate Daya.'15




13In this section '-' is used to gloss certain grammatical morphemes which are described in Chapter
2 and not relevant to the current discussion.

14The roots korikng 'dry' and kapak 'sing' were chosen since both are /k/ initial roots. The initial
phoneme of the root is important in determining surface contrasts in Bonggi (cf. Chapter 2).
Although the paucity of data described in this overview may not convince the skeptical reader that
the primary function of the verbal morphology described here is to indicate situation type, detailed
evidence for my analysis is provided in Chapter 2.

15The medicating described by the verbs ngguru and nguru in (10) refers to a treatment performed
by a local spiritualist. Other types of medical treatment involve either a herbalist or western
medicine from a clinic (cf. Boutin & Boutin 1987). Sentence (10) is from a recorded text.









Dowty (1979) and Cooper (1985) state that it is sentences as a whole which belong to the

various situation classes and the classes are not determined simply by the verb that the sentences

contain. Thus, sentences (1 la) and (12a) are activities, whereas sentences (1 ib) and (12b) are

accomplishments. 16

(11) a. She ate fish.
b. She ate the fish.

(12) a. She walked.
b. She walked to the store.
Dowty's and Cooper's claim that situation type is not determined by the verb holds for

English. For example, the activity verb walked in (12a) can become an accomplishment walked to

the store when a definite goal is added (cf. FVV 1984:39). In English, the verb morphology of ate

and walked does not change whether they occur in activity or accomplishment situations.

However, this is not always the case in Bonggi, as seen in (10), where the verb morphology

distinguishes the activity verb (ngguru 'medicate') from the accomplishment verb (nguru

'medicate').

Some Bonggi verbs, such as the verb 'to walk' (mpanu), are lexically an activity verb, and can

occur in either activity clauses similar to (12a) or accomplishment clauses similar to (12b).

However, in either case, the verb mpanu 'to walk' always appears with activity verb morphology,

which is described in Chapter 2. Other Bonggi verbs, such as the verb 'to cut down a tree'

(nobokng), are lexically an accomplishment, and only occur in accomplishment clauses similar to

(5) and (6). Verbs which are lexically an accomplishment only occur with accomplishment verb

morphology which is also described in Chapter 2. Still other Bonggi verbs, such as the verb 'to

move', can be lexically either an accomplishment verb, in which case it occurs with

accomplishment verb morphology (nguhad), or an activity verb, in which case it occurs with

activity verb morphology (muhad).



16As noted by Van Valin (1990:225, footnote 4), the contrast between (1 la) and (1 lb) cannot be
reduced to the presence or absence of articles.









In Bonggi, the verbal morphology distinguishes whether a verb is lexically an activity or an

accomplishment, regardless of the presence or absence of verbal arguments or adjuncts. In fact,

one of the primary functions of verbal morphology in Bonggi is to indicate the lexical situation

type. This means that situation types are much more transparent in Bonggi than in English, and

that contrary to Dowty's and Cooper's claim, verbs can determine the situation type, at least

lexically in some languages.

As stated earlier, the four-way distinction in situation type corresponds to major verb classes:

1) states; 2) achievements; 3) accomplishments; and 4) activities. A number of semantic features

can be used to delimit the four different situation types and the corresponding verb classes. Some

semantic features such as dynamicity are associated with aspect, while others such as the thematic

role of the arguments) are less directly relevant to aspect. In fact, certain aspectual features such

as dynamicity are essential in the classification of verbs. It is in this sense that Dowty uses aspect

to distinguish the inherent meaning of verbs (Dowty 1979:52).

Table 1.1 characterizes the salient aspectual features which distinguish the four situation

types.



Table 1.1: Salient aspectual features of the four situation types17

state achievement activity accomplishment

dynamic + + +

telic + +

causative +-


17The absence of'+' or '-' means that the feature is not relevant to the situation type.









Situation is a cover-term for states and events. In terms of the typology of situations

presented above, events include achievements, activities, and accomplishments. States are static

and do not involve change over time, while events are dynamic and involve change (cf. Chung &

Timberlake 1985:214).

A situation which is telic has an endpoint or definite limits. Only events, not states, can be

telic. Telicity is often described in terms of the boundedness of events. Achievements and

accomplishments are telic or endpoint-oriented whereas activities are atelic and activity-oriented.

Accomplishments have a causal predicate, whereas achievements and activities do not. The caual

predicate links an activity to a resulting achievement (cf. 2.4). Thus, the feature causative

distinguishes accomplishments from other events.

Duration is an aspectual feature which is sometimes used to delimit situation types. That is,

some situations are punctual (momentary), while others are durative. However, duration is not a

salient aspectual feature of situations in Bonggi. States by definition are durative and this is

reflected within the feature dynamism. Achievement and accomplishment verbs are not limited to

punctual situations or to situations of short duration (e.g. (4), (6)). Some verbs can be viewed as

inherently punctual (e.g. break), whereas others are inherently durative (e.g. soften), but this

distinction is not encoded in Bonggi. Chapter 3 provides evidence that there are durative and

punctual verbs of the same situation type.

Thus, for each of the four situation types, there are corresponding aspectual features which

are referred to as situation aspect (Aktionsart). The aspectual features in Table 1.1 are not

language particular. Although reference was made to duration as a possible situation aspect

feature, the three features provided in Table 1.1 are sufficient to delimit the four situation types

and they are considered universal situation aspect features.

Van Valin (1993:34) refers to the four situation types (states, achievements, activities, and

accomplishments) as Aktionsart classes. His use of the term Aktionsart varies from the traditional

use of the term where Aktionsart refers to the inherent aspectual meaning of a verb (Dahl

1985:26). On the other hand, the term aspect is traditionally a strictly grammatical category. I use









the terms situation aspect and Aktionsart synonymously to refer to the salient aspectual features

found in Table 1.1 which distinguish the different situation types in Bonggi.

I- One property of aspect is that the same concepts are relevant at different levels (Chung &

Timberlake 1985:214). For example, telecity is not only important for differentiating situation

types, but also for constraining the way in which situations can be viewed.

Situations can be viewed from different points in order to highlight different phases of the

situation. For instance, the situation described in (5) can be viewed from an iterative perspective

as shown in (13), or an inceptive perspective as shown in (14).

(13) He always breaks the seal.

(14) He started to break the seal.
The viewpoints) available for referring to a particular type of situation depends upon the

properties of that situation (Smith 1983:491). For example, the stative situation described in (1)

cannot be viewed from an inceptive perspective as in (15).

(15) *He started to be tall.
Viewpoint possibilities reflect aspectual characteristics at the sentence level and are described

in terms of viewpoint aspect. In Bonggi viewpoint aspect is often encoded in aspectual words

which are part of the verb phrase. Viewpoint aspect is constrained by situation type. Thus, while

the accomplishment situation described in (6) can occur with continuous viewpoint aspect which is

marked by kahal 'still' as in (16), achievement situations such as that in (4) are not compatible with

continuous viewpoint aspect.

(16) Sia kahal ngorikng piasu.
she still dry coconut
'She still dries coconuts.'
One difference between situation aspect and viewpoint aspect is a distinction in formal

expression. Situation aspect correlates with situation type, which is formally expressed by the verb

morphology. On the other hand, viewpoint aspect is expressed by either verb morphology, as in

the use of meg- frequentativee' in (17), or periphrasis, as in the use of kahal 'still' in (16).








(17) Sia pandi meg-meikap.
she know DIS-make.up
'She uses make up all the time.'
Although situation aspect and viewpoint aspect can both be expressed by derivational verb

morphology, they are in complementary distribution in terms of the affixes employed. Other

correlations between formal expression and aspectual type are explored in Chapter 3. These

include the use of partial reduplication of verb roots to express continuous durativee) activity and

full reduplication of verb roots to express iterative activity. Chapter 3 also shows that some

aspectual notions must be studied outside the verb system in the adverbials; for example, habituals.

,- The conceptual framework for this study of aspect draws on the work of Carlota Smith (1991)

and Role and Reference Grammar. The major influence of Smith on my thinking is the distinction

between viewpoint and situation aspect (Aktionsart). The major points of difference between

Smith and me are: (1) her view of aspect is sentential, whereas my own view is that aspect is not

strictly sententially governed; and (2) whereas Smith claims that viewpoint aspect is generally

indicated morphologically and situation aspect (Aktionsart) is generally indicated syntactically, I

show that situation aspect in Bonggi is indicated morphologically and viewpoint aspect is indicated

morphosyntactically, suggesting that her claim is premature and based on insufficient data.

My approach to the study of aspect focuses on overt grammatical forms, as well as semantic

features of aspect. The data sources for this dissertation are a working dictionary (3,200+ roots

with multiple forms), recorded and transcribed texts (200+ pages, including glosses), and field

notes which my wife Alanna and I collected in Sabah between November 1982 and May 1992.18







18My wife and I had a house in Limbuak Darat on Banggi Island between November 1982 and
December 1985. During that period, about 60% of our time was spent in Limbuak Darat and 40%
in the city of Kota Kinabalu on the mainland. Afterwards, we resided in the United States from
April 1986 July 1987. Upon returning to Malaysia we had a house in Palak Darat from
November 1987 to April 1992. During that period, about 40% of our time was spent in the village
of Palak Darat and 60% in the city of Kota Kinabalu. Although Kota Kinabalu is outside of the
language area in which Bonggi is spoken, we almost always had Bonggi speakers living with us
whenever we were outside the village between August 1987 and May 1992.









Although much of the data presented is from texts, I have not excluded other types of data,

including elicited verb paradigms.

The theoretical model used for discussing aspect in Bonggi is Role and Reference Grammar

(RRG) as described by Robert Van Valin, Jr., editor (1993). From the perspective of RRG,

situation aspect results from inherent properties of situations which are defined in terms of lexical

semantics; on the other hand, viewpoint aspect is treated as an operator over the clause nucleus.

Before discussing Bonggi from the perspective of RRG (cf. Chapter 2), the remainder of this

chapter provides a brief overview of some of the linguistic features found in Bonggi.


1.3. Basic Descriptive Sketch of Bonggi


1.3.1. Simple Clauses

In terms of common word-order typology, Bonggi is a SVO language. Basic word-order in

simple transitive clauses with two arguments is SVO, as illustrated in (18), (19), (20), (21), and

(22).19

(18) S V 0
Ou ng-atad diha.
I AS-take you
'I take you there.'20

(19) S V 0
Sia ng-atad diaadn.
he AS-take me
'HE takes me there.'

(20) S V 0
Ou etad-adn nya.
I take-US him
'I am taken there by him.'





19This brief overview of clauses only includes simple, transitive, verbal clauses. Chapter 2
distinguishes transitive and intransitive clauses as well as verbal and nonverbal clauses, and
provides a more detailed analysis.

20The subject of the sentence is capitalized in the free translation.








(21) S V 0
Sia ng-atad siidn ku dii diaadn.
he AS-take money my to me
'HE takes my money to me.'

(22) S V 0
Siidn etad-adn ku dii diha.
money take-US me to you
'MONEY is taken to you by me.'
Actor and undergoer are the two primary arguments of a transitive predicate, either one of

which may be the subject. Actor refers to the entity which instigates or controls the action

expressed by the verb. Undergoer refers to the entity affected by the action or state expressed by

the verb. For example, the subject is an actor in (18), (19), and (21), whereas the subject is an

undergoer in (20) and (22). One NP in every verbal clause is indexed by the morphology of the

verb. Within Philippine linguistics, the indexed NP has been called various names including:

subject, topic, focus, pivot, and trigger. Although I use the term 'subject' in this overview, the term

pivot is used in the remaining chapters in keeping with the theoretical framework described in

Chapter 2. Also, within Philippine linguistics, the role of the verb morphology is usually

considered as encoding the semantic role of the indexed NP (or subject). Although I argue later

that encoding the semantic role of the subject is not the primary function of verbal morphology in

Bonggi, for ease of exposition in this overview, I have glossed the grammatical morphemes above

as 'AS' (actor subject) and 'US' (undergoer subject) to indicate the primary semantic function of the

subject.

In (22) the undergoer (siidn 'money') is subject and the actor (ku 'me') is labeled as '0'

(object). Note that the actor is not marked as an oblique argument in (22) as in English passives

where the agent is marked with the preposition by. This raises an interesting question regarding the

syntactic status of the actor in Bonggi.21 If we avoid the typological parameter 'O', word order in

simple Bonggi clauses is: Subject Verb Nonsubject core argument.


21This question is briefly addressed below.









There are three partially distinct sets of personal pronouns which are referred to as

nominative, accusative, and genitive case pronouns. Table 1.2 contrasts the three sets of pronouns

in Bonggi.



Table 1.2: Bonggi Pronouns


NOMINATIVE


GENITIVE


ACCUSATIVE


Singular ou ku diaadn

Idual kita ta dihita

Iplural-inclusive kiti ti dihiti

Iplural-exclusive ihi mi dihi

2singular aha nu diha

2plural uhu nyu dihu

singular sia nya nya22

3plural sigelama sigelama sigelama


Nominative case pronouns occur as subjects (e.g. ou T in (18) and (20), and sia 'he/she' in

(19) and (21)). Genitive case pronouns occur as the possessor in possessive NPs (e.g. ku 'my' in

(21)) and nonsubject actor (e.g. ku 'me' in (22)). Accusative case pronouns occur as nonsubject

undergoer (e.g. diha 'you' in (18), diaadn 'me' in (19), and nya 'him' in (20)) and following certain

oblique markers such as dii 'to' (e.g. diaadn 'me' in (21) and diha 'you' in (22)). Bonggi does not

have a pronominal dative case form, but expresses the notion of indirect object using prepostions

(e.g. dii to' in (21)).





22The contrast between 3s genitive and accusative case pronouns is neutralized as nya, and there is
no contrast in case in third person plural sigelama.









Bonggi is a nominative-accusative language with the grammatical subject being in the

nominative case. Every Bonggi verbal clause contains one and only one nominative argument.

The nominative argument can be either an actor (e.g. ou T in (18), and sia 'he/she' in (19) and

(21)) or an undergoer (e.g. ou T in (20)).23 Sentences such as (20) and (22) are different from

passives in English. Like English passives, the undergoer is the subject (e.g. siidn 'money in (22));

however, unlike in English, the actor (e.g. ku 'me' in (22)) is not marked as an oblique argument.

The syntactic status of arguments like ku 'me' in (22) has been widely debated for Philippine-type

languages with the primary question being the argument status of these agents.24 According to

Bell (1983), nonsubject agents are nonterms (nonarguments), while Kroeger (1992a) claims they

are always terms (arguments). RRG also takes the position that they are terms (cf. Chapter 4). At

any rate, in the active voice as in (18), (19), and (21), the verb root atad 'take' has two direct core

arguments; one, the actor, occurring in the nominative case, and the other, the undergoer, occurring

in the accusative case. Direct core arguments are defined as arguments which are not preceded

by a preposition (oblique case marker); for example, diaadn 'me' in (19) is a direct core argument.

Although every verbal clause has a nominative argument, it may not be realized due to

ellipsis, as in (23) (cf. (22)).

(23) Etad-adn ku gulu.
take-US me first
'IT is taken there by me first.'
Ellipsis of the subject as in (23) is common in Bonggi. In fact, in many instances, especially

imperative clauses, both core arguments are elided as in (24).25





23Common nouns such as siidn 'money' in (22) are not case marked (cf. below).

24Some people have argued that constructions like (22) are nominal, not verbal, since the agent is
treated in the same way as the owner in possessive NPs. See Dahl (1984) for an argument against
this nominal construction position. One argument against the nominal hypothesis is that the verbal
element in constructions like (22) can be inflected for tense.
25Cf. English, where the subject of transitive clauses, but not the object, is elided in imperatives.








(24) Etad-a' ba!
take-IMP.US EMPH
'Take IT there!
The semantic role of the nominative argument can be determined from the verbal affixation.

Thus, the verb affix functions like a placeholder for the subject nominal. For example, the suffix -

a' in (24) indicates imperative mood and that the subject is the undergoer, in this case 'the thing

being taken'.

Besides the morphological distinctions described for pronouns, Bonggi distinguishes personal

names and common nouns. Common nouns which are direct core arguments are not case marked.

Instead, word-order is used to encode the syntactic function subject. In (25) the common nouns

ama' '"father' and siidn 'money' are not marked because they are direct core arguments, but the

common noun indu "mother' is marked by dii 'to', indicating that it is an oblique argument.

(25) Ama' nya ng-atad siidn dii indu' nya.
father her AS-take money to mother her
'HER FATHER takes money to her mother.'
In (26) Butak is preceded by si, indicating that Butak is a personal name and the clause

subject; Tagi is preceded by ni (realized as [n]), indicating that Tagi is a personal name and

nonsubject.26

(26) Si Butak ng-atad siidn dii n Tagi.
PIV Butak AS-take money to NPIV Tagi
'BUTAK takes money to Tagi.'

Si marks nouns as both personal names and clause subject.27 Thus, one function of si is to

mark nominative case. However, ni is not a case marker because dii 'to' (an oblique marker)











26The grammatical markers si and ni have phonologically conditioned variants. Si and ni do not
occur with names beginning with /s/. Ni is reduced to [n] before names beginning with /t/ or Id/; it
is reduced to [n] before names beginning with a vowel; and it is reduced to [i] elsewhere.









governs the case of Tagi in (26). Furthermore, ni can occur with accusative case nouns (e.g. Tagi

in (27)) and genitive case nouns (e.g. Tagi in (28)).

(27) Si Butak ng-atad n Tagi.
PIV Butak AS-take NPIV Tagi
'BUTAK takes Tagi there.'

(28) Si Butak ng-atad siidn n Tagi.
PIV Butak AS-take money NPIV Tagi
'BUTAK takes Tagi's money there.'

The use of word-order instead of case-marking with common nouns to encode the syntactic

function subject is illustrated in (29) where the subject precedes the verb and the nonsubject core

argument follows the verb. This contrasts with most Philippine-type languages, including the

languages of Sabah which tend to be verb-initial and whose nominal forms are generally marked by

prepositional particles (Shibatani 1988:88). However, verb-medial languages like Bonggi do not

typically have case markings on NPs to establish their grammatical relations; instead, the

grammatical relations are signalled with word-order (cf. Bybee, et al. (1990:15)).

(29) Asu nya bas na ng-ohol asu ku.
dog his PST PFT AS-bite dog my
-HIS DOG bit my dog.'

To summarize, the subject is the prominent nominal in a clause. In Bonggi, subject NPs are

marked in one of three ways: (a) by the special particle si for personal names and nominals which

are treated like personal names (cf. footnote 27), (b) by nominative case pronouns, or (c) by word-

order. All three of these techniques for indicating the clause subject (i.e. the prominent nominal)

mask the semantic role of the subject NP. The subject depends on the verbal affix for its semantic






27Nicknames, death-names, teknonyms, the indefinite reference term anu 'so-and-so', and certain
kinship terms are treated morphosyntactically as personal names (Boutin 1991b). For example, the
kinship terms ama"father' and indu"mother' in (25) are marked as personal names when the
speaker is referring to his/her own parents, as in (i).

(i) Si ama' ngatad siidn dii ny indu'.
PIV father take money to NPIV mother
'FATHER takes money to mother.'









role. If word-order is included as a form of marking, subjects are marked twice: once on the verb

to indicate the semantic role of the subject, and once on the subject argument (by either si, or a

nominative case pronoun, or word-order). The different nominal categories show different degrees

of merger in form. Personal pronouns have three surface forms with accusative case and oblique

NPs distinguished on the basis of the presence or absence of an oblique marker. However,

personal names have two surface forms and common nouns have only one surface form with

oblique arguments in each instance being distinguished by an oblique marker. The different forms

of each nominal category are illustrated in Table 1.3.



Table 1.3: Nominal arguments


Direct core Noncore

Subject Nonsubject

Actor j NonActor


Nominative


Genitive


Accusative


Oblique NP


Possessive NP


Personal ou T ku 'me' diaadn 'me' dii diaadn koon ku 'my food'
pronouns __o me'

Personal si Tagi n Tagi n Tagi dii n Tagi 'to koon n Tagi
names 'Tagi' 'Tagi' 'Tagi' Tagi' 'Tagi's food'

Common asu 'dog' asu 'dog' asu 'dog' dii asu koon asu
nouns 'to (a) dog' '(a) dog's food'


Table 1.3 shows that: (a) oblique NPs are always marked by prepositions; (b) in possessive

NPs, the possessor always follows the possessed item; (c) the distinction between nonsubject actors

and nonsubject nonactors only exists for pronominal NPs; and (d) direct core arguments (subject

and nonsubject) are distinguished on the basis of case if they are pronominal, by the choice of si

versus ni if they are personal names, and by word-order otherwise.









In the transitive clauses illustrated by (18) (29), all of the nonsubject direct core arguments

are either actors or undergoers. However, this is not always the case; that is, nonsubject direct

core arguments are not necessarily actors or undergoers. For instance, clauses which are

traditionally described as dative-shift constructions have two nonsubject direct core arguments, but

only one is an undergoer. Sentence (30) illustrates the ditransitive predicate mori 'give' in a clause

without dative-shift, and (31) illustrates the same verb in a clause with dative-shift. There are two

nonsubject direct core arguments in (31), but only one, diaadn 'me', is an undergoer.

(30) Sia m-ori siidn dii diaadn.
PIV AS-give money to me
'SHE gives money to me.'

(31) Sia m-ori diaadn siidn.
PIV AS-give me money
'SHE gives me money.'

Chapter 2 describes certain intransitive clauses that have direct core syntactic arguments

which are neither actors nor undergoers. According to case-marking principles in Van Valin

(1990:241), the default case for direct core arguments which are neither actor or undergoer is

dative. However, as shown in Table 1.3, Bonggi does not have unique dative case forms; instead,

all nonsubject direct core arguments which are not actors occur in accusative case.


1.3.2. Simple Nominal Phrases

The head of nominal phrases is either a pronoun or a noun. Pronominal heads are either

personal pronouns (as shown in Table 1.2) or demonstrative pronouns. Noun heads can be simple

nouns such as apu "grandfather' in (32), compound nouns such as apu'-odu' '"ancestors' in (33), and

personal names such as Butak in (34) (cf. (28)).

(32) apu' nya
grandfather her
'her grandfather'

(33) apu'-odu' nya
ancestors her
'her ancestors'








(34) si Butak
PIV Butak
'Butak'
The primary word order within NPs whose head is a noun is: Determiner Noun Adjective -

Determiner, with some overlap between the determiners which precede the head-noun and those

which follow the head-noun. NPs with simply a noun and an adjective modifier are illustrated in

(35).

(35) anak kaha' toudn baru
child eldest year new
'eldest child' 'new year'

Unlike English, which can string a series of adjectives together within a single NP, Bonggi

NPs normally contain only one adjective.28 Even adjectives from different semantic domains such

as color, quality, and size rarely cooccur. Instead, when a speaker desires to ascribe two attributes

to a simple entity, he either uses two separate NPs (as in (36) where the first NP lama bulag 'blind

person' is qualified by the second NP indu'Mual 'Mual's mother') or stative verbs (as in (37) where

n-doot 'ST-bad' and m-pia 'ST-good' are stative verbs).

(36) Iketomu ou lama bulag, indu' Mual.
met I person blind mother Mual
'I met a blind person, Mual's mother.'

(37) Ndara n-doot sia, asal m-pia baar-baar sia.
not.exist ST-bad he surely ST-good true-true he
'HE is not bad, surely HE is very good.'

Some adjective roots rarely occur as adjectives in NPs; they are far more likely to be realized

as stative verbs. These include the stative verbs n-doot 'ST-bad' and m-pia 'ST-good' as in (37)

and mi-gia 'ST-big' as in (38). However, other adjective roots (such as toyuk 'small' in (38)) occur

more frequently as adjectives, even when stative verb forms are possible (e.g. n-toyuk 'ST-small').






28In English conversation there is a tendency for speakers to avoid complex noun groups
containing a series of adjectives and instead spread adjectives out over several clauses. This
contrasts with English written language which is more dense (cf. Bygate 1987:62-63; Richards
1990:73).






24

(38) Uubm nya, "Suhu ga toyuk tuni toyuk kei bagi,
said he all CONTRAST little body little also share

suhu mi-gia tuni mi-gia hei bagi."
all ST-big body ST-big also share
'He said, "All small bodies get a small share, all big bodies a big share."'

When the head of an NP is a noun, the noun can be followed by determiners which indicate

something about the definiteness and/or referentiality of the head noun. The set of determiners

which follow the head-noun include: possessors, as illustrated in (39) (cf. Table 1.3);

demonstratives, as illustrated in (40); and the definite article na, which is illustrated in (41).

(39) bali ku
house my
'my house'

(40) bali nti
house this
'this house'

(41) bali na
house DEF
'the house'

Demonstratives such as nti 'this' in (40) have a deictic function with the deictic center being

the speaker. Table 1.3 shows the demonstratives which can occur in Bonggi. The demonstratives

are distinguished on the basis of orientation with respect to the speaker/hearer. They can occur

alone as the head of a NP, in which case they are referred to as demonstrative pronouns. Each of

the three demonstratives has a shortened form which is also shown in Table 1.3.29








29The details regarding the conditioning factors for long versus short demonstrative forms have not
been worked out. Two factors which influence the occurrence of short versus long forms are the
phonological shape of the preceding head noun (shortened forms are more likely to occur when
contiguous segments are identical as shown below) and the speech style (shortened forms are more
likely to occur in fast/casual speech).

toudn nti 'this year' bali nti 'this house' bali ina 'that house' bali inoo 'that house over
yonder'
toudn ti 'this year' bali na 'that house' bali noo 'that house over
yonder'






25

Table 1.4: Demonstratives


Ina 'that' also has anaphoric function, as illustrated in (42) where the anaphoric reference is to

what has previously been said.30 In fact, ina na 'that', with the referent being an extended passage

of text, is one of the major cohesive devices in Bonggi (cf. Halliday & Hasan 1976:67).

(42) Ina na susuad nya.
that DEF say he
THAT is what he said.'

Nti this' has a cataphoric function as illustrated in (43) where the cataphoric reference

pertains to what is said immediately following.

(43) Moro' sikng nti, ...
tell like this ...
'Tell them something like this,...'
Nti 'this' also has an exophoric function whereby it is used to refer to current periods of time

such as odu nti today', minggu nti 'this week', buaidn nti this month', and toudn nti 'this year' (cf.

Halliday & Hasan 1976:61).

As stated previously, the three different types of determiners which follow the head noun

(possessors, demonstratives, and the definite article na) all indicate something about the

definiteness and/or referentiality of the head noun. Na 'definite' identifies a particular individual or

subclass within the class designated by the noun. Possessors and demonstratives are semantically

selective; they contain within themselves some referential element in terms of which the item in




30In Bonggi, as in most systems, it is the intermediate term of the deictic series which is used as a
general anaphoric element (Anderson & Keenan 1985:287).


Long Form Short Form Meaning

nti ti 'this' (near speaker)

ina na 'that' (near hearer)

inoo noo 'that' (not near speaker/hearer)









question is to be identified. With the possessives, it is person (e.g. bali ku 'my house'); with the

demonstratives, it is proximity (e.g. bali nti 'this house'). But na 'definite' has no content; it merely

indicates that the item in question is specific and identifiable (e.g. bali na 'the house'). Somewhere

the information for identifying it is recoverable (cf. Halliday & Hasan 1976:71).

Possessive pronouns can cooccur with demonstratives, as illustrated in (44).

(44) anak ku nti
child my this
'this child of mine'
Determiners which precede the head noun include: (a) personal name markers as illustrated in

(26)-(28) and Table 1.3; (b) indefinite quantifiers as illustrated by separu 'some', nentaadn na 'all',

and tiap-tiap 'every' in (45); and (c) numerals, classifiers, and a linkage particle which

phonologically links numerals and classifiers as illustrated in (46).

(45) separu lama nentaadn na lama tiap-tiap lama
some people all -- people every person
'some people' 'all people' 'every person'

(46) dua m batakng sikiou
two LINK long.thin.object cassava
'two cassava plant stems'


1.3.3. Word Classes

Since aspect is a verbal category, discussion of aspect, verb morphology, and verb phrases is

not included in this sketch, but is delayed until Chapter 2. However, besides the brief descriptions

of clauses and nominal phrases which were provided in 1.3.1 and 1.3.2, a short discussion of

word classes or lexical categories is needed to round out this sketch since much of the verbal

morphology of Bonggi is conditioned by the lexical category of the root. Verbs can only be derived

from certain lexical categories, and the category of the root or base form often predicts the verbal

situation types which can occur; therefore, some understanding of lexical categories is ultimately

very important to an understanding of aspect. For example, given any root and knowing its lexical

category, we can predict whether or not verbs can be derived from that root and which verbal

situations are possible.









As pointed out in 1.2, situation types have an inherent situation aspect which constrains

viewpoint aspect. Because the four types of situations (states, achievements, activities, and

accomplishments) are primarily derived from verb, adjective, and noun roots, only these three

words classes are considered here.31

Hopper and Thompson (1984:703f.) describe three criteria which have been used in

determining word classes or 'parts of speech': 1) morphological, 2) syntactic, and 3) semantic.

Following Schacter (1985), I assume that the primary criteria for determining word classes are

grammatical, not semantic. The grammatical properties which are relevant for classifying word

classes include distribution, syntactic function, and structural characteristics, especially inflectional

affixes.


Nouns

Bonggi nouns are divided into two main subclasses (personal names and common nouns) on

the basis of whether or not the nouns occur with the grammatical markers si or ni (where si marks

personal names in the nominative case (e.g. si Butak in (26)), and ni marks personal names which

are not in the nominative case (e.g. n Tagi in (26)) (cf. Table 1.3 and discussion in 1.3.1)).

Common nouns are further subdivided on the basis of whether they are count nouns or mass nouns.

Count nouns can cooccur with the quantifier barabm 'many', while mass nouns, such as beig

'water' and timus 'salt', are quantified with the stative verb migia 'large'. Verbs can only be derived

from common nouns, not personal names.









31Verbs are not derived from the other word classes mentioned in 1.3.2. However, evidence for a
class of directional verbs which are derived from spatial deictics is presented in 2.1.2. Evidence
is also provided in Chapters 2 and 3 for a class of aspectual auxiliary words and a class of
temporal adverbs.









Syntactically, nouns primarily function as arguments of verbs as in (47) where sigu hu 'my

teacher' is the subject and uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language' is the object. Nouns can also function

as predicates in equational clauses as in (48) where sigu hu 'my teacher' is the predicate.32

(47) Sigu hu nda' pandi uubm Bonggi.
teacher my not know language Bonggi
'MY TEACHER does not know Bonggi.'

(48) Sia sigu hu.
he teacher my
'HE is my teacher.'

Morphological evidence for word classes is often established on the basis of inflectional

morphemes alone. For example, only verbs are inflected for tense. However, Bonggi word classes

cannot be determined from inflectional morphology alone because nouns and adjectives are not

inflected.33 Although case is not marked morphologically, noncore arguments are marked

syntactically by prepositions and are discussed in Chapter 2.


Verbs

I take the distinction between nouns and verbs to be a language universal (cf. Giv6n 1984;

Hopper & Thompson 1984; Schacter 1985; Thompson 1989:247). Morphological categories

associated with verbs include voice, tense, aspect, and mood. These categories are described in

Chapter 2. Although only verbs are inflected for tense, stative verbs in Bonggi are not inflected for

tense; thus, even tense inflection is not a definitive criteria for distinguishing verbs from nouns and

adjectives.









32Unlike English, there is no copula in Bonggi. Equational clauses are described in 2.1.1.

33Cf. McCawley (1983) who argues that word classes can be learned from inflectional morphology
regardless of any syntactic considerations.









Verbs usually function as predicates. However, both nouns (such as sigu hu 'my teacher' in

(48)) and adjectives (such as sega' 'red' in (49)) may also function as predicates.34

(49) Sega' mata nu.
red eye your
YOUR EYES are red.'
Some roots are very difficult to classify in terms of lexical category. One of the most

troublesome is kerai 'work' which can be a noun or a verb. This root is usually uninflected which

is characteristic of nouns, but it can be inflected like a verb. Furthermore, its syntactic distribution

can be either nominal (as in (50)) or verbal (as in (51)).

(50) Sia ndara kerai.
she not.have work
'SHE does not have work.'

(51) Sia kerai deirdn na ga.
she work self DEF CONTRAST
'SHE is working alone.'
Because the verb in (51) is unaffixed, the form of the word kerai 'work' is the same in both

(50) and (51). There is a functional shift from one part of speech to another. This is similar to

English where a verb like walk can occur as a noun by using it in a syntactic position reserved for

nouns, as in she took a long walk.35


Adjectives


Like nouns, adjectives are not inflected in Bonggi. Adjectives are distinguished from nouns

and verbs on morphological grounds only with respect to some derivational morphology.36


34The adjective root sega' 'red' can function as an adjective or a stative verb. As a stative verb, it
is either affixed (nsega) or unaffixed (sega). Compare the discussion of the root bulag 'blind' in
(52), (53), and (54).

35Unlike English, I am uncertain of the direction of the shift in Bonggi. In any case, it does not
matter for this study.

36Dixon (1977:62-63) claims that adjectives are a class of lexical items distinguished on
morphological and syntactic grounds from the universal classes noun and verb.









Chapter 2 shows how verbs derived from adjectives sometimes have a different form than those

derived from nouns.

Adjectives usually function as nominal modifiers which follow the noun they modify, as was

illustrated in (35). One of the biggest problems associated with adjectives in Bonggi is

distinguishing them from stative verbs. In some cases the distinction is clear-cut, while in others it

is not. For example, in (52) the adjective root bulag 'blind' follows its nominal head and is

unaffixed. Thus, both syntactically and morphologically bulag is an adjective in (52). In contrast,

the root bulag functions syntactically as a verb in (53) and is morphologically marked as a stative

verb by the prefix m-. On the other hand, in (54) bulag functions syntactically as a verb, but looks

like an adjective morphologically.

(52) Sia lama bulag.
she person blind
'SHE is a blind person.'

(53) Mbulag mata nya.
blind eye her
'HER EYES are blind.'

(54) Bulag mata nya.
blind eye her
THER EYES are blind.'
To summarize, this section has provided an overview of the distributional, syntactic, and

structural properties which are relevant for distinguishing noun, verb, and adjective roots in

Bonggi. None of the properties are definitive, working for all instances of a particular category.

Inflectional morphology is not very helpful, since nouns and adjectives are uninflected.

Derivational morphology is discussed in Chapter 2 where it is argued that some morphemes are

conditioned by the lexical category of the root to which the morpheme is affixed. Thus,

derivational morphology provides evidence for lexical categories. The distributional and syntactic

evidence discussed above provide the best evidence for the three categories: noun, verb, and

adjective.














CHAPTER 2
SITUATION ASPECT IN BONGGI

Whereas 1.3 provided a broad outline of Bonggi clauses and nominal phrases while skirting

issues related to verbs, this chapter focuses on the 'verbal group' and its involvement with aspect.

Furthermore, whereas 1.3 was descriptive and theoretical, this chapter approaches the verbal

system of Bonggi from the perspective of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG). Specifically, it

provides a RRG account of situation aspect (Aktionsart) in Bonggi.

.-- RRG has been chosen as a model because the morphology of Bonggi lends itself to this

framework. The primary descriptions of RRG are Foley and Van Valin (1984) and Van Valin

(1993) which are referenced here as FVV (1984) and VV (1993) respectively.

j, RRG is a structural-functionalist theory concerned with the interplay of syntax, semantics,

and pragmatics in grammatical systems. All of these factors are important in understanding

aspect, as will be shown in Chapter 3. This chapter does not assume a basic knowledge of RRG

on the part of the reader. Concepts from RRG are introduced as needed, and the reader is referred

to VV (1993) for elaboration of the theory and model. I begin the description of the verb system

with a discussion of verbal semantics which is fundamental for any discussion of aspect.

Verbal semantics is primarily concerned with the classification of verbs according to the

relationships which exist between predicates and their arguments. The relationship between a

predicate and its arguments is expressed by logical structures. It is important to keep in mind that

the verb classes described here are semantically defined. Some approaches to verbal semantics

attempt to account for the complete semantic content of the predicate, while others seek to identify

only the relevant components required for classification. Following Dowty (1979), FVV (1984),

and VV (1993), I pay attention to only those aspects of meaning relevant to the classification of









verbs (cf. FVV 1984:35; Jolly 1993:290). Verbs are classified on the basis of their inherent

aspectual properties (Aktionsart).

/, RRG starts with the classification of verbs into situation types: states, achievements,

activities, and accomplishments (VV 1993:34). As stated in Chapter 1, the notion of situation is

basic to understanding Bonggi verb morphology. Other notions like aspect, tense, mood, and

subject potential are restricted by the various situation types, and are secondary. The verbal

system which is described in this chapter is built around the notion of situation type. Other notions

are introduced as needed.

A fundamental distinction in situation types exists between events and nonevents (states).1

This distinction is captured in Figure 2.1 where events include achievements, activities, and

accomplishments. Table 1.1 accounts for this basic distinction in terms of the aspectual feature

dynamicity with states being [-dynamic] and events [+dynamic].



Situations
/ \
States Event
/ I \
/ I \
Achievements Activities Accomplishments

Figure 2.1: Relationship between states and events



RRG posits only a single level of syntactic representation. There is a direct linking between

the semantic and syntactic representations. Semantic representations are based on Dowty's (1979)

theory of verbal semantics in which verbs are classified into states, achievements, activities, and

accomplishments.2 Each verb class is given a formal representation called its Logical Structure




ISituation is neutral between event and state (Smith 1983:481).
2Cf. Van Valin (1990:222) for a brief overview. See 1.2 for a brief introduction to these four
classes in Bonggi.









(LS). The inherent aspectual properties associated with each verb class are accounted for in the

LSs by predicates and a small set of operators (cf. Dowty 1979:71; Van Valin 1990:223).

Dowty (1979:60) proposed a series of semantic and morphosyntactic tests to delineate each of

the four major situation types (cf. Van Valin 1990:223; Van Valin 1991:155). Some of these tests

are applicable to Bonggi and others are not.

Clause structure is viewed as hierarchially structured in RRG. The primary constituents of a

clause are the nucleus, which contains the predicate, the core, which contains the nucleus and the

arguments of the predicate, and the periphery, which is an adjunct to the core and includes

nonarguments of the predicate (cf. Van Valin 1993:5). These three clause constituents are

semantically motivated by two contrasts: a) between predicate and argument, and b) between

arguments and nonarguments (adjuncts).

Although the predicate is usually a verb, there are nonverbal stative clauses in Bonggi whose

predicate is either a nominal or a locative. The relationship between situation type and predicate

type is summarized in Table 2.1.



Table 2.1: Relationship between situation type and predicate type


SITUATION

State Achievement Activity Accomplishment
Nonverbal Verb Verb Verb Verb
type

nominal locative


The following sections describe the four situation types, their inherent aspectual properties,

and how these situation types and aspectual properties are reflected in Bonggi morphosyntax.






34

2.1. States

States are static situations with no activity. They last or endure through time, and are

homogenous throughout the period of their existence. They are the most noun-like verbal

situations in that they are time-stable. Stative situations are basic in the sense that the semantic

structure of achievements, most accomplishments, and some activities are derived from states.3

Bonggi stative situations can be divided between verbal and nonverbal situations. Nonverbal

stative situations are possible because of the time-stablity associated with states and the absence of

a copula verb. Nonverbal states include equational/identificational clauses (such as He is my

teacher (cf. (1)) and certain locative clauses (such as He is at his house (cf. (8)). Nonverbal states

differ from other states in that their predicate is not a verb. 2.1.1 deals with

equational/identificational statives which are always nonverbal. 2.1.2 deals with locative statives,

both nonverbal and verbal. 2.1.3 deals with condition statives, 2.1.4 with possession statives,

and 2.1.5 with cognition statives.4

Dowty (1979:60) presents a number of syntactic and semantic tests used to differentiate the

four situation types.5 Table 2.2 summarizes tests which have been found to be most useful in

differentiating situation types (cf. Van Valin 1991:155). Some of the tests in Table 2.2 are not

always useful cross-linguistically and can be very difficult to apply. In theory, these tests are very

important because they provide independent criteria for determining situation types and their

logical structures (LSs). However, in practice, any tests comparable to those in Table 2.2 which I

use for differentiating situation types have been developed in a post hoc fashion. This is because

Bonggi verb morphology is quite transparent with respect to situation type. If you know the

meaning of the verb root and the verb morphology, the situation type is usually straightforward.



3Dowty (1979) claimed that stative predicates were the only primitives in the LS, and that all other
predicates are derived from statives by means of logical operators.

4Cf. FVV (1984:47-53) and VV (1993) for a discussion of the various sub-classes of stative verbs.









However, from an analytical point of view, verb morphology cannot be used to explain situation

type because this leads to circular reasoning. That is, we cannot claim both (i) verb morphology

determines situation type, and (ii) situation type determines verb morphology. In terms of language

learning, Bonggi verb morphology is a very good indicator of situation type. In summary, I learned

the verb forms and their function in distinguishing situation types. Then, given the situation types

available in Bonggi, I asked what tests comparable to those in Table 2.2 could be established to

distinguish the different situations.



Table 2.2: Tests for differentiating situation types

Criterion States Achievements Accomplishments Activities
Durative Punctual
1. Occurs with progressive No Yes No Yes Yes
2. Occurs with adverbs like No No No Yes Yes
vigorously, carefully, etc.
3. Occurs with for an Yes Yes No Yes Yes
hour, spend an hour (ing
4. Occurs with 0 in an No Yes No Yes No
hour, take an hour to


In contrast to the tests used to distinguish situation types, there are no tests to distinguish the

various subclasses of situations (cf. Van Valin 1994). The question How do we know when we

have a stative situation? is answered by reference to the loose semantic notions mentioned at the

beginning of this section. That is, states are static situations with no activity. One criterion which


5These tests are summarized in FVV (1984:37), Van Valin (1990:223), Van Valin (1991:155), and
Van Valin (1993:35).









clearly distinguishes some states from events in Bonggi is whether or not the predicate is a verb.

Nonverbal situations are always states; however, states are not always nonverbal.


2.1.1. Equational States

Equational/identificational clauses contain two nominals, as illustrated in (1) by sia 'he' and

sigu hu 'my teacher'.6 The second nominal in equational clauses always identifies or attributes

some characteristic to the referent of the first nominal.

(1) Sia sigu hu.
3sNOM teacher IsGEN
'HE is my teacher.'

A general characteristic of states is that they attribute some property to an entity. The type of

property which is attributed to the entity influences the type of clause that occurs in syntax. For

example, when attributing a social role (such as sigu 'teacher' in (1)) or kinship relation (such as

kuman 'uncle' in (2)) to a person (that is, a human entity), the social role or kinship relation is

realized as a nominal in syntax and functions as the clause predicate. Thus, an

equational/identificational clause can be defined syntactically as a clause with a nominal predicate

and semantically as a clause which attributes a social role or kinship relation to an entity.7

(2) Sia kuman ku.
3sNOM uncle IsGEN
'HE is my uncle.'

In RRG, thematic relations are not primitives; instead, they are defined in terms of logical

structures (LSs) (cf. VV 1993:39, 43). Thus, the assignment of LSs is prior to the assignment of

thematic relations. The LS for equational clauses (e.g. (1) and (2)) is shown in (3) (cf. VV

1993:36).





6Cf. 1.3.1 and 1.3.2 for a discussion of the types of nominals that can occur in Bonggi.

71In contrast to equational clauses, locative clauses occur when the property attributed to an entity
is the location of that entity. The location is realized as either a deictic adverb, a locative phrase,
or a locative stative verb. See 2.1.2 for a discussion of locative stative situations.






37

(3) LS for equational states: be' (x,y)
The LS in (3) indicates that equational states are two-place stative verbs with 'x' and 'y' being

the two arguments.8 The next step in the analysis of a clause is to assign thematic relations to any

arguments in the LS (for instance, 'x' and 'y' in (3)). In RRG thematic relations are derived from

the LS. Therefore, the assignment of thematic relations is independently motivated.

The question then becomes what are the thematic relations of'x' and 'y' in (3) or, more

specifically, what are the thematic relations of sia 'he' and kuman ku 'my uncle' in (2)?9 Schwartz

(1993) takes (3) to be the LS for equational/identificational clauses, and claims the 6-roles which

are derived from (3) are locative and theme. She argues that in clauses such as (2), sia 'he' is the

locative argument and kuman ku 'my uncle' the theme (cf. VV 1993:40). Thus, the theme argument

is the attribute, and the locative argument is the bearer of the attribute (cf. Van Valin 1990:234).

In RRG, 6-roles are said to be language independent; the first argument 'x' of two-place equational

stative verbs being a locative, and the second argument 'y' a theme. I return to the question of 0-

roles after introducing the notion of macrorole.

RRG posits two tiers of semantic roles (VV 1993:39). Actor and undergoer are the two

primary arguments of a transitive predicate, either one of which may be the single argument of an

intransitive verb (VV 1993:43). Actor and undergoer correspond to 'logical subject' and 'logical

object' (VV 1993:43, 46).10 Actor and undergoer are called macroroles because each subsumes a

number of specific thematic relations. Macroroles are motivated by the fact that in grammatical

constructions, groups of thematic relations are treated alike (VV 1993:43). The number of

macroroles a verb takes is either 0, 1, or 2, and is largely predictable from the LS of the verb (VV

1993:46-47).






8FVV (1984) took the position that equational clauses are one-place stative verbs whose LS is
predicate' (x). Van Valin (1990; 1993) has since revised this position.

9Various solutions have been offered; see Schwartz (1993) for discussion.









The relationship between the macrorole tier and thematic relation tier is captured in the Actor-

Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) (cf. FVV 1984:59; VV 1993:44). This double hierarchy states that the

thematic relation that is leftmost on the cline and either agent, effector, experience, or source will

be the actor, and the thematic relation that is rightmost and either patient, theme, goal, locative, or

experience will be the undergoer. This is the unmarked situation; marked assignments to

undergoer are possible.

(4) Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy

Macrorole tier: ACTOR UNDERGOER


Thematic relation tier: Agent Effector Experiencer Locative Theme Patient
/ \
Source Goal
[-- = increasing markedness of realization of thematic relation as macrorole]

Recently, Van Valin (personal communication) has reformulated the Actor-Undergoer

Hierarchy as (5) where reference is not made to thematic roles at all, only to LS argument

positions.11

(5) Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy (Revised)

Macrorole tier: ACTOR UNDERGOER


ArgofDO Argofdo' Istargof 2ndargof Arg of state
pred'(x,y) pred'(x,y) pred'(x)
[-- = increasing markedness of realization of argument as macrorole]

The revised Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (5) is based on the RRG position that 0-roles are

not independently motivated. In fact, according to the view in (5), 0-roles are nothing more than

mnemonics for argument positions (cf. VV 1993; Wilkins & Van Valin 1993). This alleviates the

problem of 0-role assignment which has plagued linguists since Fillmore (1968).


10Actor and undergoer are similar to Dowty's protoroles (W 1993:154, footnote 25).

1iThe LS argument positions in (5) are described later in this chapter.









Given: a) the revised hierarchy in (5), and b) the LS for equational clauses in (3), the question

of thematic relations posed above does not even arise. The second argument of predicate' (x,y) is

the unmarked undergoer since it is rightmost on the cline in (5). However, given: a) the hierarchy

in (4), b) the LS in (3), and c) the RRG claim that the first argument 'x' of two-place equational

stative verbs is a locative, and the second argument 'y' a theme (Schwartz 1993; W 1993), then

the theme is the unmarked undergoer since it is rightmost on the cline in (4). Thus, in both

instances, it is expected that in (2) kuman ku 'my uncle' would be the undergoer, but this is not

what happens in equational clauses. In equational/identificational clauses, the second argument (or

theme) 'y' is incorporated into the predicate resulting in a nominal predicate (cf. Van Valin

1990:234; Van Valin 1993:40; Schwartz 1993:447). The second argument in the LS of equational

clauses is never realized syntactically as an argument. This is captured by the rule in (6) (cf. Van

Valin 1990:234; Schwartz 1993:447).12

(6) EQUATIONAL PREDICATE CREATION:

be' + theme -- predicate

The result of (6) is that there is only one argument which can can be the undergoer in both (1)

and (2), the first argument (or locative argument) 'x'. This results in a marked linking in terms of

the hierarchy in either (4) or (5). Stated another way, the undergoer is functionally marked.13

Because the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate by (6), it is not available as a

syntactic argument. Thus, sia 'he' is linked to undergoer in both (1) and (2) (cf. Van Valin

1990:234).

To summarize what has been said with respect to LSs, argument positions, thematic roles, and

the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy, LSs are primitives, and semantic arguments such as 'x' and 'y' are



12The rule in (6) is stated in terms of thematic roles and the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4). It
could just as well be stated in terms of argument positions and the hierarchy in (5); i.e., be' + the
2nd argument of predicate' (x,y) -- predicate.
131 show later that some functionally marked undergoers are accompanied by corresponding
morphological marking which is absent in equational clauses such as (1) and (2).









included in LSs. On the other hand, thematic roles are not primitives. Within RRG, thematic roles

are traditionally defined in terms of LSs. This has been done by assigning semantic labels such as

'theme' to argument positions in the LS. Some thematic roles are then linked to macroroles (actor

or undergoer) following the hierarchy in (4). More recently, Van Valin suggests doing away with

thematic roles all together, and simply linking argument positions in the LS to the macroroles

following the hierarchy in (5).

Normally, arguments in the LS are linked to argument positions in syntax. However, the

analysis presented here requires that the second argument in the LS of equational states be

incorporated into the predicate, so that only one of the two LS arguments is linked to an argument

position in syntax. Restated in terms of thematic roles, the analysis presented here requires that the

theme argument be incorporated into the predicate, so that only one of the two thematic roles is

linked to an argument position in syntax (cf. Schwartz 1993:442). This analysis asserts that

although nominals normally function as arguments, they can also function as predicates. Thus,

nominals such as sigu hu 'my teacher' in (1) and kuman ku 'my uncle' in (2) are predicates which

are neither assigned a thematic role nor linked to an argument position in syntax.14 In Bonggi

equational clauses, the attribute functions as the predicate.15

Once thematic roles have been assigned to macroroles, the next step is to assign actor and

undergoer to specific morphosyntactic statuses (VV 1993:76). The most important syntactic

function is the subject or pivot. The pivot is the primary argument in a syntactic construction.

The highest ranking macrorole is assigned to the pivot. Bonggi is syntactically an accusative

language. The Pivot Choice Hierarchy for syntactically accusative languages is shown in (7) with

the leftmost item being the least marked pivot choice (cf. W 1993:59).





14Cf. Schachter's (1985:7) analysis of Tagalog equational clauses.

15Cf. Schwartz's (1993:443) discussion of Dakota. She uses the term 'identificational', whereas
VV (1993:39) uses the term 'equational.' I use these terms interchangeably.








(7) Pivot Choice Hierarchy

Actor > Undergoer > other
According to the hierarchy in (7), the undergoer sia 'he' in both (1) and (2) is assigned the

status of syntactic pivot since it is the only available macrorole.

Part of the process involved in assigning actor and undergoer to specific morphosyntactic

statuses is case and preposition assignment. The pivot is always assigned nominative case. As

pointed out in 1.3.1, pivots (subjects) are marked in one of three ways in Bonggi: (a) the special

particle si for personal names, (b) nominative case pronouns, or (c) word-order. For example,

because the pivot in (1) is a pronoun, it is assigned nominative case and the form is sia 'he' (cf.

Table 1.2). On the other hand, nominals such as sigu hu 'my teacher' in (1) cannot be replaced by

a pronoun and assigned case. The absence of pronominal forms and case strengthens the argument

stated above that attribute nominals in equational clauses (e.g. sigu hu 'my teacher' in (1)) are not

linked to an argument position in syntax.

The pivot choice hierarchy in (7) claims that the actor is the unmarked choice for syntactic

pivot in a clause. However, equational clauses have only one macrorole, an undergoer, which must

be the syntactic pivot. Choosing a pivot other than the actor is only a marked pivot choice when

there is also an actor macrorole.

In summary, equational states occur in Bonggi syntax as nonverbal clauses whose predicate is

a nominal which refers to the attribute ascribed to the clause pivot. Unlike verbal predicates which

index or cross-reference the clause pivot (subject) in the verb morphology,16 nonverbal predicates

are not cross-referenced.






16See the discussion of verbal indexing (or cross-referencing) in 1.3.1, following examples (18),
(19), (20), (21), and (22). The affixes involved in verbal cross-referencing are often referred to as
voice affixes (e.g. de Guzman 1986:349). De Guzman concludes that identificational clauses in
Tagalog are also nonverbal, and the predicate is nominal. However, her paper primarily deals with
cleft constructions which are derived from equational/identificational clauses like those described in
this section.









The analysis of equational states presented in this section is dependent upon the lexical rule of

argument incorporation found in (6). Although a claim has been made that incorporation takes

place, what remains to be accounted for is evidence for incorporation. Evidence for incorporation

includes: a) impossibility of case assignment to the incorporated argument; and b) impossibility of

prepositions occurring with the incorporated argument.


2.1.2. Locative States

This section introduces locative states, whereas later sections show how some verbs are

derived from these statives. There are two types of locative stative clauses in Bonggi, nonverbal

and verbal. I begin with a description of nonverbal locative clauses followed by verbal locative

clauses.

Nonverbal clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is not a verb. The previous section

showed that Bonggi equational statives are always nonverbal, and the predicate is a nominal. Like

equational statives, many locative stative clauses in Bonggi are nonverbal.

As pointed out in the previous section, a general characteristic of states is that they attribute

some property to an entity. When the property attributed to an entity is the location of that entity,

the result is a locative clause. In nonverbal locative clauses, the location is realized in syntax as

either a deictic adverb or a locative prepositional phrase, and the deictic or preposition functions as

the clause predicate. Thus, a nonverbal locative clause can be defined as a clause with a deictic or

prepositional predicate. A nonverbal locative clause with a locative prepositional phrase is

illustrated in (8).

(8) Sia dii bali nya.
3sNOM at house 3sGEN
'HE is at his house.'
Locative stative predicates have the two-place abstract predicate, be-at' (x,y) in their LS

(Jolly 1993:277). The LS for locative statives (including (8)) is shown in (9).

(9) LS for locative statives: be-at' (x,y)









According to an RRG analysis in terms of thematic roles (cf. 2.1.1), the first argument 'x' of

two-place locative stative verbs is a locative, and the second argument 'y' a theme (VV 1993:40).

For example, in (8) bali nya 'his house' is a locative argument, sia 'he' a theme, and the predicate is

the preposition dii 'at'.

As stated in 2.1.1, the number of macroroles a verb takes is either 0, 1, or 2, and is normally

predictable from the LS of the verb. That is, if there are two or more arguments in the LS of a

verb, then the verb takes two macroroles in the default situation. The nature of the macroroles is

also derived from the verb's LS. Macrorole assignment principles are summarized in (10) (cf. Van

Valin 1990:227; Van Valin 1993:47).

(10) GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES:
a. Number: the number of macroroles a verb takes is less than or equal to the number of
arguments in its LS.
1. If a verb has two or more arguments in its LS, it will take two macroroles.
2. If a verb has one argument in its LS, it will take one macrorole.
b. Nature: for verbs which take one macrorole,
1. If the verb has an activity predicate in its LS, the macrorole is actor.
2. If the verb has no activity predicate in its LS, the macrorole is undergoer.
According to the default situation in (10a. 1), (8) should have two macroroles since its LS in

(9) has two arguments 'x' and 'y'. However, (8) is a nonverbal locative clause, and such clauses are

an exception to (10a. 1) in that they have only a single macrorole. That is, these clauses are an

exception to the default situation in (10a. 1), but they do not contradict the general principle in

(10a). The nature of the single macrorole is predictable from (10b); that is, the single macrorole in

(8) is an undergoer since there is no activity predicate in its LS in (9).17

Following the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4), the theme argument is the unmarked choice

for undergoer since it is the rightmost of the two thematic relations locativee and theme). Thus, in

(8) the theme argument (sia 'he') is assigned the macrorole status undergoer. Furthermore, because

the undergoer is the only macrorole available, it is assigned to the pivot according to the Pivot





17Activities and subclasses of activity predicates are described in 2.3. Activity predicates are
defined as predicates with do' in their LS.









Choice Hierarchy in (7). As pointed out earlier, the pivot is always assigned nominative case.

Therefore, because the undergoer-pivot in (8) is a pronoun, it is assigned nominative case and the

form is sia 'he' (cf. Table 1.2).

It is important to keep in mind that the LSs described here provide only a partial semantic

representation of the verb and clause structure. Furthermore, the LS in (9) represents the class of

locative statives, and not simply the LS of (8). Thus, the presence of be-at' in (9) does not mean

that surface syntax must contain a locative phrase introduced by dii 'at' as in (8). Instead, any

member of certain sets of locative elements including dii 'at' can occur. Dii itself can be a

preposition as in (8) or a locative adverb.18 There are two sets of spatial deictic adverbs in

Bonggi. The first set, which includes dii 'there', refers to specific locations which are relative to the

speaker as shown in Table 2.3.



Table 2.3: Specific spatial deictics


The second set of spatial deictics, which are shown in Table 2.4, refer to nonspecific spatial

deictics; that is, they are more vague or have more approximate locations than their counterparts in

Table 2.3.





18Although locative adverbs and locative prepositional phrases belong to different word classes,
they have the same function. Adverbs can be seen as abbreviated prepositional phrases.


Form Meaning

diti 'here' (near speaker)

dia 'there' (near addressee)

dioo 'there' (not near speaker or addressee, but usually visible)

dii 'yonder' (not visible)






45

Table 2.4: Nonspecific spatial deictics


The unmarked or basic locative preposition is dii 'at' which can be combined with other

spatial prepositions to form more complex locative meanings as in (11) and (12).19

(11) Sia dii soid bali nya.
3sNOM at inside house 3sGEN
'HE is inside his house.'

(12) Sia dii sodi diaadn.
3sNOM at beside IsACC
'HE is beside me.'

Based on the analytical steps introduced above, (13) is a summary analysis of (11).

(13) a. LS : be-at' (x,y) x=locative, y=theme
b. Assign thematic relations: bali nya 'his house' <- locative20
sia 'he' <- theme
c. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer +- theme 1 Macrorole
d. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-sia 'he'
oblique argument <- locative-bali nya 'his house'
e. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'he' <- nominative case
locative-bali nya 'his house' <- oblique case
dii soid 'inside'

(13a) indicates that the LS for (11) is the same as that shown in (9) for (8). Furthermore,

(13a) claims that, as always, the first argument 'x' of locative statives is a locative and the second

'y' a theme. (13b) assigns the thematic relations locative and theme to specific elements in (11).




19Cf. Jolly (1993:290) for references supporting the choice of'at' as the basic locative.

20The symbol <- is used to mean 'assigned', with the assignment being in the direction of the
arrow.


Form Meaning

kati' 'somewhere here' (near speaker)

kana'/kono' 'somewhere there' (near addressee)

kenoo 'somewhere there' (not near speaker or addressee, but usually visible)

kuii' 'somewhere yonder' (not visible)









Nonverbal locative clauses (e.g. (8), (11), and (12)) have two thematic roles, but only one core

syntactic argument position and one macrorole.21 This corresponds to the general principle in

(10a), whereby a predicate can have fewer macroroles than it has arguments in its LS. The nature

of the single macrorole is predictable from (10b); since there is no activity predicate in the LS in

(13a), the single macrorole has to be an undergoer. (13c) claims that theme is assigned to

undergoer which is the single macrorole. The assignment of theme to undergoer follows from the

Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4), since theme is the rightmost of the two thematic relations

locativee and theme). (13d) assigns the undergoer (sia 'he') to the syntactic status of clause pivot

according to the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7), and it assigns the locative argument to the syntactic

status of oblique argument. Finally, (13e) shows that the pivot is assigned nominative case and the

locative argument oblique case.22

In locative stative situations the theme (the figure in gestalt terms) is located with respect to a

point of reference (the ground or location) (cf. Talmy 1985:61). The point of reference

(ground/location) does not have to be an inanimate object incapable of movement as shown by

diaadn 'me' in (12). A summary analysis of (12) would be the same as that provided for (11) in

(13), with the exception of diaadn 'me' being assigned the thematic relation locative in (13b) and

the assignment of accusative case to diaadn 'me'.

As stated above, dii 'at' is the basic locative preposition which combines with other spatial

prepositions as shown in Table 2.5.









21ln nonverbal locative clauses the locative argument is always an oblique argument which is
preceded by an oblique marker.

22The assignment of case and adpositions is discussed in more detail below. The locative elements
dii 'at', dii solid 'inside', and dii sodi 'beside' in (8), (11), and (12) respectively function as both
predicates and prepositions in these clauses.








Table 2.5: Locative preposition combinations


Because the LS in (9) represents the class of locative statives, any of the spatial deictics in

Tables 2.3 or 2.4, or any of the prepositions in Table 2.5 could function as the predicate in a

nonverbal locative clause. For example, the predicate in (14) is the spatial deictic kati' 'somewhere

here'.

(14) Sia kati'.
3sNOM here.somewhere
'HE is somewhere here.'
The locative states discussed thus far have all been nonverbal (e.g. (8), (11), (12), and (14)).

Nonverbal locative clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is either a deictic adverb (e.g.

(14)) or a locative preposition (e.g. (8), (11), and (12)). Verbal locative clauses are defined as

clauses whose predicate is a stative verb. Such verbs are derived from adjective roots which have

a locative meaning. Sentence (15) provides an example of the locative stative verb mingad 'ST-

near'.

(15) Sia m-ingad bali nya.
3sNOM ST-near house 3sGEN
'HE is near his house.'




23Dii soid 'inside' is the correct pronunciation in the Limbuak Darat cluster, while dii soig 'inside'
is the correct pronunciation in the Palak Darat cluster (cf. 1.1).


Form Meaning Form Meaning

dii libuat on top of dii sidukng below; underneath

dii sirib below; underneath dii soid inside23

dii ruar outside dii sodi beside; in the vicinity of

dii tingguangan in the face of dii kimidiadn behind; after

dii puguluadn before; in front of dii simbela' on the side; on the other side

dii tenga'-tenga' in the middle of dii seborokng on the other side of a body of water









Thus far, I have discussed LSs as a general property of clauses; for example, be' (x,y) is the

LS for equational stative clauses (cf. (3)), and be-at' (x,y) is the LS for locative stative clauses (cf.

(9)).24 A distinction is made between general LSs and clause-specific LSs. For example, the

general LS for locative statives (e.g. (15) and (8), repeated here as (16)) is shown in (17a), whereas

the clause-specific LS for (15) is provided in (17b) and the clause-specific LS for (16) in (17c).

(16) Sia dii bali nya.
3sNOM at house 3sGEN
'HE is at his house.'

(17) a. General LS for locative statives: be-at' (x,y) x=locative, y=theme
b. Clause-specific LS for (15): ingad 'near' (bali nya 'his house', sia 'he')
c. Clause-specific LS for (16): dii 'at' (bali nya 'his house', sia 'he')
A summary analysis of (15) is provided in (18).25

(18) a. General LS for locative statives: be-at' (x,y) x=locative, y=theme
b. Clause-specific LS for (15): ingad 'near' (bali nya 'his house', sia 'he')
c. Assign thematic relations: bali nya 'his house' +- locative
sia 'he' +- theme
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer -- theme 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-sia 'he'
direct core syntactic argument <- locative-bali nya
'his house'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'he' <- nominative case
direct core argument-bali nya 'his house' accusative
case (0)26
g. Cross-reference verb: ingad 'near' m- 'ST'
(18a) provides the general LS for all locative stative clauses, both verbal and nonverbal (cf.

(13a)). (18b) repeats the clause-specific LS for (15) (cf. (17b)). (18c) assigns the thematic

relations locative and theme to specific elements in (15). (18d) assigns the theme sia 'he' to

undergoer following the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4). (18e) assigns the undergoer (sia 'he') to

the syntactic status of clause pivot according to the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7), and it assigns




24Equational clauses are nonverbal stative clauses whose predicate is a nominal. Locative clauses
are stative clauses whose predicate is either verbal (e.g. (15)) or nonverbal in which case the
predicate is a deictic adverb (e.g. (14)) or a locative preposition (e.g. (8), (11), and (12)).

25Cf. the summary analysis of (11) found in (13).

26Common nouns such as bali 'house' are not case marked which is indicated by (0).









the locative argument to the syntactic status of direct core syntactic argument.27 (18f) assigns

nominative case to the pivot, and accusative case to the other direct core argument. (18g) cross-

references the verb with the prefix m-.

Previous discussion did not include cross-referencing the verb because the predicate of

nonverbal clauses is not cross-referenced. However, verbal clauses such as (15) usually require

verbal cross-referencing. The verbal cross-referencing system has traditionally been called a

"focus" system within Philippine linguistics, with one NP in a clause indexed by the morphology of

the verb as being "in focus." The role of the verb morphology is usually considered as encoding

voice distinctions or the semantic role of the NP. Only one NP is cross-referenced and it is the

pivot. The undergoer-theme in locative clauses is cross-referenced by the verbal prefix m- when

the predicate is a stative verb.

Besides the distinction between general LSs and clause-specific LSs is the distinction between

semantic arguments and syntactic arguments. Semantic arguments refer to arguments in the LS

such as 'x' and y' in (17a). The arguments in the LS of a VERB provide a strict definition of core

semantic arguments (VV 1993:40). In the simple case, there is a one-to-one correspondence

between the number of arguments in the LS of a verb and the number of arguments in syntax. This

is clearly the case in (18b) and (15), where there are two semantic arguments in the LS in (18b)

and two syntactic arguments in (15).

In some instances, however, there are arguments in the general LS which do not occur in

syntax. For example, the general and clause-specific LSs for (19) are shown in (20a) and (20b).








27Cf. the assignment of the locative argument to the syntactic status of direct core argument in
(18e), with the assignment of the locative argument to the syntactic status of oblique argument in
(13d). Like nonverbal locative clauses, the locative argument in verbal locative clauses can be
assigned the syntactic status of oblique argument. For example, in (15) the locative argument, bali
nya 'his house', can be preceded by the oblique marker dii 'at'.









The predicate in (19) is dii 'there',28 the theme is sia 'he', and there is no locative argument present.

The absence of a locative argument in syntax is accounted for in the clause-specific LS of (20b),

where the locative argument is unspecified being filled by "0".29

(19) Sia dii.
3sNOM there
tHE is there.'

(20) a. General LS for locative statives: be-at' (x,y) x=locative, y-=theme
b. Clause-specific LS for (19): dii there' (0, sia 'he')30
To summarize, locative states occur in Bonggi syntax as either verbal or nonverbal clauses.

The locative is realized morphosyntactically as a stative verb in verbal clauses, and functions

predicatively in nonverbal clauses.


2.1.3. Condition States

The previous two sections have provided an overview of two types of stative situations in

Bonggi. The former section showed that the function of equational/identificational clauses is to

attribute a social role (including kinship relation) to an entity, whereas the latter showed that the

function of locational clauses is to attribute a location to an entity. It was also pointed out that the

predicate of the former is always realized as a nominal, whereas the predicate of the latter is

realized as either a deictic adverb, a locative preposition, or a stative verb.

This section provides strong grounds, both semantically and morphosyntactically, for

distinguishing locative statives from condition statives. It begins with a description of the simplest

kind of verbal stative situations which are one-place condition stative clauses. The function of





28Recall that dii 'there/at' can be either a spatial deictic as in (19) (cf. Table 2.3) or a preposition
as in (16). In both of these instances, dii functions as the predicate of a locative clause. For
instances where dii functions as a simple preposition see 1.3.1, examples (25) and (26).
29Cf. WVV (1993:156; fi. 46).

30A similar clause-specific LS can be provided for (14).









condition stative clauses is to attribute a quality to an entity. The predicate of these clauses is

always a stative verb. Sentence (21) illustrates a condition stative clause.

(21) Sia ng-korikng (m-koring).31
3sNOM ST-dry
'IT is dry.'
The logical structure for condition statives is shown in (22).

(22) LS for condition statives: predicate' (x)
According to Van Valin (1993:39-40), the single argument of a one-place stative verb is a

patient. Based on the analytical steps introduced in the previous two sections, (23) is a summary

analysis of (21).

(23) a. General LS for condition statives: predicate' (x) x=patient
b. Clause-specific LS for (21): korikng 'dry' (sia 'it')
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'it' <- patient
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- patient 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot +- undergoer-sia 'it'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'it' <- nominative case
g. Cross-reference verb: korikng 'dry' *- m- 'ST






31Morphophonemic alternations in Bonggi verbs are complex. Roots and accompanying verbal
affixes are enclosed in parentheses following the surface forms. Within roots, nasals are always
homorganic with contiguous consonants. The following nasal assimilation rule makes nasal
consonants homorganic with following nonsonorant consonants.
Nasal assimilation:
C C
[+nasal] -- Faanteriorl /__ -sonorant 1
Lacoronal J I anterior I
LBcoronal I
The nasal assimilation rule is ordered after vowel epenthesis which inserts vowels between prefixes
and certain consonants in order to avoid impermissible syllable structures. The vowel epenthesis
rule is:
Vowel epenthesis:
V C C V
0 [aF] / [+prefix] + F+sonorant 1 [aF]
L+continuant J
The vowel epenthesis rule is ordered before a prefix vowel harmony rule. The condition stative
verb mi-gia 'ST-big' (m-gia) is an exception to the rule of vowel epenthesis. As shown in (24),
roots whose initial consonant is /g/ such as garakng 'ferocious' are normally preceded by /3/ 'ng'.









According to (10a.2), the verb takes one macrorole since it has only one argument in its LS.

The nature of the single macrorole is predictable from (10b.2). Since there is no activity predicate

in the LS in (23a), the single macrorole has to be an undergoer.32 (23c) assigns the thematic

relation patient to the single argument in (21), and (23d) assigns the patient (sia 'it') to undergoer.

(23e) assigns the undergoer (sia 'it') to the syntactic status of clause pivot according to the Pivot

Choice Hierarchy in (7).33 (23f) assigns nominative case to the pivot, and (23g) cross-references

the verb with the prefix m-.

Since the attributes which are attributed to entities by condition stative clauses are qualities, it

is not surprising that many condition stative verbs are derived from adjective roots. For example,

the root koring 'dry' in (21) is an adjective root. Other condition stative verbs which are derived

from adjective roots are shown in (24). The roots are arranged according to how m- is realized.
(24) /m-/ In-/
m-ayad ST-pretty n-dalabm ST-deep
m-enta' ST-unripe n-doot ST-bad
m-ingi ST-crazy n-dupakng ST-foolish
m-iskidn ST-poor n-duruk ST-fast
m-omis ST-sweet n-sega' ST-red
m-udap ST-hungry n-tihukng ST-crooked
m-panas ST-hot n-togi' ST-pregnant
m-pia ST-good n-took ST-ripe
m-pagadn ST-difficult
m-pala ST-spicy hot
m-puti' ST-white
m-basa' ST-wet
m-basa ST-generous

lb/_- /mV-/
ng-garakng ST-ferocious me-lambat ST-slow
ng-gitiukng ST-dizzy me-langgu ST-long
ng-kapal ST-thick mi-libuat ST-high
ng-korikng ST-dry mi-liug ST-tall
ng-kotul ST-hard me-ramig ST-cold
mu-runggu' ST-slow




32Condition statives are like equational statives (cf. 2. 1.1) and nonverbal locative statives (cf.
2.1.2) in that they all have a single macrorole which is an undergoer according to (10b.2).

33In one-place condition stative constructions, the undergoer is always the pivot which is the noun
phrase that is crucially involved in a syntactic construction (Foley & Van Valin 1984:110).









Not all adjectives have the same status with respect to their potential for stative verb

affixation. The adjective roots in (25) can occur as condition stative predicates, but there is no

accompanying nasal prefix m-.34

(25) alus 'fine' arabm 'forbidden' baru 'new' biru 'blue' senang 'easy'
2.1.2 pointed out that in some instances there are arguments in the general LS which do not

occur in the syntax. Such arguments are unspecified in the clause-specific LS, being indicated by

"0" (e.g. (20b)). In other instances, there are adjuncts in syntax which are not part of the LS of the

verb, but are included in the clause-specific LS. For example, condition stative verbs such as

ngkorikng 'ST-dry' in (21) have a single syntactic argument which is semantically a patient.35

However, these clauses can have an optional adjunct such as ga' odu 'from the sun' in (26).36

(26) Sia ng-korikng (m-koring) ga' odu.
3sNOM ST-dry from sun
'IT is dry from the sun.'
The preposition ga' 'from' has an adjunct or predicative function in that it takes the entire LS

of the verb as one of its arguments. According to Jolly (1987) and (1993), prepositions are divided

into three classes within the RRG framework. Prepositions which have an adjunct function, such

as ga"from', are not case-marking (Jolly 1993:275, 281). The preposition ga"from' has a

causative meaning.37 Causality is expressed either directly or indirectly. Accomplishment verbs




34Perhaps the absence of a nasal prefix with alus 'fine' and arabm 'forbidden' arises from their
being borrowed from Malay halus 'fine' and haram 'unlawful; forbidden'. /h/ is phonemic in
Malay, but not in Bonggi. However, the presence of word-initial /h/ in the source language does
not block affixation in all cases. See the discussion of achievement verbs in 2.2, especially kem-
alus 'become-fine' and kem-arabm 'become-forbidden' in (76). The presence of baru 'new' and biru
'blue' in Malay may also be the reason for the absence of nasal prefixes in the Bonggi forms.

35See (22) for the general LS.

36Longacre (1976:64-65) refers to nouns like odu 'sun' in (26) as optional instruments. Bonggi
resorts to a quasi-passive in the surface syntax of condition stative clauses with optional adjuncts
(cf. Longacre 1976:65).

37Cf. Jolly (1987:104-06) and (1993:293-97) for a discussion of the English prepositionfrom in
its adjunct or predicative function.









express causality directly which is reflected in their LS by the logical operator CAUSE (cf. 2.4).

On the other hand, statives and achievements express causality indirectly, which is reflected in their

LS by ga"from' (cf. Jolly 1993:294).38

A summary analysis of (26) is provided in (27). Sentence (26) describes an antecedent cause

(ga' odu 'from the sun') and a resulting/consequent state (sia ngkorikng 'it is dry'). This is seen in

(27b) where 'x' refers to the antecedent cause and predicate' (y) to the resulting state.39 As seen in

(27a), the general LS for one-place condition statives does not contain an antecedent cause;

however, (27b) indicates that there is an indirect cause in the clause in question. Two clause-

specific LSs are provided in (27b). The latter is the same as the former with the exception that the

Bonggi arguments and predicate are provided in the latter. In (27b) the preposition ga"from' takes

the entire LS of the verb as one its arguments (cf. Jolly 1993:287). The first argument ofga'

'from' in (27b) is 'x' which is an antecedent cause, a subtype of effector.

(27) a. General LS for condition statives: predicate' (x) x=patient
b. Clause-specific LS for (26): from' (x, [predicate' (y)]) x=antecedent cause,
predicate' (y)=resulting
state,
y=patient
ga' 'from' (odu 'sun', [korikng 'dry' (sia 'it')])
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'it' <- patient
odu 'sun' <- effector (antecedent cause)
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- patient 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-sia 'it'
oblique adjunct <- effector (antecedent cause)-odu
'sun'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'it' <- nominative case
effector (antecedent cause)-odu 'sun' <- oblique ga'
'from'
g. Cross-reference verb: korikng 'dry' <- m- 'ST
According to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4), the antecedent cause should be assigned

to actor since it is a subtype of effector, but it is not (cf. (27d)). The preposition ga' 'from' marks


38Cf. the discussion of cause satellites in Hokan languages in Talmy (1985:111-13).

39Jolly (1993:294) suggests that an analysis such as that provided in (27b) is provisional. She
provides a more detailed interval analysis for similar clauses in English.









effectors which would be expected to occur as actor in terms of the hierarchy in (4), but do not (cf.

FVV 1984:87; Jolly 1993:280). The antecedent cause cannot function as an actor because it is an

adjunct, not an argument of the verb. Recall that actor and undergoer are arguments of the

predicate. Since there is no actor, the undergoer is the pivot in (26) in accordance with the Pivot

Choice Hierarchy in (7) (cf. (27e)). In fact, condition stative clauses cannot have an actor; thus,

the pivot is always an undergoer. An explanation for the absence of an actor is found in the

general LS for condition statives (cf. (27a)) where the single argument is a patient which is linked

to undergoer. That is, condition stative verbs can only have an effector if it occurs as an optional

adjunct; under no circumstance can the effector be linked to actor or become the clause pivot. The

key point here is that the GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES in (10) apply

to verbs and not clauses. Thus, for example, the principles in (10) apply to (27a) and not (27b).

According to (10a.2), the verb has one macrorole since there is only one argument 'x' in the LS in

(27a). If the principles in (10) were to apply to (27b), one might be misled to conclude that there

are two macroroles since there are two semantic arguments 'x' and 'y'. The application of principle

(10b.2) to (27a) results in the single macrorole being an undergoer (cf. (27d)). The absence of an

available actor explains why the antecedent cause cannot be linked to an actor (cf. above).

One function of logical structures is to show the relationship between a predicate and its

arguments.40 In RRG the semantic representation of verbs is accounted for in terms of LSs, which

are the main portion of the lexical entry for a verb (cf. W 1993:39, 43). Thus, we can talk about

the LS of clauses (which contain a predicate, its arguments, and adjuncts), or the LS of verbs

(which are the most common type of predicate). In many cases the LS of the clause is equivalent

to the LS of the verb of that clause. However, this is not necessarily so. For instance, optional

adjuncts (nonarguments) such as time, manner, and in some instances causality, are not associated

with the LS of verbs, but can occur as part of the LS of clauses. For example, antecedent cause is




40Or, stated another way, one function of LSs is to subcategorize verbs (cf. the introduction to this
chapter).









not associated with the LS of the stative verb ngkorikng 'ST-dry' (e.g. (23b)), but it can occur as

part of the LS of clauses (e.g. (27b)). The question arises as to how much of the semantic content

of clauses should be accounted for in descriptions of LS. This study primarily attends to those

aspects of meaning which are important for classifying verbs, since the hypothesis put forth in

Chapter 1 is that verb classification constrains aspectual possibilities.

The stative verbs described thus far in this section are one-place condition statives whose

single argument is a patient. There is a small class of stative verbs which have two semantic

arguments experiencer and theme) and one syntactic argument. They are referred to as

experience statives and are illustrated in (28).41

(28) Rimig-adn (ramig-an) ou na.
cold-EXP IsNOM PFT
'I am cold.'
A summary analysis of (28) is provided in (29). As seen in (29a), experience statives have

two semantic arguments. The first argument is an experience, the second argument (theme) is

incorporated into the predicate by the same rule which was described earlier in (6) and repeated

here as (30) (cf. Van Valin 1990:244). This rule incorporates the theme into the predicate in both

equational clauses (cf. 2.1.1) and experience stative clauses.

(29) a. General LS for experience statives: be' (x, [predicate']) x=experiencer,
predicate'-theme
b. Clause-specific LS for (28): be' (ou T, [ramig 'cold'])
c. Assign thematic relations: ou T *- experience
d. Create experience predicate by (30): be' + [ramig 'cold'] -- predicate
e. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer +- experience 1 Macrorole
f. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-ou T
g. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-ou T'I' <- nominative case
h. Cross-reference verb: ramig 'cold' <- -an 'EXP'
(30) EQUATIONAL/ EXPERIENCE PREDICATE CREATION: (cf. Van Valin 1990:234)

be' + theme predicate


41Whereas patients are either animate or inanimate, an experience is defined as "An animate entity
whose registering nervous system is relevant to the predication" (Longacre 1976:27).









According to the default situation described in (10a. 1), experience statives should have two

macroroles since they have two arguments in their LS. However, the incorporation of one of the

two arguments into the predicate requires the default situation to be overridden and the verb to take

one less macrorole than is expected. In RRG, when the number of macroroles cannot be predicted

from the number of arguments in the LS, the number of macroroles is specified in the lexical entry

of the verb. This is formalized in terms of the feature [MR], with [+MR] meaning one macrorole

and [-MR] meaning no macroroles (cf. Van Valin 1990:227).42 Use of this feature would result in

the following partial lexical entry for the experience stative verb rimigadn 'cold': be' (x, [ramig

'cold']) [+MR]. One way to avoid specifying the number of macroroles in the LS of all experience

stative verbs is simply to say that the application of rule (30) results in the default situation in

(10a. 1) being overridden and only one macrorole. Note that although the default in (10 Oa. 1) is

overridden, the more general principle in (I a) is not violated since the number of macroroles is

less than the number of arguments in the LS.

Given that there is only one macrorole, according to (10b.2), it must be an undergoer. Thus,

like the condition statives described earlier in this section, experience statives have a single

macrorole which is an undergoer.

According to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4), the theme argument should be the

undergoer. But the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate by rule (30) in (29d), so

there is no theme to function as undergoer; instead, the experience argument is linked to undergoer

(cf. (29e); Van Valin 1990:244). This is a marked linking between a thematic relation and a

macrorole in terms of the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4). Experience stative verbs are cross-

referenced by the suffix -an instead of the prefix m- (cf. (29h).43 Experiencers are not only




42Van Valin (1990:227) points out that it is never necessary to indicate that a verb takes two
macroroles.









semantically marked undergoers according to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy, but they also have a

corresponding markedness in terms of both frequency and morphology with -an being the marked

form.

Experience statives are similar to equational statives (cf. 2.1.1) in that both are two-place

statives and both involve incorporation of the theme (second argument) into the predicate, resulting

in a functional marked undergoer. However, experience statives differ from equational statives in

that the former are also formally marked in the verb morphology by -an, whereas the latter exhibit

no verbal cross-referencing since they are nonverbal.

As shown in Table 2.6, experience stative verbs are derived from a limited number of

adjective roots and noun roots. Table 2.6 also indicates that some adjectives can occur as either

condition stative verbs or experience stative verbs.44 For example, ramig 'cold' can occur as a

condition stative or an experience stative. The condition stative (meramig) focuses on the

stimulus and is used to describe something as being 'cold to touch', whereas the experience stative







43The morphophonemic processes involved here are quite complex (cf. Table 2.6 for other
examples). They include vowel harmony, nasal harmony, and nasal preplosion. Vowel harmony
operates in terms of the effects of root vowels on affixes. High vowels spread right-to-left as in
(28) where the second vowel i/ in the root /ramig/ replaces the first vowel /a/ when the suffix -an
occurs. See Kroeger (1992b) for further discussion of VH in Bonggi.

Nasal harmony operates from left-to-right. Vowels are nasalized following nasal stops. Nasality
spreads until it is blocked by a nonnasal consonant or the end of the word.

Word-final nasals are preploded following oral vowels. Final /m/ becomes [bm], final I/n/ becomes
[dn], and final /g/ becomes [kg]. For example, the final nasal of the underlying form I/m-korij/
'ST-dry' in (28) is preploded, resulting in the phonetic form [tj'korikg] because the preceding vowel
is oral. On the other hand, the final nasal of/mien/ ['nien] 'aunt' is not preploded since the
preceding vowel is nasal. See Boutin and Howery (1991) for further discussion of nasal preplosion
in Bonggi.

4The experience stative lupug-udn 'tired-EXP' is anomalous in two respects. Firstly, it is marked
by [-udn] instead of [-adn] like other experience statives. Secondly, lupug 'tired' is the only
adjective root that cannot occur as a condition stative; i.e. *mu-lupug 'ST-tired' is ungrammatical.
This root only takes animate pivots.









(rimigadn) focuses on the experience and is used to describe someone as 'feeling cold' (cf. Talmy

1985:99ff.).



Table 2.6: Experiencer stative verbs


ROOT CONDITION STATIVE EXPERIENCE STATIVE

Adjective ramig 'cold' me-ramig 'ST-cold' rimig-adn 'cold-EXP'

panas 'hot' m-panas 'ST-hot' penas-adn 'hot-EXP'

lupug 'tired' lupug-udn 'tired-EXP'

Noun umus 'sweat' umus-adn 'sweat-EXP'

puri' 'skin rash' puri-adn 'skin.rash-EXP'


To summarize what has been said regarding condition stative verbs: (i) their LS is predicate'

(x); (ii) the single argument 'x' is a patient; (iii) they have one macrorole which is an undergoer;

and (iv) these verbs are normally marked with m- which cross-references an undergoer pivot (e.g.

(21), (24); but cf. (25)).

To summarize what has been said regarding experience stative verbs: (i) their LS is be' (x,

[predicate']); (ii) the first argument is an experience and the second a theme which is incorporated

into the predicate; (iii) they have one macrorole which is an undergoer; and (iv) these verbs are

marked with -an which cross-references a marked undergoer pivot (e.g. (28); cf. also Table 2.6).

It was pointed out that condition stative clauses can have an optional adjunct which is an

antecedent cause effectorr) as seen in (26). These adjuncts are marked for oblique case with ga'

'from' (cf. 27f). Optional adjuncts can also occur in experience stative clauses as seen in (31). As

pointed out previously, the preposition ga' 'from' marks effectors which would be expected to occur

as actor in terms of the hierarchy in (4), but do not because there is no actor to which the

antecedent cause can be linked. Neither condition stative clauses nor experience stative clauses









have an actor, but for different reasons. In the case of condition statives (e.g. (26)), the absence of

an actor is due to the fact that the LS of these verbs has only one argument and no activity

predicate (cf. 27a). Thus, by (10), there must be a single macrorole which is an undergoer. On the

other hand, in the case of experience statives (e.g. (31)), the absence of an actor is due to the fact

that rule (30) applies which results in the default situation in (10a. 1) being overridden and only one

macrorole, an undergoer by (10b.2).

A summary analysis of(31) is provided in (32) (cf. (27) and (29)). Sentence (31) describes

an antecedent cause (ga' dolok 'from rain') and a resulting/consequent experience state (rimigadn

ou 'I am cold').

(31) Rimig-adn (ramig-an) ou ga' dolok.
cold-EXP IsNOM from rain
'I am cold because of the rain.'

(32) a. General LS for experience statives: be' (x, [predicate']) x=experiencer,
predicate'-theme
b. Clause-specific LS for (31): [from' (x, [be' (y, [predicate'])]
x=antecedent cause,
be' (y, [predicate'])=resulting state
y=experiencer, predicate'--theme
[ga' 'from' (dolok 'rain'), [be'
(ou T, [ramig 'cold'])]
c. Assign thematic relations: ou 'I' -- experience
dolok 'rain' <- effector (antecedent cause)
d. Create experience predicate by (30): be' + [ramig 'cold'] --) predicate
e. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- experience 1 Macrorole
f. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-ou T
oblique adjunct <- effector (antecedent cause)-
dolok 'rain'
g. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-ou T'I' *- nominative case
effector (antecedent cause)-
dolok 'rain' <- oblique ga' 'from'
h. Cross-reference verb: ramig 'cold' <- -an 'EXP'
As mentioned above, experience statives should have two macroroles since they have two

arguments in their LS (cf. (10a. 1)). However, the incorporation of the theme argument into the

predicate by rule (30) in (32d) results in the default situation being overridden and the verb taking

only one macrorole, an undergoer by (10b.2). Because the theme argument is incorporated into the

predicate, it is not available to function as undergoer; instead, the experience argument is linked to

undergoer in (32e) (cf. (29e)). This marked linking between experience and undergoer results in









the experience stative verb in (31) being cross-referenced by the suffix -an (cf. (32h)). (32f)

assigns the undergoer (ou T) to the syntactic status of clause pivot according to the Pivot Choice

Hierarchy in (7).

Two types of stative verbs have been described thus far in this section: one-place condition

statives (e.g. (21) and (26)) and two-place experience statives (e.g. (28) and (31)).45 Some of the

one-place condition stative verbs in (24) can occur in clauses involving what has been called

possessor ascension in Relational Grammar. The claim within Relational Grammar is that the

possessor of a noun phrase (e.g. nya 'his' in (33)) can ascend to become a clause constituent (e.g.

sia 'he' in (34)). Sentence (33) illustrates a condition stative verb without possessor ascension,

whereas (34) illustrates the same condition stative verb in a clause with possessor ascension.

(33) N-doot (m-doot) guakng nya.
ST-bad spirit 3sGEN
'HE is unhappy.' (Lit. 'His spirit is bad.')

(34) Sia n-doot (m-doot) guakng.
3sNOM ST-bad spirit
'HE is unhappy.'
Summary analyses of (33) and (34) are provided in (35) and (36) respectively.46 In a RRG

analysis, (33) and (34) share the same general LS, predicate' (x), since they are both condition

statives (cf. (35a) and (36a)); however, their clause-specific LS is different (cf. (35b) and (36b)).

Because the macrorole assignment principles in (10) apply to verbs and not clauses, both (33) and

(34) contain a single macrorole which is undergoer. According to Van Valin (1990:251),

"[P]ossessor ascension is possible only if the possessed argument is an undergoer."










45Statives with an optional antecedent cause are included, e.g. (26) and (31).
46Cf. the analysis in (35) to that provided in (23).






62

(35) a. General LS for condition statives: predicate' (x) x=patient
b. Clause-specific LS for (33): doot 'bad' (guakng nya 'his spirit')
c. Assign thematic relations: guakng nya 'his spirit' <- patient
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- patient 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-guakng nya 'his spirit'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-guakng nya 'his spirit' <- nominative case (0)
g. Cross-reference verb: doot 'bad' <- m- 'ST'

(36) a. General LS for condition statives: predicate' (x) x=patient
b. Clause-specific LS for (34): be-at' (x, [predicate' (y)]) x=locative,
predicate' (y)=condition
state
y=patient
be-at' (guakng 'spirit', [doot 'bad' (sia 'he')])
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'he' <- patient
guakng 'spirit' <- locative
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- patient 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot *- undergoer-sia 'he'
direct core syntactic argument <- locative-guakng
'spirit'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia hie' <- nominative case
guakng 'spirit' <- accusative case (0)
g. Cross-reference verb: doot 'bad' <- m- 'ST
Sentence (34) contains a locative adjunct, whereas (33) does not. (34) describes a state (sia

ndoot 'he is bad') and the location of that state (guakng 'spirit'). This is seen in (36b) where 'x'

refers to the location and predicate' (y) to a condition state. This provisional LS is constructed on

the analogy of be-at' (x, y), where x = the location and y = the located argument.47 As seen in

(36a), the general LS for one-place condition statives does not contain a location; however, (36b)

indicates that there is a location in the clause in question. Two clause-specific LSs are provided in

(36b). The latter is the same as the former with the exception that the Bonggi data are provided in

the latter. As always, the single argument of a condition stative verb is a patient which is linked to

undergoer in (36d).

The locative adjunct is assigned core syntactic status in (36e). The number of direct core

syntactic arguments need not be the same as the number of macroroles. Condition stative verbs

have a single macrorole. Therefore, they are intransitive in RRG terms, where transitivity is





47The LS in (36b) is provisional in that LSs are normally used to account for the relationship
between a predicate and its arguments, not adjuncts.









defined in terms of the number of macroroles a verb takes. Single-macrorole verbs are intransitive

and two-macrorole verbs are transitive (cf. Van Valin 1990:228). "The number of direct core

arguments a verb takes says less about its syntactic behavior than its macrorole number" (Van

Valin 1990:228).

Earlier in this section, a distinction was made between semantic arguments and syntactic

arguments. Recall that direct core arguments (core syntactic arguments) were defined in 1.3.1 as

arguments which are not preceded by a preposition (oblique case marker); for example, sia 'he' and

guakng 'spirit' in (34) are core syntactic arguments.48 On the other hand, odu 'sun' in (26) and

dolok 'rain' in (31) are syntactically oblique since they are preceded by the preposition ga' 'from'.

Other than the clause pivot, the following can occur as direct core syntactic arguments in Bonggi:

(i) semantic arguments with macrorole status (e.g. the undergoer diaadn 'me' in (19) of 1.3.1); (ii)

some semantic arguments without macrorole status (e.g. the locative argument bali nya 'his house'

in (15) (cf. (18f)); and (iii) some semantic adjuncts which do not belong to the LS of the verb (e.g.

guakng 'spirit' in (34)).

The distinction between semantic arguments and syntactic arguments can also be described in

terms of valency. Recall that experience statives have two semantic arguments experiencer and

theme) and one syntactic argument (the pivot). Thus, they have a semantic valency of two (e.g.

(29a)), but a syntactic valency of one (e.g. (28)). This difference in valency results from the

incorporation of the theme argument into the predicate by rule (30). On the other hand, condition

statives have a semantic valency of one (e.g. (35a)), but can have a syntactic valency of either one

(e.g. (33)) or two (e.g. (34)).49 Bonggi verb morphology is more concerned with semantic valency

than syntactic valency.




48As stated earlier, arguments in the LS of a verb provide a definition of core semantic arguments.

49Since syntactic arguments can be elided, both experience statives and condition statives can
have a syntactic valency of zero. The discussion here of syntactic valency ignores the possibility of
ellipsis.









The condition stative verbs which have been described thus far in this section (e.g. (21), (26),

(33), (34)) and those listed in (24) are derived from adjective roots. In fact, the majority of

condition stative verbs are derived from adjective roots. However, in a few cases, condition stative

verbs appear to be derived from noun and verb roots. One such case appears to be the condition

stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' in (37) which is derived from the noun root lou

'embarrassment'.

(37) Sia me-lou (m-lou).
3sNOM ST-embarrassed
'HE is embarrassed.'
A summary analysis of (37) is provided in (38) (cf. (23), (35)).

(38) a. General LS for condition statives: predicate' (x)
b. Clause-specific LS for (37): lou 'embarrassed' (sia 'he')
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'he' +- patient
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer +- patient 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-sia 'he'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-ou T <- nominative case
g. Cross-reference verb: lou 'embarrassed' <- m- 'ST'
Like other condition stative verbs, me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' can occur with an optional

adjunct indicating antecedent cause as in (39) (cf. (26)). A summary analysis of (39) is provided

in (40) (cf. (27)).

(39) Sia me-lou (m-lou) ga' ku.
3sNOM ST-embarrassed from IsGEN
'HE is embarrassed because of me.'

(40) a. General LS for condition statives: predicate' (x) x=patient
b. Clause-specific LS for (39): from' (x, [predicate' (y)]) x=antecedent cause,
predicate' (y)=resulting
state,
y=patient
ga' 'from' (ku 'me', [lou 'embarrassed' (sia 'he')])
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'he' <- patient
ku 'me' <- effector (antecedent cause)
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer +- patient 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-sia 'he'
oblique adjunct <- effector (antecedent cause)-ku 'me'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'he' *- nominative case
effector (antecedent cause)-ku 'me' <- genitive case
oblique ga' 'from'
g. Cross-reference verb: lou 'embarrassed' <- m- 'ST









Sentence (39) contains an antecedent cause (ga' ku 'because of me') and a resulting/consequent

state which consists of a condition stative verb (melou 'is embarrassed') and a patient (sia 'he').

Condition stative verbs do not have an antecedent cause for an argument (cf. (40a)). By (10a.2),

the verb has one macrorole since there is only one argument 'x' in the LS in (40a). Application of

(10b.2) to (40a) results in the single macrorole being an undergoer (cf. (40d)). The antecedent

cause cannot be linked to an actor because there is no actor. Thus, the antecedent cause, a subtype

of effector, is assigned oblique adjunct status (cf. (40d)), and marked by the preposition ga' 'from'

(cf. (40f)).

The condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' can also occur in clauses with two core

syntactic arguments (e.g. (41)). In (41), the nonpivot core argument, diaadn 'me' is semantically a

stimulus which is both similar to and different from the antecedent cause in (39). (39) and (41) are

similar in that both involve indirect causality. They are different in terms of the strength of the

causal relationship with antecedent cause being stronger than stimulus.50 Antecedent cause and

stimulus cannot cooccur in the same clause; that is, if a clause contains an optional adjunct

indicating antecedent cause (e.g. ga' ku 'because of me' in (39)), a nonpivot core syntactic

argument such as diaadn 'me' cannot also occur in the same clause.

(41) Sia me-lou (m-lou) diaadn.
3sNOM ST-embarrassed IsACC
'HE is embarrassed of me.'
Indirect causality (including antecedent cause and stimulus) is not associated with the LS of

verbs. It is not a semantic argument of a verb, although it can be incorporated into the LS of

clauses as in (27b), (32b), and (40b). Indirect causality occurs in syntax as either an optional









50Although the free translation for (39) and (41) attempts to capture the difference in the strength
of the causal relationship, Bonggi more clearly marks this difference than English.









adjunct (e.g. (26), (31), (39)) or a direct core syntactic argument (e.g. (41)). The difference in

syntactic form reflects a difference in semantic function.51

The condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' can occur in one other syntactic

environment; that is, sentences which contain a proposed phrase that is set off from the clause by a

pause (e.g. (42)).52

(42) Diaadn, nd-ou me-lou (m-lou).53
IsACC not-IsNOM ST-embarrassed
'As for me, I'm not embarrassed.'
The morphological behavior of the condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' in (37),

(39), (41), and (42) is the same as that of condition stative verbs derived from adjective roots (cf.

(24)). In each case, an undergoer-patient is cross-referenced by the verbal prefix m-. On the other

hand, their syntactic behavior is different. To begin with, me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' has a syntactic

valency of either one (e.g. (37), (39), (42)) or two (e.g. (41)), whereas most condition stative verbs

derived from adjective roots have a syntactic valency of one (e.g. (21), (26)). Except for a small

group of condition stative verbs which can occur in clauses involving possessor ascension (e.g.

(34)), the addition of another core syntactic argument in clauses with condition stative verbs

derived from adjective roots results in an ungrammatical sentence. Both melou 'embarrassed' and

condition statives derived from adjective roots can take activity verb complements (e.g. (43), (44)).

(43) Sia me-lou (m-lou) mpanu.
3sNOM ST-embarrassed walk
'HE is embarrassed to go.'



51Direct causality, like indirect causality, also has contrastive syntactic forms representing
different semantic functions (cf. 2.4).
52Note that (42) does not involve extraposition; diaadn 'me' is clause external.








(44) Sia mu-runggu' (m-runggu') mpanu.
3sNOM ST-sluggish walk
'HE is sluggish walking.'
In terms of derivational potential, me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' is distinguished from condition

statives derived from adjective roots. Activity verbs which are negated and in imperative mood can

be derived from the former (e.g. (45)), but usually not the latter.54 Condition stative verbs that are

derived from manner adjectives used to describe humans are an exception with respect to negative

imperatives. Thus, from (24), n-doot 'ST-bad', n-duruk 'ST-fast', me-lambat 'ST-slow', and mu-

runggu "ST-sluggish' can be negated (e.g. (46)).

(45) Dei ke-lou (k-lou)!
do.not embarrassed
'Don't be embarrassed!'

(46) Dei ku-runggu' (k-runggu') !
do.not sluggish
'Don't be sluggish!'
M-olok 'ST-scared' is another condition stative verb which is derived from a noun root (olok

'fear') and has the same morphosyntactic behavior as me-lou 'ST-embarrassed'. It can occur in

clauses with a syntactic valency of one (e.g. Sia molok. 'He is scared.'; cf. (37)). It can occur in

clauses with an optional adjunct indicating antecedent cause (e.g. Sia molok ga' ku. 'He is scared

because of me.'; cf. (39)). It can occur in clauses with a syntactic valency of two (e.g. Sia molok

diaadn. 'He is scared of me.'; cf. (41)). It can occur in clauses with a proposed phrase (e.g.








53Negated pronouns are restricted to first and second person nominative case. Phonologically,
negated pronouns are a single word. Syntactically, they function as the pivot and carry case.
Morphologically, they are odd in that pronouns are not normally inflected for negation; however,
nd- is an affix and not a simple clitic (3.2). The negation of pronouns is somewhat comparable to
the English contracted negative n't which Zwicky and Pullum (1983) show has all the signs of
being an inflectional affix and none of the properties of a clitic. Botolan Sambal, a language of the
northern Philippines (Luzon Island), also has a morphological negative which occurs with enclitic
pronouns (cf. Antworth 1979:50f.).

54Cf. 2.3 for a discussion of activity verbs.









Diaadn, ndou molok. 'As for me, I'm not scared.'; cf. (42)). Finally, it can occur in clauses with

activity verb complements (e.g. Sia molok mpanu. 'He is scared to go.'; cf. (43)).

I return to problems posed by stative verbs such as me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' and m-olok 'ST-

scared', after discussing possession and cognition statives in the next two sections.


2.1.4. Possession States

Sentence (47) illustrates an English possessive stative verb. The general logical structure for

possessive stative verbs is shown in (48a) and the clause-specific LS for (47) in (48b).

(47) He has a book.

(48) a. General LS for possession statives: have' (x,y) x=possessor, y=possessed
b. Clause-specific LS for (47): have' (he, book)
According to Foley and Van Valin (1984:48, 53) and Van Valin (1993:39), the first argument

'x' in the LS of a possession stative clause is a locative, while the second argument 'y' is a theme.

More recently, Van Valin (1994) uses the terms possessor and possessed to refer to these two

arguments with possessor = locative and possessed = theme. Whereas possessor and possessed are

semantically more transparent names, locative and theme are more commonly used as names for

thematic roles, especially if one is trying to keep the number of thematic roles to a minimum. The

number of thematic role names used to describe semantic relationships is not a problem according

to recent developments within RRG. These names are nothing more than mnemonics for argument

positions in LS (Van Valin, 1994). As pointed out in 2.1.1, the revised Actor-Undergoer

Hierarchy in (5) is based on the RRG position that thematic roles are not independently motivated.

As seen thus far in this chapter, thematic roles play no direct role in lexical representation. The

semantic properties of verbs are expressed by LS representations, not a list of thematic roles (cf.

Van Valin 1994). Throughout the remainder of this section, I use the transparent terms possessor

and possessed to refer to the two arguments in possessive states. At the end of 2.1.5 I return to

the relationship between these terms and argument positions in LSs.









The prefixes ki- and nd- mark verbs of possession. Id- marks the presence of possession, e.g.

(49), and nd- marks the absence of possession, e.g. (50).55 Both ki- and nd- occur with the

existential root ara, but only ki- occurs with possession stative verbs which are derived from noun

roots, e.g. (51).56

(49) Sia ki-ara oig.
3sNOM POS-exist boat
'HE has a boat.'

(50) Sia nd-ara pa saa.
3sNOM NEG-exist FPFT spouse
'HE is not married yet.'

(51) Sia ki-saa.
3sNOM POS-spouse
HE is married.'

A summary analysis of (49) is provided in (52).


(52) a. General LS for possession statives:
b. Clause-specific LS for (49):
c. Assign thematic relations:

d. Assign semantic macroroles:
e. Assign syntactic functions:


f. Assign case and prepositions:

g. Cross-reference verb:


have' (x,y) x=possessor, y=possessed
ara 'existential' (sia 'he', oig 'boat')
sia 'he' <- possessor
oig 'boat' +- possessed
undergoer -- possessor 1 Macrorole
pivot <- undergoer-sia 'he'
direct core syntactic argument <- possessed-oig
'boat'
pivot-sia 'he' <- nominative case
core argument-oig 'boat' +- accusative case (0)
ara 'existential' -- ki- 'POS'


The analysis presented in (52) is straightforward with the exception of (52d). By (10a. 1),

possessive statives should have two macroroles since they have two arguments in their LS (cf.

(52a)); however, according to (52d), Bonggi possessive statives have a single macrorole. A similar




55The prefix nd- comes from reduction of the negator nda' 'not'. Historically, nda' probably
developed into a critic nd=, which, in turn, was reanalyzed as a prefix. This is a case of
morphologization (cf. Anderson 1988b:352; Joseph and Janda 1988:195-96). The negator nda'
also reduces to nd- before first and second person nominative case pronouns, e.g. ou T, ndou 'not
I', aha 'you (sg)', and ndaha 'not you (sg)'.

56Possession stative verbs are derived from existential ara and noun roots. However, the use of ki-
to derive possession stative verbs from noun roots is not extremely productive. More frequently,
kiara occurs as in (49). The distinction between the use of ki- and kiara appears to correlate with
inalienable versus alienable possession.









situation was described for experience statives in 2.1.3, where according to the default situation

described in (10a. 1), experience statives should have two macroroles. Instead, I suggested that the

incorporation of one argument into the predicate requires the default situation to be overridden, and

results in experience statives having only one macrorole.57 There are two reasons why

incorporation was suggested as an explanation for experience verbs taking one macrorole instead

of the expected two by (10a. 1). First, incorporation provides a principled basis for overriding the

GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES in (10). Second, incorporation

provides an explanation for a single macrorole without having to specify the feature [+MR] in the

lexical entry of the verb. Although incorporation might be a good explanation for experience

statives having only one macrorole, it cannot be used as an explanation for possessive statives

since they do not involve incorporation.

What sort of evidence is needed to show that a verb with two core syntactic arguments has

one macrorole instead of two? Van Valin (1990:240-48) uses case-marking as evidence in

Georgian. He provides the two universal case-marking principles in (53) (Van Valin 1990:241).

(53) a. If a clause contains a single macrorole argument, it is nominative.
b. The default case for direct core arguments which are not assigned macrorole status is
dative.
In Bonggi, case-marking does not provide sufficient evidence to distinguish verbs with two

core syntactic arguments and one macrorole from those with two core syntactic arguments and two

macroroles. This is due to the fact that distinctions between accusative and dative arguments are

neutralized in Bonggi, especially within core syntactic arguments (cf. Tables 1.2 and 1.3 in

1.3.1).58 Bonggi pronominal pivots occur in the nominative case, but there is no 'inversion' of

case like that described for Georgian (Van Valin 1990; 1993) and Latin (Michaelis 1993). On the





57Cf. the discussion following the analysis in (29), 2.1.3.
58This was stated slightly differently at the end of 1.3.1, where I pointed out that Bonggi does not
have unique dative case forms; instead, all nonpivot direct core arguments which are not actors
occur in accusative case.









other hand, as with inversion in Georgian, possessive statives in Bonggi are intransitive; i.e. they

have a single macrorole argument.59

Although the Bonggi case-marking system does not distinguish verbs with a single macrorole

from those with two macroroles, the syntax does. In terms of syntax, if an argument has macrorole

status, it must be able to function as clause pivot. Or stated another way, an argument cannot have

macrorole status if it cannot function as clause pivot. This is not meant to suggest that the clause

pivot must always be a macrorole; in fact, I show in 2.4 that this is not always the case. That is,

an argument can be the clause pivot without being linked to a macrorole, but an argument cannot

be linked to a macrorole unless it can also be the clause pivot. The macrorole assignment

principles in (10a) and (10b), repeated here as (54a) and (54b), are supplemented by the Bonggi-

specific principle in (54c).60

(54) GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES:
a. Number: the number of macroroles a verb takes is less than or equal to the number of
arguments in its LS.
1. If a verb has two or more arguments in its LS, it will take two macroroles.
2. If a verb has one argument in its LS, it will take one macrorole.
b. Nature: for verbs which take one macrorole,
1. If the verb has an activity predicate in its LS, the macrorole is actor.
2. If the verb has no activity predicate in its LS, the macrorole is undergoer.
c. Pivot potential: if a verb has two macroroles, either of them can function as the clause
pivot.
By (54c), possessive statives only have one macrorole since only the possessor can be the

clause pivot, never the possessed item. By (54b.2), the single macrorole is an undergoer (cf.

(52d)). The pivot in (49), (50), and (51) is sia 'he', which is an animate possessor. The possessor

can also be inanimate, e.g. (55) and (56), where the possessor is oig na 'the boat'.






59Recall that in RRG, transitivity is defined in terms of the number of macroroles a verb takes.
Single-macrorole verbs are intransitive, two-macrorole verbs are transitive. The number of
macroroles a verb takes is more important than the number of direct core syntactic arguments it
takes (cf. Van Valin 1990:228, 1993:48).

60Van Valin (1993:48; 154, footnote 28) points out that the syntactic consequence of core
arguments in syntax not being assigned to a macrorole is that they cannot occur as pivot.








(55) Oig na ki-ara saat.
boat DEF POS-exist paint
THE BOAT has been painted.'

(56) Oig na nd-ara saat.
boat DEF NEG-have paint
THE BOAT has no paint.'
Since only the possessor can be the pivot in possession statives, and since pivots precede

nonpivots, the possessor must occur before the possessed entity. Sentence (57) is semantically ill-

formed if'paint' is interpreted as the pivot, since paint cannot possess a boat. However, (57) is

syntactically ill-formed if 'boat' is interpreted as the pivot, since the pivot must precede the

nonpivot.

(57) *Saat na nd-ara oig.
paint DEF NEG-have boat
*"THE PAINT has no boat.'


2.1.5. Cognition States

Cognition states are mental, internal, and nonvolitional, involving neither decision nor action

on the part of the undergoer. The construction has two arguments as illustrated by the English

cognition stative verb believe in (58). The LS for (58) is shown in (59). The first argument 'x' is

an experience, while the second argument 'y' is a theme (VV 1993:39).61

(58) He believes me.

(59) a. General LS for believe: believe' (x,y) x=experiencer, y=theme
b. Clause-specific LS for (58): believe' (he,me)
Bonggi has only two cognition stative verbs, pisiaa 'believe' and pandi 'know' which are

illustrated in (60) and (61). A summary analysis of (60) is provided in (62).

(60) Sia pisiaa diaadn.
3sNOM believe IsACC
'HE believes me.'


61Giv6n (1984:21) points out that thematic roles in possessive clauses have atypical values.








(61) Sia pandi uubm Sama.
3sNOM know language Bajau
I-HE knows the Bajau language.'

(62) a. General LS for believe: believe' (x,y) x=experiencer, y=theme
b. Clause-specific LS for (60): pisiaa 'believe' (sia 'he', diaadn 'me')
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'he' +- experience
diaadn 'me' <- theme
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- experience 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot +- undergoer-sia 'he'
direct core syntactic argument +- theme-diaadn 'me'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'he' <- nominative case
core argument-diaadn 'me' -- accusative case
g. Cross-reference verb: pisiaa 'believe' <- (0)

Cognition statives, like the possessive statives described in 2.1.4, have two core syntactic

arguments, but only one macrorole. Only the experience can be the pivot in cognition stative

clauses. Thus, by (54c) these statives have only one macrorole which, by (54b.2), must be an

undergoer (cf. (62d)). Cognition stative verbs are morphologically unmarked; that is, the root is

not cross-referenced (cf. (62g)).

Table 2.7 provides a summary of the types of states which have been described. They are:

equational (2.1.1), locative (2.1.2), condition (2.1.3), experience (2.1.3), possession (2.1.4),

and cognition (2.1.5). The second row contains the general LS for each subclass of state. The

third row lists the thematic relations (or mnemonic labels) which have been used to describe the

arguments in the LSs. The fourth row shows the number and nature of the macroroles occurring

with each subclass of state, and it summarizes the linking relationship between macroroles and the

thematic relations in row three. The fifth row lists the choices for clause pivot, the sixth lists the

syntactic category of the clause predicate, and the last row summarizes the verbal cross-

referencing.

Possession and cognition stative verbs are small closed classes, whereas condition stative

verbs form a larger, more open class. Experience and locative statives fall somewhere in between









in terms of class size. All stative verbs are uninflected for tense, and cannot occur in imperative

mood.62


Table 2.7: Summary of states


Eauational


Locative


Condition


p q


Exoeriencer


Possession


Cognition


LS be' (x,y) be-at' (x,y) predicate' be' (x, have' (x,y) believe' (x,y)
(x) [predicate'])

G-role x=locative x=locative x=patient x=experiencer x=locative x-experiencer
y=theme y=theme predicate'= y=theme y=theme
theme

macroroles undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer= undergoer undergoer=
locativee -theme =patient experience locativee experience

pivot undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer

syntactic nominal verb, verb verb verb verb
category deictic
of adverb,
predicate locative
preposition

verbal m- (for m- -an ki-, nd-
cross- verbal
referencing predicates
only)


The ability of different NPs to function as clause pivot is a well-known feature of Philippine-

type languages. Many introductions to languages like Tagalog suggest that any NP in a clause can

be the pivot.63 This is quite contrary to what is described here, where each stative subclass




62The cognition stative verb pisiaa can also be used as an imperative meaning 'believe!', in which
case it is an activity verb and not a state. In fact, there is a corresponding activity verb form -um-
+ pisiaa > mpisiaa (cf. 2.3). The root pandi 'know', however, cannot be used as an imperative;
thus, there is no corresponding activity form.

63Usually some term other than pivot is used; e.g. focused NP, subject, topic, or trigger.









strongly constrains the pivot possibilities. In fact, as seen in Table 2.7, each subclass of state has

only one pivot possibility.

I return now to the question of the relationship between 0-roles and LS argument positions

that was raised in 2.1.1 and 2.1.4. According to the revised Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (5),

0-roles are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions. The relationship between 0-roles

and argument positions for the different subclasses of states is summarized in (63) (cf. (5); Van

Valin 1994).

(63) <
1 st arg of 2nd arg of Arg of state
predicate'(x,y) predicate'(x,y) predicate'(x)

Equational state: locative theme (cf. 2.1.1)
Locative state: locative theme (cf. 2.1.2)
Condition state: patient (cf. 2.1.3)
Experience state: experience theme (cf. 2.1.3)
Possession state: locative theme (cf. 2.1.4)
Cognition state: experience theme (cf. 2.1.5)
Existential state: locative theme (cf. below)
Emotional state experience theme (cf. below)
The LS for all states can be generalized as either predicate' (x) or predicate' (x,y) (VV

1993:36). Variations among stative subclasses result from variations within these two LSs. For

two-place statives, the first argument is either an experience or a locative, whereas the second

argument is a theme (cf. Van Valin 1990:226). Thus, thematic roles can be defined in terms of

argument positions. For example, patient is the argument in the LS configuration predicate' (x),

and experience is the first argument in either: (i) an experience state LS configuration be'

(x,[predicate']), (ii) a cognition state LS configuration believe' (x,y), or (iii) an emotional state LS

configuration love' (x,y).









If 0-roles are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions, what is the function of

verbal cross-referencing in Bonggi and other Philippine-type languages?4 Recall that within

Philippine linguistics, the role of verbal cross-referencing is usually thought to encode the thematic

role of the pivot (cf. 1.3.1). If, as is usually claimed, verbal cross-referencing encodes 0-roles,

then 0-roles are certainly more than just mnemonics. To answer this question, we turn again to

Table 2.7. To begin with, equational states and nonverbal locative states are excluded because

they are nonverbal and therefore lack cross-referencing. Cognition states are also excluded

because they are not cross-referenced.

Possession stative verbs are marked by either ki- or nd- (cf. Table 2.7). These prefixes

indicate either the presence or absence of possession, not the thematic role of the pivot, which, in

possessive clauses, is always the locative/possessor argument. It was pointed out in 2.1.4 that

both ki- and nd- occur with the existential root ara. In fact, these prefixes can also indicate the

presence or absence of existence in existential clauses. Whereas only possessive clauses were

described in 2.1.4, (64) and (65) are examples of existential clauses (cf. (49) and (50)).

(64) Ki-ara lama dii bali nu.
POS-exist person at house 2sGEN
'There is SOMEBODY at your house.'

(65) Sia nd-ara kati'.
3sNOM NEG-exist here
'HE is not here.'
The LS of existential states is exist' (x,y), where x=locative/domain and y=theme/entity.

Existential states are closely related to locative states (cf. Van Valin 1994; Freeze 1992).

Although the verb morphology of existential and possessive statives is identical, there are

important differences between the two. Syntactically, the pivot always precedes the verb in




"The term "Philippine-type" language is used with both the linguistic and the political situation in
mind. Bonggi has features which are commonly associated with Philippine languages in the
linguistic literature, and thus, from the perspective of linguistics, could be called a Philippine
language. However, from the perspective of politics, reference to Bonggi as a Philippine language
is anathema to Malaysians. This is especially so since the Philippines refuses to relinquish its
claim to Sabah.









possessive clauses (e.g. (49), (50), (51), (55), (56)), whereas in existential clauses indefinite pivots

follow the verb (e.g. (64)) and definite pivots precede the verb (e.g. (65)). If we avoid transparent

labels such as possessor to describe arguments, and instead use more generic labels such as

locative, we find the circumstances given in (66).

(66) a. LS for possession states: have' (x,y) x=locative, y=theme pivot=undergoer-locative
b. LS for existential states: exist' (x,y) x=locative, y=theme pivot=undergoer-theme
Both possession states and existential states are two-place stative verbs with identical

thematic roles by (66). The difference is that existential states, like locative states, select the

second argument of predicate' (x,y) as the undergoer pivot, whereas all other stative verbs select

the first argument (cf. (63) and Table 2.7). If the function of verbal cross-referencing is to encode

the 0-role of the pivot, there is a contradiction with ki- cross-referencing the locative for possession

stative verbs (e.g. (49), (55)) and the theme for existential stative verbs (e.g. (64)).

Experience states are marked by -an which cross-references a marked undergoer pivot (e.g.

(28), (31)). This leaves condition states (e.g. (21), (24), (26), (33), (34), (37), (39), (41), (42),

(43), (44)) and verbal locative states (e.g. (15)) which are both marked by m-. For condition

states, the undergoer-pivot is a patient, whereas for locative states, the undergoer-pivot is a theme.

Furthermore, the class of emotional states mentioned in (63) has an undergoer-pivot which is an

experience.

Emotional states are a small class of two-place stative verbs listed in (67), and illustrated by

the verb musulaadn 'hate' in (68). A summary analysis of (68) is provided in (69).

(67) /m-/ /mV-/
m-ingisiadn ST-have.pity.on mi-siatadn ST-like
mu-sulaadn ST-hate
me-datadn ST-detest

(68) Sia mu-sulaadn (m-sulaan) diaadn.
3sNOM ST-hate IsACC
'HE hates me.'






78

(69) a. LS for emotional states: hate' (x,y) x=experiencer, y=theme
b. Clause-specific LS for (68): sulaadn 'hate' (sia 'he', diaadn 'me')
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'he' +- experience
diaadn 'me' <- theme
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- experience 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot *- undergoer-sia 'he'
direct core syntactic argument -- theme-diaadn 'me'
f. Assign case: pivot-sia 'he' <- nominative case
diaadn 'me' <- accusative case
g. Cross-reference verb: sulaadn 'hate' m- 'ST
Emotional states are two-place statives with two core syntactic arguments, but only one

macrorole (cf. possessive states 2.1.4; cognition statives 2.1.5). The first argument in the LS is

an experience and the second a theme (cf. Van Valin 1990:244; 1993:79-80). Only the

experience can be the pivot, so according to (54c) these statives have only one macrorole which,

by (54b.2), must be an undergoer (cf. (69d)). Emotional states are cross-referenced by m- (cf.

(69g)). In fact, emotional states are interesting in that they appear to be doubly marked. Note that

all of the forms in (67) end in [adn], just like experience states (cf. Table 2.6). This is especially

interesting in that, by the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4), the theme argument is the unmarked

undergoer for both emotional and experience states. In the case of experience states, the theme

argument is incorporated into the predicate, and the experience argument is linked to undergoer

resulting in a marked linking between experience and undergoer in terms of (4) and a

corresponding markedness in morphology with -an. In the case of emotional states, the theme

argument is not incorporated into the predicate, and the experience argument is linked to

undergoer also resulting in a marked linking between experience and undergoer in terms of (4).









However, although a corresponding markedness in morphology is expected, instead, unmarked m-

occurs and all the verbs end in [adn], as if they were doubly marked with both m- and -an.65

Problems in analyzing two-place stative predicates were initially raised by the discussion of

melou 'embarrassed' and molok 'scared' at the end of 2.1.3. The analysis of possession states

(2.1.4), cognition states (2.1.5), existential states (2.1.5), and emotional states (2.1.5) has

shown that there is a unified analysis for stative verbs. Although some stative verbs can have two

core (nonoblique) syntactic arguments, they are all intransitive in RRG terms; i.e. they have only

one macrorole. Furthermore, there is only one possible syntactic pivot for each subclass of stative

verb, and the thematic role of the pivot is completely predictable.

I have also shown from the discussion of stative verb cross-referencing that the function of

cross-referencing in Bonggi cannot be to simply encode the e-role of the pivot. This still leaves

open the question of what function is fulfilled by cross-referencing. Two possibilities are suggested

by Table 2.7, either the highest-ranking macrorole is cross-referenced or the pivot is cross-

referenced (cf. Van Valin 1990:241).


2.2. Achievements

Achievements are situations which result from a nonagentive single change of state.

Achievements contain an underlying stative in their LS. The LS for achievements varies depending

upon the type of stative from which a particular achievement verb is derived. For example, (70)

shows the LS for achievement verbs which are derived from condition stative verbs (cf. Table 2.7).





65Perhaps the solution to the small leak in the data lies in emotional states being exceptions to
(54b.2). Only the experience can be the pivot; therefore, emotional states have only one
macrorole. The assumption here, based on (54b.2), is that the single macrorole must be an
undergoer. The exception would involve a LS with two arguments and no activity predicate, but
with a single macrorole which is an actor. Activity verbs can be derived from at least three of the
roots in (67); i.e. k-ingisiadn 'have pity on', ki-siatadn 'like', and ku-sulaadn 'hate' (cf. (45) and
(46)). The remaining word in (67) has a form ke-deta-an 'despised', suggesting the possibility of a
root other than datadn. Emotional states and experience states are similar in that only the
experience can be the pivot. The stimulus (theme) cannot be the pivot (cf. Talmy 1985:99ff.).






80

(70) LS for achievements with underlying condition stative verb: BECOME predicate' (x)
Achievements are derived from states by the addition of the logical operator BECOME which

indicates inchoative aspect (cf. Walton 1983:23; Van Valin 1990:223). Because achievements are

derived from states, states are considered basic. This section shows how the addition of the logical

operator BECOME to different subclasses of states described in 2.1 effects both their semantic and

morphosyntactic structure.

I begin by showing how achievement verbs can be derived from condition states (cf. 2.1.3).

For example, (71) illustrates an English stative clause and its LS, whereas (72) illustrates the

corresponding achievement clause and its LS.

(71) It is dry. dry' (it)

(72) It is getting dry. BECOME dry' (it)
The Bonggi clauses which correspond to (71) and (72) are (73) (cf. (21)) and (74). Whereas

the difference between states and achievements is indicated paraphrastically in the English

examples, the difference is indicated morphologically in Bonggi where m- occurs with condition

states and kin- (realized here as an infix /-mn-/) occurs with achievements.

(73) Sia ng-korikng (m-koring).
3sNOM ST-dry
'IT is dry.'

(74) Sia k-em-orikng fkm-koring).
3sNOM @-ACH-dryw
'IT is getting dry.'
Both the condition stative verb ng-korikng 'ST-dry' in (73) and the achievement verb

kemorikng 'ACH-dry' in (74) are derived from the adjective root koring 'dry'. A summary analysis

of (74) is provided in (75).








66The '@' is used to indicate the first consonant of a root or stem which is separated from the rest
of the root by an infix.








(75) a. General LS for achievements
with underlying condition state: BECOME predicate' (x) x=patient
b. Clause-specific LS for (74): BECOME korikng 'dry' (sia 'it')
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'it' *- patient
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- patient 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-sia 'it'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'it' <- nominative case
g. Cross-reference verb: korikng 'dry' -- km- 'ACH'
A comparison of (75) with (23) is instructive.67 The only difference is the addition of the

logical operator BECOME in the LS of the achievement verb and a concomitant change in verbal

cross-referencing. There is, however, no change in the assignment of thematic relations,

macroroles, syntactic function, or case. Thus, the single argument 'x', in both instances, is a

patient which is linked to undergoer.

Other achievement verbs derived from adjective roots which are used to form one-place

condition stative verbs are shown in (76). They, too, are cross-referenced by kon-, which is realized

in different ways, as seen by the arrangement of roots in (76).68







67(23) is a summary analysis of (21), which is repeated here as (73).

68km- is realized as /km-/ before vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial.
Then an epenthetic vowel V/ is inserted to avoid impermissible syllable structures (cf. footnote
31). This vowel is subject to vowel harmony and vowel weakening. Bonggi is not unique in
treating bilabial consonants differently than other consonants in terms of affixation. For example,
see Kerr 1965:41, footnote 11; and Brewis (1992). If the initial consonant of the root is a bilabial
nasal, e.g. mula' 'old (things)' and mulak 'young', a rule of nasal deletion occurs deleting the nasal
portion of the affix. (Evidence for mula' 'old (things)' and mulak 'young' being nasal-initial roots is
found in causative constructions where the nasal occurs in the causative stems, e.g. pu-mula'
'make-old' and pu-mulak 'make-young'. Compare causative stems formed from vowel-initial roots,
e.g. p-ingad 'make-near', and p-odu "make-far'.)

In the elsewhere case, km- is realized as an infix, /-m-/, immediately following the root-initial
consonant. Then an epenthetic vowel /V/ is inserted to avoid impermissible syllable structures.
The infix /-m-/ cannot occur with vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial,
so /k/ appears to occur in order to provide the right phonological environment for infixing a /-m-/.

In the past tense, the epenthetic vowel does not occur; instead, the vowel /i/ occurs in place of the
epenthetic vowel indicating past tense. Thus, the past tense form of kemorikng 'getting dry' (cf.
(74)) is kimorikng 'got dry'. I avoid past tense examples in this section in order to reduce the
morphological complexity in the examples.






82

(76) /km-/ /-m-I
kem-aal ACH-expensive d-em-alabm ACH-deep
kem-enta' ACH-unripe d-em-oot ACH-bad
kem-onsobm ACH-sour d-em-ama' ACH-dirty
kim-ingi ACH-crazy d-um-uruk ACH-fast
kim-iskidn ACH-poor g-em-angan ACH-tired
kem-odobm ACH-black g-im-ia ACH-big
kem-odu' ACH-far k-em-abul ACH-lazy
kem-omis ACH-sweet k-em-apal ACH-thick
kum-udap ACH-hungry k-em-aya ACH-rich
kum-utakng ACH-spoiled k-em-aya' ACH-lazy
kem-alus ACH-fine k-em-otul ACH-hard
kem-arabm ACH-forbidden l-em-ompukng ACH-fat
kem-panggar ACH-stiff l-em-anggu ACH-long
kem-pesa' ACH-broken 1-im-iug ACH-tall
kum-puti' ACH-white 1-um-uag ACH-baggy
kem-pagadn ACH-hard r-em-omuk ACH-rotten
kem-panas ACH-hot s-em-ega' ACH-red
kim-bisa ACH-strong t-em-ogi' ACH-pregnant
kum-buha' ACH-open t-em-ogobm ACH-diligent
kem-baru ACH-new t-em-ook ACH-ripe
kim-biru ACH-blue t-em-oyuk ACH-little
kem-basa' ACH-wet t-im-ihukng ACH-crooked
kim-bilug ACH-round t-um-ua' ACH-old (people)

/k-/
ku-mula' ACH-old (things)
ku-mulak ACH-young

Not all adjectives have the same status with respect to their potential for achievement verb

affixation. All of the adjective roots in (24) and (25) have corresponding derived achievement

verbs. That is to say, if an adjective root can occur as a condition stative predicate, it can also

occur as a derived achievement verb. However, if adjective roots cannot occur as condition stative

predicates, neither can they occur as derived achievement verbs.

2.1.3 pointed out that condition stative verbs such as ng-korikng 'ST-dry' in (73) (cf. (21))

have a single core syntactic argument which is semantically a patient, but such clauses can have an

optional adjunct which is an effector as was shown in (26) and described in (27). Similarly,

achievement verbs such as kemorikng 'ACH-dry' in (74) have a single core syntactic argument

which is semantically a patient (cf. (75a)), but such clauses can have an optional adjunct which is

an effector as shown in (77). The effector is marked with ga' '"from', indicating that it is

syntactically an oblique adjunct and semantically an effector.









2.1.3 also pointed out that ga"from' has a causative meaning, and only occurs with states

and achievements. Achievements, like states, express causality indirectly as reflected in the LS of

(78b) where one of the arguments of ga' 'from' is [BECOME predicate' (y)].

(77) Sia k-em-orikng (km-koring) ga' odu.
3sNOM @-ACH-dry from sun
'IT is becoming dry from the sun.'
A summary analysis of (77) is provided in (78) (cf. (27)).

(78) a. General LS for achievements
with underlying condition state: BECOME predicate' (x) x=patient
b. Clause-specific LS for (77): [from' (x, [BECOME predicate' (y)])]
x=antecedent cause,
predicate'(y)=resulting state,
y=patient
[ga' 'from' (odu 'sun', [BECOME korikng 'dry' (sia 'it')])]
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'it' <- patient
odu 'sun' <- effector (antecedent cause)
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- patient 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot <- undergoer-sa 'it'
oblique adjunct *- effector (antecedent cause)-odu 'sun'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'it' <- nominative case
effector-odu 'sun'+- oblique ga' 'from'
g. Cross-reference verb: korikng 'dry' -- km- 'ACH'
Achievement verbs can also be derived from the cognition stative roots described in 2.1.5.

For example, (79) illustrates the achievement verb kem-pandi 'ACH-know' (cf. (61)).69

(79) M-pagadn na kem-pandi (km-pandi) uubm Bonggi.
ST-difficult PFT ACH-know language Bonggi
'IT is difficult to learn Bonggi.'
A summary analysis of the downstairs (or complement) clause in (79) is provided in (80).

Like their stative verb counterparts, achievement verbs which are derived from cognition stative

roots have two arguments in their LS, both of which occur as direct core arguments in syntax, but

only the experience is linked to a semantic macrorole.






69The phonological processes resulting from the affixation of km- to the root pandi 'know' and
yielding the surface form kem-pandi 'ACH-know' are the same as those described in footnote 68
and exemplified in (76).






84

(80) a. General LS for know: know' (x,y) x=experiencer, y=theme
b. Clause-specific LS for (79): BECOME pandi 'know' (0, uubm Bonggi
'Bonggi language')
c. Assign thematic relations: 0 *- experience
uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language' <- theme
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer experience 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot +- undergoer-0
direct core syntactic argument *- theme-uubm Bonggi
'Bonggi language'
f. Assign case and prepositions: core argument-uubm Bonggi <- accusative case (0)
g. Cross-reference verb: pandi 'know' <- km- 'ACH'
A third type of achievement verb has an underlying possession stative in its LS. The addition

of the logical operator BECOME indicates a change of possession (cf. Jolly 1993:277). As pointed

out in 2.1.4, the prefixes ki- and nd- mark verbs of possession. ki- marks the presence of

possession in both possession stative verbs (e.g. (49), (51), (55)) and achievement verbs with an

underlying possession stative, e.g. (81). nd- marks the absence of possession in both possession

stative verbs (e.g. (50), (56)) and achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative, e.g.

(82).70

(81) Sia ki-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) na saa.
3sNOM POS-exist-ACH PFT spouse
'HE just got married.'

(82) Sia nd-a-ardn (nd-ara-an) na saa.
3sNOM NEG-exist-ACH PFT spouse
HE is no longer married.'71
A summary analysis of (81) is provided in (83). A comparison of the analysis in (83) with the

analysis of a possession stative in (52) is instructive. The two analyses are the same with the

exception of the addition of the logical operator BECOME in the LS of the achievement verb in (83)




70Achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative are derived from the existential root
ara, never from noun roots (cf. 2.1.4).
71It is instructive to compare the meaning of the achievement clauses in (81) and (82) with the
stative clauses in (51) and (50). The stative clause in (50) is used when speaking about someone
who has never been married, while the achievement clause in (82) is used in speaking about
someone who has been married, but is either recently divorced or whose spouse is recently
deceased. Similarly, the stative clause in (51) is used when speaking about someone who has been
married for a while, whereas the achievement clause in (81) is used in speaking about someone
who has recently married. Thus, the achievement clauses are used to refer to a change in marital
status which is normally interpreted as being 'recent'.









and a concomitant change in verbal cross-referencing by the additional affix -an. There is no

change in the assignment of thematic relations, macroroles, syntactic function, or case. In both

instances, the possessor argument is the pivot.

(83) a. General LS for achievement with
underlying possession statives: BECOME have' (x,y) x=possessor, y=possessed
b. Clause-specific LS for (81): BECOME ara 'existential' (sia 'he', saa 'spouse')
c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'he' +- possessor
saa 'spouse' <- possessed
d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer *- possessor 1 Macrorole
e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot +- undergoer-sia 'he'
direct core syntactic argument <- possessed-saa
'spouse'
f. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'he' 4- nominative case
core argument-saa 'spouse' 4- accusative case (0)
g. Cross-reference verb: ara 'existential' -- ki- 'POS', -an 'ACH'72
Unlike other achievement verbs which are cross-referenced by a form of the infix -m-,

achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative are cross-referenced by the suffix -an.73

2.1.4 stated that possessors can be inanimate, e.g. (55) and (56). Sentence (84) illustrates an

inanimate possessor in an achievement possessive clause. The verb is marked with -an indicating

that this is an achievement. Example (84) is used if the boat is recently painted, while (55) is used

if a boat has an older paint job.

(84) Oig na ki-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) na saat.
boat DEF POS-exist-ACH PFT paint
THE BOAT has been painted.'

A fourth type of achievement has an underlying existential state in its LS. The addition of the

logical operator BECOME indicates a change in existential circumstance. The prefixes ki- and nd-

indicate the presence or absence of existence in existential clauses. Affixation in achievement





72ki- derives possessive states; -an derives achievement verbs from possessive states.

73The morphophonemic processes involved include nasal harmony, nasal preplosion, metathesis,
and vowel deletion. The vowel deletion rule which deletes a vowel before an identical long vowel is
required to derive [ki'aardn] 'have-GOAL'. The derivation is: underlying form #kiara + an#;
stress rule #kia'raan#; nasal preplosion #kia'raadn#; metathesis #kia'aardn#; vowel deletion -
[ki'aardn].









existential clauses is identical to that found in achievement possessive clauses. Sentences (85) and

(86) illustrate achievement existential clauses (cf. (64), (65)).74

(85) Ki-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) na lama dii bali nu.
POS-exist-ACH PFT person at house 2sGEN
There is SOMEBODY at your house.'

(86) Sia nd-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) na kati'.
3sNOM NEG-exist-ACH PFT here
IHE is not here.'
A fifth type of achievement has an underlying locative predicate in its LS. As pointed out in

2.1.2, locative predicates are either verbal or nonverbal, depending on what functions as the

predicate. In both instances, the LS contains the two-place abstract predicate, be-at' (x,y).75 The

addition of the logical operator BECOME to a locative predicate indicates a change in location. For

example, (87) and (88) illustrate two locative states, the former nonverbal and the latter verbal.

The corresponding achievement states are illustrated by (89) and (90) respectively. In (87) (cf.

(19)), the spatial deictic dii 'there' (cf. Table 2.3) functions as the predicate of the nonverbal state.

In (88) (cf. (15)), the predicate is derived from the locative adjective root ingad'near'.

(87) Sia dii.
3sNOM there
'SHE is there.'

(88) Sia m-ingad.
3sNOM ST-near
'SHE is near.'

(89) Sia kin-dii (km-dii).
3sNOM ACH-there
'SHE is going there.'

(90) Sia kim-ingad (km-ingad).
3sNOM ACH-near
'SHE is getting near.'




74The semantic contrast between the achievement existential clauses in (85) and (86), and the
stative existential clauses in (64) and (65) is interesting, and not reflected in the English free
translations. The achievement existential clauses are used to convey contra-expectation.

75Cf. Table 2.7; cf. also Jolly (1993:277).









The LSs and verbal cross-referencing for (87), (88), (89), and (90) are provided in (91a),

(91b), (91c), and (91d) respectively. In each case, the first argument (the locative) is unspecified.

The second argument (the theme) is both the undergoer and the syntactic pivot. There is no change

between locative states and achievements with underlying locative states in terms of the assignment

of thematic relations, macroroles, syntactic functions, or case (cf. (18)). The difference lies in the

addition of the operator BECOME to the LS of the achievement clauses and a concomitant change in

verbal cross-referencing.76

(91) a. LS for (87): dii 'there' (0, sia 'she') Cross-referencing:
b. LS for (88): ingad 'near' (0, sia 'she') Cross-referencing: m-
c. LS for (89): BECOME dii there' (0, sia 'she') Cross-referencing: km-
d. LS for (90): BECOME ingad 'near' (0, sia 'she') Cross-referencing: kin-
Like their locative stative counterparts, achievements with underlying locative predicates can

occur with a specified locative argument as in (92) (cf. (89)) and (93) (cf. (90), (15)). A summary

analysis of (93) is provided in (94) (cf. (18)).

(92) Sia kin-dii (km-dii) bali nya.
3sNOM ACH-at house 3sGEN
'HE is going to his house.'

(93) Sia kim-ingad (km-ingad) diaadn.
3sNOM ACH-near IsACC
'SHE is coming close to me.'







76The cross-referencing of achievements by km- is realized in different ways depending on both the
lexical category and the phonological shape of the root. kin- is realized the same for both
achievement verbs derived from locative adjectives (e.g. kim-ingad 'ACH-near' in (90)) and
achievement verbs derived from other adjectives (e.g. kem-aal 'ACH-expensive in (76)). The
phonological processes involved are described in footnote 68 and exemplified in (76). For many
adjective roots, km- is realized as an infix I-m-n-(e.g. d-em-alabm 'ACH-deep' in (76)) (cf. other
examples in (76)). However, km- is always realized as a prefix, never as an infix, for achievement
verbs derived from spatial deictics (e.g. kin-dii 'ACH-there' in (89)). In this case, an epenthetic
vowel NI /V/is inserted to avoid impermissible syllable structures (cf. footnote 68), and the nasal
portion of the prefix km- assimilates to the same point of articulation as the initial consonant of the
root (this follows the rule of nasal assimilation in footnote 31). Furthermore, /k/ is not simply
inserted just to provide the right phonological environment for infixation; it indicates direction
toward a location (goal) with these achievement verbs.






88

(94) a. General LS for locative state: be-at' (x,y) x=locative, y=theme
b. General LS for achievements
with underlying locative state: BECOME be-at' (x,y) x=locative, y=theme
c. Clause-specific LS for (93): BECOME ingad 'near' (diaadn 'me', sia 'she')
d. Assign thematic relations: diaadn 'me' <- locative
sia 'she' <- theme
e. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer <- theme 1 Macrorole
f. Assign syntactic functions: pivot *- undergoer-sia 'she'
direct core syntactic argument -- locative-diaadn 'me'
g. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'she' *- nominative case
core argument-diaadn 'me' <- accusative case
h. Cross-reference verb: ingad 'near' <- kin- 'ACHI
It is instructive to compare the analysis of the achievement verb in (94) with the analysis of

the locative stative verb in (18). Both verbs have two arguments in their LS. In the stative

situation, (18a), both the theme (Figure) and the locative (Ground) are stationary, whereas in the

achievement situation, (94c), the theme (Figure) is moving with respect to the locative (Ground).

By (54c), locative statives and achievements with an underlying locative predicate only have one

macrorole, since only the theme can be the clause pivot, never the locative. By (54b.2), the single

macrorole is an undergoer (cf. (52d)). Thus, in both situations, following the Actor-Undergoer

Hierarchy in (4), the theme is linked to undergoer and the locative is not linked to a macrorole (cf.

(18d), (94e)).77 In both situations the pivot is an undergoer, and the locative is a direct core

syntactic argument (cf. (18e), (94f)).78 In the stative situation the verb is cross-referenced by m-

(cf. (18g)), whereas in the achievement situation it is cross-referenced by km-.

Bonggi achievement verbs with underlying locative predicates have a directional meaning.

For instance, the achievement verb in (92) indicates direction toward a location; that is, it is goal-

oriented. However, other achievement verbs indicate direction from a location; that is, they are

source-oriented. Two types of spatial deictics were described in 2.1.2: specific, illustrated by dii




77According to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4), the theme is the unmarked choice for
undergoer since it is the rightmost argument. Furthermore, just because a verb has two arguments
in its LS, it is not required to have two macroroles (VV 1993:46-47).
78In (94g) accusative case is overtly marked since pronouns are distinguished according to case,
but in (18f) accusative case is not overtly marked since common nouns are not case marked (cf.
Table 1.3). Thus, case is lexically dependent here.









'there' in (87) (cf. Table 2.3), and nonspecific, illustrated by kuii "somewhere yonder' in (95) (cf.

Table 2.4). Given the nonverbal locative statives in (87) and (95), (96) and (97) are source-

oriented achievements derived these locative states. A summary analysis of (97) is provided in

(98).

(95) Sia kuii'.
3sNOM somewhere.yonder
'SHE is somewhere yonder.'

(96) Sia ti-dii (tm-dii).79
3sNOM FROM-there
'SHE is from there.'

(97) Sia tung-kuii' (tm-kuii').
3sNOM FROM.ACH-somewhere.yonder
'SHE is from somewhere yonder.'

(98) a. General LS for locative predicate: be-at' (x,y) x=locative, y=theme
b. General LS for source-oriented
achievements with underlying
locative state: BECOME NOT be-at' (x,y) x=locative, y=theme
c. Clause-specific LS for (97): BECOME NOT kuii' 'somewhere yonder' (0, sia 'she')
d. Assign thematic relations: sia 'she' <- theme
e. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer -- theme 1 Macrorole
f. Assign syntactic functions: pivot +- undergoer-sia 'she'
g. Assign case and prepositions: pivot-sia 'she' <- nominative case
h. Cross-reference verb: kuii' 'somewhere yonder' <- tm- 'ACH'
The addition of the operator BECOME NOT to a locative predicate results in a source-oriented

achievement verb (cf. (98b)). Thus, by (98c), (97) is a source-oriented achievement verb. By

(54c), there is only one macrorole, since only the theme can be the clause pivot, never the locative.

By (54b.2), the single macrorole is an undergoer. By (4), the theme is linked to undergoer (cf.

(98e)). By (7), the undergoer is the pivot (cf. (98f)). The verb is cross-referenced by tm- (cf.

(98h)).

Differences between goal-oriented and source-oriented directional verbs include: (i) the

absence of NOT in the LS of goal-oriented directionals (e.g. (94b), (94c)), but the presence of NOT




79The vowel associated with the prefix tm- is epenthetic. It is inserted to avoid impermissible
syllable structures (cf. footnotes 31 and 68). The nasal portion /m/ does not occur with source-
oriented specific spatial deictics such as ti-dii 'FROM-there' in (96).









in the LS of source-oriented directionals (e.g. (98b) (98c)); and (ii) goal-oriented directional verbs

are cross-referenced by km- (e.g. (94h)), whereas source-oriented directional verbs are cross-

referenced by tm- (e.g. (98h)).

Perhaps, instead of these two prefixes, there are three: k-, t-, and m- with k- indicating goal-

orientation; t- indicating source-oriention; and -m- 'ACH' deriving a directional verb from a spatial

deictic. Note, however, that /m/ does not occur with source-oriented specific spatial deictics such

as ti-dii 'FROM-there' in (96). This is due to the fact that ti-dii 'FROM-there' and other source-

oriented specific spatial deictics can occur as locative adverbs as in (99) or locative prepositions as

in (100).

(99) Sia muhad ti-dii (tm-dii).
3sNOM leaves FROM-there
'SHE leaves from there.'

(100) Sia muhad ti-dii (tm-dii) bali nya.
3sNOM leave FROM-at house 3sGEN
'SHE leaves from her house.'
In both (99) and (100) the source interpretation associated with tm- is derivative from the

spatial/locative meaning of dii 'there' which is primary.80 Source-oriented spatial deictics which

are derived from the specific spatial deictics in Table 2.3 are shown in Table 2.8.81 The derived

spatial deictics are used to indicate a location away from the deictic center which is established by

the base form.











80Cf. Lichtenberk (1991:485) for a similar conclusion regarding To'aba'ita, an Austronesian
language in the Oceanic subgroup.

81Although source-oriented directional verbs (e.g. tung-kuii' 'FROM.ACH-somewhere yonder' in
(97)) can be derived from the nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2.4, source-oriented spatial
deictics cannot be derived from the nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2.4.




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PAGE 1

ASPECT IN BONGGI By MICHAELE BOUTIN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1994

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ASPECT IN BONGGI By MICHAELE BOUTIN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1994

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Copyright 1994 by Michael E Boutin

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Copyright 1994 by Michael E Boutin

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This work is dedicated to my father who taught me to work hard be honest and have integrity. He also loaned me the money for my first linguistics course and recognized that I enjoyed "book learning" long before I did If dad were still alive he would love to hear me sa y that he was right about the "book learning" and find that his investment is bringing forth dividends

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This work is dedicated to my father who taught me to work hard be honest and have integrity. He also loaned me the money for my first linguistics course and recognized that I enjoyed "book learning" long before I did If dad were still alive he would love to hear me sa y that he was right about the "book learning" and find that his investment is bringing forth dividends

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my Bonggi friends for all their help and patience in teaching my wife and I about their language and culture Living and working with the Bonggi has been a rich experience for us. The number of Bonggi who have befriended and helped us is too large to mention Those who stand out as being especially close to us for different reasons include : Mual bin Tugulan Tagi binti Limbatan Sayad bin Liad, Aplan bin Liad Darah binti Kundasan, Nunga binti Latip and Tipah binti Timisup I am very grateful to the Sabah State Government for permission to undertake this research and the cooperation I have enjoyed from them I especially thank Patricia Regis and Rita Lasimbang of the Sabah State Museum for their interest in the Bonggi My colleagues in Sabah, who have also been involved in language research, have provided a good sounding board for some of my ideas I especially appreciate the healthy dose of skepticism I have received from Richard Brewis, Hope Hurlbut Julie King Paul Kroeger and Dave Moody. I am also grateful for the help I received from linguistic workshops conducted in Sabah by Steven H. Levinsohn and Ivan Lowe and for the encouragement I have received from different adminstrators in Sabah including : Ken Smith Gene Fuller, Paul Setter and Wayne King I also thank all those who have helped me to attend various linguistic conferences and the Linguistic Institute at the Ohio State University in 1993. My SIB friends in Sabah have blessed me with their encouragement, especially Kenneth Ng Philip Lynn, Paul Wang Simon Goh and Michael Chen Beyond Sabah I appreciate both the friendship and the encouragement of Malaysian linguists : Mashudi Kader Boon Soong Teoh, Bibi Aminah binti Abdul Ghani and Eileen Yen Ee Lee lV

PAGE 8

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my Bonggi friends for all their help and patience in teaching my wife and I about their language and culture Living and working with the Bonggi has been a rich experience for us. The number of Bonggi who have befriended and helped us is too large to mention Those who stand out as being especially close to us for different reasons include : Mual bin Tugulan Tagi binti Limbatan Sayad bin Liad, Aplan bin Liad Darah binti Kundasan, Nunga binti Latip and Tipah binti Timisup I am very grateful to the Sabah State Government for permission to undertake this research and the cooperation I have enjoyed from them I especially thank Patricia Regis and Rita Lasimbang of the Sabah State Museum for their interest in the Bonggi My colleagues in Sabah, who have also been involved in language research, have provided a good sounding board for some of my ideas I especially appreciate the healthy dose of skepticism I have received from Richard Brewis, Hope Hurlbut Julie King Paul Kroeger and Dave Moody. I am also grateful for the help I received from linguistic workshops conducted in Sabah by Steven H. Levinsohn and Ivan Lowe and for the encouragement I have received from different adminstrators in Sabah including : Ken Smith Gene Fuller, Paul Setter and Wayne King I also thank all those who have helped me to attend various linguistic conferences and the Linguistic Institute at the Ohio State University in 1993. My SIB friends in Sabah have blessed me with their encouragement, especially Kenneth Ng Philip Lynn, Paul Wang Simon Goh and Michael Chen Beyond Sabah I appreciate both the friendship and the encouragement of Malaysian linguists : Mashudi Kader Boon Soong Teoh, Bibi Aminah binti Abdul Ghani and Eileen Yen Ee Lee lV

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I wish to thank Professor Haig Der-Houssikian who has served as chairman of m y doctoral committee Working one-on-one with him has been a real privilege I ha v e b e nefited greatl y from both his e x cellent linguistic help and his counsel and encouragement. I also would lik e to e x press m y gratitude to the other members of m y committee : Professor Chaunce y Chu Dr. William J. Sullivan, and Professor Donald E. Williams Each of them provided valuable suggestions and encouragement to me M y time at the University of Florida would have been very different had I been discouraged from working on a minority language of Southeast Asia I thank the following members of the facul ty for th e ir encouragement and interest in m y work: Michel Achard Robert de Beaugrande Diana Bo x er Jean Casagrande Gary Miller Da vi d Pharies Roger Thompson Andrea T y ler and Ann W y att-Brown I also appreciate the encouragement I have recei v ed from fellow graduate students especiall y Timoth y Ajani David Hankins Wayne King and Suzanne Norris Outside of the University of Florida I am indebted to Robert Van Valin for his encouragement and correspondence His suggestions and critique of m y earlier w ork ha v e been extremel y helpful. I thank all m y famil y and the man y friends in the U.S who ha v e encouraged and supported Alanna and I these y ears M y sons Seth and Micah have been very understanding and loving when I have not had as much time to pla y as they would have liked Finall y, m y heartfelt thanks go to m y wife Alanna who is a real Proverbs 31 woman She has been a help in every sense of the word She has enjo y ed learning Bonggi with me and living in remote villages where most w esterners could not cope for a month, much less for y ears Alanna has been m y chief encourager and has edited all m y work alwa y s with a cheerful attitude and an uncomplaining spirit. V

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I wish to thank Professor Haig Der-Houssikian who has served as chairman of m y doctoral committee Working one-on-one with him has been a real privilege I ha v e b e nefited greatl y from both his e x cellent linguistic help and his counsel and encouragement. I also would lik e to e x press m y gratitude to the other members of m y committee : Professor Chaunce y Chu Dr. William J. Sullivan, and Professor Donald E. Williams Each of them provided valuable suggestions and encouragement to me M y time at the University of Florida would have been very different had I been discouraged from working on a minority language of Southeast Asia I thank the following members of the facul ty for th e ir encouragement and interest in m y work: Michel Achard Robert de Beaugrande Diana Bo x er Jean Casagrande Gary Miller Da vi d Pharies Roger Thompson Andrea T y ler and Ann W y att-Brown I also appreciate the encouragement I have recei v ed from fellow graduate students especiall y Timoth y Ajani David Hankins Wayne King and Suzanne Norris Outside of the University of Florida I am indebted to Robert Van Valin for his encouragement and correspondence His suggestions and critique of m y earlier w ork ha v e been extremel y helpful. I thank all m y famil y and the man y friends in the U.S who ha v e encouraged and supported Alanna and I these y ears M y sons Seth and Micah have been very understanding and loving when I have not had as much time to pla y as they would have liked Finall y, m y heartfelt thanks go to m y wife Alanna who is a real Proverbs 31 woman She has been a help in every sense of the word She has enjo y ed learning Bonggi with me and living in remote villages where most w esterners could not cope for a month, much less for y ears Alanna has been m y chief encourager and has edited all m y work alwa y s with a cheerful attitude and an uncomplaining spirit. V

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lV KEYS TO SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viu ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lX CHAPTERS 1 INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 1. The Bonggi Language and People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I 1.2. Aspect in Bonggi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 1.3 Basic Descriptive Sketch of Bonggi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 1.3 1. Simple Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 1.3 2 Simple Nominal Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 1.3 3 Word Classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 2. SITUATION ASPECT IN BONGGI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 2.1 States ...... ... .... ... .' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 2.1.1. Equational States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 2 1.2 Locative States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 2.1.3 Condition States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 2 1.4 Possession States .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 2.1.5 Cognition States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 2 2 Achievements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 2.3. Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 2 3 1. Motion Activity Verbs.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 2 3 2. Nonmotion Activity Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 2 4 Accomplishments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 Vl

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lV KEYS TO SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viu ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lX CHAPTERS 1 INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 1. The Bonggi Language and People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I 1.2. Aspect in Bonggi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 1.3 Basic Descriptive Sketch of Bonggi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 1.3 1. Simple Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 1.3 2 Simple Nominal Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 1.3 3 Word Classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 2. SITUATION ASPECT IN BONGGI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 2.1 States ...... ... .... ... .' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 2.1.1. Equational States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 2 1.2 Locative States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 2.1.3 Condition States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 2 1.4 Possession States .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 2.1.5 Cognition States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 2 2 Achievements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 2.3. Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 2 3 1. Motion Activity Verbs.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 2 3 2. Nonmotion Activity Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 2 4 Accomplishments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 Vl

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3 VIEWPOINT ASPECT IN BONGGI .................................. 148 3 1. Viewpoint Aspect in Verb Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 3 1 1 Morphophonemic Contrasts within the PegGroup . . . . . . . . 15 2 3 1.2 Semantic Structure of the PegGroup . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 3 .1.3 lterativity : Specific and Distributive Viewpoints . . . . . . . . . 187 3 2 Viewpoint Aspect inside Verb Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 3 3 Viewpoint Aspect outside Verb Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 4 CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 4 1 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 4.2 Implications. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 REFERENCES .... . .... ... ................. .. .. ... ............. .. 230 BIOGRAPIBCAL SKETCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 vu

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3 VIEWPOINT ASPECT IN BONGGI .................................. 148 3 1. Viewpoint Aspect in Verb Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 3 1 1 Morphophonemic Contrasts within the PegGroup . . . . . . . . 15 2 3 1.2 Semantic Structure of the PegGroup . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 3 .1.3 lterativity : Specific and Distributive Viewpoints . . . . . . . . . 187 3 2 Viewpoint Aspect inside Verb Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 3 3 Viewpoint Aspect outside Verb Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 4 CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 4 1 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 4.2 Implications. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 REFERENCES .... . .... ... ................. .. .. ... ............. .. 230 BIOGRAPIBCAL SKETCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 vu

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ACC ACH ACT ACY APL Arg AS CAU d DEF DIR DIS EMPH exc EXP FPFT GEN IMP INSTPL IT LINK LOC NEG NOM NP NPIV NPST NV 0 p PFT PIV pred POS PRF PST REC s s ST UNO UPL us V VA KEYS TO SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS Explanation or Gloss accusative case achievement actor activity actor pivot accomplishment argument actor subject causative dual definite directional verb distributive emphatic exclusive expenencer future perfect genitive case imperative mood instrument pivot accomplisment iterative linkage particle locative negative nominative case noun phrase nonpivot nonpast tense non volitional object plural perfect pivot predicate positive perfect past tense reciprocal singular subject state undergoer undergoer pivot accomplishment undergoer subject verb viewpoint aspect Vlll Explanation or Gloss I first person 2 second person 3 third person @ consonant in root/stem which is separated.from root/stem b y an infix [-mk]UPL unmarked undergoer pivot accomplishment [ +mk ]UPL marked undergoer pivot accomplishment

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ACC ACH ACT ACY APL Arg AS CAU d DEF DIR DIS EMPH exc EXP FPFT GEN IMP INSTPL IT LINK LOC NEG NOM NP NPIV NPST NV 0 p PFT PIV pred POS PRF PST REC s s ST UNO UPL us V VA KEYS TO SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS Explanation or Gloss accusative case achievement actor activity actor pivot accomplishment argument actor subject causative dual definite directional verb distributive emphatic exclusive expenencer future perfect genitive case imperative mood instrument pivot accomplisment iterative linkage particle locative negative nominative case noun phrase nonpivot nonpast tense non volitional object plural perfect pivot predicate positive perfect past tense reciprocal singular subject state undergoer undergoer pivot accomplishment undergoer subject verb viewpoint aspect Vlll Explanation or Gloss I first person 2 second person 3 third person @ consonant in root/stem which is separated.from root/stem b y an infix [-mk]UPL unmarked undergoer pivot accomplishment [ +mk ]UPL marked undergoer pivot accomplishment

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Chairman : Haig Der-Houssikian Major Department: Linguistics ASPECT IN BONGGI B y Michael E Boutin August 1994 This dissertation presents an analysis of aspect in Bonggi within the framework of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) Bonggi is a Western Austronesian language of Sabah, Malaysia The morphology of Bonggi distinguishes situation types: states achievements activities and accomplishments Because these four situation types are the starting point for a RRG grammatical analysis, there is a reciprocal harmony between the RRG model and Bonggi. Bonggi verbs are classified semantically according to the relationships which exist between predicates and their arguments These relationships are described in terms of logical structures which are linked to the verb morphology b y a series of rules including the assignment of thematic relations semantic macroroles syntactic functions case and verbal cross-referencing Each situation type has a unique set of inherent aspectual properties (Aktionsart) which are reflected in the logical structures by predicates and a small set of operators such as BECOME and CAUSE The model highlights the distinction between Aktionsart and viewpoint aspect by treating viewpoint aspect as an operator. Whereas Aktionsart properties are determined from the logical structures in a constituent projection that accounts for argument structure the assignment of viewpoint aspect belongs to an operator projection which includes viewpoint aspect tense lX

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Chairman : Haig Der-Houssikian Major Department: Linguistics ASPECT IN BONGGI B y Michael E Boutin August 1994 This dissertation presents an analysis of aspect in Bonggi within the framework of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) Bonggi is a Western Austronesian language of Sabah, Malaysia The morphology of Bonggi distinguishes situation types: states achievements activities and accomplishments Because these four situation types are the starting point for a RRG grammatical analysis, there is a reciprocal harmony between the RRG model and Bonggi. Bonggi verbs are classified semantically according to the relationships which exist between predicates and their arguments These relationships are described in terms of logical structures which are linked to the verb morphology b y a series of rules including the assignment of thematic relations semantic macroroles syntactic functions case and verbal cross-referencing Each situation type has a unique set of inherent aspectual properties (Aktionsart) which are reflected in the logical structures by predicates and a small set of operators such as BECOME and CAUSE The model highlights the distinction between Aktionsart and viewpoint aspect by treating viewpoint aspect as an operator. Whereas Aktionsart properties are determined from the logical structures in a constituent projection that accounts for argument structure the assignment of viewpoint aspect belongs to an operator projection which includes viewpoint aspect tense lX

PAGE 19

modality, negation, and illocutionary force. Unlike Aktionsart which is determined from the logical structure viewpoint aspect is independent of the logical structure Although each situation type has a unique logical structure and a unique set of Aktionsart properties the same situation can be presented from different viewpoints That is, the inherent Aktionsart properties do not change with a change in viewpoint aspect. Viewpoint aspect in Bonggi is formall y e x pressed in : 1) the verb morphology 2) a s y stem of free form auxiliaries 3) a system of enclitic particles and 4) a system of temporal adverbs. Although aspect tense, and modality all belong to the operator projection they modify different layers of the clause For example, viewpoint aspect is an operator modifying the clause nucleus This model not onl y provides a framework for treating aspect independently of modality and tense but also for treating the interrelationship of aspect with modality tense and other verbal categories X

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modality, negation, and illocutionary force. Unlike Aktionsart which is determined from the logical structure viewpoint aspect is independent of the logical structure Although each situation type has a unique logical structure and a unique set of Aktionsart properties the same situation can be presented from different viewpoints That is, the inherent Aktionsart properties do not change with a change in viewpoint aspect. Viewpoint aspect in Bonggi is formall y e x pressed in : 1) the verb morphology 2) a s y stem of free form auxiliaries 3) a system of enclitic particles and 4) a system of temporal adverbs. Although aspect tense, and modality all belong to the operator projection they modify different layers of the clause For example, viewpoint aspect is an operator modifying the clause nucleus This model not onl y provides a framework for treating aspect independently of modality and tense but also for treating the interrelationship of aspect with modality tense and other verbal categories X

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This chapter briefly answers two questions which arise from the title of this dissertation The first question Who are the Bonggi?' is answered in .1 while the second question, Why study aspect in Bonggi?' is addressed in .2. Finally a condensed sketch ofBonggi is provided in .3. 1 1 The Bonggi Language and People Bonggi is a Western Austronesian language spoken by approximately 1 400 people on Banggi and Balambangan islands in the Kudat District of Sabah Malaysia. (See Figure 1 for the location ofBanggi and Balambangan in Southeast Asia.) Outsiders usually use the exonym 'Banggi' or 'Banggi Dusun' to refer to the people while the Bonggi refer to themselves by the autonym Bonggi The term 'Banggi' is somewhat derogatory in nature as banggi means 'corpse' and is used in the curse Banggi nu which is equivalent to the English phrase 'Drop dead!' The term 'Dusun' is a misnomer from a linguistic point of view. Linguistically the term Dusun refers to a group of languages in Sabah. The majority of the indigenous languages of Sabah belong to one of three groups : Dusunic, Murutic or Paitanic 1 Bonggi is a linguistic isolate which does not fit into any of these three groups In fact the Murutic languages are more closely related to the Dusunic languages than Bonggi is to either group Thus calling the Bonggi Dusunic as opposed to Murutic or Paitanic is a linguistic error. However 'Dusun' has become a highly politicalized term in Sabah, and it is in this sense that the label 'Banggi Dusun' is often used I use 1 These groups are based solely on lexicostatistics from Smith (1984). Previous groupings based on lexicostatistics were proposed by Dyen (1965) and Prentice (1970) The most well-known subgrouping argument dealing with any of the languages of Sabah is Blust (1974) 1

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This chapter briefly answers two questions which arise from the title of this dissertation The first question Who are the Bonggi?' is answered in .1 while the second question, Why study aspect in Bonggi?' is addressed in .2. Finally a condensed sketch ofBonggi is provided in .3. 1 1 The Bonggi Language and People Bonggi is a Western Austronesian language spoken by approximately 1 400 people on Banggi and Balambangan islands in the Kudat District of Sabah Malaysia. (See Figure 1 for the location ofBanggi and Balambangan in Southeast Asia.) Outsiders usually use the exonym 'Banggi' or 'Banggi Dusun' to refer to the people while the Bonggi refer to themselves by the autonym Bonggi The term 'Banggi' is somewhat derogatory in nature as banggi means 'corpse' and is used in the curse Banggi nu which is equivalent to the English phrase 'Drop dead!' The term 'Dusun' is a misnomer from a linguistic point of view. Linguistically the term Dusun refers to a group of languages in Sabah. The majority of the indigenous languages of Sabah belong to one of three groups : Dusunic, Murutic or Paitanic 1 Bonggi is a linguistic isolate which does not fit into any of these three groups In fact the Murutic languages are more closely related to the Dusunic languages than Bonggi is to either group Thus calling the Bonggi Dusunic as opposed to Murutic or Paitanic is a linguistic error. However 'Dusun' has become a highly politicalized term in Sabah, and it is in this sense that the label 'Banggi Dusun' is often used I use 1 These groups are based solely on lexicostatistics from Smith (1984). Previous groupings based on lexicostatistics were proposed by Dyen (1965) and Prentice (1970) The most well-known subgrouping argument dealing with any of the languages of Sabah is Blust (1974) 1

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2 the tenn 'Bonggi' to refer to both the language and the people and the tenn 'Banggi' to refer to the island 2 Figure 1 : Location of Banggi and Balambangan in Southeast Asia On the basis of lexicostatistics the closest linguistic relative of Bonggi is the Molbog language spoken on Balabak and Ramos islands in the Philippines south of Palawan Island. A comparison of basic wordlists indicates that Bonggi and Molbog are only about 50% cognate. Furthennore, the two languages are far from being mutually intelligible There are some Molbog speakers on Banggi Island who are referred to as Belobog by the Bonggi Many Bonggi speakers living near the two Molbog villages on Banggi island have learned to speak Belobog. On the other 2 For a discussion of the origin of the tenn 'Dusun' see Lebar (1972: 148) For a recent discussion of problems associated with the tenn 'Dusun' see Lasimbang and Miller (in press). For a general discussion of nomenclature problems in Borneo see Appell (1968) Blust (1974) and Lebar (1972)

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2 the tenn 'Bonggi' to refer to both the language and the people and the tenn 'Banggi' to refer to the island 2 Figure 1 : Location of Banggi and Balambangan in Southeast Asia On the basis of lexicostatistics the closest linguistic relative of Bonggi is the Molbog language spoken on Balabak and Ramos islands in the Philippines south of Palawan Island. A comparison of basic wordlists indicates that Bonggi and Molbog are only about 50% cognate. Furthennore, the two languages are far from being mutually intelligible There are some Molbog speakers on Banggi Island who are referred to as Belobog by the Bonggi Many Bonggi speakers living near the two Molbog villages on Banggi island have learned to speak Belobog. On the other 2 For a discussion of the origin of the tenn 'Dusun' see Lebar (1972: 148) For a recent discussion of problems associated with the tenn 'Dusun' see Lasimbang and Miller (in press). For a general discussion of nomenclature problems in Borneo see Appell (1968) Blust (1974) and Lebar (1972)

PAGE 25

3 hand, only a couple ofMolbog speakers who have married Bonggi women have learned Bonggi This is typical of the sociolinguistic situation on Banggi and Balambangan islands Besides Bonggi and Molbog there are four other language communities on these two islands : Suluk (known in the Philippines as Tausug) and three languages from the Sama language family : Bajau Ubian, and Kagayan All of the languages, with the exception ofBonggi have their geographical center in the Philippines That is Molbog Suluk, Bajau Ubian, and Kaga y an speakers are relativel y recent arrivals in Sabah compared to the Bonggi. 3 On the other hand, there are no Bonggi speakers in the Philippines The general sociolinguistic picture pertaining to the Bonggi is as follows : Bonggi villages are somewhat scattered over the two islands but group into village clusters consisting of at least two geographicall y close villages belonging to the same ethnic group. 4 For example the Limbuak cluster in the southwest portion of Banggi Island includes the following Bonggi villages : Limbuak Darat (Pega' Diaa) Batu Layar Darat (Liag Diaa) Lumanis Darat (Lemeis Diaa) and Kuda Kuda (Kuda'-Kuda1 ; 5 the Palak cluster in the southeast portion of Banggi Island includes Palak Darat (Giparak Diaa) and Memang (Milimbiaa) In general with the e x ception of a few people who marry into a Bonggi community speakers of other languages do not learn Bonggi It is the Bonggi who have learned to speak the languages of the other ethnic groups The other ethnic groups are also scattered around the islands in villages which tend to cluster in groups For example the primary ethnic group near the Limbuak cluster is 3 However Bajau are known to have lived on Banggi island since at least as earl y as 1769 (Dalrymple 1769 : 65) For a discussion of relationships among the languages in the Sama language family see Pallesen (1985) For an overview ofrelationships among Philippine languages see Walton (1979) For an overview of the language situation and distribution of languages on Banggi and Balambangan see Boutin and Boutin (1985). 4 The term bunua 'community' is used refer to a hamlet village or village cluster. For a discussion of the importance of the term bunua in Bonggi society see Boutin (1990). 5 Village names are given in Mala y, the national language with Bonggi names provided in parentheses

PAGE 26

3 hand, only a couple ofMolbog speakers who have married Bonggi women have learned Bonggi This is typical of the sociolinguistic situation on Banggi and Balambangan islands Besides Bonggi and Molbog there are four other language communities on these two islands : Suluk (known in the Philippines as Tausug) and three languages from the Sama language family : Bajau Ubian, and Kagayan All of the languages, with the exception ofBonggi have their geographical center in the Philippines That is Molbog Suluk, Bajau Ubian, and Kaga y an speakers are relativel y recent arrivals in Sabah compared to the Bonggi. 3 On the other hand, there are no Bonggi speakers in the Philippines The general sociolinguistic picture pertaining to the Bonggi is as follows : Bonggi villages are somewhat scattered over the two islands but group into village clusters consisting of at least two geographicall y close villages belonging to the same ethnic group. 4 For example the Limbuak cluster in the southwest portion of Banggi Island includes the following Bonggi villages : Limbuak Darat (Pega' Diaa) Batu Layar Darat (Liag Diaa) Lumanis Darat (Lemeis Diaa) and Kuda Kuda (Kuda'-Kuda1 ; 5 the Palak cluster in the southeast portion of Banggi Island includes Palak Darat (Giparak Diaa) and Memang (Milimbiaa) In general with the e x ception of a few people who marry into a Bonggi community speakers of other languages do not learn Bonggi It is the Bonggi who have learned to speak the languages of the other ethnic groups The other ethnic groups are also scattered around the islands in villages which tend to cluster in groups For example the primary ethnic group near the Limbuak cluster is 3 However Bajau are known to have lived on Banggi island since at least as earl y as 1769 (Dalrymple 1769 : 65) For a discussion of relationships among the languages in the Sama language family see Pallesen (1985) For an overview ofrelationships among Philippine languages see Walton (1979) For an overview of the language situation and distribution of languages on Banggi and Balambangan see Boutin and Boutin (1985). 4 The term bunua 'community' is used refer to a hamlet village or village cluster. For a discussion of the importance of the term bunua in Bonggi society see Boutin (1990). 5 Village names are given in Mala y, the national language with Bonggi names provided in parentheses

PAGE 27

4 Bajau who live in the two Bajau villages of Limbuak Laut (Pega' Loud) and Batu Layar Laut (Liag Loud) while the primary ethnic group near the Palak cluster is Kagayan who live in the two Kagayan villages of Palak Laut ( Giparak Loud) and Laksian (Leksiadn) As a general rule the Bonggi learn the language of the outside community which is geographically closest to their cluster Thus, most Bonggi speakers over thirty years of age who have lived in the Limbuak cluster speak Bajau while those who have lived in the Palak cluster would speak Kaga y an due to their respective exposure to these two languages Toe older a Bonggi and the longer he or she has lived in a village cluster, the more likely he can speak the language of the nearby outside community Among younger speakers from different ethnic groups there is a greater tendency to use Malay because: 1) Malay is the language of the schools ; 2) the young people have been increasingly exposed to Malay via radio and television ; and 3) relationships between Bonggi children and children from other language groups often begin during their school years where they are required to speak Malay to each other Very few Bonggi are monolingual ; most Bonggi over thirty are trilingual (speaking Bonggi Mala y, and the language of the geographically closest outside community) It is not uncommon to find Bonggi who speak four or five languages In terms of language use Bonggi is always spoken between Bonggi speakers except in cases where a speaker may use a few phrases from another language. When a Bonggi meets a non-Bonggi, the language of the non-Bonggi is used if the Bonggi has sufficient knowledge of the language ; otherwise Malay is spoken. This accommodation strategy fits a possible sociolinguistic universal suggested by Quakenbush (1986 : 242) : In a multilingual setting where language groups are of markedly different social status the group on 'bottom' will accomodate to the group on 'top' by using that group's first language in face-to-face interaction, regardless of other components of the social situation such as role relationships, location formality etc Despite the fact that few Bonggi are monolingual Bonggi is not being replaced by a different language. Bonggi children are learning the language as their first language except in some cases

PAGE 28

4 Bajau who live in the two Bajau villages of Limbuak Laut (Pega' Loud) and Batu Layar Laut (Liag Loud) while the primary ethnic group near the Palak cluster is Kagayan who live in the two Kagayan villages of Palak Laut ( Giparak Loud) and Laksian (Leksiadn) As a general rule the Bonggi learn the language of the outside community which is geographically closest to their cluster Thus, most Bonggi speakers over thirty years of age who have lived in the Limbuak cluster speak Bajau while those who have lived in the Palak cluster would speak Kaga y an due to their respective exposure to these two languages Toe older a Bonggi and the longer he or she has lived in a village cluster, the more likely he can speak the language of the nearby outside community Among younger speakers from different ethnic groups there is a greater tendency to use Malay because: 1) Malay is the language of the schools ; 2) the young people have been increasingly exposed to Malay via radio and television ; and 3) relationships between Bonggi children and children from other language groups often begin during their school years where they are required to speak Malay to each other Very few Bonggi are monolingual ; most Bonggi over thirty are trilingual (speaking Bonggi Mala y, and the language of the geographically closest outside community) It is not uncommon to find Bonggi who speak four or five languages In terms of language use Bonggi is always spoken between Bonggi speakers except in cases where a speaker may use a few phrases from another language. When a Bonggi meets a non-Bonggi, the language of the non-Bonggi is used if the Bonggi has sufficient knowledge of the language ; otherwise Malay is spoken. This accommodation strategy fits a possible sociolinguistic universal suggested by Quakenbush (1986 : 242) : In a multilingual setting where language groups are of markedly different social status the group on 'bottom' will accomodate to the group on 'top' by using that group's first language in face-to-face interaction, regardless of other components of the social situation such as role relationships, location formality etc Despite the fact that few Bonggi are monolingual Bonggi is not being replaced by a different language. Bonggi children are learning the language as their first language except in some cases

PAGE 29

5 involving mixed marriages 6 The Bonggi have borrowed a number of words from Malay and some words from English The majority of English borrowings are nouns, although a few verbs have also been borrowed (Boutin 1994) There are differences in the Bonggi language spoken in different areas. However these differences are not great enough to cause any difficulty in communication According to Bonggi folk linguistics the most important dialect variation is between the Bonggi spoken on Banggi Island and that spoken on Balambangan Island. However I have found that 'alleged differences' tend to be exaggerated Bonggi speakers have a very ethnocentric perspective of their own dialect. The home village cluster dialect is always best and the "Bonggi over there" are always the ones who kiara youk 'have an accent' The majority of Bonggi on Banggi Island have never been to Balambangan They tend to stereotype the Balambangan Bonggi and attribute to them a number of noncognate lexical items. I have found in talking to Balambangan Bonggi that many of the lexical items attributed to them are either archaic or unknown. The vast majority of the Bonggi data presented in this book is from either the Limbuak village cluster or the Palak village cluster on Banggi Island. There are some regional differences on Banggi Island as illustrated by variation in the use of [ei] and [oi] in a small set of words Limbuak Darat NW Qart of island Palak Darat Gloss /soid/ ['soid ] ['~eid ] ['soig ] 'inside' /toin/ ['toidn] ['.seidn] ['toidn] Jungle' /sin.doin/ [~m' doidn] [~m'cjeidn] [~m'doidn] 'fingernail' /oid/ ['oid ] ['oid,] ['oig ] 'boat' The language variation which does exist is primarily phonetic There are a few lexical differences such as the use of the Bajau term angat 'said' by Bonggi in the Limbuak cluster 6 Although few Bonggi are monolingual this is not meant to suggest that there is a high level of bilingualism. Without having measured for degrees of bilingualism, my assumption is that the level of bilingualism is not sufficient to pose any threat to the viability of Bonggi at this point.

PAGE 30

5 involving mixed marriages 6 The Bonggi have borrowed a number of words from Malay and some words from English The majority of English borrowings are nouns, although a few verbs have also been borrowed (Boutin 1994) There are differences in the Bonggi language spoken in different areas. However these differences are not great enough to cause any difficulty in communication According to Bonggi folk linguistics the most important dialect variation is between the Bonggi spoken on Banggi Island and that spoken on Balambangan Island. However I have found that 'alleged differences' tend to be exaggerated Bonggi speakers have a very ethnocentric perspective of their own dialect. The home village cluster dialect is always best and the "Bonggi over there" are always the ones who kiara youk 'have an accent' The majority of Bonggi on Banggi Island have never been to Balambangan They tend to stereotype the Balambangan Bonggi and attribute to them a number of noncognate lexical items. I have found in talking to Balambangan Bonggi that many of the lexical items attributed to them are either archaic or unknown. The vast majority of the Bonggi data presented in this book is from either the Limbuak village cluster or the Palak village cluster on Banggi Island. There are some regional differences on Banggi Island as illustrated by variation in the use of [ei] and [oi] in a small set of words Limbuak Darat NW Qart of island Palak Darat Gloss /soid/ ['soid ] ['~eid ] ['soig ] 'inside' /toin/ ['toidn] ['.seidn] ['toidn] Jungle' /sin.doin/ [~m' doidn] [~m'cjeidn] [~m'doidn] 'fingernail' /oid/ ['oid ] ['oid,] ['oig ] 'boat' The language variation which does exist is primarily phonetic There are a few lexical differences such as the use of the Bajau term angat 'said' by Bonggi in the Limbuak cluster 6 Although few Bonggi are monolingual this is not meant to suggest that there is a high level of bilingualism. Without having measured for degrees of bilingualism, my assumption is that the level of bilingualism is not sufficient to pose any threat to the viability of Bonggi at this point.

PAGE 31

6 However angat is never used b y speakers in the Palak cluster except in ridiculing the people from Limbuak. No morphosyntactic differences have been observed between dialects The Bonggi are primaril y subsistence farmers and fishermen Subsistence agriculture is based on cassava (Manihot esculenta Crant z ) 7 The actual origin of the Bonggi and the time period in which the y arrived in their present location are unknown Earl y Bonggi settlers to Banggi and Balambangan probabl y settled along the coast at estuaries initiating a pattern which has persisted to this da y Later with the arri v al of further immigrants the Bongg i, being the weaker community were displaced into the interior. 8 The onl y published record of the Bonggi language before the 1980s was a wordlist taken in 1937 (Schneeberger 1937) Several short Bonggi folktales appeared in an English newspaper in 1923 (Agama 1923a 1923b 1923c 1923d) The y were probably told in Mala y and translated into English Previous linguistic work on Bonggi which is most relevant to the topic of this dissertation is Boutin (1991a) and Boutin (1992) 1 2 Aspect in Bonggi In beginning an examination of aspect in Bonggi it is important to realize that one structural feature in a language often predicts implies or constrains the distributional possibilities of another feature. M y goal is to demonstrate how certain structural features in Bonggi predict and constrain the distributional possibilities of aspect. Specifically this dissertation answers two general questions with respect to aspect in Bonggi : 1) what are the aspectual possibilities in Bonggi ? and 2) how are the y constrained? The term aspect' has been used to refer to two related but distinct phenomena: 7 For an overvie w ofBonggi social organization see Boutin (1990) 8 Man y of the village names are a reflection of this pattern diaa 'inland' (Mala y: darat) and loud 'sea (Mala y : laut) are a reflection of this pattern ; e g Limbuak Darat (Pega' Diaa) an interior Bonggi village and Limbuak Laut (Pega' Loud) a coastal Bajau village For a discussion of Bonggi history see Boutin (in press)

PAGE 32

6 However angat is never used b y speakers in the Palak cluster except in ridiculing the people from Limbuak. No morphosyntactic differences have been observed between dialects The Bonggi are primaril y subsistence farmers and fishermen Subsistence agriculture is based on cassava (Manihot esculenta Crant z ) 7 The actual origin of the Bonggi and the time period in which the y arrived in their present location are unknown Earl y Bonggi settlers to Banggi and Balambangan probabl y settled along the coast at estuaries initiating a pattern which has persisted to this da y Later with the arri v al of further immigrants the Bongg i, being the weaker community were displaced into the interior. 8 The onl y published record of the Bonggi language before the 1980s was a wordlist taken in 1937 (Schneeberger 1937) Several short Bonggi folktales appeared in an English newspaper in 1923 (Agama 1923a 1923b 1923c 1923d) The y were probably told in Mala y and translated into English Previous linguistic work on Bonggi which is most relevant to the topic of this dissertation is Boutin (1991a) and Boutin (1992) 1 2 Aspect in Bonggi In beginning an examination of aspect in Bonggi it is important to realize that one structural feature in a language often predicts implies or constrains the distributional possibilities of another feature. M y goal is to demonstrate how certain structural features in Bonggi predict and constrain the distributional possibilities of aspect. Specifically this dissertation answers two general questions with respect to aspect in Bonggi : 1) what are the aspectual possibilities in Bonggi ? and 2) how are the y constrained? The term aspect' has been used to refer to two related but distinct phenomena: 7 For an overvie w ofBonggi social organization see Boutin (1990) 8 Man y of the village names are a reflection of this pattern diaa 'inland' (Mala y: darat) and loud 'sea (Mala y : laut) are a reflection of this pattern ; e g Limbuak Darat (Pega' Diaa) an interior Bonggi village and Limbuak Laut (Pega' Loud) a coastal Bajau village For a discussion of Bonggi history see Boutin (in press)

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7 (a) Aspect refers to wa y s in which languages mark notions such as duration, frequenc y, and completion in verbs Simpl y speaking from this standpoint aspect is a matter of the speaker's perspective or viewpoint on a situation. For example the speaker may choose to depict a situation as beginning ending continuing repeating or completed (b) Aspect refers to the inherent features of situations or verbs ; that i s whether the situation or verb is static or dynamic punctual or durative, telic or atelic This second use of the term aspect has been called situation aspect or Aktion s art 'kind of action' (from German) The distinction between (a) viewpoint aspect and (b) situation aspect (Aktionsart) is often blurred in studies on aspect. M y anal y sis of aspect in Bonggi shows that this distinction is fundamental Briefly speaking each situation type has a specific situation aspect (Aktionsart) associated with it and given an y situation type there are constraints on the viewpoint the speaker can have. That is situation types have an inherent aspect (referred to here as situation aspect) which constrains vi ewpoint aspect. I provide a brief overview of situation types which are described in detail in Chapter 2 The semantic notions which are discussed in this paper are interrelated and it is very difficult to discuss one notional category such as aspect without discussing all the other categories which interact with it and thus effect the form in which aspect is realized For example past tense is marked differentl y depending upon the situation type and which argument is selected as subj e ct Following L y ons (1977 : 483) Smith (1983 : 481) and others I use situation as a cover term for both events and states 9 Vendler (1967) devised a universal four-wa y semantic distinction in situation types : 1) states ; 2) achievements ; 3) accomplishments ; and 4) activities These four types of situations correspond to major verb classes which are encoded in the verbal morphology of Bonggi In the remainder of this section, I provide a brief example of the four basic situation types using data from both English and Bonggi 9 Situations are comparable to States of affairs (e g Dik 1981 :32-36)

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7 (a) Aspect refers to wa y s in which languages mark notions such as duration, frequenc y, and completion in verbs Simpl y speaking from this standpoint aspect is a matter of the speaker's perspective or viewpoint on a situation. For example the speaker may choose to depict a situation as beginning ending continuing repeating or completed (b) Aspect refers to the inherent features of situations or verbs ; that i s whether the situation or verb is static or dynamic punctual or durative, telic or atelic This second use of the term aspect has been called situation aspect or Aktion s art 'kind of action' (from German) The distinction between (a) viewpoint aspect and (b) situation aspect (Aktionsart) is often blurred in studies on aspect. M y anal y sis of aspect in Bonggi shows that this distinction is fundamental Briefly speaking each situation type has a specific situation aspect (Aktionsart) associated with it and given an y situation type there are constraints on the viewpoint the speaker can have. That is situation types have an inherent aspect (referred to here as situation aspect) which constrains vi ewpoint aspect. I provide a brief overview of situation types which are described in detail in Chapter 2 The semantic notions which are discussed in this paper are interrelated and it is very difficult to discuss one notional category such as aspect without discussing all the other categories which interact with it and thus effect the form in which aspect is realized For example past tense is marked differentl y depending upon the situation type and which argument is selected as subj e ct Following L y ons (1977 : 483) Smith (1983 : 481) and others I use situation as a cover term for both events and states 9 Vendler (1967) devised a universal four-wa y semantic distinction in situation types : 1) states ; 2) achievements ; 3) accomplishments ; and 4) activities These four types of situations correspond to major verb classes which are encoded in the verbal morphology of Bonggi In the remainder of this section, I provide a brief example of the four basic situation types using data from both English and Bonggi 9 Situations are comparable to States of affairs (e g Dik 1981 :32-36)

PAGE 35

8 States are static situations Several sub-classes of states are elaborated in Chapter 2 Only condition states are discussed in this overview The English sentence in (1) illustrates a condition state (l) It is dry English condition states such as ( 1) are primarily realized by a form of the verb be followed by an adjectival complement. Bonggi does not have a verb comparable to English be. Instead, condition states like (1) are realized as a stative verb derived from an adjective root. 10 This is illustrated in (2) by the stative verb ngkorikng which is derived from the adjective root korikng 'dry' 11 (2) Sia ngkorikng it dry 'It is dry Achievements are nonvolitional changes of state which are inception-oriented Sentence (3) illustrates an achievement in English, while (4) illustrates the Bonggi achievement verb kimorikng which is derived from the adjective root korikng 'dry 1 1 2 (3) It became dry. (4) Sia kimorikng. it become dry 'It became dry.' Accomplishments refer to changes of state which are brought about by a volitional actor and have a final endpoint. Sentence (5) illustrates an accomplishment in English while (6) illustrates the Bonggi accomplishment verb ngorikng which is derived from the root korikng 'dry'. (5) She dries coconuts 10 States whose complement is an adjective as in (1) are often referred to as attributive clauses 11 The morphological processes resulting in the Bonggi surface forms are elaborated in Chapter 2 12 Chapter 2 describes subclasses of achievements accomplishments and activities.

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8 States are static situations Several sub-classes of states are elaborated in Chapter 2 Only condition states are discussed in this overview The English sentence in (1) illustrates a condition state (l) It is dry English condition states such as ( 1) are primarily realized by a form of the verb be followed by an adjectival complement. Bonggi does not have a verb comparable to English be. Instead, condition states like (1) are realized as a stative verb derived from an adjective root. 10 This is illustrated in (2) by the stative verb ngkorikng which is derived from the adjective root korikng 'dry' 11 (2) Sia ngkorikng it dry 'It is dry Achievements are nonvolitional changes of state which are inception-oriented Sentence (3) illustrates an achievement in English, while (4) illustrates the Bonggi achievement verb kimorikng which is derived from the adjective root korikng 'dry 1 1 2 (3) It became dry. (4) Sia kimorikng. it become dry 'It became dry.' Accomplishments refer to changes of state which are brought about by a volitional actor and have a final endpoint. Sentence (5) illustrates an accomplishment in English while (6) illustrates the Bonggi accomplishment verb ngorikng which is derived from the root korikng 'dry'. (5) She dries coconuts 10 States whose complement is an adjective as in (1) are often referred to as attributive clauses 11 The morphological processes resulting in the Bonggi surface forms are elaborated in Chapter 2 12 Chapter 2 describes subclasses of achievements accomplishments and activities.

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9 (6) Sia ngorikng piasu she dry coconut 'She dries coconuts .' Activities involve a volitional actor and are activity-oriented referring to events which often have no clear endpoint. Sentence (7) illustrates an activity in English, while (8) illustrates the Bonggi activity verb ngkapak which is derived from the root kapak 'sing (7) She sings (8) Sia ngkapa k. she sing She sings .' The Bonggi root korikng 'dry' was used to contrast states achievements and accomplishments resulting in respective surface contrasts between : ngkorikng (2) kimorikng (4) and ngorikng (6) This root can also occur unaffi x ed as illustrated in (9) (9) Bakng kiou meiti na korikng if wood dead dry 13 If wood is dead, it is dry However an activity verb cannot be derived from korikng 'dry' Thus the Bonggi data provided so far do not sufficientl y illustrate a surface contrast between activities and the other situation types 14 However there are other roots such as uru 'medicine' which can be used to derive both an activity (ngguru) and an accomplishment verb (nguru) as in (10) (10) Ama' Numpang ngguru tina robi Sia nguru n Da y a' father Numpang medicate later night he medicate NPIV Da y a 'Numpang's father is medicating people later tonight. He will medicate Daya 115 13 In this section -' is used to gloss certain grammatical morphemes which are described in Chapter 2 and not relevant to the current discussion 14 The roots korikng 'dry' and kapak 'sing' were chosen since both are /kl initial roots The initial phoneme of the root is important in determining surface contrasts in Bonggi (cf. Chapter 2) Although the pauci ty of data described in this overview ma y not convince the skeptical reader that the primary function of the verbal morphology described here is to indicate situation type detailed evidence for m y anal yi s is provided in Chapter 2 15 The medicating described b y the verbs ngguru and nguru in (10) refers to a treatment performed by a local spiritualist. Other types of medical treatment involve either a herbalist or western medicine from a clinic (cf. Boutin & Boutin 1987) Sentence (10) is from a recorded text

PAGE 38

9 (6) Sia ngorikng piasu she dry coconut 'She dries coconuts .' Activities involve a volitional actor and are activity-oriented referring to events which often have no clear endpoint. Sentence (7) illustrates an activity in English, while (8) illustrates the Bonggi activity verb ngkapak which is derived from the root kapak 'sing (7) She sings (8) Sia ngkapa k. she sing She sings .' The Bonggi root korikng 'dry' was used to contrast states achievements and accomplishments resulting in respective surface contrasts between : ngkorikng (2) kimorikng (4) and ngorikng (6) This root can also occur unaffi x ed as illustrated in (9) (9) Bakng kiou meiti na korikng if wood dead dry 13 If wood is dead, it is dry However an activity verb cannot be derived from korikng 'dry' Thus the Bonggi data provided so far do not sufficientl y illustrate a surface contrast between activities and the other situation types 14 However there are other roots such as uru 'medicine' which can be used to derive both an activity (ngguru) and an accomplishment verb (nguru) as in (10) (10) Ama' Numpang ngguru tina robi Sia nguru n Da y a' father Numpang medicate later night he medicate NPIV Da y a 'Numpang's father is medicating people later tonight. He will medicate Daya 115 13 In this section -' is used to gloss certain grammatical morphemes which are described in Chapter 2 and not relevant to the current discussion 14 The roots korikng 'dry' and kapak 'sing' were chosen since both are /kl initial roots The initial phoneme of the root is important in determining surface contrasts in Bonggi (cf. Chapter 2) Although the pauci ty of data described in this overview ma y not convince the skeptical reader that the primary function of the verbal morphology described here is to indicate situation type detailed evidence for m y anal yi s is provided in Chapter 2 15 The medicating described b y the verbs ngguru and nguru in (10) refers to a treatment performed by a local spiritualist. Other types of medical treatment involve either a herbalist or western medicine from a clinic (cf. Boutin & Boutin 1987) Sentence (10) is from a recorded text

PAGE 39

10 Dowty (1979) and Cooper (1985) state that it is sentences as a whole which belong to the various situation classes and the classes are not determined simply by the verb that the sentences contain. Thus sentences (l la) and (12a) are activities whereas sentences (l lb) and (12b) are accomplishments 16 ( 11) a She ate fish b She ate the fish (12) a She walked b She walked to the store Dowty's and Cooper's claim that situation type is not determined by the verb holds for English. For example the activity verb walked in (12a) can become an accomplishment walked to the store when a definite goal is added (cf. FVV 1984:39). In English the verb morphology of ate and walked does not change whether the y occur in activity or accomplishment situations However, this is not always the case in Bonggi as seen in (10) where the verb morphology distinguishes the activity verb (ngguru 'medicate') from the accomplishment verb (nguru 'medicate'). Some Bonggi verbs, such as the verb 'to walk' (mpanu) are lexicall y an activity verb and can occur in either activity clauses similar to (12a) or accomplishment clauses similar to (12b) However in either case the verb mpanu 'to walk' always appears with activity verb morphology, which is described in Chapter 2 Other Bonggi verbs such as the verb 'to cut down a tree' (nobokng) are lexically an accomplishment and only occur in accomplishment clauses similar to (5) and (6) Verbs which are lexically an accomplishment only occur with accomplishment verb morphology which is also described in Chapter 2 Still other Bonggi verbs such as the verb 'to move' can be lexically either an accomplishment verb in which case it occurs with accomplishment verb morphology (nguhad) or an activity verb, in which case it occurs with activity verb morphology (muhad) 16 As noted by Van Valin (1990 : 225 footnote 4), the contrast between (l la) and (l lb) cannot be reduced to the presence or absence of articles

PAGE 40

10 Dowty (1979) and Cooper (1985) state that it is sentences as a whole which belong to the various situation classes and the classes are not determined simply by the verb that the sentences contain. Thus sentences (l la) and (12a) are activities whereas sentences (l lb) and (12b) are accomplishments 16 ( 11) a She ate fish b She ate the fish (12) a She walked b She walked to the store Dowty's and Cooper's claim that situation type is not determined by the verb holds for English. For example the activity verb walked in (12a) can become an accomplishment walked to the store when a definite goal is added (cf. FVV 1984:39). In English the verb morphology of ate and walked does not change whether the y occur in activity or accomplishment situations However, this is not always the case in Bonggi as seen in (10) where the verb morphology distinguishes the activity verb (ngguru 'medicate') from the accomplishment verb (nguru 'medicate'). Some Bonggi verbs, such as the verb 'to walk' (mpanu) are lexicall y an activity verb and can occur in either activity clauses similar to (12a) or accomplishment clauses similar to (12b) However in either case the verb mpanu 'to walk' always appears with activity verb morphology, which is described in Chapter 2 Other Bonggi verbs such as the verb 'to cut down a tree' (nobokng) are lexically an accomplishment and only occur in accomplishment clauses similar to (5) and (6) Verbs which are lexically an accomplishment only occur with accomplishment verb morphology which is also described in Chapter 2 Still other Bonggi verbs such as the verb 'to move' can be lexically either an accomplishment verb in which case it occurs with accomplishment verb morphology (nguhad) or an activity verb, in which case it occurs with activity verb morphology (muhad) 16 As noted by Van Valin (1990 : 225 footnote 4), the contrast between (l la) and (l lb) cannot be reduced to the presence or absence of articles

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11 In Bonggi the verbal morphology distinguishes whether a verb is lexically an activity or an accomplishment regardless of the presence or absence of verbal arguments or adjuncts In fact one of the primary functions of verbal morphology in Bonggi is to indicate the lexical situation type This means that situation types are much more transparent in Bonggi than in English, and that contrary to Dowty's and Cooper's claim verbs can determine the situation type at least lexically in some languages As stated earlier the four-way distinction in situation type corresponds to major verb classes : 1) states; 2) achievements ; 3) accomplishments ; and 4) activities A number of semantic features can be used to delimit the four different situation types and the corresponding verb classes Some semantic features such as dyoamicity are associated with aspect while others such as the thematic role of the argument(s) are less directly relevant to aspect. In fact, certain aspectual features such as dynamicity are essential in the classification of verbs It is in this sense that Dowty uses aspect to distinguish the inherent meaning of verbs (Dowty 1979 : 52) Table 1 1 characterizes the salient aspectual features which distinguish the four situation types Table 1. 1: Salient aspectual features of the four situation types 17 state achievement activity accomplishment dynamic + + + telic + + causative + 17 The absence of'+' or'-' means that the feature is not relevant to the situation type

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11 In Bonggi the verbal morphology distinguishes whether a verb is lexically an activity or an accomplishment regardless of the presence or absence of verbal arguments or adjuncts In fact one of the primary functions of verbal morphology in Bonggi is to indicate the lexical situation type This means that situation types are much more transparent in Bonggi than in English, and that contrary to Dowty's and Cooper's claim verbs can determine the situation type at least lexically in some languages As stated earlier the four-way distinction in situation type corresponds to major verb classes : 1) states; 2) achievements ; 3) accomplishments ; and 4) activities A number of semantic features can be used to delimit the four different situation types and the corresponding verb classes Some semantic features such as dyoamicity are associated with aspect while others such as the thematic role of the argument(s) are less directly relevant to aspect. In fact, certain aspectual features such as dynamicity are essential in the classification of verbs It is in this sense that Dowty uses aspect to distinguish the inherent meaning of verbs (Dowty 1979 : 52) Table 1 1 characterizes the salient aspectual features which distinguish the four situation types Table 1. 1: Salient aspectual features of the four situation types 17 state achievement activity accomplishment dynamic + + + telic + + causative + 17 The absence of'+' or'-' means that the feature is not relevant to the situation type

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12 Situation is a cover-term for states and events. In terms of the typology of situations presented above events include achievements, activities and accomplishments States are static and do not involve change over time while events are dynamic and involve change (cf. Chung & Timberlake 1985:214). A situation which is telic has an endpoint or definite limits Only events not states can be telic. Telicity is often described in terms of the boundedness of events. Achievements and accomplishments are telic or endpoint-oriented whereas activities are atelic and activity-oriented Accomplishments have a causal predicate whereas achievements and activities do not. The caual predicate links an activity to a resultig achievement (cf. .4) Thus the feature causative distinguishes accomplishments from other events Duration is an aspectual feature which is sometimes used to delimit situation types That is some situations are punctual (momentary) while others are durative However duration is not a salient aspectual feature of situations in Bonggi States by definition are durative and this is reflected within the feature dynamism. Achievement and accomplishment verbs are not limited to punctual situations or to situations of short duration (e g. (4) (6)). Some verbs can be viewed as inherently punctual (e g. break) whereas others are inherently durative (e g. soften) but this distinction is not encoded in Bonggi Chapter 3 provides evidence that there are durative and punctual verbs of the same situation type. Thus, for each of the four situation types there are corresponding aspectual features which are referred to as situation aspect (Aktionsart) The aspectual features in Table 1 1 are not language particular Although reference was made to duration as a possible situation aspect feature the three features provided in Table 1 1 are sufficient to delimit the four situation types and they are considered universal situation aspect features Van Valin (1993 : 34) refers to the four situation types (states achievements activities and accomplishments) as Aktionsart classes. His use of the term Aktionsart varies from the traditional use of the term where Aktionsart refers to the inherent aspectual meaning of a verb (Dahl 1985 : 26). On the other hand, the term aspect is traditionally a strictly grammatical category. I use

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12 Situation is a cover-term for states and events. In terms of the typology of situations presented above events include achievements, activities and accomplishments States are static and do not involve change over time while events are dynamic and involve change (cf. Chung & Timberlake 1985:214). A situation which is telic has an endpoint or definite limits Only events not states can be telic. Telicity is often described in terms of the boundedness of events. Achievements and accomplishments are telic or endpoint-oriented whereas activities are atelic and activity-oriented Accomplishments have a causal predicate whereas achievements and activities do not. The caual predicate links an activity to a resultig achievement (cf. .4) Thus the feature causative distinguishes accomplishments from other events Duration is an aspectual feature which is sometimes used to delimit situation types That is some situations are punctual (momentary) while others are durative However duration is not a salient aspectual feature of situations in Bonggi States by definition are durative and this is reflected within the feature dynamism. Achievement and accomplishment verbs are not limited to punctual situations or to situations of short duration (e g. (4) (6)). Some verbs can be viewed as inherently punctual (e g. break) whereas others are inherently durative (e g. soften) but this distinction is not encoded in Bonggi Chapter 3 provides evidence that there are durative and punctual verbs of the same situation type. Thus, for each of the four situation types there are corresponding aspectual features which are referred to as situation aspect (Aktionsart) The aspectual features in Table 1 1 are not language particular Although reference was made to duration as a possible situation aspect feature the three features provided in Table 1 1 are sufficient to delimit the four situation types and they are considered universal situation aspect features Van Valin (1993 : 34) refers to the four situation types (states achievements activities and accomplishments) as Aktionsart classes. His use of the term Aktionsart varies from the traditional use of the term where Aktionsart refers to the inherent aspectual meaning of a verb (Dahl 1985 : 26). On the other hand, the term aspect is traditionally a strictly grammatical category. I use

PAGE 45

13 the tenns situation aspect and Aktionsart synonymously to refer to the salient aspectual features found in Table 1.1 which distinguish the different situation types in Bonggi ......... One property of aspect is that the same concepts are relevant at different levels (Chung & Timberlake 1985 : 214) For example telecity is not only important for differentiating situation types but also for constraining the way in which situations can be viewed Situations can be viewed from different points in order to highlight different phases of the situation For instance, the situation described in (5) can be viewed from an iterative perspective as shown in (13) or an inceptive perspective as shown in (14) (13) He always breaks the seal. (14) He started to break the seal. The viewpoint(s) available for referring to a particular type of situation depends upon the properties of that situation (Smith 1983:491) For example the stative situation described in (1) cannot be viewed from an inceptive perspective as in (15) (15) *He started to be tall. Viewpoint possibilities reflect aspectual characteristics at the sentence level and are described in terms of viewpoint aspect. In Bonggi viewpoint aspect is often encoded in aspectual words which are part of the verb phrase Viewpoint aspect is constrained by situation type Thus while the accomplishment situation described in (6) can occur with continuous viewpoint aspect which is marked by kahal 'still' as in (16) achievement situations such as that in (4) are not compatible with continuous viewpoint aspect. ( 16) Sia kahal ngorikng piasu she still dry coconut 'She still dries coconuts One difference between situation aspect and viewpoint aspect is a distinction in formal expression Situ tion aspect correlates with situation type which is formally expressed by the verb morphology On the other hand viewpoint aspect is expressed by either verb morphology as in the use of meg'frequentative' in (17), or periphrasis, as in the use of kahal 'still' in (16)

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13 the tenns situation aspect and Aktionsart synonymously to refer to the salient aspectual features found in Table 1.1 which distinguish the different situation types in Bonggi ......... One property of aspect is that the same concepts are relevant at different levels (Chung & Timberlake 1985 : 214) For example telecity is not only important for differentiating situation types but also for constraining the way in which situations can be viewed Situations can be viewed from different points in order to highlight different phases of the situation For instance, the situation described in (5) can be viewed from an iterative perspective as shown in (13) or an inceptive perspective as shown in (14) (13) He always breaks the seal. (14) He started to break the seal. The viewpoint(s) available for referring to a particular type of situation depends upon the properties of that situation (Smith 1983:491) For example the stative situation described in (1) cannot be viewed from an inceptive perspective as in (15) (15) *He started to be tall. Viewpoint possibilities reflect aspectual characteristics at the sentence level and are described in terms of viewpoint aspect. In Bonggi viewpoint aspect is often encoded in aspectual words which are part of the verb phrase Viewpoint aspect is constrained by situation type Thus while the accomplishment situation described in (6) can occur with continuous viewpoint aspect which is marked by kahal 'still' as in (16) achievement situations such as that in (4) are not compatible with continuous viewpoint aspect. ( 16) Sia kahal ngorikng piasu she still dry coconut 'She still dries coconuts One difference between situation aspect and viewpoint aspect is a distinction in formal expression Situ tion aspect correlates with situation type which is formally expressed by the verb morphology On the other hand viewpoint aspect is expressed by either verb morphology as in the use of meg'frequentative' in (17), or periphrasis, as in the use of kahal 'still' in (16)

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(17) Sia pandi meg-meikap. she know DIS-make up 'She uses make up all the time.' 14 Although situation aspect and viewpoint aspect can both be expressed by derivational verb morphology, they are in complementary distribution in terms of the affixes employed. Other correlations between formal expression and aspectual type are explored in Chapter 3 These include the use of partial reduplication of verb roots to express continuous (durative) activity and full reduplication of verb roots to express iterative activity. Chapter 3 also shows that some aspectual notions must be studied outside the verb system in the adverbials ; for example habituals -The conceptual framework for this study of aspect draws on the work of Carlota Smith ( 1991) and Role and Reference Grammar. The major influence of Smith on my thinking is the distinction between viewpoint and situation aspect (Aktionsart) The major points of difference between Smith and me are : ( 1) her view of aspect is sentential whereas my own view is that aspect is not strictly sententially governed; and (2) whereas Smith claims that viewpoint aspect is generally indicated morphologically and situation aspect (Aktionsart) is generally indicated syntactically, I show that situation aspect in Bonggi is indicated morphologically and viewpoint aspect is indicated morphosyntactically suggesting that her claim is premature and based on insufficient data My approach to the study of aspect focuses on overt grammatical forms as well as semantic features of aspect. The data sources for this dissertation are a working dictionary (3 200+ roots with multiple forms) recorded and transcribed texts (200+ pages, including glosses) and field notes which my wife Alanna and I collected in Sabah between November 1982 and May 1992 18 18 My wife and I had a house in Limbuak Darat on Banggi Island between November 1982 and December 1985. During that period, about 60% of our time was spent in Limbuak Darat and 40% in the city of Kota Kinabalu on the mainland Afterwards we resided in the United States from April 1986 July 1987 Upon returning to Malaysia we had a house in Palak Darat from November 1987 to April 1992 During that period about 40% of our time was spent in the village of Palak Darat and 60% in the city ofKota Kinabalu Although Kota Kinabalu is outside of the language area in which Bonggi is spoken, we almost always had Bonggi speakers living with us whenever we were outside the village between August 1987 and May 1992.

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(17) Sia pandi meg-meikap. she know DIS-make up 'She uses make up all the time.' 14 Although situation aspect and viewpoint aspect can both be expressed by derivational verb morphology, they are in complementary distribution in terms of the affixes employed. Other correlations between formal expression and aspectual type are explored in Chapter 3 These include the use of partial reduplication of verb roots to express continuous (durative) activity and full reduplication of verb roots to express iterative activity. Chapter 3 also shows that some aspectual notions must be studied outside the verb system in the adverbials ; for example habituals -The conceptual framework for this study of aspect draws on the work of Carlota Smith ( 1991) and Role and Reference Grammar. The major influence of Smith on my thinking is the distinction between viewpoint and situation aspect (Aktionsart) The major points of difference between Smith and me are : ( 1) her view of aspect is sentential whereas my own view is that aspect is not strictly sententially governed; and (2) whereas Smith claims that viewpoint aspect is generally indicated morphologically and situation aspect (Aktionsart) is generally indicated syntactically, I show that situation aspect in Bonggi is indicated morphologically and viewpoint aspect is indicated morphosyntactically suggesting that her claim is premature and based on insufficient data My approach to the study of aspect focuses on overt grammatical forms as well as semantic features of aspect. The data sources for this dissertation are a working dictionary (3 200+ roots with multiple forms) recorded and transcribed texts (200+ pages, including glosses) and field notes which my wife Alanna and I collected in Sabah between November 1982 and May 1992 18 18 My wife and I had a house in Limbuak Darat on Banggi Island between November 1982 and December 1985. During that period, about 60% of our time was spent in Limbuak Darat and 40% in the city of Kota Kinabalu on the mainland Afterwards we resided in the United States from April 1986 July 1987 Upon returning to Malaysia we had a house in Palak Darat from November 1987 to April 1992 During that period about 40% of our time was spent in the village of Palak Darat and 60% in the city ofKota Kinabalu Although Kota Kinabalu is outside of the language area in which Bonggi is spoken, we almost always had Bonggi speakers living with us whenever we were outside the village between August 1987 and May 1992.

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/ / 15 Although much of the data presented is from texts I have not excluded other types of data, including elicited verb paradigms The theoretical model used for discussing aspect in Bonggi is Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) as described b y Robert Van Valin Jr. editor (1993). From the perspective of RRG situation aspect results from inherent properties of situations which are defined in terms of lexical semantics ; on the other hand, viewpoint aspect is treated as an operator over the clause nucleus Before discussing Bonggi from the perspective ofRRG (cf. Chapter 2) the remainder of this chapter provides a brief overview of some of the linguistic features found in Bonggi 1 3 Basic Descriptive Sketch of Bonggi 1.3 1. Simple Clauses In terms of common word-order typology Bonggi is a SVO language Basic word-order in simple transitive clauses with two arguments is SVO as illustrated in (18) (19) (20) (21) and (22) 19 (18) (19) (20) s V 0 Ou n g -atad d i ha. I AS-take y ou 'I take y ou there ,20 s V 0 Sia ng-atad diaadn. he AS-take me 'HE takes me there s V 0 Ou etad-adn n y a I take-US him 'I am taken there b y him 19 This brief overvie w of clauses onl y includes simple transitive verbal clauses Chapter 2 distinguishes transitive and intransitive clauses as well as verbal and nonverbal clauses and provides a more detailed anal y sis 20 Toe subject of the sentence is capitalized in the free translation

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/ / 15 Although much of the data presented is from texts I have not excluded other types of data, including elicited verb paradigms The theoretical model used for discussing aspect in Bonggi is Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) as described b y Robert Van Valin Jr. editor (1993). From the perspective of RRG situation aspect results from inherent properties of situations which are defined in terms of lexical semantics ; on the other hand, viewpoint aspect is treated as an operator over the clause nucleus Before discussing Bonggi from the perspective ofRRG (cf. Chapter 2) the remainder of this chapter provides a brief overview of some of the linguistic features found in Bonggi 1 3 Basic Descriptive Sketch of Bonggi 1.3 1. Simple Clauses In terms of common word-order typology Bonggi is a SVO language Basic word-order in simple transitive clauses with two arguments is SVO as illustrated in (18) (19) (20) (21) and (22) 19 (18) (19) (20) s V 0 Ou n g -atad d i ha. I AS-take y ou 'I take y ou there ,20 s V 0 Sia ng-atad diaadn. he AS-take me 'HE takes me there s V 0 Ou etad-adn n y a I take-US him 'I am taken there b y him 19 This brief overvie w of clauses onl y includes simple transitive verbal clauses Chapter 2 distinguishes transitive and intransitive clauses as well as verbal and nonverbal clauses and provides a more detailed anal y sis 20 Toe subject of the sentence is capitalized in the free translation

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(21) s V 0 Sia ng-atad siidn ku dii he AS-take mone y m y to 'HE takes m y mone y to me (22) S V 0 Stidn etad-adn ku dii diha mone y take-US me to you 'MONEY is taken to y ou b y me.' 16 diaadn. me Actor and undergoer are the two primary arguments of a transitive predicate either one of which may be the subject. Actor refers to the entity which instigates or controls the action expressed by the verb Undergoer refers to the entity affected b y the action or state e x pressed by the verb For example the subject is an actor in (18) (19) and (21) whereas the subject is an undergoer in (20) and (22). One NP in every verbal clause is indexed b y the morphology of the verb Within Philippine linguistics the indexed NP has been called various names including: subject topic focus pivot and trigger. Although I use the term 'subject' in this overview the term pivot is used in the remaining chapters in keeping with the theoretical framework described in Chapter 2 Also within Philippine linguistics the role of the verb morphology is usuall y considered as encoding the semantic role of the indexed NP (or subject) Although I argue later that encoding the semantic role of the subject is not the primary function of verbal morphology in Bonggi for ease of e x position in this overview, I have glossed the grammatical morphemes above as 'AS' (actor subject) and 'US' (undergoer subject) to indicate the primary semantic function of the subject. In (22) the undergoer (siidn 'mone y ') is subject and the actor (ku 'me') is labeled as O' (object). Note that the actor is not marked as an oblique argument in (22) as in English passives where the agent is marked with the preposition by This raises an interesting question regarding the syntactic status of the actor in Bonggi 21 If we avoid the typological parameter 'O' word order in simple Bonggi clauses is : Subject Verb Nonsubject core argument. 21This question is briefl y addressed below

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(21) s V 0 Sia ng-atad siidn ku dii he AS-take mone y m y to 'HE takes m y mone y to me (22) S V 0 Stidn etad-adn ku dii diha mone y take-US me to you 'MONEY is taken to y ou b y me.' 16 diaadn. me Actor and undergoer are the two primary arguments of a transitive predicate either one of which may be the subject. Actor refers to the entity which instigates or controls the action expressed by the verb Undergoer refers to the entity affected b y the action or state e x pressed by the verb For example the subject is an actor in (18) (19) and (21) whereas the subject is an undergoer in (20) and (22). One NP in every verbal clause is indexed b y the morphology of the verb Within Philippine linguistics the indexed NP has been called various names including: subject topic focus pivot and trigger. Although I use the term 'subject' in this overview the term pivot is used in the remaining chapters in keeping with the theoretical framework described in Chapter 2 Also within Philippine linguistics the role of the verb morphology is usuall y considered as encoding the semantic role of the indexed NP (or subject) Although I argue later that encoding the semantic role of the subject is not the primary function of verbal morphology in Bonggi for ease of e x position in this overview, I have glossed the grammatical morphemes above as 'AS' (actor subject) and 'US' (undergoer subject) to indicate the primary semantic function of the subject. In (22) the undergoer (siidn 'mone y ') is subject and the actor (ku 'me') is labeled as O' (object). Note that the actor is not marked as an oblique argument in (22) as in English passives where the agent is marked with the preposition by This raises an interesting question regarding the syntactic status of the actor in Bonggi 21 If we avoid the typological parameter 'O' word order in simple Bonggi clauses is : Subject Verb Nonsubject core argument. 21This question is briefl y addressed below

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17 There are three partiall y distinct sets of personal pronouns which are referred to as nominative accusative and genitive case pronouns Table 1.2 contrasts the three sets of pronouns in Bonggi Table 1.2 : Bonggi Pronouns NOMINATIVE GENITIVE ACCUSATIVE lsinirular OU ku diaadn ldual kita ta dihita 1 plural-inclusive kiti ti dihiti 1 plural-e x clus i ve ihi rm dihi 2sinirular aha nu diha 2plural uhu nyu dihu 3sinirular Sia n v a n y a22 3 plural sigelama sigelama sigelama Nominative case pronouns occur as subjects (e g ou 'I' in (18) and (20) and sia 'he/she' in (19) and (21)) Genitive case pronouns occur as the possessor in possessive NPs (e g ku 'm y in (21)) and nonsubject actor (e g ku 'me' in (22)). Accusative case pronouns occur as nonsubject undergoer (e g diha y ou' in (18) diaadn 'me' in (19) and n y a 'him' in (20)) and following certain oblique markers such as dii 'to' (e g diaadn 'me' in (21) and diha y ou' in (22)) Bonggi does not have a pronominal dative case form, but expresses the notion of indirect object using prepostions (e g dii 'to' in (21)) 22 Toe contrast between 3s genitive and accusative case pronouns is neutralized as n y a and there is no contrast in case in third person plural sigelama

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17 There are three partiall y distinct sets of personal pronouns which are referred to as nominative accusative and genitive case pronouns Table 1.2 contrasts the three sets of pronouns in Bonggi Table 1.2 : Bonggi Pronouns NOMINATIVE GENITIVE ACCUSATIVE lsinirular OU ku diaadn ldual kita ta dihita 1 plural-inclusive kiti ti dihiti 1 plural-e x clus i ve ihi rm dihi 2sinirular aha nu diha 2plural uhu nyu dihu 3sinirular Sia n v a n y a22 3 plural sigelama sigelama sigelama Nominative case pronouns occur as subjects (e g ou 'I' in (18) and (20) and sia 'he/she' in (19) and (21)) Genitive case pronouns occur as the possessor in possessive NPs (e g ku 'm y in (21)) and nonsubject actor (e g ku 'me' in (22)). Accusative case pronouns occur as nonsubject undergoer (e g diha y ou' in (18) diaadn 'me' in (19) and n y a 'him' in (20)) and following certain oblique markers such as dii 'to' (e g diaadn 'me' in (21) and diha y ou' in (22)) Bonggi does not have a pronominal dative case form, but expresses the notion of indirect object using prepostions (e g dii 'to' in (21)) 22 Toe contrast between 3s genitive and accusative case pronouns is neutralized as n y a and there is no contrast in case in third person plural sigelama

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18 Bonggi is a nominative-accusative language with the grammatical subject being in the nominative case. Every Bonggi verbal clause contains one and onl y one nominative argument. The nominative argument can be either an actor (e.g ou 'I' in (18) and sia 'he/she' in (19) and (21)) or an undergoer (e g ou 'I' in (20)) 23 Sentences such as (20) and (22) are different from passives in English Like English passives the undergoer is the subject (e g. siidn 'money in (22)) ; however unlike in English, the actor (e.g. ku 'me' in (22)) is not marked as an oblique argument. The syntactic status of arguments like ku 'me' in (22) has been widely debated for Philippine-type languages with the primary question being the argument status of these agents. 24 According to Bell (1983) nonsubject agents are nonterms (nonarguments) while Kroeger (1992a) claims they are always terms (arguments) RRG also takes the position that they are terms (cf. Chapter 4) At any rate in the active voice as in (18), (19) and (21) the verb root atad 'take' has two direct core arguments ; one the actor occurring in the nominative case and the other the undergoer occurring in the accusative case Direct core arguments are defined as arguments which are not preceded by a preposition (oblique case marker) ; for example diaadn 'me' in (19) is a direct core argument. Although every verbal clause has a nominative argument it may not be realized due to ellipsis, as in (23) (cf. (22)) (23) Etad-adn ku gulu take-US me first 'IT is taken there by me first.' Ellipsis of the subject as in (23) is common in Bonggi In fact in many instances especially imperative clauses both core arguments are elided as in (24) 25 23 Common nouns such as siidn 'money' in (22) are not case marked (cf. below) 24 Some people have argued that constructions like (22) are nominal not verbal since the agent is treated in the same way as the owner in possessive NPs. See Dahl (1984) for an argument against this nominal construction position One argument against the nominal hypothesis is that the verbal element in constructions like (22) can be inflected for tense 25 Cf. English, where the subject of transitive clauses but not the object is elided in imperatives

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18 Bonggi is a nominative-accusative language with the grammatical subject being in the nominative case. Every Bonggi verbal clause contains one and onl y one nominative argument. The nominative argument can be either an actor (e.g ou 'I' in (18) and sia 'he/she' in (19) and (21)) or an undergoer (e g ou 'I' in (20)) 23 Sentences such as (20) and (22) are different from passives in English Like English passives the undergoer is the subject (e g. siidn 'money in (22)) ; however unlike in English, the actor (e.g. ku 'me' in (22)) is not marked as an oblique argument. The syntactic status of arguments like ku 'me' in (22) has been widely debated for Philippine-type languages with the primary question being the argument status of these agents. 24 According to Bell (1983) nonsubject agents are nonterms (nonarguments) while Kroeger (1992a) claims they are always terms (arguments) RRG also takes the position that they are terms (cf. Chapter 4) At any rate in the active voice as in (18), (19) and (21) the verb root atad 'take' has two direct core arguments ; one the actor occurring in the nominative case and the other the undergoer occurring in the accusative case Direct core arguments are defined as arguments which are not preceded by a preposition (oblique case marker) ; for example diaadn 'me' in (19) is a direct core argument. Although every verbal clause has a nominative argument it may not be realized due to ellipsis, as in (23) (cf. (22)) (23) Etad-adn ku gulu take-US me first 'IT is taken there by me first.' Ellipsis of the subject as in (23) is common in Bonggi In fact in many instances especially imperative clauses both core arguments are elided as in (24) 25 23 Common nouns such as siidn 'money' in (22) are not case marked (cf. below) 24 Some people have argued that constructions like (22) are nominal not verbal since the agent is treated in the same way as the owner in possessive NPs. See Dahl (1984) for an argument against this nominal construction position One argument against the nominal hypothesis is that the verbal element in constructions like (22) can be inflected for tense 25 Cf. English, where the subject of transitive clauses but not the object is elided in imperatives

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(24) Etad-a' ba! take-IMP US EMPH 'Take IT there! 19 The semantic role of the nominative argument can be determined from the verbal affixation Thus the verb affix functions like a placeholder for the subject nominal For example the suffix a' in (24) indicates imperative mood and that the subject is the undergoer in this case 'the thing being taken' Besides the morphological distinctions described for pronouns Bonggi distinguishes personal names and common nouns Common nouns which are direct core arguments are not case marked Instead, word-order is used to encode the syntactic function subject. In (25) the common nouns ama' 'father' and siidn 'mone y are not marked because the y are direct core arguments but the common noun indu' 'mother' is marked b y dii 'to' indicating that it is an oblique argument. (25) Arna' n y a ng-atad siidn dii indu' nya father her AS-take money to mother her 'HER FATHER takes money to her mother In (26) Butak is preceded b y si indicating that Butak is a personal name and the clause subject ; Tagi is preceded b y ni (realized as [n]) indicating that Tagi is a personal name and nonsubject. 26 (26) Si Butak ng-atad siidn dii n Tagi. PN Butak AS-take mone y to NPN Tagi 'BUTAK takes mone y to Tagi Si marks nouns as both personal names and clause subject. 27 Thus one function of si is to mark nominative case. Ho w ever ni is not a case marker because d i i 'to' (an oblique marker) 26 The grammatical markers si and ni have phonologicall y conditioned variants. Si and ni do not occur with names beginning with Isl Ni is reduced to [n] before names beginning with It/ or Id/ ; it is reduced to [ aj before names beginning with a vowel ; and it is reduced to [i] elsewhere

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(24) Etad-a' ba! take-IMP US EMPH 'Take IT there! 19 The semantic role of the nominative argument can be determined from the verbal affixation Thus the verb affix functions like a placeholder for the subject nominal For example the suffix a' in (24) indicates imperative mood and that the subject is the undergoer in this case 'the thing being taken' Besides the morphological distinctions described for pronouns Bonggi distinguishes personal names and common nouns Common nouns which are direct core arguments are not case marked Instead, word-order is used to encode the syntactic function subject. In (25) the common nouns ama' 'father' and siidn 'mone y are not marked because the y are direct core arguments but the common noun indu' 'mother' is marked b y dii 'to' indicating that it is an oblique argument. (25) Arna' n y a ng-atad siidn dii indu' nya father her AS-take money to mother her 'HER FATHER takes money to her mother In (26) Butak is preceded b y si indicating that Butak is a personal name and the clause subject ; Tagi is preceded b y ni (realized as [n]) indicating that Tagi is a personal name and nonsubject. 26 (26) Si Butak ng-atad siidn dii n Tagi. PN Butak AS-take mone y to NPN Tagi 'BUTAK takes mone y to Tagi Si marks nouns as both personal names and clause subject. 27 Thus one function of si is to mark nominative case. Ho w ever ni is not a case marker because d i i 'to' (an oblique marker) 26 The grammatical markers si and ni have phonologicall y conditioned variants. Si and ni do not occur with names beginning with Isl Ni is reduced to [n] before names beginning with It/ or Id/ ; it is reduced to [ aj before names beginning with a vowel ; and it is reduced to [i] elsewhere

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20 governs the case of Tagi in (26) Furthermore, ni can occur with accusative case nouns (e.g. Tagi in (27)) and genitive case nouns (e.g Tagi in (28)) (27) Si Butak ng-atad n Tagi PIV Butak AS-take NPIV Tagi 'BUTAK takes Tagi there (28) Si Butak ng-atad siidn n Tagi PIV Butak AS-take money NPIV Tagi 'BUTAK takes Tagi's money there The use of word-order instead of case-marking with common nouns to encode the syntactic function subject is illustrated in (29) where the subject precedes the verb and the nonsubject core argument follows the verb This contrasts with most Philippine-type languages including the languages of Sabah which tend to be verb-initial and whose nominal forms are generally marked by prepositional particles (Shibatani 1988 : 88) However, verb-medial languages like Bonggi do not typically have case markings on NPs to establish their grammatical relations ; instead, the grammatical relations are signalled with word-order (cf. Bybee, et al (1990 : 15)) (29) Asu nya bas na ng-ohol asu ku dog his PST PFT AS-bite dog my 'HIS DOG bit my dog To summarize the subject is the prominent nominal in a clause. In Bonggi, subject NPs are marked in one of three ways: (a) by the special particle si for personal names and nominals which are treated like personal names (cf. footnote 27), (b) by nominative case pronouns, or (c) by word order All three of these techniques for indicating the clause subject (i.e. the prominent nominal) mask the semantic role of the subject NP. The subject depends on the verbal affix for its semantic 27 Nicknames, death-names teknonyms the indefinite reference term anu 'so-and-so', and certain kinship terms are treated morphosyntactically as personal names (Boutin 1991b). For example the kinship terms ama' 'father' and indu' 'mother' in (25) are marked as personal names when the speaker is referring to his/her own parents as in (i). (i) Si ama' ngatad siidn dii ny indu' PIV father take money to NPIV mother 'FATHER takes money to mother.'

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20 governs the case of Tagi in (26) Furthermore, ni can occur with accusative case nouns (e.g. Tagi in (27)) and genitive case nouns (e.g Tagi in (28)) (27) Si Butak ng-atad n Tagi PIV Butak AS-take NPIV Tagi 'BUTAK takes Tagi there (28) Si Butak ng-atad siidn n Tagi PIV Butak AS-take money NPIV Tagi 'BUTAK takes Tagi's money there The use of word-order instead of case-marking with common nouns to encode the syntactic function subject is illustrated in (29) where the subject precedes the verb and the nonsubject core argument follows the verb This contrasts with most Philippine-type languages including the languages of Sabah which tend to be verb-initial and whose nominal forms are generally marked by prepositional particles (Shibatani 1988 : 88) However, verb-medial languages like Bonggi do not typically have case markings on NPs to establish their grammatical relations ; instead, the grammatical relations are signalled with word-order (cf. Bybee, et al (1990 : 15)) (29) Asu nya bas na ng-ohol asu ku dog his PST PFT AS-bite dog my 'HIS DOG bit my dog To summarize the subject is the prominent nominal in a clause. In Bonggi, subject NPs are marked in one of three ways: (a) by the special particle si for personal names and nominals which are treated like personal names (cf. footnote 27), (b) by nominative case pronouns, or (c) by word order All three of these techniques for indicating the clause subject (i.e. the prominent nominal) mask the semantic role of the subject NP. The subject depends on the verbal affix for its semantic 27 Nicknames, death-names teknonyms the indefinite reference term anu 'so-and-so', and certain kinship terms are treated morphosyntactically as personal names (Boutin 1991b). For example the kinship terms ama' 'father' and indu' 'mother' in (25) are marked as personal names when the speaker is referring to his/her own parents as in (i). (i) Si ama' ngatad siidn dii ny indu' PIV father take money to NPIV mother 'FATHER takes money to mother.'

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21 role If word-order is included as a form of marking, subjects are marked twice : once on the verb to indicate the semantic role of the subject and once on the subject argument (by either si or a nominative case pronoun, or word-order). The different nominal categories show different degrees of merger in form Personal pronouns have three surface forms with accusative case and oblique NPs distinguished on the basis of the presence or absence of an oblique marker. However personal names have two surface forms and common nouns have onl y one surface form with oblique arguments in each instance being distinguished b y an oblique marker. The different forms of each nominal category are illustrated in Table 1.3. Table 1.3 : Nominal arguments Direct core Noncore Subject Nonsubiect Actor NonActor Nominative Genitive Accusative Oblique NP Possessive NP Personal OU 'I' ku 'me' diaadn 'me' dii diaadn koon ku 'my food' pronouns 'to me' Personal si Tagi n Tagi n Tagi dii n Tagi 'to koon n Tagi names 'Tagi' 'Tagi' 'Ta,gi' Ta,gi' 'Ta,gi's food' Common asu 'dog' asu 'dog' asu 'dog' dii asu koon asu nouns 'to (a) dog' '(a) dog's food' Table 1.3 sho w s that: (a) oblique NPs are alwa y s marked b y prepositions ; (b) in possessive NPs, the possessor always follows the possessed item ; (c) the distinction between nonsubject actors and nonsubject nonactors onl y exists for pronominal NPs ; and (d) direct core arguments (subject and nonsubject) are distinguished on the basis of case if the y are pronominal b y the choice of si versus ni if the y are personal names and b y word-order otherwise

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21 role If word-order is included as a form of marking, subjects are marked twice : once on the verb to indicate the semantic role of the subject and once on the subject argument (by either si or a nominative case pronoun, or word-order). The different nominal categories show different degrees of merger in form Personal pronouns have three surface forms with accusative case and oblique NPs distinguished on the basis of the presence or absence of an oblique marker. However personal names have two surface forms and common nouns have onl y one surface form with oblique arguments in each instance being distinguished b y an oblique marker. The different forms of each nominal category are illustrated in Table 1.3. Table 1.3 : Nominal arguments Direct core Noncore Subject Nonsubiect Actor NonActor Nominative Genitive Accusative Oblique NP Possessive NP Personal OU 'I' ku 'me' diaadn 'me' dii diaadn koon ku 'my food' pronouns 'to me' Personal si Tagi n Tagi n Tagi dii n Tagi 'to koon n Tagi names 'Tagi' 'Tagi' 'Ta,gi' Ta,gi' 'Ta,gi's food' Common asu 'dog' asu 'dog' asu 'dog' dii asu koon asu nouns 'to (a) dog' '(a) dog's food' Table 1.3 sho w s that: (a) oblique NPs are alwa y s marked b y prepositions ; (b) in possessive NPs, the possessor always follows the possessed item ; (c) the distinction between nonsubject actors and nonsubject nonactors onl y exists for pronominal NPs ; and (d) direct core arguments (subject and nonsubject) are distinguished on the basis of case if the y are pronominal b y the choice of si versus ni if the y are personal names and b y word-order otherwise

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22 In the transitive clauses illustrated by (18) (29) all of the nonsubject direct core arguments are either actors or undergoers However this is not alwa y s the case ; that is nonsubject direct core arguments are not necessaril y actors or undergoers For instance clauses which are traditionall y described as dative-shift constructions have two nonsubject direct core arguments but onl y one is an undergoer. Sentence (30) illustrates the ditransiti v e predicate mori 'give in a clause without dative-shift and (31) illustrates the same v erb in a clause with dati v e-shift There are two nonsubject direct core arguments in (31) but onl y one dia a dn 'me' is an undergoer. (30) Sia m-ori siidn dii diaadn PIV AS-give mone y to me 'SHE gives mone y to me .' (31) Sia m-or i diaadn si idn PIV AS-give me mone y 'SHE gives me mone y Chapter 2 describes certain intransiti v e clauses that ha v e direct core syntactic arguments which are neither actors nor undergoers. According to case-marking principles in Van Valin (1990 : 241) the default case for direct core arguments which are neither actor or undergoer is dative However as shown in Table 1.3 Bonggi does not have unique dative case forms ; instead all nonsubject direct core arguments which are not actors occur in accusative case. 1.3 2 Simple Nominal Phrases The head of nominal phrases is either a pronoun or a noun Pronominal heads are either personal pronouns (as shown in Table 1.2) or demonstrative pronouns Noun heads can be simple nouns such as apu' 'grandfather' in (32) compound nouns such as apu'-odu' 'ancestors' in (33) and personal names such as Butak in (34) (cf. (28)) (32) apu' nya grandfather her 'her grandfather' (33) apu -odu' n y a ancestors her 'her ancestors'

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22 In the transitive clauses illustrated by (18) (29) all of the nonsubject direct core arguments are either actors or undergoers However this is not alwa y s the case ; that is nonsubject direct core arguments are not necessaril y actors or undergoers For instance clauses which are traditionall y described as dative-shift constructions have two nonsubject direct core arguments but onl y one is an undergoer. Sentence (30) illustrates the ditransiti v e predicate mori 'give in a clause without dative-shift and (31) illustrates the same v erb in a clause with dati v e-shift There are two nonsubject direct core arguments in (31) but onl y one dia a dn 'me' is an undergoer. (30) Sia m-ori siidn dii diaadn PIV AS-give mone y to me 'SHE gives mone y to me .' (31) Sia m-or i diaadn si idn PIV AS-give me mone y 'SHE gives me mone y Chapter 2 describes certain intransiti v e clauses that ha v e direct core syntactic arguments which are neither actors nor undergoers. According to case-marking principles in Van Valin (1990 : 241) the default case for direct core arguments which are neither actor or undergoer is dative However as shown in Table 1.3 Bonggi does not have unique dative case forms ; instead all nonsubject direct core arguments which are not actors occur in accusative case. 1.3 2 Simple Nominal Phrases The head of nominal phrases is either a pronoun or a noun Pronominal heads are either personal pronouns (as shown in Table 1.2) or demonstrative pronouns Noun heads can be simple nouns such as apu' 'grandfather' in (32) compound nouns such as apu'-odu' 'ancestors' in (33) and personal names such as Butak in (34) (cf. (28)) (32) apu' nya grandfather her 'her grandfather' (33) apu -odu' n y a ancestors her 'her ancestors'

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(34) si Butak PIV Butak 'Butak' 23 The primary word order within NPs whose head is a noun is: Determiner Noun Adjective Determiner with some overlap between the determiners which precede the head-noun and those which follow the head-noun NPs with simply a noun and an adjective modifier are illustrated in (35). (35) anak kaha' child eldest 'eldest child' toudn baru year new 'new year' Unlike English, which can string a series of adjectives together within a single NP, Bonggi NPs normally contain only one adjective. 28 Even adjectives from different semantic domains such as color quality and size rarely cooccur. Instead when a speaker desires to ascribe two attributes to a simple entity, he either uses two separate NPs (as in (36) where the first NP lama bulag 'blind person' is qualified by the second NP indu' Mual 'Mual's mother') or stative verbs (as in (37) where n-doot 'ST-bad' and m-pia 'ST-good' are stative verbs) (36) lketomu ou lama bulag indu' Mual. met I person blind mother Mual 'I met a blind person, Mual's mother.' (37) Ndara n-doot sia, asal m-pia baar-baar sia. not.exist ST-bad he surely ST-good true-true he 'HE is not bad, surely HE is very good.' Some adjective roots rarely occur as adjectives in NPs ; they are far more likely to be realized as stative verbs These include the stative verbs n-doot 'ST-bad' and m-pia 'ST-good' as in (37) and mi-gia 'ST-big' as in (38) However other adjective roots (such as toyuk 'small' in (38)) occur more frequently as adjectives even when stative verb forms are possible (e g. n-toyuk 'ST-small'). 28 In English conversation there is a tendency for speakers to avoid complex noun groups containing a series of adjectives and instead spread adjectives out over several clauses This contrasts with English written language which is more dense (cf. Bygate 1987:62-63; Richards 1990 : 73).

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(34) si Butak PIV Butak 'Butak' 23 The primary word order within NPs whose head is a noun is: Determiner Noun Adjective Determiner with some overlap between the determiners which precede the head-noun and those which follow the head-noun NPs with simply a noun and an adjective modifier are illustrated in (35). (35) anak kaha' child eldest 'eldest child' toudn baru year new 'new year' Unlike English, which can string a series of adjectives together within a single NP, Bonggi NPs normally contain only one adjective. 28 Even adjectives from different semantic domains such as color quality and size rarely cooccur. Instead when a speaker desires to ascribe two attributes to a simple entity, he either uses two separate NPs (as in (36) where the first NP lama bulag 'blind person' is qualified by the second NP indu' Mual 'Mual's mother') or stative verbs (as in (37) where n-doot 'ST-bad' and m-pia 'ST-good' are stative verbs) (36) lketomu ou lama bulag indu' Mual. met I person blind mother Mual 'I met a blind person, Mual's mother.' (37) Ndara n-doot sia, asal m-pia baar-baar sia. not.exist ST-bad he surely ST-good true-true he 'HE is not bad, surely HE is very good.' Some adjective roots rarely occur as adjectives in NPs ; they are far more likely to be realized as stative verbs These include the stative verbs n-doot 'ST-bad' and m-pia 'ST-good' as in (37) and mi-gia 'ST-big' as in (38) However other adjective roots (such as toyuk 'small' in (38)) occur more frequently as adjectives even when stative verb forms are possible (e g. n-toyuk 'ST-small'). 28 In English conversation there is a tendency for speakers to avoid complex noun groups containing a series of adjectives and instead spread adjectives out over several clauses This contrasts with English written language which is more dense (cf. Bygate 1987:62-63; Richards 1990 : 73).

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24 (38) Uubm nya "Suhu ga toyuk tuni toyuk kei bagi said he all CONTRAST little body little also share suhu mi-gia tuni mi-gia hei bagi all ST-big body ST-big also share 'He said "All small bodies get a small share, all big bodies a big share "' When the head of an NP is a noun, the noun can be followed by determiners which indicate something about the definiteness and/or referentiality of the head noun The set of determiners which follow the head-noun include : possessors as illustrated in (39) (cf. Table 1.3) ; demonstratives, as illustrated in (40) ; and the definite article na which is illustrated in (41). (39) bait ku house m y 'my house' (40) bait nti house this 'this house' (41) bait na house DEF 'the house' Demonstratives such as nti 'this' in (40) have a deictic function with the deictic center being the speaker. Table 1.3 shows the demonstratives which can occur in Bonggi. The demonstratives are distinguished on the basis of orientation with respect to the speaker/hearer They can occur alone as the head of a NP, in which case they are referred to as demonstrative pronouns Each of the three demonstratives has a shortened form which is also shown in Table 1.3. 29 29 The details regarding the conditioning factors for long versus short demonstrative forms have not been worked out. Two factors which influence the occurrence of short versus long forms are the phonological shape of the preceding head noun (shortened forms are more likely to occur when contiguous segments are identical as shown below) and the speech style (shortened forms are more likely to occur in fast/casual speech) toudn nti 'this year' bali nti 'this house' bali ina 'that house' bait inoo 'that house over yonder' toudn ti 'this year' yonder' bali na 'that house' bait noo 'that house over

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24 (38) Uubm nya "Suhu ga toyuk tuni toyuk kei bagi said he all CONTRAST little body little also share suhu mi-gia tuni mi-gia hei bagi all ST-big body ST-big also share 'He said "All small bodies get a small share, all big bodies a big share "' When the head of an NP is a noun, the noun can be followed by determiners which indicate something about the definiteness and/or referentiality of the head noun The set of determiners which follow the head-noun include : possessors as illustrated in (39) (cf. Table 1.3) ; demonstratives, as illustrated in (40) ; and the definite article na which is illustrated in (41). (39) bait ku house m y 'my house' (40) bait nti house this 'this house' (41) bait na house DEF 'the house' Demonstratives such as nti 'this' in (40) have a deictic function with the deictic center being the speaker. Table 1.3 shows the demonstratives which can occur in Bonggi. The demonstratives are distinguished on the basis of orientation with respect to the speaker/hearer They can occur alone as the head of a NP, in which case they are referred to as demonstrative pronouns Each of the three demonstratives has a shortened form which is also shown in Table 1.3. 29 29 The details regarding the conditioning factors for long versus short demonstrative forms have not been worked out. Two factors which influence the occurrence of short versus long forms are the phonological shape of the preceding head noun (shortened forms are more likely to occur when contiguous segments are identical as shown below) and the speech style (shortened forms are more likely to occur in fast/casual speech) toudn nti 'this year' bali nti 'this house' bali ina 'that house' bait inoo 'that house over yonder' toudn ti 'this year' yonder' bali na 'that house' bait noo 'that house over

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25 Table 1.4: Demonstratives Long Form Short Form Meaning nti ti 'this' (near speaker) ma na 'that' (near hearer) moo noo 'that' (not near speaker/hearer) Ina 'that' also has anaphoric function as illustrated in (42) where the anaphoric reference is to what has previousl y been said 30 In fact ina na 'that' with the referent being an extended passage of text is one of the major cohesive devices in Bonggi (cf. Hallida y & Hasan 1976:67) (42) Ina na s usuad n y a that DEF sa y he 'THA T is w hat he said Nti 'this' has a cataphoric function as illustrated in (43) where the cataphoric reference pertains to what is said immediatel y following. (43) Moro' s ikng nti tell like this 'Tell them something like this . .' Nti 'this' also has an e x ophoric function whereb y it is used to refer to current periods of time such as odu nti 'toda y minggu nti 'this week' buaidn nti 'this month' and toudn nti 'this y ear' (cf. Hallida y & Hasan 1976 : 61) As stated previously the three different types of determiners which follow the head noun (possessors demonstrati v es and the definite article na) all indicate something about the definiteness and/or referentiality of the head noun. Na 'definite' identifies a particular individual or subclass within the class designated by the noun Possessors and demonstratives are semanticall y selective ; the y contain within themselves some referential element in terms of which the item in 30 m Bonggi as in most s y stems i t is the intermediate term of the deictic series which is used as a general anaphoric element (Anderson & Keenan 1985 : 287)

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25 Table 1.4: Demonstratives Long Form Short Form Meaning nti ti 'this' (near speaker) ma na 'that' (near hearer) moo noo 'that' (not near speaker/hearer) Ina 'that' also has anaphoric function as illustrated in (42) where the anaphoric reference is to what has previousl y been said 30 In fact ina na 'that' with the referent being an extended passage of text is one of the major cohesive devices in Bonggi (cf. Hallida y & Hasan 1976:67) (42) Ina na s usuad n y a that DEF sa y he 'THA T is w hat he said Nti 'this' has a cataphoric function as illustrated in (43) where the cataphoric reference pertains to what is said immediatel y following. (43) Moro' s ikng nti tell like this 'Tell them something like this . .' Nti 'this' also has an e x ophoric function whereb y it is used to refer to current periods of time such as odu nti 'toda y minggu nti 'this week' buaidn nti 'this month' and toudn nti 'this y ear' (cf. Hallida y & Hasan 1976 : 61) As stated previously the three different types of determiners which follow the head noun (possessors demonstrati v es and the definite article na) all indicate something about the definiteness and/or referentiality of the head noun. Na 'definite' identifies a particular individual or subclass within the class designated by the noun Possessors and demonstratives are semanticall y selective ; the y contain within themselves some referential element in terms of which the item in 30 m Bonggi as in most s y stems i t is the intermediate term of the deictic series which is used as a general anaphoric element (Anderson & Keenan 1985 : 287)

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26 question is to be identified With the possessives, it is person (e g. bali ku 'my house'); with the demonstratives, it is proximity (e g bali nti 'this house'). But na 'definite' has no content ; it merely indicates that the item in question is specific and identifiable (e g bali na 'the house') Somewhere the information for identifying it is recoverable (cf. Halliday & Hasan 1976 : 71) Possessive pronouns can cooccur with demonstratives, as illustrated in (44). ( 44) anak ku nti child my this 'this child of mine' Determiners which precede the head noun include : (a) personal name markers as illustrated in (26)-(28) and Table 1.3 ; (b) indefinite quantifiers as illustrated by separu 'some', nentaadn na 'all', and tiap-tiap 'every' in (45) ; and (c) numerals, classifiers, and a linkage particle which phonologically links numerals and classifiers as illustrated in (46) (45) separu lama some people 'some people' nentaadn na lama all people 'all people' (46) dua m batakng sikiou two LINK long.thin.object cassava 'two cassava plant stems' 1.3.3. Word Classes tiap-tiap lama every person 'every person' Since aspect is a verbal category, discussion of aspect verb morphology, and verb phrases is not included in this sketch, but is delayed until Chapter 2. However besides the brief descriptions of clauses and nominal phrases which were provided in 1.3 .1 and 1.3 2 a short discussion of word classes or lexical categories is needed to round out this sketch since much of the verbal morphology of Bonggi is conditioned by the lexical category of the root. Verbs can only be derived from certain lexical categories and the category of the root or base form often predicts the verbal situation types which can occur ; therefore some understanding of lexical categories is ultimately very important to an understanding of aspect. For example, given any root and knowing its lexical category, we can predict whether or not verbs can be derived from that root and which verbal situations are possible.

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26 question is to be identified With the possessives, it is person (e g. bali ku 'my house'); with the demonstratives, it is proximity (e g bali nti 'this house'). But na 'definite' has no content ; it merely indicates that the item in question is specific and identifiable (e g bali na 'the house') Somewhere the information for identifying it is recoverable (cf. Halliday & Hasan 1976 : 71) Possessive pronouns can cooccur with demonstratives, as illustrated in (44). ( 44) anak ku nti child my this 'this child of mine' Determiners which precede the head noun include : (a) personal name markers as illustrated in (26)-(28) and Table 1.3 ; (b) indefinite quantifiers as illustrated by separu 'some', nentaadn na 'all', and tiap-tiap 'every' in (45) ; and (c) numerals, classifiers, and a linkage particle which phonologically links numerals and classifiers as illustrated in (46) (45) separu lama some people 'some people' nentaadn na lama all people 'all people' (46) dua m batakng sikiou two LINK long.thin.object cassava 'two cassava plant stems' 1.3.3. Word Classes tiap-tiap lama every person 'every person' Since aspect is a verbal category, discussion of aspect verb morphology, and verb phrases is not included in this sketch, but is delayed until Chapter 2. However besides the brief descriptions of clauses and nominal phrases which were provided in 1.3 .1 and 1.3 2 a short discussion of word classes or lexical categories is needed to round out this sketch since much of the verbal morphology of Bonggi is conditioned by the lexical category of the root. Verbs can only be derived from certain lexical categories and the category of the root or base form often predicts the verbal situation types which can occur ; therefore some understanding of lexical categories is ultimately very important to an understanding of aspect. For example, given any root and knowing its lexical category, we can predict whether or not verbs can be derived from that root and which verbal situations are possible.

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27 As pointed out in 1.2 situation types have an inherent situation aspect which constrains viewpoint aspect. Because the four types of situations (states, achievements activities and accomplishments) are primarily derived from verb adjective and noun roots only these three words classes are considered here 31 Hopper and Thompson (1984 : 703f.) describe three criteria which have been used in determining word classes or 'parts of speech': 1) morphological 2) syntactic and 3) semantic Following Schacter (1985) I assume that the primary criteria for determining word classes are grammatical, not semantic. The grammatical properties which are relevant for classifying word classes include distribution, syntactic function, and structural characteristics especiall y inflectional affixes Bonggi nouns are divided into two main subclasses (personal names and common nouns) on the basis of whether or not the nouns occur with the grammatical markers si or ni (where si marks personal names in the nominative case (e g si Butak in (26)) and ni marks personal names which are not in the nominative case (e g. n Tagi in (26)) (cf. Table 1.3 and discussion in .3 1)) Common nouns are further subdivided on the basis of whether they are count nouns or mass nouns Count nouns can cooccur with the quantifier barabm 'many' while mass nouns such as beig 'water' and timus 'salt' are quantified with the stative verb migia 'large' Verbs can onl y be derived from common nouns not personal names 31 Verbs are not derived from the other word classes mentioned in .3 2 However evidence for a class of directional verbs which are derived from spatial deictics is presented in 1 2 Evidence is also provided in Chapters 2 and 3 for a class of aspectual auxiliary words and a class of temporal adverbs

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27 As pointed out in 1.2 situation types have an inherent situation aspect which constrains viewpoint aspect. Because the four types of situations (states, achievements activities and accomplishments) are primarily derived from verb adjective and noun roots only these three words classes are considered here 31 Hopper and Thompson (1984 : 703f.) describe three criteria which have been used in determining word classes or 'parts of speech': 1) morphological 2) syntactic and 3) semantic Following Schacter (1985) I assume that the primary criteria for determining word classes are grammatical, not semantic. The grammatical properties which are relevant for classifying word classes include distribution, syntactic function, and structural characteristics especiall y inflectional affixes Bonggi nouns are divided into two main subclasses (personal names and common nouns) on the basis of whether or not the nouns occur with the grammatical markers si or ni (where si marks personal names in the nominative case (e g si Butak in (26)) and ni marks personal names which are not in the nominative case (e g. n Tagi in (26)) (cf. Table 1.3 and discussion in .3 1)) Common nouns are further subdivided on the basis of whether they are count nouns or mass nouns Count nouns can cooccur with the quantifier barabm 'many' while mass nouns such as beig 'water' and timus 'salt' are quantified with the stative verb migia 'large' Verbs can onl y be derived from common nouns not personal names 31 Verbs are not derived from the other word classes mentioned in .3 2 However evidence for a class of directional verbs which are derived from spatial deictics is presented in 1 2 Evidence is also provided in Chapters 2 and 3 for a class of aspectual auxiliary words and a class of temporal adverbs

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28 Syntacticall y, nouns primaril y function as arguments of verbs as in (47) where sigu hu 'm y teacher is the subject and uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language' is the object. Nouns can also function as predicates in equational clauses as in ( 48) where sigu hu 'my teacher' is the predicate 32 (47) Sigu h u nda' pand i uubm Bonggi teacher m y not know language Bonggi 'MY TEACHER does not know Bonggi.' (48) Sia sigu hu he teacher m y 'HE is m y teacher.' Morphological evidence for word classes is often established on the basis of inflectional morphemes alone For example onl y verbs are inflected for tense. However Bonggi word classes cannot be determined from inflectional morphology alone because nouns and adjectives are not inflected. 33 Although case is not marked morphologically noncore arguments are marked syntacticall y b y prepositions and are discussed in Chapter 2 I take the distinction between nouns and verbs to be a language universal (cf. Giv6n 1984 ; Hopper & Thompson 1984 ; Schacter 1985 ; Thompson 1989 : 247). Morphological categories associated with verbs include voice tense aspect and mood These categories are described in Chapter 2 Although onl y verbs are inflected for tense stative verbs in Bonggi are not inflected for tense ; thus even tense inflection is not a definitive criteria for distinguishing verbs from nouns and adjectives 3 2 Unlike English there is no copula in Bonggi Equational clauses are described in 2 1 1 33 Cf. McCawle y (1983) who argues that word classes can be learned from inflectional morphology regardless of an y syntactic considerations

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28 Syntacticall y, nouns primaril y function as arguments of verbs as in (47) where sigu hu 'm y teacher is the subject and uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language' is the object. Nouns can also function as predicates in equational clauses as in ( 48) where sigu hu 'my teacher' is the predicate 32 (47) Sigu h u nda' pand i uubm Bonggi teacher m y not know language Bonggi 'MY TEACHER does not know Bonggi.' (48) Sia sigu hu he teacher m y 'HE is m y teacher.' Morphological evidence for word classes is often established on the basis of inflectional morphemes alone For example onl y verbs are inflected for tense. However Bonggi word classes cannot be determined from inflectional morphology alone because nouns and adjectives are not inflected. 33 Although case is not marked morphologically noncore arguments are marked syntacticall y b y prepositions and are discussed in Chapter 2 I take the distinction between nouns and verbs to be a language universal (cf. Giv6n 1984 ; Hopper & Thompson 1984 ; Schacter 1985 ; Thompson 1989 : 247). Morphological categories associated with verbs include voice tense aspect and mood These categories are described in Chapter 2 Although onl y verbs are inflected for tense stative verbs in Bonggi are not inflected for tense ; thus even tense inflection is not a definitive criteria for distinguishing verbs from nouns and adjectives 3 2 Unlike English there is no copula in Bonggi Equational clauses are described in 2 1 1 33 Cf. McCawle y (1983) who argues that word classes can be learned from inflectional morphology regardless of an y syntactic considerations

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29 Verbs usually function as predicates. However both nouns (such as sigu hu 'my teacher' in (48)) and adjectives (such as sega' 'red' in (49)) may also function as predicates 34 (49) Sega' mat a nu red e y e your 'YOUR EYES are red.' Some roots are very difficult to classify in terms of lexical category One of the most troublesome is kerai 'work' which can be a noun or a verb This root is usuall y uninflected which is characteristic of nouns but it can be inflected like a verb. Furthermore its syntactic distribution can be either nominal (as in (50)) or verbal (as in (51)) (50) Sia ndara kerai she not.have w ork SHE does not have work.' (51) Sia kerai deirdn na ga. she work self DEF CONTRAST 'SHE is working alone Because the verb in (51) is unaffi x ed the form of the word kerai 'work' is the same in both ( 5 0) and ( 51) There is a functional shift from one part of speech to another This is similar to English where a verb like walk can occur as a noun b y using it in a syntactic position reserved for nouns as in she took a long w alk 35 Adjectives Like nouns adjectives are not inflected in Bonggi Adjectives are distinguished from nouns and verbs on morphological grounds onl y with respect to some derivational morphology 36 34 The adjective root s ega' 'red' can function as an adjective or a stative verb. As a stative verb it is either affixed (nsega1 or unaffi x ed (sega). Compare the discussion of the root bulag 'blind' in (52) (53) and (54) 35 Unlike English, I am uncertain of the direction of the shift in Bonggi. In an y case it does not matter for this stud y 36 Di x on (1977 : 62-63) claims that adjectives are a class ofle xi cal items distinguished on morphological and syntactic grounds from the universal classes noun and verb

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29 Verbs usually function as predicates. However both nouns (such as sigu hu 'my teacher' in (48)) and adjectives (such as sega' 'red' in (49)) may also function as predicates 34 (49) Sega' mat a nu red e y e your 'YOUR EYES are red.' Some roots are very difficult to classify in terms of lexical category One of the most troublesome is kerai 'work' which can be a noun or a verb This root is usuall y uninflected which is characteristic of nouns but it can be inflected like a verb. Furthermore its syntactic distribution can be either nominal (as in (50)) or verbal (as in (51)) (50) Sia ndara kerai she not.have w ork SHE does not have work.' (51) Sia kerai deirdn na ga. she work self DEF CONTRAST 'SHE is working alone Because the verb in (51) is unaffi x ed the form of the word kerai 'work' is the same in both ( 5 0) and ( 51) There is a functional shift from one part of speech to another This is similar to English where a verb like walk can occur as a noun b y using it in a syntactic position reserved for nouns as in she took a long w alk 35 Adjectives Like nouns adjectives are not inflected in Bonggi Adjectives are distinguished from nouns and verbs on morphological grounds onl y with respect to some derivational morphology 36 34 The adjective root s ega' 'red' can function as an adjective or a stative verb. As a stative verb it is either affixed (nsega1 or unaffi x ed (sega). Compare the discussion of the root bulag 'blind' in (52) (53) and (54) 35 Unlike English, I am uncertain of the direction of the shift in Bonggi. In an y case it does not matter for this stud y 36 Di x on (1977 : 62-63) claims that adjectives are a class ofle xi cal items distinguished on morphological and syntactic grounds from the universal classes noun and verb

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30 Chapter 2 shows how verbs derived from adjectives sometimes have a different form than those derived from nouns Adjectives usually function as nominal modifiers which follow the noun they modify as was illustrated in (35) One of the biggest problems associated with adjectives in Bonggi is distinguishing them from stative verbs In some cases the distinction is clear-cut, while in others it is not. For example, in (52) the adjective root bulag 'blind' follows its nominal head and is unaffixed Thus both syntactically and morphologically bulag is an adjective in (52) In contrast the root bulag functions syntactically as a verb in (53) and is morphologically marked as a stative verb by the prefix m. On the other hand, in (54) bulag functions syntactically as a verb but looks like an adjective morphologically (52) Sia lama bulag she person blind 'SHE is a blind person (53) Mbulag mata nya. blind eye her 'HER EYES are blind (54) Bulag mata nya blind eye her 'HER EYES are blind To summarize this section has provided an overview of the distributional syntactic and structural properties which are relevant for distinguishing noun, verb, and adjective roots in Bonggi. None of the properties are definitive working for all instances of a particular category. Inflectional morphology is not very helpful since nouns and adjectives are uninflected Derivational morphology is discussed in Chapter 2 where it is argued that some morphemes are / conditioned by the lexical category of the root to which the morpheme is affixed Thus, derivational morphology provides evidence for lexical categories The distributional and syntactic / evidence discussed above provide the best evidence for the three categories : noun, verb and adjective.

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30 Chapter 2 shows how verbs derived from adjectives sometimes have a different form than those derived from nouns Adjectives usually function as nominal modifiers which follow the noun they modify as was illustrated in (35) One of the biggest problems associated with adjectives in Bonggi is distinguishing them from stative verbs In some cases the distinction is clear-cut, while in others it is not. For example, in (52) the adjective root bulag 'blind' follows its nominal head and is unaffixed Thus both syntactically and morphologically bulag is an adjective in (52) In contrast the root bulag functions syntactically as a verb in (53) and is morphologically marked as a stative verb by the prefix m. On the other hand, in (54) bulag functions syntactically as a verb but looks like an adjective morphologically (52) Sia lama bulag she person blind 'SHE is a blind person (53) Mbulag mata nya. blind eye her 'HER EYES are blind (54) Bulag mata nya blind eye her 'HER EYES are blind To summarize this section has provided an overview of the distributional syntactic and structural properties which are relevant for distinguishing noun, verb, and adjective roots in Bonggi. None of the properties are definitive working for all instances of a particular category. Inflectional morphology is not very helpful since nouns and adjectives are uninflected Derivational morphology is discussed in Chapter 2 where it is argued that some morphemes are / conditioned by the lexical category of the root to which the morpheme is affixed Thus, derivational morphology provides evidence for lexical categories The distributional and syntactic / evidence discussed above provide the best evidence for the three categories : noun, verb and adjective.

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CHAPTER2 SITUATION ASPECT IN BONGGI Whereas .3 provided a broad outline ofBonggi clauses and nominal phrases while skirting issues related to verbs this chapter focuses on the 'verbal group' and its involvement with aspect. Furthermore, whereas 1 3 was descriptive and atheoretical, this chapter approaches the verbal system of Bonggi from the perspective of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) Specifically, it provides a RRG account of situation aspect (Aktionsart) in Bonggi. _. RRG has been chosen as a model because the morphology of Bonggi lends itself to this framework. The primary descriptions ofRRG are Foley and Van Valin (1984) and Van Valin (1993) which are referenced here as FVV (1984) and VV (1993) respectively ( RRG is a structural-functionalist theory concerned with the interplay of syntax, semantics and pragmatics in grammatical systems. All of these factors are important in understanding aspect as will be shown in Chapter 3. This chapter does not assume a basic knowledge of RRG on the part of the reader. Concepts from RRG are introduced as needed, and the reader is referred to VV (1993) for elaboration of the theory and model. I begin the description of the verb system with a discussion of verbal semantics which is fundamental for any discussion of aspect Verbal semantics is primarily concerned with the classification of verbs according to the relationships which exist between predicates and their arguments. The relationship between a predicate and its arguments is expressed by logical structures. It is important to keep in mind that the verb classes described here are semantically defined Some approaches to verbal semantics attempt to account for the complete semantic content of the predicate while others seek to identify only the relevant components required for classification Following Dowty (1979) FVV (1984) and VV (1993), I pay attention to only those aspects of meaning relevant to the classification of 31

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CHAPTER2 SITUATION ASPECT IN BONGGI Whereas .3 provided a broad outline ofBonggi clauses and nominal phrases while skirting issues related to verbs this chapter focuses on the 'verbal group' and its involvement with aspect. Furthermore, whereas 1 3 was descriptive and atheoretical, this chapter approaches the verbal system of Bonggi from the perspective of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) Specifically, it provides a RRG account of situation aspect (Aktionsart) in Bonggi. _. RRG has been chosen as a model because the morphology of Bonggi lends itself to this framework. The primary descriptions ofRRG are Foley and Van Valin (1984) and Van Valin (1993) which are referenced here as FVV (1984) and VV (1993) respectively ( RRG is a structural-functionalist theory concerned with the interplay of syntax, semantics and pragmatics in grammatical systems. All of these factors are important in understanding aspect as will be shown in Chapter 3. This chapter does not assume a basic knowledge of RRG on the part of the reader. Concepts from RRG are introduced as needed, and the reader is referred to VV (1993) for elaboration of the theory and model. I begin the description of the verb system with a discussion of verbal semantics which is fundamental for any discussion of aspect Verbal semantics is primarily concerned with the classification of verbs according to the relationships which exist between predicates and their arguments. The relationship between a predicate and its arguments is expressed by logical structures. It is important to keep in mind that the verb classes described here are semantically defined Some approaches to verbal semantics attempt to account for the complete semantic content of the predicate while others seek to identify only the relevant components required for classification Following Dowty (1979) FVV (1984) and VV (1993), I pay attention to only those aspects of meaning relevant to the classification of 31

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32 verbs (cf. FVV 1984 : 35 ; Jolly 1993 : 290) Verbs are classified on the basis of their inherent aspectual properties (Aktionsart) / RRG starts with the classification of verbs into situation types: states achievements activities, and accomplishments (VV 1993 : 34). As stated in Chapter 1 the notion of situation is basic to understanding Bonggi verb morphology Other notions like aspect, tense mood, and subject potential are restricted by the various situation types and are secondary. The verbal system which is described in this chapter is built around the notion of situation type Other notions are introduced as needed. A fundamental distinction in situation types exists between events and nonevents (states) 1 This distinction is captured in Figure 2 1 where events include achievements, activities and accomplishments Table 1. 1 accounts for this basic distinction in terms of the aspectual feature dynamicity with states being [-dynamic] and events [+dynamic]. Situations I \ States Event ; I \ ; I \ Achievements Activities Accomplishments Figure 2 1 : Relationship between states and events RRG posits only a single level of syntactic representation. There is a direct linking between the semantic and syntactic representations Semantic representations are based on Dowty's (1979) theory of verbal semantics in which verbs are classified into states achievements activities and accomplishments. 2 Each verb class is given a formal representation called its Logical Structure 1 Situation is neutral between event and state (Smith 1983:481). 2 Cf. Van Valin (1990 : 222) for a brief overview. See .2 for a brief introduction to these four classes in Bonggi

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32 verbs (cf. FVV 1984 : 35 ; Jolly 1993 : 290) Verbs are classified on the basis of their inherent aspectual properties (Aktionsart) / RRG starts with the classification of verbs into situation types: states achievements activities, and accomplishments (VV 1993 : 34). As stated in Chapter 1 the notion of situation is basic to understanding Bonggi verb morphology Other notions like aspect, tense mood, and subject potential are restricted by the various situation types and are secondary. The verbal system which is described in this chapter is built around the notion of situation type Other notions are introduced as needed. A fundamental distinction in situation types exists between events and nonevents (states) 1 This distinction is captured in Figure 2 1 where events include achievements, activities and accomplishments Table 1. 1 accounts for this basic distinction in terms of the aspectual feature dynamicity with states being [-dynamic] and events [+dynamic]. Situations I \ States Event ; I \ ; I \ Achievements Activities Accomplishments Figure 2 1 : Relationship between states and events RRG posits only a single level of syntactic representation. There is a direct linking between the semantic and syntactic representations Semantic representations are based on Dowty's (1979) theory of verbal semantics in which verbs are classified into states achievements activities and accomplishments. 2 Each verb class is given a formal representation called its Logical Structure 1 Situation is neutral between event and state (Smith 1983:481). 2 Cf. Van Valin (1990 : 222) for a brief overview. See .2 for a brief introduction to these four classes in Bonggi

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33 (LS) The inherent aspectual properties associated with each verb class are accounted for in the LSs b y predicates and a small set of operators (cf. Dowty 1979 : 71 ; Van Valin 1990 : 223). Dowty (1979:60) proposed a series of semantic and morphosyntactic tests to delineate each of the four major situation types (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 223 ; Van Valin 1991 : 155) Some of these tests are applicable to Bonggi and others are not. Clause structure is viewed as hierarchially structured in RRG. The primary constituents of a clause are the nucleus which contains the predicate the core which contains the nucleus and the arguments of the predicate and the periphery which is an adjunct to the core and includes nonarguments of the predicate (cf. Van Valin 1993:5) These three clause constituents are semanticall y motivated b y two contrasts : a) between predicate and argument and b) between arguments and nonarguments (adjuncts) Although the predicate is usuall y a verb there are nonverbal stative clauses in Bonggi whose predicate is either a nominal or a locative. The relationship between situation type and predicate type is summarized in Table 2 1 Table 2 1 : Relationship between situation type and predicate type SITUATION State Achievement Activi ty Accomplishment Predicate Non v erbal Verb Verb Verb Verb type nominal I locative The following sections describe the four situation types their inherent aspectual properties and how these situation types and aspectual properties are reflected in Bonggi morphosyntax

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33 (LS) The inherent aspectual properties associated with each verb class are accounted for in the LSs b y predicates and a small set of operators (cf. Dowty 1979 : 71 ; Van Valin 1990 : 223). Dowty (1979:60) proposed a series of semantic and morphosyntactic tests to delineate each of the four major situation types (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 223 ; Van Valin 1991 : 155) Some of these tests are applicable to Bonggi and others are not. Clause structure is viewed as hierarchially structured in RRG. The primary constituents of a clause are the nucleus which contains the predicate the core which contains the nucleus and the arguments of the predicate and the periphery which is an adjunct to the core and includes nonarguments of the predicate (cf. Van Valin 1993:5) These three clause constituents are semanticall y motivated b y two contrasts : a) between predicate and argument and b) between arguments and nonarguments (adjuncts) Although the predicate is usuall y a verb there are nonverbal stative clauses in Bonggi whose predicate is either a nominal or a locative. The relationship between situation type and predicate type is summarized in Table 2 1 Table 2 1 : Relationship between situation type and predicate type SITUATION State Achievement Activi ty Accomplishment Predicate Non v erbal Verb Verb Verb Verb type nominal I locative The following sections describe the four situation types their inherent aspectual properties and how these situation types and aspectual properties are reflected in Bonggi morphosyntax

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34 2 1. States States are static situations with no activity The y last or endure through time and are homogenous throughout the period of their existence The y are the most noun-like verbal situations in that the y are time-stable Stative situations are basic in the sense that the semantic structure of achievements most accomplishments and some activities are derived from states 3 Bonggi stative situations can be divided between verbal and nonverbal situations Nonverbal stative situations are possible because of the time-stablity associated with states and the absence of a copula verb. Nonverbal states include equational/identificational clauses (such as He is m y teacher (cf. (1)) and certain locati v e clauses (such as He is at hi s house (cf. (8)) Nonverbal states differ from other states in that their predicate is not a verb . 1 1 deals with equational/identificat i onal statives which are always nonverbal. 1 2 deals with locative statives both nonverbal and v erbal . 1 3 deals with condition statives 1.4 with possession statives and 1.5 with cognition stati v es 4 Dowty (1979 : 60) presents a number of syntactic and semantic tests used to differentiate the four situation types 5 Table 2 2 summarizes tests which have been found to be most useful in differentiating situation types (cf. Van Valin 1991 : 155) Some of the tests in Table 2 2 are not alwa y s useful cross-linguisticall y and can be very difficult to appl y. In theory these tests are ve ry important because the y provide independent criteria for determining situation types and their logical structures (LSs) However in practice any tests comparable to those in Table 2.2 which I use for differentiating situation types have been developed in a post hoc fashion This is because Bonggi verb morphology is quite transparent with respect to situation type If y ou know the meaning of the verb root and the verb morphology the situation type is usuall y straightforward 3 Dowty (1979) claimed that stative predicates were the onl y primitives in the LS and that all other predicates are deri v ed from stati v es b y means of logical operators 4 Cf. FVV (1984 : 47-53) and VV (1993) for a discussion of the various sub-classes of stative verbs

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34 2 1. States States are static situations with no activity The y last or endure through time and are homogenous throughout the period of their existence The y are the most noun-like verbal situations in that the y are time-stable Stative situations are basic in the sense that the semantic structure of achievements most accomplishments and some activities are derived from states 3 Bonggi stative situations can be divided between verbal and nonverbal situations Nonverbal stative situations are possible because of the time-stablity associated with states and the absence of a copula verb. Nonverbal states include equational/identificational clauses (such as He is m y teacher (cf. (1)) and certain locati v e clauses (such as He is at hi s house (cf. (8)) Nonverbal states differ from other states in that their predicate is not a verb . 1 1 deals with equational/identificat i onal statives which are always nonverbal. 1 2 deals with locative statives both nonverbal and v erbal . 1 3 deals with condition statives 1.4 with possession statives and 1.5 with cognition stati v es 4 Dowty (1979 : 60) presents a number of syntactic and semantic tests used to differentiate the four situation types 5 Table 2 2 summarizes tests which have been found to be most useful in differentiating situation types (cf. Van Valin 1991 : 155) Some of the tests in Table 2 2 are not alwa y s useful cross-linguisticall y and can be very difficult to appl y. In theory these tests are ve ry important because the y provide independent criteria for determining situation types and their logical structures (LSs) However in practice any tests comparable to those in Table 2.2 which I use for differentiating situation types have been developed in a post hoc fashion This is because Bonggi verb morphology is quite transparent with respect to situation type If y ou know the meaning of the verb root and the verb morphology the situation type is usuall y straightforward 3 Dowty (1979) claimed that stative predicates were the onl y primitives in the LS and that all other predicates are deri v ed from stati v es b y means of logical operators 4 Cf. FVV (1984 : 47-53) and VV (1993) for a discussion of the various sub-classes of stative verbs

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35 However from an analytical point of view verb morphology cannot be used to explain situation type because this leads to circular reasoning That is we cannot claim both (i) verb morphology determines situation type and (ii) situation type determines verb morphology In terms of language learning Bonggi verb morphology is a very good indicator of situation type. In summary I learned the verb forms and their function in distinguishing situation types Then, given the situation types available in Bonggi I asked what tests comparable to those in Table 2 2 could be established to distinguish the different situations Table 2.2: Tests for differentiating situation types Criterion States Achievements Accomplishments Activities Durative Punctual 1 Occurs with progressive No Yes No Yes Yes 2 Occurs with adverbs like No No No Yes Yes vizorousl v carefull v etc. 3. Occurs with for an Yes Yes No Yes Yes hour spend an hour ,fnnz 4. Occurs with in an No Yes No Yes No hour take an hour to (/J In contrast to the tests used to distinguish situation types there are no tests to distinguish the various subclasses of situations (cf. Van Valin 1994). The question -How do we know when we have a stative situation? is answered by reference to the loose semantic notions mentioned at the beginning of this section. That is states are static situations with no activity One criterion which 5 Tuese tests are summarized in FVV (1984 : 37) Van Valin (1990:223) Van Valin (1991: 155) and Van Valin (1993 : 35).

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35 However from an analytical point of view verb morphology cannot be used to explain situation type because this leads to circular reasoning That is we cannot claim both (i) verb morphology determines situation type and (ii) situation type determines verb morphology In terms of language learning Bonggi verb morphology is a very good indicator of situation type. In summary I learned the verb forms and their function in distinguishing situation types Then, given the situation types available in Bonggi I asked what tests comparable to those in Table 2 2 could be established to distinguish the different situations Table 2.2: Tests for differentiating situation types Criterion States Achievements Accomplishments Activities Durative Punctual 1 Occurs with progressive No Yes No Yes Yes 2 Occurs with adverbs like No No No Yes Yes vizorousl v carefull v etc. 3. Occurs with for an Yes Yes No Yes Yes hour spend an hour ,fnnz 4. Occurs with in an No Yes No Yes No hour take an hour to (/J In contrast to the tests used to distinguish situation types there are no tests to distinguish the various subclasses of situations (cf. Van Valin 1994). The question -How do we know when we have a stative situation? is answered by reference to the loose semantic notions mentioned at the beginning of this section. That is states are static situations with no activity One criterion which 5 Tuese tests are summarized in FVV (1984 : 37) Van Valin (1990:223) Van Valin (1991: 155) and Van Valin (1993 : 35).

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36 clearly distinguishes some states from events in Bonggi is whether or not the predicate is a verb Nonverbal situations are always states ; however states are not always nonverbal 2 1.1. Equational States Equational/identificational clauses contain two nominals, as illustrated in (l) by sia 'he' and sigu hu 'my teacher' 6 The second nominal in equational clauses always identifies or attributes some characteristic to the referent of the first nominal (1) Sia sigu hu 3sNOM teacher lsGEN 'HE is my teacher.' A general characteristic of states is that they attribute some property to an entity The type of property which is attributed to the entity influences the type of clause that occurs in syntax. For example, when attributing a social role (such as sigu 'teacher' in (I)) or kinship relation (such as kuman 'uncle' in (2)) to a person (that is, a human entity), the social role or kinship relation is realized as a nominal in syntax and functions as the clause predicate. Thus, an equational/identificational clause can be defined syntactically as a clause with a nominal predicate and semantically as a clause which attributes a social role or kinship relation to an entity. 7 (2) Sia kuman ku. 3sNOM uncle lsGEN 'HE is my uncle.' In RRG thematic relations are not primitives ; instead they are defined in terms of logical structures (LSs) (cf. VV 1993 : 39 43) Thus the assignment of LSs is prior to the assignment of thematic relations The LS for equational clauses (e g (I) and (2)) is shown in (3) (cf. VV 1993 : 36) 6 Cf. 1.3 1 and 1 3 2 for a discussion of the types of nominals that can occur in Bonggi 7 In contrast to equational clauses locative clauses occur when the property attributed to an entity is the location of that entity The location is realized as either a deictic adverb a locative phrase, or a locative stative verb. See 1.2 for a discussion oflocative stative situations

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36 clearly distinguishes some states from events in Bonggi is whether or not the predicate is a verb Nonverbal situations are always states ; however states are not always nonverbal 2 1.1. Equational States Equational/identificational clauses contain two nominals, as illustrated in (l) by sia 'he' and sigu hu 'my teacher' 6 The second nominal in equational clauses always identifies or attributes some characteristic to the referent of the first nominal (1) Sia sigu hu 3sNOM teacher lsGEN 'HE is my teacher.' A general characteristic of states is that they attribute some property to an entity The type of property which is attributed to the entity influences the type of clause that occurs in syntax. For example, when attributing a social role (such as sigu 'teacher' in (I)) or kinship relation (such as kuman 'uncle' in (2)) to a person (that is, a human entity), the social role or kinship relation is realized as a nominal in syntax and functions as the clause predicate. Thus, an equational/identificational clause can be defined syntactically as a clause with a nominal predicate and semantically as a clause which attributes a social role or kinship relation to an entity. 7 (2) Sia kuman ku. 3sNOM uncle lsGEN 'HE is my uncle.' In RRG thematic relations are not primitives ; instead they are defined in terms of logical structures (LSs) (cf. VV 1993 : 39 43) Thus the assignment of LSs is prior to the assignment of thematic relations The LS for equational clauses (e g (I) and (2)) is shown in (3) (cf. VV 1993 : 36) 6 Cf. 1.3 1 and 1 3 2 for a discussion of the types of nominals that can occur in Bonggi 7 In contrast to equational clauses locative clauses occur when the property attributed to an entity is the location of that entity The location is realized as either a deictic adverb a locative phrase, or a locative stative verb. See 1.2 for a discussion oflocative stative situations

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(3) LS for equational states : 37 be' (x,y) The LS in (3) indicates that equational states are two-place stative verbs with 'x' and 'y' being the two arguments 8 The next step in the analysis of a clause is to assign thematic relations to any arguments in the LS (for instance 'x' and 'y' in (3)) In RRG thematic relations are derived from the LS Therefore the assignment of thematic relations is independently motivated The question then becomes what are the thematic relations of 'x' and 'y' in (3) or more specifically what are the thematic relations of sia 'he' and kuman ku 'my uncle' in (2)? 9 Schwartz (1993) takes (3) to be the LS for equational/identificational clauses and claims the 0-roles which are derived from (3) are locative and theme She argues that in clauses such as (2) sia 'he' is the locative argument and kuman ku 'my uncle' the theme (cf. VV 1993:40) Thus the theme argument is the attribute and the locative argument is the bearer of the attribute (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 234) In RRG 0-roles are said to be language independent ; the first argument 'x' of two-place equational stative verbs being a locative and the second argument 'y' a theme I return to the question of 0roles after introducing the notion of macrorole RRG posits two tiers of semantic roles (VV 1993 : 39). Actor and undergoer are the two primary arguments of a transitive predicate either one of which may be the single argument of an intransitive verb (VV 1993:43) Actor and undergoer correspond to 'logical subject' and 'logical object' (VV 1993 : 43 46) 10 Actor and undergoer are called macroroles because each subsumes a number of specific thematic relations Macroroles are motivated by the fact that in grammatical constructions, groups of thematic relations are treated alike (VV 1993 : 43) The number of macroroles a verb takes is either 0 1 or 2 and is largely predictable from the LS of the verb (VV 1993:46-47) 8 FVV (1984) took the position that equational clauses are one-place stative verbs whose LS is predicate' (x) Van Valin (1990 ; 1993) has since revised this position 9 Various solutions have been offered ; see Schwartz (1993) for discussion

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(3) LS for equational states : 37 be' (x,y) The LS in (3) indicates that equational states are two-place stative verbs with 'x' and 'y' being the two arguments 8 The next step in the analysis of a clause is to assign thematic relations to any arguments in the LS (for instance 'x' and 'y' in (3)) In RRG thematic relations are derived from the LS Therefore the assignment of thematic relations is independently motivated The question then becomes what are the thematic relations of 'x' and 'y' in (3) or more specifically what are the thematic relations of sia 'he' and kuman ku 'my uncle' in (2)? 9 Schwartz (1993) takes (3) to be the LS for equational/identificational clauses and claims the 0-roles which are derived from (3) are locative and theme She argues that in clauses such as (2) sia 'he' is the locative argument and kuman ku 'my uncle' the theme (cf. VV 1993:40) Thus the theme argument is the attribute and the locative argument is the bearer of the attribute (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 234) In RRG 0-roles are said to be language independent ; the first argument 'x' of two-place equational stative verbs being a locative and the second argument 'y' a theme I return to the question of 0roles after introducing the notion of macrorole RRG posits two tiers of semantic roles (VV 1993 : 39). Actor and undergoer are the two primary arguments of a transitive predicate either one of which may be the single argument of an intransitive verb (VV 1993:43) Actor and undergoer correspond to 'logical subject' and 'logical object' (VV 1993 : 43 46) 10 Actor and undergoer are called macroroles because each subsumes a number of specific thematic relations Macroroles are motivated by the fact that in grammatical constructions, groups of thematic relations are treated alike (VV 1993 : 43) The number of macroroles a verb takes is either 0 1 or 2 and is largely predictable from the LS of the verb (VV 1993:46-47) 8 FVV (1984) took the position that equational clauses are one-place stative verbs whose LS is predicate' (x) Van Valin (1990 ; 1993) has since revised this position 9 Various solutions have been offered ; see Schwartz (1993) for discussion

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38 The relationship between the macrorole tier and thematic relation tier is captured in the Actor Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) (cf. FVV 1984 : 59 ; VV 1993:44) This double hierarch y states that the thematic relation that is leftmost on the cline and either agent effector experiencer or source will be the actor and the thematic relation that is rightmost and either patient theme goal locative or e x periencer will be the undergoer This is the unmarked situation ; marked assignments to undergoer are possible (4) Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy Macrorole tier : AC T OR UND E RGO E R Thematic relation tier: Agent Effector E x periencer Locative Theme Patient I \ Source Goal [~ = increasing markedness of realization of thematic relation as macrorole] Recentl y, Van Valin (personal communication) has reformulated the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy as (5) where reference is not made to thematic roles at all only to LS argument positions 11 (5) Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy (Revised) Macrorole tier : ACTOR UND E RGO E R Arg of DO Arg of do' 1st arg of 2nd arg of Arg of state pred'(x y) pred'( x,y ) pred'(x) [~=increasing markedness of realization of argument as macrorole] The revised Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (5) i s based on the RRG position that 0-roles are not independentl y motivated In fact according to the view in (5) 0-roles are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions (cf. VV 1993 ; Wilkins & Van Valin 1993) This alleviates the problem of0-role assignment which has plagued linguists since Fillmore (1968). 10 Actor and undergoer are similar to Dowty's protoroles (VV 1993 : 154 footnote 25) 11 The LS argument pos i tions in (5) are described later in this chapter.

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38 The relationship between the macrorole tier and thematic relation tier is captured in the Actor Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) (cf. FVV 1984 : 59 ; VV 1993:44) This double hierarch y states that the thematic relation that is leftmost on the cline and either agent effector experiencer or source will be the actor and the thematic relation that is rightmost and either patient theme goal locative or e x periencer will be the undergoer This is the unmarked situation ; marked assignments to undergoer are possible (4) Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy Macrorole tier : AC T OR UND E RGO E R Thematic relation tier: Agent Effector E x periencer Locative Theme Patient I \ Source Goal [~ = increasing markedness of realization of thematic relation as macrorole] Recentl y, Van Valin (personal communication) has reformulated the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy as (5) where reference is not made to thematic roles at all only to LS argument positions 11 (5) Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy (Revised) Macrorole tier : ACTOR UND E RGO E R Arg of DO Arg of do' 1st arg of 2nd arg of Arg of state pred'(x y) pred'( x,y ) pred'(x) [~=increasing markedness of realization of argument as macrorole] The revised Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (5) i s based on the RRG position that 0-roles are not independentl y motivated In fact according to the view in (5) 0-roles are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions (cf. VV 1993 ; Wilkins & Van Valin 1993) This alleviates the problem of0-role assignment which has plagued linguists since Fillmore (1968). 10 Actor and undergoer are similar to Dowty's protoroles (VV 1993 : 154 footnote 25) 11 The LS argument pos i tions in (5) are described later in this chapter.

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39 Given : a) the revised hierarchy in (5) and b) the LS for equational clauses in (3) the question of thematic relations posed above does not even arise The second argument of predicate' (x,y) is the unmarked undergoer since it is rightmost on the cline in (5). However given : a) the hierarchy in (4) b) the LS in (3) and c) the RRG claim that the first argument 'x' of two-place equational stative verbs is a locative, and the second argument 'y' a theme (Schwartz 1993 ; VV 1993), then the theme is the unmarked undergoer since it is rightmost on the cline in (4). Thus, in both instances it is expected that in (2) kuman ku 'my uncle' would be the undergoer, but this is not what happens in equational clauses In equational/identificational clauses the second argument (or theme) 'y' is incorporated into the predicate resulting in a nominal predicate (cf. Van Valin 1990:234; Van Valin 1993 : 40 ; Schwartz 1993 : 447) The second argument in the LS of equational clauses is never realized syntactically as an argument. This is captured by the rule in (6) (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 234 ; Schwartz 1993:447) 12 (6) EQUATIONAL PREDICATE CREATION: be' + theme predicate The result of ( 6) is that there is only one argument which can can be the undergoer in both ( 1) and (2) the first argument (or locative argument) 'x' This results in a marked linking in terms of the hierarchy in either (4) or (5) Stated another way the undergoer is functionally marked. 13 Because the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate by ( 6), it is not available as a syntactic argument. Thus sia 'he' is linked to undergoer in both (1) and (2) (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 234) To summarize what has been said with respect to LSs argument positions thematic roles, and the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy LSs are primitives and semantic arguments such as 'x' and 'y' are 12 The rule in (6) is stated in terms of thematic roles and the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4). It could just as well be stated in terms of argument positions and the hierarchy in (5) ; i.e ., be' + the 2nd argument of predicate' (x,y) predicate. 13 1 show later that some functionally marked undergoers are accompanied by corresponding morphological marking which is absent in equational clauses such as (1) and (2).

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39 Given : a) the revised hierarchy in (5) and b) the LS for equational clauses in (3) the question of thematic relations posed above does not even arise The second argument of predicate' (x,y) is the unmarked undergoer since it is rightmost on the cline in (5). However given : a) the hierarchy in (4) b) the LS in (3) and c) the RRG claim that the first argument 'x' of two-place equational stative verbs is a locative, and the second argument 'y' a theme (Schwartz 1993 ; VV 1993), then the theme is the unmarked undergoer since it is rightmost on the cline in (4). Thus, in both instances it is expected that in (2) kuman ku 'my uncle' would be the undergoer, but this is not what happens in equational clauses In equational/identificational clauses the second argument (or theme) 'y' is incorporated into the predicate resulting in a nominal predicate (cf. Van Valin 1990:234; Van Valin 1993 : 40 ; Schwartz 1993 : 447) The second argument in the LS of equational clauses is never realized syntactically as an argument. This is captured by the rule in (6) (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 234 ; Schwartz 1993:447) 12 (6) EQUATIONAL PREDICATE CREATION: be' + theme predicate The result of ( 6) is that there is only one argument which can can be the undergoer in both ( 1) and (2) the first argument (or locative argument) 'x' This results in a marked linking in terms of the hierarchy in either (4) or (5) Stated another way the undergoer is functionally marked. 13 Because the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate by ( 6), it is not available as a syntactic argument. Thus sia 'he' is linked to undergoer in both (1) and (2) (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 234) To summarize what has been said with respect to LSs argument positions thematic roles, and the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy LSs are primitives and semantic arguments such as 'x' and 'y' are 12 The rule in (6) is stated in terms of thematic roles and the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4). It could just as well be stated in terms of argument positions and the hierarchy in (5) ; i.e ., be' + the 2nd argument of predicate' (x,y) predicate. 13 1 show later that some functionally marked undergoers are accompanied by corresponding morphological marking which is absent in equational clauses such as (1) and (2).

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40 included in LSs On the other hand, thematic roles are not primitives. Within RRG, thematic roles are traditionally defined in terms of LSs. This has been done by assigning semantic labels such as 'theme' to argument positions in the LS Some thematic roles are then linked to macroroles (actor or undergoer) following the hierarchy in (4). More recently Van Valin suggests doing away with thematic roles all together, and simply linking argument positions in the LS to the macroroles following the hierarchy in (5). Normally, arguments in the LS are linked to argument positions in syntax. However the analysis presented here requires that the second argument in the LS of equational states be incorporated into the predicate so that only one of the two LS arguments is linked to an argument position in syntax. Restated in terms of thematic roles the analysis presented here requires that the theme argument be incorporated into the predicate so that only one of the two thematic roles is linked to an argument position in syntax (cf. Schwartz 1993:442). This analysis asserts that although nominals normally function as arguments, they can also function as predicates Thus nominals such as sigu hu 'my teacher' in (1) and kuman ku 'my uncle' in (2) are predicates which are neither assigned a thematic role nor linked to an argument position in syntax. 14 In Bonggi equational clauses the attribute functions as the predicate_ IS Once thematic roles have been assigned to macroroles the next step is to assign actor and undergoer to specific morphosyntactic statuses (VV 1993: 7 6) The most important syntactic function is the subject or pivot. The pivot is the primary argument in a syntactic construction The highest ranking macrorole is assigned to the pivot. Bonggi is syntactically an accusative language The Pivot Choice Hierarchy for syntactically accusative languages is shown in (7) with the leftmost item being the least marked pivot choice (cf. VV 1993 : 59) 14 Cf. Schachter's (1985 : 7) analysis of Tagalog equational clauses. 15 Cf. Schwartz's (1993:443) discussion of Dakota She uses the term 'identificational', whereas VV (1993 : 39) uses the term 'equational.' I use these terms interchangeably.

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40 included in LSs On the other hand, thematic roles are not primitives. Within RRG, thematic roles are traditionally defined in terms of LSs. This has been done by assigning semantic labels such as 'theme' to argument positions in the LS Some thematic roles are then linked to macroroles (actor or undergoer) following the hierarchy in (4). More recently Van Valin suggests doing away with thematic roles all together, and simply linking argument positions in the LS to the macroroles following the hierarchy in (5). Normally, arguments in the LS are linked to argument positions in syntax. However the analysis presented here requires that the second argument in the LS of equational states be incorporated into the predicate so that only one of the two LS arguments is linked to an argument position in syntax. Restated in terms of thematic roles the analysis presented here requires that the theme argument be incorporated into the predicate so that only one of the two thematic roles is linked to an argument position in syntax (cf. Schwartz 1993:442). This analysis asserts that although nominals normally function as arguments, they can also function as predicates Thus nominals such as sigu hu 'my teacher' in (1) and kuman ku 'my uncle' in (2) are predicates which are neither assigned a thematic role nor linked to an argument position in syntax. 14 In Bonggi equational clauses the attribute functions as the predicate_ IS Once thematic roles have been assigned to macroroles the next step is to assign actor and undergoer to specific morphosyntactic statuses (VV 1993: 7 6) The most important syntactic function is the subject or pivot. The pivot is the primary argument in a syntactic construction The highest ranking macrorole is assigned to the pivot. Bonggi is syntactically an accusative language The Pivot Choice Hierarchy for syntactically accusative languages is shown in (7) with the leftmost item being the least marked pivot choice (cf. VV 1993 : 59) 14 Cf. Schachter's (1985 : 7) analysis of Tagalog equational clauses. 15 Cf. Schwartz's (1993:443) discussion of Dakota She uses the term 'identificational', whereas VV (1993 : 39) uses the term 'equational.' I use these terms interchangeably.

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(7) Pivot Choice Hierarchy Actor > Undergoer > other 41 According to the hierarchy in (7) the undergoer sia 'he' in both (1) and (2) is assigned the status of syntactic pivot since it is the only available macrorole Part of the process involved in assigning actor and undergoer to specific morphosyntactic statuses is case and preposition assignment. The pivot is always assigned nominative case As pointed out in .3 1 pivots (subjects) are marked in one of three ways in Bonggi : (a) the special particle si for personal names (b) nominative case pronouns or (c) word-order. For example, because the pivot in ( 1) is a pronoun it is assigned nominative case and the form is sia 'he' ( cf. Table 1.2). On the other hand, nominals such as sigu hu 'my teacher' in (1) cannot be replaced by a pronoun and assigned case. The absence of pronominal forms and case strengthens the argument stated above that attribute nominals in equational clauses (e g sigu hu 'my teacher' in (1)) are not linked to an argument position in syntax The pivot choice hierarchy in (7) claims that the actor is the unmarked choice for syntactic pivot in a clause. However equational clauses have onl y one macrorole an undergoer, which must be the syntactic pivot. Choosing a pivot other than the actor is only a marked pivot choice when there is also an actor macrorole In summary equational states occur in Bonggi syntax as nonverbal clauses whose predicate is a nominal which refers to the attribute ascribed to the clause pivot. Unlike verbal predicates which index or cross-reference the clause pivot (subject) in the verb morphology 16 nonverbal predicates are not cross-referenced. 16 See the discussion of verbal indexing ( or cross-referencing) in 1.3 1 following examples ( 18) (19) (20) (21) and (22) The affixes involved in verbal cross-referencing are often referred to as voice affixes (e g. de Guzman 1986 : 349) De Guzman concludes that identificational clauses in Tagalog are also nonverbal, and the predicate is nominal However her paper primarily deals with cleft constructions which are derived from equational/identificational clauses like those described in this section.

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(7) Pivot Choice Hierarchy Actor > Undergoer > other 41 According to the hierarchy in (7) the undergoer sia 'he' in both (1) and (2) is assigned the status of syntactic pivot since it is the only available macrorole Part of the process involved in assigning actor and undergoer to specific morphosyntactic statuses is case and preposition assignment. The pivot is always assigned nominative case As pointed out in .3 1 pivots (subjects) are marked in one of three ways in Bonggi : (a) the special particle si for personal names (b) nominative case pronouns or (c) word-order. For example, because the pivot in ( 1) is a pronoun it is assigned nominative case and the form is sia 'he' ( cf. Table 1.2). On the other hand, nominals such as sigu hu 'my teacher' in (1) cannot be replaced by a pronoun and assigned case. The absence of pronominal forms and case strengthens the argument stated above that attribute nominals in equational clauses (e g sigu hu 'my teacher' in (1)) are not linked to an argument position in syntax The pivot choice hierarchy in (7) claims that the actor is the unmarked choice for syntactic pivot in a clause. However equational clauses have onl y one macrorole an undergoer, which must be the syntactic pivot. Choosing a pivot other than the actor is only a marked pivot choice when there is also an actor macrorole In summary equational states occur in Bonggi syntax as nonverbal clauses whose predicate is a nominal which refers to the attribute ascribed to the clause pivot. Unlike verbal predicates which index or cross-reference the clause pivot (subject) in the verb morphology 16 nonverbal predicates are not cross-referenced. 16 See the discussion of verbal indexing ( or cross-referencing) in 1.3 1 following examples ( 18) (19) (20) (21) and (22) The affixes involved in verbal cross-referencing are often referred to as voice affixes (e g. de Guzman 1986 : 349) De Guzman concludes that identificational clauses in Tagalog are also nonverbal, and the predicate is nominal However her paper primarily deals with cleft constructions which are derived from equational/identificational clauses like those described in this section.

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42 The analysis of equational states presented in this section is dependent upon the lexical rule of argument incorporation found in (6) Although a claim has been made that incorporation takes place what remains to be accounted for is evidence for incorporation Evidence for incorporation includes : a) impossibility of case assignment to the incorporated argument ; and b) impossibility of prepositions occurring with the incorporated argument. 2 1.2 Locative States This section introduces locative states whereas later sections show how some verbs are derived from these statives There are two types of locative stative clauses in Bonggi nonverbal and verbal. I begin with a description of nonverbal locative clauses followed b y verbal locative clauses. Nonverbal clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is not a verb The previous section showed that Bonggi equational statives are always nonverbal and the predicate is a nominal. Like equational statives many locati v e stative clauses in Bonggi are nonverbal. As pointed out in the previous section a general characteristic of states is that the y attribute some property to an entity. When the property attributed to an entity is the location of that entity the result is a locati v e clause In nonverbal locative clauses the location is realized in syntax as either a deictic adverb or a locative prepositional phrase and the deictic or preposition functions as the clause predicate Thus a nonverbal locati v e clause can be defined as a clause with a deictic or prepositional predicate A nonverbal locative clause with a locative prepositional phrase is illustrated in (8) (8) Sia dii bali n y a 3sNOM at house 3sGEN HE is at his house.' Locative stative predicates have the two-place abstract predicate be-at' ( x,y ) in their LS (Joll y 1993 : 277) The LS for locative statives (including (8)) i s shown in (9) (9) LS for locative statives: be-at' ( x,y )

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42 The analysis of equational states presented in this section is dependent upon the lexical rule of argument incorporation found in (6) Although a claim has been made that incorporation takes place what remains to be accounted for is evidence for incorporation Evidence for incorporation includes : a) impossibility of case assignment to the incorporated argument ; and b) impossibility of prepositions occurring with the incorporated argument. 2 1.2 Locative States This section introduces locative states whereas later sections show how some verbs are derived from these statives There are two types of locative stative clauses in Bonggi nonverbal and verbal. I begin with a description of nonverbal locative clauses followed b y verbal locative clauses. Nonverbal clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is not a verb The previous section showed that Bonggi equational statives are always nonverbal and the predicate is a nominal. Like equational statives many locati v e stative clauses in Bonggi are nonverbal. As pointed out in the previous section a general characteristic of states is that the y attribute some property to an entity. When the property attributed to an entity is the location of that entity the result is a locati v e clause In nonverbal locative clauses the location is realized in syntax as either a deictic adverb or a locative prepositional phrase and the deictic or preposition functions as the clause predicate Thus a nonverbal locati v e clause can be defined as a clause with a deictic or prepositional predicate A nonverbal locative clause with a locative prepositional phrase is illustrated in (8) (8) Sia dii bali n y a 3sNOM at house 3sGEN HE is at his house.' Locative stative predicates have the two-place abstract predicate be-at' ( x,y ) in their LS (Joll y 1993 : 277) The LS for locative statives (including (8)) i s shown in (9) (9) LS for locative statives: be-at' ( x,y )

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43 According to an RRG analysis in terms of thematic roles ( cf. 1.1 ) the first argument 'x' of two-place locative stative verbs is a locative and the second argument 'y' a theme (VV 1993 : 40) For example in (8) bali nya 'his house' is a locative argument, sia 'he' a theme and the predicate is the preposition dii 'at'. As stated in 1 l the number of macroroles a verb takes is either 0 1 or 2 and is normally predictable from the LS of the verb. That is if there are two or more arguments in the LS of a verb then the verb takes two macroroles in the default situation The nature of the macroroles is also derived from the verb's LS Macrorole assignment principles are summarized in (10) (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 227 ; Van Valin 1993 : 47). (10) GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES : a. Number: the number of macroroles a verb takes is less than or equal to the number of arguments in its LS 1. If a verb has two or more arguments in its LS it will take two macroroles 2 If a verb has one argument in its LS it will take one macrorole b Nature : for verbs which take one macrorole 1. If the verb has an activity predicate in its LS, the macrorole is actor 2. If the verb has no activity predicate in its LS the macrorole is undergoer According to the default situation in ( 1 0a. l ), (8) should have two macroroles since its LS in (9) has two arguments 'x' and 'y'. However (8) is a nonverbal locative clause and such clauses are an exception to ( 1 0a 1) in that they have only a single macrorole. That is, these clauses are an exception to the default situation in ( 1 0a. l ), but they do not contradict the general principle in (10a) The nature of the single macrorole is predictable from (10b) ; that is the single macrorole in (8) is an undergoer since there is no activity predicate in its LS in (9). 17 Following the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) the theme argument is the unmarked choice for undergoer since it is the rightmost of the two thematic relations (locative and theme). Thus, in (8) the theme argument (sia 'he') is assigned the macrorole status undergoer. Furthermore because the undergoer is the only macrorole available it is assigned to the pivot according to the Pivot 17 Activities and subclasses of activity predicates are described in .3. Activity predicates are defined as predicates with do' in their LS.

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43 According to an RRG analysis in terms of thematic roles ( cf. 1.1 ) the first argument 'x' of two-place locative stative verbs is a locative and the second argument 'y' a theme (VV 1993 : 40) For example in (8) bali nya 'his house' is a locative argument, sia 'he' a theme and the predicate is the preposition dii 'at'. As stated in 1 l the number of macroroles a verb takes is either 0 1 or 2 and is normally predictable from the LS of the verb. That is if there are two or more arguments in the LS of a verb then the verb takes two macroroles in the default situation The nature of the macroroles is also derived from the verb's LS Macrorole assignment principles are summarized in (10) (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 227 ; Van Valin 1993 : 47). (10) GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES : a. Number: the number of macroroles a verb takes is less than or equal to the number of arguments in its LS 1. If a verb has two or more arguments in its LS it will take two macroroles 2 If a verb has one argument in its LS it will take one macrorole b Nature : for verbs which take one macrorole 1. If the verb has an activity predicate in its LS, the macrorole is actor 2. If the verb has no activity predicate in its LS the macrorole is undergoer According to the default situation in ( 1 0a. l ), (8) should have two macroroles since its LS in (9) has two arguments 'x' and 'y'. However (8) is a nonverbal locative clause and such clauses are an exception to ( 1 0a 1) in that they have only a single macrorole. That is, these clauses are an exception to the default situation in ( 1 0a. l ), but they do not contradict the general principle in (10a) The nature of the single macrorole is predictable from (10b) ; that is the single macrorole in (8) is an undergoer since there is no activity predicate in its LS in (9). 17 Following the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) the theme argument is the unmarked choice for undergoer since it is the rightmost of the two thematic relations (locative and theme). Thus, in (8) the theme argument (sia 'he') is assigned the macrorole status undergoer. Furthermore because the undergoer is the only macrorole available it is assigned to the pivot according to the Pivot 17 Activities and subclasses of activity predicates are described in .3. Activity predicates are defined as predicates with do' in their LS.

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44 Choice Hierarchy in (7) As pointed out earlier the pivot is always assigned nominati v e case Therefore because the undergoer-pivot in (8) is a pronoun, it is assigned nominative case and the form is sia 'he' (cf. Table 1.2). It is important to keep in mind that the LSs described here provide onl y a partial semantic representation of the verb and clause structure Furthermore the LS in (9) represents the class of locative statives and not simpl y the LS of (8) Thus the presence of be-at in (9) does not mean that surface syntax must contain a locative phrase introduced b y dii 'at' as in (8) Instead an y member of certain sets of locative elements including dii 'at' can occur. Dii itself can be a preposition as in (8) or a locative adverb. 18 There are two sets of spatial deictic adverbs in Bonggi The first set which includes dii 'there' refers to specific locations which are relative to the speaker as shown in Table 2 3. Table 2 3 : Specific spatial deictics Form Meaning diti 'here' (near speaker) dia there' (near addressee) dioo 'there' (not near speaker or addressee but usuall y visible) dii y onder' (not visible) The second set of spatial deictics which are shown in Table 2.4 refer to nonspecific spatial deictics ; that is the y are more vague or have more approximate locations than their counterparts in Table 2 3. 18 Although locative adverbs and locative prepositional phrases belong to different word classes the y have the same function Adverbs can be seen as abbreviated prepositional phrases

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44 Choice Hierarchy in (7) As pointed out earlier the pivot is always assigned nominati v e case Therefore because the undergoer-pivot in (8) is a pronoun, it is assigned nominative case and the form is sia 'he' (cf. Table 1.2). It is important to keep in mind that the LSs described here provide onl y a partial semantic representation of the verb and clause structure Furthermore the LS in (9) represents the class of locative statives and not simpl y the LS of (8) Thus the presence of be-at in (9) does not mean that surface syntax must contain a locative phrase introduced b y dii 'at' as in (8) Instead an y member of certain sets of locative elements including dii 'at' can occur. Dii itself can be a preposition as in (8) or a locative adverb. 18 There are two sets of spatial deictic adverbs in Bonggi The first set which includes dii 'there' refers to specific locations which are relative to the speaker as shown in Table 2 3. Table 2 3 : Specific spatial deictics Form Meaning diti 'here' (near speaker) dia there' (near addressee) dioo 'there' (not near speaker or addressee but usuall y visible) dii y onder' (not visible) The second set of spatial deictics which are shown in Table 2.4 refer to nonspecific spatial deictics ; that is the y are more vague or have more approximate locations than their counterparts in Table 2 3. 18 Although locative adverbs and locative prepositional phrases belong to different word classes the y have the same function Adverbs can be seen as abbreviated prepositional phrases

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45 Table 2.4 : Nonspecific spatial deictics Form Meaning kati' 'somewhere here' (near speaker) kana'/kono' 'somewhere there' (near addressee) kenoo 'somewhere there' (not near speaker or addressee, but usuall y visible) kuii 'somewhere y onder' (not visible) The unmarked or basic locative preposition is dii 'at' which can be combined with other spatial prepositions to form more complex locative meanings as in (11) and (12). 19 (11) Sia dii soid bali nya 3sNOM at inside house 3sGEN 'HE is inside his house (12) Sia dii sodi diaadn. 3sNOM at beside lsACC 'HE is beside me.' Based on the analytical steps introduced above, (13) is a summary analysis of (11). (13) a. LS : b Assign thematic relations : c Assign semantic macroroles : d Assign syntactic functions: e Assign case and prepositions : be-at' (x y) x=locative y=theme bali nya 'his house' locative2 sia 'he' theme undergoer theme 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'he' oblique argument locative-bah nya 'his house' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case locative-bali nya 'his house' oblique case dii soid 'inside' (13a) indicates that the LS for (11) is the same as that shown in (9) for (8) Furthermore (13a) claims that as always the first argument 'x' oflocative statives is a locative and the second 'y' a theme (13b) assigns the thematic relations locative and theme to specific elements in (11). 19 Cf. Joll y (1993 : 290) for references supporting the choice of 'at' as the basic locative 20 The symbol~ is used to mean 'assigned' with the assignment being in the direction of the arrow

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45 Table 2.4 : Nonspecific spatial deictics Form Meaning kati' 'somewhere here' (near speaker) kana'/kono' 'somewhere there' (near addressee) kenoo 'somewhere there' (not near speaker or addressee, but usuall y visible) kuii 'somewhere y onder' (not visible) The unmarked or basic locative preposition is dii 'at' which can be combined with other spatial prepositions to form more complex locative meanings as in (11) and (12). 19 (11) Sia dii soid bali nya 3sNOM at inside house 3sGEN 'HE is inside his house (12) Sia dii sodi diaadn. 3sNOM at beside lsACC 'HE is beside me.' Based on the analytical steps introduced above, (13) is a summary analysis of (11). (13) a. LS : b Assign thematic relations : c Assign semantic macroroles : d Assign syntactic functions: e Assign case and prepositions : be-at' (x y) x=locative y=theme bali nya 'his house' locative2 sia 'he' theme undergoer theme 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'he' oblique argument locative-bah nya 'his house' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case locative-bali nya 'his house' oblique case dii soid 'inside' (13a) indicates that the LS for (11) is the same as that shown in (9) for (8) Furthermore (13a) claims that as always the first argument 'x' oflocative statives is a locative and the second 'y' a theme (13b) assigns the thematic relations locative and theme to specific elements in (11). 19 Cf. Joll y (1993 : 290) for references supporting the choice of 'at' as the basic locative 20 The symbol~ is used to mean 'assigned' with the assignment being in the direction of the arrow

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46 Nonverbal locative clauses (e.g (8) (11), and (12)) have two thematic roles, but only one core syntactic argument position and one macrorole. 21 This corresponds to the general principle in ( 1 Oa), whereby a predicate can have fewer macroroles than it has arguments in its LS. The nature of the single macrorole is predictable from (10b) ; since there is no activity predicate in the LS in (13a), the single macrorole has to be an undergoer. (13c) claims that theme is assigned to undergoer which is the single macrorole The assignment of theme to undergoer follows from the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) since theme is the rightmost of the two thematic relations (locative and theme). (13d) assigns the undergoer (sia 'he') to the syntactic status of clause pivot according to the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7), and it assigns the locative argument to the syntactic status of oblique argument. Finally (13e) shows that the pivot is assigned nominative case and the locative argument oblique case 22 In locative stative situations the theme (the figure in gestalt terms) is located with respect to a point ofreference (the ground or location) (cf. Talmy 1985 : 61). The point of reference (ground/location) does not have to be an inanimate object incapable of movement as shown by diaadn 'me' in (12) A summary analysis of (12) would be the same as that provided for (11) in (13), with the exception of diaadn 'me' being assigned the thematic relation locative in (13b) and the assignment of accusative case to diaadn 'me' As stated above dii 'at' is the basic locative preposition which combines with other spatial prepositions as shown in Table 2 5 21 In nonverbal locative clauses the locative argument is always an oblique argument which is preceded by an oblique marker. 22 The assignment of case and adpositions is discussed in more detail below The locative elements dii 'at', dii soid 'inside' and dii sodi 'beside' in (8), (11), and (12) respectively function as both predicates and prepositions in these clauses

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46 Nonverbal locative clauses (e.g (8) (11), and (12)) have two thematic roles, but only one core syntactic argument position and one macrorole. 21 This corresponds to the general principle in ( 1 Oa), whereby a predicate can have fewer macroroles than it has arguments in its LS. The nature of the single macrorole is predictable from (10b) ; since there is no activity predicate in the LS in (13a), the single macrorole has to be an undergoer. (13c) claims that theme is assigned to undergoer which is the single macrorole The assignment of theme to undergoer follows from the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) since theme is the rightmost of the two thematic relations (locative and theme). (13d) assigns the undergoer (sia 'he') to the syntactic status of clause pivot according to the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7), and it assigns the locative argument to the syntactic status of oblique argument. Finally (13e) shows that the pivot is assigned nominative case and the locative argument oblique case 22 In locative stative situations the theme (the figure in gestalt terms) is located with respect to a point ofreference (the ground or location) (cf. Talmy 1985 : 61). The point of reference (ground/location) does not have to be an inanimate object incapable of movement as shown by diaadn 'me' in (12) A summary analysis of (12) would be the same as that provided for (11) in (13), with the exception of diaadn 'me' being assigned the thematic relation locative in (13b) and the assignment of accusative case to diaadn 'me' As stated above dii 'at' is the basic locative preposition which combines with other spatial prepositions as shown in Table 2 5 21 In nonverbal locative clauses the locative argument is always an oblique argument which is preceded by an oblique marker. 22 The assignment of case and adpositions is discussed in more detail below The locative elements dii 'at', dii soid 'inside' and dii sodi 'beside' in (8), (11), and (12) respectively function as both predicates and prepositions in these clauses

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47 Table 2 5 : Locative preposition combinations Form Meaning Form Meaning dii libuat on top of dii sidukng below: underneath dii sirib below ; underneath dii soid inside2 3 dii ruar outside dii sodi beside in the vicinitv of dii ting:iruangan in the face of dii kimidiadn behind : after dii puiruluadn before in front of dii simbela' on the side ; on the other side dii tenga'-tenga' in the middle of dii seborokng on the other side of a bod y of water Because the LS in (9) represents the class of locative statives an y of the spatial deictics in Tables 2 3 or 2.4 or an y of the prepositions in Table 2.5 could function as the predicate in a nonverbal locative clause For example the predicate in (14) is the spatial deictic kati' 'somewhere here' (14) Sia kati' 3sNOM here somewhere 'HE is somewhere here The locative states discussed thus far have all been nonverbal (e g (8) (11) (12) and (14)) Nonverbal locative clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is either a deictic adverb (e g (14)) or a locative preposition (e g. (8) (11) and (12)) Verbal locative clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is a stative verb. Such verbs are derived from adjective roots which have a locative meaning. Sentence (15) provides an example of the locative stati v e v erb mingad 'STnear' (15) Sia m-ingad bait n y a 3sNOM ST-near house 3sGEN 'HE is near his house 23 Dii soid 'ins i de' is the correct pronunciation in the Limbuak Darat cluster w hile dii soig 'inside' is the correct pronunciation in the Palak Darat cluster ( cf. 1 1).

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47 Table 2 5 : Locative preposition combinations Form Meaning Form Meaning dii libuat on top of dii sidukng below: underneath dii sirib below ; underneath dii soid inside2 3 dii ruar outside dii sodi beside in the vicinitv of dii ting:iruangan in the face of dii kimidiadn behind : after dii puiruluadn before in front of dii simbela' on the side ; on the other side dii tenga'-tenga' in the middle of dii seborokng on the other side of a bod y of water Because the LS in (9) represents the class of locative statives an y of the spatial deictics in Tables 2 3 or 2.4 or an y of the prepositions in Table 2.5 could function as the predicate in a nonverbal locative clause For example the predicate in (14) is the spatial deictic kati' 'somewhere here' (14) Sia kati' 3sNOM here somewhere 'HE is somewhere here The locative states discussed thus far have all been nonverbal (e g (8) (11) (12) and (14)) Nonverbal locative clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is either a deictic adverb (e g (14)) or a locative preposition (e g. (8) (11) and (12)) Verbal locative clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is a stative verb. Such verbs are derived from adjective roots which have a locative meaning. Sentence (15) provides an example of the locative stati v e v erb mingad 'STnear' (15) Sia m-ingad bait n y a 3sNOM ST-near house 3sGEN 'HE is near his house 23 Dii soid 'ins i de' is the correct pronunciation in the Limbuak Darat cluster w hile dii soig 'inside' is the correct pronunciation in the Palak Darat cluster ( cf. 1 1).

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48 Thus far I have discussed LSs as a general property of clauses ; for example be' (x,y) is the LS for equational stative clauses (cf. (3)) and be-at' (x y) is the LS for locative stative clauses (cf. (9)). 24 A distinction is made between general LSs and clause-specific LSs. For example the general LS for locative statives (e g (15) and (8) repeated here as (16)) is shown in (17a) whereas the clause-specific LS for (15) is provided in (17b) and the clause-specific LS for (16) in (17c). (16) Sia dii bali nya 3sNOM at house 3sGEN 'HE is at his house.' (17) a General LS for locative statives : be-at' (x y) x=locative y=theme b Clause-specific LS for (15) : ingad 'near' (bali nya 'his house' sia 'he') c Clause-specific LS for (16) : dii 'at' (bali nya 'his house' sia 'he') A summary analysis of (15) is provided in (18) 25 (18) a General LS for locative statives : b Clause-specific LS for (15) : c. Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference verb: be-at' ( x,y ) x=locative y=theme ingad 'near' (bali nya 'his house' sia 'he') bali nya 'his house' +locative sia 'he' +theme undergoer +theme 1 Macrorole pivot +undergoer-sia he' direct core syntactic argument +locative-ba/i nya 'his house' pivot-sia 'he'+nominative case direct core argument-bah nya his house'+accusative case (0) 26 ingad 'near' +m'ST' (18a) provides the general LS for all locative stative clauses both verbal and nonverbal (cf. (13a)) (18b) repeats the clause-specific LS for (15) (cf. (l 7b)) (18c) assigns the thematic relations locative and theme to specific elements in (15). (18d) assigns the theme sia 'he' to undergoer following the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) (18e) assigns the undergoer (sia 'he') to the syntactic status of clause pivot according to the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7) and it assigns 24 Equational clauses are nonverbal stative clauses whose predicate is a nominal Locative clauses are stative clauses whose predicate is either verbal (e.g. (15)) or nonverbal in which case the predicate is a deictic adverb (e g (14)) or a locative preposition (e g (8) (11) and (12)) 25cf. the summary analysis of (11) found in (13) 26 Common nouns such as bali 'house' are not case marked which is indicated by (0)

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48 Thus far I have discussed LSs as a general property of clauses ; for example be' (x,y) is the LS for equational stative clauses (cf. (3)) and be-at' (x y) is the LS for locative stative clauses (cf. (9)). 24 A distinction is made between general LSs and clause-specific LSs. For example the general LS for locative statives (e g (15) and (8) repeated here as (16)) is shown in (17a) whereas the clause-specific LS for (15) is provided in (17b) and the clause-specific LS for (16) in (17c). (16) Sia dii bali nya 3sNOM at house 3sGEN 'HE is at his house.' (17) a General LS for locative statives : be-at' (x y) x=locative y=theme b Clause-specific LS for (15) : ingad 'near' (bali nya 'his house' sia 'he') c Clause-specific LS for (16) : dii 'at' (bali nya 'his house' sia 'he') A summary analysis of (15) is provided in (18) 25 (18) a General LS for locative statives : b Clause-specific LS for (15) : c. Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference verb: be-at' ( x,y ) x=locative y=theme ingad 'near' (bali nya 'his house' sia 'he') bali nya 'his house' +locative sia 'he' +theme undergoer +theme 1 Macrorole pivot +undergoer-sia he' direct core syntactic argument +locative-ba/i nya 'his house' pivot-sia 'he'+nominative case direct core argument-bah nya his house'+accusative case (0) 26 ingad 'near' +m'ST' (18a) provides the general LS for all locative stative clauses both verbal and nonverbal (cf. (13a)) (18b) repeats the clause-specific LS for (15) (cf. (l 7b)) (18c) assigns the thematic relations locative and theme to specific elements in (15). (18d) assigns the theme sia 'he' to undergoer following the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) (18e) assigns the undergoer (sia 'he') to the syntactic status of clause pivot according to the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7) and it assigns 24 Equational clauses are nonverbal stative clauses whose predicate is a nominal Locative clauses are stative clauses whose predicate is either verbal (e.g. (15)) or nonverbal in which case the predicate is a deictic adverb (e g (14)) or a locative preposition (e g (8) (11) and (12)) 25cf. the summary analysis of (11) found in (13) 26 Common nouns such as bali 'house' are not case marked which is indicated by (0)

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49 the locative argument to the syntactic status of direct core syntactic argument. 27 ( l 8t) assigns nominative case to the pivot and accusative case to the other direct core argument. ( 18g) cross references the verb with the prefix m. Previous discussion did not include cross-referencing the verb because the predicate of nonverbal clauses is not cross-referenced. However verbal clauses such as (15) usuall y require verbal cross-referencing The verbal cross-referencing s y stem has traditionall y been called a "focus" s y stem within Philippine linguistics with one NP in a clause indexed b y the morphology of the verb as being "in focus The role of the verb morphology is usually considered as encoding voice distinctions or the semantic role of the NP Onl y one NP is cross-referenced and it is the pivot. The undergoer-theme in locative clauses is cross-referenced b y the verbal prefix mwhen the predicate is a stati v e v erb Besides the distinction between general LSs and clause-specific LSs is the distinction between semantic arguments and syntactic arguments. Semantic arguments refer to arguments in the LS such as 'x' and y in (17a) The arguments in the LS of a VERB provide a strict definition of core semantic arguments (VV 1993 : 40). In the simple case there is a one-to-one correspondence between the number of arguments in the LS of a verb and the number of arguments in syntax This is clearl y the case in (18b) and (15) where there are two semantic arguments in the LS in (18b) and two syntactic arguments in (15). In some instances however there are arguments in the general LS which do not occur in syntax For example the general and clause-specific LSs for (19) are shown in (20a) and (20b) 27 Cf. the assignment of the locative argument to the syntactic status of direct core argument in (18e) with the assignment of the locative argument to the syntactic status of oblique argument in (13d) Like nonverbal locative clauses the locative argument in verbal locative clauses can be assigned the syntactic status of oblique argument. For example in (15) the locative argument bali nya 'his house' can be preceded b y the oblique marker dii 'at'

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49 the locative argument to the syntactic status of direct core syntactic argument. 27 ( l 8t) assigns nominative case to the pivot and accusative case to the other direct core argument. ( 18g) cross references the verb with the prefix m. Previous discussion did not include cross-referencing the verb because the predicate of nonverbal clauses is not cross-referenced. However verbal clauses such as (15) usuall y require verbal cross-referencing The verbal cross-referencing s y stem has traditionall y been called a "focus" s y stem within Philippine linguistics with one NP in a clause indexed b y the morphology of the verb as being "in focus The role of the verb morphology is usually considered as encoding voice distinctions or the semantic role of the NP Onl y one NP is cross-referenced and it is the pivot. The undergoer-theme in locative clauses is cross-referenced b y the verbal prefix mwhen the predicate is a stati v e v erb Besides the distinction between general LSs and clause-specific LSs is the distinction between semantic arguments and syntactic arguments. Semantic arguments refer to arguments in the LS such as 'x' and y in (17a) The arguments in the LS of a VERB provide a strict definition of core semantic arguments (VV 1993 : 40). In the simple case there is a one-to-one correspondence between the number of arguments in the LS of a verb and the number of arguments in syntax This is clearl y the case in (18b) and (15) where there are two semantic arguments in the LS in (18b) and two syntactic arguments in (15). In some instances however there are arguments in the general LS which do not occur in syntax For example the general and clause-specific LSs for (19) are shown in (20a) and (20b) 27 Cf. the assignment of the locative argument to the syntactic status of direct core argument in (18e) with the assignment of the locative argument to the syntactic status of oblique argument in (13d) Like nonverbal locative clauses the locative argument in verbal locative clauses can be assigned the syntactic status of oblique argument. For example in (15) the locative argument bali nya 'his house' can be preceded b y the oblique marker dii 'at'

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50 The predicate in (19) is dii 'there' 28 the theme is sia 'he' and there is no locative argument present. The absence of a locative argument in syntax is accounted for in the clause-specific LS of (20b ) where the locative argument is unspecified being filled by "0 11 29 (19) Sia dii 3sNOM there 'HE is there.' (20) a. General LS for locative statives : be-at' (x,y) b Clause-specific LS for (19) : dii 'there' (0 sia 'he')30 x=locative, y=theme To summarize locative states occur in Bonggi syntax as either verbal or nonverbal clauses. The locative is realized morphosyntactically as a stative verb in verbal clauses, and functions predicatively in nonverbal clauses. 2 1.3. Condition States The previous two sections have provided an overview of two types of stative situations in Bonggi. The former section showed that the function of equationaVidentificational clauses is to attribute a social role (including kinship relation) to an entity whereas the latter showed that the function of locational clauses is to attribute a location to an entity It was also pointed out that the predicate of the former is always realized as a nominal whereas the predicate of the latter is realized as either a deictic adverb a locative preposition, or a stative verb This section provides strong grounds both semantically and morphosyntactically for distinguishing locative statives from condition statives It begins with a description of the simplest kind of verbal stative situations which are one-place condition stative clauses The function of 28 Recall that dii 'there/at' can be either a spatial deictic as in ( 19) ( cf. Table 2 3) or a preposition as in (16) In both of these instances dii functions as the predicate of a locative clause For instances where dii functions as a simple preposition see 1 3 1 examples (25) and (26). 29cr. vv (1993 : 156 ; fn 46) 30 A similar clause-specific LS can be provided for (14)

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50 The predicate in (19) is dii 'there' 28 the theme is sia 'he' and there is no locative argument present. The absence of a locative argument in syntax is accounted for in the clause-specific LS of (20b ) where the locative argument is unspecified being filled by "0 11 29 (19) Sia dii 3sNOM there 'HE is there.' (20) a. General LS for locative statives : be-at' (x,y) b Clause-specific LS for (19) : dii 'there' (0 sia 'he')30 x=locative, y=theme To summarize locative states occur in Bonggi syntax as either verbal or nonverbal clauses. The locative is realized morphosyntactically as a stative verb in verbal clauses, and functions predicatively in nonverbal clauses. 2 1.3. Condition States The previous two sections have provided an overview of two types of stative situations in Bonggi. The former section showed that the function of equationaVidentificational clauses is to attribute a social role (including kinship relation) to an entity whereas the latter showed that the function of locational clauses is to attribute a location to an entity It was also pointed out that the predicate of the former is always realized as a nominal whereas the predicate of the latter is realized as either a deictic adverb a locative preposition, or a stative verb This section provides strong grounds both semantically and morphosyntactically for distinguishing locative statives from condition statives It begins with a description of the simplest kind of verbal stative situations which are one-place condition stative clauses The function of 28 Recall that dii 'there/at' can be either a spatial deictic as in ( 19) ( cf. Table 2 3) or a preposition as in (16) In both of these instances dii functions as the predicate of a locative clause For instances where dii functions as a simple preposition see 1 3 1 examples (25) and (26). 29cr. vv (1993 : 156 ; fn 46) 30 A similar clause-specific LS can be provided for (14)

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51 condition stative clauses is to attribute a quality to an entity. The predicate of these clauses is always a stative verb Sentence (21) illustrates a condition stative clause (21) Sia ng-korikng (m-koring) 31 3sNOM ST-dry 'IT is dry The logical structure for condition statives is shown in (22) (22) LS for condition statives : predicate' (x) According to Van Valin (1993 : 39-40) the single argument of a one-place stative verb is a patient. Based on the analytical steps introduced in the previous two sections (23) is a summary analysis of (21) (23) a. General LS for condition statives: predicate' (x) x=patient b Clause-specific LS for (21): korikng 'dry' (sia 'it') c Assign thematic relations : sia 'it' patient d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer patient 1 Macrorole e. Assign syntactic functions : pivot undergoer-sia 'it' f. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-sia 'it' nominative case g. Cross-reference verb : korikng 'dry' m'ST' 31 Morphophonemic alternations in Bonggi verbs are complex. Roots and accompanying verbal affixes are enclosed in parentheses following the surface forms. Within roots nasals are always homorganic with contiguous consonants. The following nasal assimilation rule makes nasal consonants homorganic with following nonsonorant consonants Nasal assimilation : C r +nasal] r a.anterior 7 1 L Bcoronal J C 1 -sonorant 7 I a.anterior I LBcoronal J The nasal assimilation rule is ordered after vowel epenthesis which inserts vowels between prefixes and certain consonants in order to avoid impermissible syllable structures The vowel epenthesis rule is : Vowel epenthesis : V C C V 0 [a.F] / [+prefix]+_ I +sonorant l [a.F] L +continuant J The vowel epenthesis rule is ordered before a prefix vowel harmony rule. The condition stative verb mi-gia 'ST-big' (m-gia) is an exception to the rule of vowel epenthesis As shown in (24) roots whose initial consonant is /g/ such as garakng 'ferocious' are normally preceded by /g/ 'ng'

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51 condition stative clauses is to attribute a quality to an entity. The predicate of these clauses is always a stative verb Sentence (21) illustrates a condition stative clause (21) Sia ng-korikng (m-koring) 31 3sNOM ST-dry 'IT is dry The logical structure for condition statives is shown in (22) (22) LS for condition statives : predicate' (x) According to Van Valin (1993 : 39-40) the single argument of a one-place stative verb is a patient. Based on the analytical steps introduced in the previous two sections (23) is a summary analysis of (21) (23) a. General LS for condition statives: predicate' (x) x=patient b Clause-specific LS for (21): korikng 'dry' (sia 'it') c Assign thematic relations : sia 'it' patient d. Assign semantic macroroles: undergoer patient 1 Macrorole e. Assign syntactic functions : pivot undergoer-sia 'it' f. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-sia 'it' nominative case g. Cross-reference verb : korikng 'dry' m'ST' 31 Morphophonemic alternations in Bonggi verbs are complex. Roots and accompanying verbal affixes are enclosed in parentheses following the surface forms. Within roots nasals are always homorganic with contiguous consonants. The following nasal assimilation rule makes nasal consonants homorganic with following nonsonorant consonants Nasal assimilation : C r +nasal] r a.anterior 7 1 L Bcoronal J C 1 -sonorant 7 I a.anterior I LBcoronal J The nasal assimilation rule is ordered after vowel epenthesis which inserts vowels between prefixes and certain consonants in order to avoid impermissible syllable structures The vowel epenthesis rule is : Vowel epenthesis : V C C V 0 [a.F] / [+prefix]+_ I +sonorant l [a.F] L +continuant J The vowel epenthesis rule is ordered before a prefix vowel harmony rule. The condition stative verb mi-gia 'ST-big' (m-gia) is an exception to the rule of vowel epenthesis As shown in (24) roots whose initial consonant is /g/ such as garakng 'ferocious' are normally preceded by /g/ 'ng'

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52 According to (l0a.2) the verb takes one macrorole since it has only one argument in its LS. The nature of the single macrorole is predictable from (l0b.2). Since there is no activity predicate in the LS in (23a) the single macrorole has to be an undergoer. 32 (23c) assigns the thematic relation patient to the single argument in (21) and (23d) assigns the patient (sia 'it') to undergoer (23e) assigns the undergoer (sia 'it') to the syntactic status of clause pivot according to the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7) 33 (23) assigns nominative case to the pivot and (23g) cross-references the verb with the prefix m. Since the attributes which are attributed to entities b y condition stative clauses are qualities it is not surprising that many condition stative verbs are derived from adjective roots. For example the root koring 'dry' in (21) is an adjective root. Other condition stative verbs which are derived from adjective roots are shown in (24) The roots are arranged according to how mis realized (24) Im-/ In-I m-ayad ST-pretty n-dalabm ST-deep m-enta' ST-unripe n-doot ST-bad m-ingi ST-crazy n-dupakng ST-foolish m-isk:idn ST-poor n-duruk ST-fast m-omis ST-sweet n-sega' ST-red m-udap ST-hungry n-tihukng ST-crooked m-panas ST-hot n-togi' ST-pregnant m-p1a ST-good n-took ST-ripe m-pagadn ST-difficult m-pala ST-spicy hot m-puti' ST-white m-basa' ST-wet m-basa ST-generous /9-/ /mV-/ ng-garakng ST-ferocious me-lambat ST-slow ng-gitiukng ST-dizzy me-langgu ST-long ng-kapal ST-thick mi-libuat ST-high ng-korikng ST-dry mi-liug ST-tall ng-kotul ST-hard me-ranug ST-cold mu-runggu' ST-slow 32 Condition statives are like equational statives ( cf. 1.1) and nonverbal locative statives ( cf. .1.2) in that they all have a single macrorole which is an undergoer according to (l0b.2) 33 In one-place condition stative constructions the undergoer is alwa y s the pivot which is the noun phrase that is crucially involved in a syntactic construction (Foley & Van Valin 1984 : 110)

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52 According to (l0a.2) the verb takes one macrorole since it has only one argument in its LS. The nature of the single macrorole is predictable from (l0b.2). Since there is no activity predicate in the LS in (23a) the single macrorole has to be an undergoer. 32 (23c) assigns the thematic relation patient to the single argument in (21) and (23d) assigns the patient (sia 'it') to undergoer (23e) assigns the undergoer (sia 'it') to the syntactic status of clause pivot according to the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7) 33 (23) assigns nominative case to the pivot and (23g) cross-references the verb with the prefix m. Since the attributes which are attributed to entities b y condition stative clauses are qualities it is not surprising that many condition stative verbs are derived from adjective roots. For example the root koring 'dry' in (21) is an adjective root. Other condition stative verbs which are derived from adjective roots are shown in (24) The roots are arranged according to how mis realized (24) Im-/ In-I m-ayad ST-pretty n-dalabm ST-deep m-enta' ST-unripe n-doot ST-bad m-ingi ST-crazy n-dupakng ST-foolish m-isk:idn ST-poor n-duruk ST-fast m-omis ST-sweet n-sega' ST-red m-udap ST-hungry n-tihukng ST-crooked m-panas ST-hot n-togi' ST-pregnant m-p1a ST-good n-took ST-ripe m-pagadn ST-difficult m-pala ST-spicy hot m-puti' ST-white m-basa' ST-wet m-basa ST-generous /9-/ /mV-/ ng-garakng ST-ferocious me-lambat ST-slow ng-gitiukng ST-dizzy me-langgu ST-long ng-kapal ST-thick mi-libuat ST-high ng-korikng ST-dry mi-liug ST-tall ng-kotul ST-hard me-ranug ST-cold mu-runggu' ST-slow 32 Condition statives are like equational statives ( cf. 1.1) and nonverbal locative statives ( cf. .1.2) in that they all have a single macrorole which is an undergoer according to (l0b.2) 33 In one-place condition stative constructions the undergoer is alwa y s the pivot which is the noun phrase that is crucially involved in a syntactic construction (Foley & Van Valin 1984 : 110)

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53 Not all adjectives have the same status with respect to their potential for stative verb affixation The adjective roots in (25) can occur as condition stative predicates but there is no accompanying nasal prefix m_ 34 (25) a/us 'fine' arabm 'forbidden' baru 'new' biru 'blue' s enang 'easy' 1 2 pointed out that in some instances there are arguments in the general LS which do not occur in the syntax Such arguments are unspecified in the clause-specific LS being indicated b y "0" (e.g (20b)). In other instances there are adjuncts in syntax which are not part of the LS of the verb but are included in the clause-specific LS For example condition stative verbs such as ngkorikng 'ST-dry' in (21) have a single syntactic argument which is semantically a patient. 35 However these clauses can have an optional adjunct such as ga' odu 'from the sun' in (26) 36 (26) Sia ng-korikng (m-koring) ga' odu 3sNOM ST-dry from sun 'IT is dry from the sun The preposition ga' 'from' has an adjunct or predicative function in that it takes the entire LS of the verb as one of its arguments According to Joll y (1987) and (1993) prepositions are divided into three classes within the RRG framework. Prepositions which have an adjunct function such as ga' 'from' are not case-marking (Joll y 1993 : 275 281) The preposition ga' 'from' has a causative meaning 37 Causality is e x pressed either directl y or indirectl y Accomplishment verbs 34 Perhaps the absence of a nasal prefix with a/us 'fine' and arabm 'forbidden' arises from their being borrowed from Mala y halus 'fine' and haram 'unlawful ; forbidden' /h/ is phonemic in Malay but not in Bonggi However the presence of word-initial /h/ in the source language does not block affixation in all cases. See the discussion of achievement verbs in 2 especiall y kem alus 'become-fine' and kem-arabm 'become-forbidden' in (76) The presence ofbaru 'new' and biru 'blue' in Mala y ma y also be the reason for the absence of nasal prefixes in the Bonggi forms 35See (22) for the general LS 36 Longacre (1976 : 64-65) refers to nouns like odu 'sun' in (26) as optional instruments Bonggi resorts to a quasi-passive in the surface syntax of condition stative clauses with optional adjuncts (cf. Longacre 1976 : 65) 37 Cf. Joll y (1987: 104-06) and (1993 : 293-97) for a discussion of the English preposition from in its adjunct or predicative function

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53 Not all adjectives have the same status with respect to their potential for stative verb affixation The adjective roots in (25) can occur as condition stative predicates but there is no accompanying nasal prefix m_ 34 (25) a/us 'fine' arabm 'forbidden' baru 'new' biru 'blue' s enang 'easy' 1 2 pointed out that in some instances there are arguments in the general LS which do not occur in the syntax Such arguments are unspecified in the clause-specific LS being indicated b y "0" (e.g (20b)). In other instances there are adjuncts in syntax which are not part of the LS of the verb but are included in the clause-specific LS For example condition stative verbs such as ngkorikng 'ST-dry' in (21) have a single syntactic argument which is semantically a patient. 35 However these clauses can have an optional adjunct such as ga' odu 'from the sun' in (26) 36 (26) Sia ng-korikng (m-koring) ga' odu 3sNOM ST-dry from sun 'IT is dry from the sun The preposition ga' 'from' has an adjunct or predicative function in that it takes the entire LS of the verb as one of its arguments According to Joll y (1987) and (1993) prepositions are divided into three classes within the RRG framework. Prepositions which have an adjunct function such as ga' 'from' are not case-marking (Joll y 1993 : 275 281) The preposition ga' 'from' has a causative meaning 37 Causality is e x pressed either directl y or indirectl y Accomplishment verbs 34 Perhaps the absence of a nasal prefix with a/us 'fine' and arabm 'forbidden' arises from their being borrowed from Mala y halus 'fine' and haram 'unlawful ; forbidden' /h/ is phonemic in Malay but not in Bonggi However the presence of word-initial /h/ in the source language does not block affixation in all cases. See the discussion of achievement verbs in 2 especiall y kem alus 'become-fine' and kem-arabm 'become-forbidden' in (76) The presence ofbaru 'new' and biru 'blue' in Mala y ma y also be the reason for the absence of nasal prefixes in the Bonggi forms 35See (22) for the general LS 36 Longacre (1976 : 64-65) refers to nouns like odu 'sun' in (26) as optional instruments Bonggi resorts to a quasi-passive in the surface syntax of condition stative clauses with optional adjuncts (cf. Longacre 1976 : 65) 37 Cf. Joll y (1987: 104-06) and (1993 : 293-97) for a discussion of the English preposition from in its adjunct or predicative function

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54 express causality directly which is reflected in their LS b y the logical operator CAUS E (cf. 4) On the other hand, statives and achievements express causality indirectl y, which is reflected in their LS by ga"from' (cf. Joll y 1993 : 294)_38 A summary analysis of (26) is provided in (27) Sentence (26) describes an antecedent cause (ga' odu 'from the sun') and a resulting/consequent state (sia ngkortkng 'it is dry') This is seen in (27b) where x refers to the antecedent cause and predicate' ( y ) to the resulting state 39 As seen in (27a) the general LS for one-place condition statives does not contain an antecedent cause ; however (27b) indicates that there is an indirect cause in the clause in question Two clause specific LSs are provided in (27b) The latter is the same as the former with the e x ception that the Bonggi arguments and predicate are provided in the latter. In (27b) the preposition ga' 'from' takes the entire LS of the verb as one its arguments (cf. Joll y 1993 : 287). The first argument of ga' 'from' in (27b) is x which is an antecedent cause a subtype of effector (27) a. General LS for condition statives : predicate' (x) x=patient b Clause-specific LS for (26) : from' { x, [predicate' (y)]) x=antecedent cause predicate' ( y )=resulting c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles: e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference v erb : y=patient ga' 'from' (odu 'sun' [korikng 'dry' (sia 'it )]) s ia 'it' patient odu 'sun'~ effector (antecedent cause) undergoer patient 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'it' state oblique adjunct effector (antecedent cause)-odu 'sun' pivot-sia 'it' nominative case effector (antecedent cause)-odu 'sun'~ oblique ga' 'from' korikng 'dry' m'ST' According to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) the antecedent cause should be assigned to actor since it is a subtype of effector but it is not (cf. (27d)) The preposition ga 'from' marks 38 Cf. the discussion of cause satellites in Hokan languages in Talm y (1985 : 111-13) 39 Joll y (1993 : 294) suggests that an anal y sis such as that provided in (27b) is provisional. She provides a more detailed interval anal y sis for similar clauses in English

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54 express causality directly which is reflected in their LS b y the logical operator CAUS E (cf. 4) On the other hand, statives and achievements express causality indirectl y, which is reflected in their LS by ga"from' (cf. Joll y 1993 : 294)_38 A summary analysis of (26) is provided in (27) Sentence (26) describes an antecedent cause (ga' odu 'from the sun') and a resulting/consequent state (sia ngkortkng 'it is dry') This is seen in (27b) where x refers to the antecedent cause and predicate' ( y ) to the resulting state 39 As seen in (27a) the general LS for one-place condition statives does not contain an antecedent cause ; however (27b) indicates that there is an indirect cause in the clause in question Two clause specific LSs are provided in (27b) The latter is the same as the former with the e x ception that the Bonggi arguments and predicate are provided in the latter. In (27b) the preposition ga' 'from' takes the entire LS of the verb as one its arguments (cf. Joll y 1993 : 287). The first argument of ga' 'from' in (27b) is x which is an antecedent cause a subtype of effector (27) a. General LS for condition statives : predicate' (x) x=patient b Clause-specific LS for (26) : from' { x, [predicate' (y)]) x=antecedent cause predicate' ( y )=resulting c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles: e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference v erb : y=patient ga' 'from' (odu 'sun' [korikng 'dry' (sia 'it )]) s ia 'it' patient odu 'sun'~ effector (antecedent cause) undergoer patient 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'it' state oblique adjunct effector (antecedent cause)-odu 'sun' pivot-sia 'it' nominative case effector (antecedent cause)-odu 'sun'~ oblique ga' 'from' korikng 'dry' m'ST' According to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) the antecedent cause should be assigned to actor since it is a subtype of effector but it is not (cf. (27d)) The preposition ga 'from' marks 38 Cf. the discussion of cause satellites in Hokan languages in Talm y (1985 : 111-13) 39 Joll y (1993 : 294) suggests that an anal y sis such as that provided in (27b) is provisional. She provides a more detailed interval anal y sis for similar clauses in English

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55 effectors which would be e x pected to occur as actor in terms of the hierarch y in ( 4 ) but do not ( cf. FVV 1984 : 87 ; Joll y 1993 : 280) The antecedent cause cannot function as an actor because it is an adjunct not an argument of the verb Recall that actor and undergoer are arguments of the predicate Since there is no actor the undergoer is the pivot in (26) in accordance with the Pivot Choice Hierarch y in (7) (cf. (27e)) In fact condition stative clauses cannot have an actor ; thus the pivot is alwa y s an undergoer. An e x planation for the absence of an actor is found in the general LS for condition statives (cf. (27a)) w here the single argument is a patient which is linked to undergoer. That is condition stative verbs can onl y have an effector if it occurs as an optional adjunct ; under no circumstance can the effector be linked to actor or become the clause pivot. The key point here is that the GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES in (10) appl y to verbs and not clauses. Thus for example the principles in (10) appl y to (27a) and not (27b) According to (l0a 2) the verb has one macrorole since there is only one argument x in the LS in (27a) If the principles in (10) were to appl y to (27b) one might be misled to conclude that there are two macroroles since there are two semantic arguments x and 'y'. The application of principle (l0b.2) to (27a) results in the single macrorole being an undergoer (cf. (27d)). The absence of an available actor e x plains why the antecedent cause cannot be linked to an actor (cf. above) One function of logical structures is to show the relationship between a predicate and its arguments 40 In RRG the semantic representation of verbs is accounted for in terms ofLSs which are the main portion of the le xi cal entry for a verb (cf. VV 1993 : 39 43) Thus we can talk about the LS of clauses ( w hich contain a predicate its arguments and adjuncts) or the LS of verbs (which are the most common type of predicate) In man y cases the LS of the clause is equivalent to the LS of the verb of that clause However, this is not necessarily so For instance optional adjuncts (nonarguments) such as time manner and in some instances causality are not associated with the LS of verbs but can occur as part of the LS of clauses For example antecedent cause is 40 or stated anothe r wa y, one function of LSs is to subcategorize verbs (cf. the introduction to this chapter).

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55 effectors which would be e x pected to occur as actor in terms of the hierarch y in ( 4 ) but do not ( cf. FVV 1984 : 87 ; Joll y 1993 : 280) The antecedent cause cannot function as an actor because it is an adjunct not an argument of the verb Recall that actor and undergoer are arguments of the predicate Since there is no actor the undergoer is the pivot in (26) in accordance with the Pivot Choice Hierarch y in (7) (cf. (27e)) In fact condition stative clauses cannot have an actor ; thus the pivot is alwa y s an undergoer. An e x planation for the absence of an actor is found in the general LS for condition statives (cf. (27a)) w here the single argument is a patient which is linked to undergoer. That is condition stative verbs can onl y have an effector if it occurs as an optional adjunct ; under no circumstance can the effector be linked to actor or become the clause pivot. The key point here is that the GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES in (10) appl y to verbs and not clauses. Thus for example the principles in (10) appl y to (27a) and not (27b) According to (l0a 2) the verb has one macrorole since there is only one argument x in the LS in (27a) If the principles in (10) were to appl y to (27b) one might be misled to conclude that there are two macroroles since there are two semantic arguments x and 'y'. The application of principle (l0b.2) to (27a) results in the single macrorole being an undergoer (cf. (27d)). The absence of an available actor e x plains why the antecedent cause cannot be linked to an actor (cf. above) One function of logical structures is to show the relationship between a predicate and its arguments 40 In RRG the semantic representation of verbs is accounted for in terms ofLSs which are the main portion of the le xi cal entry for a verb (cf. VV 1993 : 39 43) Thus we can talk about the LS of clauses ( w hich contain a predicate its arguments and adjuncts) or the LS of verbs (which are the most common type of predicate) In man y cases the LS of the clause is equivalent to the LS of the verb of that clause However, this is not necessarily so For instance optional adjuncts (nonarguments) such as time manner and in some instances causality are not associated with the LS of verbs but can occur as part of the LS of clauses For example antecedent cause is 40 or stated anothe r wa y, one function of LSs is to subcategorize verbs (cf. the introduction to this chapter).

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56 not associated with the LS of the stative verb ngkorikng 'ST-dry' (e g (23b)) but it can occur as part of the LS of clauses (e g (27b)) The question arises as to how much of the semantic content of clauses should be accounted for in descriptions of LS. lbis study primarily attends to those aspects of meaning which are important for classifying verbs, since the hypothesis put forth in Chapter 1 is that verb classification constrains aspectual possibilities. The stative verbs described thus far in this section are one-place condition statives whose single argument is a patient. There is a small class of stative verbs which have two semantic arguments (experiencer and theme) and one syntactic argument. They are referred to as experiencer statives and are illustrated in (28) 41 (28) Rimig-adn (ramig-an) ou na cold-EXP lsNOM PFT 'I am cold.' A summary analysis of (28) is provided in (29) As seen in (29a), experiencer statives have two semantic arguments. The first argument is an experiencer, the second argument (theme) is incorporated into the predicate by the same rule which was described earlier in (6) and repeated here as (30) (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 244) lbis rule incorporates the theme into the predicate in both equational clauses (cf. 1. l) and experiencer stative clauses. (29) a. General LS for experiencer statives : b. Clause-specific LS for (28) : c Assign thematic relations : d. Create experiencer predicate by (30) : e. Assign semantic macroroles: f. Assign syntactic functions : g. Assign case and prepositions : h. Cross-reference verb : be' (x, [predicate']) x=expenencer, predicate'=theme be' (ou 'I', [ramig 'cold']) ou 'I' experiencer be' + [ramig 'cold'] predicate undergoer experiencer 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-ou 'I' pivot-ou 'I' nominative case ramig 'cold' -an 'EXP' (30) EQUATIONAL/ EXPERIENCER PREDICATE CREATION : (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 234) be' + theme~ predicate 41 Whereas patients are either animate or inanimate an experiencer is defined as "An animate entity whose registering nervous system is relevant to the predication" (Longacre 1976:27)

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56 not associated with the LS of the stative verb ngkorikng 'ST-dry' (e g (23b)) but it can occur as part of the LS of clauses (e g (27b)) The question arises as to how much of the semantic content of clauses should be accounted for in descriptions of LS. lbis study primarily attends to those aspects of meaning which are important for classifying verbs, since the hypothesis put forth in Chapter 1 is that verb classification constrains aspectual possibilities. The stative verbs described thus far in this section are one-place condition statives whose single argument is a patient. There is a small class of stative verbs which have two semantic arguments (experiencer and theme) and one syntactic argument. They are referred to as experiencer statives and are illustrated in (28) 41 (28) Rimig-adn (ramig-an) ou na cold-EXP lsNOM PFT 'I am cold.' A summary analysis of (28) is provided in (29) As seen in (29a), experiencer statives have two semantic arguments. The first argument is an experiencer, the second argument (theme) is incorporated into the predicate by the same rule which was described earlier in (6) and repeated here as (30) (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 244) lbis rule incorporates the theme into the predicate in both equational clauses (cf. 1. l) and experiencer stative clauses. (29) a. General LS for experiencer statives : b. Clause-specific LS for (28) : c Assign thematic relations : d. Create experiencer predicate by (30) : e. Assign semantic macroroles: f. Assign syntactic functions : g. Assign case and prepositions : h. Cross-reference verb : be' (x, [predicate']) x=expenencer, predicate'=theme be' (ou 'I', [ramig 'cold']) ou 'I' experiencer be' + [ramig 'cold'] predicate undergoer experiencer 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-ou 'I' pivot-ou 'I' nominative case ramig 'cold' -an 'EXP' (30) EQUATIONAL/ EXPERIENCER PREDICATE CREATION : (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 234) be' + theme~ predicate 41 Whereas patients are either animate or inanimate an experiencer is defined as "An animate entity whose registering nervous system is relevant to the predication" (Longacre 1976:27)

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57 According to the default situation described in ( 1 0a.1 ), experiencer statives should have two macroroles since they have two arguments in their LS However the incorporation of one of the two arguments into the predicate requires the default situation to be overridden and the verb to take one less macrorole than is expected. In RRG when the number of macroroles cannot be predicted from the number of arguments in the LS the number of macroroles is specified in the lexical entry of the verb. This is formalized in terms of the feature [MR] with [+MR] meaning one macrorole and [-MR] meaning no macroroles (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 227) 42 Use of this feature would result in the following partial lexical entry for the experiencer stative verb rimigadn 'cold': be' (x [ramig 'cold']) [ +MR]. One wa y to avoid specifying the number of macroroles in the LS of all experiencer stative verbs is simpl y to say that the application of rule (30) results in the default situation in ( 1 0a 1) being overridden and onl y one macrorole Note that although the default in ( 1 0a 1) is overridden the more general principle in (10a) is not violated since the number of macroroles is less than the number of arguments in the LS Given that there is onl y one macrorole according to (l0b.2) it must be an undergoer. Thus like the condition statives described earlier in this section experiencer statives have a single macrorole which is an undergoer According to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) the theme argument should be the undergoer. But the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate b y rule (30) in (29d) so there is no theme to function as undergoer ; instead the experiencer argument is linked to undergoer (cf. (29e) ; Van Valin 1990 : 244) This is a marked linking between a thematic relation and a macrorole in terms of the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4). Experiencer stative verbs are cross referenced b y the suffix -an instead of the prefix m(cf. (29h) 4 3 Experiencers are not onl y 42 Van Valin (1990 : 227) points out that it is never necessary to indicate that a verb takes two macroroles

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57 According to the default situation described in ( 1 0a.1 ), experiencer statives should have two macroroles since they have two arguments in their LS However the incorporation of one of the two arguments into the predicate requires the default situation to be overridden and the verb to take one less macrorole than is expected. In RRG when the number of macroroles cannot be predicted from the number of arguments in the LS the number of macroroles is specified in the lexical entry of the verb. This is formalized in terms of the feature [MR] with [+MR] meaning one macrorole and [-MR] meaning no macroroles (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 227) 42 Use of this feature would result in the following partial lexical entry for the experiencer stative verb rimigadn 'cold': be' (x [ramig 'cold']) [ +MR]. One wa y to avoid specifying the number of macroroles in the LS of all experiencer stative verbs is simpl y to say that the application of rule (30) results in the default situation in ( 1 0a 1) being overridden and onl y one macrorole Note that although the default in ( 1 0a 1) is overridden the more general principle in (10a) is not violated since the number of macroroles is less than the number of arguments in the LS Given that there is onl y one macrorole according to (l0b.2) it must be an undergoer. Thus like the condition statives described earlier in this section experiencer statives have a single macrorole which is an undergoer According to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) the theme argument should be the undergoer. But the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate b y rule (30) in (29d) so there is no theme to function as undergoer ; instead the experiencer argument is linked to undergoer (cf. (29e) ; Van Valin 1990 : 244) This is a marked linking between a thematic relation and a macrorole in terms of the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4). Experiencer stative verbs are cross referenced b y the suffix -an instead of the prefix m(cf. (29h) 4 3 Experiencers are not onl y 42 Van Valin (1990 : 227) points out that it is never necessary to indicate that a verb takes two macroroles

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58 semantically marked undergoers according to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy but they also have a corresponding markedness in terms of both frequency and morphology with -an being the marked form Experiencer statives are similar to equational statives (cf. 1.1) in that both are two-place statives and both involve incorporation of the theme (second argument) into the predicate resulting in a functional marked undergoer. However experiencer statives differ from equational statives in that the former are also formally marked in the verb morphology by -an, whereas the latter exhibit no verbal cross-referencing since they are nonverbal. As shown in Table 2 6 experiencer stative verbs are derived from a limited number of adjective roots and noun roots Table 2 6 also indicates that some adjectives can occur as either condition stative verbs or experiencer stative verbs 44 For example ramig 'cold can occur as a condition stative or an experiencer stative The condition stative (meramig) focuses on the stimulus and is used to describe something as being 'cold to touch', whereas the experiencer stative 43 The morphophonemic processes involved here are quite complex (cf. Table 2 6 for other examples). They include vowel harmony nasal harmony, and nasal preplosion Vowel harmony operates in terms of the effects ofroot vowels on affixes High vowels spread right-to-left as in (28) where the second vowel /i/ in the root /ramig/ replaces the first vowel /a/ when the suffix -an occurs. See Kroeger (1992b) for further discussion ofVH in Bonggi. Nasal harmon y operates from left-to-right. Vowels are nasalized following nasal stops Nasality spreads until it is blocked b y a nonnasal consonant or the end of the word Word-final nasals are preploded following oral vowels. Final /ml becomes [bm] final /n/ becomes [dn] and final /fJ/ becomes [krJ]. For example the final nasal of the underlying form /m-kori[J/ 'ST-dry' in (28) is preploded resulting in the phonetic form [rJ korikrJ] because the preceding vowel is oral. On the other hand, the final nasal of /mien/ ['mien] 'aunt' is not preploded since the preceding vowel is nasal. See Boutin and Howery (1991) for further discussion of nasal preplosion in Bonggi 44 The experiencer stative lupug-udn 'tired-EXP' is anomalous in two respects Firstl y, it is marked by [-udn] instead of [-adn] like other experiencer statives Secondl y, lupug 'tired' is the only adjective root that cannot occur as a condition stative ; i e. *mu-lupug 'ST-tired' is ungrammatical. This root onl y takes animate pivots.

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58 semantically marked undergoers according to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy but they also have a corresponding markedness in terms of both frequency and morphology with -an being the marked form Experiencer statives are similar to equational statives (cf. 1.1) in that both are two-place statives and both involve incorporation of the theme (second argument) into the predicate resulting in a functional marked undergoer. However experiencer statives differ from equational statives in that the former are also formally marked in the verb morphology by -an, whereas the latter exhibit no verbal cross-referencing since they are nonverbal. As shown in Table 2 6 experiencer stative verbs are derived from a limited number of adjective roots and noun roots Table 2 6 also indicates that some adjectives can occur as either condition stative verbs or experiencer stative verbs 44 For example ramig 'cold can occur as a condition stative or an experiencer stative The condition stative (meramig) focuses on the stimulus and is used to describe something as being 'cold to touch', whereas the experiencer stative 43 The morphophonemic processes involved here are quite complex (cf. Table 2 6 for other examples). They include vowel harmony nasal harmony, and nasal preplosion Vowel harmony operates in terms of the effects ofroot vowels on affixes High vowels spread right-to-left as in (28) where the second vowel /i/ in the root /ramig/ replaces the first vowel /a/ when the suffix -an occurs. See Kroeger (1992b) for further discussion ofVH in Bonggi. Nasal harmon y operates from left-to-right. Vowels are nasalized following nasal stops Nasality spreads until it is blocked b y a nonnasal consonant or the end of the word Word-final nasals are preploded following oral vowels. Final /ml becomes [bm] final /n/ becomes [dn] and final /fJ/ becomes [krJ]. For example the final nasal of the underlying form /m-kori[J/ 'ST-dry' in (28) is preploded resulting in the phonetic form [rJ korikrJ] because the preceding vowel is oral. On the other hand, the final nasal of /mien/ ['mien] 'aunt' is not preploded since the preceding vowel is nasal. See Boutin and Howery (1991) for further discussion of nasal preplosion in Bonggi 44 The experiencer stative lupug-udn 'tired-EXP' is anomalous in two respects Firstl y, it is marked by [-udn] instead of [-adn] like other experiencer statives Secondl y, lupug 'tired' is the only adjective root that cannot occur as a condition stative ; i e. *mu-lupug 'ST-tired' is ungrammatical. This root onl y takes animate pivots.

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59 (rimigadn) focuses on the e x periencer and is used to describe someone as feeling cold' (cf. Talm y 1985 : 99ff.). Table 2.6 : Experiencer stative verbs ROOT CONDITION STATIVE EXPERIENCERSTATIVE Adjective ramig 'cold' me-ramig 'ST-cold' rimig-adn 'cold-EXP' panas 'hot' m-panas 'ST-hot' penas-adn 'hot-EXP' lupug 'tired' lupug-udn 'tired-EXP' Noun umus 'sweat' umus-adn 'sweat-EXP' puri' 'skin rash' puri-adn 'skin rash-EXP' To summarize what has been said regarding condition stative verbs : (i) their LS is predicate' (x) ; (ii) the single argument 'x' is a patient ; (iii) they have one macrorole which is an undergoer ; and (iv) these verbs are normall y marked with mwhich cross-references an undergoer pivot (e g (21) (24) ; but cf. (25)) To summarize what has been said regarding experiencer stative verbs : (i) their LS is be' (x, [predicate']) ; (ii) the first argument is an e x periencer and the second a theme which is incorporated into the predicate ; (iii) the y have one macrorole which is an undergoer ; and (iv) these verbs are marked with -an which cross-references a marked undergoer pivot (e g (28) ; cf. also Table 2 6) It was pointed out that condition stative clauses can have an optional adjunct which is an antecedent cause (effector) as seen in (26) These adjuncts are marked for oblique case with ga' 'from' (cf. 27f). Optional adjuncts can also occur in experiencer stative clauses as seen in (31). As pointed out previousl y, the preposition ga' 'from' marks effectors which would be expected to occur as actor in terms of the hierarch y in (4) but do not because there is no actor to which the antecedent cause can be linked Neither condition stative clauses nor experience stative clauses

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59 (rimigadn) focuses on the e x periencer and is used to describe someone as feeling cold' (cf. Talm y 1985 : 99ff.). Table 2.6 : Experiencer stative verbs ROOT CONDITION STATIVE EXPERIENCERSTATIVE Adjective ramig 'cold' me-ramig 'ST-cold' rimig-adn 'cold-EXP' panas 'hot' m-panas 'ST-hot' penas-adn 'hot-EXP' lupug 'tired' lupug-udn 'tired-EXP' Noun umus 'sweat' umus-adn 'sweat-EXP' puri' 'skin rash' puri-adn 'skin rash-EXP' To summarize what has been said regarding condition stative verbs : (i) their LS is predicate' (x) ; (ii) the single argument 'x' is a patient ; (iii) they have one macrorole which is an undergoer ; and (iv) these verbs are normall y marked with mwhich cross-references an undergoer pivot (e g (21) (24) ; but cf. (25)) To summarize what has been said regarding experiencer stative verbs : (i) their LS is be' (x, [predicate']) ; (ii) the first argument is an e x periencer and the second a theme which is incorporated into the predicate ; (iii) the y have one macrorole which is an undergoer ; and (iv) these verbs are marked with -an which cross-references a marked undergoer pivot (e g (28) ; cf. also Table 2 6) It was pointed out that condition stative clauses can have an optional adjunct which is an antecedent cause (effector) as seen in (26) These adjuncts are marked for oblique case with ga' 'from' (cf. 27f). Optional adjuncts can also occur in experiencer stative clauses as seen in (31). As pointed out previousl y, the preposition ga' 'from' marks effectors which would be expected to occur as actor in terms of the hierarch y in (4) but do not because there is no actor to which the antecedent cause can be linked Neither condition stative clauses nor experience stative clauses

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60 have an actor, but for different reasons In the case of condition statives (e.g. (26)), the absence of an actor is due to the fact that the LS of these verbs has only one argument and no activity predicate (cf. 27a) Thus, by (10) there must be a single macrorole which is an undergoer. On the other hand, in the case of experiencer statives (e.g. (31)), the absence of an actor is due to the fact that rule (30) applies which results in the default situation in (1 0a. l) being overridden and only one macrorole, an undergoer by (l0b 2) A summary analysis of (31) is provided in (32) (cf. (27) and (29)). Sentence (31) describes an antecedent cause (ga' dolok 'from rain') and a resulting/consequent experiencer state (rimigadn ou 'I am cold'). (31) Rimig-adn (ramig-an) ou ga' dolok. cold-EXP lsNOM from rain 'I am cold because of the rain (32) a General LS for experiencer statives : b Clause-specific LS for (31): c Assign thematic relations : d. Create experiencer predicate by (30) : e. Assign semantic macroroles : f. Assign syntactic functions: g. Assign case and prepositions : h. Cross-reference verb : be' (x [predicate']) x=expenencer, predicate'=theme [from' (x, [be' (y [predicate'])] x=antecedent cause be' (y [predicate'])=resulting state y=experiencer, predicate'=theme [ga' 'from' (dolok 'rain') [be' (ou 'I', [ramig 'cold'])] ou 'I' +experiencer dolok 'rain'~ effector (antecedent cause) be' + [ramig 'cold'] predicate undergoer +experiencer 1 Macrorole pivot +undergoer-ou 'I' oblique adjunct+effector (antecedent cause) dolok 'rain' pivot-ou 'I' +nominative case effector (antecedent cause)dolok 'rain'+oblique ga' 'from' ramig 'cold'+-an 'EXP' As mentioned above, experiencer statives should have two macroroles since they have two arguments in their LS (cf. (l0a l)) However, the incorporation of the theme argument into the predicate by rule (30) in (32d) results in the default situation being overridden and the verb taking only one macrorole an undergoer by (l0b 2). Because the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate it is not available to function as undergoer ; instead, the experiencer argument is linked to undergoer in (32e) (cf. (29e)) This marked linking between experiencer and undergoer results in

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60 have an actor, but for different reasons In the case of condition statives (e.g. (26)), the absence of an actor is due to the fact that the LS of these verbs has only one argument and no activity predicate (cf. 27a) Thus, by (10) there must be a single macrorole which is an undergoer. On the other hand, in the case of experiencer statives (e.g. (31)), the absence of an actor is due to the fact that rule (30) applies which results in the default situation in (1 0a. l) being overridden and only one macrorole, an undergoer by (l0b 2) A summary analysis of (31) is provided in (32) (cf. (27) and (29)). Sentence (31) describes an antecedent cause (ga' dolok 'from rain') and a resulting/consequent experiencer state (rimigadn ou 'I am cold'). (31) Rimig-adn (ramig-an) ou ga' dolok. cold-EXP lsNOM from rain 'I am cold because of the rain (32) a General LS for experiencer statives : b Clause-specific LS for (31): c Assign thematic relations : d. Create experiencer predicate by (30) : e. Assign semantic macroroles : f. Assign syntactic functions: g. Assign case and prepositions : h. Cross-reference verb : be' (x [predicate']) x=expenencer, predicate'=theme [from' (x, [be' (y [predicate'])] x=antecedent cause be' (y [predicate'])=resulting state y=experiencer, predicate'=theme [ga' 'from' (dolok 'rain') [be' (ou 'I', [ramig 'cold'])] ou 'I' +experiencer dolok 'rain'~ effector (antecedent cause) be' + [ramig 'cold'] predicate undergoer +experiencer 1 Macrorole pivot +undergoer-ou 'I' oblique adjunct+effector (antecedent cause) dolok 'rain' pivot-ou 'I' +nominative case effector (antecedent cause)dolok 'rain'+oblique ga' 'from' ramig 'cold'+-an 'EXP' As mentioned above, experiencer statives should have two macroroles since they have two arguments in their LS (cf. (l0a l)) However, the incorporation of the theme argument into the predicate by rule (30) in (32d) results in the default situation being overridden and the verb taking only one macrorole an undergoer by (l0b 2). Because the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate it is not available to function as undergoer ; instead, the experiencer argument is linked to undergoer in (32e) (cf. (29e)) This marked linking between experiencer and undergoer results in

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61 the experiencer stative verb in (31) being cross-referenced b y the suffix -an (cf. (32h)) (32) assigns the undergoer (ou I') to the syntactic status of clause pi v ot according to the Pi v ot Choice Hierarch y in (7). T w o types of stat i ve verbs have been described thus far in this section : one-place condition stati v es (e.g. (21) and (26)) and two-place experiencer statives (e g (28) and (31)). 45 Some of the one-place condition stative verbs in (24) can occur in clauses involving what has been called possessor ascension in Relational Grammar. The claim within Relational Grammar is that the possessor of a noun phrase (e g n y a 'his' in (33)) can ascend to become a clause constituent (e g sia 'he in (34)). Sentence (33) illustrates a condition stati v e verb without possessor ascension whereas (34) illustrates the same condition stative verb in a clause with possessor ascension. (33) N-doot (m-doot) guakng nya. ST-bad spirit 3sGEN HE is unhapp y.' (Lit. 'His spirit is bad ') (34) Sia n-doot (m-doot) guakng 3sNOM ST-bad spirit 'HE i s unhapp y. Summary anal y ses of (33) and (34) are provided in (35) and (36) respectivel y. 46 In a RRG analysis (33) and (34) share the same general LS predicate' ( x ) since the y are both condition statives (cf. (35a) and (36a)) ; however their clause-specific LS is different (cf. (35b) and (36b)). Because the macrorole assignment principles in (10) apply to verbs and not clauses both (33) and (34) contain a single macrorole which is undergoer. According to Van Valin (1990:251) "[P]ossessor ascension is possible onl y if the possessed argument is an undergoer 45 Stati v es with an optional antecedent cause are included e g (26) and (31) 46 Cf. the anal y sis in (35) to that provided in (23)

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61 the experiencer stative verb in (31) being cross-referenced b y the suffix -an (cf. (32h)) (32) assigns the undergoer (ou I') to the syntactic status of clause pi v ot according to the Pi v ot Choice Hierarch y in (7). T w o types of stat i ve verbs have been described thus far in this section : one-place condition stati v es (e.g. (21) and (26)) and two-place experiencer statives (e g (28) and (31)). 45 Some of the one-place condition stative verbs in (24) can occur in clauses involving what has been called possessor ascension in Relational Grammar. The claim within Relational Grammar is that the possessor of a noun phrase (e g n y a 'his' in (33)) can ascend to become a clause constituent (e g sia 'he in (34)). Sentence (33) illustrates a condition stati v e verb without possessor ascension whereas (34) illustrates the same condition stative verb in a clause with possessor ascension. (33) N-doot (m-doot) guakng nya. ST-bad spirit 3sGEN HE is unhapp y.' (Lit. 'His spirit is bad ') (34) Sia n-doot (m-doot) guakng 3sNOM ST-bad spirit 'HE i s unhapp y. Summary anal y ses of (33) and (34) are provided in (35) and (36) respectivel y. 46 In a RRG analysis (33) and (34) share the same general LS predicate' ( x ) since the y are both condition statives (cf. (35a) and (36a)) ; however their clause-specific LS is different (cf. (35b) and (36b)). Because the macrorole assignment principles in (10) apply to verbs and not clauses both (33) and (34) contain a single macrorole which is undergoer. According to Van Valin (1990:251) "[P]ossessor ascension is possible onl y if the possessed argument is an undergoer 45 Stati v es with an optional antecedent cause are included e g (26) and (31) 46 Cf. the anal y sis in (35) to that provided in (23)

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(35) a General LS for condition statives : b Clause-specific LS for (33) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb : 62 predicate' ( x ) x =patient doot 'bad' (guakng n y a 'his spirit') guakng n y a 'his spirit +patient undergoer +patient l Macrorole pivot +undergoer-guakng nya 'his spirit' pivot-guakng n y a 'his spirit'+nominative case (0) doot 'bad' +m'ST (36) a General LS for condition statives : predicate' ( x ) x =patient x =locative b. Clause-specific LS for (34) : be-at' ( x, [predicate' (y )]) c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb : predicate' ( y )=condition state y=patient be-at' (guakng 'spirit' [doot 'bad' (sia 'he')]) sia 'he' +patient guakng 'spirit' +locati v e undergoer +patient I Macrorole pivot +undergoer-sia he' direct core syntactic argument +locative-guakng 'spirit' pivot-si a 'he' +nominative case guakng 'spirit' +accusative case (0) doot 'bad' +m'ST' Sentence (34) contains a locative adjunct whereas (33) does not. (34) describes a state (sia ndoo t 'he is bad') and the location of that state (guakng 'spirit') This is seen in (36b) where x refers to the location and predicate' ( y ) to a condition state This provisional LS is constructed on the analogy ofbe-at' ( x, y ) where x = the location and y = the located argument. 47 As seen in (36a) the general LS for one-place condition statives does not contain a location ; however (36b) indicates that there is a location in the clause in question. Two clause-specific LSs are provided in (36b) The latter is the same as the former with the exception that the Bonggi data are provided in the latter As alwa y s the single argument of a condition stative verb is a patient which is linked to undergoer in (36d) The locati v e adjunct is assigned core syntactic status in (36e). The number of direct core syntactic arguments need not be the same as the number of macroroles Condition stative verbs have a single macrorole Therefore the y are intransitive in RRG terms where transitivity is 47 The LS in (36b) is provisional in that LSs are normall y used to account for the relationship between a predicate and its arguments not adjuncts

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(35) a General LS for condition statives : b Clause-specific LS for (33) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb : 62 predicate' ( x ) x =patient doot 'bad' (guakng n y a 'his spirit') guakng n y a 'his spirit +patient undergoer +patient l Macrorole pivot +undergoer-guakng nya 'his spirit' pivot-guakng n y a 'his spirit'+nominative case (0) doot 'bad' +m'ST (36) a General LS for condition statives : predicate' ( x ) x =patient x =locative b. Clause-specific LS for (34) : be-at' ( x, [predicate' (y )]) c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb : predicate' ( y )=condition state y=patient be-at' (guakng 'spirit' [doot 'bad' (sia 'he')]) sia 'he' +patient guakng 'spirit' +locati v e undergoer +patient I Macrorole pivot +undergoer-sia he' direct core syntactic argument +locative-guakng 'spirit' pivot-si a 'he' +nominative case guakng 'spirit' +accusative case (0) doot 'bad' +m'ST' Sentence (34) contains a locative adjunct whereas (33) does not. (34) describes a state (sia ndoo t 'he is bad') and the location of that state (guakng 'spirit') This is seen in (36b) where x refers to the location and predicate' ( y ) to a condition state This provisional LS is constructed on the analogy ofbe-at' ( x, y ) where x = the location and y = the located argument. 47 As seen in (36a) the general LS for one-place condition statives does not contain a location ; however (36b) indicates that there is a location in the clause in question. Two clause-specific LSs are provided in (36b) The latter is the same as the former with the exception that the Bonggi data are provided in the latter As alwa y s the single argument of a condition stative verb is a patient which is linked to undergoer in (36d) The locati v e adjunct is assigned core syntactic status in (36e). The number of direct core syntactic arguments need not be the same as the number of macroroles Condition stative verbs have a single macrorole Therefore the y are intransitive in RRG terms where transitivity is 47 The LS in (36b) is provisional in that LSs are normall y used to account for the relationship between a predicate and its arguments not adjuncts

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63 defined in terms of the number of macroroles a verb takes Single-macrorole verbs are intransitive and two-macrorole verbs are transitive (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 228) "The number of direct core arguments a verb takes says less about its syntactic behavior than its macrorole number" (Van Valin 1990 : 228). Earlier in this section, a distinction was made between semantic arguments and syntactic arguments. Recall that direct core arguments ( core syntactic arguments) were defined in 1 3 1 as arguments which are not preceded by a preposition (oblique case marker) ; for example sia 'he' and guakng 'spirit' in (34) are core syntactic arguments 48 On the other hand odu 'sun' in (26) and dolok 'rain' in (31) are syntactically oblique since they are preceded by the preposition ga' 'from' Other than the clause pivot, the following can occur as direct core syntactic arguments in Bonggi : (i) semantic arguments with macrorole status (e g the undergoer diaadn 'me' in (19) of .3 1) ; (ii) some semantic arguments without macrorole status (e g the locative argument bali nya 'his house' in (15) (cf. (18f)) ; and (iii) some semantic adjuncts which do not belong to the LS of the verb (e g guakng 'spirit' in (34)) The distinction between semantic arguments and syntactic arguments can also be described in terms of valency Recall that experiencer statives have two semantic arguments (experiencer and theme) and one syntactic argument (the pivot) Thus they have a semantic valency of two (e g. (29a)), but a syntactic valency of one (e.g (28)). This difference in valency results from the incorporation of the theme argument into the predicate by rule (30). On the other hand condition statives have a semantic valency of one (e g (35a)) but can have a syntactic valency of either one (e g (33)) or two (e.g (34)). 49 Bonggi verb morphology is more concerned with semantic valency than syntactic valency 48 As stated earlier arguments in the LS of a verb provide a definition of core semantic arguments. 49 Since syntactic arguments can be elided, both experiencer statives and condition statives can have a syntactic valency of zero The discussion here of syntactic valency ignores the possibility of ellipsis.

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63 defined in terms of the number of macroroles a verb takes Single-macrorole verbs are intransitive and two-macrorole verbs are transitive (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 228) "The number of direct core arguments a verb takes says less about its syntactic behavior than its macrorole number" (Van Valin 1990 : 228). Earlier in this section, a distinction was made between semantic arguments and syntactic arguments. Recall that direct core arguments ( core syntactic arguments) were defined in 1 3 1 as arguments which are not preceded by a preposition (oblique case marker) ; for example sia 'he' and guakng 'spirit' in (34) are core syntactic arguments 48 On the other hand odu 'sun' in (26) and dolok 'rain' in (31) are syntactically oblique since they are preceded by the preposition ga' 'from' Other than the clause pivot, the following can occur as direct core syntactic arguments in Bonggi : (i) semantic arguments with macrorole status (e g the undergoer diaadn 'me' in (19) of .3 1) ; (ii) some semantic arguments without macrorole status (e g the locative argument bali nya 'his house' in (15) (cf. (18f)) ; and (iii) some semantic adjuncts which do not belong to the LS of the verb (e g guakng 'spirit' in (34)) The distinction between semantic arguments and syntactic arguments can also be described in terms of valency Recall that experiencer statives have two semantic arguments (experiencer and theme) and one syntactic argument (the pivot) Thus they have a semantic valency of two (e g. (29a)), but a syntactic valency of one (e.g (28)). This difference in valency results from the incorporation of the theme argument into the predicate by rule (30). On the other hand condition statives have a semantic valency of one (e g (35a)) but can have a syntactic valency of either one (e g (33)) or two (e.g (34)). 49 Bonggi verb morphology is more concerned with semantic valency than syntactic valency 48 As stated earlier arguments in the LS of a verb provide a definition of core semantic arguments. 49 Since syntactic arguments can be elided, both experiencer statives and condition statives can have a syntactic valency of zero The discussion here of syntactic valency ignores the possibility of ellipsis.

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64 The condition stative verbs which have been described thus far in this section (e g (21), (26), (33) (34)) and those listed in (24) are derived from adjective roots In fact the majority of condition stative verbs are derived from adjective roots. However in a few cases, condition stative verbs appear to be derived from noun and verb roots One such case appears to be the condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' in (37) which is derived from the noun root lou 'embarrassment' (37) Sia me-lou (m-lou) 3sNOM ST-embarrassed 'HE is embarrassed.' A summary analysis of (37) is provided in (38) (cf. (23) (35)) (38) a General LS for condition statives: b Clause-specific LS for (37) : c. Assign thematic relations : d. Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb : predicate' (x) Lou 'embarrassed' (sia 'he') sia 'he' patient undergoer patient pivot undergoer-sia 'he' pivot-ou 'I' nominative case lou 'embarrassed' m'ST' I Macrorole Like other condition stative verbs me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' can occur with an optional adjunct indicating antecedent cause as in (39) (cf. (26)). A summary analysis of (39) is provided in (40) (cf. (27)) (39) Sia me-Iou (m-Iou) ga' ku. 3sNOM ST-embarrassed from lsGEN 'HE is embarrassed because ofme.' (40) a General LS for condition statives : predicate' (x) x=patient b Clause-specific LS for (39) : from' (x, [predicate' (y)]) x=antecedent cause predicate' (y)=resulting c. Assign thematic relations : d. Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb : state, y=patient ga' 'from' (ku 'me' [Lou 'embarrassed' (sia 'he')]) sia 'he' patient ku 'me'~ effector (antecedent cause) undergoer patient I Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'he' oblique adjunct effector (antecedent cause)-ku 'me' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case effector (antecedent cause)-ku 'me'~ genitive case oblique ga' 'from' Iou 'embarrassed' m'ST'

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64 The condition stative verbs which have been described thus far in this section (e g (21), (26), (33) (34)) and those listed in (24) are derived from adjective roots In fact the majority of condition stative verbs are derived from adjective roots. However in a few cases, condition stative verbs appear to be derived from noun and verb roots One such case appears to be the condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' in (37) which is derived from the noun root lou 'embarrassment' (37) Sia me-lou (m-lou) 3sNOM ST-embarrassed 'HE is embarrassed.' A summary analysis of (37) is provided in (38) (cf. (23) (35)) (38) a General LS for condition statives: b Clause-specific LS for (37) : c. Assign thematic relations : d. Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb : predicate' (x) Lou 'embarrassed' (sia 'he') sia 'he' patient undergoer patient pivot undergoer-sia 'he' pivot-ou 'I' nominative case lou 'embarrassed' m'ST' I Macrorole Like other condition stative verbs me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' can occur with an optional adjunct indicating antecedent cause as in (39) (cf. (26)). A summary analysis of (39) is provided in (40) (cf. (27)) (39) Sia me-Iou (m-Iou) ga' ku. 3sNOM ST-embarrassed from lsGEN 'HE is embarrassed because ofme.' (40) a General LS for condition statives : predicate' (x) x=patient b Clause-specific LS for (39) : from' (x, [predicate' (y)]) x=antecedent cause predicate' (y)=resulting c. Assign thematic relations : d. Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb : state, y=patient ga' 'from' (ku 'me' [Lou 'embarrassed' (sia 'he')]) sia 'he' patient ku 'me'~ effector (antecedent cause) undergoer patient I Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'he' oblique adjunct effector (antecedent cause)-ku 'me' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case effector (antecedent cause)-ku 'me'~ genitive case oblique ga' 'from' Iou 'embarrassed' m'ST'

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65 Sentence (39) contains an antecedent cause (ga' ku 'because of me') and a resulting/consequent state which consists of a condition stative verb (melou 'is embarrassed') and a patient (sia 'he'). Condition stative verbs do not have an antecedent cause for an argument (cf. (40a)) By (l0a 2), the verb has one macrorole since there is only one argument 'x' in the LS in (40a) Application of (lOb.2) to (40a) results in the single macrorole being an undergoer (cf. (40d)) The antecedent cause cannot be linked to an actor because there is no actor Thus, the antecedent cause a subtype of effector, is assigned oblique adjunct status (cf. (40d)), and marked by the preposition ga' 'from' (cf. (40t)) The condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' can also occur in clauses with two core syntactic arguments (e g (41)) In (41) the nonpivot core argument diaadn 'me' is semantically a stimulus which is both similar to and different from the antecedent cause in (39). (39) and (41) are similar in that both involve indirect causality They are different in terms of the strength of the causal relationship with antecedent cause being stronger than stimulus. SO Antecedent cause and stimulus cannot cooccur in the same clause ; that is if a clause contains an optional adjunct indicating antecedent cause (e.g ga' ku 'because of me' in (39)) a nonpivot core syntactic argument such as diaadn 'me' cannot also occur in the same clause (41) Sia me-lou (m-lou) diaadn 3sNOM ST-embarrassed lsACC 'HE is embarrassed of me Indirect causality (including antecedent cause and stimulus) is not associated with the LS of verbs. It is not a semantic argument of a verb, although it can be incorporated into the LS of clauses as in (27b), (32b), and (40b) Indirect causality occurs in syntax as either an optional 50 Aithough the free translation for (39) and (41) attempts to capture the difference in the strength of the causal relationship Bonggi more clearly marks this difference than English

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65 Sentence (39) contains an antecedent cause (ga' ku 'because of me') and a resulting/consequent state which consists of a condition stative verb (melou 'is embarrassed') and a patient (sia 'he'). Condition stative verbs do not have an antecedent cause for an argument (cf. (40a)) By (l0a 2), the verb has one macrorole since there is only one argument 'x' in the LS in (40a) Application of (lOb.2) to (40a) results in the single macrorole being an undergoer (cf. (40d)) The antecedent cause cannot be linked to an actor because there is no actor Thus, the antecedent cause a subtype of effector, is assigned oblique adjunct status (cf. (40d)), and marked by the preposition ga' 'from' (cf. (40t)) The condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' can also occur in clauses with two core syntactic arguments (e g (41)) In (41) the nonpivot core argument diaadn 'me' is semantically a stimulus which is both similar to and different from the antecedent cause in (39). (39) and (41) are similar in that both involve indirect causality They are different in terms of the strength of the causal relationship with antecedent cause being stronger than stimulus. SO Antecedent cause and stimulus cannot cooccur in the same clause ; that is if a clause contains an optional adjunct indicating antecedent cause (e.g ga' ku 'because of me' in (39)) a nonpivot core syntactic argument such as diaadn 'me' cannot also occur in the same clause (41) Sia me-lou (m-lou) diaadn 3sNOM ST-embarrassed lsACC 'HE is embarrassed of me Indirect causality (including antecedent cause and stimulus) is not associated with the LS of verbs. It is not a semantic argument of a verb, although it can be incorporated into the LS of clauses as in (27b), (32b), and (40b) Indirect causality occurs in syntax as either an optional 50 Aithough the free translation for (39) and (41) attempts to capture the difference in the strength of the causal relationship Bonggi more clearly marks this difference than English

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66 adjunct (e g (26) (31) (39)) or a direct core syntactic argument (e.g (41)) The difference in syntactic fonn reflects a difference in semantic function 51 The condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' can occur in one other syntactic environment ; that is sentences which contain a preposed phrase that is set off from the clause by a pause (e g (42)) 52 (42) Diaadn nd-ou me-lou (m-lou).53 lsACC not-lsNOM ST-embarrassed 'As for me I'm not embarrassed The morphological behavior of the condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' in (3 7), (39) (41), and (42) is the same as that of condition stative verbs derived from adjective roots (cf. (24)) In each case an undergoer-patient is cross-referenced by the verbal prefix m. On the other hand, their syntactic behavior is different. To begin with, me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' has a syntactic valency of either one (e g (37) (39) (42)) or two (e g (41)) whereas most condition stative verbs derived from adjective roots have a syntactic valency of one ( e g. (21 ), (26)) Except for a small group of condition stative verbs which can occur in clauses involving possessor ascension (e g (34)) the addition of another core syntactic argument in clauses with condition stative verbs derived from adjective roots results in an ungrammatical sentence. Both melou 'embarrassed' and condition statives derived from adjective roots can take activity verb complements (e g (43) (44)). (43) Sia me-lou (m-lou) mpanu. 3sNOM ST-embarrassed walk 'HE is embarrassed to go.' 51 Direct causality like indirect causality also has contrastive syntactic fonns representing different semantic functions (cf. 4). 52 Note that (42) does not involve extraposition ; diaadn 'me' is clause external

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66 adjunct (e g (26) (31) (39)) or a direct core syntactic argument (e.g (41)) The difference in syntactic fonn reflects a difference in semantic function 51 The condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' can occur in one other syntactic environment ; that is sentences which contain a preposed phrase that is set off from the clause by a pause (e g (42)) 52 (42) Diaadn nd-ou me-lou (m-lou).53 lsACC not-lsNOM ST-embarrassed 'As for me I'm not embarrassed The morphological behavior of the condition stative verb me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' in (3 7), (39) (41), and (42) is the same as that of condition stative verbs derived from adjective roots (cf. (24)) In each case an undergoer-patient is cross-referenced by the verbal prefix m. On the other hand, their syntactic behavior is different. To begin with, me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' has a syntactic valency of either one (e g (37) (39) (42)) or two (e g (41)) whereas most condition stative verbs derived from adjective roots have a syntactic valency of one ( e g. (21 ), (26)) Except for a small group of condition stative verbs which can occur in clauses involving possessor ascension (e g (34)) the addition of another core syntactic argument in clauses with condition stative verbs derived from adjective roots results in an ungrammatical sentence. Both melou 'embarrassed' and condition statives derived from adjective roots can take activity verb complements (e g (43) (44)). (43) Sia me-lou (m-lou) mpanu. 3sNOM ST-embarrassed walk 'HE is embarrassed to go.' 51 Direct causality like indirect causality also has contrastive syntactic fonns representing different semantic functions (cf. 4). 52 Note that (42) does not involve extraposition ; diaadn 'me' is clause external

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67 (44) Sia mu-runggu' (m-runggu') mpanu 3sNOM ST-sluggish walk 'HE is sluggish walking In terms of derivational potential me-Lou 'ST-embarrassed' is distinguished from condition statives derived from adjective roots Activity verbs which are negated and in imperative mood can be derived from the former (e g (45)) but usually not the latter 54 Condition stative verbs that are derived from manner adjectives used to describe humans are an exception with respect to negative imperatives Thus from (24) n-doot 'ST-bad' n-duruk 'ST-fast', me-lambat 'ST-slow', and mu runggu' 'ST-sluggish' can be negated (e.g. (46)) (45) Dei ke-lou {k-lou)! do not embarrassed 'Don't be embarrassed!' (46) Dei ku-runggu' {k-runggu')! do.not sluggish 'Don't be sluggish!' M-olok 'ST-scared' is another condition stative verb which is derived from a noun root (olok 'fear') and has the same morphosyntactic behavior as me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' It can occur in clauses with a syntactic valency of one (e g. Sia molok 'He is scared.' ; cf. (37)). It can occur in clauses with an optional adjunct indicating antecedent cause (e g. Sia molok ga' ku 'He is scared because of me.' ; cf. (39)) It can occur in clauses with a syntactic valency of two (e g Sia molok diaadn 'He is scared of me.' ; cf. (41)) It can occur in clauses with a preposed phrase (e g. 53 Negated pronouns are restricted to first and second person nominative case Phonologically negated pronouns are a single word. Syntactically they function as the pivot and carry case Morphologically, they are odd in that pronouns are not normally inflected for negation ; however, ndis an affix and not a simple clitic (.2) The negation of pronouns is somewhat comparable to the English contracted negative n't which Zwicky and Pullum (1983) show has all the signs of being an inflectional affix and none of the properties of a clitic Botolan Sambal a language of the northern Philippines (Luzon Island) also has a morphological negative which occurs with enclitic pronouns (cf. Antworth 1979 : 50f.) 54 Cf. 3 for a discussion of activity verbs

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67 (44) Sia mu-runggu' (m-runggu') mpanu 3sNOM ST-sluggish walk 'HE is sluggish walking In terms of derivational potential me-Lou 'ST-embarrassed' is distinguished from condition statives derived from adjective roots Activity verbs which are negated and in imperative mood can be derived from the former (e g (45)) but usually not the latter 54 Condition stative verbs that are derived from manner adjectives used to describe humans are an exception with respect to negative imperatives Thus from (24) n-doot 'ST-bad' n-duruk 'ST-fast', me-lambat 'ST-slow', and mu runggu' 'ST-sluggish' can be negated (e.g. (46)) (45) Dei ke-lou {k-lou)! do not embarrassed 'Don't be embarrassed!' (46) Dei ku-runggu' {k-runggu')! do.not sluggish 'Don't be sluggish!' M-olok 'ST-scared' is another condition stative verb which is derived from a noun root (olok 'fear') and has the same morphosyntactic behavior as me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' It can occur in clauses with a syntactic valency of one (e g. Sia molok 'He is scared.' ; cf. (37)). It can occur in clauses with an optional adjunct indicating antecedent cause (e g. Sia molok ga' ku 'He is scared because of me.' ; cf. (39)) It can occur in clauses with a syntactic valency of two (e g Sia molok diaadn 'He is scared of me.' ; cf. (41)) It can occur in clauses with a preposed phrase (e g. 53 Negated pronouns are restricted to first and second person nominative case Phonologically negated pronouns are a single word. Syntactically they function as the pivot and carry case Morphologically, they are odd in that pronouns are not normally inflected for negation ; however, ndis an affix and not a simple clitic (.2) The negation of pronouns is somewhat comparable to the English contracted negative n't which Zwicky and Pullum (1983) show has all the signs of being an inflectional affix and none of the properties of a clitic Botolan Sambal a language of the northern Philippines (Luzon Island) also has a morphological negative which occurs with enclitic pronouns (cf. Antworth 1979 : 50f.) 54 Cf. 3 for a discussion of activity verbs

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68 Diaadn ndou molok As for me I'm not scared.' ; cf. (42)) Finall y, it can occur in clauses with activity verb complements (e g Sia molok mpanu. 'He is scared to go.' ; cf. (43)) I return to problems posed by stative verbs such as me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' and m-olok 'ST scared' after discussing possession and cognition statives in the next two sections 2 1.4 Possession States Sentence (47) illustrates an English possessive stative verb The general logical structure for possessive stative verbs is shown in (48a) and the clause-specific LS for (47) in (48b) ( 4 7) He has a book. (48) a General LS for possession stati v es: have' ( x,y ) x =possessor y=possessed b. Clause-specific LS for (47) : have' (he book) According to Fole y and Van Valin (1984 : 48 53) and Van Valin (1993 : 39) the first argument 'x' in the LS of a possession stative clause is a locative while the second argument y is a theme More recentl y Van Valin (1994) uses the terms possessor and possessed to refer to these two arguments with possessor = locative and possessed = theme Whereas possessor and possessed are semantically more transparent names locative and theme are more commonly used as names for thematic roles especially if one is trying to keep the number of thematic roles to a minimum The number of thematic role names used to describe semantic relationships is not a problem according to recent developments within RRG. These names are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions in LS (Van Valin 1994). As pointed out in .1.1 the revised Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (5) is based on the RRG position that thematic roles are not independently motivated As seen thus far in this chapter thematic roles pla y no direct role in lexical representation The semantic properties of verbs are expressed b y LS representations not a list of thematic roles (cf. Van Valin 1994) Throughout the remainder of this section, I use the transparent terms possessor and possessed to refer to the two arguments in possessi v e states. At the end of .1 5 I return to the relationship between these terms and argument positions in LSs

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68 Diaadn ndou molok As for me I'm not scared.' ; cf. (42)) Finall y, it can occur in clauses with activity verb complements (e g Sia molok mpanu. 'He is scared to go.' ; cf. (43)) I return to problems posed by stative verbs such as me-lou 'ST-embarrassed' and m-olok 'ST scared' after discussing possession and cognition statives in the next two sections 2 1.4 Possession States Sentence (47) illustrates an English possessive stative verb The general logical structure for possessive stative verbs is shown in (48a) and the clause-specific LS for (47) in (48b) ( 4 7) He has a book. (48) a General LS for possession stati v es: have' ( x,y ) x =possessor y=possessed b. Clause-specific LS for (47) : have' (he book) According to Fole y and Van Valin (1984 : 48 53) and Van Valin (1993 : 39) the first argument 'x' in the LS of a possession stative clause is a locative while the second argument y is a theme More recentl y Van Valin (1994) uses the terms possessor and possessed to refer to these two arguments with possessor = locative and possessed = theme Whereas possessor and possessed are semantically more transparent names locative and theme are more commonly used as names for thematic roles especially if one is trying to keep the number of thematic roles to a minimum The number of thematic role names used to describe semantic relationships is not a problem according to recent developments within RRG. These names are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions in LS (Van Valin 1994). As pointed out in .1.1 the revised Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (5) is based on the RRG position that thematic roles are not independently motivated As seen thus far in this chapter thematic roles pla y no direct role in lexical representation The semantic properties of verbs are expressed b y LS representations not a list of thematic roles (cf. Van Valin 1994) Throughout the remainder of this section, I use the transparent terms possessor and possessed to refer to the two arguments in possessi v e states. At the end of .1 5 I return to the relationship between these terms and argument positions in LSs

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69 The prefixes kiand ndmark verbs of possession kimarks the presence of possession, e g (49) and ndmarks the absence of possession e.g. (50) 55 Both kiand ndoccur with the existential root ara but only kioccurs with possession stative verbs which are derived from noun roots e g (51) 56 (49) Sia ki-ara oig. 3sNOM POS-exist boat 'HE has a boat.' (50) Sia nd-ara pa saa 3sNOM NEG-exist FPFT spouse 'HE is not married y et.' (51) Sia ki-saa 3sNOM POS-spouse 'HE is married A summary anal y sis of (49) is provided in (52). (52) a. General LS for possession statives: b Clause-specific LS for (49): c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb : have' ( x,y ) x =possessor y=possessed ara 'existential' (sia he ', oig 'boat') sia 'he' possessor oig 'boat'~ possessed undergoer possessor 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia he direct core syntactic argument~ possessed-oig 'boat' pi v ot-sia 'he' nominati v e case core argument-oig 'boat'~ accusative case (0) ara 'existential ki' POS' The anal y sis presented in (52) is straightforward with the exception of (52d) By (l0a. l) possessive statives should have two macroroles since the y have two arguments in their LS ( cf. (52a)) ; however according to (52d) Bonggi possessive statives have a single macrorole A similar 55 Toe prefix ndcomes from reduction of the negator nda' 'not' Historicall y, nda' probabl y developed into a clitic nd =, which, in tum was reanalyzed as a prefix This is a case of morphologization (cf. Anderson 1988b : 352 ; Joseph and Janda 1988: 195-96). The negator nda' also reduces to ndbefore first and second person nominative case pronouns e g ou 'I' ndou 'not I' aha y ou (sg)' and ndaha 'not y ou (sg)' 56 Possession stative verbs are deri v ed from existential ara and noun roots However the use of ki to derive possession stative verbs from noun roots is not extremel y productive More frequentl y, kiara occurs as in (49) The distinction between the use of kiand kiara appears to correlate with inalienable versus alienable possession.

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69 The prefixes kiand ndmark verbs of possession kimarks the presence of possession, e g (49) and ndmarks the absence of possession e.g. (50) 55 Both kiand ndoccur with the existential root ara but only kioccurs with possession stative verbs which are derived from noun roots e g (51) 56 (49) Sia ki-ara oig. 3sNOM POS-exist boat 'HE has a boat.' (50) Sia nd-ara pa saa 3sNOM NEG-exist FPFT spouse 'HE is not married y et.' (51) Sia ki-saa 3sNOM POS-spouse 'HE is married A summary anal y sis of (49) is provided in (52). (52) a. General LS for possession statives: b Clause-specific LS for (49): c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb : have' ( x,y ) x =possessor y=possessed ara 'existential' (sia he ', oig 'boat') sia 'he' possessor oig 'boat'~ possessed undergoer possessor 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia he direct core syntactic argument~ possessed-oig 'boat' pi v ot-sia 'he' nominati v e case core argument-oig 'boat'~ accusative case (0) ara 'existential ki' POS' The anal y sis presented in (52) is straightforward with the exception of (52d) By (l0a. l) possessive statives should have two macroroles since the y have two arguments in their LS ( cf. (52a)) ; however according to (52d) Bonggi possessive statives have a single macrorole A similar 55 Toe prefix ndcomes from reduction of the negator nda' 'not' Historicall y, nda' probabl y developed into a clitic nd =, which, in tum was reanalyzed as a prefix This is a case of morphologization (cf. Anderson 1988b : 352 ; Joseph and Janda 1988: 195-96). The negator nda' also reduces to ndbefore first and second person nominative case pronouns e g ou 'I' ndou 'not I' aha y ou (sg)' and ndaha 'not y ou (sg)' 56 Possession stative verbs are deri v ed from existential ara and noun roots However the use of ki to derive possession stative verbs from noun roots is not extremel y productive More frequentl y, kiara occurs as in (49) The distinction between the use of kiand kiara appears to correlate with inalienable versus alienable possession.

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70 situation was described for experiencer statives in 1 3 where according to the default situation described in ( 1 0a l ) experiencer statives should have two macroroles Instead, I suggested that the incorporation of one argument into the predicate requires the default situation to be overridden, and results in experiencer statives having only one macrorole 57 There are two reasons why incorporation was suggested as an explanation for experiencer verbs talcing one macrorole instead of the expected two by (lOa. l) First incorporation provides a principled basis for overriding the GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES in (10). Second, incorporation provides an explanation for a single macrorole without having to specify the feature [+MR] in the lexical entry of the verb. Although incorporation might be a good explanation for experiencer statives having only one macrorole it cannot be used as an explanation for possessive statives since they do not involve incorporation. What sort of evidence is needed to show that a verb with two core syntactic arguments has one macrorole instead of two? Van Valin (1990 : 240-48) uses case-marking as evidence in Georgian He provides the two universal case-marking principles in (53) (Van Valin 1990 : 241). (53) a If a clause contains a single macrorole argument it is nominative b. The default case for direct core arguments which are not assigned macrorole status is dative In Bonggi case-marking does not provide sufficient evidence to distinguish verbs with two core syntactic arguments and one macrorole from those with two core syntactic arguments and two macroroles This is due to the fact that distinctions between accusative and dative arguments are neutralized in Bonggi, especially within core syntactic arguments (cf. Tables 1 2 and 1 3 in .3.1). 58 Bonggi pronominal pivots occur in the nominative case but there is no 'inversion' of case like that described for Georgian (Van Valin 1990 ; 1993) and Latin (Michaelis 1993). On the 57 Cf. the discussion following the analysis in (29) 1.3 58 Tois was stated slightly differently at the end of 1.3 1 where I pointed out that Bonggi does not have unique dative case forms ; instead, all nonpivot direct core arguments which are not actors occur in accusative case

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70 situation was described for experiencer statives in 1 3 where according to the default situation described in ( 1 0a l ) experiencer statives should have two macroroles Instead, I suggested that the incorporation of one argument into the predicate requires the default situation to be overridden, and results in experiencer statives having only one macrorole 57 There are two reasons why incorporation was suggested as an explanation for experiencer verbs talcing one macrorole instead of the expected two by (lOa. l) First incorporation provides a principled basis for overriding the GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES in (10). Second, incorporation provides an explanation for a single macrorole without having to specify the feature [+MR] in the lexical entry of the verb. Although incorporation might be a good explanation for experiencer statives having only one macrorole it cannot be used as an explanation for possessive statives since they do not involve incorporation. What sort of evidence is needed to show that a verb with two core syntactic arguments has one macrorole instead of two? Van Valin (1990 : 240-48) uses case-marking as evidence in Georgian He provides the two universal case-marking principles in (53) (Van Valin 1990 : 241). (53) a If a clause contains a single macrorole argument it is nominative b. The default case for direct core arguments which are not assigned macrorole status is dative In Bonggi case-marking does not provide sufficient evidence to distinguish verbs with two core syntactic arguments and one macrorole from those with two core syntactic arguments and two macroroles This is due to the fact that distinctions between accusative and dative arguments are neutralized in Bonggi, especially within core syntactic arguments (cf. Tables 1 2 and 1 3 in .3.1). 58 Bonggi pronominal pivots occur in the nominative case but there is no 'inversion' of case like that described for Georgian (Van Valin 1990 ; 1993) and Latin (Michaelis 1993). On the 57 Cf. the discussion following the analysis in (29) 1.3 58 Tois was stated slightly differently at the end of 1.3 1 where I pointed out that Bonggi does not have unique dative case forms ; instead, all nonpivot direct core arguments which are not actors occur in accusative case

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71 other hand as with inversion in Georgian possessive statives in Bonggi are intransitive ; i e they have a single macrorole argument 59 Although the Bonggi case-marking system does not distinguish verbs with a single macrorole from those with two macroroles the syntax does In terms of syntax if an argument has macrorole status it must be able to function as clause pivot. Or stated another wa y, an argument cannot have macrorole status if it cannot function as clause pivot. This is not meant to suggest that the clause pivot must always be a macrorole ; in fact I show in .4 that this is not always the case That is an argument can be the clause pivot without being linked to a macrorole but an argument cannot be linked to a macrorole unless it can also be the clause pivot. The macrorole assignment principles in (10a) and (10b) repeated here as (54a) and (54b) are supplemented by the Bonggi specific principle in (54c) 60 (54) GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES : a Number : the number of macroroles a verb takes is less than or equal to the number of arguments in its LS 1. If a verb has two or more arguments in its LS it will take two macroroles. 2. If a verb has one argument in its LS it will take one macrorole. b Nature : for verbs which take one macrorole 1. If the verb has an activity predicate in its LS, the macrorole is actor. 2. If the verb has no activity predicate in its LS the macrorole is undergoer. c. Pivot potential: if a verb has two macroroles either of them can function as the clause pivot. By (54c) possessive statives only have one macrorole since only the possessor can be the clause pivot never the possessed item B y (54b.2) the single macrorole is an undergoer (cf. (52d)). The pivot in (49) (50) and (51) is sia 'he' which is an animate possessor. The possessor can also be inanimate e.g (55) and (56) where the possessor is oig na 'the boat' 59 Recall that in RRG transitivity is defined in terms of the number of macroroles a verb takes Single-macrorole verbs are intransitive two-macrorole verbs are transitive The number of macroroles a verb takes is more important than the number of direct core syntactic arguments it takes (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 228 1993 : 48) 60 van Valin (1993 : 48 ; 154 footnote 28) points out that the syntactic consequence of core arguments in syntax not being assigned to a macrorole is that they cannot occur as pivot.

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71 other hand as with inversion in Georgian possessive statives in Bonggi are intransitive ; i e they have a single macrorole argument 59 Although the Bonggi case-marking system does not distinguish verbs with a single macrorole from those with two macroroles the syntax does In terms of syntax if an argument has macrorole status it must be able to function as clause pivot. Or stated another wa y, an argument cannot have macrorole status if it cannot function as clause pivot. This is not meant to suggest that the clause pivot must always be a macrorole ; in fact I show in .4 that this is not always the case That is an argument can be the clause pivot without being linked to a macrorole but an argument cannot be linked to a macrorole unless it can also be the clause pivot. The macrorole assignment principles in (10a) and (10b) repeated here as (54a) and (54b) are supplemented by the Bonggi specific principle in (54c) 60 (54) GENERAL MACROROLE ASSIGNMENT PRINCIPLES : a Number : the number of macroroles a verb takes is less than or equal to the number of arguments in its LS 1. If a verb has two or more arguments in its LS it will take two macroroles. 2. If a verb has one argument in its LS it will take one macrorole. b Nature : for verbs which take one macrorole 1. If the verb has an activity predicate in its LS, the macrorole is actor. 2. If the verb has no activity predicate in its LS the macrorole is undergoer. c. Pivot potential: if a verb has two macroroles either of them can function as the clause pivot. By (54c) possessive statives only have one macrorole since only the possessor can be the clause pivot never the possessed item B y (54b.2) the single macrorole is an undergoer (cf. (52d)). The pivot in (49) (50) and (51) is sia 'he' which is an animate possessor. The possessor can also be inanimate e.g (55) and (56) where the possessor is oig na 'the boat' 59 Recall that in RRG transitivity is defined in terms of the number of macroroles a verb takes Single-macrorole verbs are intransitive two-macrorole verbs are transitive The number of macroroles a verb takes is more important than the number of direct core syntactic arguments it takes (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 228 1993 : 48) 60 van Valin (1993 : 48 ; 154 footnote 28) points out that the syntactic consequence of core arguments in syntax not being assigned to a macrorole is that they cannot occur as pivot.

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(55) Oig na ki-ara saat. boat DEF POS-exist paint 'THE BOAT has been painted (56) Oig na nd-ara saat. boat DEF NEG-have paint 'THE BOAT has no paint.' 72 Since only the possessor can be the pivot in possession statives and since pivots precede nonpivots, the possessor must occur before the possessed entity Sentence (57) is semantically ill formed if 'paint' is interpreted as the pivot, since paint cannot possess a boat. However (57) is syntactically ill-formed if 'boat' is interpreted as the pivot since the pivot must precede the nonpivot. (57) *Saat na nd-ara oig. paint DEF NEG-have boat *'THE PAINT has no boat.' 2 1.5 Cognition States Cognition states are mental internal and nonvolitional involving neither decision nor action on the part of the undergoer The construction has two arguments as illustrated by the English cognition stative verb believe in (58). The LS for (58) is shown in (59). The first argument 'x' is an experiencer while the second argument 'y' is a theme (VV 1993 : 39) 61 (58) He believes me (59) a. General LS for believe : b. Clause-specific LS for (58) : believe' (x,y) believe' (he me) x=experiencer, y=theme Bonggi has only two cognition stative verbs pisiaa 'believe' and pandi 'know' which are illustrated in (60) and (61) A summary analysis of (60) is provided in (62) (60) Sia pisiaa diaadn. 3sNOM believe lsACC 'HE believes me.' 61 Giv6n (1984 : 21) points out that thematic roles in possessive clauses have atypical values

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(55) Oig na ki-ara saat. boat DEF POS-exist paint 'THE BOAT has been painted (56) Oig na nd-ara saat. boat DEF NEG-have paint 'THE BOAT has no paint.' 72 Since only the possessor can be the pivot in possession statives and since pivots precede nonpivots, the possessor must occur before the possessed entity Sentence (57) is semantically ill formed if 'paint' is interpreted as the pivot, since paint cannot possess a boat. However (57) is syntactically ill-formed if 'boat' is interpreted as the pivot since the pivot must precede the nonpivot. (57) *Saat na nd-ara oig. paint DEF NEG-have boat *'THE PAINT has no boat.' 2 1.5 Cognition States Cognition states are mental internal and nonvolitional involving neither decision nor action on the part of the undergoer The construction has two arguments as illustrated by the English cognition stative verb believe in (58). The LS for (58) is shown in (59). The first argument 'x' is an experiencer while the second argument 'y' is a theme (VV 1993 : 39) 61 (58) He believes me (59) a. General LS for believe : b. Clause-specific LS for (58) : believe' (x,y) believe' (he me) x=experiencer, y=theme Bonggi has only two cognition stative verbs pisiaa 'believe' and pandi 'know' which are illustrated in (60) and (61) A summary analysis of (60) is provided in (62) (60) Sia pisiaa diaadn. 3sNOM believe lsACC 'HE believes me.' 61 Giv6n (1984 : 21) points out that thematic roles in possessive clauses have atypical values

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73 (61) Sia pandi uubm Sama 3sNOM know language Bajau 'HE knows the Bajau language (62) a. General LS for believe : b Clause-specific LS for (60): c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb : believe' (x y) x=experiencer, y=theme pisiaa 'believe' (sia 'he', diaadn 'me') sia he' -fexperiencer diaadn 'me' -ftheme undergoer -fexperiencer 1 Macrorole pivot -fundergoer-sia 'he' direct core syntactic argument -ftheme-diaadn 'me' pivot-sia 'he' -fnominative case core argument-diaadn 'me' -faccusative case pisiaa 'believe' -f(0) Cognition statives like the possessive statives described in .1.4 have two core syntactic arguments, but only one macrorole. Only the experiencer can be the pivot in cognition stative clauses Thus by (54c) these statives have only one macrorole which, b y (54b 2) must be an undergoer (cf. (62d)) Cognition stative verbs are morphologically unmarked ; that is the root is not cross-referenced (cf. (62g)) Table 2 7 provides a summary of the types of states which have been described They are : equational (.1.1) locative (.1.2) condition 1.3) experiencer 1.3) possession 1.4) and cognition 1 5) The second row contains the general LS for each subclass of state The third row lists the thematic relations (or mnemonic labels) which have been used to describe the arguments in the LSs The fourth row shows the number and nature of the macroroles occurring with each subclass of state and it summarizes the linking relationship between macroroles and the thematic relations in row three The fifth row lists the choices for clause pivot, the sixth lists the syntactic category of the clause predicate and the last row summarizes the verbal cross referencing Possession and cognition stative verbs are small closed classes whereas condition stative verbs form a larger more open class. Experiencer and locative statives fall somewhere in between

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73 (61) Sia pandi uubm Sama 3sNOM know language Bajau 'HE knows the Bajau language (62) a. General LS for believe : b Clause-specific LS for (60): c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb : believe' (x y) x=experiencer, y=theme pisiaa 'believe' (sia 'he', diaadn 'me') sia he' -fexperiencer diaadn 'me' -ftheme undergoer -fexperiencer 1 Macrorole pivot -fundergoer-sia 'he' direct core syntactic argument -ftheme-diaadn 'me' pivot-sia 'he' -fnominative case core argument-diaadn 'me' -faccusative case pisiaa 'believe' -f(0) Cognition statives like the possessive statives described in .1.4 have two core syntactic arguments, but only one macrorole. Only the experiencer can be the pivot in cognition stative clauses Thus by (54c) these statives have only one macrorole which, b y (54b 2) must be an undergoer (cf. (62d)) Cognition stative verbs are morphologically unmarked ; that is the root is not cross-referenced (cf. (62g)) Table 2 7 provides a summary of the types of states which have been described They are : equational (.1.1) locative (.1.2) condition 1.3) experiencer 1.3) possession 1.4) and cognition 1 5) The second row contains the general LS for each subclass of state The third row lists the thematic relations (or mnemonic labels) which have been used to describe the arguments in the LSs The fourth row shows the number and nature of the macroroles occurring with each subclass of state and it summarizes the linking relationship between macroroles and the thematic relations in row three The fifth row lists the choices for clause pivot, the sixth lists the syntactic category of the clause predicate and the last row summarizes the verbal cross referencing Possession and cognition stative verbs are small closed classes whereas condition stative verbs form a larger more open class. Experiencer and locative statives fall somewhere in between

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74 in terms of class size All stative verbs are uninflected for tense and cannot occur in imperative mood 62 Table 2 7 : Summary of states Equational Locative Condition E x periencer Possession Cmmition LS be ( x,y ) be-at' ( x,y ) predicate' be' ( x, have' ( x,y ) believe' ( x,y ) ( x ) f oredicate'l) 0-role x =locative x=locative x=patient x=expenencer x=locative x =e x penencer y=theme y=theme predicate'= y=theme y=theme theme macroroles undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer= undergoer undergoer= =locati v e =theme =patient e x periencer =locative experiencer pivot undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer syntactic nominal verb verb verb verb v erb category deictic of adverb predicate locati v e preposition verbal m(for m-an Id, ndcrossv erbal referencing predicates onl y ) The ability of different NPs to funct i on as clause pivot is a well-known feature of Philippine type languages Man y introductions to languages like Tagalog suggest that an y NP in a clause can be the pivot. 63 This is quite contrary to what is described here where each stative subclass '-62Toe cognition stative verb pi s iaa can also be used as an imperative meaning 'believe!' in which case it is an activity verb and not a state In fact there is a corresponding activity verb form -um + pisiaa > mpisiaa (cf. 3) The rootpandi 'know' however cannot be used as an imperative ; thus there is no corresponding activity form 63 Usually some term other than pivot is used ; e g focused NP subject topic or trigger.

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74 in terms of class size All stative verbs are uninflected for tense and cannot occur in imperative mood 62 Table 2 7 : Summary of states Equational Locative Condition E x periencer Possession Cmmition LS be ( x,y ) be-at' ( x,y ) predicate' be' ( x, have' ( x,y ) believe' ( x,y ) ( x ) f oredicate'l) 0-role x =locative x=locative x=patient x=expenencer x=locative x =e x penencer y=theme y=theme predicate'= y=theme y=theme theme macroroles undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer= undergoer undergoer= =locati v e =theme =patient e x periencer =locative experiencer pivot undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer undergoer syntactic nominal verb verb verb verb v erb category deictic of adverb predicate locati v e preposition verbal m(for m-an Id, ndcrossv erbal referencing predicates onl y ) The ability of different NPs to funct i on as clause pivot is a well-known feature of Philippine type languages Man y introductions to languages like Tagalog suggest that an y NP in a clause can be the pivot. 63 This is quite contrary to what is described here where each stative subclass '-62Toe cognition stative verb pi s iaa can also be used as an imperative meaning 'believe!' in which case it is an activity verb and not a state In fact there is a corresponding activity verb form -um + pisiaa > mpisiaa (cf. 3) The rootpandi 'know' however cannot be used as an imperative ; thus there is no corresponding activity form 63 Usually some term other than pivot is used ; e g focused NP subject topic or trigger.

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75 strongly constrains the pivot possibilities In fact as seen in Table 2 7 each subclass of state has only one pivot possibility. I return now to the question of the relationship between 8-roles and LS argument positions that was raised in 1.1 and 1.4 According to the revised Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (5) 8-roles are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions. The relationship between 8-roles and argument positions for the different subclasses of states is summarized in (63) (cf. (5) ; Van Valin 1994) (63) 1st arg of 2nd arg of Arg of state predicate'(x, y ) predicate'(x y) predicate'(x) Equational state : locative theme (cf. 1.1) Locative state: locative theme (cf. 1.2) Condition state: patient (cf. 1.3) Experiencer state : expenencer theme (cf. 1.3) Possession state : locative theme (cf. .1.4) Cognition state : expenencer theme (cf. .1.5) Existential state : locative theme (cf. below) Emotional state expenencer theme (cf. below) The LS for all states can be generalized as either predicate' ( x ) or predicate ( x, y) (VV 1993 : 36) Variations among stative subclasses result from variations within these two LSs For two-place statives the first argument is either an experiencer or a locative whereas the second argument is a theme (cf. Van Valin 1990:226). Thus thematic roles can be defined in terms of argument positions For example patient is the argument in the LS configuration predicate' ( x ) and experiencer is the first argument in either : (i) an experiencer state LS configuration be' (x [predicate ]) (ii) a cognition state LS configuration believe' (x ,y ) or (iii) an emotional state LS configuration love' ( x,y )

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75 strongly constrains the pivot possibilities In fact as seen in Table 2 7 each subclass of state has only one pivot possibility. I return now to the question of the relationship between 8-roles and LS argument positions that was raised in 1.1 and 1.4 According to the revised Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (5) 8-roles are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions. The relationship between 8-roles and argument positions for the different subclasses of states is summarized in (63) (cf. (5) ; Van Valin 1994) (63) 1st arg of 2nd arg of Arg of state predicate'(x, y ) predicate'(x y) predicate'(x) Equational state : locative theme (cf. 1.1) Locative state: locative theme (cf. 1.2) Condition state: patient (cf. 1.3) Experiencer state : expenencer theme (cf. 1.3) Possession state : locative theme (cf. .1.4) Cognition state : expenencer theme (cf. .1.5) Existential state : locative theme (cf. below) Emotional state expenencer theme (cf. below) The LS for all states can be generalized as either predicate' ( x ) or predicate ( x, y) (VV 1993 : 36) Variations among stative subclasses result from variations within these two LSs For two-place statives the first argument is either an experiencer or a locative whereas the second argument is a theme (cf. Van Valin 1990:226). Thus thematic roles can be defined in terms of argument positions For example patient is the argument in the LS configuration predicate' ( x ) and experiencer is the first argument in either : (i) an experiencer state LS configuration be' (x [predicate ]) (ii) a cognition state LS configuration believe' (x ,y ) or (iii) an emotional state LS configuration love' ( x,y )

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76 If 0-roles are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions, what is the function of verbal cross-referencing in Bonggi and other Philippine-type languages? 64 Recall that within Philippine linguistics the role of verbal cross-referencing is usually thought to encode the thematic role of the pivot (cf. .3 1) If as is usually claimed verbal cross-referencing encodes 0-roles, then 0-roles are certainly more than just mnemonics To answer this question we turn again to Table 2 7. To begin with, equational states and nonverbal locative states are excluded because they are nonverbal and therefore lack cross-referencing. Cognition states are also excluded because they are not cross-referenced. Possession stative verbs are marked by either kior nd(cf. Table 2.7) These prefixes indicate either the presence or absence of possession, not the thematic role of the pivot which in possessive clauses, is always the locative/possessor argument. It was pointed out in 1.4 that both kiand ndoccur with the existential root ara. In fact these prefixes can also indicate the presence or absence of existence in existential clauses Whereas only possessive clauses were described in 1.4 (64) and (65) are examples of existential clauses (cf. (49) and (50)) (64) Ki-ara lama dii bali nu. POS-exist person at house 2sGEN 'There is SOMEBODY at your house (65) Sia nd-ara kati' 3sNOM NEG-exist here 'HE is not here.' The LS of existential states is exist' (x ,y ) where x=locative/domain and y=theme/entity Existential states are closely related to locative states (cf. Van Valin 1994 ; Freeze 1992). Although the verb morphology of existential and possessive statives is identical, there are important differences between the two Syntactically the pivot always precedes the verb in 64 The term "Philippine-type" language is used with both the linguistic and the political situation in mind. Bonggi has features which are commonly associated with Philippine languages in the linguistic literature and thus from the perspective of linguistics could be called a Philippine language. However from the perspective of politics reference to Bonggi as a Philippine language is anathema to Malaysians This is especially so since the Philippines refuses to relinquish its claim to Sabah

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76 If 0-roles are nothing more than mnemonics for argument positions, what is the function of verbal cross-referencing in Bonggi and other Philippine-type languages? 64 Recall that within Philippine linguistics the role of verbal cross-referencing is usually thought to encode the thematic role of the pivot (cf. .3 1) If as is usually claimed verbal cross-referencing encodes 0-roles, then 0-roles are certainly more than just mnemonics To answer this question we turn again to Table 2 7. To begin with, equational states and nonverbal locative states are excluded because they are nonverbal and therefore lack cross-referencing. Cognition states are also excluded because they are not cross-referenced. Possession stative verbs are marked by either kior nd(cf. Table 2.7) These prefixes indicate either the presence or absence of possession, not the thematic role of the pivot which in possessive clauses, is always the locative/possessor argument. It was pointed out in 1.4 that both kiand ndoccur with the existential root ara. In fact these prefixes can also indicate the presence or absence of existence in existential clauses Whereas only possessive clauses were described in 1.4 (64) and (65) are examples of existential clauses (cf. (49) and (50)) (64) Ki-ara lama dii bali nu. POS-exist person at house 2sGEN 'There is SOMEBODY at your house (65) Sia nd-ara kati' 3sNOM NEG-exist here 'HE is not here.' The LS of existential states is exist' (x ,y ) where x=locative/domain and y=theme/entity Existential states are closely related to locative states (cf. Van Valin 1994 ; Freeze 1992). Although the verb morphology of existential and possessive statives is identical, there are important differences between the two Syntactically the pivot always precedes the verb in 64 The term "Philippine-type" language is used with both the linguistic and the political situation in mind. Bonggi has features which are commonly associated with Philippine languages in the linguistic literature and thus from the perspective of linguistics could be called a Philippine language. However from the perspective of politics reference to Bonggi as a Philippine language is anathema to Malaysians This is especially so since the Philippines refuses to relinquish its claim to Sabah

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77 possessive clauses (e g (49) (50) (51) (55) (56)) whereas in e xi stential clauses indefinite pivots follow the v erb (e.g (64)) and definite pivots precede the verb (e.g. (65)) If we avoid transparent labels such as possessor to describe arguments and instead use more generic labels such as locative we find the circumstances gi v en in (66) (66) a LS for possession states : have' ( x,y ) b LS for existential states : exist' ( x,y ) x =locative y=theme pivot=undergoer-locative x =locati v e y=theme pi v ot=undergoer-theme Both possession states and existential states are two-place stative v erbs with identical thematic roles b y (66) The difference is that existential states like locati v e states select the second argument of predicate' ( x,y ) as the undergoer pivot whereas all other stative v erbs select the first argument (cf. (63) and Table 2.7). If the function of verbal cross-referencing is to encode the 0-role of the pivot there is a contradiction with kicross-referencing the locative for possession stative verbs (e.g (49) (55)) and the theme for existential stati v e verbs (e.g (64)). E x periencer states are marked by -an which cross-references a marked undergoer pivot (e g (28) (31)). This leaves condition states (e g (21) (24) (26) (33) (34) (37) (39) (41) (42) (43) (44)) and verbal locative states (e g (15)) which are both marked b y m. For condition states the undergoer-pivot is a patient w hereas for locative states the undergoer-pivot is a theme Furthermore the class of emotional states mentioned in ( 63) has an undergoer-pivot which is an e x penencer. Emotional states are a small class of two-place stative verbs listed in (67) and illustrated b y the verb mu s ulaadn 'hate' in (68). A summary analysis of (68) is provided in (69) (67) =Im==--.,_/ ---------------'/=ma:....:V"-'-/'-------m-ingisiadn ST-have pity on mi-siatadn (68) Sia mu-sulaadn (m-sulaan) 3sNOM ST-hate 'HE hates me mu-sulaadn me-datadn diaadn lsACC ST-like ST-hate ST-detest

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77 possessive clauses (e g (49) (50) (51) (55) (56)) whereas in e xi stential clauses indefinite pivots follow the v erb (e.g (64)) and definite pivots precede the verb (e.g. (65)) If we avoid transparent labels such as possessor to describe arguments and instead use more generic labels such as locative we find the circumstances gi v en in (66) (66) a LS for possession states : have' ( x,y ) b LS for existential states : exist' ( x,y ) x =locative y=theme pivot=undergoer-locative x =locati v e y=theme pi v ot=undergoer-theme Both possession states and existential states are two-place stative v erbs with identical thematic roles b y (66) The difference is that existential states like locati v e states select the second argument of predicate' ( x,y ) as the undergoer pivot whereas all other stative v erbs select the first argument (cf. (63) and Table 2.7). If the function of verbal cross-referencing is to encode the 0-role of the pivot there is a contradiction with kicross-referencing the locative for possession stative verbs (e.g (49) (55)) and the theme for existential stati v e verbs (e.g (64)). E x periencer states are marked by -an which cross-references a marked undergoer pivot (e g (28) (31)). This leaves condition states (e g (21) (24) (26) (33) (34) (37) (39) (41) (42) (43) (44)) and verbal locative states (e g (15)) which are both marked b y m. For condition states the undergoer-pivot is a patient w hereas for locative states the undergoer-pivot is a theme Furthermore the class of emotional states mentioned in ( 63) has an undergoer-pivot which is an e x penencer. Emotional states are a small class of two-place stative verbs listed in (67) and illustrated b y the verb mu s ulaadn 'hate' in (68). A summary analysis of (68) is provided in (69) (67) =Im==--.,_/ ---------------'/=ma:....:V"-'-/'-------m-ingisiadn ST-have pity on mi-siatadn (68) Sia mu-sulaadn (m-sulaan) 3sNOM ST-hate 'HE hates me mu-sulaadn me-datadn diaadn lsACC ST-like ST-hate ST-detest

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(69) a LS for emotional states : b. Clause-specific LS for (68) : c. Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case : g Cross-reference v erb : 78 hate' ( x, y) x =experiencer y=theme su/aadn 'hate' (sia 'he' diaadn me ) sia 'he'~ experiencer diaadn 'me' theme undergoer experiencer 1 Macrorole pi v ot undergoer-sia 'he' direct core syntactic argument theme-diaadn 'me pivot-sia 'he'~ nominati v e case diaadn 'me' accusative case sulaadn 'hate' m'ST' Emotional states are two-place stati v es with two core syntactic arguments but onl y one macrorole (cf. possessi v e states .1.4 ; cognition statives 1.5) The first argument in the LS is an e x periencer and the second a theme (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 244 ; 1993 : 79-80). Onl y the experiencer can be the pivot so according to (54c) these statives ha v e onl y one macrorole w hich b y (54b 2) must be an undergoer (cf. (69d)). Emotional states are cross-referenced b y m(cf. (69g)) In fact emotional states are interesting in that they appear to be doubl y marked Note that all of the forms in (67) end in [adn] just like e x periencer states (cf. Table 2 6) This is especiall y interesting in that b y the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) the theme argument is the unmarked undergoer for both emotional and e x periencer states In the case of e x periencer states the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate and the experiencer argument is linked to undergoer resulting in a marked linking between e x periencer and undergoer in terms of ( 4) and a corresponding markedness in morphology with -an In the case of emotional states the theme argument is not incorporated into the predicate and the e x periencer argument is linked to undergoer also resulting in a marked linking between e x periencer and undergoer in terms of ( 4)

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(69) a LS for emotional states : b. Clause-specific LS for (68) : c. Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case : g Cross-reference v erb : 78 hate' ( x, y) x =experiencer y=theme su/aadn 'hate' (sia 'he' diaadn me ) sia 'he'~ experiencer diaadn 'me' theme undergoer experiencer 1 Macrorole pi v ot undergoer-sia 'he' direct core syntactic argument theme-diaadn 'me pivot-sia 'he'~ nominati v e case diaadn 'me' accusative case sulaadn 'hate' m'ST' Emotional states are two-place stati v es with two core syntactic arguments but onl y one macrorole (cf. possessi v e states .1.4 ; cognition statives 1.5) The first argument in the LS is an e x periencer and the second a theme (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 244 ; 1993 : 79-80). Onl y the experiencer can be the pivot so according to (54c) these statives ha v e onl y one macrorole w hich b y (54b 2) must be an undergoer (cf. (69d)). Emotional states are cross-referenced b y m(cf. (69g)) In fact emotional states are interesting in that they appear to be doubl y marked Note that all of the forms in (67) end in [adn] just like e x periencer states (cf. Table 2 6) This is especiall y interesting in that b y the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) the theme argument is the unmarked undergoer for both emotional and e x periencer states In the case of e x periencer states the theme argument is incorporated into the predicate and the experiencer argument is linked to undergoer resulting in a marked linking between e x periencer and undergoer in terms of ( 4) and a corresponding markedness in morphology with -an In the case of emotional states the theme argument is not incorporated into the predicate and the e x periencer argument is linked to undergoer also resulting in a marked linking between e x periencer and undergoer in terms of ( 4)

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79 However although a corresponding markedness in morphology is expected instead, unmarked occurs and all the verbs end in [adn] as if they were doubly marked with both mand -an 65 Problems in analyzing two-place stative predicates were initially raised by the discussion of melou 'embarrassed' and molok 'scared' at the end of 1.3. The analysis of possession states 1.4) cognition states 1.5) existential states 1.5) and emotional states (.1.5) has shown that there is a unified analysis for stative verbs Although some stative verbs can have two core (nonoblique) syntactic arguments they are all intransitive in RRG terms ; i e. they have onl y one macrorole Furthermore there is only one possible syntactic pivot for each subclass of stative verb and the thematic role of the pivot is completely predictable I have also shown from the discussion of stative verb cross-referencing that the function of cross-referencing in Bonggi cannot be to simply encode the 0-role of the pivot. This still leaves open the question of what function is fulfilled by cross-referencing Two possiblities are suggested by Table 2 7 either the highest-ranking macrorole is cross-referenced or the pivot is cross referenced (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 241) 2.2. Achievements Achievements are situations which result from a nonagentive single change of state Achievements contain an underlying stative in their LS The LS for achievements varies depending upon the type of stative from which a particular achievement verb is derived For example (70) shows the LS for achievement verbs which are derived from condition stative verbs (cf. Table 2 7) 65 Perhaps the solution to the small leak in the data lies in emotional states being exceptions to (54b 2). Only the experiencer can be the pivot ; therefore, emotional states have only one macrorole. The assumption here based on (54b.2), is that the single macrorole must be an undergoer. The exception would involve a LS with two arguments and no activity predicate but with a single macrorole which is an actor. Activity verbs can be derived from at least three of the roots in (67) ; i.e k-ingisiadn 'have pity on' ki-siatadn 'like' and ku-sulaadn 'hate' (cf. (45) and (46)) The remaining word in (67) has a form ke-deta-an 'despised' suggesting the possibility of a root other than datadn. Emotional states and experiencer states are similar in that only the experiencer can be the pivot. The stimulus (theme) cannot be the pivot (cf. Talmy 1985 : 99ff.)

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79 However although a corresponding markedness in morphology is expected instead, unmarked occurs and all the verbs end in [adn] as if they were doubly marked with both mand -an 65 Problems in analyzing two-place stative predicates were initially raised by the discussion of melou 'embarrassed' and molok 'scared' at the end of 1.3. The analysis of possession states 1.4) cognition states 1.5) existential states 1.5) and emotional states (.1.5) has shown that there is a unified analysis for stative verbs Although some stative verbs can have two core (nonoblique) syntactic arguments they are all intransitive in RRG terms ; i e. they have onl y one macrorole Furthermore there is only one possible syntactic pivot for each subclass of stative verb and the thematic role of the pivot is completely predictable I have also shown from the discussion of stative verb cross-referencing that the function of cross-referencing in Bonggi cannot be to simply encode the 0-role of the pivot. This still leaves open the question of what function is fulfilled by cross-referencing Two possiblities are suggested by Table 2 7 either the highest-ranking macrorole is cross-referenced or the pivot is cross referenced (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 241) 2.2. Achievements Achievements are situations which result from a nonagentive single change of state Achievements contain an underlying stative in their LS The LS for achievements varies depending upon the type of stative from which a particular achievement verb is derived For example (70) shows the LS for achievement verbs which are derived from condition stative verbs (cf. Table 2 7) 65 Perhaps the solution to the small leak in the data lies in emotional states being exceptions to (54b 2). Only the experiencer can be the pivot ; therefore, emotional states have only one macrorole. The assumption here based on (54b.2), is that the single macrorole must be an undergoer. The exception would involve a LS with two arguments and no activity predicate but with a single macrorole which is an actor. Activity verbs can be derived from at least three of the roots in (67) ; i.e k-ingisiadn 'have pity on' ki-siatadn 'like' and ku-sulaadn 'hate' (cf. (45) and (46)) The remaining word in (67) has a form ke-deta-an 'despised' suggesting the possibility of a root other than datadn. Emotional states and experiencer states are similar in that only the experiencer can be the pivot. The stimulus (theme) cannot be the pivot (cf. Talmy 1985 : 99ff.)

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80 (70) LS for achie v ements with underlying condition stative verb : B E COME predicate' (x) Achievements are derived from states by the addition of the logical operator B E COME which indicates inchoative aspect (cf. Walton 1983:23 ; Van Valin 1990 : 223) Because achievements are derived from states states are considered basic. This section sho w s how the addition of the logical operator B E COME to different subclasses of states described in 1 effects both their semantic and morphosyntactic structure I begin b y showing how achievement verbs can be derived from condition states (cf. 1.3) For example (71) illustrates an English stative clause and its LS whereas (72) illustrates the corresponding achievement clause and its LS (71) It is dry dry' (it) (72) It is getting dry B E COME dry' (it) The Bonggi clauses which correspond to (71) and (72) are (73) (cf. (21)) and (74) Whereas the difference between states and achievements is indicated paraphrasticall y in the English examples the difference is indicated morphologicall y in Bonggi where moccurs with condition states and km(realized here as an infix /-m-/) occurs with achie v ements. (73) Sia ng-korikng (m-koring) 3sNOM ST-dry 'IT is dry .' (74) Sia k-em-orikng (n-koring) 3sNOM @ -ACH-clry66 'IT is getting dry Both the condition stative verb ng-korikng 'ST-dry' in (73) and the achievement verb kemorikng 'ACH-dry' in (74) are derived from the adjective root koring 'dry' A summary anal y sis of (74) is pro vi ded in (75) 66 Tue '@' is used to indicate the first consonant of a root or stem which is separated from the rest of the root b y an infi x

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80 (70) LS for achie v ements with underlying condition stative verb : B E COME predicate' (x) Achievements are derived from states by the addition of the logical operator B E COME which indicates inchoative aspect (cf. Walton 1983:23 ; Van Valin 1990 : 223) Because achievements are derived from states states are considered basic. This section sho w s how the addition of the logical operator B E COME to different subclasses of states described in 1 effects both their semantic and morphosyntactic structure I begin b y showing how achievement verbs can be derived from condition states (cf. 1.3) For example (71) illustrates an English stative clause and its LS whereas (72) illustrates the corresponding achievement clause and its LS (71) It is dry dry' (it) (72) It is getting dry B E COME dry' (it) The Bonggi clauses which correspond to (71) and (72) are (73) (cf. (21)) and (74) Whereas the difference between states and achievements is indicated paraphrasticall y in the English examples the difference is indicated morphologicall y in Bonggi where moccurs with condition states and km(realized here as an infix /-m-/) occurs with achie v ements. (73) Sia ng-korikng (m-koring) 3sNOM ST-dry 'IT is dry .' (74) Sia k-em-orikng (n-koring) 3sNOM @ -ACH-clry66 'IT is getting dry Both the condition stative verb ng-korikng 'ST-dry' in (73) and the achievement verb kemorikng 'ACH-dry' in (74) are derived from the adjective root koring 'dry' A summary anal y sis of (74) is pro vi ded in (75) 66 Tue '@' is used to indicate the first consonant of a root or stem which is separated from the rest of the root b y an infi x

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81 (75) a. General LS for achievements with underlying condition state : BECOME predicate' (x) x=patient b. Clause-specific LS for (74): BECOME korikng 'dry' (sia 'it') c Assign thematic relations : sia 'it' +patient d Assign semantic macroroles : undergoer +patient 1 Macrorole e. Assign syntactic functions : pivot +undergoer-sia 'it' f. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-sia 'it' +nominative case g. Cross-reference verb: korikng 'dry' +km'ACH' A comparison of (75) with (23) is instructive. 67 The only difference is the addition of the logical operator BECOME in the LS of the achievement verb and a concomitant change in verbal cross-referencing. There is, however no change in the assignment of thematic relations macroroles syntactic function, or case Thus the single argument 'x', in both instances is a patient which is linked to undergoer. Other achievement verbs derived from adjective roots which are used to form one-place condition stative verbs are shown in (76) They too, are cross-referenced by km, which is realized in different ways, as seen by the arrangement ofroots in (76). 68 6 7 (23) is a summary analysis of (21 ) which is repeated here as (73). 68 kmis realized as /km-/ before vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial Then an epenthetic vowel NI is inserted to avoid impermissible syllable structures ( cf. footnote 31). This vowel is subject to vowel harmony and vowel weakening Bonggi is not unique in treating bilabial consonants differently than other consonants in terms of affixation For example, see Kerr 1965 : 41, footnote 11 ; and Brewis (1992) If the initial consonant of the root is a bilabial nasal, e.g. mu/a' 'old (things)' and mulak 'young', a rule of nasal deletion occurs deleting the nasal portion of the affix. (Evidence for mu/a' 'old (things)' and mulak 'young' being nasal-initial roots is found in causative constructions where the nasal occurs in the causative stems, e g pu-mula' 'make-old' andpu-mulak 'make-young' Compare causative stems formed from vowel-initial roots e.g. p-ingad 'make-near' and p-odu' 'make-far'.) In the elsewhere case kmis realized as an infix, /-m-/ immediately following the root-initial consonant. Then an epenthetic vowel NI is inserted to avoid impermissible syllable structures The infix /-m-/ cannot occur with vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial so /kl appears to occur in order to provide the right phonological environment for infixing a /-m-/ In the past tense the epenthetic vowel does not occur ; instead, the vowel /i/ occurs in place of the epenthetic vowel indicating past tense. Thus, the past tense form of kemorikng 'getting dry' (cf. (74)) is kimorikng 'got dry'. I avoid past tense examples in this section in order to reduce the morphological complexity in the examples

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81 (75) a. General LS for achievements with underlying condition state : BECOME predicate' (x) x=patient b. Clause-specific LS for (74): BECOME korikng 'dry' (sia 'it') c Assign thematic relations : sia 'it' +patient d Assign semantic macroroles : undergoer +patient 1 Macrorole e. Assign syntactic functions : pivot +undergoer-sia 'it' f. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-sia 'it' +nominative case g. Cross-reference verb: korikng 'dry' +km'ACH' A comparison of (75) with (23) is instructive. 67 The only difference is the addition of the logical operator BECOME in the LS of the achievement verb and a concomitant change in verbal cross-referencing. There is, however no change in the assignment of thematic relations macroroles syntactic function, or case Thus the single argument 'x', in both instances is a patient which is linked to undergoer. Other achievement verbs derived from adjective roots which are used to form one-place condition stative verbs are shown in (76) They too, are cross-referenced by km, which is realized in different ways, as seen by the arrangement ofroots in (76). 68 6 7 (23) is a summary analysis of (21 ) which is repeated here as (73). 68 kmis realized as /km-/ before vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial Then an epenthetic vowel NI is inserted to avoid impermissible syllable structures ( cf. footnote 31). This vowel is subject to vowel harmony and vowel weakening Bonggi is not unique in treating bilabial consonants differently than other consonants in terms of affixation For example, see Kerr 1965 : 41, footnote 11 ; and Brewis (1992) If the initial consonant of the root is a bilabial nasal, e.g. mu/a' 'old (things)' and mulak 'young', a rule of nasal deletion occurs deleting the nasal portion of the affix. (Evidence for mu/a' 'old (things)' and mulak 'young' being nasal-initial roots is found in causative constructions where the nasal occurs in the causative stems, e g pu-mula' 'make-old' andpu-mulak 'make-young' Compare causative stems formed from vowel-initial roots e.g. p-ingad 'make-near' and p-odu' 'make-far'.) In the elsewhere case kmis realized as an infix, /-m-/ immediately following the root-initial consonant. Then an epenthetic vowel NI is inserted to avoid impermissible syllable structures The infix /-m-/ cannot occur with vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial so /kl appears to occur in order to provide the right phonological environment for infixing a /-m-/ In the past tense the epenthetic vowel does not occur ; instead, the vowel /i/ occurs in place of the epenthetic vowel indicating past tense. Thus, the past tense form of kemorikng 'getting dry' (cf. (74)) is kimorikng 'got dry'. I avoid past tense examples in this section in order to reduce the morphological complexity in the examples

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82 (76) /km-/ /-m-1 kem-aal A CH-expensive d-em-alabm ACH-deep kem-enta' ACH-unripe d-em-oot ACH-bad kem-onsobm ACH-sour d-em-ama' ACH-dirty kim-ingi ACH-crazy d-um-uruk ACH-fast kim-iskidn ACH-poor g-em-angan ACH-tired kem-odobm A CH-black g-nn-1a ACH-big kem-odu' ACH-far k-em-abul ACH-lazy kem-omis ACH-sweet k-em-apal ACH-thick kum-udap ACH-hungry k-em-aya ACH-rich kum-utakng A CH-spoiled k-em-aya' ACH-lazy kem-alus ACH-fine k-em-otul ACH-hard kem-arabm A CH-forbidden 1-em-ompukng ACH-fat kem-panggar ACH-stiff 1-em-anggu ACH-long kem-pesa' A CH-broken 1-im-iug ACH-tall kum-puti' ACH-white 1-um-uag ACH-baggy kem-pagadn ACH-hard r-em-omuk A CH-rotten kem-panas ACH-hot s-em-ega' ACH-red kim-bisa A CH-strong t-em-ogi' A CH-pregnant kum-buha' ACH-open t-em-ogobm A CH-diligent kem-baru ACH-new t-em-ook ACH-ripe kim-biru ACH-blue t-em-oyuk ACH-little kem-basa' ACH-wet t-im-ihukng A CH-crooked kim-bilug ACH-round t-um-ua' ACH-old (people) /k-/ ku-mula' ACH-old (things) ku-mulak ACH-young Not all adjectives have the same status with respect to their potential for achievement verb affixation. All of the adjective roots in (24) and (25) have corresponding derived achievement verbs That is to say if an adjective root can occur as a condition stative predicate, it can also occur as a derived achievement verb. However, if adjective roots cannot occur as condition stative predicates neither can they occur as derived achievement verbs . 1.3 pointed out that condition stative verbs such as ng-korikng 'ST-dry' in (73) (cf. (21)) have a single core syntactic argument which is semantically a patient, but such clauses can have an optional adjunct which is an effector as was shown in (26) and described in (27). Similarly, achievement verbs such as kemorikng 'ACH-dry' in (74) have a single core syntactic argument which is semantically a patient (cf. (75a)) but such clauses can have an optional adjunct which is an effector as shown in (77) The effector is marked with ga' 'from', indicating that it is syntactically an oblique adjunct and semantically an effector

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82 (76) /km-/ /-m-1 kem-aal A CH-expensive d-em-alabm ACH-deep kem-enta' ACH-unripe d-em-oot ACH-bad kem-onsobm ACH-sour d-em-ama' ACH-dirty kim-ingi ACH-crazy d-um-uruk ACH-fast kim-iskidn ACH-poor g-em-angan ACH-tired kem-odobm A CH-black g-nn-1a ACH-big kem-odu' ACH-far k-em-abul ACH-lazy kem-omis ACH-sweet k-em-apal ACH-thick kum-udap ACH-hungry k-em-aya ACH-rich kum-utakng A CH-spoiled k-em-aya' ACH-lazy kem-alus ACH-fine k-em-otul ACH-hard kem-arabm A CH-forbidden 1-em-ompukng ACH-fat kem-panggar ACH-stiff 1-em-anggu ACH-long kem-pesa' A CH-broken 1-im-iug ACH-tall kum-puti' ACH-white 1-um-uag ACH-baggy kem-pagadn ACH-hard r-em-omuk A CH-rotten kem-panas ACH-hot s-em-ega' ACH-red kim-bisa A CH-strong t-em-ogi' A CH-pregnant kum-buha' ACH-open t-em-ogobm A CH-diligent kem-baru ACH-new t-em-ook ACH-ripe kim-biru ACH-blue t-em-oyuk ACH-little kem-basa' ACH-wet t-im-ihukng A CH-crooked kim-bilug ACH-round t-um-ua' ACH-old (people) /k-/ ku-mula' ACH-old (things) ku-mulak ACH-young Not all adjectives have the same status with respect to their potential for achievement verb affixation. All of the adjective roots in (24) and (25) have corresponding derived achievement verbs That is to say if an adjective root can occur as a condition stative predicate, it can also occur as a derived achievement verb. However, if adjective roots cannot occur as condition stative predicates neither can they occur as derived achievement verbs . 1.3 pointed out that condition stative verbs such as ng-korikng 'ST-dry' in (73) (cf. (21)) have a single core syntactic argument which is semantically a patient, but such clauses can have an optional adjunct which is an effector as was shown in (26) and described in (27). Similarly, achievement verbs such as kemorikng 'ACH-dry' in (74) have a single core syntactic argument which is semantically a patient (cf. (75a)) but such clauses can have an optional adjunct which is an effector as shown in (77) The effector is marked with ga' 'from', indicating that it is syntactically an oblique adjunct and semantically an effector

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83 1 3 also pointed out that ga' 'from' has a causative meaning and onl y occurs with states and achievements Achievements like states express causality indirectly as reflected in the LS of (78b) where one of the arguments of ga' 'from' is [B E COME predicate' (y)]. (77) Sia k-em-orikng (km-koring) ga' odu from sun 3sNOM @ -ACH-dry 'IT is becoming dry from the sun A summary anal y sis of (77) is provided in (78) (cf. (27)). (78) a. General LS for achievements with underlying condition state : B E COME predicate' ( x ) x =patient b Clause-specific LS for (77): [from' (x [BECOME predicate' (y)])] c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions: x=antecedent cause predicate'(y )=resulting state y=patient [ga' 'from' (odu 'sun' [B E COME korikng 'dry' (sia 'it')])] s ia 'it' patient odu 'sun'~ effector (antecedent cause) undergoer patient 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'it' oblique adjunct~ effector (antecedent cause)-odu sun' f. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-sia 'it' nominative case g. Cross-reference verb : effector-odu 'sun'~ oblique ga' 'from' korikng 'dry' km'ACH' Achievement v erbs can also be derived from the cognition stati v e roots described in 1.5. For example (79) illustrates the achievement verb kem pandi 'ACH-know' (cf. (61)). 69 (79) M-pagadn na k e m-pandi {km-pandi) ST-difficult PFT ACH-know IT is difficult to learn Bonggi.' uubm Bonggi. language Bonggi A summary anal y sis of the downstairs (or complement) clause in (79) is provided in (80) Like their stative v erb counterparts achievement verbs which are derived from cognition stative roots have two arguments in their LS both of which occur as direct core arguments in syntax, but onl y the experiencer is linked to a semantic macrorole 69 Tue phonological processes resulting from the affixation of kmto the root pandi 'know' and yi elding the surface form kem-pandi 'ACH-know' are the same as those described in footnote 68 and exemplified in (76)

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83 1 3 also pointed out that ga' 'from' has a causative meaning and onl y occurs with states and achievements Achievements like states express causality indirectly as reflected in the LS of (78b) where one of the arguments of ga' 'from' is [B E COME predicate' (y)]. (77) Sia k-em-orikng (km-koring) ga' odu from sun 3sNOM @ -ACH-dry 'IT is becoming dry from the sun A summary anal y sis of (77) is provided in (78) (cf. (27)). (78) a. General LS for achievements with underlying condition state : B E COME predicate' ( x ) x =patient b Clause-specific LS for (77): [from' (x [BECOME predicate' (y)])] c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions: x=antecedent cause predicate'(y )=resulting state y=patient [ga' 'from' (odu 'sun' [B E COME korikng 'dry' (sia 'it')])] s ia 'it' patient odu 'sun'~ effector (antecedent cause) undergoer patient 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'it' oblique adjunct~ effector (antecedent cause)-odu sun' f. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-sia 'it' nominative case g. Cross-reference verb : effector-odu 'sun'~ oblique ga' 'from' korikng 'dry' km'ACH' Achievement v erbs can also be derived from the cognition stati v e roots described in 1.5. For example (79) illustrates the achievement verb kem pandi 'ACH-know' (cf. (61)). 69 (79) M-pagadn na k e m-pandi {km-pandi) ST-difficult PFT ACH-know IT is difficult to learn Bonggi.' uubm Bonggi. language Bonggi A summary anal y sis of the downstairs (or complement) clause in (79) is provided in (80) Like their stative v erb counterparts achievement verbs which are derived from cognition stative roots have two arguments in their LS both of which occur as direct core arguments in syntax, but onl y the experiencer is linked to a semantic macrorole 69 Tue phonological processes resulting from the affixation of kmto the root pandi 'know' and yi elding the surface form kem-pandi 'ACH-know' are the same as those described in footnote 68 and exemplified in (76)

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(80) a General LS for know : b. Clause-specific LS for (79) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb: 84 know' ( x,y ) x=e x periencer y=theme BECOME pandi know' (0 uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language') 0 experiencer uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language' theme undergoer e x periencer 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-0 direct core syntactic argument theme-uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language' core argument-uubm Bonggi accusative case (0) pandi 'know' km'ACH' A third type of achievement verb has an underlying possession stative in its LS The addition of the logical operator BECOME indicates a change of possession (cf. Joll y 1993:277). As pointed out in 1.4 the prefixes kiand ndmark verbs of possession kimarks the presence of possession in both possession stative verbs (e.g (49) (51) (55)) and achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative e g (81). ndmarks the absence of possession in both possession stative v erbs (e g. (50) (56)) and achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative e g (82)_70 (81) Sia ki a-ardn (ki-ara-an) 3sNOM POS-exist-ACH 'HE just got married (82) Sia nd-a-ardn (nd-ara-an) 3sNOM NEG-exist-ACH 'HE is no longer married t7l na saa PFT spouse na saa PFT spouse A summary anal y sis of (81) is provided in (83) A comparison of the anal y sis in (83) with the analysis of a possession stative in (52) is instructive The two anal y ses are the same with the e x ception of the addition of the logical operator B E COME in the LS of the achievement verb in (83) 70 Achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative are derived from the existential root ara never from noun roots (cf. 1.4) 71 It is instructive to compare the meaning of the achievement clauses in (81) and (82) with the stative clauses in (51) and (50) The stative clause in (50) is used when speaking about someone who has never been married, while the achievement clause in (82) is used in speaking about someone who has been married but is either recentl y divorced or whose spouse is recentl y deceased Similarl y, the stative clause in (51) is used when speaking about someone who has been married for a while whereas the achievement clause in (81) is used in speaking about someone who has recentl y married Thus the achievement clauses are used to refer to a change in marital status which is normall y interpreted as being 'recent'

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(80) a General LS for know : b. Clause-specific LS for (79) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb: 84 know' ( x,y ) x=e x periencer y=theme BECOME pandi know' (0 uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language') 0 experiencer uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language' theme undergoer e x periencer 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-0 direct core syntactic argument theme-uubm Bonggi 'Bonggi language' core argument-uubm Bonggi accusative case (0) pandi 'know' km'ACH' A third type of achievement verb has an underlying possession stative in its LS The addition of the logical operator BECOME indicates a change of possession (cf. Joll y 1993:277). As pointed out in 1.4 the prefixes kiand ndmark verbs of possession kimarks the presence of possession in both possession stative verbs (e.g (49) (51) (55)) and achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative e g (81). ndmarks the absence of possession in both possession stative v erbs (e g. (50) (56)) and achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative e g (82)_70 (81) Sia ki a-ardn (ki-ara-an) 3sNOM POS-exist-ACH 'HE just got married (82) Sia nd-a-ardn (nd-ara-an) 3sNOM NEG-exist-ACH 'HE is no longer married t7l na saa PFT spouse na saa PFT spouse A summary anal y sis of (81) is provided in (83) A comparison of the anal y sis in (83) with the analysis of a possession stative in (52) is instructive The two anal y ses are the same with the e x ception of the addition of the logical operator B E COME in the LS of the achievement verb in (83) 70 Achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative are derived from the existential root ara never from noun roots (cf. 1.4) 71 It is instructive to compare the meaning of the achievement clauses in (81) and (82) with the stative clauses in (51) and (50) The stative clause in (50) is used when speaking about someone who has never been married, while the achievement clause in (82) is used in speaking about someone who has been married but is either recentl y divorced or whose spouse is recentl y deceased Similarl y, the stative clause in (51) is used when speaking about someone who has been married for a while whereas the achievement clause in (81) is used in speaking about someone who has recentl y married Thus the achievement clauses are used to refer to a change in marital status which is normall y interpreted as being 'recent'

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85 and a concomitant change in verbal cross-referencing by the additional affix -an. There is no change in the assignment of thematic relations, macroroles syntactic function or case. In both instances the possessor argument is the pivot. (83) a General LS for achievement with underlying possession statives: b Clause-specific LS for (81) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles: e. Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions: g. Cross-reference verb: BECOME have' ( x,y ) x=possessor y=possessed BECOME ara 'existential' (sia 'he' saa 'spouse') sia 'he' possessor saa 'spouse' possessed undergoer possessor 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'he' direct core syntactic argument possessed-saa 'spouse' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case core argument-saa 'spouse'~ accusative case (0) ara 'existential' ki'POS' -an 'ACH' 72 Unlike other achievement verbs which are cross-referenced by a form of the infix -m, achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative are cross-referenced by the suffix -an. 73 1.4 stated that possessors can be inanimate, e g. (55) and (56). Sentence (84) illustrates an inanimate possessor in an achievement possessive clause The verb is marked with -an indicating that this is an achievement. Example (84) is used if the boat is recently painted, while (55) is used if a boat has an older paint job (84) Oig na ki-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) boat DEF POS-exist-ACH 'THE BOAT has been painted.' na saat PFT paint A fourth type of achievement has an underlying existential state in its LS. The addition of the logical operator BECOME indicates a change in existential circumstance The prefixes kiand nd indicate the presence or absence of existence in existential clauses Affixation in achievement 72 kiderives possessive states ; -an derives achievement verbs from possessive states. 73 The morphophonemic processes involved include nasal harmony nasal preplosion, metathesis, and vowel deletion The vowel deletion rule which deletes a vowel before an identical long vowel is required to derive [ki aardn] 'have-GOAL' The derivation is: underlying form #kiara + an# ; stress rule #kia'raan# ; nasal preplosion #kia'raadn#; metathesis #kia'aardn# ; vowel deletion [ki 'aardn].

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85 and a concomitant change in verbal cross-referencing by the additional affix -an. There is no change in the assignment of thematic relations, macroroles syntactic function or case. In both instances the possessor argument is the pivot. (83) a General LS for achievement with underlying possession statives: b Clause-specific LS for (81) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles: e. Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions: g. Cross-reference verb: BECOME have' ( x,y ) x=possessor y=possessed BECOME ara 'existential' (sia 'he' saa 'spouse') sia 'he' possessor saa 'spouse' possessed undergoer possessor 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'he' direct core syntactic argument possessed-saa 'spouse' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case core argument-saa 'spouse'~ accusative case (0) ara 'existential' ki'POS' -an 'ACH' 72 Unlike other achievement verbs which are cross-referenced by a form of the infix -m, achievement verbs with an underlying possession stative are cross-referenced by the suffix -an. 73 1.4 stated that possessors can be inanimate, e g. (55) and (56). Sentence (84) illustrates an inanimate possessor in an achievement possessive clause The verb is marked with -an indicating that this is an achievement. Example (84) is used if the boat is recently painted, while (55) is used if a boat has an older paint job (84) Oig na ki-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) boat DEF POS-exist-ACH 'THE BOAT has been painted.' na saat PFT paint A fourth type of achievement has an underlying existential state in its LS. The addition of the logical operator BECOME indicates a change in existential circumstance The prefixes kiand nd indicate the presence or absence of existence in existential clauses Affixation in achievement 72 kiderives possessive states ; -an derives achievement verbs from possessive states. 73 The morphophonemic processes involved include nasal harmony nasal preplosion, metathesis, and vowel deletion The vowel deletion rule which deletes a vowel before an identical long vowel is required to derive [ki aardn] 'have-GOAL' The derivation is: underlying form #kiara + an# ; stress rule #kia'raan# ; nasal preplosion #kia'raadn#; metathesis #kia'aardn# ; vowel deletion [ki 'aardn].

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86 existential clauses is identical to that found in achievement possessive clauses Sentences (85) and (86) illustrate achievement existential clauses (cf. (64), (65)).74 (85) Ki-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) na lama dii bali nu POS-exist-ACH PFT person at house 2sGEN 'There is SOMEBODY at your house.' (86) Sia nd-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) 3sNOM NEG-exist-ACH 'HE is not here.' na kati'. PFT here A fifth type of achievement has an underlying locative predicate in its LS As pointed out in .1 2, locative predicates are either verbal or nonverbal, depending on what functions as the predicate. In both instances the LS contains the two-place abstract predicate be-at' (x,y). 75 The addition of the logical operator BECOME to a locative predicate indicates a change in location For example (87) and (88) illustrate two locative states, the former nonverbal and the latter verbal The corresponding achievement states are illustrated by (89) and (90) respectively. In (87) (cf. (19)), the spatial deictic dii 'there' (cf. Table 2 3) functions as the predicate of the nonverbal state In (88) (cf. (15)) the predicate is derived from the locative adjective root ingad 'near'. (87) Sia dii. 3sNOM there 'SHE is there (88) Sia m-ingad. 3sNOM ST-near 'SHE is near.' (89) Sia kin-dii (km-dii) 3sNOM ACH-there 'SHE is going there (90) Sia kim-ingad (km-ingad) 3sNOM ACH-near 'SHE is getting near.' 74 The semantic contrast between the achievement existential clauses in (85) and (86) and the stative existential clauses in (64) and (65) is interesting and not reflected in the English free translations The achievement existential clauses are used to convey contra-expectation. 7 5Cf. Table 2 7 ; cf. also Jolly (1993 : 277)

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86 existential clauses is identical to that found in achievement possessive clauses Sentences (85) and (86) illustrate achievement existential clauses (cf. (64), (65)).74 (85) Ki-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) na lama dii bali nu POS-exist-ACH PFT person at house 2sGEN 'There is SOMEBODY at your house.' (86) Sia nd-a-ardn (ki-ara-an) 3sNOM NEG-exist-ACH 'HE is not here.' na kati'. PFT here A fifth type of achievement has an underlying locative predicate in its LS As pointed out in .1 2, locative predicates are either verbal or nonverbal, depending on what functions as the predicate. In both instances the LS contains the two-place abstract predicate be-at' (x,y). 75 The addition of the logical operator BECOME to a locative predicate indicates a change in location For example (87) and (88) illustrate two locative states, the former nonverbal and the latter verbal The corresponding achievement states are illustrated by (89) and (90) respectively. In (87) (cf. (19)), the spatial deictic dii 'there' (cf. Table 2 3) functions as the predicate of the nonverbal state In (88) (cf. (15)) the predicate is derived from the locative adjective root ingad 'near'. (87) Sia dii. 3sNOM there 'SHE is there (88) Sia m-ingad. 3sNOM ST-near 'SHE is near.' (89) Sia kin-dii (km-dii) 3sNOM ACH-there 'SHE is going there (90) Sia kim-ingad (km-ingad) 3sNOM ACH-near 'SHE is getting near.' 74 The semantic contrast between the achievement existential clauses in (85) and (86) and the stative existential clauses in (64) and (65) is interesting and not reflected in the English free translations The achievement existential clauses are used to convey contra-expectation. 7 5Cf. Table 2 7 ; cf. also Jolly (1993 : 277)

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87 The LSs and verbal cross-referencing for (87) (88) (89) and (90) are provided in (91a) (91b) (91c) and (91d) respecti v el y In each case the first argument (the locative) is unspecified The second argument (the theme) is both the undergoer and the syntactic pivot. There i s no change between locative states and achievements with underlying locative states in terms of the assignment of thematic relations macroroles syntactic functions or case (cf. (18)) The difference lies in the addition of the operator B E COME to the LS of the achievement clauses and a concomitant change in verbal cross-referencing_76 (91) a LS for (87) : b LS for (88) : c LS for (89) : d LS for (90) : dii 'there' (0 sia 'she') ingad 'near' (0 s i a 'she') BECOME dii 'there' (0 s ia 'she') B E COME ingad 'near' (0 sia 'she') Cross-referencing : Cross-referencing : Cross-referencing : km Cross-referencing : kmLike their locati v e stative counterparts achievements with underlying locative predicates can occur with a specified locati v e argument as in (92) (cf. (89)) and (93) (cf. (90) (15)) A summary anal y sis of (93) is provided in (94) (cf. (18)) (92) Sia kin-di i (km-dii) bali n y a 3sNOM ACH-at house 3sGEN 'HE is going to his house.' (93) Sia kim-ingad (km-ingad) 3sNOM ACH-near 'SHE is coming close to me.' diaadn lsACC 76 Toe cross-referencing of achie v ements b y kmis realized in different wa y s depending on both the lexical category and the phonological shape of the root. kmis realized the same for both achievement verbs derived from locative adjectives (e g. kim-ingad 'ACH-near' in (90)) and achievement v erbs derived from other adjectives (e g kem-aal 'ACH-e x pensive in (76)) The phonological processes in v olved are described in footnote 68 and e x emplified in (76) For man y adjective roots km is realized as an infix /-m-/ (e g d-em-alabm 'ACH-deep' in (76)) (cf. other examples in (76)) However kmis always realized as a prefi x, never as an infix, for achievement verbs derived from spatial deictics (e g kin-dii 'ACH-there' in (89)). In this case an epenthetic vowel NI is inserted to avoid impermissible s y llable structures (cf. footnote 68) and the nasal portion of the prefi x kmassimilates to the same point of articulation as the initial consonant of the root (this follo w s the rule of nasal assimilation in footnote 31) Furthermore /k/ is not simpl y inserted just to provide the right phonological environment for infixation ; it indicates direction toward a location (goal) with these achie v ement verbs

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87 The LSs and verbal cross-referencing for (87) (88) (89) and (90) are provided in (91a) (91b) (91c) and (91d) respecti v el y In each case the first argument (the locative) is unspecified The second argument (the theme) is both the undergoer and the syntactic pivot. There i s no change between locative states and achievements with underlying locative states in terms of the assignment of thematic relations macroroles syntactic functions or case (cf. (18)) The difference lies in the addition of the operator B E COME to the LS of the achievement clauses and a concomitant change in verbal cross-referencing_76 (91) a LS for (87) : b LS for (88) : c LS for (89) : d LS for (90) : dii 'there' (0 sia 'she') ingad 'near' (0 s i a 'she') BECOME dii 'there' (0 s ia 'she') B E COME ingad 'near' (0 sia 'she') Cross-referencing : Cross-referencing : Cross-referencing : km Cross-referencing : kmLike their locati v e stative counterparts achievements with underlying locative predicates can occur with a specified locati v e argument as in (92) (cf. (89)) and (93) (cf. (90) (15)) A summary anal y sis of (93) is provided in (94) (cf. (18)) (92) Sia kin-di i (km-dii) bali n y a 3sNOM ACH-at house 3sGEN 'HE is going to his house.' (93) Sia kim-ingad (km-ingad) 3sNOM ACH-near 'SHE is coming close to me.' diaadn lsACC 76 Toe cross-referencing of achie v ements b y kmis realized in different wa y s depending on both the lexical category and the phonological shape of the root. kmis realized the same for both achievement verbs derived from locative adjectives (e g. kim-ingad 'ACH-near' in (90)) and achievement v erbs derived from other adjectives (e g kem-aal 'ACH-e x pensive in (76)) The phonological processes in v olved are described in footnote 68 and e x emplified in (76) For man y adjective roots km is realized as an infix /-m-/ (e g d-em-alabm 'ACH-deep' in (76)) (cf. other examples in (76)) However kmis always realized as a prefi x, never as an infix, for achievement verbs derived from spatial deictics (e g kin-dii 'ACH-there' in (89)). In this case an epenthetic vowel NI is inserted to avoid impermissible s y llable structures (cf. footnote 68) and the nasal portion of the prefi x kmassimilates to the same point of articulation as the initial consonant of the root (this follo w s the rule of nasal assimilation in footnote 31) Furthermore /k/ is not simpl y inserted just to provide the right phonological environment for infixation ; it indicates direction toward a location (goal) with these achie v ement verbs

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(94) a. General LS for locative state : b. General LS for achievements with underlying locative state : c Clause-specific LS for (93) : d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles : f. Assign syntactic functions : g. Assign case and prepositions : h Cross-reference verb : 88 be-at' ( x,y ) x=locative y=theme B E COME be-at' (x y) x =locative y=theme BECOME ingad 'near' (diaadn 'me' sia 'she') diaadn 'me' locative sia 'she' theme undergoer theme l Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'she' direct core syntactic argument locative-diaadn 'me' pivot-sia 'she' nominative case core argument-diaadn 'me'~ accusative case ingad 'near' km'ACH' It is instructive to compare the analysis of the achievement verb in (94) with the anal y sis of the locative stative verb in (18) Both verbs have two arguments in their LS. In the stative situation, (18a) both the theme (Figure) and the locative (Ground) are stationary whereas in the achievement situation, (94c) the theme (Figure) is moving with respect to the locative (Ground) By (54c) locative statives and achievements with an underlying locative predicate only have one macrorole since onl y the theme can be the clause pivot never the locative. By (54b 2) the single macrorole is an undergoer (cf. (52d)). Thus in both situations following the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in ( 4 ) the theme is linked to undergoer and the locative is not linked to a macrorole ( cf. (18d) (94e)) 77 In both situations the pivot is an undergoer and the locative is a direct core syntactic argument (cf. (18e) (94)). 78 In the stative situation the verb is cross-referenced by (cf. (18g)) whereas in the achievement situation it is cross-referenced by km-. Bonggi achievement verbs with underlying locative predicates have a directional meaning For instance the achievement verb in (92) indicates direction toward a location ; that is it is goal oriented However other achievement verbs indicate direction from a location ; that is the y are source-oriented Two types of spatial deictics were described in 1 2: specific, illustrated b y dii 77 According to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) the theme is the unmarked choice for undergoer since it is the rightmost argument. Furthermore just because a verb has two arguments in its LS it is not required to have two macroroles (VV 1993:46-47). 78 In (94g) accusative case is overtl y marked since pronouns are distinguished according to case, but in (18) accusative case is not overtly marked since common nouns are not case marked (cf. Table 1.3) Thus case is lexicall y dependent here

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(94) a. General LS for locative state : b. General LS for achievements with underlying locative state : c Clause-specific LS for (93) : d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles : f. Assign syntactic functions : g. Assign case and prepositions : h Cross-reference verb : 88 be-at' ( x,y ) x=locative y=theme B E COME be-at' (x y) x =locative y=theme BECOME ingad 'near' (diaadn 'me' sia 'she') diaadn 'me' locative sia 'she' theme undergoer theme l Macrorole pivot undergoer-sia 'she' direct core syntactic argument locative-diaadn 'me' pivot-sia 'she' nominative case core argument-diaadn 'me'~ accusative case ingad 'near' km'ACH' It is instructive to compare the analysis of the achievement verb in (94) with the anal y sis of the locative stative verb in (18) Both verbs have two arguments in their LS. In the stative situation, (18a) both the theme (Figure) and the locative (Ground) are stationary whereas in the achievement situation, (94c) the theme (Figure) is moving with respect to the locative (Ground) By (54c) locative statives and achievements with an underlying locative predicate only have one macrorole since onl y the theme can be the clause pivot never the locative. By (54b 2) the single macrorole is an undergoer (cf. (52d)). Thus in both situations following the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in ( 4 ) the theme is linked to undergoer and the locative is not linked to a macrorole ( cf. (18d) (94e)) 77 In both situations the pivot is an undergoer and the locative is a direct core syntactic argument (cf. (18e) (94)). 78 In the stative situation the verb is cross-referenced by (cf. (18g)) whereas in the achievement situation it is cross-referenced by km-. Bonggi achievement verbs with underlying locative predicates have a directional meaning For instance the achievement verb in (92) indicates direction toward a location ; that is it is goal oriented However other achievement verbs indicate direction from a location ; that is the y are source-oriented Two types of spatial deictics were described in 1 2: specific, illustrated b y dii 77 According to the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) the theme is the unmarked choice for undergoer since it is the rightmost argument. Furthermore just because a verb has two arguments in its LS it is not required to have two macroroles (VV 1993:46-47). 78 In (94g) accusative case is overtl y marked since pronouns are distinguished according to case, but in (18) accusative case is not overtly marked since common nouns are not case marked (cf. Table 1.3) Thus case is lexicall y dependent here

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89 'there' in (87) (cf. Table 2 3) and nonspecific illustrated b y lcuii' 'somewhere y onder' in (95) (cf. Table 2.4) Given the nonverbal locative statives in (87) and (95) (96) and (97) are source oriented achievements derived these locative states A summary anal y sis of (97) is provided in (98) (95) Sia lcuii' 3sNOM some w here y onder 'SHE is somewhere y onder (96) Sia ti-dii (tm-dii ) 79 3sNOM FROM-there 'SHE is from there (97) Sia tung-lcuii' (tm-lcuii ') 3sNOM FROM.ACH-somewhere y onder 'SHE is from somewhere y onder.' (98) a General LS for locative predicate : b. General LS for source-oriented achievements with underlying locative state : c Clause-specific LS for (97) : d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles: f. Assign syntactic functions : g Assign case and prepositions : h Cross-reference verb : be-at' (x ,y ) x = locative y=theme B E COME NOT be-at' ( x,y ) x=locative y=theme BECOME NO T kuii' 'somewhere y onder' (0 sia 'she') sia 'she' theme undergoer theme 1 Macrorole pivot undergoers ia 'she' pivot-sia 'she nominative case lcui i 'somewhere y onder'~ tm' ACH' The addition of the operator B E COME NOT to a locative predicate results in a source-oriented achievement verb (cf. (98b)) Thus b y (98c) (97) is a source-oriented achievement verb. B y (54c) there is onl y one macrorole since onl y the theme can be the clause pivot never the locative B y (54b 2) the single macrorole is an undergoer By (4) the theme is linked to undergoer (cf. (98e)) B y (7) the undergoer is the pivot (cf. (98t)) The verb is cross-referenced b y tm(cf. (98h)) Differences between goal-oriented and source-oriented directional verbs include : (i) the absence of NOT in the LS of goal-oriented directionals (e g. (94b) (94c)) but the presence of NOT 79 Toe vowel associated with the prefix tmis epenthetic It is inserted to avoid impermissible s y llable structures (cf. footnotes 31 and 68) The nasal portion /ml does not occur with source oriented specific spatial deictics such as ti-dii 'FROM-there' in (96)

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89 'there' in (87) (cf. Table 2 3) and nonspecific illustrated b y lcuii' 'somewhere y onder' in (95) (cf. Table 2.4) Given the nonverbal locative statives in (87) and (95) (96) and (97) are source oriented achievements derived these locative states A summary anal y sis of (97) is provided in (98) (95) Sia lcuii' 3sNOM some w here y onder 'SHE is somewhere y onder (96) Sia ti-dii (tm-dii ) 79 3sNOM FROM-there 'SHE is from there (97) Sia tung-lcuii' (tm-lcuii ') 3sNOM FROM.ACH-somewhere y onder 'SHE is from somewhere y onder.' (98) a General LS for locative predicate : b. General LS for source-oriented achievements with underlying locative state : c Clause-specific LS for (97) : d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles: f. Assign syntactic functions : g Assign case and prepositions : h Cross-reference verb : be-at' (x ,y ) x = locative y=theme B E COME NOT be-at' ( x,y ) x=locative y=theme BECOME NO T kuii' 'somewhere y onder' (0 sia 'she') sia 'she' theme undergoer theme 1 Macrorole pivot undergoers ia 'she' pivot-sia 'she nominative case lcui i 'somewhere y onder'~ tm' ACH' The addition of the operator B E COME NOT to a locative predicate results in a source-oriented achievement verb (cf. (98b)) Thus b y (98c) (97) is a source-oriented achievement verb. B y (54c) there is onl y one macrorole since onl y the theme can be the clause pivot never the locative B y (54b 2) the single macrorole is an undergoer By (4) the theme is linked to undergoer (cf. (98e)) B y (7) the undergoer is the pivot (cf. (98t)) The verb is cross-referenced b y tm(cf. (98h)) Differences between goal-oriented and source-oriented directional verbs include : (i) the absence of NOT in the LS of goal-oriented directionals (e g. (94b) (94c)) but the presence of NOT 79 Toe vowel associated with the prefix tmis epenthetic It is inserted to avoid impermissible s y llable structures (cf. footnotes 31 and 68) The nasal portion /ml does not occur with source oriented specific spatial deictics such as ti-dii 'FROM-there' in (96)

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90 in the LS of source-oriented directionals (e.g. (98b) (98c)) ; and (ii) goal-oriented directional verbs are cross-referenced by km(e g (94h)) whereas source-oriented directional verbs are cross referenced by tm(e g (98h)). Perhaps instead of these two prefixes, there are three : k, t, and mwith kindicating goal orientation ; tindicating source-oriention ; and -m'ACH' deriving a directional verb from a spatial deictic Note, however, that Im/ does not occur with source-oriented specific spatial deictics such as ti-dii 'FROM-there' in (96). This is due to the fact that ti-dii 'FROM-there' and other source oriented specific spatial deictics can occur as locative adverbs as in (99) or locative prepositions as in (100) (99) Sia muhad ti-dii (tm-dii) 3sNOM leaves FROM-there 'SHE leaves from there.' (100) Sia muhad ti-dii (tm-dii) bah nya 3sNOM leave FROM-at house 3sGEN 'SHE leaves from her house In both (99) and (100) the source interpretation associated with tmis derivative from the spatial/locative meaning of dii 'there' which is primary. 8 0 Source-oriented spatial deictics which are derived from the specific spatial deictics in Table 2.3 are shown in Table 2 8 81 The derived spatial deictics are used to indicate a location away from the deictic center which is established by the base form 8 0cf. Lichtenberk (1991:485) for a similar conclusion regarding To'aba'ita an Austronesian language in the Oceanic subgroup. 81 Although source-oriented directional verbs (e.g tung-kuii' 'FROM.ACH-somewhere yonder' in (97)) can be derived from the nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2.4 source-oriented spatial deictics cannot be derived from the nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2 4

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90 in the LS of source-oriented directionals (e.g. (98b) (98c)) ; and (ii) goal-oriented directional verbs are cross-referenced by km(e g (94h)) whereas source-oriented directional verbs are cross referenced by tm(e g (98h)). Perhaps instead of these two prefixes, there are three : k, t, and mwith kindicating goal orientation ; tindicating source-oriention ; and -m'ACH' deriving a directional verb from a spatial deictic Note, however, that Im/ does not occur with source-oriented specific spatial deictics such as ti-dii 'FROM-there' in (96). This is due to the fact that ti-dii 'FROM-there' and other source oriented specific spatial deictics can occur as locative adverbs as in (99) or locative prepositions as in (100) (99) Sia muhad ti-dii (tm-dii) 3sNOM leaves FROM-there 'SHE leaves from there.' (100) Sia muhad ti-dii (tm-dii) bah nya 3sNOM leave FROM-at house 3sGEN 'SHE leaves from her house In both (99) and (100) the source interpretation associated with tmis derivative from the spatial/locative meaning of dii 'there' which is primary. 8 0 Source-oriented spatial deictics which are derived from the specific spatial deictics in Table 2.3 are shown in Table 2 8 81 The derived spatial deictics are used to indicate a location away from the deictic center which is established by the base form 8 0cf. Lichtenberk (1991:485) for a similar conclusion regarding To'aba'ita an Austronesian language in the Oceanic subgroup. 81 Although source-oriented directional verbs (e.g tung-kuii' 'FROM.ACH-somewhere yonder' in (97)) can be derived from the nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2.4 source-oriented spatial deictics cannot be derived from the nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2 4

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91 Table 2 8 : Derived specific spatial deictics Form Meaning ti-diti 'from-here' (near speaker) ti-dia 'from-there' (near addressee) ti-dioo from-there' (not near speaker or addressee but usuall y visible) ti-dii fromy onder' (not visible) The source marking function oftmotivates the use of tidii as the source in the standard of comparision as in (101) The primary function of tidii is spatial but its meaning is extended to include the standard in comparison 82 (101) Sia /obi pandi tidii diaadn. 3sNOM more know than lsACC 'SHE knows more than me.' Another distinction between the specific spatial deictics in Table 2 3 and the nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2.4 is that the former can occur with imperatives as in (102) but the latter cannot. (102) lpaa' diti put.it here 'Put it here! lpaa dioo put.it there 'Put it there!' lpaa' dii put.it y onder 'Put it wa y over y onder!' Two types of locative states were described in 1 2 nonverbal and verbal. Nonverbal locative stative clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is either a deictic adverb ( e g ( 14 ) (19) (87) (95)) or a locative preposition (e g (8) (11) (12) (16)) Verbal locative stative clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is a stative verb (e g (15) (88)). The stative verbs in (15) and (88) are deri v ed from adjective roots which have a locative meaning. This section has shown that achievement verbs with an underlying locative in their LS can be derived from deictic 82 Cf. Lichtenberk (1991 : 487) for a similar situation in Fijian.

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91 Table 2 8 : Derived specific spatial deictics Form Meaning ti-diti 'from-here' (near speaker) ti-dia 'from-there' (near addressee) ti-dioo from-there' (not near speaker or addressee but usuall y visible) ti-dii fromy onder' (not visible) The source marking function oftmotivates the use of tidii as the source in the standard of comparision as in (101) The primary function of tidii is spatial but its meaning is extended to include the standard in comparison 82 (101) Sia /obi pandi tidii diaadn. 3sNOM more know than lsACC 'SHE knows more than me.' Another distinction between the specific spatial deictics in Table 2 3 and the nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2.4 is that the former can occur with imperatives as in (102) but the latter cannot. (102) lpaa' diti put.it here 'Put it here! lpaa dioo put.it there 'Put it there!' lpaa' dii put.it y onder 'Put it wa y over y onder!' Two types of locative states were described in 1 2 nonverbal and verbal. Nonverbal locative stative clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is either a deictic adverb ( e g ( 14 ) (19) (87) (95)) or a locative preposition (e g (8) (11) (12) (16)) Verbal locative stative clauses are defined as clauses whose predicate is a stative verb (e g (15) (88)). The stative verbs in (15) and (88) are deri v ed from adjective roots which have a locative meaning. This section has shown that achievement verbs with an underlying locative in their LS can be derived from deictic 82 Cf. Lichtenberk (1991 : 487) for a similar situation in Fijian.

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92 adverbs (e g (89) (97)) locative prepositions (e.g. (92)) or locative adjectives (e g (90) (93)) Although achievements are normally verbal achievements such (96) can be considered nonverbal with a deictic adverb (e g ti-dii 'FROM-there' in (96)) functioning as the clause predicate This accounts for the absence of /ml in such forms There are achievement verbs which are lex.icalized in Bonggi and have an underlying locative in their LS as in (103). A summary analysis of (103) is provided in (104). (103) Adak nya me-dabu' (mV-dabu') 83 almost 3sGEN ACH-fall.down 'IT almost fell down.' (104) a General LS for locative predicate : b. General LS for achievements with underlying locative : c Clause-specific LS for (103) : d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles: f. Assign syntactic functions : g. Assign case and prepositions: h. Cross-reference verb: be-at' (x y) x=locative y=theme BECOt-JE be-at' (x,y) x=locative y=theme BECOt-JE dabu' 'fall down' (0 nya 'it') nya 'it' theme undergoer theme 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-nya 'it' pivot-nya 'it'~ genitive case dabu' 'arrive'~ mV'ACH"84 By (54c) there is only one macrorole By (54b 2) the single macrorole is an undergoer. By (4) the theme is linked to undergoer (cf. (104e)) Achievement verbs which are derived from this group of verb roots are cross-referenced b y mV(cf. (104h)) The LS for locative achievement verbs can be analyzed in terms of an interval analysis since these verbs involve a change oflocation (cf. FVV 1984:38 ; Jolly 1993 : 294) In an interval analysis, the LS for medabu' 'fall down' is either : (i) be-at' ( x,y ) & BECOt-JE NOT be-at' (x y) or (ii) NOT be-at' (x,y) & B E COt-JE be-at' ( x, y) (cf. (104b)). As mentioned above source-oriented 83 Toe use of genitive case nya 'it' in (103) results from the occurrence of the pivot within the verb phrase Adak 'almost' is a modal operator which is discussed in Chapter 3 If the pivot occurs in clause-initial position, it receives nominative case as in : Sia adak medabu' 'IT almost fell down 84 N/ is a vowel which is subject to vowel harmony and vowel weakening This vowel is part of the prefi x and is not simply inserted to avoid impermissible s y llable structures (cf. footnote 31). The nature of the vowel is phonologicall y predictable mVonly occurs in the nonpast tense Past tense forms are avoided here to reduce the complexity

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92 adverbs (e g (89) (97)) locative prepositions (e.g. (92)) or locative adjectives (e g (90) (93)) Although achievements are normally verbal achievements such (96) can be considered nonverbal with a deictic adverb (e g ti-dii 'FROM-there' in (96)) functioning as the clause predicate This accounts for the absence of /ml in such forms There are achievement verbs which are lex.icalized in Bonggi and have an underlying locative in their LS as in (103). A summary analysis of (103) is provided in (104). (103) Adak nya me-dabu' (mV-dabu') 83 almost 3sGEN ACH-fall.down 'IT almost fell down.' (104) a General LS for locative predicate : b. General LS for achievements with underlying locative : c Clause-specific LS for (103) : d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles: f. Assign syntactic functions : g. Assign case and prepositions: h. Cross-reference verb: be-at' (x y) x=locative y=theme BECOt-JE be-at' (x,y) x=locative y=theme BECOt-JE dabu' 'fall down' (0 nya 'it') nya 'it' theme undergoer theme 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-nya 'it' pivot-nya 'it'~ genitive case dabu' 'arrive'~ mV'ACH"84 By (54c) there is only one macrorole By (54b 2) the single macrorole is an undergoer. By (4) the theme is linked to undergoer (cf. (104e)) Achievement verbs which are derived from this group of verb roots are cross-referenced b y mV(cf. (104h)) The LS for locative achievement verbs can be analyzed in terms of an interval analysis since these verbs involve a change oflocation (cf. FVV 1984:38 ; Jolly 1993 : 294) In an interval analysis, the LS for medabu' 'fall down' is either : (i) be-at' ( x,y ) & BECOt-JE NOT be-at' (x y) or (ii) NOT be-at' (x,y) & B E COt-JE be-at' ( x, y) (cf. (104b)). As mentioned above source-oriented 83 Toe use of genitive case nya 'it' in (103) results from the occurrence of the pivot within the verb phrase Adak 'almost' is a modal operator which is discussed in Chapter 3 If the pivot occurs in clause-initial position, it receives nominative case as in : Sia adak medabu' 'IT almost fell down 84 N/ is a vowel which is subject to vowel harmony and vowel weakening This vowel is part of the prefi x and is not simply inserted to avoid impermissible s y llable structures (cf. footnote 31). The nature of the vowel is phonologicall y predictable mVonly occurs in the nonpast tense Past tense forms are avoided here to reduce the complexity

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93 achievement verbs include the operator BECOME NOT in their LS whereas goal-oriented achievement verbs only include the operator BECOME in their LS In fact both (i) and (ii) are permissible with verb medabu' 'fall down' and the choice predicts the nature of the locative argument; that is, given the LS in (i) the locative argument is source-oriented and given the LS in (ii) the locative argument is goal-oriented For example, in (103) the locative argument is unspecified; this is captured by '0' in the clause-specific LS in (104c). In (105) the locative argument is a source ; this is captured by BECOME NOT in the LS in (107a) In (106) the locative argument is a goal ; this is captured by BECOME in the LS in (107b) Thus, preposition assignment here is predicted from the LSs not arbitrarily assigned to verbs in the lexicon (105) Adak nya me-dabu' (mV-dabu') ti-dii mija'. almost 3sGEN ACH-fall.down from-at table 'IT almost fell down from the table.' (106) Adak nya me-dabu' (mV-dabu') dii tana' almost 3sGEN ACH-fall.down at ground 'IT almost fell down on the ground.' (107)a.LS for (105) : be-at' (mija"table' nya 'it') & BECOME NOT dabu' 'fall down' (mija' 'table', nya 'it') b LS for (106) : NOT be-at' (tana' 'ground' nya 'it') & BECOME dabu' 'fall down' (tana' 'ground' nya 'it') On the one hand, locative achievement verbs which are derived from spatial deictics are crossreferenced by kmif they are goal-oriented (e.g. (89) (92)) and tmif they are source-oriented (e.g. (96), (97)). On the other hand locative achievement verbs which have been lexicalized are cross-referenced by mV(e.g (103) (105), (106)) and goal/source is reflected in the assignment of prepositions Some locative achievement verbs are source-oriented, e.g. me-rari 'A CH-flee' 85 whereas others are goal-oriented, e.g. me-tabukng 'ACH-sink' That is the LS for me-rari 'ACH flee' is be-at' (x ,y ) & BECOME NOT be-at' (x,y), but the LS for me-tabukng 'ACH-sink' is NOT be85 Wbereas English flee and run away suggest a volitional agent this is not the case with Bonggi merari which I gloss as 'flee' In Bonggi, people who me-rari 'ACH-flee' are like people who 'get lost' (me-teirdn 'ACH-lost') ; in both situations the participants are undergoers and what happens to them is beyond their control.

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93 achievement verbs include the operator BECOME NOT in their LS whereas goal-oriented achievement verbs only include the operator BECOME in their LS In fact both (i) and (ii) are permissible with verb medabu' 'fall down' and the choice predicts the nature of the locative argument; that is, given the LS in (i) the locative argument is source-oriented and given the LS in (ii) the locative argument is goal-oriented For example, in (103) the locative argument is unspecified; this is captured by '0' in the clause-specific LS in (104c). In (105) the locative argument is a source ; this is captured by BECOME NOT in the LS in (107a) In (106) the locative argument is a goal ; this is captured by BECOME in the LS in (107b) Thus, preposition assignment here is predicted from the LSs not arbitrarily assigned to verbs in the lexicon (105) Adak nya me-dabu' (mV-dabu') ti-dii mija'. almost 3sGEN ACH-fall.down from-at table 'IT almost fell down from the table.' (106) Adak nya me-dabu' (mV-dabu') dii tana' almost 3sGEN ACH-fall.down at ground 'IT almost fell down on the ground.' (107)a.LS for (105) : be-at' (mija"table' nya 'it') & BECOME NOT dabu' 'fall down' (mija' 'table', nya 'it') b LS for (106) : NOT be-at' (tana' 'ground' nya 'it') & BECOME dabu' 'fall down' (tana' 'ground' nya 'it') On the one hand, locative achievement verbs which are derived from spatial deictics are crossreferenced by kmif they are goal-oriented (e.g. (89) (92)) and tmif they are source-oriented (e.g. (96), (97)). On the other hand locative achievement verbs which have been lexicalized are cross-referenced by mV(e.g (103) (105), (106)) and goal/source is reflected in the assignment of prepositions Some locative achievement verbs are source-oriented, e.g. me-rari 'A CH-flee' 85 whereas others are goal-oriented, e.g. me-tabukng 'ACH-sink' That is the LS for me-rari 'ACH flee' is be-at' (x ,y ) & BECOME NOT be-at' (x,y), but the LS for me-tabukng 'ACH-sink' is NOT be85 Wbereas English flee and run away suggest a volitional agent this is not the case with Bonggi merari which I gloss as 'flee' In Bonggi, people who me-rari 'ACH-flee' are like people who 'get lost' (me-teirdn 'ACH-lost') ; in both situations the participants are undergoers and what happens to them is beyond their control.

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94 at' (x,y) & BECOME be-at' (x,y) Since the LS for me-rari 'ACH-flee' contains BECOME NOT be at' whenever the locative argument occurs it is marked by the preposition tidii 'from'. In contrast, since the LS for me-tabukng 'ACH-sink' contains BECOME be-at' whenever the locative argument occurs it is marked b y the preposition dii 'into'. Other locative achievement verbs such as me dabu' 'fall' can be either source or goal-oriented depending on the perspective of the speaker. To summarize all locative predicates have the two-place abstract predicate be-at' (x,y) in their LS where the first argument is a locative and the second a theme The LS for locative statives is be-at' (x y) Locative statives are either verbal or nonverbal depending upon the class of the word which functions as the predicate Nonverbal locative statives have either spatial deictic predicates (cf Table 2 3 and Table 2.4) or locative prepositional predicates (cf Table 2 5) Verbal locative statives have predicates which are derived from adjective roots with a locative meaning (e g. (15)) Some achievements contain an underlying locative predicate in their LS and are referred to as locative achievements Furthermore locative achievements whose predicate is derived from a spatial deictic are sometimes referred to as directional verbs because their meaning involves movement in some direction with respect to the locative base This movement is either toward the base (i e. goal-oriented) or awa y from the base (i e source-oriented). Bonggi lexicalizes other locative achievements in which case the goal/source found in the LS is reflected in preposition assignment. The relationship between locative states and derived achievements is summarized in Table 2 9 with representative members 86 86 In terms of distribution, the data in Table 2 9 are inconclusive with respect to 'source' being marked as opposed to 'goal' For a general discussion of 'source' as the marked relationship as opposed to 'goal' see Ikegami (1987)

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94 at' (x,y) & BECOME be-at' (x,y) Since the LS for me-rari 'ACH-flee' contains BECOME NOT be at' whenever the locative argument occurs it is marked by the preposition tidii 'from'. In contrast, since the LS for me-tabukng 'ACH-sink' contains BECOME be-at' whenever the locative argument occurs it is marked b y the preposition dii 'into'. Other locative achievement verbs such as me dabu' 'fall' can be either source or goal-oriented depending on the perspective of the speaker. To summarize all locative predicates have the two-place abstract predicate be-at' (x,y) in their LS where the first argument is a locative and the second a theme The LS for locative statives is be-at' (x y) Locative statives are either verbal or nonverbal depending upon the class of the word which functions as the predicate Nonverbal locative statives have either spatial deictic predicates (cf Table 2 3 and Table 2.4) or locative prepositional predicates (cf Table 2 5) Verbal locative statives have predicates which are derived from adjective roots with a locative meaning (e g. (15)) Some achievements contain an underlying locative predicate in their LS and are referred to as locative achievements Furthermore locative achievements whose predicate is derived from a spatial deictic are sometimes referred to as directional verbs because their meaning involves movement in some direction with respect to the locative base This movement is either toward the base (i e. goal-oriented) or awa y from the base (i e source-oriented). Bonggi lexicalizes other locative achievements in which case the goal/source found in the LS is reflected in preposition assignment. The relationship between locative states and derived achievements is summarized in Table 2 9 with representative members 86 86 In terms of distribution, the data in Table 2 9 are inconclusive with respect to 'source' being marked as opposed to 'goal' For a general discussion of 'source' as the marked relationship as opposed to 'goal' see Ikegami (1987)

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95 Table 2 9 : Relationship between locative states and achievements LS Specific Nonspecific Locative Verb Spatial Spatial Adjective Deictic Deictic locative state static be-at' (x ,y ) dii 'there' kuii' m-ingad (e g. (87)) 'yonder' 'ST-near' (e.g. (95)) (e.g (88)) achievement goalBECOME be-at' (x ,y ) kin-dii kim-ingad me-rari oriented 'TO-there' 'A CH-near' 'ACH-flee' (e g (89)) (e g (90)) sourceBECOME NOT be-at' ti-dii tung-kuii' me-tabukng oriented ( x,y ) 'FROM'FROM'ACH-sink' there' (e g yonder' (96)) (e g (97)) The condition states introduced in 1.3 are derived from adjective roots. There are a few achievement verbs which appear to have condition statives in their LS and which are derived from nouns The noun roots can occur unaffixed in nominal syntactic positions but they are not prototypical nouns as can easily be seen in (108) (108) =RO~O~T~~G=LO=S=S~--~AC=lll=E~VE=M=EN~T~_~G=L~O=SS~ inak fat kim-inak become-fatty lusak mud 1-um-usak become-muddy obu odor kem-obu become-smelly ropukng mold r-em-opukng become-moldy todob fever t-em-odob become-feverish togor rust t-em-ogor become-rusty Achievement verbs which are derived from noun roots are illustrated in (109) and (110). A summary analysis of(ll0) is provided in (111) (cf. (78)) These achievement verbs are cross referenced like those which have condition statives in their LS and are derived from adjective roots (cf. (74) and (76)). (109) Anak ku nda' kim-inak (km-inak) child lsGEN not ACH-fat 'MY ClllLD is not getting fat.' (110) Dindikng ku k-um-uluak (km-kuluak) wall lsGEN @ -ACH-bark 'MY WALL is peeling off from the rain ga' dolok. from rain

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95 Table 2 9 : Relationship between locative states and achievements LS Specific Nonspecific Locative Verb Spatial Spatial Adjective Deictic Deictic locative state static be-at' (x ,y ) dii 'there' kuii' m-ingad (e g. (87)) 'yonder' 'ST-near' (e.g. (95)) (e.g (88)) achievement goalBECOME be-at' (x ,y ) kin-dii kim-ingad me-rari oriented 'TO-there' 'A CH-near' 'ACH-flee' (e g (89)) (e g (90)) sourceBECOME NOT be-at' ti-dii tung-kuii' me-tabukng oriented ( x,y ) 'FROM'FROM'ACH-sink' there' (e g yonder' (96)) (e g (97)) The condition states introduced in 1.3 are derived from adjective roots. There are a few achievement verbs which appear to have condition statives in their LS and which are derived from nouns The noun roots can occur unaffixed in nominal syntactic positions but they are not prototypical nouns as can easily be seen in (108) (108) =RO~O~T~~G=LO=S=S~--~AC=lll=E~VE=M=EN~T~_~G=L~O=SS~ inak fat kim-inak become-fatty lusak mud 1-um-usak become-muddy obu odor kem-obu become-smelly ropukng mold r-em-opukng become-moldy todob fever t-em-odob become-feverish togor rust t-em-ogor become-rusty Achievement verbs which are derived from noun roots are illustrated in (109) and (110). A summary analysis of(ll0) is provided in (111) (cf. (78)) These achievement verbs are cross referenced like those which have condition statives in their LS and are derived from adjective roots (cf. (74) and (76)). (109) Anak ku nda' kim-inak (km-inak) child lsGEN not ACH-fat 'MY ClllLD is not getting fat.' (110) Dindikng ku k-um-uluak (km-kuluak) wall lsGEN @ -ACH-bark 'MY WALL is peeling off from the rain ga' dolok. from rain

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( 111) a. General LS for achievements with underlying locative: b Clause-specific LS for (110): c Assign thematic relations: d. Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb : 96 BECOME NOT be-at' (x,y) x=locative y=theme [from' (x (BECOME NOT be-at' (y z)])] x=antecedent cause, be-at (y z)=resulting state fga' 'from' (dolok 'rain', [BECOME NOT be-at' (dindikng 'wall' kuluak 'bark')])] dindikng 'wall' locative kuluak 'bark' theme dolok 'rain'~ effector (antecedent cause) undergoer locative 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-dindikng 'wall' oblique adjunct~ effector (antecedent cause)dolok 'rain' pivot-dindikng 'wall' nominative case (0) effector-dolok 'rain'~ oblique ga' 'from' kuluak 'bark' km'ACH' Example (110) has an effector (antecedent cause) which is marked as an oblique adjunct (cf. (77)). The analysis presented in (111) is similar to that found in (78) In (110) the predicate is derived from the noun root kuluak 'bark' in (77) it is derived from the adjective root korikng 'dry' The LS in (11 lb) contains a locative predicate be-at' (y z) the LS in (78b) a condition state Because the theme argument in the LS functions as the predicate in (110), it is cannot be linked to a macrorole ; instead, the locative argument is linked to undergoer (cf. (11 ld)) This follows from the general principle that when arguments in the LS function as the predicate in syntax they usually do not function as an argument in the same clause Besides achievements which have condition states in their LS and are derived from adjective roots (cf. 1.3) and noun roots (cf. above) there are also achievements which have condition states in their LS and are derived from verb roots as in (112) where the embedded clause contains the achievement. A summary analysis of (112) is provided in (113) (112) M-olok ou tilug na m-pesa' (km-pesa'). ST-scared lsNOM egg DEF ACH-crack 'I am scared THE EGG might crack.' (113) a. General LS for achievements with underlying condition stative : BECOME predicate' (x) x=patient b. Clause-specific LS for (112): BECOME pesa' 'crack' (ti lug 'egg') c Assign thematic relations: tilug 'egg'~ patient d. Assign semantic macroroles : undergoer patient 1 Macrorole e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot~ undergoer-ti/ug 'egg' f. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-ti/ug 'egg' nominative case (0) g Cross-reference verb : pesa' 'crack' mV'ACH'

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( 111) a. General LS for achievements with underlying locative: b Clause-specific LS for (110): c Assign thematic relations: d. Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g Cross-reference verb : 96 BECOME NOT be-at' (x,y) x=locative y=theme [from' (x (BECOME NOT be-at' (y z)])] x=antecedent cause, be-at (y z)=resulting state fga' 'from' (dolok 'rain', [BECOME NOT be-at' (dindikng 'wall' kuluak 'bark')])] dindikng 'wall' locative kuluak 'bark' theme dolok 'rain'~ effector (antecedent cause) undergoer locative 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-dindikng 'wall' oblique adjunct~ effector (antecedent cause)dolok 'rain' pivot-dindikng 'wall' nominative case (0) effector-dolok 'rain'~ oblique ga' 'from' kuluak 'bark' km'ACH' Example (110) has an effector (antecedent cause) which is marked as an oblique adjunct (cf. (77)). The analysis presented in (111) is similar to that found in (78) In (110) the predicate is derived from the noun root kuluak 'bark' in (77) it is derived from the adjective root korikng 'dry' The LS in (11 lb) contains a locative predicate be-at' (y z) the LS in (78b) a condition state Because the theme argument in the LS functions as the predicate in (110), it is cannot be linked to a macrorole ; instead, the locative argument is linked to undergoer (cf. (11 ld)) This follows from the general principle that when arguments in the LS function as the predicate in syntax they usually do not function as an argument in the same clause Besides achievements which have condition states in their LS and are derived from adjective roots (cf. 1.3) and noun roots (cf. above) there are also achievements which have condition states in their LS and are derived from verb roots as in (112) where the embedded clause contains the achievement. A summary analysis of (112) is provided in (113) (112) M-olok ou tilug na m-pesa' (km-pesa'). ST-scared lsNOM egg DEF ACH-crack 'I am scared THE EGG might crack.' (113) a. General LS for achievements with underlying condition stative : BECOME predicate' (x) x=patient b. Clause-specific LS for (112): BECOME pesa' 'crack' (ti lug 'egg') c Assign thematic relations: tilug 'egg'~ patient d. Assign semantic macroroles : undergoer patient 1 Macrorole e. Assign syntactic functions: pivot~ undergoer-ti/ug 'egg' f. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-ti/ug 'egg' nominative case (0) g Cross-reference verb : pesa' 'crack' mV'ACH'

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97 Achievements which are derived from adjective roots (e.g (76)) and noun roots (e g (108)) are cross-referenced by km. Those that are lexicalized as verbs (e g (103) and (112)) are cross referenced b y mV. Some achievements which are derived from verb roots are shown in (114). 87 (114) =m,___________ ---=m~V_____________ m-abis A CH-finish me-dabu' m-ahit A CH-infect me-dadi m-ala A CH-lose me-dak m-ansur ACH-dissolve me-dasadn m-eilu ACH-drunk mu-guab m-bela' m-bereit m-binasa m-bubus m-buha m-palis m-pali' m-pesa' m-puda m-pupu' A CH-shatter ACH-tear ACH-break ACH-spill ACH-open A CH-blown awa y ACH-bum ACH-break ACH-extinguish ACH-fall off.branch me-kahas mi-kisad me-kotop mu-kusut me-lagadn me-lomos me-loput me-reba' mu-rumbak mu-rupus mi-sipit mu suat mu-sulukng mu-suma me-tabukng me-tandadn me-tedak me-teirdn me-tebadn me-togob me-tomu mu-tuguudn mu-tumang mu-tukng ACH-fall A CH-become ACH-drop ACH-caught ACH-split ACH-unroof ACH-slip off ACH-snap off ACH-step into.hole ACH-choke ACH-drown ACH-snap A CH-collapse ACH-collapse from undemeath A CH-break.loose ACH-pinch ACH-enter A CH-pierce A CH-fed up ACH-sink ACH-stuck ACH-ooze ACH-lost A CH-puncture A CH-capsize A CH-come.across A CH-penetrate ACH-left.behind ACH-bumt The five types of achievements described thus far have statives in their LSs as follows : (i) the achievements in (74) (76) (77) (108) (109) (110) and (112) ha v e condition statives in their LS ; (ii) the achievement in (79) has a cognition stative in its LS ; (iii) the achievements in (81) (82) and (84) have possession statives in their LS ; (iv) the achievements in (85) and (86) have 87 The prefix v owel is deleted before vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial (cf. footnote 68) Kroeger (1990) refers to roots such as those in (114) as unaccusative roots.

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97 Achievements which are derived from adjective roots (e.g (76)) and noun roots (e g (108)) are cross-referenced by km. Those that are lexicalized as verbs (e g (103) and (112)) are cross referenced b y mV. Some achievements which are derived from verb roots are shown in (114). 87 (114) =m,___________ ---=m~V_____________ m-abis A CH-finish me-dabu' m-ahit A CH-infect me-dadi m-ala A CH-lose me-dak m-ansur ACH-dissolve me-dasadn m-eilu ACH-drunk mu-guab m-bela' m-bereit m-binasa m-bubus m-buha m-palis m-pali' m-pesa' m-puda m-pupu' A CH-shatter ACH-tear ACH-break ACH-spill ACH-open A CH-blown awa y ACH-bum ACH-break ACH-extinguish ACH-fall off.branch me-kahas mi-kisad me-kotop mu-kusut me-lagadn me-lomos me-loput me-reba' mu-rumbak mu-rupus mi-sipit mu suat mu-sulukng mu-suma me-tabukng me-tandadn me-tedak me-teirdn me-tebadn me-togob me-tomu mu-tuguudn mu-tumang mu-tukng ACH-fall A CH-become ACH-drop ACH-caught ACH-split ACH-unroof ACH-slip off ACH-snap off ACH-step into.hole ACH-choke ACH-drown ACH-snap A CH-collapse ACH-collapse from undemeath A CH-break.loose ACH-pinch ACH-enter A CH-pierce A CH-fed up ACH-sink ACH-stuck ACH-ooze ACH-lost A CH-puncture A CH-capsize A CH-come.across A CH-penetrate ACH-left.behind ACH-bumt The five types of achievements described thus far have statives in their LSs as follows : (i) the achievements in (74) (76) (77) (108) (109) (110) and (112) ha v e condition statives in their LS ; (ii) the achievement in (79) has a cognition stative in its LS ; (iii) the achievements in (81) (82) and (84) have possession statives in their LS ; (iv) the achievements in (85) and (86) have 87 The prefix v owel is deleted before vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial (cf. footnote 68) Kroeger (1990) refers to roots such as those in (114) as unaccusative roots.

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98 existential statives in their LS ; and (v) the achievements in (89) (90) (92) (93) (96) (97) c l03 ), (105) and (106) have locative statives in their LS. Table 2 7 provided an overview of six types of states and (63) summarized the different subclasses of states in Bonggi. As pointed out earlier 88 the LS for all states can be generalized as either predicate' ( x ) or predicate' ( x y ) (VV 1993 : 36). Variations among stative subclasses result from variations within these two LSs The most important semantic distinction among the subclasses of stative verbs is that between locational states (which includes both locative and existential states) and nonlocational states (all other stative verbs). 89 This semantic distinction is reflected in the linking between LS arguments and rnacroroles Nonlocati v e states select the first argument in the LS to be both the undergoer and syntactic pivot. Thus for two-place nonlocative statives the first argument 'x in the LS configuration predicate' ( x, y) is the undergoer and the syntactic pivot whereas for one-place nonlocative statives the first and onl y argument x' in the LS configuration predicate' (x) is the undergoer and the syntactic pivot. In contrast to this locational statives (including both locative and existential statives) are alwa y s two-place statives and alwa y s select the second argument y in the LS configuration predicate' (x ,y ) to be the undergoer and the syntactic pivot. Two types of states described in 1 but not discussed thus far in this section, are experiencer states and emotional states (cf. Table 2 7 ; cf. also (63)) Since both of these are two place nonlocational states the y should be and in fact are treated the same according to the claim made above Bonggi lexicalizes perception verbs as achievements. For example (115) illustrates the achievement verb ki-liid 'ACH-see'. A summary anal y sis of (115) is provided in (116) 88see the discussion following (63). 89 Equational states are not included because the y are nonverbal. Note that achievement verbs cannot be derived from equational states because the y are non v erbal

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98 existential statives in their LS ; and (v) the achievements in (89) (90) (92) (93) (96) (97) c l03 ), (105) and (106) have locative statives in their LS. Table 2 7 provided an overview of six types of states and (63) summarized the different subclasses of states in Bonggi. As pointed out earlier 88 the LS for all states can be generalized as either predicate' ( x ) or predicate' ( x y ) (VV 1993 : 36). Variations among stative subclasses result from variations within these two LSs The most important semantic distinction among the subclasses of stative verbs is that between locational states (which includes both locative and existential states) and nonlocational states (all other stative verbs). 89 This semantic distinction is reflected in the linking between LS arguments and rnacroroles Nonlocati v e states select the first argument in the LS to be both the undergoer and syntactic pivot. Thus for two-place nonlocative statives the first argument 'x in the LS configuration predicate' ( x, y) is the undergoer and the syntactic pivot whereas for one-place nonlocative statives the first and onl y argument x' in the LS configuration predicate' (x) is the undergoer and the syntactic pivot. In contrast to this locational statives (including both locative and existential statives) are alwa y s two-place statives and alwa y s select the second argument y in the LS configuration predicate' (x ,y ) to be the undergoer and the syntactic pivot. Two types of states described in 1 but not discussed thus far in this section, are experiencer states and emotional states (cf. Table 2 7 ; cf. also (63)) Since both of these are two place nonlocational states the y should be and in fact are treated the same according to the claim made above Bonggi lexicalizes perception verbs as achievements. For example (115) illustrates the achievement verb ki-liid 'ACH-see'. A summary anal y sis of (115) is provided in (116) 88see the discussion following (63). 89 Equational states are not included because the y are nonverbal. Note that achievement verbs cannot be derived from equational states because the y are non v erbal

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(115) Ki-hid ou nya ACH-see lsNOM 2sACC 'I see him.' (116) a. LS for perception achievements: b. Clause-specific LS for (115) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference verb: 99 BECOME predicate' (x ,y ) x=experiencer y=theme B E COME liid 'see' (ou 'I' nya 'him') ou 'I' experiencer nya 'him' theme undergoer experiencer 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-ou 'I' pivot-ou 'I'~ nominative case core argument-n y a 'him' accusative case liid 'see' k'ACH As seen in (116d) the first argument in the LS configuration predicate' (x y) (i e. x=experiencer) is linked to undergoer. Achievement perception verbs are cross-referenced b y k( 116g) In fact with the exception of possessive achievements (e.g (81) (82) (84)) all two-place nonlocational achievements are cross-referenced by k. Although the achievement verb kem-pandi 'ACH-know' in (79) appears to be an exception it is not. Other two-place nonlocational achievements are shown in ( 117) (117) =-k__________ ...:.,k:....:...V________ k-adak A CH-smell ke-door k-aap ACH-able ki-lipat k-intabm A CH-remember ki-pisiaa k-ubu A CH-laugh ke-rati ke-rasa ke-tondu' ACH-hear A CH-forget A CH-believe A CH-understand ACH-taste A CH-recognize As with stative verbs all achievements are intransitive in RRG terms ; i.e the y have only one macrorole which is an undergoer. Furthermore for each subclass of achievement verb there is onl y one possible syntactic pivot -the undergoer. 2.3 Activities Activities are situations which have arbitrary endpoints ; i e the y are unbounded (cf. Smith 1983 : 481) On the other hand achievements (cf. 2) and accomplishments (cf. .4) have natural endpoints ; i e. the y are bounded. "Activity verbs are not derived from stative predicates but are represented as primitive predicates in their own right" (Van Valin 1990 : 224) The general LS for activity verbs is shown in (118a) (118b) illustrates a simple English activity clause and its LS

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(115) Ki-hid ou nya ACH-see lsNOM 2sACC 'I see him.' (116) a. LS for perception achievements: b. Clause-specific LS for (115) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference verb: 99 BECOME predicate' (x ,y ) x=experiencer y=theme B E COME liid 'see' (ou 'I' nya 'him') ou 'I' experiencer nya 'him' theme undergoer experiencer 1 Macrorole pivot undergoer-ou 'I' pivot-ou 'I'~ nominative case core argument-n y a 'him' accusative case liid 'see' k'ACH As seen in (116d) the first argument in the LS configuration predicate' (x y) (i e. x=experiencer) is linked to undergoer. Achievement perception verbs are cross-referenced b y k( 116g) In fact with the exception of possessive achievements (e.g (81) (82) (84)) all two-place nonlocational achievements are cross-referenced by k. Although the achievement verb kem-pandi 'ACH-know' in (79) appears to be an exception it is not. Other two-place nonlocational achievements are shown in ( 117) (117) =-k__________ ...:.,k:....:...V________ k-adak A CH-smell ke-door k-aap ACH-able ki-lipat k-intabm A CH-remember ki-pisiaa k-ubu A CH-laugh ke-rati ke-rasa ke-tondu' ACH-hear A CH-forget A CH-believe A CH-understand ACH-taste A CH-recognize As with stative verbs all achievements are intransitive in RRG terms ; i.e the y have only one macrorole which is an undergoer. Furthermore for each subclass of achievement verb there is onl y one possible syntactic pivot -the undergoer. 2.3 Activities Activities are situations which have arbitrary endpoints ; i e the y are unbounded (cf. Smith 1983 : 481) On the other hand achievements (cf. 2) and accomplishments (cf. .4) have natural endpoints ; i e. the y are bounded. "Activity verbs are not derived from stative predicates but are represented as primitive predicates in their own right" (Van Valin 1990 : 224) The general LS for activity verbs is shown in (118a) (118b) illustrates a simple English activity clause and its LS

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(118) a. LS for one-place activity verbs : b He swims. 100 do' ( x, [predicate' ( x )]) do' (he [swim' (he)]) In (118) do' refers to a generalized unspecified activity predicate. do' has two argument positions The first argument position in ( 118a) is occupied b y x the second b y another LS i e [predicate' ( x )]. Most activity verbs have a single argument w hich is an effector. An effector is defined as the first argument of do' This definition is in accord with the RRG position that 0-roles are defined in terms of argument positions (cf. (5)) The variable 'x' is used in (118a) to refer to both the first argument of do' and the onl y argument of predicate'. Because the same variable x is used in both places these arguments are coreferential Coreferential arguments are counted as a single argument in LSs Therefore the LSs in (118a) and (118b) appl y to single argument activity predicates which are sometimes referred to as one-place activi ty predicates 90 B y (54a 2) one-place activity v erbs take one macrorole B y (54b l) the macrorole must be an actor because the LS contains the activity predicate do' Thus b y either (4) or (5) he in (118b) is an actor. According to (4) effector is linked to actor ; according to (5) the first argument of do is linked to actor There are two basic types of activity verbs : motion activity verbs and nonmotion activity verbs The former are described in .3.1 the latter in 3 2. 2 3 1. Motion Activity Verbs The activi ty v erb swim in ( 118b) is an example of a motion activity verb The Bonggi clause which corresponds to (118b) is shown in (119) with a summary anal y s i s in (120) (119) Sia l-em-ong i (-m-longi) 3sNOM @ -ACY-swim 'HE swims.' 90 1n the RRG literature the two parts of activity verb LSs are sometimes conflated in which case the LS for swim is swim' (he).

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(118) a. LS for one-place activity verbs : b He swims. 100 do' ( x, [predicate' ( x )]) do' (he [swim' (he)]) In (118) do' refers to a generalized unspecified activity predicate. do' has two argument positions The first argument position in ( 118a) is occupied b y x the second b y another LS i e [predicate' ( x )]. Most activity verbs have a single argument w hich is an effector. An effector is defined as the first argument of do' This definition is in accord with the RRG position that 0-roles are defined in terms of argument positions (cf. (5)) The variable 'x' is used in (118a) to refer to both the first argument of do' and the onl y argument of predicate'. Because the same variable x is used in both places these arguments are coreferential Coreferential arguments are counted as a single argument in LSs Therefore the LSs in (118a) and (118b) appl y to single argument activity predicates which are sometimes referred to as one-place activi ty predicates 90 B y (54a 2) one-place activity v erbs take one macrorole B y (54b l) the macrorole must be an actor because the LS contains the activity predicate do' Thus b y either (4) or (5) he in (118b) is an actor. According to (4) effector is linked to actor ; according to (5) the first argument of do is linked to actor There are two basic types of activity verbs : motion activity verbs and nonmotion activity verbs The former are described in .3.1 the latter in 3 2. 2 3 1. Motion Activity Verbs The activi ty v erb swim in ( 118b) is an example of a motion activity verb The Bonggi clause which corresponds to (118b) is shown in (119) with a summary anal y s i s in (120) (119) Sia l-em-ong i (-m-longi) 3sNOM @ -ACY-swim 'HE swims.' 90 1n the RRG literature the two parts of activity verb LSs are sometimes conflated in which case the LS for swim is swim' (he).

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(120) a. LS for motion activity verbs: b Clause-specific LS for (119) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles: e Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference verb: 101 do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) x=effector (& theme) do'(sia 'he', [longi 'swim' (sia 'he')]) sia 'he'~ effector (& theme) actor effector ( & theme) 1 Macrorole pivot actor-sia 'he' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case longi 'swim' -m'ACY' Activity verbs are primitives and are not derived from states (cf. achievements 2). The general LS for all one-place motion activity verbs is shown in (120a). As stated above, the single argument 'x' of one-place activity predicates is an effector. However, with motion activity verbs, 'x' is both an effector and a theme (cf. (120a)). 91 In (120a) the first 'x' refers to an effector, and the second 'x' to a theme Since the two Xs are coreferential, they are referred to collectively as an effector-theme By (54a.2) one-place motion activity verbs have a single macrorole since they have one argument in their LS. 92 By (54b.1) the single macrorole must be an actor because the LS contains the activity predicate do' (cf. (120d)) The single argument 'x' is linked to actor by either (4) since x=effector-theme or (5) since x=first argument of do' By (7) the actor is the syntactic pivot (cf. (120e)) Nominative case is assigned to the pivot (cf. (120)) and motion activity verbs are cross-referenced by -m(cf. (120g)).93 Although the prototypical actor is an agent (which is captured by the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4)) effectors are more basic than agents (cf. Wilkins & Van Valin 1993 : 20) The relative status of effectors and agents is seen in both (118a) where all activity predicates have an effector argument and (120a) where motion activity predicates have an effector-theme argument. Because agents are volitional, animate participants who instigate an event the single argument in (119) is an agent. Foley and Van Valin (1984:38) suggested using the logical operator 00 to 91 An effector is a participant that brings about the event. A theme is a participant that changes location. 92 Toe number of 'arguments' refers to arguments of the predicate which are not coreferential

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(120) a. LS for motion activity verbs: b Clause-specific LS for (119) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles: e Assign syntactic functions: f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference verb: 101 do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) x=effector (& theme) do'(sia 'he', [longi 'swim' (sia 'he')]) sia 'he'~ effector (& theme) actor effector ( & theme) 1 Macrorole pivot actor-sia 'he' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case longi 'swim' -m'ACY' Activity verbs are primitives and are not derived from states (cf. achievements 2). The general LS for all one-place motion activity verbs is shown in (120a). As stated above, the single argument 'x' of one-place activity predicates is an effector. However, with motion activity verbs, 'x' is both an effector and a theme (cf. (120a)). 91 In (120a) the first 'x' refers to an effector, and the second 'x' to a theme Since the two Xs are coreferential, they are referred to collectively as an effector-theme By (54a.2) one-place motion activity verbs have a single macrorole since they have one argument in their LS. 92 By (54b.1) the single macrorole must be an actor because the LS contains the activity predicate do' (cf. (120d)) The single argument 'x' is linked to actor by either (4) since x=effector-theme or (5) since x=first argument of do' By (7) the actor is the syntactic pivot (cf. (120e)) Nominative case is assigned to the pivot (cf. (120)) and motion activity verbs are cross-referenced by -m(cf. (120g)).93 Although the prototypical actor is an agent (which is captured by the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4)) effectors are more basic than agents (cf. Wilkins & Van Valin 1993 : 20) The relative status of effectors and agents is seen in both (118a) where all activity predicates have an effector argument and (120a) where motion activity predicates have an effector-theme argument. Because agents are volitional, animate participants who instigate an event the single argument in (119) is an agent. Foley and Van Valin (1984:38) suggested using the logical operator 00 to 91 An effector is a participant that brings about the event. A theme is a participant that changes location. 92 Toe number of 'arguments' refers to arguments of the predicate which are not coreferential

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102 represent agenthood in the LS. The addition of the operator DO to the LSs in (120a) and (120b) yields the LSs found in (121a) and (121b) respectively In this view agents are defined as the first argument of the logical operator DO. Or stated another way the presence of the logical operator DO in (121a) and (121b) indicates that a volitional agent is involved (121) a LS for volitional motion activity: DO (x [do' (x, [predicate' (x)])] x=agent-effector (& theme) b Clause-specific LS for (119): DO (sia 'he' [ do'(sia 'he' [longi 'swim' (sia 'he')])] More recently Wilkins and Van Valin (1993) and Van Valin (1991) have suggested, following Holisky (1987) that DO only appears in a LS if the verb must be interpreted as agentive ; otherwise agency is treated as an implicature involving animate arguments of activity verbs ( cf. Van Valin 1991:160 ; Wilkins & Van Valin 1993 : 15) Wilkins and Van Valin (1993:14) point out that agents are always composite thematic roles, and secondary in that all agents are also effectors Furthermore agency is not entirely a property of verbs, so it cannot be represented in the LS of the verb There is a fundamental distinction among activity verbs between those which take a volitional argument and those that do not. This distinction applies to both motion and nonmotion activity verbs For example l-em-ongi 'swim' (e g (119)) is a motion activity verb which involves a volitional agent-effector-theme argument, whereas d-em-abu' 'fall' is a motion activity verb which involves a nonvolitional effector-theme argument as shown in (122). (122) Dolok kaa' na d-em-abu' (-m-dabu'). rain near PFT @ -ACY-fall 'The RAIN is about to fall.' On the one hand, the motion activity verb in (119) involves an animate effector which is construed as an agent. On the other hand the motion activity verb in (122) involves an inanimate 93 -mis realized as a prefix before vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial obstruent ; otherwise, it is infixed after the initial consonant of the stem (cf. (131), (132) and (138) for examples).

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102 represent agenthood in the LS. The addition of the operator DO to the LSs in (120a) and (120b) yields the LSs found in (121a) and (121b) respectively In this view agents are defined as the first argument of the logical operator DO. Or stated another way the presence of the logical operator DO in (121a) and (121b) indicates that a volitional agent is involved (121) a LS for volitional motion activity: DO (x [do' (x, [predicate' (x)])] x=agent-effector (& theme) b Clause-specific LS for (119): DO (sia 'he' [ do'(sia 'he' [longi 'swim' (sia 'he')])] More recently Wilkins and Van Valin (1993) and Van Valin (1991) have suggested, following Holisky (1987) that DO only appears in a LS if the verb must be interpreted as agentive ; otherwise agency is treated as an implicature involving animate arguments of activity verbs ( cf. Van Valin 1991:160 ; Wilkins & Van Valin 1993 : 15) Wilkins and Van Valin (1993:14) point out that agents are always composite thematic roles, and secondary in that all agents are also effectors Furthermore agency is not entirely a property of verbs, so it cannot be represented in the LS of the verb There is a fundamental distinction among activity verbs between those which take a volitional argument and those that do not. This distinction applies to both motion and nonmotion activity verbs For example l-em-ongi 'swim' (e g (119)) is a motion activity verb which involves a volitional agent-effector-theme argument, whereas d-em-abu' 'fall' is a motion activity verb which involves a nonvolitional effector-theme argument as shown in (122). (122) Dolok kaa' na d-em-abu' (-m-dabu'). rain near PFT @ -ACY-fall 'The RAIN is about to fall.' On the one hand, the motion activity verb in (119) involves an animate effector which is construed as an agent. On the other hand the motion activity verb in (122) involves an inanimate 93 -mis realized as a prefix before vowel-initial roots and roots whose initial consonant is a bilabial obstruent ; otherwise, it is infixed after the initial consonant of the stem (cf. (131), (132) and (138) for examples).

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103 effector which cannot be construed as an agent. The ability of effectors to be construed as agents has implications for imperative mood Only effectors which can be construed as agents can occur in the imperative Motion activity verbs which take a volitional argument, such as 1-em-ongi 'swim' in (119) form their imperatives with the bare root, e.g. Dei Jongi! 'Don't swim!' Motion activity verbs which do not take a volitional argument, such as d-em-abu' 'fall' in (122), do not have an imperative form, e.g *Dei dabu'! 'Don't fall! 1 94 Motion activity verbs can occur in clauses with either one or two core syntactic arguments. (123) illustrates a motion activity verb in a clause with one syntactic argument. A summary analysis of the complement clause in (123) is provided in (124) The general LS for motion activity verbs is shown in (124a) the clause-specific LS for (123) in (124b). (123) Nd-ara lama m-apit (-m-apit) NEG-exist person ACY-stop.by 'NOBODY stops by.' (124) a. General LS for motion activities : b Clause-specific LS for (123) : c Assign thematic relations: d Assign semantic macroroles: e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference verb : do' (x [predicate' (x)]) x=effector-theme do' (lama 'person' [apit 'stop by' (lama 'person')]) lama 'person' effector-theme actor~ effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot actor-lama 'person' pivot-lama 'person'~ nominative case (0) apit 'stop by' -m'ACY' According to Van Valin (1993:48) activity verbs can have only actor macroroles never undergoers However optional arguments can occur in syntax which are not part of the LS of these verbs, but are included in their clause-specific LS. This parallels the situation among one place condition stative verbs and achievement verbs which have only undergoer macroroles never actors ; however, optional adjuncts can occur in syntax which are included in their clause-specific LS For example the general LS for condition stative verbs does not include an effector (cf. (27a)) ; however when condition stative clauses include an optional adjunct which is an effector as 94 Of course there is a way to say 'Don't fall!' in Bonggi ; i e Dei kedabu'! However, this is a motion accomplishment verb and not an activity verb The LS for kedabu' is do'(x) CAUSE [BECOME be-at'(y ,x )] where x=effector-theme and y=locative-goal Accomplishment verbs are described in 4

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103 effector which cannot be construed as an agent. The ability of effectors to be construed as agents has implications for imperative mood Only effectors which can be construed as agents can occur in the imperative Motion activity verbs which take a volitional argument, such as 1-em-ongi 'swim' in (119) form their imperatives with the bare root, e.g. Dei Jongi! 'Don't swim!' Motion activity verbs which do not take a volitional argument, such as d-em-abu' 'fall' in (122), do not have an imperative form, e.g *Dei dabu'! 'Don't fall! 1 94 Motion activity verbs can occur in clauses with either one or two core syntactic arguments. (123) illustrates a motion activity verb in a clause with one syntactic argument. A summary analysis of the complement clause in (123) is provided in (124) The general LS for motion activity verbs is shown in (124a) the clause-specific LS for (123) in (124b). (123) Nd-ara lama m-apit (-m-apit) NEG-exist person ACY-stop.by 'NOBODY stops by.' (124) a. General LS for motion activities : b Clause-specific LS for (123) : c Assign thematic relations: d Assign semantic macroroles: e Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions: g Cross-reference verb : do' (x [predicate' (x)]) x=effector-theme do' (lama 'person' [apit 'stop by' (lama 'person')]) lama 'person' effector-theme actor~ effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot actor-lama 'person' pivot-lama 'person'~ nominative case (0) apit 'stop by' -m'ACY' According to Van Valin (1993:48) activity verbs can have only actor macroroles never undergoers However optional arguments can occur in syntax which are not part of the LS of these verbs, but are included in their clause-specific LS. This parallels the situation among one place condition stative verbs and achievement verbs which have only undergoer macroroles never actors ; however, optional adjuncts can occur in syntax which are included in their clause-specific LS For example the general LS for condition stative verbs does not include an effector (cf. (27a)) ; however when condition stative clauses include an optional adjunct which is an effector as 94 Of course there is a way to say 'Don't fall!' in Bonggi ; i e Dei kedabu'! However, this is a motion accomplishment verb and not an activity verb The LS for kedabu' is do'(x) CAUSE [BECOME be-at'(y ,x )] where x=effector-theme and y=locative-goal Accomplishment verbs are described in 4

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104 in (26) this is indicated in the clause-specific LS (cf. (27b)). Similarly the general LS for achievements with underlying condition stative verbs does not include an effector (cf. (78a)) ; however when such clauses include an optional adjunct which is an effector as in (77) this is indicated in the clause-specific LS (cf. (78b)). The distinction I have drawn between general LS and clause-specific LS is very important yet it can be very elusive In order to understand the relationship between these two levels of LS we need some understanding oflexical categories and their relationship to LSs Recall in .3.3, I provided a brief justification for three major word classes: nouns verbs and adjectives. Then in this chapter I introduced spatial deictics and showed how for example adjective roots such as korikng 'dry' can be plugged into the predicate position of the LS predicate' (x) resulting in condition stative verbs such as ngkorikng 'be dry' (cf. (21) (22) (23)) The condition stative verbs described in 1 3 are derived from adjective roots regardless of whether or not they have an effector (cf. (21) with (26)) Furthermore although the clause-specific LS in (27b) is different from the general LSs in (27a) and (23a) neither the argument structure nor the LS of the verb changes with the addition of an effector (cf. (27b) with (27a)). In contrast to the circumstances described above for statives and achievements the addition of a locative argument to motion activity verbs (e g apit 'to stop by' in (123)) results in a motion accomplishment clause (e g. (125)) with its corresponding LS 95 The general LS for accomplishment verbs is~ CAUSE 'V where~ is an activity predicate 'Vis an achievement predicate and the logical operator CAUSE indicates an accomplishment. Since 'V refers to an achievement predicate it contains the logical operator BECOME and some stative predicate ( cf. 2) In the case of motion accomplishment verbs, 'V contains both the logical operator BECOME and an underlying locative predicate Or stated in another wa y, the achievement portion of motion 95 Although accomplishment verbs are primarily described in .4 motion accomplishment verbs are introduced here due to the relationship between motion activities and motion accomplishments

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104 in (26) this is indicated in the clause-specific LS (cf. (27b)). Similarly the general LS for achievements with underlying condition stative verbs does not include an effector (cf. (78a)) ; however when such clauses include an optional adjunct which is an effector as in (77) this is indicated in the clause-specific LS (cf. (78b)). The distinction I have drawn between general LS and clause-specific LS is very important yet it can be very elusive In order to understand the relationship between these two levels of LS we need some understanding oflexical categories and their relationship to LSs Recall in .3.3, I provided a brief justification for three major word classes: nouns verbs and adjectives. Then in this chapter I introduced spatial deictics and showed how for example adjective roots such as korikng 'dry' can be plugged into the predicate position of the LS predicate' (x) resulting in condition stative verbs such as ngkorikng 'be dry' (cf. (21) (22) (23)) The condition stative verbs described in 1 3 are derived from adjective roots regardless of whether or not they have an effector (cf. (21) with (26)) Furthermore although the clause-specific LS in (27b) is different from the general LSs in (27a) and (23a) neither the argument structure nor the LS of the verb changes with the addition of an effector (cf. (27b) with (27a)). In contrast to the circumstances described above for statives and achievements the addition of a locative argument to motion activity verbs (e g apit 'to stop by' in (123)) results in a motion accomplishment clause (e g. (125)) with its corresponding LS 95 The general LS for accomplishment verbs is~ CAUSE 'V where~ is an activity predicate 'Vis an achievement predicate and the logical operator CAUSE indicates an accomplishment. Since 'V refers to an achievement predicate it contains the logical operator BECOME and some stative predicate ( cf. 2) In the case of motion accomplishment verbs, 'V contains both the logical operator BECOME and an underlying locative predicate Or stated in another wa y, the achievement portion of motion 95 Although accomplishment verbs are primarily described in .4 motion accomplishment verbs are introduced here due to the relationship between motion activities and motion accomplishments

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105 accomplishment verbs is a locative achievement. For example (125) is a motion accomplishment verb whose achievement portion includes a locative predicate be-at' ( x,y ) The addition of a locative argument to motion activity verbs differs from the addition of an optional effector in stative and achievement clauses in two wa y s Firstl y, it requires subcategorization of le xi cal categories Specificall y, some verb roots are subcategorized as motion activities 96 Secondl y, although the verb forms in (123) and (125) are the same (i e mapit 'to stop b y ') the former is an activity clause and the latter a motion accomplishment clause Lexicall y, apit 'to stop by' is a motion activity verb root ; however syntacticall y, it can occur in activity clauses (e.g (123)) and motion accomplishment clauses (e g. (125)) Like condition stative verbs motion activity verbs ha v e a single argument in their general LS (cf. (124a) and (126a)) Howe v er motion activities can become motion accomplishments if a definite goal is added ; for example English walk (activity) versus walk to t he s t ore (accomplishment) (FVV 1984 : 39 ; Joll y 1993 : 285) Whereas motion activity verbs have one core semantic argument in their LS (e g (124b)) motion accomplishments have two core semantic arguments in their LS (e g (126d)) (125) Nd-ara lama m-apit (-m-apit) dii bali n Dupuk not-have person ACY-stop b y at house NPIV Dupuk 'NOBODY stops b y at Dupuk's house A summary anal y sis of the complement clause in (125) is provided in (126). 96 Up to this point we have discussed classifying v erbs according to their LS Subcategorization of verb roots provides a basis for plugging different types ofroots into different types ofLSs At this point we need onl y sa y that there is a set of activity verb roots in Bonggi

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105 accomplishment verbs is a locative achievement. For example (125) is a motion accomplishment verb whose achievement portion includes a locative predicate be-at' ( x,y ) The addition of a locative argument to motion activity verbs differs from the addition of an optional effector in stative and achievement clauses in two wa y s Firstl y, it requires subcategorization of le xi cal categories Specificall y, some verb roots are subcategorized as motion activities 96 Secondl y, although the verb forms in (123) and (125) are the same (i e mapit 'to stop b y ') the former is an activity clause and the latter a motion accomplishment clause Lexicall y, apit 'to stop by' is a motion activity verb root ; however syntacticall y, it can occur in activity clauses (e.g (123)) and motion accomplishment clauses (e g. (125)) Like condition stative verbs motion activity verbs ha v e a single argument in their general LS (cf. (124a) and (126a)) Howe v er motion activities can become motion accomplishments if a definite goal is added ; for example English walk (activity) versus walk to t he s t ore (accomplishment) (FVV 1984 : 39 ; Joll y 1993 : 285) Whereas motion activity verbs have one core semantic argument in their LS (e g (124b)) motion accomplishments have two core semantic arguments in their LS (e g (126d)) (125) Nd-ara lama m-apit (-m-apit) dii bali n Dupuk not-have person ACY-stop b y at house NPIV Dupuk 'NOBODY stops b y at Dupuk's house A summary anal y sis of the complement clause in (125) is provided in (126). 96 Up to this point we have discussed classifying v erbs according to their LS Subcategorization of verb roots provides a basis for plugging different types ofroots into different types ofLSs At this point we need onl y sa y that there is a set of activity verb roots in Bonggi

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(126) a. LS for motion activities : b LS for accomplishments: c. LS for goal-oriented motion accomplishments:97 d. Clause-specific LS for (125): e. Assign thematic relations : f. Assign semantic macroroles : g Assign syntactic functions : h Assign case and prepositions : i Cross-reference verb : 106 do' (x [predicate' (x)]) (p CAUSE 'I' [do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (y x)] x=effector-theme x=effector-theme, y=locative-goal [apit 'stop by' (lama 'person')] CAUSE (BECOME dii 'at' (bali n Dupuk 'Dupuk's house' lama 'person')] lama 'person' effector-theme bali n Dupuk 'Dupuk's house' locative-goal actor effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot actor-lama 'person' oblique core argument locative-goal-bali n Dupuk 'Dupuk's house' pivot-lama 'person'~ nominative case (0) locative-goal-bali n Dupuk 'Dupuk's house' oblique case dii 'to' apit 'stop by' -m'ACY' The general LS for accomplishments is shown in (126b) The first portion ('P) is an activity verb whose general LS is shown in (126a) The logical operator CAUSE indicates an accomplishment situation The final portion ('I') of (126b) is a goal-oriented achievement which is indicated in (126c) by BECOME be-at' (y,x} Goal-oriented motion accomplishment verbs have two core semantic arguments as shown in (126c) ; the first is an effector-theme and the second a locative-goal Sometimes the locative-goal occurs syntactically as a direct core argument (e g (127)) and other times it occurs as an oblique core argument as in (125) Dii 'to' marks locative goals with motion accomplishment verbs when the locative-goal is not a direct core argument ( cf. Jolly 1993 : 277) That is dii 'to' occurs with arguments which would be expected to occur as undergoers in terms of the hierarch y in (4) but do not (cf. Joll y 1993 : 280). 98 Because activity verbs never have an undergoer motion accomplishment clauses also never have an undergoer (cf. VV 1993 : 48) 99 97 Note that the two parts of activity verb LSs are conflated as [do'(x)] in accomplishments (cf. footnote 90) 98 According to Van Valin (1993 : 156 ; footnote 45) undergoers are always direct core arguments.

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(126) a. LS for motion activities : b LS for accomplishments: c. LS for goal-oriented motion accomplishments:97 d. Clause-specific LS for (125): e. Assign thematic relations : f. Assign semantic macroroles : g Assign syntactic functions : h Assign case and prepositions : i Cross-reference verb : 106 do' (x [predicate' (x)]) (p CAUSE 'I' [do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (y x)] x=effector-theme x=effector-theme, y=locative-goal [apit 'stop by' (lama 'person')] CAUSE (BECOME dii 'at' (bali n Dupuk 'Dupuk's house' lama 'person')] lama 'person' effector-theme bali n Dupuk 'Dupuk's house' locative-goal actor effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot actor-lama 'person' oblique core argument locative-goal-bali n Dupuk 'Dupuk's house' pivot-lama 'person'~ nominative case (0) locative-goal-bali n Dupuk 'Dupuk's house' oblique case dii 'to' apit 'stop by' -m'ACY' The general LS for accomplishments is shown in (126b) The first portion ('P) is an activity verb whose general LS is shown in (126a) The logical operator CAUSE indicates an accomplishment situation The final portion ('I') of (126b) is a goal-oriented achievement which is indicated in (126c) by BECOME be-at' (y,x} Goal-oriented motion accomplishment verbs have two core semantic arguments as shown in (126c) ; the first is an effector-theme and the second a locative-goal Sometimes the locative-goal occurs syntactically as a direct core argument (e g (127)) and other times it occurs as an oblique core argument as in (125) Dii 'to' marks locative goals with motion accomplishment verbs when the locative-goal is not a direct core argument ( cf. Jolly 1993 : 277) That is dii 'to' occurs with arguments which would be expected to occur as undergoers in terms of the hierarch y in (4) but do not (cf. Joll y 1993 : 280). 98 Because activity verbs never have an undergoer motion accomplishment clauses also never have an undergoer (cf. VV 1993 : 48) 99 97 Note that the two parts of activity verb LSs are conflated as [do'(x)] in accomplishments (cf. footnote 90) 98 According to Van Valin (1993 : 156 ; footnote 45) undergoers are always direct core arguments.

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107 Sentence (127) illustrates a motion accomplishment clause with two direct core syntactic arguments 100 A summary analysis is provided in (128) (cf. (126)) (127) Nd-ara lama m-apit (-m-apit) diaadn not-have person ACY-stop by lsACC 'NOBODY stops by to see me.' (128) a LS for motion activities : b LS for accomplishments: c LS for goal-oriented motion accomplishments : d Clause-specific LS for (127) : e Assign thematic relations: f. Assign semantic macroroles : g Assign syntactic functions : h. Assign case and prepositions: i Cross-reference verb: do' {x, [predicate' (x)]) 4J CAUSE 'V x=effector-theme [do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' {y x)] x=effector-theme, y=locative-goal [apit 'stop by' (lama 'person')] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (diaadn 'me', lama 'person')] lama 'person' effector-theme diaadn 'me' locative-goal actor effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot actor-lama 'person' direct core argument locative-goal-diaadn 'me' pivot-lama 'person'~ nominative case (0) direct core argument-diaadn 'me' accusative case apit 'stop by' -m'ACY' Both (125) and (127) are motion accomplishment clauses with two core semantic arguments. The difference between them lies in their syntactic treatment of the locative-goal. In (127) the locative-goal is assigned the syntactic status of direct core argument (cf. (128g)) whereas in (125) the locative-goal is assigned the syntactic status of oblique core argument (cf. (126g)) In both cases there is a single macrorole which is an actor (cf. (126f) (128f) ; cf. also VV 1993:47). The question is why does the default macrorole assignment principle in (54a.2) appear to be violated? This principle states that if a verb has one argument in its LS, it will take one macrorole Although motion accomplishment clauses contain two arguments in their LS (e.g. (126c) (128c)) motion activity verbs contain only one argument in their LS (e.g. (126a) (128a)). The LS form apit 'ACY-stop.b y is do' (x, [apit"stop by' (x)]) regardless of whether it occurs in an activity 99 Cf. Van Valin (1990 : 228), "Two-argument activity verbs have two direct core arguments but only one macrorole (actor)." 100 Giv6n (1984 : 98) refers to these as verbs with a locative direct object.

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107 Sentence (127) illustrates a motion accomplishment clause with two direct core syntactic arguments 100 A summary analysis is provided in (128) (cf. (126)) (127) Nd-ara lama m-apit (-m-apit) diaadn not-have person ACY-stop by lsACC 'NOBODY stops by to see me.' (128) a LS for motion activities : b LS for accomplishments: c LS for goal-oriented motion accomplishments : d Clause-specific LS for (127) : e Assign thematic relations: f. Assign semantic macroroles : g Assign syntactic functions : h. Assign case and prepositions: i Cross-reference verb: do' {x, [predicate' (x)]) 4J CAUSE 'V x=effector-theme [do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' {y x)] x=effector-theme, y=locative-goal [apit 'stop by' (lama 'person')] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (diaadn 'me', lama 'person')] lama 'person' effector-theme diaadn 'me' locative-goal actor effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot actor-lama 'person' direct core argument locative-goal-diaadn 'me' pivot-lama 'person'~ nominative case (0) direct core argument-diaadn 'me' accusative case apit 'stop by' -m'ACY' Both (125) and (127) are motion accomplishment clauses with two core semantic arguments. The difference between them lies in their syntactic treatment of the locative-goal. In (127) the locative-goal is assigned the syntactic status of direct core argument (cf. (128g)) whereas in (125) the locative-goal is assigned the syntactic status of oblique core argument (cf. (126g)) In both cases there is a single macrorole which is an actor (cf. (126f) (128f) ; cf. also VV 1993:47). The question is why does the default macrorole assignment principle in (54a.2) appear to be violated? This principle states that if a verb has one argument in its LS, it will take one macrorole Although motion accomplishment clauses contain two arguments in their LS (e.g. (126c) (128c)) motion activity verbs contain only one argument in their LS (e.g. (126a) (128a)). The LS form apit 'ACY-stop.b y is do' (x, [apit"stop by' (x)]) regardless of whether it occurs in an activity 99 Cf. Van Valin (1990 : 228), "Two-argument activity verbs have two direct core arguments but only one macrorole (actor)." 100 Giv6n (1984 : 98) refers to these as verbs with a locative direct object.

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108 clause or an accomplishment claus e Activity verbs have onl y one macrorole an actor ne v er an undergoer. When the locative-goal argument is an oblique core argument the most frequent preposition to serve as an oblique case-marker is dii 'at' as in (125) Recall from .1.2 ho w ever that the presence of be-at' in the LS does not mean that surface syntax must contain a locative phrase introduced b y d ii 'at' as in ( 125) Instead an y member of either the set of specific spatial deictics in Table 2 3 or the set of nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2.4 can occur For example in ( 129) the deictic locative adverb diti 'here' has the same function as the locative prepositional phrase di i bali n Dupuk 'at Dupuk's house' in (125)_ 101 (129) Nd-ara lama m-apit (-m-apit) di ti not-ha v e person ACY-stop b y here 'NOBODY stops by here .' It has been shown that motion activity verbs can occur in either motion activity clauses (e g (122) (123)) or motion accomplishment clauses (e g (125) (127) (129)) It has also been argued that motion accomplishment clauses have onl y one macrorole Further evidence for a single macrorole is that the locative-goal can never function as the syntactic pi v ot in these clauses This follows from principle (54c) If the locative-goal could be linked to an undergoer it could also function as the syntactic pivot which it never does Although all (or most) motion accomplishment verbs can occur with or without a direct core syntactic argument different verbs have different tendencies favoring one over the other. For example apit 'to stop b y most frequentl y occurs with the locative-goal being an oblique core argument as in ( 125) and ( 129) w hereas lobot 'to go across' most frequentl y occurs with the locative-goal being a direct core argument as in (130) 101 Cf. the locative nominal diaadn 'me' in (127). Locati v e nominals can be nouns or pronouns with a nominal function in syntax and a locative meaning

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108 clause or an accomplishment claus e Activity verbs have onl y one macrorole an actor ne v er an undergoer. When the locative-goal argument is an oblique core argument the most frequent preposition to serve as an oblique case-marker is dii 'at' as in (125) Recall from .1.2 ho w ever that the presence of be-at' in the LS does not mean that surface syntax must contain a locative phrase introduced b y d ii 'at' as in ( 125) Instead an y member of either the set of specific spatial deictics in Table 2 3 or the set of nonspecific spatial deictics in Table 2.4 can occur For example in ( 129) the deictic locative adverb diti 'here' has the same function as the locative prepositional phrase di i bali n Dupuk 'at Dupuk's house' in (125)_ 101 (129) Nd-ara lama m-apit (-m-apit) di ti not-ha v e person ACY-stop b y here 'NOBODY stops by here .' It has been shown that motion activity verbs can occur in either motion activity clauses (e g (122) (123)) or motion accomplishment clauses (e g (125) (127) (129)) It has also been argued that motion accomplishment clauses have onl y one macrorole Further evidence for a single macrorole is that the locative-goal can never function as the syntactic pi v ot in these clauses This follows from principle (54c) If the locative-goal could be linked to an undergoer it could also function as the syntactic pivot which it never does Although all (or most) motion accomplishment verbs can occur with or without a direct core syntactic argument different verbs have different tendencies favoring one over the other. For example apit 'to stop b y most frequentl y occurs with the locative-goal being an oblique core argument as in ( 125) and ( 129) w hereas lobot 'to go across' most frequentl y occurs with the locative-goal being a direct core argument as in (130) 101 Cf. the locative nominal diaadn 'me' in (127). Locati v e nominals can be nouns or pronouns with a nominal function in syntax and a locative meaning

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109 (130) L-em-obot (-m-lobot ) ihi Sungi Mudik_ 102 @ -ACY-go across lpexcNOM River Mudik WE cross the Mudik River.' I have also made a distinction between motion activity verbs that take a volitional argument (e g (119) (123) (130)) and those that do not (e g (122)) Athough these two types of motion activity verbs are treated identicall y in terms of the morphology in simple declarative clauses the y differ in terms of affix potential 103 Motion activity verbs which take a volitional argument and are derived from verb roots are shown in ( 131) 104 Motion activities which do not take a volitional argument are shown in (132) (131) /-m-/ Im-I d-em-apa' ACY-land (a plane etc.) m-udukng ACY-get up d-um-ua' ACY -descend stairs m-uhad ACY-leave 1-em-ongi ACY-swim muli' ACY-return home 1-em-oub ACY-tum over face down m-ilakng ACY-lie down l-em-alu ACY-pass b y m-upug ACY-sit down l-em-anjakng ACY-step on m-usag ACY-stand up 1-em-anggat ACY-rise up 1-im-iag ACY-sail l-im-inggad ACY-tum on side 1-em-ompud ACY-run 1-um-uas ACY-exit m-panu ACY-walk ; go l-um-ungga' ACY-jump over r-em-ahad ACY-go inland r-lill-lfll ACY-swarm s-em-anggad ACY-land on branch (a bird) s-em-asa' ACY-pass through a field s-em-elehei ACY-go up steps lempad 105 ACY-fl y s-um-uak ACY-enter lumpat ACY-jump up t-em-erana ACY-stop and rest tumpa ACY-jump down l0 2 When the verb is infixed an epenthetic vowel NI is inserted between the initial consonant of the root and the infi x in order to avoid impermissible s y llable structures (cf. footnote 31) 103 All the clauses presented in this section are simple declarative clauses Compare the discussion of operators in Chapter 3 104 1 have not found an y roots that belong to the motion activity subclass whose initial consonant is a velar obstruent. 105 Lempad lumpat and tumpa are irregular Their roots are lempad lumpat and tupa respectivel y. There is an apparent phonological constraint against infixing -minto roots before Nm/ The occurrence of the bilabial nasal /ml in the roots blocks infixation

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109 (130) L-em-obot (-m-lobot ) ihi Sungi Mudik_ 102 @ -ACY-go across lpexcNOM River Mudik WE cross the Mudik River.' I have also made a distinction between motion activity verbs that take a volitional argument (e g (119) (123) (130)) and those that do not (e g (122)) Athough these two types of motion activity verbs are treated identicall y in terms of the morphology in simple declarative clauses the y differ in terms of affix potential 103 Motion activity verbs which take a volitional argument and are derived from verb roots are shown in ( 131) 104 Motion activities which do not take a volitional argument are shown in (132) (131) /-m-/ Im-I d-em-apa' ACY-land (a plane etc.) m-udukng ACY-get up d-um-ua' ACY -descend stairs m-uhad ACY-leave 1-em-ongi ACY-swim muli' ACY-return home 1-em-oub ACY-tum over face down m-ilakng ACY-lie down l-em-alu ACY-pass b y m-upug ACY-sit down l-em-anjakng ACY-step on m-usag ACY-stand up 1-em-anggat ACY-rise up 1-im-iag ACY-sail l-im-inggad ACY-tum on side 1-em-ompud ACY-run 1-um-uas ACY-exit m-panu ACY-walk ; go l-um-ungga' ACY-jump over r-em-ahad ACY-go inland r-lill-lfll ACY-swarm s-em-anggad ACY-land on branch (a bird) s-em-asa' ACY-pass through a field s-em-elehei ACY-go up steps lempad 105 ACY-fl y s-um-uak ACY-enter lumpat ACY-jump up t-em-erana ACY-stop and rest tumpa ACY-jump down l0 2 When the verb is infixed an epenthetic vowel NI is inserted between the initial consonant of the root and the infi x in order to avoid impermissible s y llable structures (cf. footnote 31) 103 All the clauses presented in this section are simple declarative clauses Compare the discussion of operators in Chapter 3 104 1 have not found an y roots that belong to the motion activity subclass whose initial consonant is a velar obstruent. 105 Lempad lumpat and tumpa are irregular Their roots are lempad lumpat and tupa respectivel y. There is an apparent phonological constraint against infixing -minto roots before Nm/ The occurrence of the bilabial nasal /ml in the roots blocks infixation

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t-em-odik t-em-olop t-em-onti t-im-iligud t-im-indiakng t-um-ulak t-um-undakng 110 ACY -climb hill ACY-dive ACY -cross bridge ACY-tum around ACY-tum at intersection ACY-depart ACY-take for walk (child) (132) l~-m=-~l __________ ~lm=-~I _______ d-em-abu' ACY-fall m-abag ACY-flare up 1-em-oput ACY-burst The motion activity verbs in ( 131 ) ( 132) and those described earlier in this section involve motion along a single trajectory. These verbs have one argument in their LS but can occur in accomplishment clauses with two core syntactic arguments Motion activity verbs that take a volitional argument occur as unaffix.ed roots in imperative mood, whether the imperative is an activity clause as in (133) or a motion accomplishment clause as in (134) 106 Activities and accomplishments (cf. .4) can occur in imperative mood but statives and achievements cannot. (133) Dei apit! do not stop b y 'Don't stop by!' (134) Dei apit dii bali i Menoon! 107 do not stop.by at house NPIV Menoon 'Don't stop by Menoon's house!' The actor is always the pivot in motion activity clauses and motion accomplishment clauses whether or not the clause is imperative. In imperative clauses, the pivot is the addressee which is usually not realized in the surface syntax, e g (133), (134) The locative-goal in motion 106cf. (123) (125), (127) and (129) 107 As mentioned in .3.1 one of the ways in which Bonggi distinguishes pivots from nonpivots is by the grammatical markers which precede personal names In (134) Iii 'NPIV' is a phonologically conditioned variant of the grammatical marker ni which precedes nonpivot personal names and other terms of reference which are treated as personal names ( cf. 1.3 1 footnote 27) The grammatical marker ni 'NPIV' is realized as In/ before terms of reference which begin with an alveolar consonant (e g. .2 In Da y a/ in (10) 1.3 In Tagil in (26) 3 1 In Dupuk/ in (125)) ; as lfi/ 'n y before terms of reference which begin with a vowel (e g 1 3 1 lfi indu?I 'mother' in footnote 27) ; and as Iii elsewhere (e g (134))

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t-em-odik t-em-olop t-em-onti t-im-iligud t-im-indiakng t-um-ulak t-um-undakng 110 ACY -climb hill ACY-dive ACY -cross bridge ACY-tum around ACY-tum at intersection ACY-depart ACY-take for walk (child) (132) l~-m=-~l __________ ~lm=-~I _______ d-em-abu' ACY-fall m-abag ACY-flare up 1-em-oput ACY-burst The motion activity verbs in ( 131 ) ( 132) and those described earlier in this section involve motion along a single trajectory. These verbs have one argument in their LS but can occur in accomplishment clauses with two core syntactic arguments Motion activity verbs that take a volitional argument occur as unaffix.ed roots in imperative mood, whether the imperative is an activity clause as in (133) or a motion accomplishment clause as in (134) 106 Activities and accomplishments (cf. .4) can occur in imperative mood but statives and achievements cannot. (133) Dei apit! do not stop b y 'Don't stop by!' (134) Dei apit dii bali i Menoon! 107 do not stop.by at house NPIV Menoon 'Don't stop by Menoon's house!' The actor is always the pivot in motion activity clauses and motion accomplishment clauses whether or not the clause is imperative. In imperative clauses, the pivot is the addressee which is usually not realized in the surface syntax, e g (133), (134) The locative-goal in motion 106cf. (123) (125), (127) and (129) 107 As mentioned in .3.1 one of the ways in which Bonggi distinguishes pivots from nonpivots is by the grammatical markers which precede personal names In (134) Iii 'NPIV' is a phonologically conditioned variant of the grammatical marker ni which precedes nonpivot personal names and other terms of reference which are treated as personal names ( cf. 1.3 1 footnote 27) The grammatical marker ni 'NPIV' is realized as In/ before terms of reference which begin with an alveolar consonant (e g. .2 In Da y a/ in (10) 1.3 In Tagil in (26) 3 1 In Dupuk/ in (125)) ; as lfi/ 'n y before terms of reference which begin with a vowel (e g 1 3 1 lfi indu?I 'mother' in footnote 27) ; and as Iii elsewhere (e g (134))

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111 accomplishment clauses cannot be the pivot. For example, although the locative-goal (i.e [BECOME be-at' (y,x)]) is part of the clause-specific LS in (128d), it is not part of the LS of the lexical verb apit 'to stop by' (e.g. (128a)) The syntactic consequence of core arguments in syntax not being part of the LS oflexical verbs is that they cannot occur as pivot (cf. Van Valin (1993 : 48 ; 154 footnote 28) This section has shown how motion activity verbs can occur in both motion activity clauses and motion accomplishment clauses All the motion accomplishment clauses which are discussed above contain locative-goals ; that is they are goal-oriented and their LS includes BECOME be-at' (y,x) (e g (125) (127) (129) (130), and (134)). There are other motion activity verbs which occur in motion accomplishment clauses with locative-sources ; that is, they are source-oriented and their LS includes BECOME NOT be-at' (y,x) For example, the roots uhad 'to leave' and tulak 'to depart' (cf. (131)) occur in motion accomplishment clauses with locative-sources Tidii 'from' marks locative-sources with motion accomplishment verbs when the locative-source is not a direct core argument (e.g (99) and (100)) A summary analysis of (100) is provided in (135) (135) a LS for motion activities : b LS for accomplishments: c LS for source-oriented motion accomplishments : d Clause-specific LS for (100): e Assign thematic relations: f. Assign semantic macroroles : g Assign syntactic functions: do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) if, CAUSE 'I' x=effector-theme (do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME NOT be-at' (y,x)] x=effector-theme, y=locative-source [uhad 'move' (sia 'she')] CAUSE [BECOME NOT be-at' (bali nya 'her house', sia 'she')] sia 'she' +effector-theme bali nya 'her house' +locative-source actor +effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot +actor-sia 'she' oblique core argument +locative-source-ba/i nya 'her house' h. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-sia 'she' +nominative case locative-source-ba/i nya 'her house' +oblique case tidii 'from' i Cross-reference verb: uhad 'move' +-m'ACY' We have seen in this section that the 'I' portion of the LS for motion accomplishment verbs consists of an achievement with an underlying locative predicate All of the motion

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111 accomplishment clauses cannot be the pivot. For example, although the locative-goal (i.e [BECOME be-at' (y,x)]) is part of the clause-specific LS in (128d), it is not part of the LS of the lexical verb apit 'to stop by' (e.g. (128a)) The syntactic consequence of core arguments in syntax not being part of the LS oflexical verbs is that they cannot occur as pivot (cf. Van Valin (1993 : 48 ; 154 footnote 28) This section has shown how motion activity verbs can occur in both motion activity clauses and motion accomplishment clauses All the motion accomplishment clauses which are discussed above contain locative-goals ; that is they are goal-oriented and their LS includes BECOME be-at' (y,x) (e g (125) (127) (129) (130), and (134)). There are other motion activity verbs which occur in motion accomplishment clauses with locative-sources ; that is, they are source-oriented and their LS includes BECOME NOT be-at' (y,x) For example, the roots uhad 'to leave' and tulak 'to depart' (cf. (131)) occur in motion accomplishment clauses with locative-sources Tidii 'from' marks locative-sources with motion accomplishment verbs when the locative-source is not a direct core argument (e.g (99) and (100)) A summary analysis of (100) is provided in (135) (135) a LS for motion activities : b LS for accomplishments: c LS for source-oriented motion accomplishments : d Clause-specific LS for (100): e Assign thematic relations: f. Assign semantic macroroles : g Assign syntactic functions: do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) if, CAUSE 'I' x=effector-theme (do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME NOT be-at' (y,x)] x=effector-theme, y=locative-source [uhad 'move' (sia 'she')] CAUSE [BECOME NOT be-at' (bali nya 'her house', sia 'she')] sia 'she' +effector-theme bali nya 'her house' +locative-source actor +effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot +actor-sia 'she' oblique core argument +locative-source-ba/i nya 'her house' h. Assign case and prepositions : pivot-sia 'she' +nominative case locative-source-ba/i nya 'her house' +oblique case tidii 'from' i Cross-reference verb: uhad 'move' +-m'ACY' We have seen in this section that the 'I' portion of the LS for motion accomplishment verbs consists of an achievement with an underlying locative predicate All of the motion

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112 accomplishment verbs which have been discussed thus far are derived from verb roots 108 2 described a set of achievements whose underlying locative predicate is a spatial deictic (e g. (89) (92)) These achievements can also form the 'I' portion of motion accomplishment verbs For example, given the specific spatial deictic dii 'there' (cf. Table 2 3 in 1.2), both an achievement verb kin-dii 'ACH-there' (e.g (89)) and a motion accomplishment verb mi-n-dii 'ACY-DIR-there' (e.g (136)) can be derived from it. (136) is an example of a motion accomplishment (cf. (16) for the corresponding stative, and (92) for the corresponding achievement) (136) Sia mi-n-dii (-m--m-dii) bali nya. 3sNOM ACY-DIR-there house 3sGEN 'SHE is going to her house.' The motion accomplishment verb in (136) is goal-oriented Goal-oriented motion accomplishments can be derived from both specific (cf. Table 2 3) and nonspecific (cf. Table 2.3) spatial deictics For example given the nonspecific deictic kuii' 'somewhere yonder', (137) illustrates a motion accomplishment (cf. (95)). A summary analysis of (136) is provided in (138). (137) Sia mu-ng-kuii' (-m--m-kuii') 3sNOM ACY-DIR-there 'SHE is going somewhere there.' (138) a. LS for locative stative : b LS for motion activities : c LS for accomplishments : d. LS for goal-oriented motion accomplishments: e Clause-specific LS for (136) : f. Assign thematic relations : g. Assign semantic macroroles : h. Assign syntactic function : 1. Assign case and prepositions : J Cross-reference verb: be-at' (x,y) do' (x [predicate' (x)]) q> CAUSE 'I' x=locative, y=theme x=effector-theme [do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (y,x)] x=effector-theme, y=locative-goal [do'(sia 'she')] CAUSE [BECOME dii 'at' (bali nya 'her house' sia 'she')] sia 'she' +effector-theme bali nya 'her house' +locative-goal actor+effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot +actor-sia 'she' direct core argument +undergoer-bali nya 'her house' pivot-sia 'she' +nominative case direct core argument-bah nya 'her house'+accusative case (0) dii 'there' +-m'ACY' -m'DIR' 108 See for example apit 'stop by' in (125) (127) (129) ; lobot 'go across' in (130) ; and the roots listed in (131) and (132) which can all be used to form motion accomplishment verbs.

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112 accomplishment verbs which have been discussed thus far are derived from verb roots 108 2 described a set of achievements whose underlying locative predicate is a spatial deictic (e g. (89) (92)) These achievements can also form the 'I' portion of motion accomplishment verbs For example, given the specific spatial deictic dii 'there' (cf. Table 2 3 in 1.2), both an achievement verb kin-dii 'ACH-there' (e.g (89)) and a motion accomplishment verb mi-n-dii 'ACY-DIR-there' (e.g (136)) can be derived from it. (136) is an example of a motion accomplishment (cf. (16) for the corresponding stative, and (92) for the corresponding achievement) (136) Sia mi-n-dii (-m--m-dii) bali nya. 3sNOM ACY-DIR-there house 3sGEN 'SHE is going to her house.' The motion accomplishment verb in (136) is goal-oriented Goal-oriented motion accomplishments can be derived from both specific (cf. Table 2 3) and nonspecific (cf. Table 2.3) spatial deictics For example given the nonspecific deictic kuii' 'somewhere yonder', (137) illustrates a motion accomplishment (cf. (95)). A summary analysis of (136) is provided in (138). (137) Sia mu-ng-kuii' (-m--m-kuii') 3sNOM ACY-DIR-there 'SHE is going somewhere there.' (138) a. LS for locative stative : b LS for motion activities : c LS for accomplishments : d. LS for goal-oriented motion accomplishments: e Clause-specific LS for (136) : f. Assign thematic relations : g. Assign semantic macroroles : h. Assign syntactic function : 1. Assign case and prepositions : J Cross-reference verb: be-at' (x,y) do' (x [predicate' (x)]) q> CAUSE 'I' x=locative, y=theme x=effector-theme [do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (y,x)] x=effector-theme, y=locative-goal [do'(sia 'she')] CAUSE [BECOME dii 'at' (bali nya 'her house' sia 'she')] sia 'she' +effector-theme bali nya 'her house' +locative-goal actor+effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot +actor-sia 'she' direct core argument +undergoer-bali nya 'her house' pivot-sia 'she' +nominative case direct core argument-bah nya 'her house'+accusative case (0) dii 'there' +-m'ACY' -m'DIR' 108 See for example apit 'stop by' in (125) (127) (129) ; lobot 'go across' in (130) ; and the roots listed in (131) and (132) which can all be used to form motion accomplishment verbs.

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113 The presence of the logical operator BECOME along with the locative predicate be-at' (y x) in (138d) indicates that this motion accomplishment is goal-oriented. The verb mi-n-dii 'ACY-DIR there' in ( 136) is volitional As pointed out earlier volitionality is not captured in the LS but is determined by examining the nature of the effector The modal operators account for other properties such as ability which are associated with participants (cf. 2) Whereas goal-oriented directional achievements are cross-referenced by k'ACH' and -m'DIR' (cf. (92) (94h)), goal oriented directional accomplishments are cross-referenced by -m'ACY' and-m'DIR' (cf. (136) (138j)) There is a small set of motion verbs which are derived from place nouns and refer to motions associated with the place e g (139) The morphology of the verbs in (139) is different than that described for other motion verbs Perhaps there are two prefixes with the second nasal having a directional meaning similar to that described above for motion accomplishments derived from spatial deictics (139) ROOT buig daidn diaa sua' tana' GLOSS hill trail inland mouth of river land 2.3.2. Nonmotion Activity Verbs ACTMTY ngim-buig ngin-daidn ngin-diaa ngin-sua' ngin-tana GLOSS climb a hill follow a trail go inland go out to mouth of river walk Besides the motion activities described in 3 2 the other major type of activity verb is nonmotion activities e g temeis 'cry' in (140). A summary analysis of (140) is provided in (141) (140) Sia t-em-eis (-m-teis)_l09 3sNOM @ -ACY-cry 'SHE is crying 109 0ther verb forms suggest the root is tangis which may be borrowed from Malay tangis 'weep' T-em-eis is irregular in that there is no form *teis which can be used in the imperative. The imperative form is tangis (cf. footnote 105).

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113 The presence of the logical operator BECOME along with the locative predicate be-at' (y x) in (138d) indicates that this motion accomplishment is goal-oriented. The verb mi-n-dii 'ACY-DIR there' in ( 136) is volitional As pointed out earlier volitionality is not captured in the LS but is determined by examining the nature of the effector The modal operators account for other properties such as ability which are associated with participants (cf. 2) Whereas goal-oriented directional achievements are cross-referenced by k'ACH' and -m'DIR' (cf. (92) (94h)), goal oriented directional accomplishments are cross-referenced by -m'ACY' and-m'DIR' (cf. (136) (138j)) There is a small set of motion verbs which are derived from place nouns and refer to motions associated with the place e g (139) The morphology of the verbs in (139) is different than that described for other motion verbs Perhaps there are two prefixes with the second nasal having a directional meaning similar to that described above for motion accomplishments derived from spatial deictics (139) ROOT buig daidn diaa sua' tana' GLOSS hill trail inland mouth of river land 2.3.2. Nonmotion Activity Verbs ACTMTY ngim-buig ngin-daidn ngin-diaa ngin-sua' ngin-tana GLOSS climb a hill follow a trail go inland go out to mouth of river walk Besides the motion activities described in 3 2 the other major type of activity verb is nonmotion activities e g temeis 'cry' in (140). A summary analysis of (140) is provided in (141) (140) Sia t-em-eis (-m-teis)_l09 3sNOM @ -ACY-cry 'SHE is crying 109 0ther verb forms suggest the root is tangis which may be borrowed from Malay tangis 'weep' T-em-eis is irregular in that there is no form *teis which can be used in the imperative. The imperative form is tangis (cf. footnote 105).

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114 (141) a LS for nonmotion activity verbs : do' (x, [predicate' ( x )]) x=effector b Clause-specific LS for (140) : do'(sia 'she', [teis 'cry' (sia 'she')]) c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'she' effector d Assign semantic macroroles : actor effector 1 Macrorole e. Assign syntactic functions : pivot actor-sia 'she' f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb: pivot-sia 'he' nominative case teis 'cry' -m'ACY' The general LS for all one-place nonmotion activity verbs is shown in (141a) The single argument 'x' of these activity predicates is an effector. By (54a.2) there is a single macrorole since there is one argument in their LS By (54b.l) the single macrorole must be an actor because the LS contains the activity predicate do' (cf. (14ld)). The single argument 'x' is linked to actor by either (4) since x=effector or (5) since x=first argument of do'. By (7) the actor is the syntactic pivot (cf. (14le)). Nominative case is assigned to the pivot (cf. (141)) and nonmotion activity verbs are cross-referenced b y -m(cf. (14lg)). Other nonmotion activity verbs which are derived from verb roots are shown in (142). (142) ~/-m=-~/ ______________ ~/m=-~/ ________ d-em-oos 1-em-obok 1-im-idik 1-em-ongis s-em-apakng s-um-ulakng t-em-abakng t-em-alakng t-em-ampu t-em-ata' t-em-erana ACY-spend night at girlfriend's house m-abat ACY-answer ACY-pound something m-inggat ACY-chew betel nut ACY-slash brush m-ogot ACY-hold ACY -cry out m-ohodn ACY -eat ACY -deliver a baby ACY-take over discarded item ACY-help someone with work ACY-stop work to rest ACY-aid in a struggle ACY-lap up liquid (animal) ACY-stop on journey to rest m-piit ACY-send A few nonmotion activity verbs are derived from noun roots that refer to body parts or products which are associated with bodily functions ; i.e sidu 'urine' suha 'vomit' toi 'feces' tilug 'egg' and dudu' 'breast' (e g (143)) (143) Sia kahal d-um-udu' (-m-dudu') 3sNOM still @ -ACY-breast 'HE still nurses.' Activity verbs which are derived from body parts can occur in imperative mood, in which case they are unaffixed, e g (144) (cf. (133) (134)).

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114 (141) a LS for nonmotion activity verbs : do' (x, [predicate' ( x )]) x=effector b Clause-specific LS for (140) : do'(sia 'she', [teis 'cry' (sia 'she')]) c. Assign thematic relations: sia 'she' effector d Assign semantic macroroles : actor effector 1 Macrorole e. Assign syntactic functions : pivot actor-sia 'she' f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb: pivot-sia 'he' nominative case teis 'cry' -m'ACY' The general LS for all one-place nonmotion activity verbs is shown in (141a) The single argument 'x' of these activity predicates is an effector. By (54a.2) there is a single macrorole since there is one argument in their LS By (54b.l) the single macrorole must be an actor because the LS contains the activity predicate do' (cf. (14ld)). The single argument 'x' is linked to actor by either (4) since x=effector or (5) since x=first argument of do'. By (7) the actor is the syntactic pivot (cf. (14le)). Nominative case is assigned to the pivot (cf. (141)) and nonmotion activity verbs are cross-referenced b y -m(cf. (14lg)). Other nonmotion activity verbs which are derived from verb roots are shown in (142). (142) ~/-m=-~/ ______________ ~/m=-~/ ________ d-em-oos 1-em-obok 1-im-idik 1-em-ongis s-em-apakng s-um-ulakng t-em-abakng t-em-alakng t-em-ampu t-em-ata' t-em-erana ACY-spend night at girlfriend's house m-abat ACY-answer ACY-pound something m-inggat ACY-chew betel nut ACY-slash brush m-ogot ACY-hold ACY -cry out m-ohodn ACY -eat ACY -deliver a baby ACY-take over discarded item ACY-help someone with work ACY-stop work to rest ACY-aid in a struggle ACY-lap up liquid (animal) ACY-stop on journey to rest m-piit ACY-send A few nonmotion activity verbs are derived from noun roots that refer to body parts or products which are associated with bodily functions ; i.e sidu 'urine' suha 'vomit' toi 'feces' tilug 'egg' and dudu' 'breast' (e g (143)) (143) Sia kahal d-um-udu' (-m-dudu') 3sNOM still @ -ACY-breast 'HE still nurses.' Activity verbs which are derived from body parts can occur in imperative mood, in which case they are unaffixed, e g (144) (cf. (133) (134)).

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(144) Dei sidu dioo! do not urine over.there 'Don't urinate over there!' 115 Two activity verbs are derived from the meterological noun roots dudug 'thunder' and dolok 'rain' Verbs which are derived from meterological roots (e g. d-em-olok 'rain' in (145)) have no arguments. Furthermore verbs with no arguments have no macroroles (Van Valin 1990 : 227) (145) D-em-olok (-m-dolok) nehaa' na @ -ACY-rain now 'It is raining now Some nonmotion activity verbs can occur in clauses with either one or two syntactic arguments, e.g. the verb ohodn 'to eat'. In (146) the verb m-ohodn 'ACY -eat' has a single syntactic argument sia 'he' (an effector) (cf. (140), (141a)) 11 0 In (147) the verb m-ohodn 'ACY-eat' has two syntactic arguments: sia 'he' (an effector) and egas 'rice' (a theme). In (148) the verb in-ohodn 'PST.UPL-eat' has the same two arguments only the theme is the clause pivot. Semantically (146) is an activity with a single macrorole (actor), whereas (147) and (148) are accomplishments with two macroroles (actor and undergoer). Morphologically (146) and (147) are activities whereas (148) is an accomplishment. Actor pivot accomplishment verbs are marked by ng(cf. .4) instead of -mwhich occurs with actor pivot activity verbs (146) Sia m-ohodn (-m-ohon) tina 3sNOM ACY -eat later 'HE will eat later ( 14 7) Sia m-ohodn (-m-ohon) egas 3sNOM ACY -eat nee 'HE eats rice.' (148) Egas in-ohodn (-in-ohon) nya. rice PST.UPL-eat 3sGEN 'He ate RICE.' Since (147) contains two direct core syntactic arguments it is syntactically similar to the motion accomplishment clauses with two direct core syntactic arguments described in 3 1 e.g. (127) (130) In .3 1 I pointed out that the addition of a locative-goal or locative-source to llOTina 'earlier' is a temporal adjunct in (146), and not an argument.

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(144) Dei sidu dioo! do not urine over.there 'Don't urinate over there!' 115 Two activity verbs are derived from the meterological noun roots dudug 'thunder' and dolok 'rain' Verbs which are derived from meterological roots (e g. d-em-olok 'rain' in (145)) have no arguments. Furthermore verbs with no arguments have no macroroles (Van Valin 1990 : 227) (145) D-em-olok (-m-dolok) nehaa' na @ -ACY-rain now 'It is raining now Some nonmotion activity verbs can occur in clauses with either one or two syntactic arguments, e.g. the verb ohodn 'to eat'. In (146) the verb m-ohodn 'ACY -eat' has a single syntactic argument sia 'he' (an effector) (cf. (140), (141a)) 11 0 In (147) the verb m-ohodn 'ACY-eat' has two syntactic arguments: sia 'he' (an effector) and egas 'rice' (a theme). In (148) the verb in-ohodn 'PST.UPL-eat' has the same two arguments only the theme is the clause pivot. Semantically (146) is an activity with a single macrorole (actor), whereas (147) and (148) are accomplishments with two macroroles (actor and undergoer). Morphologically (146) and (147) are activities whereas (148) is an accomplishment. Actor pivot accomplishment verbs are marked by ng(cf. .4) instead of -mwhich occurs with actor pivot activity verbs (146) Sia m-ohodn (-m-ohon) tina 3sNOM ACY -eat later 'HE will eat later ( 14 7) Sia m-ohodn (-m-ohon) egas 3sNOM ACY -eat nee 'HE eats rice.' (148) Egas in-ohodn (-in-ohon) nya. rice PST.UPL-eat 3sGEN 'He ate RICE.' Since (147) contains two direct core syntactic arguments it is syntactically similar to the motion accomplishment clauses with two direct core syntactic arguments described in 3 1 e.g. (127) (130) In .3 1 I pointed out that the addition of a locative-goal or locative-source to llOTina 'earlier' is a temporal adjunct in (146), and not an argument.

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116 motion activity verbs results in a motion accomplishment clause However I also pointed out that the locative-goal or locative-source in such clauses can never function as the syntactic pivot. Therefore in accordance with principle (54c) such clauses have one macrorole an actor. B y (54c) locative-goal and locative-source cannot be linked to a macrorole because the y cannot occur as clause pivot in these motion accomplishment clauses The circumstances surrounding two-argument nonmotion verbs such as m-ohodn 'ACY -eat' in (147)) is different than those described above for motion accomplishment clauses. Either of the two LS arguments x and y can occur as the syntactic pivot. For example given (147) ega s 'rice' can occur as clause pivot in an accomplishment clause e g (148) A summary anal y sis of (148) is provided in (149) The LS for (146) is found in (149a) w hereas the LS for both (147) and (148) is found in (149b). (149) a. LS for nonmotion activities : b LS for consumption accomplishments : c Clause-specific LS for (148) : d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles : f. Assign syntactic functions : g Assign case and prepositions : h Cross-reference verb: do ( x, [predicate' (x)]) x =effector do' ( x, [predicate' (x)]) CAUSE [B E COME NO T exist'(y)] x =effector y=theme do' (nya 'he' [ohodn 'eat (nya 'he')]) CAUS E [B E COME N OT exist'(egas 'rice')] n y a 'he' effector e gas 'rice' theme actor effector 2 Macroroles undergoer theme pivot undergoer-egas 'rice' direct core argument actor-nya 'he' pivot-egas 'rice' nominative case (0) direct core argument-n y a he'~ genitive case ohodn 'eat -in'PST. UPL' In (146) the pi v ot is an actor (effector) and the situation type is an activity ; in (147) the pivot is an actor (effector) and the situation type is an accomplishment ; and in (148) the pivot is an undergoer (theme) and the situation type is an accomplishment. All verbs w hich can occur with actor and undergoer pivot are accomplishments (Van Valin 1990 : 248) Activity v erbs such as m ohodn 'ACY -eat' are unique in that the situation type is not immediately transparent from the morphology Such actor-pivot verbs occur in both activity and accomplishment clauses with the same morphology. As activi ty verbs the y never have an

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116 motion activity verbs results in a motion accomplishment clause However I also pointed out that the locative-goal or locative-source in such clauses can never function as the syntactic pivot. Therefore in accordance with principle (54c) such clauses have one macrorole an actor. B y (54c) locative-goal and locative-source cannot be linked to a macrorole because the y cannot occur as clause pivot in these motion accomplishment clauses The circumstances surrounding two-argument nonmotion verbs such as m-ohodn 'ACY -eat' in (147)) is different than those described above for motion accomplishment clauses. Either of the two LS arguments x and y can occur as the syntactic pivot. For example given (147) ega s 'rice' can occur as clause pivot in an accomplishment clause e g (148) A summary anal y sis of (148) is provided in (149) The LS for (146) is found in (149a) w hereas the LS for both (147) and (148) is found in (149b). (149) a. LS for nonmotion activities : b LS for consumption accomplishments : c Clause-specific LS for (148) : d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles : f. Assign syntactic functions : g Assign case and prepositions : h Cross-reference verb: do ( x, [predicate' (x)]) x =effector do' ( x, [predicate' (x)]) CAUSE [B E COME NO T exist'(y)] x =effector y=theme do' (nya 'he' [ohodn 'eat (nya 'he')]) CAUS E [B E COME N OT exist'(egas 'rice')] n y a 'he' effector e gas 'rice' theme actor effector 2 Macroroles undergoer theme pivot undergoer-egas 'rice' direct core argument actor-nya 'he' pivot-egas 'rice' nominative case (0) direct core argument-n y a he'~ genitive case ohodn 'eat -in'PST. UPL' In (146) the pi v ot is an actor (effector) and the situation type is an activity ; in (147) the pivot is an actor (effector) and the situation type is an accomplishment ; and in (148) the pivot is an undergoer (theme) and the situation type is an accomplishment. All verbs w hich can occur with actor and undergoer pivot are accomplishments (Van Valin 1990 : 248) Activity v erbs such as m ohodn 'ACY -eat' are unique in that the situation type is not immediately transparent from the morphology Such actor-pivot verbs occur in both activity and accomplishment clauses with the same morphology. As activi ty verbs the y never have an

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117 undergoer macrorole As accomplishment verbs, they have both an actor and an undergoer, either of which can occur as syntactic pivot. Another actor-pivot verb which can occur in both activity and accomplishment clauses is d-um-udu' 'nurse/suckle'. It is illustrated in an accomplishment clause in (150) Other verbs in this class are shown in (151) with the activities in the nonpast tense and the accomplishments in the past tense (150) Sia kahal d-um-udu' (-m-dudu') 3sNOM still @ -ACY-breast 'HE still nurses from me (151) Root doos 'spend ni!Zht at ~irlfriend's house' inf!f!at 'chew betel nut' /idik 'slash brush' o~ot 'hold' suha 'vomit' su/akn~ 'take over discarded item' tata' 'lap up liquid' diaadn lsACC Effector-pivot activity d-em-oos m-inf!f!at l-im-idik m-o~ot s-um-uha s-um-ulakn~ t-em-ata' Theme-pivot accomplishment d-in-oos in-inf!Pat l-in-idik in-o~ot s-i-uha s-i-ulakn~ t-i-ata' By way of summary of what has been said regarding activity verbs consider the clauses in (152). Two of the clauses ((152a) and (152c)) have one core syntactic structure and two ((152b) and (152d)) have two core syntactic arguments The former two are activity clauses whereas the latter two are accomplishment clauses The verb morphology is the same in each clause. In simple declarative clauses the verb is cross-referenced by -m; in imperative clauses, the verb is not cross referenced Furthermore in each clause the pivot is the actor.

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117 undergoer macrorole As accomplishment verbs, they have both an actor and an undergoer, either of which can occur as syntactic pivot. Another actor-pivot verb which can occur in both activity and accomplishment clauses is d-um-udu' 'nurse/suckle'. It is illustrated in an accomplishment clause in (150) Other verbs in this class are shown in (151) with the activities in the nonpast tense and the accomplishments in the past tense (150) Sia kahal d-um-udu' (-m-dudu') 3sNOM still @ -ACY-breast 'HE still nurses from me (151) Root doos 'spend ni!Zht at ~irlfriend's house' inf!f!at 'chew betel nut' /idik 'slash brush' o~ot 'hold' suha 'vomit' su/akn~ 'take over discarded item' tata' 'lap up liquid' diaadn lsACC Effector-pivot activity d-em-oos m-inf!f!at l-im-idik m-o~ot s-um-uha s-um-ulakn~ t-em-ata' Theme-pivot accomplishment d-in-oos in-inf!Pat l-in-idik in-o~ot s-i-uha s-i-ulakn~ t-i-ata' By way of summary of what has been said regarding activity verbs consider the clauses in (152). Two of the clauses ((152a) and (152c)) have one core syntactic structure and two ((152b) and (152d)) have two core syntactic arguments The former two are activity clauses whereas the latter two are accomplishment clauses The verb morphology is the same in each clause. In simple declarative clauses the verb is cross-referenced by -m; in imperative clauses, the verb is not cross referenced Furthermore in each clause the pivot is the actor.

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(152) a. Sia m-apit he ACY-stop.by me 'HE stops by to see me.' 118 (cf. (123)) LS : do' (x [predicate' (x)]) x=effector-theme b. Sia m-apit diaadn. (cf. (127)) he ACY-stop.by me LS: [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (y ,x )] 'HE stops by to see me.' x=effector-theme, y=locative-goal c Sia m-ohodn he ACY-eat 'HE will eat.' d Sia m-ohodn he ACY-eat 'HE eats rice (cf. (146)) LS : do' (x [predicate' (x)]) x=effector egas (cf. (147)) nee LS : do' (x [predicate' (x)]) CAUSE [BECOME NOT exist'(y)] x=effector y=theme By way of contrast in (152a) the verb mapit 'stop by' is a motion activity verb in an activity clause (cf. (123)). The addition of a locative to a clause containing a motion activity verb results in a motion accomplishment clause which has the LS shown in (152b) 111 The locative argument in these motion accomplishment clauses can never function as clause pivot but occurs in syntax as either a core syntactic argument (e g. (127), (130) (152b)) or an oblique argument (e g (125) (134)) Since the locative can occur as an oblique argument, we expect the clause in (152b) to sometimes occur with an oblique marker and it does (i e Sia m-apit dii diaadn. 'HE stops by to see me '). Motion activity verbs always have only one macrorole (an actor) whether they occur in activity or accomplishment clauses. In (152c) the verb mohodn 'eat' is a nonmotion activity verb in an activity clause Activity clauses have only one macrorole (an actor). The addition of a theme to a clause containing a nonmotion activity verb results in an accomplishment clause e g. (152d) The theme argument in these accomplishment clauses can function as clause pivot and cannot occur in syntax as an oblique argument. Accomplishment clauses have two macroroles (actor and undergoer) either of 111 The locative can also be a source The LS in (152b) is for locative-goals (cf. (135))

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(152) a. Sia m-apit he ACY-stop.by me 'HE stops by to see me.' 118 (cf. (123)) LS : do' (x [predicate' (x)]) x=effector-theme b. Sia m-apit diaadn. (cf. (127)) he ACY-stop.by me LS: [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (y ,x )] 'HE stops by to see me.' x=effector-theme, y=locative-goal c Sia m-ohodn he ACY-eat 'HE will eat.' d Sia m-ohodn he ACY-eat 'HE eats rice (cf. (146)) LS : do' (x [predicate' (x)]) x=effector egas (cf. (147)) nee LS : do' (x [predicate' (x)]) CAUSE [BECOME NOT exist'(y)] x=effector y=theme By way of contrast in (152a) the verb mapit 'stop by' is a motion activity verb in an activity clause (cf. (123)). The addition of a locative to a clause containing a motion activity verb results in a motion accomplishment clause which has the LS shown in (152b) 111 The locative argument in these motion accomplishment clauses can never function as clause pivot but occurs in syntax as either a core syntactic argument (e g. (127), (130) (152b)) or an oblique argument (e g (125) (134)) Since the locative can occur as an oblique argument, we expect the clause in (152b) to sometimes occur with an oblique marker and it does (i e Sia m-apit dii diaadn. 'HE stops by to see me '). Motion activity verbs always have only one macrorole (an actor) whether they occur in activity or accomplishment clauses. In (152c) the verb mohodn 'eat' is a nonmotion activity verb in an activity clause Activity clauses have only one macrorole (an actor). The addition of a theme to a clause containing a nonmotion activity verb results in an accomplishment clause e g. (152d) The theme argument in these accomplishment clauses can function as clause pivot and cannot occur in syntax as an oblique argument. Accomplishment clauses have two macroroles (actor and undergoer) either of 111 The locative can also be a source The LS in (152b) is for locative-goals (cf. (135))

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119 which can be the clause pivot. For example, the pivot is an actor in (152d) and an undergoer in (148). 112 In (150) the verb dumudu' 'suckle' is a nonmotion activity verb in an accomplishment clause This verb has two core syntactic arguments two arguments in its LS (an effector and an experiencer/location), and consequently, two macroroles (actor and undergoer) If the actor is pivot, the undergoer can occur in syntax as either a core argument (e g (150)) or an oblique argument. Thus we expect the clause in (150) to sometimes occur with an oblique marker and it does (i.e. Sia d-um-udu' dii diaadn 'HE nurses from me.'). If the undergoer is pivot the verb is suffixed with -an e.g (153). 113 A summary analysis of (153) is provided in (154) (153) Si Munsang dudu-adn (dudu'-an) ny eili'. PIV Munsang breast-EXP NPIV little.boy 'MUNSANG is nursing her little boy.' (154) a LS for one-place nonmotion activities : b LS for accomplishments: c LS for accomplishments whose 'I' contains an experiencer : d. Clause-specific LS for (153): e Assign thematic relations: do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) q> CAUSE 'I' x=effector [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME be' (y, [predicate'])] x=effector, y=experiencer, predicate'=theme [do' (eili' 'little boy')] CAUSE [BECOME be' (Munsang, [dudu' 'breast'])] eili' 'little boy'~ effector Munsang experiencer f. Create experiencer predicate by (30): be'+ [dudu' 'breast']~ predicate g. Assign semantic macroroles : actor effector 2 Macroroles h Assign syntactic functions: i. Assign case and prepositions : J. Cross-reference verb: undergoer experiencer pivot undergoer-Munsang direct core argument~ actor-ei/i' 'little boy' pivot-Munsang nominative case si 'PIV' direct core argument accusative case ny 'NPIV' dudu' 'breast' -an 'EXP' 112 Van Valin (1994) describes verbs such as eat as multiple argument activity verbs. He points out that second argument in multiple argument activity verbs has unique properties and suggests calling it an inherent argument. The activity eating implies something is consumed even when the theme is not overtly specified 113 In .4 a distinction is made between functionally unmarked undergoer-pivot accomplishmets, and functionally marked undergoer-pivot accomplishments. When the undergoer is functionally marked, -an occurs as in (153).

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119 which can be the clause pivot. For example, the pivot is an actor in (152d) and an undergoer in (148). 112 In (150) the verb dumudu' 'suckle' is a nonmotion activity verb in an accomplishment clause This verb has two core syntactic arguments two arguments in its LS (an effector and an experiencer/location), and consequently, two macroroles (actor and undergoer) If the actor is pivot, the undergoer can occur in syntax as either a core argument (e g (150)) or an oblique argument. Thus we expect the clause in (150) to sometimes occur with an oblique marker and it does (i.e. Sia d-um-udu' dii diaadn 'HE nurses from me.'). If the undergoer is pivot the verb is suffixed with -an e.g (153). 113 A summary analysis of (153) is provided in (154) (153) Si Munsang dudu-adn (dudu'-an) ny eili'. PIV Munsang breast-EXP NPIV little.boy 'MUNSANG is nursing her little boy.' (154) a LS for one-place nonmotion activities : b LS for accomplishments: c LS for accomplishments whose 'I' contains an experiencer : d. Clause-specific LS for (153): e Assign thematic relations: do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) q> CAUSE 'I' x=effector [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME be' (y, [predicate'])] x=effector, y=experiencer, predicate'=theme [do' (eili' 'little boy')] CAUSE [BECOME be' (Munsang, [dudu' 'breast'])] eili' 'little boy'~ effector Munsang experiencer f. Create experiencer predicate by (30): be'+ [dudu' 'breast']~ predicate g. Assign semantic macroroles : actor effector 2 Macroroles h Assign syntactic functions: i. Assign case and prepositions : J. Cross-reference verb: undergoer experiencer pivot undergoer-Munsang direct core argument~ actor-ei/i' 'little boy' pivot-Munsang nominative case si 'PIV' direct core argument accusative case ny 'NPIV' dudu' 'breast' -an 'EXP' 112 Van Valin (1994) describes verbs such as eat as multiple argument activity verbs. He points out that second argument in multiple argument activity verbs has unique properties and suggests calling it an inherent argument. The activity eating implies something is consumed even when the theme is not overtly specified 113 In .4 a distinction is made between functionally unmarked undergoer-pivot accomplishmets, and functionally marked undergoer-pivot accomplishments. When the undergoer is functionally marked, -an occurs as in (153).

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120 The general LS for one-place nonmotion activities is shown in (154a) and the general LS for accomplishments in (154b). One type of achievement that was not discussed in 2 is achievements that have experiencer statives in their LS 114 (153) is an example of an accomplishment verb whose 'V portion contains an experiencer stative The LS for such accomplishment verbs is shown in (154c) .1.3 showed that the LS for experiencer statives is be' (x, [predicate']), where x=experiencer and predicate'=theme (cf. (29)) .1.3 also explained how the theme is incorporated into the predicate by rule (30) so that the theme is not available to function as undergoer Instead the experiencer is linked to undergoer resulting in both a marked undergoer and a corresponding markedness in terms of verb morphology. This same rule (30) also applies in (153) resulting in incorporation of the theme into the predicate (cf. (154f)) This results in the experiencer being assigned to undergoer (cf. (154g)) and the verb being cross-referenced by -an (cf. (154j)) The example in (153) illustrates what has been called the 'adversative passive' (Wierzbicka 1988 : 257) or 'dative of misfortune' (Wierzbicka 1988:278). Traditionally it is argued that the adversative passive usually occurs with intransitive verbs. Adversative passives are said to be morphologically passive with the subject of the sentence being adversely affected by the action, or event denoted by the verb_ 115 Two different types of activity verbs with their corresponding LSs have been described : (i) motion activities do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) x=effector-theme ( cf. .3 .1) (ii) nonmotion activities do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) x=effector (cf. .3.2) 114 Achievements with experiencer statives in their LS were not discussed in 2 because of a lack of supporting data. This absence of data may be due to either a gap in my data or possibly such achievements do not exist. 115 Toe example in (153) is not an isolated example I have collected at least twenty similar examples

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120 The general LS for one-place nonmotion activities is shown in (154a) and the general LS for accomplishments in (154b). One type of achievement that was not discussed in 2 is achievements that have experiencer statives in their LS 114 (153) is an example of an accomplishment verb whose 'V portion contains an experiencer stative The LS for such accomplishment verbs is shown in (154c) .1.3 showed that the LS for experiencer statives is be' (x, [predicate']), where x=experiencer and predicate'=theme (cf. (29)) .1.3 also explained how the theme is incorporated into the predicate by rule (30) so that the theme is not available to function as undergoer Instead the experiencer is linked to undergoer resulting in both a marked undergoer and a corresponding markedness in terms of verb morphology. This same rule (30) also applies in (153) resulting in incorporation of the theme into the predicate (cf. (154f)) This results in the experiencer being assigned to undergoer (cf. (154g)) and the verb being cross-referenced by -an (cf. (154j)) The example in (153) illustrates what has been called the 'adversative passive' (Wierzbicka 1988 : 257) or 'dative of misfortune' (Wierzbicka 1988:278). Traditionally it is argued that the adversative passive usually occurs with intransitive verbs. Adversative passives are said to be morphologically passive with the subject of the sentence being adversely affected by the action, or event denoted by the verb_ 115 Two different types of activity verbs with their corresponding LSs have been described : (i) motion activities do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) x=effector-theme ( cf. .3 .1) (ii) nonmotion activities do' (x, [predicate' (x)]) x=effector (cf. .3.2) 114 Achievements with experiencer statives in their LS were not discussed in 2 because of a lack of supporting data. This absence of data may be due to either a gap in my data or possibly such achievements do not exist. 115 Toe example in (153) is not an isolated example I have collected at least twenty similar examples

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121 From the perspective of situation aspect the two types of activities share the Aktionsart features [+dynamic] and [-telic] which are predictable from the LSs One distinction among activity verbs that is not predictable from the LSs is that between volitional or controllable activities and nonvolitional or noncontrollable activities. Volition is determined from pragmatic implicatures b y examining the nature of the effector ; for example onl y animate effectors can be construed as volitional agents. Other features including the assignment of modality and viewpoint aspect belong to the operator projection described in Chapter 3. The LSs described in this chapter constitute the constituent projection and account for argument structures (cf. VV 1993 : 11) LSs are important for predicting certain syntactic phenomena but the y do not account for differences such as those between declarative and imperative clauses This difference in modality is captured by modal operators Similarly, certain aspectual features are not accounted for by LSs These "other" aspectual features are accounted for b y the aspectual operators described in Chapter 3. One important aspectual distinction in Bonggi which is not accounted for by LSs has to do with the internal structure of a situation The two subclasses of activities described above were established on semantic grounds Furthermore these semantic distinctions were shown to be important to syntax Note however that in terms of verb morphology there is no distinction between the two subclasses Yet an examination of other activity verbs which have not been discussed shows that in terms of verb morphology Bonggi divides activity verbs into two groups These groups can be referred to according to their formal marking : the -mgroup which has been described above and the peg group which has not been discussed Like the -mgroup the peggroup can be subdivided into two subclasses : motion activities and nonmotion activities The overriding principle which separates the -mgroup from the peggroup has to do with the internal structure of events It has long been recognized in studies of aspect that some events are punctual (e g kick) and others are nonpunctual (e g make) The difference between verbs such as kick and make is often said to be a matter of lexical or inherent aspect which cannot be handled b y either a constituent projection (cf. ) or an operator projection (cf. Punctuality is not the onl y possible feature

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121 From the perspective of situation aspect the two types of activities share the Aktionsart features [+dynamic] and [-telic] which are predictable from the LSs One distinction among activity verbs that is not predictable from the LSs is that between volitional or controllable activities and nonvolitional or noncontrollable activities. Volition is determined from pragmatic implicatures b y examining the nature of the effector ; for example onl y animate effectors can be construed as volitional agents. Other features including the assignment of modality and viewpoint aspect belong to the operator projection described in Chapter 3. The LSs described in this chapter constitute the constituent projection and account for argument structures (cf. VV 1993 : 11) LSs are important for predicting certain syntactic phenomena but the y do not account for differences such as those between declarative and imperative clauses This difference in modality is captured by modal operators Similarly, certain aspectual features are not accounted for by LSs These "other" aspectual features are accounted for b y the aspectual operators described in Chapter 3. One important aspectual distinction in Bonggi which is not accounted for by LSs has to do with the internal structure of a situation The two subclasses of activities described above were established on semantic grounds Furthermore these semantic distinctions were shown to be important to syntax Note however that in terms of verb morphology there is no distinction between the two subclasses Yet an examination of other activity verbs which have not been discussed shows that in terms of verb morphology Bonggi divides activity verbs into two groups These groups can be referred to according to their formal marking : the -mgroup which has been described above and the peg group which has not been discussed Like the -mgroup the peggroup can be subdivided into two subclasses : motion activities and nonmotion activities The overriding principle which separates the -mgroup from the peggroup has to do with the internal structure of events It has long been recognized in studies of aspect that some events are punctual (e g kick) and others are nonpunctual (e g make) The difference between verbs such as kick and make is often said to be a matter of lexical or inherent aspect which cannot be handled b y either a constituent projection (cf. ) or an operator projection (cf. Punctuality is not the onl y possible feature

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122 related to the internal structure of e v ents The two groups of activity verbs in Bonggi are divided in terms of whether an event is viewed as a single event or a series of events The -mgroup views the internal structure of an event as a single event whereas the p e ggroup views the internal structure of an event as a series of events Perhaps the easiest wa y to understand this distinction in Bonggi is to compare two prototypical motion verbs from each class The verb apit 'to stop b y belongs to the -mgroup (e g. (123) (125) (127) (129) (133) (134)) This verb refers to an circumstance whereby a person X on a single journey between two points (C and D) stops by to visit someone Y normall y at Y's house after which X continues his journe y On the other hand the verb ahut 'to shuttle' belongs to the peggroup This verb refers to a circumstance whereb y a person X makes multiple trips between two points (C and D) in order to transport goods from point C to point D. In simple nonpast declarative clauses the verb apit occurs as m-apit the verb ahut occurs as ngg-ahu t. In imperative clauses the verb apit occurs as apit the verb ahut occurs as peg-ahut. Verbs in the mgroup take the bare root in imperative clauses whereas those in the peg group take the prefix pegfrom which the class gets its name The peggroup is described in detail in 1 where I also show how -mgroup verbs (e g apit) can be reduplicated (e.g ngg-apit-apit) giving them an iterat i ve meaning. 2.4 Accomplishments Accomplishment verbs express a single change of state which is brought about b y an agent effector (cf. Giv6n 1984:97) The y include prototypical transitive events which involve both a controlling agent and an affected patient (cf. Giv6n 1984:20) From the perspective of transitivity in RRG accomplishments are alwa y s transitive The y have two macroroles actor and undergoer either of which can occur as the syntactic pivot.116 116 Tue motion accomplishment v erbs described in 3 1 are an exception in that the undergoer cannot occur as syntactic pivot.

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122 related to the internal structure of e v ents The two groups of activity verbs in Bonggi are divided in terms of whether an event is viewed as a single event or a series of events The -mgroup views the internal structure of an event as a single event whereas the p e ggroup views the internal structure of an event as a series of events Perhaps the easiest wa y to understand this distinction in Bonggi is to compare two prototypical motion verbs from each class The verb apit 'to stop b y belongs to the -mgroup (e g. (123) (125) (127) (129) (133) (134)) This verb refers to an circumstance whereby a person X on a single journey between two points (C and D) stops by to visit someone Y normall y at Y's house after which X continues his journe y On the other hand the verb ahut 'to shuttle' belongs to the peggroup This verb refers to a circumstance whereb y a person X makes multiple trips between two points (C and D) in order to transport goods from point C to point D. In simple nonpast declarative clauses the verb apit occurs as m-apit the verb ahut occurs as ngg-ahu t. In imperative clauses the verb apit occurs as apit the verb ahut occurs as peg-ahut. Verbs in the mgroup take the bare root in imperative clauses whereas those in the peg group take the prefix pegfrom which the class gets its name The peggroup is described in detail in 1 where I also show how -mgroup verbs (e g apit) can be reduplicated (e.g ngg-apit-apit) giving them an iterat i ve meaning. 2.4 Accomplishments Accomplishment verbs express a single change of state which is brought about b y an agent effector (cf. Giv6n 1984:97) The y include prototypical transitive events which involve both a controlling agent and an affected patient (cf. Giv6n 1984:20) From the perspective of transitivity in RRG accomplishments are alwa y s transitive The y have two macroroles actor and undergoer either of which can occur as the syntactic pivot.116 116 Tue motion accomplishment v erbs described in 3 1 are an exception in that the undergoer cannot occur as syntactic pivot.

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123 The logical structure for accomplishments is 4> CAUSE 'I' where 4> is normally an activity verb and 'I' an achievement verb (FVV 1984:39 ; Van Valin 1990 : 224 ; VV 1993 : 36). The logical operator CAUSE indicates an accomplishment situation and distinguishes accomplishments from states, achievements and activities There is a derivational relationship between states, achievements, and accomplishments Achievements are derived from states ; accomplishments are derived from achievements in combination with an activity (cf. VV 1993:37). .3 described two subclasses of activity verbs whereas .2 described several different achievements depending on the type of stative from which they derived Therefore the question arises as to what types of activities and achievements combine together as 4> and 'I' to form accomplishments. The answer to this question is the basis for the exposition that follows. I begin with accomplishments whose 'I' portion is an achievement with an underlying condition stative (cf. (156b)) This is illustrated in (155) by the actor-pivot accomplishment verb ng-orikng 'APL-dry'. A summary analysis of (155) is provided in (156) (155) Ng-orikng (ng-koring) ou piasu APL-dry lsNOM coconut 'I dry coconut.' (Implied : Dry them by a fire ) 11 7 (156) a LS for accomplishments : b LS when 'I' = achievement derived from condition stative : c Clause-specific LS for (155): d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles: f. Assign syntactic functions: g. Assign case and prepositions : h. Cross-reference verb: 4J CAUSE 'I' [do' (x)] CAUSE (BECOME predicate' (y)] x=effector, y=patient [do' (ou 'I')] CAUSE [BECOME korikng 'dry' (piasu 'coconut')] ou 'I' +effector piasu 'coconut' +patient actor +effector 2 Macroroles undergoer patient pivot +actor-ou 'I' director core argument+undergoer-piasu 'coconut' pivot-ou 'I'+nominative case piasu 'coconut' accusative case (0) korikng 'dry' +ng'APL' 117 One source of income for the Bonggi is coconut meat ( copra) Coconuts are split open and then dried After drying the copra is removed from the shells and placed in gunnysacks which are then transported to the mainland and sold.

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123 The logical structure for accomplishments is 4> CAUSE 'I' where 4> is normally an activity verb and 'I' an achievement verb (FVV 1984:39 ; Van Valin 1990 : 224 ; VV 1993 : 36). The logical operator CAUSE indicates an accomplishment situation and distinguishes accomplishments from states, achievements and activities There is a derivational relationship between states, achievements, and accomplishments Achievements are derived from states ; accomplishments are derived from achievements in combination with an activity (cf. VV 1993:37). .3 described two subclasses of activity verbs whereas .2 described several different achievements depending on the type of stative from which they derived Therefore the question arises as to what types of activities and achievements combine together as 4> and 'I' to form accomplishments. The answer to this question is the basis for the exposition that follows. I begin with accomplishments whose 'I' portion is an achievement with an underlying condition stative (cf. (156b)) This is illustrated in (155) by the actor-pivot accomplishment verb ng-orikng 'APL-dry'. A summary analysis of (155) is provided in (156) (155) Ng-orikng (ng-koring) ou piasu APL-dry lsNOM coconut 'I dry coconut.' (Implied : Dry them by a fire ) 11 7 (156) a LS for accomplishments : b LS when 'I' = achievement derived from condition stative : c Clause-specific LS for (155): d Assign thematic relations : e Assign semantic macroroles: f. Assign syntactic functions: g. Assign case and prepositions : h. Cross-reference verb: 4J CAUSE 'I' [do' (x)] CAUSE (BECOME predicate' (y)] x=effector, y=patient [do' (ou 'I')] CAUSE [BECOME korikng 'dry' (piasu 'coconut')] ou 'I' +effector piasu 'coconut' +patient actor +effector 2 Macroroles undergoer patient pivot +actor-ou 'I' director core argument+undergoer-piasu 'coconut' pivot-ou 'I'+nominative case piasu 'coconut' accusative case (0) korikng 'dry' +ng'APL' 117 One source of income for the Bonggi is coconut meat ( copra) Coconuts are split open and then dried After drying the copra is removed from the shells and placed in gunnysacks which are then transported to the mainland and sold.

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124 The general LS for accomplishments is shown in (156a). The 4> portion of the LS in (156b) is a one-place activ i ty predicate A comparison of the 4> portion of (156b) with the LS in (118a) shows that the two parts of the activity LS in (118a) are conflated in (156b) 118 do' refers to a generalized unspecified activity predicate performed b y the effector (ou 'I') which brings about the resulting change of state (\fl) B y definition the first argument of do' is an effector and the single argument of a one-place stative verb is a patient. Therefore in (156b) 'x' is an effector and y a patient (cf. (156d)) The clause-specific LS for (155) is provided in (156c) Since the effector is an animate human it is construed to be an agent b y pragmatic implicature B y (54a l) there are two macroroles since there are two arguments in the LS (cf. (156e)) According to the Actor Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) agent is the functionall y unmarked choice for actor and patient is the functionally unmarked choice for undergoer. Thus b y (4) the agent-effector is linked to actor and the patient is linked to undergoer (cf. (156e)) (156f) indicates the actor is assigned to pivot. This follows the Pivot Choice Hierarch y in (7) whereb y actor is the functionall y unmarked choice for pivot. As usual the pivot is assigned nominative case and the nonpivot undergoer accusative case (cf. (156g)) Actor-pivot accomplishment verbs are cross-referenced with ng(cf. (156h)) The prefix ng indicates both that verb is an accomplishment and the actor (agent-effector) is pivot. This prefix is realized in different wa y s as seen b y the arrangement of roots in ( 15 7) 119 The majority of condition statives described in 1.3 are derived from adjective roots Since the accomplishments described here contain a condition stative in their LS the y too can be derived from adjective roots. For example in (155) the verb ngorikng 'to dry' is derived from the root ll 8 See footnote 90 119 The relevant phonological processes are : vowel epenthesis vowel harmon y, vowel w eakening, and consonant coalescence The consonant coalescence rule replaces /fJ-/ and root-initial voiceless consonants with a nasal homorganic to the root-initial consonant ; see for example (155) Root initial voiced bilabials also coalesce with /fJ-/ with the e x ception of a few borrowed words

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124 The general LS for accomplishments is shown in (156a). The 4> portion of the LS in (156b) is a one-place activ i ty predicate A comparison of the 4> portion of (156b) with the LS in (118a) shows that the two parts of the activity LS in (118a) are conflated in (156b) 118 do' refers to a generalized unspecified activity predicate performed b y the effector (ou 'I') which brings about the resulting change of state (\fl) B y definition the first argument of do' is an effector and the single argument of a one-place stative verb is a patient. Therefore in (156b) 'x' is an effector and y a patient (cf. (156d)) The clause-specific LS for (155) is provided in (156c) Since the effector is an animate human it is construed to be an agent b y pragmatic implicature B y (54a l) there are two macroroles since there are two arguments in the LS (cf. (156e)) According to the Actor Undergoer Hierarch y in (4) agent is the functionall y unmarked choice for actor and patient is the functionally unmarked choice for undergoer. Thus b y (4) the agent-effector is linked to actor and the patient is linked to undergoer (cf. (156e)) (156f) indicates the actor is assigned to pivot. This follows the Pivot Choice Hierarch y in (7) whereb y actor is the functionall y unmarked choice for pivot. As usual the pivot is assigned nominative case and the nonpivot undergoer accusative case (cf. (156g)) Actor-pivot accomplishment verbs are cross-referenced with ng(cf. (156h)) The prefix ng indicates both that verb is an accomplishment and the actor (agent-effector) is pivot. This prefix is realized in different wa y s as seen b y the arrangement of roots in ( 15 7) 119 The majority of condition statives described in 1.3 are derived from adjective roots Since the accomplishments described here contain a condition stative in their LS the y too can be derived from adjective roots. For example in (155) the verb ngorikng 'to dry' is derived from the root ll 8 See footnote 90 119 The relevant phonological processes are : vowel epenthesis vowel harmon y, vowel w eakening, and consonant coalescence The consonant coalescence rule replaces /fJ-/ and root-initial voiceless consonants with a nasal homorganic to the root-initial consonant ; see for example (155) Root initial voiced bilabials also coalesce with /fJ-/ with the e x ception of a few borrowed words

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125 /coring 'dry' Other accomplishment verbs which are derived from adjective roots are shown (157) (cf. (76))_ 120 (157) R OO T GLOSS ACC O MPLISHMENT GL O SS ng: aal expensive ng-aal make expensive enta' unnpe ng-enta' half cook ingad near ng-ingad make near mg1 crazy ng-mg1 make crazy iskidn poor ng-iskidn make poor odobm black ng-odobm blacken odu' far ng-odu' make far omis sweet ng-omis sweeten udap hungry ng-udap make hungry utakng spoiled ng utakng spoil kapal thick ng-apal thicken kotul hard ng-otul harden mpanas hot m-anas heat panggar stiff m-anggar stiffen pesa' broken m-esa' break puti' white m-uti' whiten basa' wet m-asa' wash bilug round m-ilug make round buha' open m-uha' open something ngVmake blue 121 biru blue ngi-biru bisa strong ngi-bisa make strong dalabm deep nge-dalabm deepen doot bad nge-doot make bad dupakng foolish ngu-dupakng make foolish duruk fast ngu-duruk make fast gangan tired nge-gangan tire out g1a big ngi-gia make big langgu long nge-langgu lengthen lompukng fat nge-lompukng fatten liug tall ngi-liug make tall luag baggy ngu luag make baggy romuk rotten nge-romuk make rotten 120 on1y actor pivot forms are given here. There are corresponding patient-pivot forms. 121 The roots biru 'blue' and bisa 'strong' are borrowed from Malay ngis realized as /JJV/ with these two bilabial-initial roots (cf. footnote 119)

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125 /coring 'dry' Other accomplishment verbs which are derived from adjective roots are shown (157) (cf. (76))_ 120 (157) R OO T GLOSS ACC O MPLISHMENT GL O SS ng: aal expensive ng-aal make expensive enta' unnpe ng-enta' half cook ingad near ng-ingad make near mg1 crazy ng-mg1 make crazy iskidn poor ng-iskidn make poor odobm black ng-odobm blacken odu' far ng-odu' make far omis sweet ng-omis sweeten udap hungry ng-udap make hungry utakng spoiled ng utakng spoil kapal thick ng-apal thicken kotul hard ng-otul harden mpanas hot m-anas heat panggar stiff m-anggar stiffen pesa' broken m-esa' break puti' white m-uti' whiten basa' wet m-asa' wash bilug round m-ilug make round buha' open m-uha' open something ngVmake blue 121 biru blue ngi-biru bisa strong ngi-bisa make strong dalabm deep nge-dalabm deepen doot bad nge-doot make bad dupakng foolish ngu-dupakng make foolish duruk fast ngu-duruk make fast gangan tired nge-gangan tire out g1a big ngi-gia make big langgu long nge-langgu lengthen lompukng fat nge-lompukng fatten liug tall ngi-liug make tall luag baggy ngu luag make baggy romuk rotten nge-romuk make rotten 120 on1y actor pivot forms are given here. There are corresponding patient-pivot forms. 121 The roots biru 'blue' and bisa 'strong' are borrowed from Malay ngis realized as /JJV/ with these two bilabial-initial roots (cf. footnote 119)

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sega' tihukng togi' toyuk red crooked pregnant small 126 nn-ega' n-ihukng n-ogi' n-oyuk redden bend impregnate make small The LS for all the accomplishment verbs in (157) is [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME predicate' (y)]. The last portion of the LS of these accomplishment verbs contains an achievement that is derived from a one-place condition stative i e BECOME predicate' (y). A comparison of (157) with (76) shows that some of the adjective roots which are used to form achievement verbs can also be used to form actor-pivot accomplishment verbs marked by ng-, while others cannot. The connection between achievement verbs and accomplishment verbs is as follows: if an adjective root can be used to form an achievement verb, that same root can also be used to form an accomplishment verb. However, there are two types of accomplishment verbs : regular accomplishment verbs which are marked by ngwhen the actor is pivot ; and causative accomplishment verbs which are marked by the morphological causative prefix p. 122 Thus if an adjective root can be used to form an achievement verb (i e those in (76)), but it cannot be used to form an accomplishment verb marked by ng, then it still can be used to form a causative accomplishment verb marked by p-. 123 On the other hand, adjective roots which cannot be used to form achievement verbs also cannot be used to form accomplishment verbs Any adjective root in (76) which cannot be used to form an accomplishment verb marked by ngcan still be used to form a causative accomplishment verb The adjectives in (76) which cannot be used to derive accomplishment verbs marked by ngare shown in (158) with their causative forms 122 All true morphological causative constructions are accomplishment verbs 123 An epenthetic vowel NI is inserted between the prefix pand consonant-initial roots to avoid imperrnissable syllable structures

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sega' tihukng togi' toyuk red crooked pregnant small 126 nn-ega' n-ihukng n-ogi' n-oyuk redden bend impregnate make small The LS for all the accomplishment verbs in (157) is [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME predicate' (y)]. The last portion of the LS of these accomplishment verbs contains an achievement that is derived from a one-place condition stative i e BECOME predicate' (y). A comparison of (157) with (76) shows that some of the adjective roots which are used to form achievement verbs can also be used to form actor-pivot accomplishment verbs marked by ng-, while others cannot. The connection between achievement verbs and accomplishment verbs is as follows: if an adjective root can be used to form an achievement verb, that same root can also be used to form an accomplishment verb. However, there are two types of accomplishment verbs : regular accomplishment verbs which are marked by ngwhen the actor is pivot ; and causative accomplishment verbs which are marked by the morphological causative prefix p. 122 Thus if an adjective root can be used to form an achievement verb (i e those in (76)), but it cannot be used to form an accomplishment verb marked by ng, then it still can be used to form a causative accomplishment verb marked by p-. 123 On the other hand, adjective roots which cannot be used to form achievement verbs also cannot be used to form accomplishment verbs Any adjective root in (76) which cannot be used to form an accomplishment verb marked by ngcan still be used to form a causative accomplishment verb The adjectives in (76) which cannot be used to derive accomplishment verbs marked by ngare shown in (158) with their causative forms 122 All true morphological causative constructions are accomplishment verbs 123 An epenthetic vowel NI is inserted between the prefix pand consonant-initial roots to avoid imperrnissable syllable structures

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127 (158) ROOT GLOSS CAUSATIVE GLOSS kabul lazy pe-kabul make lazy kaya rich pe-kaya make rich kaya' lazy pe-kaya' make lazy togobm diligent pe-togobm make diligent took npe pe-took npen tua' old (people) pu-tua' make old (people) mula' old (things) pu-mula' make old mulak young pu-mulak make y oung Furthermore, some adjectives can be used to form both regular accomplishment verbs and causative accomplishment verbs. For example, the adjective root koring 'dry' can be used to form a regular accomplishment verb as in (155) and a causative accomplishment verb as in (159) A summary analysis of (159) is provided in (160). (159) Pe-korikng (p-koring) ou piasu. CAU-dry lsNOM coconut 'I dry coconut.' (Implied: Dry them in the sun.) (160) a. LS for accomplishments: b LS when 'V = achievement derived from condition stative : c LS for causative when 'V = achievement derived from condition stative : d. Clause-specific LS for (159) : e Assign thematic relations : f. Assign semantic macroroles : g. Assign syntactic functions: h Assign case and prepositions: h Cross-reference verb: q, CAUSE 'V [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME predicate' (y)] x=effector, y=patient [do' (x)] CAUSE ([do' (y)] CAUSE [BECOME predicate' (z)]] x=ca user-effector y=causee-effector, z=patient [do' (ou 'I')] CAUSE [[do' (0)] CAUSE [BECOME korikng 'dry' (piasu 'coconut')]] ou 'I' +causer-effector piasu 'coconut' +patient actor +causer-effector 2 Macroroles undergoer +patient pivot +actor-ou 'I' director core argument +undergoer-piasu 'coconut' pivot-ou 'I' +nominative case piasu 'coconut' +accusative case (0) korikng 'dry' +p'CAU' The general LS for all accomplishments is shown in (160a). (160b) is the LS for accomplishments whose 'V portion contains a condition stative (160c) is the LS for morphologically derived accomplishments whose 'V portion contains a condition stative Morphologically derived accomplishments have two predicates, the causative predicate and the caused predicate Each of the two predicates in (160c) has an effector, 'x' for the causative and 'y' for the caused. Thus, there are two potential actors, the causer-effector 'x' and the causee-effector

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127 (158) ROOT GLOSS CAUSATIVE GLOSS kabul lazy pe-kabul make lazy kaya rich pe-kaya make rich kaya' lazy pe-kaya' make lazy togobm diligent pe-togobm make diligent took npe pe-took npen tua' old (people) pu-tua' make old (people) mula' old (things) pu-mula' make old mulak young pu-mulak make y oung Furthermore, some adjectives can be used to form both regular accomplishment verbs and causative accomplishment verbs. For example, the adjective root koring 'dry' can be used to form a regular accomplishment verb as in (155) and a causative accomplishment verb as in (159) A summary analysis of (159) is provided in (160). (159) Pe-korikng (p-koring) ou piasu. CAU-dry lsNOM coconut 'I dry coconut.' (Implied: Dry them in the sun.) (160) a. LS for accomplishments: b LS when 'V = achievement derived from condition stative : c LS for causative when 'V = achievement derived from condition stative : d. Clause-specific LS for (159) : e Assign thematic relations : f. Assign semantic macroroles : g. Assign syntactic functions: h Assign case and prepositions: h Cross-reference verb: q, CAUSE 'V [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME predicate' (y)] x=effector, y=patient [do' (x)] CAUSE ([do' (y)] CAUSE [BECOME predicate' (z)]] x=ca user-effector y=causee-effector, z=patient [do' (ou 'I')] CAUSE [[do' (0)] CAUSE [BECOME korikng 'dry' (piasu 'coconut')]] ou 'I' +causer-effector piasu 'coconut' +patient actor +causer-effector 2 Macroroles undergoer +patient pivot +actor-ou 'I' director core argument +undergoer-piasu 'coconut' pivot-ou 'I' +nominative case piasu 'coconut' +accusative case (0) korikng 'dry' +p'CAU' The general LS for all accomplishments is shown in (160a). (160b) is the LS for accomplishments whose 'V portion contains a condition stative (160c) is the LS for morphologically derived accomplishments whose 'V portion contains a condition stative Morphologically derived accomplishments have two predicates, the causative predicate and the caused predicate Each of the two predicates in (160c) has an effector, 'x' for the causative and 'y' for the caused. Thus, there are two potential actors, the causer-effector 'x' and the causee-effector

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128 'y' ; however the actor is always the causer-effector (cf. (160:f)). As stated earlier accomplishment verbs have two macroroles The causee-effector is unspecified in (159) as shown by the clause specific LS in ( 160d) where 'y' is filled by '0' This is in accord with an RRG constraint which requires all of the arguments specified in the LS of a verb to be realized syntactically When arguments are not realized in syntax the argument positions in the LS are filled by '0' i e. unspecified (cf. VV 1993 : 74). Other assignments are the same as in (156) with the exception of verbal cross-referencing Regular accomplishment verbs are prefixed by ngwhen the actor is pivot (e g. (155) (157)) and causative accomplishment verbs are prefixed by pwhen the actor is pivot (e.g. (158) (159)) The semantic difference between (155) and (159) has to do with the degree of control the actor exercises during the drying process Agent-effectors have more direct control over the process than causer-effectors When an agent (actor) makes a fire to dry out coconuts, he has greater control and the verb ngorikng is used, e g (155). However when a causer (actor) lays coconuts out to dry in the sun, he has less control since the sun is actually doing the drying ; thus the verb pekorikng is used e.g (159). This difference in degree of control is captured by the LSs in (156b) and (160c) In (160c) the causer-effector 'x' belongs to the superordinate CAUSE and is separated from the resultant state by an intermediate predicate and CAUSE. In (156b), the agent-effector immediately dominates the resultant state. Another example can be seen with took 'ripe' in (158). A person cannot directly control ripeness thus the absence of ngwith the adjective root took 'ripe' However a person can do something to an entity so that it becomes ripe thus the presence of pwith took 'ripe' in ( 158) A similar explanation can be given for the distinction between the other forms in (157) and (158). Thus far the accomplishment verbs which have been described are derived from adjective roots which are also used to form achievement verbs (cf. 2) Since the logical structure of accomplishment verbs normally includes an achievement verb we need to examine other achievement verbs to determine their relationship to accomplishment verbs Some achievement

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128 'y' ; however the actor is always the causer-effector (cf. (160:f)). As stated earlier accomplishment verbs have two macroroles The causee-effector is unspecified in (159) as shown by the clause specific LS in ( 160d) where 'y' is filled by '0' This is in accord with an RRG constraint which requires all of the arguments specified in the LS of a verb to be realized syntactically When arguments are not realized in syntax the argument positions in the LS are filled by '0' i e. unspecified (cf. VV 1993 : 74). Other assignments are the same as in (156) with the exception of verbal cross-referencing Regular accomplishment verbs are prefixed by ngwhen the actor is pivot (e g. (155) (157)) and causative accomplishment verbs are prefixed by pwhen the actor is pivot (e.g. (158) (159)) The semantic difference between (155) and (159) has to do with the degree of control the actor exercises during the drying process Agent-effectors have more direct control over the process than causer-effectors When an agent (actor) makes a fire to dry out coconuts, he has greater control and the verb ngorikng is used, e g (155). However when a causer (actor) lays coconuts out to dry in the sun, he has less control since the sun is actually doing the drying ; thus the verb pekorikng is used e.g (159). This difference in degree of control is captured by the LSs in (156b) and (160c) In (160c) the causer-effector 'x' belongs to the superordinate CAUSE and is separated from the resultant state by an intermediate predicate and CAUSE. In (156b), the agent-effector immediately dominates the resultant state. Another example can be seen with took 'ripe' in (158). A person cannot directly control ripeness thus the absence of ngwith the adjective root took 'ripe' However a person can do something to an entity so that it becomes ripe thus the presence of pwith took 'ripe' in ( 158) A similar explanation can be given for the distinction between the other forms in (157) and (158). Thus far the accomplishment verbs which have been described are derived from adjective roots which are also used to form achievement verbs (cf. 2) Since the logical structure of accomplishment verbs normally includes an achievement verb we need to examine other achievement verbs to determine their relationship to accomplishment verbs Some achievement

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129 verbs are derived from noun roots e.g (108). All of the noun roots in (108) can be used to form either regular accomplishment verbs, e g. (161) or causative accomplishment verbs, e g (162). (161) Sia ng-uluak (ng-kuluak) kiou na 3sNOM APL-bark wood DEF 'HE removes the bark from the wood (162) Sia pe-togor (p-togor) badi' ku. 3sNOM CAU-rust machete 3sGEN 'HE makes my machete rusty The LSs for (161) and (162) are shown in (163). A person can directly affect the bark on wood, but a person cannot directly make an object rusty Thus the regular accomplishment ngin (161) but the absence of ngin (162) However, a person can do something to an object so that it will eventually become rusty ; thus the causative accomplishment pin ( 162) (163) a. LS for (161) : [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [BECOME NOT be-at' (kiou na 'the wood' kuluak 'bark')] d. LS for (162) : [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [[do' (0)) CAUSE [BECOME togor 'rust' (badi' 'machete')]] The LS in (163a) contains an an abstract locative predicate, be-at' (x,y). .2 showed how the logical operators BECOME and BECOME NOT interact with be-at' (x,y) resulting in achievements with locative-goal and locative-source arguments (e g. (94) (98)). It was then shown in 3.1 that these achievements serve as the 'V portion of motion accomplishments verbs (e.g. (126), (135)). Recall that the LS for accomplishments is cl> CAUSE 'V where cl> is normally an activity verb and 'Van achievement verb Motion accomplishments are a subtype of accomplishment which contain the abstract locative predicate be-at' (x,y) in the 'V portion of their LS (e g. (126c), (128c), (135c) (138d)) However, just because an accomplishment verb contains a locative predicate in its LS does not mean it is a motion accomplishment verb In fact there are regular accomplishment verbs (e g (161) (165)) and causative accomplishment verbs (e g (166)) which contain a locative predicate in their LS The distinction between motion accomplishments regular accomplishments, and causative accomplishments is nicely illustrated by the verb root uhad 'to leave' (100) repeated here as

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129 verbs are derived from noun roots e.g (108). All of the noun roots in (108) can be used to form either regular accomplishment verbs, e g. (161) or causative accomplishment verbs, e g (162). (161) Sia ng-uluak (ng-kuluak) kiou na 3sNOM APL-bark wood DEF 'HE removes the bark from the wood (162) Sia pe-togor (p-togor) badi' ku. 3sNOM CAU-rust machete 3sGEN 'HE makes my machete rusty The LSs for (161) and (162) are shown in (163). A person can directly affect the bark on wood, but a person cannot directly make an object rusty Thus the regular accomplishment ngin (161) but the absence of ngin (162) However, a person can do something to an object so that it will eventually become rusty ; thus the causative accomplishment pin ( 162) (163) a. LS for (161) : [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [BECOME NOT be-at' (kiou na 'the wood' kuluak 'bark')] d. LS for (162) : [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [[do' (0)) CAUSE [BECOME togor 'rust' (badi' 'machete')]] The LS in (163a) contains an an abstract locative predicate, be-at' (x,y). .2 showed how the logical operators BECOME and BECOME NOT interact with be-at' (x,y) resulting in achievements with locative-goal and locative-source arguments (e g. (94) (98)). It was then shown in 3.1 that these achievements serve as the 'V portion of motion accomplishments verbs (e.g. (126), (135)). Recall that the LS for accomplishments is cl> CAUSE 'V where cl> is normally an activity verb and 'Van achievement verb Motion accomplishments are a subtype of accomplishment which contain the abstract locative predicate be-at' (x,y) in the 'V portion of their LS (e g. (126c), (128c), (135c) (138d)) However, just because an accomplishment verb contains a locative predicate in its LS does not mean it is a motion accomplishment verb In fact there are regular accomplishment verbs (e g (161) (165)) and causative accomplishment verbs (e g (166)) which contain a locative predicate in their LS The distinction between motion accomplishments regular accomplishments, and causative accomplishments is nicely illustrated by the verb root uhad 'to leave' (100) repeated here as

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130 (164) illustrates a motion accomplishment verb (165) a regular accomplishment verb and (166) a causative accomplishment verb (164) Sia m-uhad (-m-uhad) ti-dii bali nya 3sNOM ACY-leave from-at house 3sGEN 'SHE leaves from her house (165) Sia ng-uhad (ng-uhad) dahi sindoidn nya 3sNOM APL-leave dirt fingernail 3sGEN 'SHE removes the dirt from underneath her fingernails (166) Sia p-uhad (p-uhad) 3sNOM CAU-leave 'SHE casts out the demon kuakng na demon DEF The differences between motion, regular and causative accomplishment verbs can be seen by contrasting the LSs in (167) 124 All three LSs contain a locative predicate in the achievement portion of their LS In motion accomplishments (167b) 'x' is both the effector and the theme ; whereas in regular accomplishments (167c) these two thematic roles are split between two arguments 'x' and 'z' Causative accomplishments (167d) result in an additional argument the causer and a superordinate CA U S E (cf. VV 1993 : 85) (167) a. LS for accomplishments : b. LS for motion accomplishments : c LS for regular accomplishments : d LS for causative accomplishments : q> CAUS E 'V [do'( x )] CA U S E [B E COME NO T be-at' (y ,x )] x=e ffector-theme y= locative-source [do'(x)] CA U S E [B E CO ME NO T be-at' (y, z)] x=effector y= locative-source z=theme [do'(w)] CAUS E [[do'(x)] CA U S E [B E COME NOT be-at' (y z)]] w=causer-effector x=causee-effector y= locative-source z=theme In each of the three examples above i e (164) (165) and (166) the pivot is the actor. The actor is an effector-theme with motion accomplishments an effector with regular accomplishments 124 The LSs in {167) are source-oriented because uhad 'leave' is source-oriented (cf. discussion in 2)

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130 (164) illustrates a motion accomplishment verb (165) a regular accomplishment verb and (166) a causative accomplishment verb (164) Sia m-uhad (-m-uhad) ti-dii bali nya 3sNOM ACY-leave from-at house 3sGEN 'SHE leaves from her house (165) Sia ng-uhad (ng-uhad) dahi sindoidn nya 3sNOM APL-leave dirt fingernail 3sGEN 'SHE removes the dirt from underneath her fingernails (166) Sia p-uhad (p-uhad) 3sNOM CAU-leave 'SHE casts out the demon kuakng na demon DEF The differences between motion, regular and causative accomplishment verbs can be seen by contrasting the LSs in (167) 124 All three LSs contain a locative predicate in the achievement portion of their LS In motion accomplishments (167b) 'x' is both the effector and the theme ; whereas in regular accomplishments (167c) these two thematic roles are split between two arguments 'x' and 'z' Causative accomplishments (167d) result in an additional argument the causer and a superordinate CA U S E (cf. VV 1993 : 85) (167) a. LS for accomplishments : b. LS for motion accomplishments : c LS for regular accomplishments : d LS for causative accomplishments : q> CAUS E 'V [do'( x )] CA U S E [B E COME NO T be-at' (y ,x )] x=e ffector-theme y= locative-source [do'(x)] CA U S E [B E CO ME NO T be-at' (y, z)] x=effector y= locative-source z=theme [do'(w)] CAUS E [[do'(x)] CA U S E [B E COME NOT be-at' (y z)]] w=causer-effector x=causee-effector y= locative-source z=theme In each of the three examples above i e (164) (165) and (166) the pivot is the actor. The actor is an effector-theme with motion accomplishments an effector with regular accomplishments 124 The LSs in {167) are source-oriented because uhad 'leave' is source-oriented (cf. discussion in 2)

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131 and a causer-effector with causative accomplishments Verbal cross-referencing encodes voice distinctions (situation type) and either the macrorole or the thematic role of the pivot. 125 All three types of accomplishment verb are morphologically derived ; -mfor motion accomplishments ngfor regular accomplishments and pfor causative accomplishments. Differences in morphology and corresponding accomplishment type have to do with the degree of control which the actor exercises. When the effector has direct control over the entity being moved, ngis used indicating a regular accomplishment as in (165) When the causer has indirect control over the entity being moved pis used indicating a causative accomplishment as in (166) When the effector and the entity b e ing moved ar e coreferential -mis used indicating a motion accomplishment as in (164) Briefl y, agent-effectors have more direct control than causer effectors The notion of control also explains wh y some of the verb roots listed in (142) cannot be used to form regular ngaccomplishment verbs For example the root longi 'swim' cannot be used to form a regular ngaccomplishment verb since the effector does not control another entity while swimming However a causative accomplishment verb can be derived from the root longi 'swim' since a causer can make someone else swim although he cannot directl y control their swimming e.g (168) (168) Sia pe-longi (p-longi) anak nya 3sNOM CAU-swim child 3sGEN 'SHE makes her child swim .' At the end of 3 2 a distinction was made between two groups of activity verbs the -mgroup which was described in 3 and the peggroup which is described in 1. 3 2 showed how some activity verbs in the -mgroup are derived from noun roots (e g (143) (144) (150)) Likewise there are activity verbs in the peggroup which are derived from noun roots. If a verb or noun root can be used to form an activity verb in either group it can also be used to form either a 125 A summary anal y sis of (100) / (164) was provided in (135) Summary anal y ses for (165) and ( 166) are not given since the differences are contrasted here

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131 and a causer-effector with causative accomplishments Verbal cross-referencing encodes voice distinctions (situation type) and either the macrorole or the thematic role of the pivot. 125 All three types of accomplishment verb are morphologically derived ; -mfor motion accomplishments ngfor regular accomplishments and pfor causative accomplishments. Differences in morphology and corresponding accomplishment type have to do with the degree of control which the actor exercises. When the effector has direct control over the entity being moved, ngis used indicating a regular accomplishment as in (165) When the causer has indirect control over the entity being moved pis used indicating a causative accomplishment as in (166) When the effector and the entity b e ing moved ar e coreferential -mis used indicating a motion accomplishment as in (164) Briefl y, agent-effectors have more direct control than causer effectors The notion of control also explains wh y some of the verb roots listed in (142) cannot be used to form regular ngaccomplishment verbs For example the root longi 'swim' cannot be used to form a regular ngaccomplishment verb since the effector does not control another entity while swimming However a causative accomplishment verb can be derived from the root longi 'swim' since a causer can make someone else swim although he cannot directl y control their swimming e.g (168) (168) Sia pe-longi (p-longi) anak nya 3sNOM CAU-swim child 3sGEN 'SHE makes her child swim .' At the end of 3 2 a distinction was made between two groups of activity verbs the -mgroup which was described in 3 and the peggroup which is described in 1. 3 2 showed how some activity verbs in the -mgroup are derived from noun roots (e g (143) (144) (150)) Likewise there are activity verbs in the peggroup which are derived from noun roots. If a verb or noun root can be used to form an activity verb in either group it can also be used to form either a 125 A summary anal y sis of (100) / (164) was provided in (135) Summary anal y ses for (165) and ( 166) are not given since the differences are contrasted here

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132 regular ngaccomplishment verb a causative accomplishment verb or both 126 (169) illustrates a causative accomplishment that is derived from the noun root dudu' 'breast' from which activity verbs in the -mgroup can be formed (e.g. Dei dudu' dii indu' nu 'Don't nurse from your mother!' ; cf. (143) (150)). (170) illustrates a causative accomplishment verb that is derived from the noun root baju' 'shirt' from which activity verbs in the peggroup can be formed ( e.g Dei peg-baju '! 'Don't put on a shirt!'). (171) illustrates a regular ngaccomplishment verb that is derived from the noun root tondukng 'head covering' from which activity verbs in the peggroup can be formed (e g Dei peg-tondukng! 'Don't cover your head!') (169) Sia pu-du' (p-dudu') anak nya_l27 3sNOM CAU-breast child 3sGEN 'SHE makes her child nurse (170) Sia pe-baju' (p-baju') anak nya 3sNOM CAU-shirt child 3sGEN 'SHE puts a shirt on her child.' ( 171) Sia n-ondukng (ng-tondukng) 3sNOM APL-head covering 'SHE covers her child's head anak nya. child 3sGEN As seen above activities in the peggroup can be derived from the two nouns baju' 'shirt' and tondukng 'head covering' The most common item used by the Bonggi as a tondukng 'head covering' is a piece of cloth. Why should two nouns that belong to the same semantic domain and function identically in terms of activity verb formation act differentl y with respect to accomplishment verb formation? Once again the explanation is semantic In the causative situation in ( 170) the child is the participant in contact with the shirt once it is on so the child has a measure of control as to whether or not the shirt stays on or not. Furthermore the child had to move in order to have on the shirt In the noncausative situation in ( 171 ) the child ma y not be in contact at all with the covering, it is the mother who has control over whether or not the covering 126 Causative accomplishment verbs are more likely to occur than regular ngaccomplishment verbs

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132 regular ngaccomplishment verb a causative accomplishment verb or both 126 (169) illustrates a causative accomplishment that is derived from the noun root dudu' 'breast' from which activity verbs in the -mgroup can be formed (e.g. Dei dudu' dii indu' nu 'Don't nurse from your mother!' ; cf. (143) (150)). (170) illustrates a causative accomplishment verb that is derived from the noun root baju' 'shirt' from which activity verbs in the peggroup can be formed ( e.g Dei peg-baju '! 'Don't put on a shirt!'). (171) illustrates a regular ngaccomplishment verb that is derived from the noun root tondukng 'head covering' from which activity verbs in the peggroup can be formed (e g Dei peg-tondukng! 'Don't cover your head!') (169) Sia pu-du' (p-dudu') anak nya_l27 3sNOM CAU-breast child 3sGEN 'SHE makes her child nurse (170) Sia pe-baju' (p-baju') anak nya 3sNOM CAU-shirt child 3sGEN 'SHE puts a shirt on her child.' ( 171) Sia n-ondukng (ng-tondukng) 3sNOM APL-head covering 'SHE covers her child's head anak nya. child 3sGEN As seen above activities in the peggroup can be derived from the two nouns baju' 'shirt' and tondukng 'head covering' The most common item used by the Bonggi as a tondukng 'head covering' is a piece of cloth. Why should two nouns that belong to the same semantic domain and function identically in terms of activity verb formation act differentl y with respect to accomplishment verb formation? Once again the explanation is semantic In the causative situation in ( 170) the child is the participant in contact with the shirt once it is on so the child has a measure of control as to whether or not the shirt stays on or not. Furthermore the child had to move in order to have on the shirt In the noncausative situation in ( 171 ) the child ma y not be in contact at all with the covering, it is the mother who has control over whether or not the covering 126 Causative accomplishment verbs are more likely to occur than regular ngaccomplishment verbs

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133 stays on This is because she is hold the covering over the child's head. The picture here is comparable to two people walking together under an umbrella. Certainly the one holding the umbrella has greater control over who gets wet. In fact it is common to see Bonggi parents carrying small children and covering their head (nondukng) using an umbrella or banana leaf instead of a piece of cloth The accomplishment verbs which have been described thus far in this section are derived from adjective roots (e g (155), (157) (158), (159)) noun roots (e.g. (161) (162) (169), (170) (171)), and motion activity verb roots (e.g (165), (166) (168)) There are also ACCOMPLISHMENT verb roots which can only be used to form accomplishment verbs as in (172) and (173) The LSs for (172) and (173) are provided in (174). (172) Sia ng-ipa' (ng-ipa') badi' nya dii tana' 3sNOM APL-cut.weeds machete 3sGEN on ground 'HE puts his machete on the ground.' (173) Sia nge-loos (ng-loos) bali nya 3sNOM APL-cut.weeds house 3sGEN 'SHE cuts the weeds around her house.' (174) a LS for (172) : [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (tana' ground', badi' 'machete')] b LS for (173): [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [BECOME NOT be-at' (bali nya 'his house', weeds)] Other accomplishment verbs which are derived from accomplishment verb roots are shown in (175).128 (175) =RO=-O=-T=---------=--=A=C=CO=MP=L=I=SHM==EN:...:..T=------G=L=O==S=S ___ tibas n-ibas strike with machete timbak n-imbak shoot tobokng n-obokng cut down trees 12 7 Toe stempudu' 'cause to breast feed' has undergone haplology. 128 Once again only actor-pivot forms are given here, but there are corresponding undergoer-pivot forms

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133 stays on This is because she is hold the covering over the child's head. The picture here is comparable to two people walking together under an umbrella. Certainly the one holding the umbrella has greater control over who gets wet. In fact it is common to see Bonggi parents carrying small children and covering their head (nondukng) using an umbrella or banana leaf instead of a piece of cloth The accomplishment verbs which have been described thus far in this section are derived from adjective roots (e g (155), (157) (158), (159)) noun roots (e.g. (161) (162) (169), (170) (171)), and motion activity verb roots (e.g (165), (166) (168)) There are also ACCOMPLISHMENT verb roots which can only be used to form accomplishment verbs as in (172) and (173) The LSs for (172) and (173) are provided in (174). (172) Sia ng-ipa' (ng-ipa') badi' nya dii tana' 3sNOM APL-cut.weeds machete 3sGEN on ground 'HE puts his machete on the ground.' (173) Sia nge-loos (ng-loos) bali nya 3sNOM APL-cut.weeds house 3sGEN 'SHE cuts the weeds around her house.' (174) a LS for (172) : [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (tana' ground', badi' 'machete')] b LS for (173): [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [BECOME NOT be-at' (bali nya 'his house', weeds)] Other accomplishment verbs which are derived from accomplishment verb roots are shown in (175).128 (175) =RO=-O=-T=---------=--=A=C=CO=MP=L=I=SHM==EN:...:..T=------G=L=O==S=S ___ tibas n-ibas strike with machete timbak n-imbak shoot tobokng n-obokng cut down trees 12 7 Toe stempudu' 'cause to breast feed' has undergone haplology. 128 Once again only actor-pivot forms are given here, but there are corresponding undergoer-pivot forms

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134 Note that these roots are accomplishment verb ROOTS and there are no adjectives achievement verbs or activity verbs that can be related to the verb roots of (175) b y any surface derivational process Accomplishment verbs can occur in clauses with zero one two or three core syntactic arguments In (176b) the verb (nobokng 'cut down trees ) is derived from an accomplishment verb root tobong (cf. (175)) (176b) has no core syntactic argument but the verb is marked with ng indicating that the syntactic pivot is an actor. In (177) the verb ngidindikng to make a wall' is derived from the noun root dinding 'wall' ( 177) has one core syntactic argument and the verb is marked with ngindicating that the pivot (ou 'I') is an actor. (178) is the same as (177) except for the addition of a second argument. ( 179) has three core syntactic arguments and again the verb is marked with ngindicating that the pivot (Tagi) is an actor. (176) a Nggien i Mual? where NPIV Mual Where is Mual ?' (177) Ngi-dindikng (ng-dinding) APL-wall 'I put up walls .' 129 (178) Ngi-d i ndikng (ng-dind i ng) APLw all I put up walls on his house OU lsNOM b N-obokng (ng-tobong) na APL-cut.down trees now 'HE is cutting down trees.' ou bali nya lsNOM house 3sGEN (179) Si Tagi m-ori (ng-bori) n Tereib siidn PIV Tagi APL-give NPIV Tereib money 'TAGI gives Tereib mone y .' Although clauses ( 176b ) ( 177) ( 178) and ( 179) each have a different number of core syntactic arguments the y are all accomplishment clauses with accomplishment verbs In 1 2 I pointed out how Dowty ( 1979) and Cooper ( 1985) claim that it is sentences as a w hole which belong to the various situation classes and the classes are not detennined simpl y by the verb that the sentences contain The claim that situation type is not detennined b y the verb holds for English 129 A literal English translation of (177) is 'I wall' English does not verbalize 'wall as it verbalizes 'brush' (cf. (182))

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134 Note that these roots are accomplishment verb ROOTS and there are no adjectives achievement verbs or activity verbs that can be related to the verb roots of (175) b y any surface derivational process Accomplishment verbs can occur in clauses with zero one two or three core syntactic arguments In (176b) the verb (nobokng 'cut down trees ) is derived from an accomplishment verb root tobong (cf. (175)) (176b) has no core syntactic argument but the verb is marked with ng indicating that the syntactic pivot is an actor. In (177) the verb ngidindikng to make a wall' is derived from the noun root dinding 'wall' ( 177) has one core syntactic argument and the verb is marked with ngindicating that the pivot (ou 'I') is an actor. (178) is the same as (177) except for the addition of a second argument. ( 179) has three core syntactic arguments and again the verb is marked with ngindicating that the pivot (Tagi) is an actor. (176) a Nggien i Mual? where NPIV Mual Where is Mual ?' (177) Ngi-dindikng (ng-dinding) APL-wall 'I put up walls .' 129 (178) Ngi-d i ndikng (ng-dind i ng) APLw all I put up walls on his house OU lsNOM b N-obokng (ng-tobong) na APL-cut.down trees now 'HE is cutting down trees.' ou bali nya lsNOM house 3sGEN (179) Si Tagi m-ori (ng-bori) n Tereib siidn PIV Tagi APL-give NPIV Tereib money 'TAGI gives Tereib mone y .' Although clauses ( 176b ) ( 177) ( 178) and ( 179) each have a different number of core syntactic arguments the y are all accomplishment clauses with accomplishment verbs In 1 2 I pointed out how Dowty ( 1979) and Cooper ( 1985) claim that it is sentences as a w hole which belong to the various situation classes and the classes are not detennined simpl y by the verb that the sentences contain The claim that situation type is not detennined b y the verb holds for English 129 A literal English translation of (177) is 'I wall' English does not verbalize 'wall as it verbalizes 'brush' (cf. (182))

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135 (cf. .2, examples (11) and (12)). This claim also holds to a certain extent for Bonggi motion activity verbs. As shown in 3.1 given a motion activity verb such as m-apit 'ACY-stop by' it can occur in either a motion activity clause (e g (123)) or a motion accomplishment clause (e g (125)) Since the difference between these two types of motion clauses depends on the presence or absence of a locative argument one could argue that it is the clause as a whole which determines the situation class Like the English examples in (11) and (12) of .2 the verb morphology of m-apit 'ACY-stop.by' does not change whether m-apit occurs in a motion activity or a motion accomplishment situation. However the argument that verb morphology does not change only holds when distinguishing motion activities from motion accomplishments It does not hold in the general case, where activities are distinguished from accomplishments by their verbal affixation. For example the verb root dabu' 'fall' occurs as d-em-abu' in an activity situation (e g (122)) and as nge-dabu' in an accomplishment situation It is the verb specifically the verb morphology, which determines the situation type ; the determining factor is not the number of arguments present in the clause Compare again (176b) (177) (178) and (179) ; they each have a different number of arguments in the clause, but they are all accomplishments In summary in simple declarative verbs when the pivot is the actor activity verbs take -m(cf. 3) and accomplishment verbs take ng(cf. .4) 130 In this analysis, m-apit 'to stop by' is an activity regardless of the presence or absence of a locative argument. This analysis is supported by the fact that m-apit 'to stop by' and other motion activity verbs never have an undergoer (cf. 3.1) Verb morphology not only distinguishes activities from accomplishments but it also distinguishes other situation types. Thus far I have described three types of accomplishments which have a locative predicate (i e. be-at' (x,y)) in their LS: motion accomplishments (e.g (164)) regular accomplishments (e g. (165)) and causative accomplishments (e g (166)) Accomplishments with a locative predicate 130 1bis excludes the peggroup of verbs which are discussed in .1. However they too are uniquely marked In simple declarative clauses they take ngg, e g. ngg-ahut 'to shuttle'

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135 (cf. .2, examples (11) and (12)). This claim also holds to a certain extent for Bonggi motion activity verbs. As shown in 3.1 given a motion activity verb such as m-apit 'ACY-stop by' it can occur in either a motion activity clause (e g (123)) or a motion accomplishment clause (e g (125)) Since the difference between these two types of motion clauses depends on the presence or absence of a locative argument one could argue that it is the clause as a whole which determines the situation class Like the English examples in (11) and (12) of .2 the verb morphology of m-apit 'ACY-stop.by' does not change whether m-apit occurs in a motion activity or a motion accomplishment situation. However the argument that verb morphology does not change only holds when distinguishing motion activities from motion accomplishments It does not hold in the general case, where activities are distinguished from accomplishments by their verbal affixation. For example the verb root dabu' 'fall' occurs as d-em-abu' in an activity situation (e g (122)) and as nge-dabu' in an accomplishment situation It is the verb specifically the verb morphology, which determines the situation type ; the determining factor is not the number of arguments present in the clause Compare again (176b) (177) (178) and (179) ; they each have a different number of arguments in the clause, but they are all accomplishments In summary in simple declarative verbs when the pivot is the actor activity verbs take -m(cf. 3) and accomplishment verbs take ng(cf. .4) 130 In this analysis, m-apit 'to stop by' is an activity regardless of the presence or absence of a locative argument. This analysis is supported by the fact that m-apit 'to stop by' and other motion activity verbs never have an undergoer (cf. 3.1) Verb morphology not only distinguishes activities from accomplishments but it also distinguishes other situation types. Thus far I have described three types of accomplishments which have a locative predicate (i e. be-at' (x,y)) in their LS: motion accomplishments (e.g (164)) regular accomplishments (e g. (165)) and causative accomplishments (e g (166)) Accomplishments with a locative predicate 130 1bis excludes the peggroup of verbs which are discussed in .1. However they too are uniquely marked In simple declarative clauses they take ngg, e g. ngg-ahut 'to shuttle'

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136 can also have arguments which have traditionally been called "instruments" as in (180). The general and clause-specific LSs for (180) are seen in (181) (180) Sia nge-labad diaadn ma' kiou 3sNOM APL-hit 3sACC with wood 'HE hits me with a stick.' ( 181) a LS for accomplishments with an "instrument" : b LS for (180) : [[do' (x)] CAUS E [do' ( y )]] C AUS E [B E COME be-at' (z y )] x=effector y=effector-theme z=locative-goal [[do' (sia 'he')] CAUS E [do' (kiou 'wood')]] CAUS E [BECOME be-at' (diaadn 'me' kiou w ood')] By definition the first argument of do' is an effector the first argument of be-at' is a locative and the second argument of be-at' is a theme In ( 18 la) y is both an effector and a theme This effector-theme is equi v alent to what is traditionall y called "instrument" ( cf. (Joll y 1993 : 308)) 131 Like the causative accomplishments described earlier (e g (160)) accomplishment clauses with an "instrument" argument have two predicates Each of the two predicates in (181a) has an effector so there are two potential actors. However the actor is alwa y s the first effector 'x' In ( 181 b) the effector 'x' is construed as an agent b y pragmatic implicature Animate agents have control over inanimate instruments and have higher actor potential (cf. the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4)) Since agents are leftmost on the dine in (4) they are linked to actor. This leaves the effector theme y and the locative-goal 'z' to contend for undergoerhood The locative-goal 'z' is the undergoer b y either (4) or (5) ; b y (4) locative is undergoer because it is to the right of effector on the dine ; 132 b y (5) 'z' is the undergoer because it is the second argument of predicate' ( y, z) which is to the right of the first argument on the cline 131 Here effector-theme is equivalent to "instrument." In 3.1 I used effector-theme to describe the single argument of a motion activity verb since the participant brings about the event and changes location. This points out a problem with using these labels as opposed to argument positions in LSs The LS of the "effector-theme" relation described in 3 l is not the same as that described here for instruments 132 Toe mnemonic labels for coreferential arguments e g y=effector-theme are constructed in the order in which the y occur in the LS That is y=effector occurs in the LS before y=theme As coreferential arguments they are combined and labelled effector-theme The first portion of the label (e.g effector) is alwa y s used for determining the position on the thematic relation dine in (4)

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136 can also have arguments which have traditionally been called "instruments" as in (180). The general and clause-specific LSs for (180) are seen in (181) (180) Sia nge-labad diaadn ma' kiou 3sNOM APL-hit 3sACC with wood 'HE hits me with a stick.' ( 181) a LS for accomplishments with an "instrument" : b LS for (180) : [[do' (x)] CAUS E [do' ( y )]] C AUS E [B E COME be-at' (z y )] x=effector y=effector-theme z=locative-goal [[do' (sia 'he')] CAUS E [do' (kiou 'wood')]] CAUS E [BECOME be-at' (diaadn 'me' kiou w ood')] By definition the first argument of do' is an effector the first argument of be-at' is a locative and the second argument of be-at' is a theme In ( 18 la) y is both an effector and a theme This effector-theme is equi v alent to what is traditionall y called "instrument" ( cf. (Joll y 1993 : 308)) 131 Like the causative accomplishments described earlier (e g (160)) accomplishment clauses with an "instrument" argument have two predicates Each of the two predicates in (181a) has an effector so there are two potential actors. However the actor is alwa y s the first effector 'x' In ( 181 b) the effector 'x' is construed as an agent b y pragmatic implicature Animate agents have control over inanimate instruments and have higher actor potential (cf. the Actor-Undergoer Hierarch y in (4)) Since agents are leftmost on the dine in (4) they are linked to actor. This leaves the effector theme y and the locative-goal 'z' to contend for undergoerhood The locative-goal 'z' is the undergoer b y either (4) or (5) ; b y (4) locative is undergoer because it is to the right of effector on the dine ; 132 b y (5) 'z' is the undergoer because it is the second argument of predicate' ( y, z) which is to the right of the first argument on the cline 131 Here effector-theme is equivalent to "instrument." In 3.1 I used effector-theme to describe the single argument of a motion activity verb since the participant brings about the event and changes location. This points out a problem with using these labels as opposed to argument positions in LSs The LS of the "effector-theme" relation described in 3 l is not the same as that described here for instruments 132 Toe mnemonic labels for coreferential arguments e g y=effector-theme are constructed in the order in which the y occur in the LS That is y=effector occurs in the LS before y=theme As coreferential arguments they are combined and labelled effector-theme The first portion of the label (e.g effector) is alwa y s used for determining the position on the thematic relation dine in (4)

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137 In .3 1 I showed how the abstract locative predicate be-at' ( x.,y ) combines with the logical operators BECOME and BECOME NOT to account for the locative prepositions dii 'to' and tidii 'from' Thus, to= BECOME be-at' (x y) andfrom = BECOME NOT be-at' (x ,y ) where to marks locative-goal arguments of stative predicates embedded under BECOME in LS and from marks locative-source arguments of statives embedded under BECOME NOT (Jolly 1993:277) In RRG LSs account for both verbal structures and prepositional functions which makes preposition assignment nonarbitrary (cf. Jolly 1993). LSs not only account for the locative prepositions discussed in .3 1 but other prepositions such as the one used to indicate "instrument" arguments In Bonggi ma' 'with' marks effector-themes under the following circumstances : (i) the effector and theme are coreferential ; (ii) the effector is not an actor ; and (iii) the theme is not an undergoer. For example kiou 'wood' is marked by ma' 'with' in (180) because as seen in (181b) : (i) kiou 'wood' is both effector and theme ; (ii) kiou 'wood' is not an actor by (4) or (5) ; and (iii) kiou 'wood' is not a undergoer by (4) or (5) There are a number of noun roots from which we can derive accomplishment verbs describing an accomplishment that uses the noun as an instrument e.g. (182). The general and clause-specific LSs for (182) are seen in (183) (182) M-urus (ng-burus) APL-brush ou kuhut /cu. lsNOM teeth lsGEN 'I brush my teeth (183) a LS for accomplishments with an "instrument" : b LS for (182) : [[do' {x)] CAUSE [do' {y)]] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (z, y)] x=effector, y=effector-theme z=locative-goal [[do' (ou 'I')] CAUSE [do' (burus 'brush')]] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (k:uhut k:u 'my teeth' burus 'brush')] The general LS in (183a) is identical to the general LS in (181a) The difference between ( 182) and ( 180) is that the effector-theme in the LS of ( 183a) is realized as a verb in ( 182) but as a noun in (180) Other instrument noun roots which are used to form accomplishment verbs are shown in (184)

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137 In .3 1 I showed how the abstract locative predicate be-at' ( x.,y ) combines with the logical operators BECOME and BECOME NOT to account for the locative prepositions dii 'to' and tidii 'from' Thus, to= BECOME be-at' (x y) andfrom = BECOME NOT be-at' (x ,y ) where to marks locative-goal arguments of stative predicates embedded under BECOME in LS and from marks locative-source arguments of statives embedded under BECOME NOT (Jolly 1993:277) In RRG LSs account for both verbal structures and prepositional functions which makes preposition assignment nonarbitrary (cf. Jolly 1993). LSs not only account for the locative prepositions discussed in .3 1 but other prepositions such as the one used to indicate "instrument" arguments In Bonggi ma' 'with' marks effector-themes under the following circumstances : (i) the effector and theme are coreferential ; (ii) the effector is not an actor ; and (iii) the theme is not an undergoer. For example kiou 'wood' is marked by ma' 'with' in (180) because as seen in (181b) : (i) kiou 'wood' is both effector and theme ; (ii) kiou 'wood' is not an actor by (4) or (5) ; and (iii) kiou 'wood' is not a undergoer by (4) or (5) There are a number of noun roots from which we can derive accomplishment verbs describing an accomplishment that uses the noun as an instrument e.g. (182). The general and clause-specific LSs for (182) are seen in (183) (182) M-urus (ng-burus) APL-brush ou kuhut /cu. lsNOM teeth lsGEN 'I brush my teeth (183) a LS for accomplishments with an "instrument" : b LS for (182) : [[do' {x)] CAUSE [do' {y)]] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (z, y)] x=effector, y=effector-theme z=locative-goal [[do' (ou 'I')] CAUSE [do' (burus 'brush')]] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (k:uhut k:u 'my teeth' burus 'brush')] The general LS in (183a) is identical to the general LS in (181a) The difference between ( 182) and ( 180) is that the effector-theme in the LS of ( 183a) is realized as a verb in ( 182) but as a noun in (180) Other instrument noun roots which are used to form accomplishment verbs are shown in (184)

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138 (184) ROOT GLOSS ACCOMPLISHMENT GLOSS asu dog ng-asu hunt with a dog orob spear trap ng-orob use a spear trap pam pump nge-pam to spray 133 pos1 fishhook m-os1 to fish with hook put tin can ngu-put measure with tin can rasudn poison nge-rasudn to poison sanggul hoe n-anggul to hoe sapu broom n-apu sweep SlilSU chain saw n-msu cut with chain saw sudu' spoon n-udu' scoop tondukng head cover n-ondukng cover head toos snare n-oos to snare tuba type of root n-uba poison fish with root tubal hammer n-uhal to hammer ngis one of the most common derivational morphemes It is a transitivizing morpheme used to derive prototypical transitive verbs from noun roots as seen in (184) (cf. Giv6n 1984:234). The accomplishment verbs which are derived from noun roots in (161) (177), (178) (182) and (184) all involve control on the part of the actor and some change in state or location on part of the undergoer. For example, ngepam 'spray' is only used to describe spraying weeds with weedkiller or spraying a house with DDT; in either case, there is a radical change in the state of the undergoer. Nondukng 'cover head' is used when an actor covers someone other than herself in order to protect them from the sun or rain; for example when a mother covers her small baby (cf. ( 171)). On the other hand, the activity verb ntondukng is used when an actor covers her own head. 134 The 'I' portion of some accomplishment verbs contains an underlying possession state The verb bori 'give' is representative of this group of accomplishment verbs, e g ( 185) ( cf. ( 179)) The general and clause-specific LSs for both (185) and (179) are shown in (186). (185) Si Tagi m-ori (ng-bori) siidn dii n Tereib PIV Tagi APL-give money to NPIV Tereib 'TAGI gives money to Tereib.' 133 Toe roots pam 'pump' and put 'tin can' are borrowed. There are very few monosyllabic nominal roots in Bonggi. Consonant coalescence occurs with disyllabic roots, but not borro wed monosyllabic roots I.e ngis realized as /fJV/ with monosyllabic roots (cf. footnote (121)) 134 Ntondukng 'cover head' belongs to the peggroup of activity verbs 1)

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138 (184) ROOT GLOSS ACCOMPLISHMENT GLOSS asu dog ng-asu hunt with a dog orob spear trap ng-orob use a spear trap pam pump nge-pam to spray 133 pos1 fishhook m-os1 to fish with hook put tin can ngu-put measure with tin can rasudn poison nge-rasudn to poison sanggul hoe n-anggul to hoe sapu broom n-apu sweep SlilSU chain saw n-msu cut with chain saw sudu' spoon n-udu' scoop tondukng head cover n-ondukng cover head toos snare n-oos to snare tuba type of root n-uba poison fish with root tubal hammer n-uhal to hammer ngis one of the most common derivational morphemes It is a transitivizing morpheme used to derive prototypical transitive verbs from noun roots as seen in (184) (cf. Giv6n 1984:234). The accomplishment verbs which are derived from noun roots in (161) (177), (178) (182) and (184) all involve control on the part of the actor and some change in state or location on part of the undergoer. For example, ngepam 'spray' is only used to describe spraying weeds with weedkiller or spraying a house with DDT; in either case, there is a radical change in the state of the undergoer. Nondukng 'cover head' is used when an actor covers someone other than herself in order to protect them from the sun or rain; for example when a mother covers her small baby (cf. ( 171)). On the other hand, the activity verb ntondukng is used when an actor covers her own head. 134 The 'I' portion of some accomplishment verbs contains an underlying possession state The verb bori 'give' is representative of this group of accomplishment verbs, e g ( 185) ( cf. ( 179)) The general and clause-specific LSs for both (185) and (179) are shown in (186). (185) Si Tagi m-ori (ng-bori) siidn dii n Tereib PIV Tagi APL-give money to NPIV Tereib 'TAGI gives money to Tereib.' 133 Toe roots pam 'pump' and put 'tin can' are borrowed. There are very few monosyllabic nominal roots in Bonggi. Consonant coalescence occurs with disyllabic roots, but not borro wed monosyllabic roots I.e ngis realized as /fJV/ with monosyllabic roots (cf. footnote (121)) 134 Ntondukng 'cover head' belongs to the peggroup of activity verbs 1)

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( 186) a LS for accomplishments with underlying possessive : b. LS for (185) & (179) : 139 [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME have' (y z)] x=effector, y=locative-recipient, z=theme [do' (Tagi)] CAUSE [BECOME have' (Tereib siidn 'money')] The verbs associated with the LS in (186a) are transfer verbs which involve an effector 'x' conveying a theme 'z' toward a locative-recipient 'y' 135 1.4 defined the LS of possessive states as have' (x,y). In 1.4, I referred to the first argument 'x' as a possessor and the second argument 'y' as the possessed item but pointed out that in RRG 'x' is sometimes referred to as a locative and 'y' a theme. 136 Recipient can be defined as either: (i) the locative argument 'y' in the configuration ... [BECOME have' (y,z)] (Van Valinl993 : 154 footnote 23); (ii) the possessive argument 'y' in the configuration ... [BECOME have' (y z)] ; or (iii) the first argument in the configuration .. [BECOME have' (y z}]. With respect to macrorole assignment the effector 'x' is the actor according to either ( 4) or (5) This leaves two potential undergoers: the locative-recipient 'y' or the theme 'z'. In fact both are possible undergoers. By either (4) or (5), the theme 'z' is the unmarked choice for undergoer, and the locative-recipient 'y' the marked choice 137 At least two factors influence undergoer choice : (i) the locative-recipient argument is normally animate or human with these verbs and the theme inanimate ; and (ii) information flow whereby topical NPs occur before nontopical NPs (VV 1993 : 77). With respect to the assignment of syntactic functions, transfer verbs have four possibilities as seen in Table 2 10 This table is read as follows : i) IF the pivot is an actor AND the undergoer is a 135 Toe verb give is discussed in many places including : Longacre 1976:33 ; FVV 1984:87 201; VV 1993 : 44 48 ; Jolly 1993 : 292 136 See also the discussion of the differences between existential and possessive statives following (64) and (65) 137 Cf. Van Valin (1993 : 45) for dative-shift constructions in English For a different view see Dryer's (1986) antidative analysis.

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( 186) a LS for accomplishments with underlying possessive : b. LS for (185) & (179) : 139 [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME have' (y z)] x=effector, y=locative-recipient, z=theme [do' (Tagi)] CAUSE [BECOME have' (Tereib siidn 'money')] The verbs associated with the LS in (186a) are transfer verbs which involve an effector 'x' conveying a theme 'z' toward a locative-recipient 'y' 135 1.4 defined the LS of possessive states as have' (x,y). In 1.4, I referred to the first argument 'x' as a possessor and the second argument 'y' as the possessed item but pointed out that in RRG 'x' is sometimes referred to as a locative and 'y' a theme. 136 Recipient can be defined as either: (i) the locative argument 'y' in the configuration ... [BECOME have' (y,z)] (Van Valinl993 : 154 footnote 23); (ii) the possessive argument 'y' in the configuration ... [BECOME have' (y z)] ; or (iii) the first argument in the configuration .. [BECOME have' (y z}]. With respect to macrorole assignment the effector 'x' is the actor according to either ( 4) or (5) This leaves two potential undergoers: the locative-recipient 'y' or the theme 'z'. In fact both are possible undergoers. By either (4) or (5), the theme 'z' is the unmarked choice for undergoer, and the locative-recipient 'y' the marked choice 137 At least two factors influence undergoer choice : (i) the locative-recipient argument is normally animate or human with these verbs and the theme inanimate ; and (ii) information flow whereby topical NPs occur before nontopical NPs (VV 1993 : 77). With respect to the assignment of syntactic functions, transfer verbs have four possibilities as seen in Table 2 10 This table is read as follows : i) IF the pivot is an actor AND the undergoer is a 135 Toe verb give is discussed in many places including : Longacre 1976:33 ; FVV 1984:87 201; VV 1993 : 44 48 ; Jolly 1993 : 292 136 See also the discussion of the differences between existential and possessive statives following (64) and (65) 137 Cf. Van Valin (1993 : 45) for dative-shift constructions in English For a different view see Dryer's (1986) antidative analysis.

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140 theme THEN the undergoer-theme is realized as a direct core syntatic argument AND the recipient is realized as an oblique core argument as in EXAMPLE (185) 138 Table 2 10 : S yn tactic function possibilities for transfer ve rbs IF AND TIIBN AND EXAMPLE i) pivot=ACT UND=theme (185) direct core oblique ii) pivot=ACT UND=recipient (179) direct core direct core iii) pivot= direct (187) UNO-theme core oblique iv) pivot= direct (188) UNDcore direct core recipient (187) Siidn bir i -idn (bor i -Vn) n Tagi dii n Tereib. 139 mone y give-[-mk]UPL NPIV Tagi to NPIV Tereib 'MONEY is given b y Tagi to Tereib.' (188) Si Tereib biri-adn (bori-an) n Tagi s iidn NOM Tereib give-[+mk]UPL NPIV Tagi mone y 'TEREIB is given mone y b y Tagi With respect to the assignment of case and prepositions the pi v ot is alwa y s assigned nominative case If the actor is not the pivot, it is assigned genitive case (e.g (187) ; cf. (21) in .3 1) If the theme is not the pivot it is assigned accusative case (e g (185)) If the recipient is not the pivot it is assigned accusative case (e.g (179)) If the recipient is neither the p i vot nor the undergoer it is marked as an oblique core argument b y the preposition dii 'to' (e g (185)) 138 Tius assumes the arguments in the LS are realized in syntax and not elided. 139 Tue suffix vo w el 'V' is subject to rules of vowel harmon y It harmonizes with the preceeding vowel in the stem (cf. Kroeger 1992b).

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140 theme THEN the undergoer-theme is realized as a direct core syntatic argument AND the recipient is realized as an oblique core argument as in EXAMPLE (185) 138 Table 2 10 : S yn tactic function possibilities for transfer ve rbs IF AND TIIBN AND EXAMPLE i) pivot=ACT UND=theme (185) direct core oblique ii) pivot=ACT UND=recipient (179) direct core direct core iii) pivot= direct (187) UNO-theme core oblique iv) pivot= direct (188) UNDcore direct core recipient (187) Siidn bir i -idn (bor i -Vn) n Tagi dii n Tereib. 139 mone y give-[-mk]UPL NPIV Tagi to NPIV Tereib 'MONEY is given b y Tagi to Tereib.' (188) Si Tereib biri-adn (bori-an) n Tagi s iidn NOM Tereib give-[+mk]UPL NPIV Tagi mone y 'TEREIB is given mone y b y Tagi With respect to the assignment of case and prepositions the pi v ot is alwa y s assigned nominative case If the actor is not the pivot, it is assigned genitive case (e.g (187) ; cf. (21) in .3 1) If the theme is not the pivot it is assigned accusative case (e g (185)) If the recipient is not the pivot it is assigned accusative case (e.g (179)) If the recipient is neither the p i vot nor the undergoer it is marked as an oblique core argument b y the preposition dii 'to' (e g (185)) 138 Tius assumes the arguments in the LS are realized in syntax and not elided. 139 Tue suffix vo w el 'V' is subject to rules of vowel harmon y It harmonizes with the preceeding vowel in the stem (cf. Kroeger 1992b).

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141 With respect to cross-referencing the verb, verbs with actor pivots are marked by ng-, verbs with unmarked undergoer pivots (in this case a theme) are marked by -Vn and those with marked undergoer pivots (in this case a recipient) are marked by -an Some transfer verbs involve transfer from a source instead of transfer toward a goal The verb tahu 'steal' is representative of this group of verbs e g (189). The LS for (189) is shown in (190) (189) Sia n-ahu (ng-tahu) siidn tidii n Tereib 3sNOM APL-steal money from NPIV Tereib 'HE stole money from Tereib.' (190) a General LS for (189) : [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME NOT have' (y z)] x=effector, y=locative-source z=theme b Specific LS for (189) : [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [BECOME NOT have' (Tereib siidn 'money')] The verbs associated with the LS in (190a) involve an effector 'x' conveying a theme 'z' from a locative-source 'y' (cf. VV 1993 : 48). 140 Source can be defined as either : (i) the locative argument 'y' in the configuration ... [BECOME NOT have' (y,z)] (Van Valinl993:154, footnote 23) ; (ii) the possessive argument 'y' in the configuration ... [BECOME NOT have' (y,z)]; or (iii) the first argument in the configuration .. [BECOME NOT have' (y z)]. The locative-source argument can be animate or inanimate. With respect to macrorole assignment the effector 'x' is always the actor and the theme 'z' is always the undergoer The locative-source argument cannot be the undergoer. This is different from locative-recepients which can be undergoers (e g (179)) With respect to the assignment of syntactic functions, this subset of transfer verbs is similar to the goal-oriented transfer verbs described in Table 2 10. The difference is that source cannot be undergoer (cf. (ii) in Table 2.10). All three arguments can be the pivot: the actor-effector 'x' (e g (189)) the undergoer-theme 'z' (e g (191)) and the locative-source (e g (192)) In previous 140 0ther verbs in this class include ng-abis 'APL-finish' and ng-ai 'APL-take' (cf. VV 1993 : 78)

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141 With respect to cross-referencing the verb, verbs with actor pivots are marked by ng-, verbs with unmarked undergoer pivots (in this case a theme) are marked by -Vn and those with marked undergoer pivots (in this case a recipient) are marked by -an Some transfer verbs involve transfer from a source instead of transfer toward a goal The verb tahu 'steal' is representative of this group of verbs e g (189). The LS for (189) is shown in (190) (189) Sia n-ahu (ng-tahu) siidn tidii n Tereib 3sNOM APL-steal money from NPIV Tereib 'HE stole money from Tereib.' (190) a General LS for (189) : [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME NOT have' (y z)] x=effector, y=locative-source z=theme b Specific LS for (189) : [do' (sia 'he')] CAUSE [BECOME NOT have' (Tereib siidn 'money')] The verbs associated with the LS in (190a) involve an effector 'x' conveying a theme 'z' from a locative-source 'y' (cf. VV 1993 : 48). 140 Source can be defined as either : (i) the locative argument 'y' in the configuration ... [BECOME NOT have' (y,z)] (Van Valinl993:154, footnote 23) ; (ii) the possessive argument 'y' in the configuration ... [BECOME NOT have' (y,z)]; or (iii) the first argument in the configuration .. [BECOME NOT have' (y z)]. The locative-source argument can be animate or inanimate. With respect to macrorole assignment the effector 'x' is always the actor and the theme 'z' is always the undergoer The locative-source argument cannot be the undergoer. This is different from locative-recepients which can be undergoers (e g (179)) With respect to the assignment of syntactic functions, this subset of transfer verbs is similar to the goal-oriented transfer verbs described in Table 2 10. The difference is that source cannot be undergoer (cf. (ii) in Table 2.10). All three arguments can be the pivot: the actor-effector 'x' (e g (189)) the undergoer-theme 'z' (e g (191)) and the locative-source (e g (192)) In previous 140 0ther verbs in this class include ng-abis 'APL-finish' and ng-ai 'APL-take' (cf. VV 1993 : 78)

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142 examples the pivot has also been a rnacrorole ; however rnacrorole status is not a requirement for assignment to syntactic pivot (cf. the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7)). (191) Siidn tuhu-udn (tahu-Vn) nya tidii n Tereib money steal-UPL 3sGEN from NPIV Tereib 'MONEY is stolen by him from Tereib.' (192) Si Tereib teho-odn (tahu-an) lama PIV Tereib steal-LOC person 'Someone stole from TEREIB.' Case and preposition assignment is the same as that for goal-oriented transfer verbs with the exception being that if the source is not the pivot, it is marked as an oblique core argument by the preposition tidii 'from' (e.g (189) (191))_141 Verbal cross-referencing for all regular accomplishment verbs in simple nonpast tense can be summarized as follows : verbs with actor pivots are prefixed with ng(e g. (155), (157) (161) (165) (171) etc.);142 verbs with unmarked undergoer pivots are suffixed with -Vn (e g (187), (191)) ; 143 verbs with marked undergoer pivots are suffixed with -an (e g (188)) ; verbs whose pivot would be expected to occur as undergoer in terms of the hierarchy in (4) but do not, are also suffixed with -an (e g (192)) ; and verbs whose pivot is an effector-theme (instrument) which would be expected to occur as actor in terms of the hierarchy in ( 4 ) but does not are prefixed with pVng(e g (193)) 144 (193) Kiou penge-labad (pVng-labad) wood INSTPL-hit 'A STICK is what he hits me with.' nya diaadn 3sGEN lsACC 141 Cf. the use of tidii 'from' for marking source-oriented motion accomplishments as described in (135) 142 As we have already seen, actor-pivot accomplishments are marked by -m, ng -, or pdepending on the type of accomplishment. -mfor motion accomplishments whose actor is an effector-theme ; ngfor regular accomplishments whose actor is an effector ; and pfor causative accomplishments whose actor is a causer-effector (cf. (167)) 143 For accomplishment verbs which allow only one argument to be the undergoer that argument is the unmarked undergoer 144Cf. the corresponding actor-pivot clause in (180)

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142 examples the pivot has also been a rnacrorole ; however rnacrorole status is not a requirement for assignment to syntactic pivot (cf. the Pivot Choice Hierarchy in (7)). (191) Siidn tuhu-udn (tahu-Vn) nya tidii n Tereib money steal-UPL 3sGEN from NPIV Tereib 'MONEY is stolen by him from Tereib.' (192) Si Tereib teho-odn (tahu-an) lama PIV Tereib steal-LOC person 'Someone stole from TEREIB.' Case and preposition assignment is the same as that for goal-oriented transfer verbs with the exception being that if the source is not the pivot, it is marked as an oblique core argument by the preposition tidii 'from' (e.g (189) (191))_141 Verbal cross-referencing for all regular accomplishment verbs in simple nonpast tense can be summarized as follows : verbs with actor pivots are prefixed with ng(e g. (155), (157) (161) (165) (171) etc.);142 verbs with unmarked undergoer pivots are suffixed with -Vn (e g (187), (191)) ; 143 verbs with marked undergoer pivots are suffixed with -an (e g (188)) ; verbs whose pivot would be expected to occur as undergoer in terms of the hierarchy in (4) but do not, are also suffixed with -an (e g (192)) ; and verbs whose pivot is an effector-theme (instrument) which would be expected to occur as actor in terms of the hierarchy in ( 4 ) but does not are prefixed with pVng(e g (193)) 144 (193) Kiou penge-labad (pVng-labad) wood INSTPL-hit 'A STICK is what he hits me with.' nya diaadn 3sGEN lsACC 141 Cf. the use of tidii 'from' for marking source-oriented motion accomplishments as described in (135) 142 As we have already seen, actor-pivot accomplishments are marked by -m, ng -, or pdepending on the type of accomplishment. -mfor motion accomplishments whose actor is an effector-theme ; ngfor regular accomplishments whose actor is an effector ; and pfor causative accomplishments whose actor is a causer-effector (cf. (167)) 143 For accomplishment verbs which allow only one argument to be the undergoer that argument is the unmarked undergoer 144Cf. the corresponding actor-pivot clause in (180)

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143 In 1 3 I pointed out that antecedent cause which occurs in stative and achievement clauses would be expected to occur as actor in terms of the hierarch y in ( 4 ) but does not. I also stated that antecedent cause cannot function as an actor because it is an adjunct not an argument of the verb Similar reasoning can be given for both instrument and locative-source These arguments can occur as syntactic pivot although they lack macrorole status This section began b y pointing out that the LS for accomplishments is 4> CAUSE 'I' where 4> is normally an activity verb and 'I' an achievement verb All of the accomplishment verbs described thus far conform to this norm Furthermore they all involve volitional actors. The actor-effector in accomplishment clauses must be animate e.g (155) (172) and (173) It cannot be inanimate e.g. (194) and (195) That is the inanimate nouns dodos 'wind' and api 'fire' cannot occur as effectors in accomplishment clauses. 145 (194) *Dodos m-uha' (ng-buha') pintu' wind APL-open door 'THE WIND opens the door.' (195) *Api m-ali' (ng-pali') diaadn. fire APL-bum lsACC 'THE FIRE bums me I have provided a surve y of some of the variation that exists in the 4> and 'I' portions of the LS of accomplishment verbs and how this accounts for differences in meaning ; for example the differences between motion, regular and causative accomplishment verbs (cf. (167)). Although this surve y has not been exhaustive it has provided an overview of the most frequent types of accomplishment verbs and how they are derived. Other accomplishment verbs which could be examined include : (i) verbs of consumption such as inum 'drink' whose LS contains two arguments in the 4> portion, [inum 'drink' (x ,y )] CAUS E [BECOME NOT exist'( y )] ; and (ii) verbs which either 145 Note that the restriction of the effector to animate nouns does not exist with activity verbs Thus animac y correlates with high transitivity or accomplishment verbs This correlation is predicted by Hopper and Thompson's transitivity hypothesis (1980 : 254f.).

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143 In 1 3 I pointed out that antecedent cause which occurs in stative and achievement clauses would be expected to occur as actor in terms of the hierarch y in ( 4 ) but does not. I also stated that antecedent cause cannot function as an actor because it is an adjunct not an argument of the verb Similar reasoning can be given for both instrument and locative-source These arguments can occur as syntactic pivot although they lack macrorole status This section began b y pointing out that the LS for accomplishments is 4> CAUSE 'I' where 4> is normally an activity verb and 'I' an achievement verb All of the accomplishment verbs described thus far conform to this norm Furthermore they all involve volitional actors. The actor-effector in accomplishment clauses must be animate e.g (155) (172) and (173) It cannot be inanimate e.g. (194) and (195) That is the inanimate nouns dodos 'wind' and api 'fire' cannot occur as effectors in accomplishment clauses. 145 (194) *Dodos m-uha' (ng-buha') pintu' wind APL-open door 'THE WIND opens the door.' (195) *Api m-ali' (ng-pali') diaadn. fire APL-bum lsACC 'THE FIRE bums me I have provided a surve y of some of the variation that exists in the 4> and 'I' portions of the LS of accomplishment verbs and how this accounts for differences in meaning ; for example the differences between motion, regular and causative accomplishment verbs (cf. (167)). Although this surve y has not been exhaustive it has provided an overview of the most frequent types of accomplishment verbs and how they are derived. Other accomplishment verbs which could be examined include : (i) verbs of consumption such as inum 'drink' whose LS contains two arguments in the 4> portion, [inum 'drink' (x ,y )] CAUS E [BECOME NOT exist'( y )] ; and (ii) verbs which either 145 Note that the restriction of the effector to animate nouns does not exist with activity verbs Thus animac y correlates with high transitivity or accomplishment verbs This correlation is predicted by Hopper and Thompson's transitivity hypothesis (1980 : 254f.).

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144 have the undergoer built into their lexical meaning or are derived from noun roots which refer to the result of the action i e what the action produces e g (196) and (197) (196) Sia n-uart (ng-suart) suart 3sNOM APL-letter letter 'HE writes a letter (197) ROOT GLOSS gogu' hole padi rice field sindoidn fingernail ponsu' bathe ACCOMPLISHMENT nge-gogu' m-adi n-indoidn m-onsu' GLOSS make a hole harvest rice clip nails bathe We now pass on to consider undergoer-pivot accomplishment verbs When the undergoer is FUNCTIONALLY UNMARKED -Vn occurs However when the undergoer is functionally marked an occurs The functionall y unmarked undergoer in a clause is the thematic role which is nearest the undergoer end of the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) (cf. Fole y & Van Valin 1984 : 59 ; Van Valin 1990 : 226). There is an iconic relationship between actor and prefix as opposed to undergoer and suffix. Prototypicall y, the actor instigates the action and the undergoer is the endpoint of the action This suggests an earlier word-order of SVO with S being associated primaril y with actor in two argument clauses (cf. Bybee 1985 : 6f.) The suffix-Vn occurs with functionally unmarked undergoer-pivot accomplishment verbs. Vn indicates both accomplishment verb and unmarked undergoer pivot. 146 The thematic role of the undergoer is prototypically a patient e.g (198) (cf. (155)) The LS for (198) is the same as that provided for (155) in (156c). The main difference between (198) and (155) is in the assignment of syntactic functions In (198) the undergoer is assigned to pivot and and the actor is a nonpivot director core argument. This difference in pivot assignment results in differences in case assignment and verbal cross-referencing In (198) the undergoer (piasu 146 Toe morphophonemic alternations associated with -Vn are very comple x. See (200) for examples. The relevant phonological processes are : vowel shortening /1/ deletion glottal deletion suffix vowel harmon y, root vowel harmony vowel weakening nasal prestopping and metathesis

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144 have the undergoer built into their lexical meaning or are derived from noun roots which refer to the result of the action i e what the action produces e g (196) and (197) (196) Sia n-uart (ng-suart) suart 3sNOM APL-letter letter 'HE writes a letter (197) ROOT GLOSS gogu' hole padi rice field sindoidn fingernail ponsu' bathe ACCOMPLISHMENT nge-gogu' m-adi n-indoidn m-onsu' GLOSS make a hole harvest rice clip nails bathe We now pass on to consider undergoer-pivot accomplishment verbs When the undergoer is FUNCTIONALLY UNMARKED -Vn occurs However when the undergoer is functionally marked an occurs The functionall y unmarked undergoer in a clause is the thematic role which is nearest the undergoer end of the Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy in (4) (cf. Fole y & Van Valin 1984 : 59 ; Van Valin 1990 : 226). There is an iconic relationship between actor and prefix as opposed to undergoer and suffix. Prototypicall y, the actor instigates the action and the undergoer is the endpoint of the action This suggests an earlier word-order of SVO with S being associated primaril y with actor in two argument clauses (cf. Bybee 1985 : 6f.) The suffix-Vn occurs with functionally unmarked undergoer-pivot accomplishment verbs. Vn indicates both accomplishment verb and unmarked undergoer pivot. 146 The thematic role of the undergoer is prototypically a patient e.g (198) (cf. (155)) The LS for (198) is the same as that provided for (155) in (156c). The main difference between (198) and (155) is in the assignment of syntactic functions In (198) the undergoer is assigned to pivot and and the actor is a nonpivot director core argument. This difference in pivot assignment results in differences in case assignment and verbal cross-referencing In (198) the undergoer (piasu 146 Toe morphophonemic alternations associated with -Vn are very comple x. See (200) for examples. The relevant phonological processes are : vowel shortening /1/ deletion glottal deletion suffix vowel harmon y, root vowel harmony vowel weakening nasal prestopping and metathesis

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145 'coconut') occurs in the pivot position, before the verb, whereas the actor receives genitive case since it is nonpivot, and it immediately follows the verb which is cross-referenced by Vn. (198) Piasu kiring-in (koring-Vn) ku.147 coconut dry-UPL lsGEN 'COCONUT is dried by me. 1148 (Implied: They are dried b y fire ) In other instances, the unmarked undergoer is a theme, e.g (199). Accomplishment verbs whose unmarked undergoer is a theme are not formally distinguished from accomplishment verbs whose unmarked undergoer is a patient. 149 Theme is the entity which is moved in a transfer verb. For example, the undergoer siidn 'money' in (199) is a theme; nevertheless, the verbal affixation is the same as in (198) (199) Siidn biri-idn (bori-Vn) ama' n Janit dii anak nya money give-UPL father NPIV Janit to child his 'MONEY is given by the father of Janit to his child.' Other accomplishment verbs with unmarked undergoers are shown in (200) : 150 (200) ROOT GLOSS ACCOMPLISHMENT GLOSS atad send etad-adn gambar picture gemba-ardn take a picture ap1 fire ipi-idn cook bagi divide bigi-idn bahus overpower buhus-udn ansur dissolve unsu-urdn balas reciprocate belas-adn reda' step on reda-adn 14 7 As mentioned in 1 3 1, one of the ways which Bonggi distinguishes pivots from nonpivots is word-order. With the exception of first and second person pronouns, the normal constituent order is SVO, where S is pivot and O is nonpivot. 148 Sometimes undergoer-pivot clauses are translated as passive voice in English The reader should keep in mind that undergoer pivot is not equivalent to English passive. 149 1n Kimaragang and Tombonuwo, theme and locative are distinct from patient in terms of verbal affixation (Kroeger 1988a : 23lf. ; personal communication, Julie King). 150 Toe roots in (200) are organized to highlight vowel harmony and fl/ deletion, not lexical categories or thematic roles

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145 'coconut') occurs in the pivot position, before the verb, whereas the actor receives genitive case since it is nonpivot, and it immediately follows the verb which is cross-referenced by Vn. (198) Piasu kiring-in (koring-Vn) ku.147 coconut dry-UPL lsGEN 'COCONUT is dried by me. 1148 (Implied: They are dried b y fire ) In other instances, the unmarked undergoer is a theme, e.g (199). Accomplishment verbs whose unmarked undergoer is a theme are not formally distinguished from accomplishment verbs whose unmarked undergoer is a patient. 149 Theme is the entity which is moved in a transfer verb. For example, the undergoer siidn 'money' in (199) is a theme; nevertheless, the verbal affixation is the same as in (198) (199) Siidn biri-idn (bori-Vn) ama' n Janit dii anak nya money give-UPL father NPIV Janit to child his 'MONEY is given by the father of Janit to his child.' Other accomplishment verbs with unmarked undergoers are shown in (200) : 150 (200) ROOT GLOSS ACCOMPLISHMENT GLOSS atad send etad-adn gambar picture gemba-ardn take a picture ap1 fire ipi-idn cook bagi divide bigi-idn bahus overpower buhus-udn ansur dissolve unsu-urdn balas reciprocate belas-adn reda' step on reda-adn 14 7 As mentioned in 1 3 1, one of the ways which Bonggi distinguishes pivots from nonpivots is word-order. With the exception of first and second person pronouns, the normal constituent order is SVO, where S is pivot and O is nonpivot. 148 Sometimes undergoer-pivot clauses are translated as passive voice in English The reader should keep in mind that undergoer pivot is not equivalent to English passive. 149 1n Kimaragang and Tombonuwo, theme and locative are distinct from patient in terms of verbal affixation (Kroeger 1988a : 23lf. ; personal communication, Julie King). 150 Toe roots in (200) are organized to highlight vowel harmony and fl/ deletion, not lexical categories or thematic roles

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146 tap count iap-adn tibas strike with machete tibas-adn biid turnover bid-idn biin message bin-in send message giuk worm giuh-udn worm infested boli bu y bili-idn poting tie piting-in konop mcrease kenop-odn sohom soak sehom-on ponsu' bathe punsu-udn loput snap luput-udn guab split guab-adn buat make buat-adn tuug dry tug-udn buurt cut hair burt-udn tombol patch tembo-idn to patch kohol bite keho-idn Other pivot possibilities mentioned in this section and to which I return in include : instrument (e.g (193)) locative-goal (e g (188)) and locative-source (e g (192)) This chapter has provided an overview of the four basic verb classes which occur in all languages : states achievements activities and accomplishments. These four classes have been described here in terms of logical structures (LSs) LSs are a means of lexical decomposition used to account for verbal semantics I showed how states and activities are basic and achievements and accomplishments are derivative I also pointed out that one of the functions of v erb morphology in Bonggi is to indicate situation type Furthermore I provided a set of rules and principles for linking the LSs to the verb morphology Associated with each of the four basic verb classes are a set of aspectual properties (Aktionsart) which are language independent. States are [-dynamic] whereas achievements activities and accomplishments are [+dynamic]. Activities are [-telic] whereas achievements and accomplishments are [ + telic] Accomplishments are [+causative] whereas achievements and activities are [-causative].

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146 tap count iap-adn tibas strike with machete tibas-adn biid turnover bid-idn biin message bin-in send message giuk worm giuh-udn worm infested boli bu y bili-idn poting tie piting-in konop mcrease kenop-odn sohom soak sehom-on ponsu' bathe punsu-udn loput snap luput-udn guab split guab-adn buat make buat-adn tuug dry tug-udn buurt cut hair burt-udn tombol patch tembo-idn to patch kohol bite keho-idn Other pivot possibilities mentioned in this section and to which I return in include : instrument (e.g (193)) locative-goal (e g (188)) and locative-source (e g (192)) This chapter has provided an overview of the four basic verb classes which occur in all languages : states achievements activities and accomplishments. These four classes have been described here in terms of logical structures (LSs) LSs are a means of lexical decomposition used to account for verbal semantics I showed how states and activities are basic and achievements and accomplishments are derivative I also pointed out that one of the functions of v erb morphology in Bonggi is to indicate situation type Furthermore I provided a set of rules and principles for linking the LSs to the verb morphology Associated with each of the four basic verb classes are a set of aspectual properties (Aktionsart) which are language independent. States are [-dynamic] whereas achievements activities and accomplishments are [+dynamic]. Activities are [-telic] whereas achievements and accomplishments are [ + telic] Accomplishments are [+causative] whereas achievements and activities are [-causative].

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147 The Aktionsart properties are reflected in the LSs which have been described Any LS that does not contain either BECOME or do' is [-dynamic] and refers to a state Any LS that contains BECOME is [ +telic] and refers to either an achievement or an accomplishment. Any LS that contains CAUSE is [+causative] and refers to an accomplishment. In the following chapter I show how each of the situation types described here constrain viewpoint aspect.

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147 The Aktionsart properties are reflected in the LSs which have been described Any LS that does not contain either BECOME or do' is [-dynamic] and refers to a state Any LS that contains BECOME is [ +telic] and refers to either an achievement or an accomplishment. Any LS that contains CAUSE is [+causative] and refers to an accomplishment. In the following chapter I show how each of the situation types described here constrain viewpoint aspect.

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CHAPTER3 VIEWPOINT ASPECT IN BONGGI Table 1.1 in 1 2 characterized the salient aspectual features/properties which distinguish the four basic situation types : states achievements activities and accomplishments These properties are collectivel y referred to as Aktionsart properties which are inherent in the four situation types For example achievements are : [ + dynamic] [+telic] and [-causative] (cf. Table 1.1) Because Aktionsart properties are inherent in situations the y are also called situation aspect Chapter 2 described how Bonggi verb morphology indicates situation type Given an y situation type the situation aspect (i e. A kti onsart) is predictable from the type. For example given that the prefix ngindicates that the situation is an accomplishment 1 the inherent situation aspect is : [+dynamic] [+telic] and [+causative]. Whereas Chapter 2 dealt wi th situations and situation aspect this chapter deals with viewpoint aspect which is often overtl y marked in morphosyntax As a grammatical category viewpoint aspect is frequentl y marked in both verb morphology and syntax The grammatical categories aspect modality and tense are treated as operators in RRG Ho w e v er each of these operators modifies a different la y er of the clause (cf. VV 1993 : 7) Aspect modifies the nucleus modality the core and tense the clause Clause structure is la y ered or hierarchiall y structured The primary constituents of a clause are the nucleus which contains the predicate the core which contains the nucleus and the arguments of the predicate and th e periphery which is an adjunct to the core and includes 1 The prefix ngactuall y indicates that the situation is an accomplishment and that the pivot is an actor (cf. .4) 148

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CHAPTER3 VIEWPOINT ASPECT IN BONGGI Table 1.1 in 1 2 characterized the salient aspectual features/properties which distinguish the four basic situation types : states achievements activities and accomplishments These properties are collectivel y referred to as Aktionsart properties which are inherent in the four situation types For example achievements are : [ + dynamic] [+telic] and [-causative] (cf. Table 1.1) Because Aktionsart properties are inherent in situations the y are also called situation aspect Chapter 2 described how Bonggi verb morphology indicates situation type Given an y situation type the situation aspect (i e. A kti onsart) is predictable from the type. For example given that the prefix ngindicates that the situation is an accomplishment 1 the inherent situation aspect is : [+dynamic] [+telic] and [+causative]. Whereas Chapter 2 dealt wi th situations and situation aspect this chapter deals with viewpoint aspect which is often overtl y marked in morphosyntax As a grammatical category viewpoint aspect is frequentl y marked in both verb morphology and syntax The grammatical categories aspect modality and tense are treated as operators in RRG Ho w e v er each of these operators modifies a different la y er of the clause (cf. VV 1993 : 7) Aspect modifies the nucleus modality the core and tense the clause Clause structure is la y ered or hierarchiall y structured The primary constituents of a clause are the nucleus which contains the predicate the core which contains the nucleus and the arguments of the predicate and th e periphery which is an adjunct to the core and includes 1 The prefix ngactuall y indicates that the situation is an accomplishment and that the pivot is an actor (cf. .4) 148

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149 nonarguments of the predicate (cf. introduction to Operators are not part of the nucleus core or periphery but are modifiers of these units (cf. VV 1993 : 10) Viewpoint aspect is treated as an operator modifying the clause nucleus. As a nuclear operator it modifies the action, event or state without reference to the participants (VV 1993:9). The assignment of viewpoint aspect belongs to the operator projection. The operator projection contrasts with the constituent projection which accounts for argument structures (cf. ). The relationship between viewpoint aspect in the operator projection and the constituent projection is shown in Figure 3 1 Although different situation types have differerent constituent projections the same situation can be presented from different viewpoints. These different viewpoints are accounted for via viewpoint aspect (cf. Smith 1983:479) TheAktionsart properties which are inherent in the situation do not change with a change in viewpoint aspect. For example an accomplishment normally involves a single change of state e g. ( 1 ) but speakers can choose to present accomplishments as multiple changes of state For instance Bonggi uses an iterative marker (g-) to indicate iterative accomplishment verbs involving multiple changes of state e g (2) The situation in both (1) and (2) is an accomplishment only the viewpoint is different with (1) referring to a single change of state and (2) referring to multiple changes of state (1) Sia n-imbak (ng-timbak) 3sNOM APL-shoot 'HE shoots pig babi pig (2) Sia ng-g-ahut (ng-g-ahut) babi 3sNOM NPST-IT-shuttle pig 'HE is shuttling the pig back and forth.'

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149 nonarguments of the predicate (cf. introduction to Operators are not part of the nucleus core or periphery but are modifiers of these units (cf. VV 1993 : 10) Viewpoint aspect is treated as an operator modifying the clause nucleus. As a nuclear operator it modifies the action, event or state without reference to the participants (VV 1993:9). The assignment of viewpoint aspect belongs to the operator projection. The operator projection contrasts with the constituent projection which accounts for argument structures (cf. ). The relationship between viewpoint aspect in the operator projection and the constituent projection is shown in Figure 3 1 Although different situation types have differerent constituent projections the same situation can be presented from different viewpoints. These different viewpoints are accounted for via viewpoint aspect (cf. Smith 1983:479) TheAktionsart properties which are inherent in the situation do not change with a change in viewpoint aspect. For example an accomplishment normally involves a single change of state e g. ( 1 ) but speakers can choose to present accomplishments as multiple changes of state For instance Bonggi uses an iterative marker (g-) to indicate iterative accomplishment verbs involving multiple changes of state e g (2) The situation in both (1) and (2) is an accomplishment only the viewpoint is different with (1) referring to a single change of state and (2) referring to multiple changes of state (1) Sia n-imbak (ng-timbak) 3sNOM APL-shoot 'HE shoots pig babi pig (2) Sia ng-g-ahut (ng-g-ahut) babi 3sNOM NPST-IT-shuttle pig 'HE is shuttling the pig back and forth.'

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150 CLAUSE I CORE (PERIPHERY) ARG (ARG) NUCLEUS Constituent Projection I PRED I V I VIBWPOINT NUCLEUS I CORE I TENSE CLAUSE I ILLOCUTIONARY CLAUSE Figure 3.1 Operator Projection The approach to aspect which is described here is comparable to the Case Grammar model of Fillmore (1968) Fillmore's grammar contained the rule : S Proposition The proposition portion of Fillmore's rule is reflected in the RRG treatment of predicates, arguments and adjuncts in the constituent projection. The modality portion of Fillmore's rule is reflected in the RRG treatment of operators including aspect modality and tense (cf. Wilkins & Van Valin 1993:12) The view that aspect is an operator on the predicate can also be found in generative semantics models of the 1970s For example Gregerson (1979) treats both aspect and modality as predicate operators "Aspectual elements are essentially one-termed predicates which take a proposition as their argument" (Gregerson 1979 : 50) There are several approaches that one can take with respect to viewpoint aspect. One approach is to present viewpoint aspect in terms of grammatical levels In this approach,

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150 CLAUSE I CORE (PERIPHERY) ARG (ARG) NUCLEUS Constituent Projection I PRED I V I VIBWPOINT NUCLEUS I CORE I TENSE CLAUSE I ILLOCUTIONARY CLAUSE Figure 3.1 Operator Projection The approach to aspect which is described here is comparable to the Case Grammar model of Fillmore (1968) Fillmore's grammar contained the rule : S Proposition The proposition portion of Fillmore's rule is reflected in the RRG treatment of predicates, arguments and adjuncts in the constituent projection. The modality portion of Fillmore's rule is reflected in the RRG treatment of operators including aspect modality and tense (cf. Wilkins & Van Valin 1993:12) The view that aspect is an operator on the predicate can also be found in generative semantics models of the 1970s For example Gregerson (1979) treats both aspect and modality as predicate operators "Aspectual elements are essentially one-termed predicates which take a proposition as their argument" (Gregerson 1979 : 50) There are several approaches that one can take with respect to viewpoint aspect. One approach is to present viewpoint aspect in terms of grammatical levels In this approach,

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151 viewpoint aspect is primarily discussed in terms of verb morphology and auxiliary verbs That is one begins with the grammatical forms (morphology and free morphemes) and shows which semantic functions are realized by these forms A second approach is to begin with semantic functions then show how these functions are realized in morphosyntax. A third approach is to present viewpoint aspect in terms of what others have said about aspect in related languages One problem with all three of these approaches is the absence of a clear connection between them and the framework for situation aspect presented in Chapter 2 My approach is to relate viewpoint aspect to the situation types described in the previous chapter while at the same time not neglect the relationship between form and function As seen in Figure 3 1 operators can have scope over the nucleus the core or the clause. Viewpoint aspect is an operator which has scope over the nucleus As a nuclear operator it modifies the state or event without reference to the participants Viewpoint aspect is formally expressed in both the verb morphology 1) and the syntax (cf. Comrie 1976 : 87). Within the domain of syntax, viewpoint aspect is expressed both inside the verb phrase 2) and outside the verb phrase 3). 3 1 Viewpoint Aspect in Verb Morphology Chapter 2 showed how situations are defined in terms of logical structures and how situation aspect is determined from the LSs and not the verb per se LSs are designed to capture relationships between predicates and their arguments, but not the internal structure of events That is there are certain aspectual features which deal with the internal structure of situations that cannot be accounted for by LSs For example all languages have some verbs which are inherently punctual (e.g to crack) and others which are inherently nonpunctual (e g to heat). In some cases verbs have two forms one punctual (e g. 'take a look at') and one nonpunctual (e g 'look at') LSs do not capture the distinction between punctual and nonpunctual situations For example in Bonggi the verbs m-esa' (ng-pesa) 'APL-crack' and m-anas (ng-panas) 'APL-heat' are both

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151 viewpoint aspect is primarily discussed in terms of verb morphology and auxiliary verbs That is one begins with the grammatical forms (morphology and free morphemes) and shows which semantic functions are realized by these forms A second approach is to begin with semantic functions then show how these functions are realized in morphosyntax. A third approach is to present viewpoint aspect in terms of what others have said about aspect in related languages One problem with all three of these approaches is the absence of a clear connection between them and the framework for situation aspect presented in Chapter 2 My approach is to relate viewpoint aspect to the situation types described in the previous chapter while at the same time not neglect the relationship between form and function As seen in Figure 3 1 operators can have scope over the nucleus the core or the clause. Viewpoint aspect is an operator which has scope over the nucleus As a nuclear operator it modifies the state or event without reference to the participants Viewpoint aspect is formally expressed in both the verb morphology 1) and the syntax (cf. Comrie 1976 : 87). Within the domain of syntax, viewpoint aspect is expressed both inside the verb phrase 2) and outside the verb phrase 3). 3 1 Viewpoint Aspect in Verb Morphology Chapter 2 showed how situations are defined in terms of logical structures and how situation aspect is determined from the LSs and not the verb per se LSs are designed to capture relationships between predicates and their arguments, but not the internal structure of events That is there are certain aspectual features which deal with the internal structure of situations that cannot be accounted for by LSs For example all languages have some verbs which are inherently punctual (e.g to crack) and others which are inherently nonpunctual (e g to heat). In some cases verbs have two forms one punctual (e g. 'take a look at') and one nonpunctual (e g 'look at') LSs do not capture the distinction between punctual and nonpunctual situations For example in Bonggi the verbs m-esa' (ng-pesa) 'APL-crack' and m-anas (ng-panas) 'APL-heat' are both

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152 accomplishments ; however, there is nothing in the LS [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME predicate' (y)] (where x=effector and y=patient) to capture the difference in punctuality. This section examines the internal structure of events, specifically the temporal nature of events I begin in 1.1 by examining the peggroup of verbs mentioned in .3 2 3 1 1. Morphophonemic Contrasts within the PegGroup Two groups of verbs were mentioned in 3 where they were referred to as the -mgroup and the peggroup In a word, the peggroup is complex from the perspective of either phonology, morphology, or semantics. Before discussing semantic variation within this class (cf. .1.2), I account for the phonological variation, as well as certain aspects of morphological variation The analysis of Bonggi verbal morphology is complicated by numerous changes which I do not formalize here The peggroup derives its name from the imperative form Verbs in the peggroup form imperatives by prefixing pegto the root, whether the root is a verb as in (3) (where pegis prefixed to limut 'to slander') or a noun as in (4) (where pegis prefixed to uru 'medicine') On the other hand, verbs in the -mgroup (activities) form their imperative by simply using the stripped down root (e.g (5) ; cf. .3) and regular accomplishments form their imperative with the normal ngaffixed form when the pivot is the actor (e g (6)) The form of the imperative enables us to determine to which group a particular verb belongs. (3) Dei peg-limut diaadn!2 do not IMP-slander lsACC 'Don't slander me!' (4) Dei peg-uru nya! do not IMP-medicine 3sACC 'Don't medicate him!' 2 F or the time being I gloss the imperative form pegas 'IMP' and nonimperative forms as 'VA' since I claim later that the nonimperative forms indicate viewpoint aspect. In the next section, I provide a semantic basis for subdividing these forms

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152 accomplishments ; however, there is nothing in the LS [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME predicate' (y)] (where x=effector and y=patient) to capture the difference in punctuality. This section examines the internal structure of events, specifically the temporal nature of events I begin in 1.1 by examining the peggroup of verbs mentioned in .3 2 3 1 1. Morphophonemic Contrasts within the PegGroup Two groups of verbs were mentioned in 3 where they were referred to as the -mgroup and the peggroup In a word, the peggroup is complex from the perspective of either phonology, morphology, or semantics. Before discussing semantic variation within this class (cf. .1.2), I account for the phonological variation, as well as certain aspects of morphological variation The analysis of Bonggi verbal morphology is complicated by numerous changes which I do not formalize here The peggroup derives its name from the imperative form Verbs in the peggroup form imperatives by prefixing pegto the root, whether the root is a verb as in (3) (where pegis prefixed to limut 'to slander') or a noun as in (4) (where pegis prefixed to uru 'medicine') On the other hand, verbs in the -mgroup (activities) form their imperative by simply using the stripped down root (e.g (5) ; cf. .3) and regular accomplishments form their imperative with the normal ngaffixed form when the pivot is the actor (e g (6)) The form of the imperative enables us to determine to which group a particular verb belongs. (3) Dei peg-limut diaadn!2 do not IMP-slander lsACC 'Don't slander me!' (4) Dei peg-uru nya! do not IMP-medicine 3sACC 'Don't medicate him!' 2 F or the time being I gloss the imperative form pegas 'IMP' and nonimperative forms as 'VA' since I claim later that the nonimperative forms indicate viewpoint aspect. In the next section, I provide a semantic basis for subdividing these forms

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(5) Dei apit! do not stop.by 'Don't stop by!' (6) Dei na ngi-liput! do not PRF APL-circle 'Don't circle it!' 153 There are two tenses in Bonggi past and nonpast. In indicative mood, the peggroup has one past tense form and two nonpast tense forms which are referred to here as full and reduced forms Full forms occur more frequently than reduced forms There is a good (but not perfect) correlation between full forms and main independent clauses and between reduced forms and dependent clauses. Full forms are obtained by prefixing the stem-forming prefix gto the root, then inflecting the stem with the prefix ng'NPST' e g. (7). 3 Various morphophonemic changes conform the final surface forms to the phonological patterns of the language. Specifically, the full form is /Tj-/ + lg-I + Root, then : (i) if the root begins with a vowel, no further processes occur, e.g. (8); (ii) if the root begins with a liquid /1/ or /r/ there is well-motivated vowel epenthesis between the stem-forming prefix lg-I and the root e g (7) where the epenthetic vowel /i/ is a copy of the initial vowel in the root ; (iii) if the root begins with an obstruent (stop or fricative), delete the lg-I and assimilate the nasal /fJ-/ to the point of articulation of the initial obstruent of the root e g (9) and (10). (7) Sia ng-gi-limut (ng-g-limut) diaadn. (8) 3sNOM NPST-VA-slander lsACC 'SHE slanders me Sia ng-g-imbakng (ng-g-imbakng) 3sNOM NPST-VA-forbid 'SHE is forbidding her child anak na child DEF 3 Here ngrefers to a nonpast tense marker It is a different morpheme than ng'APL' (cf. .4). ng'NPST' is inflectional whereas ng'APL' is derivational I have chosen ngas the representative or underlying form for 'NPST' as /fJ/ occurs more frequently than the other allomorphs Inf or /ml (cf. (18)) However in .1.3 I show how megcan be analyzed as two morphemes mand g, and I draw parallels between m+ gand ng+ g. This suggest the underlying form for 'NPST' is /ml.

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(5) Dei apit! do not stop.by 'Don't stop by!' (6) Dei na ngi-liput! do not PRF APL-circle 'Don't circle it!' 153 There are two tenses in Bonggi past and nonpast. In indicative mood, the peggroup has one past tense form and two nonpast tense forms which are referred to here as full and reduced forms Full forms occur more frequently than reduced forms There is a good (but not perfect) correlation between full forms and main independent clauses and between reduced forms and dependent clauses. Full forms are obtained by prefixing the stem-forming prefix gto the root, then inflecting the stem with the prefix ng'NPST' e g. (7). 3 Various morphophonemic changes conform the final surface forms to the phonological patterns of the language. Specifically, the full form is /Tj-/ + lg-I + Root, then : (i) if the root begins with a vowel, no further processes occur, e.g. (8); (ii) if the root begins with a liquid /1/ or /r/ there is well-motivated vowel epenthesis between the stem-forming prefix lg-I and the root e g (7) where the epenthetic vowel /i/ is a copy of the initial vowel in the root ; (iii) if the root begins with an obstruent (stop or fricative), delete the lg-I and assimilate the nasal /fJ-/ to the point of articulation of the initial obstruent of the root e g (9) and (10). (7) Sia ng-gi-limut (ng-g-limut) diaadn. (8) 3sNOM NPST-VA-slander lsACC 'SHE slanders me Sia ng-g-imbakng (ng-g-imbakng) 3sNOM NPST-VA-forbid 'SHE is forbidding her child anak na child DEF 3 Here ngrefers to a nonpast tense marker It is a different morpheme than ng'APL' (cf. .4). ng'NPST' is inflectional whereas ng'APL' is derivational I have chosen ngas the representative or underlying form for 'NPST' as /fJ/ occurs more frequently than the other allomorphs Inf or /ml (cf. (18)) However in .1.3 I show how megcan be analyzed as two morphemes mand g, and I draw parallels between m+ gand ng+ g. This suggest the underlying form for 'NPST' is /ml.

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(9) Sia m-bali (ng-g-bali). 3sNOM NPST.VA-pla y 'HE is playing 154 (10) Sia ng gouk (ng g-gouk) beig nu. 3sNOM NPST VA-bother water 2sGEN 'HE is bothering y our water.' Reduced forms of the peggroup are obtained b y simpl y prefixing /g/ to the root with much the same morphophonemic changes as before. Specificall y, the y are: (i) if the root begins with a vowel no further processes occur e g (11) (cf. (8)) ; (ii) if the root begins with a liquid /1/ or /r/ there is again well-motivated vowel epenthesis as before e g (12) (cf. (7)) ; (iii) if the root begins with /g/ there is no reduced form ; (iv) if the root begins with an obstruent y ou add an initial /ii because the word initial cluster #/g/ + obstruent is a deviant sequence in Bonggi e g (13) (cf. (9)) (11) Sia g-imbakng (g-imbakng) anak na 3sNOM VA-forbid child DEF 'SHE is forbidding her child.' (12) Sia gi-limut (g-limut ) diaadn 3sNOM VA-slander lsACC 'SHE is slandering me (13) Sia ig-bali (g-bali) 3sNOM VA-pla y 'HE is playing.' To arrive at the past tense forms of verbs in the peggroup : prefix /i-/ to the stem if it begins with /g/ e.g. (14) and (15) (cf. (10) (7) and (12)) ; prefix /n-/ to the stem if it does not begin with /g/ e g (16) (cf. (9) and (13)) 4 (14) Sia i-gouk (in g-gouk ) beig nu 3sNOM PST.VA-bother water 2sGEN 'HE bothered y our water.' (15) Sia i-gi-limut ( i n-g-limut) diaadn 3sNOM PST-VA-slander lsACC 'SHE slandered me 4 Toe underlying form for past tense is in.

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(9) Sia m-bali (ng-g-bali). 3sNOM NPST.VA-pla y 'HE is playing 154 (10) Sia ng gouk (ng g-gouk) beig nu. 3sNOM NPST VA-bother water 2sGEN 'HE is bothering y our water.' Reduced forms of the peggroup are obtained b y simpl y prefixing /g/ to the root with much the same morphophonemic changes as before. Specificall y, the y are: (i) if the root begins with a vowel no further processes occur e g (11) (cf. (8)) ; (ii) if the root begins with a liquid /1/ or /r/ there is again well-motivated vowel epenthesis as before e g (12) (cf. (7)) ; (iii) if the root begins with /g/ there is no reduced form ; (iv) if the root begins with an obstruent y ou add an initial /ii because the word initial cluster #/g/ + obstruent is a deviant sequence in Bonggi e g (13) (cf. (9)) (11) Sia g-imbakng (g-imbakng) anak na 3sNOM VA-forbid child DEF 'SHE is forbidding her child.' (12) Sia gi-limut (g-limut ) diaadn 3sNOM VA-slander lsACC 'SHE is slandering me (13) Sia ig-bali (g-bali) 3sNOM VA-pla y 'HE is playing.' To arrive at the past tense forms of verbs in the peggroup : prefix /i-/ to the stem if it begins with /g/ e.g. (14) and (15) (cf. (10) (7) and (12)) ; prefix /n-/ to the stem if it does not begin with /g/ e g (16) (cf. (9) and (13)) 4 (14) Sia i-gouk (in g-gouk ) beig nu 3sNOM PST.VA-bother water 2sGEN 'HE bothered y our water.' (15) Sia i-gi-limut ( i n-g-limut) diaadn 3sNOM PST-VA-slander lsACC 'SHE slandered me 4 Toe underlying form for past tense is in.

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155 (16) Sia n-ig-bali (in-g bali) 3sNOM PST-VA-pla y 'HE pla y ed.' To arrive at the imperative forms of verbs in the peggroup : prefix /p~-/ to the root if the root begins with /g/ e g (17) (cf. (10) and (14)) ; prefix /p~g-/ to the root if the root does not begin with /g/ e g (3) (cf. (7) and (12)) (17) Dei pe-gouk (peg-gouk ) diaadn! do not IMP-bother lsACC 'Don't bother me!' Further evidence of these morphophonemic changes is provided in (18) where I have included full-forms reduced-forms past tense forms and imperative forms All of the verbs in (18) are derived from verb roots. (18) ROOT GLOSS FULL REDUCED PAST TENSE IMPERATIVE FORM FORM ng+ g+ Root g-+ Root in+ g+ Root ueg-+ Root adak smell ng-g-adak g-adak i-g-adak peg-adak ahal trick/cheat ng-g-ahal g-ahal i-g-ahal peg-ahal abut shuttle ng-g-abut g-abut i-g-abut peg-abut ait wait ng-g-ait g-ait i-g-ait peg-ait isik shake ng-g-isik g-isik i-g-isik peg-isik it bring ng-g-it g-it i-g-it peg-it imbakng den y permission ng-g-imbakng g-imbakng i-g-imbakng peg-imbakng ubu laugh ng-g-ubu g-ubu i-g-ubu peg-ubu lebas strip ng-ge-lebas ge-lebas i-ge-lebas peg-lebas libag make fun of ng-gi-libag gi-libag i-gi-libag peg-libag lingas pla y around ng-gi-lingas gi-lingas i-g-lingas peg-lingas liput circle ng-gi-liput gi-liput i-gi-liput peg-liput rampus angry ng-ge-rampus ge-rampus 1-ge-rampus peg-rampus ramu have intercourse ng-ge-ramu ge-ramu 1-ge-ramu peg-ramu seidn change clothes n-seidn ig-seidn n-ig-seidn peg-seidn siliu ex change things n-siliu ig-siliu n-ig-siliu peg-siliu suruadn arrange marnage n-suruadn ig-suruadn n-ig-suradn peg-suruadn tatakng look after n-tatakng ig-tatakng n-ig-tatakng peg-tatakng timung gather together n-timung ig-timung n-ig-timung peg-timung bagi divide m-bagi ig-bagi n-ig-bagi peg-bagi bali pla y m-bali ig-bali n-ig-bali peg-bali buat make m-buat ig-buat n-ig-buat peg-buat bunu' fight m-bunu' ig-bunu' n-ig-bunu' peg-bunu' pihir think m-pihir ig-pihir n-ig-pihir peg-pihir kogis scrape teeth ng-kogis ig-kogis n-ig-kogis peg-kogis ganad stud y ng-ganad i-ganad pe-ganad giras wail ng-giras 1-grras pe-giras gouk pester ng-gouk i-gouk pe-gouk

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155 (16) Sia n-ig-bali (in-g bali) 3sNOM PST-VA-pla y 'HE pla y ed.' To arrive at the imperative forms of verbs in the peggroup : prefix /p~-/ to the root if the root begins with /g/ e g (17) (cf. (10) and (14)) ; prefix /p~g-/ to the root if the root does not begin with /g/ e g (3) (cf. (7) and (12)) (17) Dei pe-gouk (peg-gouk ) diaadn! do not IMP-bother lsACC 'Don't bother me!' Further evidence of these morphophonemic changes is provided in (18) where I have included full-forms reduced-forms past tense forms and imperative forms All of the verbs in (18) are derived from verb roots. (18) ROOT GLOSS FULL REDUCED PAST TENSE IMPERATIVE FORM FORM ng+ g+ Root g-+ Root in+ g+ Root ueg-+ Root adak smell ng-g-adak g-adak i-g-adak peg-adak ahal trick/cheat ng-g-ahal g-ahal i-g-ahal peg-ahal abut shuttle ng-g-abut g-abut i-g-abut peg-abut ait wait ng-g-ait g-ait i-g-ait peg-ait isik shake ng-g-isik g-isik i-g-isik peg-isik it bring ng-g-it g-it i-g-it peg-it imbakng den y permission ng-g-imbakng g-imbakng i-g-imbakng peg-imbakng ubu laugh ng-g-ubu g-ubu i-g-ubu peg-ubu lebas strip ng-ge-lebas ge-lebas i-ge-lebas peg-lebas libag make fun of ng-gi-libag gi-libag i-gi-libag peg-libag lingas pla y around ng-gi-lingas gi-lingas i-g-lingas peg-lingas liput circle ng-gi-liput gi-liput i-gi-liput peg-liput rampus angry ng-ge-rampus ge-rampus 1-ge-rampus peg-rampus ramu have intercourse ng-ge-ramu ge-ramu 1-ge-ramu peg-ramu seidn change clothes n-seidn ig-seidn n-ig-seidn peg-seidn siliu ex change things n-siliu ig-siliu n-ig-siliu peg-siliu suruadn arrange marnage n-suruadn ig-suruadn n-ig-suradn peg-suruadn tatakng look after n-tatakng ig-tatakng n-ig-tatakng peg-tatakng timung gather together n-timung ig-timung n-ig-timung peg-timung bagi divide m-bagi ig-bagi n-ig-bagi peg-bagi bali pla y m-bali ig-bali n-ig-bali peg-bali buat make m-buat ig-buat n-ig-buat peg-buat bunu' fight m-bunu' ig-bunu' n-ig-bunu' peg-bunu' pihir think m-pihir ig-pihir n-ig-pihir peg-pihir kogis scrape teeth ng-kogis ig-kogis n-ig-kogis peg-kogis ganad stud y ng-ganad i-ganad pe-ganad giras wail ng-giras 1-grras pe-giras gouk pester ng-gouk i-gouk pe-gouk

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156 Verbs in the peggroup can also be derived from noun roots These include : 1) things that people wear like baju' 'shirt', e.g (19) ; 2) interpersonal relationships like pangan 'friend' e g (20) ; and other nouns e g api 'fire' as in (21) ( 19) Sia m-baju' (ng-g-baju ') 3sNOM NPST.V A-shirt 'HE is putting on a shirt (20) Sia m-pangan (ng-g-pangan) 3sNOM NPST V A-friend 'SHE befriends me (21) Sia pandi ng-g-api (ng-g-api) 3sNOM know NPST-V A-fire 'SHE knows how to cook.' diaadn lsACC All verbs in the peggroup are prefixed with pegin imperative mood, including those derived from noun roots, e.g. (4) and (22) (cf. (19)) (22) Dei peg-baju '! do.not IMP-shirt 'Don't put on a shirt!' Other verbs in the peggroup that are derived from noun roots are shown in (23) where I have included full-forms reduced-forms past tense imperatives and glosses for both the roots and derived verbs (cf. (18)) (23) ROOT GLOSS FULL GLOSS REDUCED PAST TENSE IMPERATIVE FORM FORM anak child ng-g-anak give birth g-anak i-g-anak peg-anak ama' father ng-g-ama' call father g-ama' i-g-ama' peg-ama' ap1 fire ng-g-ap1 cook g-apl 1-g-ap1 peg-ap1 apu' grandfather ng-g-apu' call g-apu' i-g-apu' peg-apu' grandfather indu' mother ng-g-indu' call g-indu' i-g-indu' peg-indu' mother odu' grandmother ng-g-odu' call g-odu' i-g-odu' peg-odu' grandmother langu' siblingng-ge-langu' call ge-langu' i-ge-langu' peg-langu' in-law siblingin-law lobokng grave ng-ge-lobokng bury ge-lobokng i-ge-lobokng peg-lobokng s1gup tobacco n-s1gup smoke 1g-s1gup n-1g-s1gup peg-s1gup silipar slippers n-silipar put on ig-silipar n-ig-silipar peg-silipar slippers suruar pants n-suruar put on 1g-suruar n-1g-suruar peg-suruar pants

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156 Verbs in the peggroup can also be derived from noun roots These include : 1) things that people wear like baju' 'shirt', e.g (19) ; 2) interpersonal relationships like pangan 'friend' e g (20) ; and other nouns e g api 'fire' as in (21) ( 19) Sia m-baju' (ng-g-baju ') 3sNOM NPST.V A-shirt 'HE is putting on a shirt (20) Sia m-pangan (ng-g-pangan) 3sNOM NPST V A-friend 'SHE befriends me (21) Sia pandi ng-g-api (ng-g-api) 3sNOM know NPST-V A-fire 'SHE knows how to cook.' diaadn lsACC All verbs in the peggroup are prefixed with pegin imperative mood, including those derived from noun roots, e.g. (4) and (22) (cf. (19)) (22) Dei peg-baju '! do.not IMP-shirt 'Don't put on a shirt!' Other verbs in the peggroup that are derived from noun roots are shown in (23) where I have included full-forms reduced-forms past tense imperatives and glosses for both the roots and derived verbs (cf. (18)) (23) ROOT GLOSS FULL GLOSS REDUCED PAST TENSE IMPERATIVE FORM FORM anak child ng-g-anak give birth g-anak i-g-anak peg-anak ama' father ng-g-ama' call father g-ama' i-g-ama' peg-ama' ap1 fire ng-g-ap1 cook g-apl 1-g-ap1 peg-ap1 apu' grandfather ng-g-apu' call g-apu' i-g-apu' peg-apu' grandfather indu' mother ng-g-indu' call g-indu' i-g-indu' peg-indu' mother odu' grandmother ng-g-odu' call g-odu' i-g-odu' peg-odu' grandmother langu' siblingng-ge-langu' call ge-langu' i-ge-langu' peg-langu' in-law siblingin-law lobokng grave ng-ge-lobokng bury ge-lobokng i-ge-lobokng peg-lobokng s1gup tobacco n-s1gup smoke 1g-s1gup n-1g-s1gup peg-s1gup silipar slippers n-silipar put on ig-silipar n-ig-silipar peg-silipar slippers suruar pants n-suruar put on 1g-suruar n-1g-suruar peg-suruar pants

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157 tondukng head n-tondukng put on ig-tondukng n-ig-tondukng peg-tondukng covenng head covenng jaabm watch n-jaabm spend ig-jaabm n-ig-jaabm peg-jaabm time with baju' shirt m-baju' put on ig-baju' n-ig-baju' peg-baju' shirt biras co-siblingm-biras call coig-biras n-ig-biras peg-biras in-law siblingin-law boros noise m-boros make ig-boros n-ig-boros peg-boros noise bua' fruit m-bua' bear fruit ig-bua' n-ig-bua' pangan friend m-pangan befriend 1g-pangan n-1g-pangan peg-pangan pusud sibling m-pusud call sibling ig-pusud n-ig-pusud peg-pusud kapak song ng-kapak smg ig-kapak n-ig-kapak peg-kapak kasut shoes ng-kasut put on ig-kasut n-ig-kasut peg-kasut shoes kerai work ng-kerai to work ig-kerai n-ig-kerai peg-kerai kuman uncle ng-kuman call uncle ig-kuman n-ig-kuman peg-kuman ganggu' jew's harp ng-ganggu' play jew's i-ganggu' pe-ganggu' harp ganti replacement ng-ganti replace i-ganti pe-ganti geisikng sarung ng-geisikng put on i-geisikng pe-geisikng sarung guai lover ng-guai call lover 1 -guai pe-guai Before addressing the semantic structure of the peggroup, I return briefly to the the difference between full and reduced forms Although there are only two tense distinctions (nonpast and past), there is a three-way surface contrast in indicative mood For example the root limut 'slander' has three forms: ng-gi-limut as in (7), gi-limut as in (12), and i-gi-limut as in (15). A similar three-way contrast exists with causative pand modal k. For example, the root loub 'face down' can occur with both of these affixes, in which case there is a three-way contrast in indicative mood between actor-pivot forms : m-pe-loub 'cause to be face down' pe-loub, and i-pe-loub; and ng-ke-loub 'fall face down' ke-loub and i-ke-loub In each of these three cases, past tense is marked as i-: i-gi-limut, i-pe-loub, and i-ke-loub. Full forms are marked by a homorganic nasal preceding the stem forming morpheme (g, p, or k-) : ng-gi-limut, m-pe-loub and ng-ke-loub Reduced forms have neither a preceding nasal, nor a preceding past-tense marker : gi-limut, pe-loub, and ke-loub Although this suggests that the homorganic nasal in the full forms is a present tense marker, such an analysis is a gross oversimplification of a complex problem Even though full forms occur much more frequently

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157 tondukng head n-tondukng put on ig-tondukng n-ig-tondukng peg-tondukng covenng head covenng jaabm watch n-jaabm spend ig-jaabm n-ig-jaabm peg-jaabm time with baju' shirt m-baju' put on ig-baju' n-ig-baju' peg-baju' shirt biras co-siblingm-biras call coig-biras n-ig-biras peg-biras in-law siblingin-law boros noise m-boros make ig-boros n-ig-boros peg-boros noise bua' fruit m-bua' bear fruit ig-bua' n-ig-bua' pangan friend m-pangan befriend 1g-pangan n-1g-pangan peg-pangan pusud sibling m-pusud call sibling ig-pusud n-ig-pusud peg-pusud kapak song ng-kapak smg ig-kapak n-ig-kapak peg-kapak kasut shoes ng-kasut put on ig-kasut n-ig-kasut peg-kasut shoes kerai work ng-kerai to work ig-kerai n-ig-kerai peg-kerai kuman uncle ng-kuman call uncle ig-kuman n-ig-kuman peg-kuman ganggu' jew's harp ng-ganggu' play jew's i-ganggu' pe-ganggu' harp ganti replacement ng-ganti replace i-ganti pe-ganti geisikng sarung ng-geisikng put on i-geisikng pe-geisikng sarung guai lover ng-guai call lover 1 -guai pe-guai Before addressing the semantic structure of the peggroup, I return briefly to the the difference between full and reduced forms Although there are only two tense distinctions (nonpast and past), there is a three-way surface contrast in indicative mood For example the root limut 'slander' has three forms: ng-gi-limut as in (7), gi-limut as in (12), and i-gi-limut as in (15). A similar three-way contrast exists with causative pand modal k. For example, the root loub 'face down' can occur with both of these affixes, in which case there is a three-way contrast in indicative mood between actor-pivot forms : m-pe-loub 'cause to be face down' pe-loub, and i-pe-loub; and ng-ke-loub 'fall face down' ke-loub and i-ke-loub In each of these three cases, past tense is marked as i-: i-gi-limut, i-pe-loub, and i-ke-loub. Full forms are marked by a homorganic nasal preceding the stem forming morpheme (g, p, or k-) : ng-gi-limut, m-pe-loub and ng-ke-loub Reduced forms have neither a preceding nasal, nor a preceding past-tense marker : gi-limut, pe-loub, and ke-loub Although this suggests that the homorganic nasal in the full forms is a present tense marker, such an analysis is a gross oversimplification of a complex problem Even though full forms occur much more frequently

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158 than reduced forms knowing when to use one versus the other remains somewhat of a mystery to me. 3 .1.2. Semantic Structure of the PegGroup One feature shared by all verbs in the g-lpeggroup is that the clause pivot is always the actor. This means that verbs in this group must be either activities or accomplishments since states and achievements do not have actor pivots. As I show below some verbs in the g-lpeggroup are activities and others are accomplishments The verbs in the g-/peggroup have different meanings which show a family resemblance to each other 5 This section examines the different types of meanings associated with verbs from the g-/peggroup . 3.1 showed how motion activity verbs occur in two types of clauses : motion activity clauses and motion accomplishment clauses The only difference between these two types of clauses has to do with the presence or absence of a locative argument. Motion accomplishment clauses have a locative argument but motion activity clauses do not. Therefore motion activity clauses are simpler in terms of their LS and, in some instances the number of core syntactic arguments. 6 Motion activity clauses have one argument in their LS and one core syntactic argument. The motion activity verb m-api t 'ACY-stop by' is representative of motion verbs in the -mgroup It is illustrated in (24) with a summary analysis provided in (25) (24) Sia nda' m-apit (-m-apit). 3sNOM not ACY-stop.b y 'HE does not stop by 5 Cf. Lakoff (1987) and Taylor (1989) for a discussion of the notions of family resemblance and prototypes within linguistics 6 In some instances the locative argument in accomplishment clauses occurs as a noncore oblique argument.

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158 than reduced forms knowing when to use one versus the other remains somewhat of a mystery to me. 3 .1.2. Semantic Structure of the PegGroup One feature shared by all verbs in the g-lpeggroup is that the clause pivot is always the actor. This means that verbs in this group must be either activities or accomplishments since states and achievements do not have actor pivots. As I show below some verbs in the g-lpeggroup are activities and others are accomplishments The verbs in the g-/peggroup have different meanings which show a family resemblance to each other 5 This section examines the different types of meanings associated with verbs from the g-/peggroup . 3.1 showed how motion activity verbs occur in two types of clauses : motion activity clauses and motion accomplishment clauses The only difference between these two types of clauses has to do with the presence or absence of a locative argument. Motion accomplishment clauses have a locative argument but motion activity clauses do not. Therefore motion activity clauses are simpler in terms of their LS and, in some instances the number of core syntactic arguments. 6 Motion activity clauses have one argument in their LS and one core syntactic argument. The motion activity verb m-api t 'ACY-stop by' is representative of motion verbs in the -mgroup It is illustrated in (24) with a summary analysis provided in (25) (24) Sia nda' m-apit (-m-apit). 3sNOM not ACY-stop.b y 'HE does not stop by 5 Cf. Lakoff (1987) and Taylor (1989) for a discussion of the notions of family resemblance and prototypes within linguistics 6 In some instances the locative argument in accomplishment clauses occurs as a noncore oblique argument.

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(25) a LS for motion activities : b. Clause-specific LS for (24) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb : 159 do' { x, [predicate' ( x )]) x =effector-theme do' (sia 'he' [apit 'stop b y' ( si a 'he )]) sia 'he'~ effector-theme actor effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot actor-sia 'he' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case apit 'stop b y m'ACY' The general LS for one-place motion activity verbs is shown in (25a) The single argument 'x of one-place motion activity predicates is an effector-theme which is both the actor and syntactic pivot. 7 Motion verbs in the -mgroup are cross-referenced b y -m, and involve one-wa y motion along a single trajectory e g m-apit 'ACY-stop b y in (24). The verb ng-g-isik 'NPST-IT-shake' (e.g. (26)) is representative of one-place motion activity verbs from the g! peggroup These verbs have the same LS as that shown in (25a) The difference between (24) and (26) is that (26) has an iterative aspectual operator with a concomitant contrast in v erbal cross-referencing (i e ginstead of -m-). 8 (26) Sia nda' ng-g-isik (ng-g-isik). 3sNOM not NPST-IT-shake 'HE is not shaking.' Motion activity verbs which are marked b y g(or peg-) have an iterative meaning The verb nggisik means 'to shake' or 'to tremble' and refers to back-and-forth motion 9 Whereas verbs in the 7 Cf. .3 .1 for further details 8 As stated at the beginning of this chapter aspectual operators have scope over the nucleus which contains the predicate The presence of the negator nda' 'not' (e g (24) and (26)) does not effect the marking of aspect 9 Although ng-g-isik 'NPST-IT-shake' is a one-place motion activity verb it can occur in clauses with two core syntactic arguments as in (i) where the second argument is a locative adjunct. (i) involves possessor ascension The corresponding clause without possessor ascension is shown in (ii). The interesting point here is that possessor ascension has been reported to be possible onl y if the possessed argument is an undergoer ; in this case it is an actor (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 251 ; cf. also 1 3) (i) Sia ng-g-isik (ng-gis ik ) onsi. 3sNOM NPST-IT-shake flesh 'HE is shivering.' (ii) Ng-g-isik ( ng-g-is i k ) onsi n y a NPST-IT-shake flesh 3sGEN 'HE is shivering

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(25) a LS for motion activities : b. Clause-specific LS for (24) : c Assign thematic relations : d Assign semantic macroroles : e. Assign syntactic functions : f. Assign case and prepositions : g. Cross-reference verb : 159 do' { x, [predicate' ( x )]) x =effector-theme do' (sia 'he' [apit 'stop b y' ( si a 'he )]) sia 'he'~ effector-theme actor effector-theme 1 Macrorole pivot actor-sia 'he' pivot-sia 'he' nominative case apit 'stop b y m'ACY' The general LS for one-place motion activity verbs is shown in (25a) The single argument 'x of one-place motion activity predicates is an effector-theme which is both the actor and syntactic pivot. 7 Motion verbs in the -mgroup are cross-referenced b y -m, and involve one-wa y motion along a single trajectory e g m-apit 'ACY-stop b y in (24). The verb ng-g-isik 'NPST-IT-shake' (e.g. (26)) is representative of one-place motion activity verbs from the g! peggroup These verbs have the same LS as that shown in (25a) The difference between (24) and (26) is that (26) has an iterative aspectual operator with a concomitant contrast in v erbal cross-referencing (i e ginstead of -m-). 8 (26) Sia nda' ng-g-isik (ng-g-isik). 3sNOM not NPST-IT-shake 'HE is not shaking.' Motion activity verbs which are marked b y g(or peg-) have an iterative meaning The verb nggisik means 'to shake' or 'to tremble' and refers to back-and-forth motion 9 Whereas verbs in the 7 Cf. .3 .1 for further details 8 As stated at the beginning of this chapter aspectual operators have scope over the nucleus which contains the predicate The presence of the negator nda' 'not' (e g (24) and (26)) does not effect the marking of aspect 9 Although ng-g-isik 'NPST-IT-shake' is a one-place motion activity verb it can occur in clauses with two core syntactic arguments as in (i) where the second argument is a locative adjunct. (i) involves possessor ascension The corresponding clause without possessor ascension is shown in (ii). The interesting point here is that possessor ascension has been reported to be possible onl y if the possessed argument is an undergoer ; in this case it is an actor (cf. Van Valin 1990 : 251 ; cf. also 1 3) (i) Sia ng-g-isik (ng-gis ik ) onsi. 3sNOM NPST-IT-shake flesh 'HE is shivering.' (ii) Ng-g-isik ( ng-g-is i k ) onsi n y a NPST-IT-shake flesh 3sGEN 'HE is shivering

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160 -mgroup refer to a single situation, man y verbs in the g-/peggroup refer to successive occurrences of a given situation In the case of motion v erbs this translates into either successive motion back-and-forth along a single trajectory or in some cases possibly successive stages along a trajectory (cf. (34)). The exact interpretation is contingent upon the semantics of the root. As stated abo v e and described in 3.1 motion verbs from the -mgroup can occur in motion accomplishment clauses. Thus if we take the verb m-apit ACY-stop b y' in (24) and add a locative argument th e result is a motion accomplishment clause (e.g (27)) with its accompanying LS (i e (29a)) Similarl y, some v erbs in the g-!peggroup can occur with a locative argument resulting in motion accomplishment clauses For example the verb ng-ge-Lobokng 'NPST-IT-bury' can have a locative argument resulting in a motion accomplishment clause (e g. (28)) which has the same LS as (27) (i.e (29a)) (27) Sia nda' m-apit (-m-apit) dii bali mi 3sNOM not ACY-stop.b y at house lpe x cGEN 'HE does not stop b y our house (28) Lori na ng-ge-lobokng (ng-g-Lobong) dii sodi ba/i mi. IO truck DEF NPST-IT-bury at beside house lpexcGEN 'THE TRUCK buried itself beside our house.' [Implied : It got stuck, burying itself in the mud ] (29) a LS for mot i on accomplishments : [do'(x)] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' ( y,x )] x=effector-theme y=locative-goal b. LS for (27) : [apit 'stop b y (sia 'he )] CAUS E [B E COME dii 'at' (bali mi 'our house' sia he')] c. LS for (28) : [lobokng 'bury' (Lorina 'the truck')] C AUS E [B E COME dii sodi 'beside' (bali mi 'our house' Lorina 'the truck')] Goal-oriented motion accomplishments have the same LS (i e (29a)) regardless of w hether the y are from the -mgroup (e g (27)) or the g-lpeggroup (e g (28)) The difference between (27) and (28) is that (28) has an iterative aspectual operator with a concomitant contrast in verbal cross-referencing (i e ginstead of -m-) IO An epenthetic vowel is inserted between the prefix and the v erb root to avoid impermissible s y llable structures

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160 -mgroup refer to a single situation, man y verbs in the g-/peggroup refer to successive occurrences of a given situation In the case of motion v erbs this translates into either successive motion back-and-forth along a single trajectory or in some cases possibly successive stages along a trajectory (cf. (34)). The exact interpretation is contingent upon the semantics of the root. As stated abo v e and described in 3.1 motion verbs from the -mgroup can occur in motion accomplishment clauses. Thus if we take the verb m-apit ACY-stop b y' in (24) and add a locative argument th e result is a motion accomplishment clause (e.g (27)) with its accompanying LS (i e (29a)) Similarl y, some v erbs in the g-!peggroup can occur with a locative argument resulting in motion accomplishment clauses For example the verb ng-ge-Lobokng 'NPST-IT-bury' can have a locative argument resulting in a motion accomplishment clause (e g. (28)) which has the same LS as (27) (i.e (29a)) (27) Sia nda' m-apit (-m-apit) dii bali mi 3sNOM not ACY-stop.b y at house lpe x cGEN 'HE does not stop b y our house (28) Lori na ng-ge-lobokng (ng-g-Lobong) dii sodi ba/i mi. IO truck DEF NPST-IT-bury at beside house lpexcGEN 'THE TRUCK buried itself beside our house.' [Implied : It got stuck, burying itself in the mud ] (29) a LS for mot i on accomplishments : [do'(x)] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' ( y,x )] x=effector-theme y=locative-goal b. LS for (27) : [apit 'stop b y (sia 'he )] CAUS E [B E COME dii 'at' (bali mi 'our house' sia he')] c. LS for (28) : [lobokng 'bury' (Lorina 'the truck')] C AUS E [B E COME dii sodi 'beside' (bali mi 'our house' Lorina 'the truck')] Goal-oriented motion accomplishments have the same LS (i e (29a)) regardless of w hether the y are from the -mgroup (e g (27)) or the g-lpeggroup (e g (28)) The difference between (27) and (28) is that (28) has an iterative aspectual operator with a concomitant contrast in verbal cross-referencing (i e ginstead of -m-) IO An epenthetic vowel is inserted between the prefix and the v erb root to avoid impermissible s y llable structures

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161 The verb m-apit 'ACY-stop b y in (27) involves a solitary event on a single trajectory ; its clause-specific LS is shown in (29b). The verb ng-ge-lobokng 'NPST-IT-bury' in (28) involves successive motion in which the driver of a truck rocks the truck back-and-forth resulting in the truck burying itself in the mud ; its clause-specific LS is shown in (29c). 11 Both verbs are motion accomplishments involving an effector-theme and a location There is an interesting contrast between the motion accomplishment verb ng-ge-lobokng 'NPST-IT-bury' in (28) and the regular accomplishment nge-lobokng 'APL-bury' in (30) The general LS for (30) is shown in (3 la) the clause-specific LS in (31 b ) Whereas effector and theme are coreferential with motion accomplishment verbs (e g mapit in (27) and nggelobokng in (28) ; cf. (29a)) the y are distinct arguments with regular accomplishments whose 'I' portion contains an abstract locative predicate be-at ( x, y ) ; e g. ngelobokng in (30) (cf. (3 la) and discussion in 4) (30) Sia ng e -lobokng (ng-lobokng) banggi na. corpse DEF 3sNOM APL-bury 'HE is burying the corpse (31) a LS for regular accomplishments : b LS for (30) : (do' ( x )] CAUSE (BECOME be-at' (y z)] x =effector y=locative-goal z=theme [do' (sia 'he')] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (0 banggi na 'the corpse')] From (26) and (28) one might conclude that gonl y occurs with activity verbs in either activity clauses or motion accomplishment clauses (cf. 3 1). Although such a conclusion accounts for a large number of gmarked verbs there are other gmarked verbs which are not activities 12 The verb ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' (e.g (32)) involves motion and belongs to the g-lpeggroup. 11 There are very few vehicles on Banggi Island and no paved roads. During the rain y season, it is inevitable that vehicles bury themselves in the mud 12 Boutin (l 99 la:9f.) wrongl y concluded that all gmarked verbs are activities The failure to recognize different subtypes of gmarked verbs arose from focusing on the surface morphology and failing to construct LSs which reveal important semantic differences

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161 The verb m-apit 'ACY-stop b y in (27) involves a solitary event on a single trajectory ; its clause-specific LS is shown in (29b). The verb ng-ge-lobokng 'NPST-IT-bury' in (28) involves successive motion in which the driver of a truck rocks the truck back-and-forth resulting in the truck burying itself in the mud ; its clause-specific LS is shown in (29c). 11 Both verbs are motion accomplishments involving an effector-theme and a location There is an interesting contrast between the motion accomplishment verb ng-ge-lobokng 'NPST-IT-bury' in (28) and the regular accomplishment nge-lobokng 'APL-bury' in (30) The general LS for (30) is shown in (3 la) the clause-specific LS in (31 b ) Whereas effector and theme are coreferential with motion accomplishment verbs (e g mapit in (27) and nggelobokng in (28) ; cf. (29a)) the y are distinct arguments with regular accomplishments whose 'I' portion contains an abstract locative predicate be-at ( x, y ) ; e g. ngelobokng in (30) (cf. (3 la) and discussion in 4) (30) Sia ng e -lobokng (ng-lobokng) banggi na. corpse DEF 3sNOM APL-bury 'HE is burying the corpse (31) a LS for regular accomplishments : b LS for (30) : (do' ( x )] CAUSE (BECOME be-at' (y z)] x =effector y=locative-goal z=theme [do' (sia 'he')] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (0 banggi na 'the corpse')] From (26) and (28) one might conclude that gonl y occurs with activity verbs in either activity clauses or motion accomplishment clauses (cf. 3 1). Although such a conclusion accounts for a large number of gmarked verbs there are other gmarked verbs which are not activities 12 The verb ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' (e.g (32)) involves motion and belongs to the g-lpeggroup. 11 There are very few vehicles on Banggi Island and no paved roads. During the rain y season, it is inevitable that vehicles bury themselves in the mud 12 Boutin (l 99 la:9f.) wrongl y concluded that all gmarked verbs are activities The failure to recognize different subtypes of gmarked verbs arose from focusing on the surface morphology and failing to construct LSs which reveal important semantic differences

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162 (32) Sia ng-g-ahut (ng-g-ahut) piasu. 3sNOM NPST-IT-shuttle coconut 'HE is shuttling coconut.' (Implied : He repeatedl y carries bags of coconut copra someplace near the river ) The LS for (32) is provided in (33) In motion accomplishments the effector and the theme are the same argument (cf. (29a)). However these two thematic roles are split between two arguments in regular accomplishments whose 'I' portion contains an abstract locative predicate ( cf. (3 la) (33a)) (33) a LS for regular accomplishments : b LS for (32) : [do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' ( y, z)] x=effector y=locative-goal z=theme [ do'(sia 'he')] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (0 piasu 'coconut )] The verb ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' is an iterative accomplishment verb It refers to a situation in which a person (the effector) makes multiple trips between two points in order to transport goods (the theme) from one point to another point. The movement of goods b y a person makes the verb an accomplishment whereas the multiple trips supplies the iterative component. Thus gcan occur in motion activity clauses (e g (26)) motion accomplishment clauses (e g (28)) and iterative accomplishment clauses (e g (32)) (26) (28) and (32) all share the feature of iterative movement. In (26) and (28) the effector-theme is relativel y stationary but moves back and-forth ; in (32) the effector moves different themes multiple times from one point to another Another accomplishment verb which involves movement is the verb nggit 'bring/take/carry' (e g (34)) This verb refers to a situation in which an effector makes a single trip between two points w hich are some distance apart The effector either takes another person (a theme) along with him or carries something (a theme) with him on the trip Direction can be either awa y from the speaker (the 'take' interpretation) or toward the speaker (the 'bring' interpretation) (34) Eisi ng-g-it (ng-g-it) kiou ? who NPST-VA-carry wood WHO is carrying wood ? The LS for (34) is the same as the general LS for ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle provided in (33a). Nggit lacks the iterative interpretation described for other gmarked motion verbs Perhaps an iterative interpretation is still valid for nggit if the event is viewed as a series of successive

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162 (32) Sia ng-g-ahut (ng-g-ahut) piasu. 3sNOM NPST-IT-shuttle coconut 'HE is shuttling coconut.' (Implied : He repeatedl y carries bags of coconut copra someplace near the river ) The LS for (32) is provided in (33) In motion accomplishments the effector and the theme are the same argument (cf. (29a)). However these two thematic roles are split between two arguments in regular accomplishments whose 'I' portion contains an abstract locative predicate ( cf. (3 la) (33a)) (33) a LS for regular accomplishments : b LS for (32) : [do'(x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' ( y, z)] x=effector y=locative-goal z=theme [ do'(sia 'he')] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (0 piasu 'coconut )] The verb ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' is an iterative accomplishment verb It refers to a situation in which a person (the effector) makes multiple trips between two points in order to transport goods (the theme) from one point to another point. The movement of goods b y a person makes the verb an accomplishment whereas the multiple trips supplies the iterative component. Thus gcan occur in motion activity clauses (e g (26)) motion accomplishment clauses (e g (28)) and iterative accomplishment clauses (e g (32)) (26) (28) and (32) all share the feature of iterative movement. In (26) and (28) the effector-theme is relativel y stationary but moves back and-forth ; in (32) the effector moves different themes multiple times from one point to another Another accomplishment verb which involves movement is the verb nggit 'bring/take/carry' (e g (34)) This verb refers to a situation in which an effector makes a single trip between two points w hich are some distance apart The effector either takes another person (a theme) along with him or carries something (a theme) with him on the trip Direction can be either awa y from the speaker (the 'take' interpretation) or toward the speaker (the 'bring' interpretation) (34) Eisi ng-g-it (ng-g-it) kiou ? who NPST-VA-carry wood WHO is carrying wood ? The LS for (34) is the same as the general LS for ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle provided in (33a). Nggit lacks the iterative interpretation described for other gmarked motion verbs Perhaps an iterative interpretation is still valid for nggit if the event is viewed as a series of successive

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163 stages along a trajectory Although nggit is a poor exemplar of iterativity it is unproblematic for the prototype anal y sis presented here The next set of gmarked verbs do not involve motion The verb ng-g-adak 'NPST-VA-kiss / smell is representative ofthis group e.g. (35) 13 The general LS for (35) is shown in (36a) the clause-specific LS in (36b) As seen in (36) these are accomplishments whose 'I' portion contains a two-place abstract predicate predicate' ( x,y ) (35) Nda' kaap ng-g-adak pusud s umbakng. not able NPST-VA-kiss sibling incest 'PEOPLE cannot kiss their sibling ; it is incest. 114 (36) a LS for accomplishments w here 'I'= B E COME predicate' ( x,y ) : b LS for (35) : [do' ( x )] CAUS E [B E COME predicate ( x,y )] [do' (0)] CAUS E [B E COME adak 'smell' (0 pusud 'sibling')] Verbs such as nggadak 'kiss' in (35) occur in two-argument clauses The second argument is either unaffected or onl y partiall y affected It is very differerent from a patient. 1 5 pointed out that the LS for all states can be generalized as either predicate' ( x ) or predicate (x ,y ) Patient was defined as the argument in the LS configuration predicate' ( x ). The first group of accomplishments described in .4 were accomplishments whose 'I' portion includes the LS configuration predicate' ( x ). Their LS is : [do' ( x )] CA U S E [B E COME predicate' ( y )]. This turns out to be the LS for prototypical accomplishments which involve both a controlling agent and an affected patient. All prototypical accomplishment verbs take ngas the actor-pivot form and not g. gmarked verbs fall somewhere between prototyp i cal accomplishments and prototypical activities 13 Kissing in Bonggi means touching with the nose not the lips which accounts for the two senses of the root adak 14 The pivot is unspecified in the Bonggi. This is seen in the clause-specific LS in (36b) where the effector argument is unspecified, being filled b y "0". People' and 'their' are used in the English free translation, although generic y ou would also be appropriate.

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163 stages along a trajectory Although nggit is a poor exemplar of iterativity it is unproblematic for the prototype anal y sis presented here The next set of gmarked verbs do not involve motion The verb ng-g-adak 'NPST-VA-kiss / smell is representative ofthis group e.g. (35) 13 The general LS for (35) is shown in (36a) the clause-specific LS in (36b) As seen in (36) these are accomplishments whose 'I' portion contains a two-place abstract predicate predicate' ( x,y ) (35) Nda' kaap ng-g-adak pusud s umbakng. not able NPST-VA-kiss sibling incest 'PEOPLE cannot kiss their sibling ; it is incest. 114 (36) a LS for accomplishments w here 'I'= B E COME predicate' ( x,y ) : b LS for (35) : [do' ( x )] CAUS E [B E COME predicate ( x,y )] [do' (0)] CAUS E [B E COME adak 'smell' (0 pusud 'sibling')] Verbs such as nggadak 'kiss' in (35) occur in two-argument clauses The second argument is either unaffected or onl y partiall y affected It is very differerent from a patient. 1 5 pointed out that the LS for all states can be generalized as either predicate' ( x ) or predicate (x ,y ) Patient was defined as the argument in the LS configuration predicate' ( x ). The first group of accomplishments described in .4 were accomplishments whose 'I' portion includes the LS configuration predicate' ( x ). Their LS is : [do' ( x )] CA U S E [B E COME predicate' ( y )]. This turns out to be the LS for prototypical accomplishments which involve both a controlling agent and an affected patient. All prototypical accomplishment verbs take ngas the actor-pivot form and not g. gmarked verbs fall somewhere between prototyp i cal accomplishments and prototypical activities 13 Kissing in Bonggi means touching with the nose not the lips which accounts for the two senses of the root adak 14 The pivot is unspecified in the Bonggi. This is seen in the clause-specific LS in (36b) where the effector argument is unspecified, being filled b y "0". People' and 'their' are used in the English free translation, although generic y ou would also be appropriate.

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164 The second argument of the verb ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' in (32) is a theme which undergoes a change in location ( cf. the LS in (3 3)) Theme was defined in 1 5 as the second argument in the LS configuration predicate' (x,y). Given this definition, the second argument 'y' of the LS in (36a) is also a theme. The theme in (33a) is different from the theme in (36a) in that the former involves movement ( change of location), but the latter does not. This movement results from 'y' being an argument of the abstract locative predicate be-at' in (33a), whereas the absence of movement results from 'y' being an argument of the nonlocative predicate predicate' in (36a) In neither case is the second argument affected like a patient. 15 Having concluded that (i) some gmarked verbs are accomplishments whose 'I' portion contains the two-place abstract predicate, predicate' (x,y) ; and (ii) the second argument 'y' is a theme a question might arise as to the nature of'x' in the 'I' portion According to Table 2 7, 'x' is either an experiencer or a locative If a thematic role is assigned to 'x', experiencer is the best fit. Thus with these gmarked verbs 'x' in (36a) is construed as an effector-experiencer 16 Besides nggadak 'kiss' in (35) other gmarked accomplishments with the LS in (36a) are shown in (37) with their full-form (cf. (18)). The second argument of these verbs is unaffected in that it neither undergoes a change in state like a patient nor does it undergo a change in location like a theme in accomplishments with an abstract locative predicate The verbs in (37) neither involve motion nor make reference to multiple events These events imply duration over an interval of time 15 Cf. Kroeger's (1988a : 224) explanation for certain verbs in Kimaragang which have two arguments, with the second argument not being "a true patient." 16 Cf. the discussion of experiencer and emotional states following Table 2. 7 See also the discussion of thematic roles as mnemonics in

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164 The second argument of the verb ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' in (32) is a theme which undergoes a change in location ( cf. the LS in (3 3)) Theme was defined in 1 5 as the second argument in the LS configuration predicate' (x,y). Given this definition, the second argument 'y' of the LS in (36a) is also a theme. The theme in (33a) is different from the theme in (36a) in that the former involves movement ( change of location), but the latter does not. This movement results from 'y' being an argument of the abstract locative predicate be-at' in (33a), whereas the absence of movement results from 'y' being an argument of the nonlocative predicate predicate' in (36a) In neither case is the second argument affected like a patient. 15 Having concluded that (i) some gmarked verbs are accomplishments whose 'I' portion contains the two-place abstract predicate, predicate' (x,y) ; and (ii) the second argument 'y' is a theme a question might arise as to the nature of'x' in the 'I' portion According to Table 2 7, 'x' is either an experiencer or a locative If a thematic role is assigned to 'x', experiencer is the best fit. Thus with these gmarked verbs 'x' in (36a) is construed as an effector-experiencer 16 Besides nggadak 'kiss' in (35) other gmarked accomplishments with the LS in (36a) are shown in (37) with their full-form (cf. (18)). The second argument of these verbs is unaffected in that it neither undergoes a change in state like a patient nor does it undergo a change in location like a theme in accomplishments with an abstract locative predicate The verbs in (37) neither involve motion nor make reference to multiple events These events imply duration over an interval of time 15 Cf. Kroeger's (1988a : 224) explanation for certain verbs in Kimaragang which have two arguments, with the second argument not being "a true patient." 16 Cf. the discussion of experiencer and emotional states following Table 2. 7 See also the discussion of thematic roles as mnemonics in

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165 (37) ng-gi-libag NPST-VA-make fun of ng-g-ait NPST-VA-wait for ng-g-intabm NPST-VA-recall something ng-g-adab NPST-VA-respect someone ng-gesab NPST. VA-ridicule m-pihir NPST.VA-think about n-simbuat NPST.VA-curse n-tatakng NPST.VA-look after ng-gi-limut ng-ge-rampus ng-g-olibm ng-gemgg1 ng-ganad m-persab n-jaabm NPST-V A-slander NPST-VA-angry at NPST-VA-deny having NPST.VA-promise something NPST.VA-study something NPST.VA-amuse NPST.VA-spend time with The next set of g-/pegmarked verbs to be discussed is a small subset of the motion activity verbs described in the beginning of this section Most motion activities are either -mmarked like m-apit 'ACY-stop.by' in (24) or gmarked like ng-g-isik 'NPST-IT-shake' in (26) As a general rule, there is no overlap ; g-lpegand -m-/0 are in complementary distribution with activity verbs taking one or the other, but not both 17 Motion activity verbs which are inherently iterative are marked (e.g. (26)) ; those which are noniterative are -mmarked (e g (24)). Noniterative (-m marked) events cannot simply be marked with ggiving them an iterative meaning In order to supply an iterative meaning to a noniterative verb such as m-apit 'ACY-stop.by', you must both reduplicate the root and add an iterative prefix such as g, e.g. (38) 18 (38) lhi nda' na ng-g-apit-apit lpexcNOM not PRF NPST-IT-stop by-stop.by WE didn t keep stopping by people's places along the way.' Posture verbs are somewhat of an exception to the general marking principles stated above Posture verbs in Bonggi are generally lexicalized as 'getting-into-a-posture' 19 That is Bonggi posture verbs like m-upug 'ACY-sit' (e g (39)) and m-usag 'ACY-stand' refer to 'getting-into-a17 gand -moccur in declarative mood ; pegand 0 are the corresponding imperative mood forms with 0 meaning the absence of an overt marker and not a zero morpheme 18 An iterative prefix is defined as a stem-forming prefix from the g-/peggroup; specifically either gor peg. Reduplication with the noniterative -mis normally ungrammatical Thus *m apit-apit is ungrammatical Details regarding reduplication are discussed later in this section 19 According to Talmy (1985 : 86) English verbs of posture are lexicalized as 'being-in-a-posture' That is English verbs like sit and stand normally refer to 'being-in-a-posture' and the verb must be augmented (e.g. sit down, stand up) to indicate 'getting-into-a-posture'. Cf. Talmy (1985:85ff.) for a detailed discussion of this phenomenon in different languages Dowty (1979) and Van Valin (1990:228) treat English verbs of posture as agentive states

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165 (37) ng-gi-libag NPST-VA-make fun of ng-g-ait NPST-VA-wait for ng-g-intabm NPST-VA-recall something ng-g-adab NPST-VA-respect someone ng-gesab NPST. VA-ridicule m-pihir NPST.VA-think about n-simbuat NPST.VA-curse n-tatakng NPST.VA-look after ng-gi-limut ng-ge-rampus ng-g-olibm ng-gemgg1 ng-ganad m-persab n-jaabm NPST-V A-slander NPST-VA-angry at NPST-VA-deny having NPST.VA-promise something NPST.VA-study something NPST.VA-amuse NPST.VA-spend time with The next set of g-/pegmarked verbs to be discussed is a small subset of the motion activity verbs described in the beginning of this section Most motion activities are either -mmarked like m-apit 'ACY-stop.by' in (24) or gmarked like ng-g-isik 'NPST-IT-shake' in (26) As a general rule, there is no overlap ; g-lpegand -m-/0 are in complementary distribution with activity verbs taking one or the other, but not both 17 Motion activity verbs which are inherently iterative are marked (e.g. (26)) ; those which are noniterative are -mmarked (e g (24)). Noniterative (-m marked) events cannot simply be marked with ggiving them an iterative meaning In order to supply an iterative meaning to a noniterative verb such as m-apit 'ACY-stop.by', you must both reduplicate the root and add an iterative prefix such as g, e.g. (38) 18 (38) lhi nda' na ng-g-apit-apit lpexcNOM not PRF NPST-IT-stop by-stop.by WE didn t keep stopping by people's places along the way.' Posture verbs are somewhat of an exception to the general marking principles stated above Posture verbs in Bonggi are generally lexicalized as 'getting-into-a-posture' 19 That is Bonggi posture verbs like m-upug 'ACY-sit' (e g (39)) and m-usag 'ACY-stand' refer to 'getting-into-a17 gand -moccur in declarative mood ; pegand 0 are the corresponding imperative mood forms with 0 meaning the absence of an overt marker and not a zero morpheme 18 An iterative prefix is defined as a stem-forming prefix from the g-/peggroup; specifically either gor peg. Reduplication with the noniterative -mis normally ungrammatical Thus *m apit-apit is ungrammatical Details regarding reduplication are discussed later in this section 19 According to Talmy (1985 : 86) English verbs of posture are lexicalized as 'being-in-a-posture' That is English verbs like sit and stand normally refer to 'being-in-a-posture' and the verb must be augmented (e.g. sit down, stand up) to indicate 'getting-into-a-posture'. Cf. Talmy (1985:85ff.) for a detailed discussion of this phenomenon in different languages Dowty (1979) and Van Valin (1990:228) treat English verbs of posture as agentive states

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166 posture' ; a 'being-in-a-posture meaning is obtained b y prefixing gto the root e g g-upug 'VA sitting' in ( 40) and g-usag VA-standing' 20 (39) Nggien ku m-upug (-m-upug)?21 where lsGEN ACY-sit Where do I sit down ? (40) Nggien nu g-upug (g-upug) ? where 2sGEN VA-sit Where are y ou sitting?' The 'being-in-a-posture' forms (e g (40)) are obtained via the reduced form /g-/ which was described in 1.1. However like other -mmarked activity v erbs (e g m-apit 'ACY-stop b y ') the full form /Ij/ + / g/ does not occur That is *nggupug and *nggusag are ungrammatical. Also like other -mmarked activity verbs an iterative meaning can be supplied b y reduplicating the root and adding the iterative prefix g, e g (41) The iterative meaning in (41) refers to 'getting-into-a-posture' not 'being-in-a-posture' (41) Nggien nu ng-g-upug-upug ? where 2sGEN NPST-IT-sit-sit Where do y ou keep sitting down?' When posture verbs of the 'getting-into-a-posture' type occur in imperative mood (e.g. (42)) the y are unaffixedjust like other -mmarked activity verbs (cf. (5)). Similarl y, when posture verbs 20 A third possibility with posture verbs refers to 'putting-into-a-posture' which is obtained b y prefixing the causative pto the root e g. p-ugug 'sit someone down' p-usag 'stand someone up (cf. .4 for a discussion of causat iv es) Of the three forms mupug sit.down' gupug 'sitting' and pugug 'sit someone down' mupug is unmarked in terms of frequenc y Of these three terms mupug is the one that m y wife and I acquired first. Furthermore I believe it is acquired first b y native speakers but I do not have data to support this claim. 21 For the most part I have sta y ed with declarative and imperative clauses to illustrate Bonggi thereb y avoiding interrogative clauses. This has been intentional since interrogatives introduce a number of complexities The WH-word nggien 'where' in (39) is the focus of the question. "The focus of an utterance is the part that is asserted in a declarative utterance or questioned in an interrogative utterance" (VV 1993 : 23) The syntactic pivot in (39) is the actor-effector ku not the locative question word nggien 'where' Although one would e x pect the pivot pronoun to occur in the nominative case (i e ou 'lsNOM') instead it occurs in the genitive case (i e. ku 'lsGEN' ; cf. Table 1.2 for Bonggi pronouns) Some WH-words (e.g. eisi 'who' (cf. (34)) and onu 'what') refer to core arguments and function as the syntactic pivot. Other WH-words (e.g. nggien 'where' mipa' 'when' and pungga' 'how') refer to adjuncts (location time and manner) and do not function as the syntactic pivot. In the latter case pivots occur in the genitive case (e.g (39) (40))

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166 posture' ; a 'being-in-a-posture meaning is obtained b y prefixing gto the root e g g-upug 'VA sitting' in ( 40) and g-usag VA-standing' 20 (39) Nggien ku m-upug (-m-upug)?21 where lsGEN ACY-sit Where do I sit down ? (40) Nggien nu g-upug (g-upug) ? where 2sGEN VA-sit Where are y ou sitting?' The 'being-in-a-posture' forms (e g (40)) are obtained via the reduced form /g-/ which was described in 1.1. However like other -mmarked activity v erbs (e g m-apit 'ACY-stop b y ') the full form /Ij/ + / g/ does not occur That is *nggupug and *nggusag are ungrammatical. Also like other -mmarked activity verbs an iterative meaning can be supplied b y reduplicating the root and adding the iterative prefix g, e g (41) The iterative meaning in (41) refers to 'getting-into-a-posture' not 'being-in-a-posture' (41) Nggien nu ng-g-upug-upug ? where 2sGEN NPST-IT-sit-sit Where do y ou keep sitting down?' When posture verbs of the 'getting-into-a-posture' type occur in imperative mood (e.g. (42)) the y are unaffixedjust like other -mmarked activity verbs (cf. (5)). Similarl y, when posture verbs 20 A third possibility with posture verbs refers to 'putting-into-a-posture' which is obtained b y prefixing the causative pto the root e g. p-ugug 'sit someone down' p-usag 'stand someone up (cf. .4 for a discussion of causat iv es) Of the three forms mupug sit.down' gupug 'sitting' and pugug 'sit someone down' mupug is unmarked in terms of frequenc y Of these three terms mupug is the one that m y wife and I acquired first. Furthermore I believe it is acquired first b y native speakers but I do not have data to support this claim. 21 For the most part I have sta y ed with declarative and imperative clauses to illustrate Bonggi thereb y avoiding interrogative clauses. This has been intentional since interrogatives introduce a number of complexities The WH-word nggien 'where' in (39) is the focus of the question. "The focus of an utterance is the part that is asserted in a declarative utterance or questioned in an interrogative utterance" (VV 1993 : 23) The syntactic pivot in (39) is the actor-effector ku not the locative question word nggien 'where' Although one would e x pect the pivot pronoun to occur in the nominative case (i e ou 'lsNOM') instead it occurs in the genitive case (i e. ku 'lsGEN' ; cf. Table 1.2 for Bonggi pronouns) Some WH-words (e.g. eisi 'who' (cf. (34)) and onu 'what') refer to core arguments and function as the syntactic pivot. Other WH-words (e.g. nggien 'where' mipa' 'when' and pungga' 'how') refer to adjuncts (location time and manner) and do not function as the syntactic pivot. In the latter case pivots occur in the genitive case (e.g (39) (40))

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167 of the 'being-in-a-posture' type occur in imperative mood (e g. (44)), they are prefixed by peg(cf. (3) (4)) Finally, when iterative posture verbs occur in imperative mood (e.g. (44)), they refer to 'getting-into-a-posture', not 'being-in-a-posture' (cf. (41)) (42) Dei upug dioo! do not sit over there 'Don't sit down over there!' (43) Dei peg-upug! do not IMP-sit 'Don't stay seated!' (44) Dei peg-upug-upug! where IMP-sit-sit 'Don't keep sitting down!' In the absence of language acquisition evidence (cf. footnote 20), I take the following to be evidence for 'getting-into-a-posture' as the primary lexicalization for posture verbs in Bonggi : (i) a much greater frequency of 'getting-into-a-posture' forms over 'being-in-a-posture' forms and (ii) iterative posture verbs always refer to 'getting-into-a-posture'. Posture verbs which can occur with lg-I supplying a 'being-in-a-posture' meaning are shown in (45) with g-ogot 'hold' being illustrated in (46) rr====""F""-====-==-=;===-===-=====---====;==-=======-===~ (45) Root Gloss Indicative us stand u m-usa u u sit down ilakn lie down m-ilakn o ot hold m-o ot (46) Kahal a g-ogot ny eili'? still 2sNOM VA-hold NPIV boy 'Are YOU still holding the boy?' Im erative Indicative Im erative o ot

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167 of the 'being-in-a-posture' type occur in imperative mood (e g. (44)), they are prefixed by peg(cf. (3) (4)) Finally, when iterative posture verbs occur in imperative mood (e.g. (44)), they refer to 'getting-into-a-posture', not 'being-in-a-posture' (cf. (41)) (42) Dei upug dioo! do not sit over there 'Don't sit down over there!' (43) Dei peg-upug! do not IMP-sit 'Don't stay seated!' (44) Dei peg-upug-upug! where IMP-sit-sit 'Don't keep sitting down!' In the absence of language acquisition evidence (cf. footnote 20), I take the following to be evidence for 'getting-into-a-posture' as the primary lexicalization for posture verbs in Bonggi : (i) a much greater frequency of 'getting-into-a-posture' forms over 'being-in-a-posture' forms and (ii) iterative posture verbs always refer to 'getting-into-a-posture'. Posture verbs which can occur with lg-I supplying a 'being-in-a-posture' meaning are shown in (45) with g-ogot 'hold' being illustrated in (46) rr====""F""-====-==-=;===-===-=====---====;==-=======-===~ (45) Root Gloss Indicative us stand u m-usa u u sit down ilakn lie down m-ilakn o ot hold m-o ot (46) Kahal a g-ogot ny eili'? still 2sNOM VA-hold NPIV boy 'Are YOU still holding the boy?' Im erative Indicative Im erative o ot

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168 Although the term 'being-in-a-posture' suggests that the gmarked verbs in (45) are stative they are activities and not states 22 I take the presence of imperative forms occurring with 'being in-a-posture' verbs as evidence for their being activities and not states 2 3 I also take the use of /peg-group forms specifically gand peg, as further evidence for 'being-in-a-posture' type verbs to be activities One reason for including 'being-in-a-posture' type verbs in the g-lpeggroup constellation is they share a feature which is common to some other members of this constellation ; i e action drawn out in time Iterative verbs such as ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' in (32) are drawn out in time as are noniterative motion verbs such as ng-g-it 'NPST-VA-carry/take/bring' in (34) and ng gi-liput 'NPST-VA-circle a place by traveling'. Bonggi has at least one gmarked posture verb which is slightly different from the verbs in (45). It is derived from the root abag 'vertical'. 3.1 pointed out that there is a fundamental distinction among activity verbs between those which take a volitional argument with control and those that do not. Whereas the verbs in (45) have volitional arguments that control the activity the motion activity verb m-abag 'flare up' in (47) is not under the control of the actor. (47) Apt ku nda' m-abag (-m-abag). fire lsGEN not ACY-flare up 'MY FIRE is not flaring up Activity clauses can have an antecedent cause adjunct marked by ga' 'from' e g (48) .1.3 pointed out that ga' 'from' marks effectors (antecedent cause) which would be expected to occur as 22 Talm y ( 1985) uses the term 'being-in-a-state' which suggest even more that they are states Certainl y the 'being-in-a-state' type verbs are more 'stative-like' than the 'getting-into-a-posture' type 23 1 assume that imperatives can only be formed with verbs that take actors (cf. VV 1993 : 53). In an imperative the speaker is telling someone to do something which suggests an activity Cf. Morreall ( 1978) who claims stative commands can occur with verbs such as know forget believe think and have Michel Achard and Wayne King have suggested (personal communication) that the solution to the question of imperative statives lies in assuming an accomplishment schema for the analysis of imperatives Some imperatives focus on the initiating activity (e g. Listen!) others on the resultant state (e g. Be healthy!)

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168 Although the term 'being-in-a-posture' suggests that the gmarked verbs in (45) are stative they are activities and not states 22 I take the presence of imperative forms occurring with 'being in-a-posture' verbs as evidence for their being activities and not states 2 3 I also take the use of /peg-group forms specifically gand peg, as further evidence for 'being-in-a-posture' type verbs to be activities One reason for including 'being-in-a-posture' type verbs in the g-lpeggroup constellation is they share a feature which is common to some other members of this constellation ; i e action drawn out in time Iterative verbs such as ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' in (32) are drawn out in time as are noniterative motion verbs such as ng-g-it 'NPST-VA-carry/take/bring' in (34) and ng gi-liput 'NPST-VA-circle a place by traveling'. Bonggi has at least one gmarked posture verb which is slightly different from the verbs in (45). It is derived from the root abag 'vertical'. 3.1 pointed out that there is a fundamental distinction among activity verbs between those which take a volitional argument with control and those that do not. Whereas the verbs in (45) have volitional arguments that control the activity the motion activity verb m-abag 'flare up' in (47) is not under the control of the actor. (47) Apt ku nda' m-abag (-m-abag). fire lsGEN not ACY-flare up 'MY FIRE is not flaring up Activity clauses can have an antecedent cause adjunct marked by ga' 'from' e g (48) .1.3 pointed out that ga' 'from' marks effectors (antecedent cause) which would be expected to occur as 22 Talm y ( 1985) uses the term 'being-in-a-state' which suggest even more that they are states Certainl y the 'being-in-a-state' type verbs are more 'stative-like' than the 'getting-into-a-posture' type 23 1 assume that imperatives can only be formed with verbs that take actors (cf. VV 1993 : 53). In an imperative the speaker is telling someone to do something which suggests an activity Cf. Morreall ( 1978) who claims stative commands can occur with verbs such as know forget believe think and have Michel Achard and Wayne King have suggested (personal communication) that the solution to the question of imperative statives lies in assuming an accomplishment schema for the analysis of imperatives Some imperatives focus on the initiating activity (e g. Listen!) others on the resultant state (e g. Be healthy!)

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169 actor but do not. In (48), the antecedent cause cannot be linked to actor because the effector (api 'fire') is already linked to actor. (48) Api m-i-abag (-in-m-abag) ga' saa hu fire ACY-PST-flare up from spouse lsGEN 'THE FIRE flared because of my wife Direct cause requires an accomplishment verb as in (49). The activities in (47) and (48) cannot occur in the imperative since the activity is not under the control of the actor. 24 On the other hand accomplishments can alwa y s occur in imperative mood as in (50). (49) Saa hu ng-abag (ng-abag) api spouse lsGEN APL-flare up fire 'MY WIFE stirs up the fire so that it flares up.' (50) Ebag-a' (abag-a') ba! stir up-IMP UPL EMPH 'Stoke IT up!' (Stoke up the fire!) The 'being-in-a-posture' form g-abag is illustrated in (51) where the verb in the embedded clause is not under the control of the actor lampu nu 'your lamp'. (51) Kiid ou lampu nyu kahal g-abag see lsNOM lamp 2pGEN still VA-flare up 'I see YOUR LAMP is still shining.' Before discussing reduplication I summarize the main points which have been made thus far regarding verbs in the g-/peggroup First the g-lpeggroup derives its name from the imperative form Second all verbs in the g-/peggroup are either activities or accomplishments Third the actor is always the pivot in these clauses. Fourth there are two stem-forming prefixes : gfor indicative mood and pegfor imperative mood. Fifth, two inflectional prefixes can occur : ng 'nonpast tense' ( cf. 1 1) and in'past tense' Sixth, the morphophonemic alternations associated with the stem-forming prefixes and inflectional prefixes are complex Seventh verbs in the g-/peg group are derived from both verb roots and noun roots Eighth the members of the g-lpeggroup have different meanings which show a family resemblance to each other including : (i) iterative 24 Since -mmarked activity verbs form their imperative with the bare root if there were an imperative form, it would be *abag which does not occur

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169 actor but do not. In (48), the antecedent cause cannot be linked to actor because the effector (api 'fire') is already linked to actor. (48) Api m-i-abag (-in-m-abag) ga' saa hu fire ACY-PST-flare up from spouse lsGEN 'THE FIRE flared because of my wife Direct cause requires an accomplishment verb as in (49). The activities in (47) and (48) cannot occur in the imperative since the activity is not under the control of the actor. 24 On the other hand accomplishments can alwa y s occur in imperative mood as in (50). (49) Saa hu ng-abag (ng-abag) api spouse lsGEN APL-flare up fire 'MY WIFE stirs up the fire so that it flares up.' (50) Ebag-a' (abag-a') ba! stir up-IMP UPL EMPH 'Stoke IT up!' (Stoke up the fire!) The 'being-in-a-posture' form g-abag is illustrated in (51) where the verb in the embedded clause is not under the control of the actor lampu nu 'your lamp'. (51) Kiid ou lampu nyu kahal g-abag see lsNOM lamp 2pGEN still VA-flare up 'I see YOUR LAMP is still shining.' Before discussing reduplication I summarize the main points which have been made thus far regarding verbs in the g-/peggroup First the g-lpeggroup derives its name from the imperative form Second all verbs in the g-/peggroup are either activities or accomplishments Third the actor is always the pivot in these clauses. Fourth there are two stem-forming prefixes : gfor indicative mood and pegfor imperative mood. Fifth, two inflectional prefixes can occur : ng 'nonpast tense' ( cf. 1 1) and in'past tense' Sixth, the morphophonemic alternations associated with the stem-forming prefixes and inflectional prefixes are complex Seventh verbs in the g-/peg group are derived from both verb roots and noun roots Eighth the members of the g-lpeggroup have different meanings which show a family resemblance to each other including : (i) iterative 24 Since -mmarked activity verbs form their imperative with the bare root if there were an imperative form, it would be *abag which does not occur

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170 activities ; (ii) iterative accomplishments; (iii) nonprototypical accomplishments whose undergoer is unaffected (neither a patient nor a theme which undergoes a change of location) ; and (iv) verbs which refer to 'being-in-a-posture' Ninth, the affixes gand -mare in complementary distribution with activity verbs taking one or the other but not both, with the exception being posture verbs. Bonggi, like many other Western Austronesian languages employs both full reduplication and partial reduplication in its verb morphology Full reduplication is discussed here whereas partial reduplication is described later. One type of full reduplication in Bonggi involves reduplication of the root and the addition of the stem-forming prefix g-lpeg-. Normally the function of this type of full reduplication is to indicate that the event described is iterative in the sense that there are multiple repetitions of the event (e.g (38)) 25 Like other g-lpegmarked verbs fully-reduplicated verbs have the following characteristics. First, they form their imperative using peg(e g (44)) Second, all fully-reduplicated verbs in the g-/peggroup are either activities (e.g (38) (41), (44)) or accomplishments (e g (52)) (52) Sia ig-timbak-timbak(g-timbak-timbak) sei 3sNOM IT-shoot-shoot only 'All HE does is just keep shooting and shooting.' The third characteristic of g-/pegmarked fully-reduplicated verbs is the actor is always the pivot in these clauses Fourth, there are two stem-forming prefixes : gfor indicative mood (e g (38), (41), (52)) and pegfor imperative mood (e g. (44)). Fifth, although the two inflectional 25 Toe 'full reduplication' discussed here refers strictly to verb stems formed with g-/peg, including those derived from noun roots Other reduplicated verbs which are not prefixed with g-/pegare excluded here as are reduplicated noun stems which have a diminutive meaning in Bonggi The use of full reduplication to indicate repetition/iterativity is both natural and iconic (cf Spencer 1991 : 224)

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170 activities ; (ii) iterative accomplishments; (iii) nonprototypical accomplishments whose undergoer is unaffected (neither a patient nor a theme which undergoes a change of location) ; and (iv) verbs which refer to 'being-in-a-posture' Ninth, the affixes gand -mare in complementary distribution with activity verbs taking one or the other but not both, with the exception being posture verbs. Bonggi, like many other Western Austronesian languages employs both full reduplication and partial reduplication in its verb morphology Full reduplication is discussed here whereas partial reduplication is described later. One type of full reduplication in Bonggi involves reduplication of the root and the addition of the stem-forming prefix g-lpeg-. Normally the function of this type of full reduplication is to indicate that the event described is iterative in the sense that there are multiple repetitions of the event (e.g (38)) 25 Like other g-lpegmarked verbs fully-reduplicated verbs have the following characteristics. First, they form their imperative using peg(e g (44)) Second, all fully-reduplicated verbs in the g-/peggroup are either activities (e.g (38) (41), (44)) or accomplishments (e g (52)) (52) Sia ig-timbak-timbak(g-timbak-timbak) sei 3sNOM IT-shoot-shoot only 'All HE does is just keep shooting and shooting.' The third characteristic of g-/pegmarked fully-reduplicated verbs is the actor is always the pivot in these clauses Fourth, there are two stem-forming prefixes : gfor indicative mood (e g (38), (41), (52)) and pegfor imperative mood (e g. (44)). Fifth, although the two inflectional 25 Toe 'full reduplication' discussed here refers strictly to verb stems formed with g-/peg, including those derived from noun roots Other reduplicated verbs which are not prefixed with g-/pegare excluded here as are reduplicated noun stems which have a diminutive meaning in Bonggi The use of full reduplication to indicate repetition/iterativity is both natural and iconic (cf Spencer 1991 : 224)

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171 prefixes ng'nonpast tense' (e g (38), (41)) and in'past tense' can occur with fully-reduplicated verbs, the latter is extremely infrequent. 26 Sixth the morphophonemic changes in the prefixes of the reduplicated forms are similar to those occurring with nonreduplicated forms (cf. 1.1). Specifically the full form is lg-I+ lg-I+ Root + Root, then: (i) if the root begins with a vowel no further processes occur e g. (38) ; (ii) if the root begins with a consonant, delete the /g-/ and add an initial Iii because the word initial cluster #lgl + consonant is a deviant sequence in Bonggi e.g (52). Reduced reduplicated forms are obtained by simply prefixing lg-I to the reduplicated root then : (i) if the root begins with a vowel no further processes occur e g the reduced reduplicated form of apit 'stop by' is gapit-apit (cf. (38)) ; (ii) if the root begins with /g/ there is no reduced form ; (iii) if the root begins with a consonant, add an initial Iii because the word initial cluster #lgl + consonant is a deviant sequence in Bonggi Thus for consonant-initial roots, there is no distinction between full and reduced forms ; both occur as : ligl + Root + Root. To arrive at the past tense reduplicated forms: prefix /i-/ to the stem if it begins with lg/, e g. the past tense form of gapit-apit is i-gapit-apit ; prefix In-I to the stem if it does not begin with /gl, e g. the past tense form of ig-timbak-timbak in (52) is n-ig-timbak-timbak. 26 Reduplicated verb forms are infrequent when compared to nonreduplicated forms In an examination of 184 pages of glossed Bonggi texts for the purpose of checking the frequency of the fully-reduplicated forms described, I found: (i) three examples of uninflected (reduced) nonpast tense (i.e g-) ; (ii) one example of an inflected (full) nonpast tense (i e ng-g-) ; and (iii) no examples in which the reduplicated verb is inflected for past tense (i.e in-g-). Although one can invent past tense reduplicated forms that native speakers judge as 'well-formed' finding them in recorded texts or hearing them in actual conversation is another issue.

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171 prefixes ng'nonpast tense' (e g (38), (41)) and in'past tense' can occur with fully-reduplicated verbs, the latter is extremely infrequent. 26 Sixth the morphophonemic changes in the prefixes of the reduplicated forms are similar to those occurring with nonreduplicated forms (cf. 1.1). Specifically the full form is lg-I+ lg-I+ Root + Root, then: (i) if the root begins with a vowel no further processes occur e g. (38) ; (ii) if the root begins with a consonant, delete the /g-/ and add an initial Iii because the word initial cluster #lgl + consonant is a deviant sequence in Bonggi e.g (52). Reduced reduplicated forms are obtained by simply prefixing lg-I to the reduplicated root then : (i) if the root begins with a vowel no further processes occur e g the reduced reduplicated form of apit 'stop by' is gapit-apit (cf. (38)) ; (ii) if the root begins with /g/ there is no reduced form ; (iii) if the root begins with a consonant, add an initial Iii because the word initial cluster #lgl + consonant is a deviant sequence in Bonggi Thus for consonant-initial roots, there is no distinction between full and reduced forms ; both occur as : ligl + Root + Root. To arrive at the past tense reduplicated forms: prefix /i-/ to the stem if it begins with lg/, e g. the past tense form of gapit-apit is i-gapit-apit ; prefix In-I to the stem if it does not begin with /gl, e g. the past tense form of ig-timbak-timbak in (52) is n-ig-timbak-timbak. 26 Reduplicated verb forms are infrequent when compared to nonreduplicated forms In an examination of 184 pages of glossed Bonggi texts for the purpose of checking the frequency of the fully-reduplicated forms described, I found: (i) three examples of uninflected (reduced) nonpast tense (i.e g-) ; (ii) one example of an inflected (full) nonpast tense (i e ng-g-) ; and (iii) no examples in which the reduplicated verb is inflected for past tense (i.e in-g-). Although one can invent past tense reduplicated forms that native speakers judge as 'well-formed' finding them in recorded texts or hearing them in actual conversation is another issue.

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172 To arrive at the imperative reduplicated fonns : prefi x /pa-/ to the root if the root begins with /g/ e g (53) ; prefix /p-Jg-/ to the root if the root does not begin with /g/ e g (44). (53) Dei pe-ganti-ganti n y a! do not IMP-replace-replace 3sACC 'Don't keep replacing him!' The seventh characteristic of g-/pegmarked full y -reduplicated verbs is the y can be derived from both verb roots (e g. (38) (41) (44) (52) (53)) and noun roots (e g (54)) (54) Sia ng-g-oid-oid 3sNOM NPST-IT-boat-boat 'HE repeatedl y drives a boat.' Reduplicated verbs are deri v ed from noun roots ((e g. (54)) -mmarked activi ty verbs (e g (38)) gmarked activity verbs (e g ng-g-isik-isik 'NPST-IT-shake-shake ', cf. (26)) regular accomplishment verbs (e.g (52)) or iterative accomplishment verbs (e.g (55)). (55) Ngg-ahut-ahut a sei ga. IT-shuttle-shuttle 2sNOM onl y CONTRAST 'All YOU do is transport things from one place to another.' Reduplicated fonns that are derived from verb roots used to form -mmarked activi ty verbs are shown in (56) where I provide examples of nonreduplicated fonns and reduplicated fonns including full reduced and past tense 27 (56) ROOT GLOSS NONREDUREDUPLICATED REDUPLICATED REDUPLICATED PLICATED FULL-FORM REDUCED-FORM PAST TENSE abat answer m-abat ng-g-abat-abat g-abat-abat i-g-abat-abat apat to land m-apat ng-g-apat-apat g-apat-apat i-g-apat-apat apit stop b y m-apit ng-g-apit-apit g-apit-apit i-g-apit-apit ilakng lie down m-ilakng ng-g-ilakng-ilakng g-ilakng-ilakng i -g-ilakng-ilakng inggat chew betul m-inggat ng-g-inggat-inggat g-inggat-inggat i-g-inggat-inggat odop sleep m-odop ng-g-odop-odop g-odop-odop i-g-odop-odop ohodn eat m-ohodn ng-g-ohodn-ohodn g-ohodn-ohodn i-g-ohodn-ohodn usag stand up m-usag ng-g-usag-usag g-usag-usag 1-g-usag-usag lidik slash brush 1-im-idik ig-lidik-lidik ig-lidik-lidik n-ig-lidik-lidik 27 Glosses are not provided for the reduplicated fonns in (56) since their meaning is the same as that of the nonreduplicated forms with the exception of the additional iterative component. Therefore if the nonreduplicated verb means 'X' the reduplicated form can be glossed as either 'keep on Xing' or 'repeatedl y X'

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172 To arrive at the imperative reduplicated fonns : prefi x /pa-/ to the root if the root begins with /g/ e g (53) ; prefix /p-Jg-/ to the root if the root does not begin with /g/ e g (44). (53) Dei pe-ganti-ganti n y a! do not IMP-replace-replace 3sACC 'Don't keep replacing him!' The seventh characteristic of g-/pegmarked full y -reduplicated verbs is the y can be derived from both verb roots (e g. (38) (41) (44) (52) (53)) and noun roots (e g (54)) (54) Sia ng-g-oid-oid 3sNOM NPST-IT-boat-boat 'HE repeatedl y drives a boat.' Reduplicated verbs are deri v ed from noun roots ((e g. (54)) -mmarked activi ty verbs (e g (38)) gmarked activity verbs (e g ng-g-isik-isik 'NPST-IT-shake-shake ', cf. (26)) regular accomplishment verbs (e.g (52)) or iterative accomplishment verbs (e.g (55)). (55) Ngg-ahut-ahut a sei ga. IT-shuttle-shuttle 2sNOM onl y CONTRAST 'All YOU do is transport things from one place to another.' Reduplicated fonns that are derived from verb roots used to form -mmarked activi ty verbs are shown in (56) where I provide examples of nonreduplicated fonns and reduplicated fonns including full reduced and past tense 27 (56) ROOT GLOSS NONREDUREDUPLICATED REDUPLICATED REDUPLICATED PLICATED FULL-FORM REDUCED-FORM PAST TENSE abat answer m-abat ng-g-abat-abat g-abat-abat i-g-abat-abat apat to land m-apat ng-g-apat-apat g-apat-apat i-g-apat-apat apit stop b y m-apit ng-g-apit-apit g-apit-apit i-g-apit-apit ilakng lie down m-ilakng ng-g-ilakng-ilakng g-ilakng-ilakng i -g-ilakng-ilakng inggat chew betul m-inggat ng-g-inggat-inggat g-inggat-inggat i-g-inggat-inggat odop sleep m-odop ng-g-odop-odop g-odop-odop i-g-odop-odop ohodn eat m-ohodn ng-g-ohodn-ohodn g-ohodn-ohodn i-g-ohodn-ohodn usag stand up m-usag ng-g-usag-usag g-usag-usag 1-g-usag-usag lidik slash brush 1-im-idik ig-lidik-lidik ig-lidik-lidik n-ig-lidik-lidik 27 Glosses are not provided for the reduplicated fonns in (56) since their meaning is the same as that of the nonreduplicated forms with the exception of the additional iterative component. Therefore if the nonreduplicated verb means 'X' the reduplicated form can be glossed as either 'keep on Xing' or 'repeatedl y X'

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173 lobot cross over 1-em-obot ig-lobot-lobot ig-lobot-lobot n-ig-lobot-lobot longi swun 1-em-ongi ig-longi-longi ig-longi-longi n-ig-longi-longi panu walk m-panu 1g-panu-panu 1g-panu-panu n-1g-panu-panu selehei ascend s-em-elehei ig-selehei-selehei ig-selehei-selehei n-ig-selehei-selehei stairs todik climb hill t-em-odik ig-todik-todik ig-todik-todik n-ig-todik-todik Reduplicated forms that are derived from noun roots used to form -mmarked activity verbs are shown in (57) where I provide examples of nonreduplicated forms and reduplicated forms including full reduced and past tense. (57) ROOT GLOSS NONREDUPLI CATED REDUPLI CATED FULL-FORM REDUPLI CATED REDUCED FORM REDUPLICATED PAST TENSE dolok rain dudug thunder dudu' breast sidu unne suha vomit tilug egg toi feces d-em-olok to rain d-um-udug to thunder d-um-udu' to nurse s-im-idu urinate s-um-uha to vomit t-im-ilug la y an egg t-em-oi defecate ig-dolok-dolok ig-dolok-dolok ig-dudug-dudug ig-dudug-dudug ig-dudu'-dudu' ig-dudu'-dudu' ig-sidu-sidu ig-sidu-sidu ig-suha-suha ig-suha-suha ig-tilug-tilug ig-tilug-tilug ig-toi-toi ig-toi-toi n-ig-dolok-dolok n-ig-dudug-dudug n-ig-dudu -dudu' n-ig-sidu-sidu n-ig-suha-suha n-ig-tilug-tilug n-ig-toi-toi Reduplicated forms that are derived from gmarked activity verbs are shown in (58) where I provide examples of nonreduplicated forms and reduplicated forms including full reduced, and past tense (58) ROOT GLOSS NONREDUREDUPLICATED REDUPLICATED REDUPLIPLICATED FULL-FORM REDUCED-FORM CATED PAST TENSE ahal trick ; ng-g-ahal ng-g-ahal-ahal g-ahal-ahal i-g-ahal-ahal cheat alis pluck ng-g-alis ng-g-alis-alis g-alis-alis i-g-alis-alis e y ebrows it bring buat make ganti replace kogis scrape teeth labu drop anchor pihir think rampus angry ramu copulate seidn change clothes ng-g-it ng-g-it-it g-it-it i-g-it-it m-buat ig-buat-buat ig-buat-buat n-ig-buat-buat ng-ganti ng-ganti-ganti i-ganti-ganti ng-kogis ig-kogis-kogis ig-kogis-kogis n-ig-kogis-kogis ng-ge-labu ig-labu-labu ig-labu-labu n-ig-labu-labu m-pihir ig-pihir-pihir ig-pihir-pihir n-ig-pihir-pihir . ng-ge-rampus 1g-rampus-rampus 1g-rampus-rampus n-1g-rampus-rampus . ng-ge-ramu 1g-ramu-ramu 1g-ramu-ramu n-seidn ig-seidn-seidn ig-seidn-seidn n-1g-ramu-ramu n-ig-seidn-seidn timung put n-timung ig-timung-timung ig-timung-timung n-ig-timung-timung together

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173 lobot cross over 1-em-obot ig-lobot-lobot ig-lobot-lobot n-ig-lobot-lobot longi swun 1-em-ongi ig-longi-longi ig-longi-longi n-ig-longi-longi panu walk m-panu 1g-panu-panu 1g-panu-panu n-1g-panu-panu selehei ascend s-em-elehei ig-selehei-selehei ig-selehei-selehei n-ig-selehei-selehei stairs todik climb hill t-em-odik ig-todik-todik ig-todik-todik n-ig-todik-todik Reduplicated forms that are derived from noun roots used to form -mmarked activity verbs are shown in (57) where I provide examples of nonreduplicated forms and reduplicated forms including full reduced and past tense. (57) ROOT GLOSS NONREDUPLI CATED REDUPLI CATED FULL-FORM REDUPLI CATED REDUCED FORM REDUPLICATED PAST TENSE dolok rain dudug thunder dudu' breast sidu unne suha vomit tilug egg toi feces d-em-olok to rain d-um-udug to thunder d-um-udu' to nurse s-im-idu urinate s-um-uha to vomit t-im-ilug la y an egg t-em-oi defecate ig-dolok-dolok ig-dolok-dolok ig-dudug-dudug ig-dudug-dudug ig-dudu'-dudu' ig-dudu'-dudu' ig-sidu-sidu ig-sidu-sidu ig-suha-suha ig-suha-suha ig-tilug-tilug ig-tilug-tilug ig-toi-toi ig-toi-toi n-ig-dolok-dolok n-ig-dudug-dudug n-ig-dudu -dudu' n-ig-sidu-sidu n-ig-suha-suha n-ig-tilug-tilug n-ig-toi-toi Reduplicated forms that are derived from gmarked activity verbs are shown in (58) where I provide examples of nonreduplicated forms and reduplicated forms including full reduced, and past tense (58) ROOT GLOSS NONREDUREDUPLICATED REDUPLICATED REDUPLIPLICATED FULL-FORM REDUCED-FORM CATED PAST TENSE ahal trick ; ng-g-ahal ng-g-ahal-ahal g-ahal-ahal i-g-ahal-ahal cheat alis pluck ng-g-alis ng-g-alis-alis g-alis-alis i-g-alis-alis e y ebrows it bring buat make ganti replace kogis scrape teeth labu drop anchor pihir think rampus angry ramu copulate seidn change clothes ng-g-it ng-g-it-it g-it-it i-g-it-it m-buat ig-buat-buat ig-buat-buat n-ig-buat-buat ng-ganti ng-ganti-ganti i-ganti-ganti ng-kogis ig-kogis-kogis ig-kogis-kogis n-ig-kogis-kogis ng-ge-labu ig-labu-labu ig-labu-labu n-ig-labu-labu m-pihir ig-pihir-pihir ig-pihir-pihir n-ig-pihir-pihir . ng-ge-rampus 1g-rampus-rampus 1g-rampus-rampus n-1g-rampus-rampus . ng-ge-ramu 1g-ramu-ramu 1g-ramu-ramu n-seidn ig-seidn-seidn ig-seidn-seidn n-1g-ramu-ramu n-ig-seidn-seidn timung put n-timung ig-timung-timung ig-timung-timung n-ig-timung-timung together

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174 Reduplicated forms that are deri v ed from noun roots used to form gmarked activity verbs are shown in (59) where I provide examples of nonreduplicated forms and reduplicated forms including full reduced, and past tense (59) ROOT GLOSS NONREDUREDUPLICATED REDUPLICATED REDUPLIPLICATED FULL-FORM REDUCED-FORM CATED PAST TENSE adab respect ng-g-adab ng-g-adab-adab g-adab-adab i-g-adab-adab amut perfume ng g-amut ng-g-amut-amut g-amut-amut i-g-amut-amut ibal companion ng-g-ibal ng-g-ibal-ibal g-ibal-ibal i-g-ibal-ibal boat . 01g ng-g-01g ng-g-01g-01g g-01g-01g 1-g-01g-01g ladu illness ng-ge-ladu ig-ladu-ladu ig-ladu-ladu n-ig-ladu-ladu 'injure' lobokng grave ng-ge-lobokng ig-lobokng-lobokngig-lobokng-lobokng n-ig-lobokng'bu ry lobokng saa spouse ng-ge-saa 1g-saa-saa 1g-saa-saa n-1g-saa-saa marry' nana' pus ig-nana' ig-nana'-nana' ig-nana'-nana' n-ig-nana'-nana' 'oozing pus' piukng umbrella m-piukng ig-piukng-piukng ig-piukng-piukng n-ig-piukngpiukng jaabm watch n-jaabm ig-jaabm-jaabm ig-jaabm-jaabm n-ig-jaabm'spend jaabm time talking' tiaa dear n-tiaa' ig-tiaa'-tiaa' ig-tiaa'-tiaa n-ig-tiaa'-tiaa' There are a few nouns in Bonggi which are alwa y s reduplicated, e g antikng-antikng 'earring' A verb in the gl peg group can be derived from this root e.g nggantikng-antikng 'to wear earrings' However reduplication of inherentl y reduplicated forms in order to produce an iterative does not occur That is *nggantikng-antikng-antikng-antikng 'to repeatedl y wear earrings' is ungrammatical. In Bonggi verb morphology the primary function of full reduplication is to indicate that the event described is iterative in the sense that there are multiple repetitions of the event (e g (38)) The term 'iterative' has been used in tw o different w a y s : (i) to refer to single events which are inherentl y iterative (e g ng-g-isk 'NPST-IT-shake' in (26) and ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' in (32)) and (ii) to refer to multiple repetitions of an event in full y -reduplicated forms. These two types of iterativi ty are related, but distinct. Not surprisingl y, the y are both part of the g/ peg constellation (cf. 1.3)

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174 Reduplicated forms that are deri v ed from noun roots used to form gmarked activity verbs are shown in (59) where I provide examples of nonreduplicated forms and reduplicated forms including full reduced, and past tense (59) ROOT GLOSS NONREDUREDUPLICATED REDUPLICATED REDUPLIPLICATED FULL-FORM REDUCED-FORM CATED PAST TENSE adab respect ng-g-adab ng-g-adab-adab g-adab-adab i-g-adab-adab amut perfume ng g-amut ng-g-amut-amut g-amut-amut i-g-amut-amut ibal companion ng-g-ibal ng-g-ibal-ibal g-ibal-ibal i-g-ibal-ibal boat . 01g ng-g-01g ng-g-01g-01g g-01g-01g 1-g-01g-01g ladu illness ng-ge-ladu ig-ladu-ladu ig-ladu-ladu n-ig-ladu-ladu 'injure' lobokng grave ng-ge-lobokng ig-lobokng-lobokngig-lobokng-lobokng n-ig-lobokng'bu ry lobokng saa spouse ng-ge-saa 1g-saa-saa 1g-saa-saa n-1g-saa-saa marry' nana' pus ig-nana' ig-nana'-nana' ig-nana'-nana' n-ig-nana'-nana' 'oozing pus' piukng umbrella m-piukng ig-piukng-piukng ig-piukng-piukng n-ig-piukngpiukng jaabm watch n-jaabm ig-jaabm-jaabm ig-jaabm-jaabm n-ig-jaabm'spend jaabm time talking' tiaa dear n-tiaa' ig-tiaa'-tiaa' ig-tiaa'-tiaa n-ig-tiaa'-tiaa' There are a few nouns in Bonggi which are alwa y s reduplicated, e g antikng-antikng 'earring' A verb in the gl peg group can be derived from this root e.g nggantikng-antikng 'to wear earrings' However reduplication of inherentl y reduplicated forms in order to produce an iterative does not occur That is *nggantikng-antikng-antikng-antikng 'to repeatedl y wear earrings' is ungrammatical. In Bonggi verb morphology the primary function of full reduplication is to indicate that the event described is iterative in the sense that there are multiple repetitions of the event (e g (38)) The term 'iterative' has been used in tw o different w a y s : (i) to refer to single events which are inherentl y iterative (e g ng-g-isk 'NPST-IT-shake' in (26) and ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' in (32)) and (ii) to refer to multiple repetitions of an event in full y -reduplicated forms. These two types of iterativi ty are related, but distinct. Not surprisingl y, the y are both part of the g/ peg constellation (cf. 1.3)

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175 The use of full y -reduplicated fonns is very infrequent when compared with nonreduplicated forms The frequenc y with which full reduplication is used in Bonggi is comparable to the frequenc y that English speakers use terms such as repeatedl y and keeps in phrases like : 'she repeatedl y Xs' or 'she keep s Xing Therefore in tenns of both frequenc y and form, reduplicated forms are marked as opposed to nonreduplicated fonns This distinction between nonreduplicated forms and marked full y -reduplicated fonns corresponds to a fundamental distinction in viewpoint aspect between what Smith (1983) refers to as 'simple aspect' and 'progressive aspect.' That is simple nonreduplicated fonns correlate with simple aspect. Marked full y -reduplicated forms correlate with progressive aspect. Differences in viewpoint aspect refer to differences in the wa y a situation is presented i.e differences in perspective (cf. Smith 1983 : 480) Each event has a unmarked perspective associated with it. Howe v er at times a speaker can chose to take a perspective other than the normal or unmarked perspective Just because fully-reduplicated forms provide a marked perspective on events this does not necessaril y impl y that all nonreduplicated fonns are unmarked with respect to viewpoint aspect. Two primary groups of both activities and accomplishments have been described in this section : activities marked b y -mor gand accomplishments marked by ngor g. That is some marked verbs are activities and others are accomplishments 2 8 3 described how actor-pivot activities are marked b y -m, and .4 described how actor-pivot accomplishments are marked by ng. -mmarked activities and ngmarked accomplishments present situations from the perspective of simple viewpoint aspect "In the perspective of simple aspect an event is presented as a whole" (Smith 1983:482) -mmarked activities and ngmarked accomplishments provide an unmarked perspective on activities and accomplishments but what about gmarked fonns ? Do the y correspond to simple 28 Cf. the second point of the summary preceding the discussion of reduplication

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175 The use of full y -reduplicated fonns is very infrequent when compared with nonreduplicated forms The frequenc y with which full reduplication is used in Bonggi is comparable to the frequenc y that English speakers use terms such as repeatedl y and keeps in phrases like : 'she repeatedl y Xs' or 'she keep s Xing Therefore in tenns of both frequenc y and form, reduplicated forms are marked as opposed to nonreduplicated fonns This distinction between nonreduplicated forms and marked full y -reduplicated fonns corresponds to a fundamental distinction in viewpoint aspect between what Smith (1983) refers to as 'simple aspect' and 'progressive aspect.' That is simple nonreduplicated fonns correlate with simple aspect. Marked full y -reduplicated forms correlate with progressive aspect. Differences in viewpoint aspect refer to differences in the wa y a situation is presented i.e differences in perspective (cf. Smith 1983 : 480) Each event has a unmarked perspective associated with it. Howe v er at times a speaker can chose to take a perspective other than the normal or unmarked perspective Just because fully-reduplicated forms provide a marked perspective on events this does not necessaril y impl y that all nonreduplicated fonns are unmarked with respect to viewpoint aspect. Two primary groups of both activities and accomplishments have been described in this section : activities marked b y -mor gand accomplishments marked by ngor g. That is some marked verbs are activities and others are accomplishments 2 8 3 described how actor-pivot activities are marked b y -m, and .4 described how actor-pivot accomplishments are marked by ng. -mmarked activities and ngmarked accomplishments present situations from the perspective of simple viewpoint aspect "In the perspective of simple aspect an event is presented as a whole" (Smith 1983:482) -mmarked activities and ngmarked accomplishments provide an unmarked perspective on activities and accomplishments but what about gmarked fonns ? Do the y correspond to simple 28 Cf. the second point of the summary preceding the discussion of reduplication

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176 viewpoint aspect or to a marked viewpoint aspect? Actually they are divided between the two with some gmarked forms providing an upmarked perspective and others a marked perspective. In terms of the semantic distinctions which have been made in this category the following provide an unmarked perspective or simple viewpoint aspect: (i) inherently iterative activities (e g. ng-g-isik 'NPST-IT-shake' in (26)) ; (ii) inherently iterative accomplishments (e g ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' in (32)) ; and (iii) nonprototypical accomplishments with an unaffected undergoer which is neither a patient nor a theme that changes location (e g ng-g-adak 'NPST-VA-kiss' in (35)) On the other hand, a marked perspective is provided by verbs which refer to 'being-in-a posture' (e g. gupug 'sitting' in (40)) and verbs which are reduplicated (e g nggupug-upug 'repeatedly sit down' in (41)). The bases for this distinction between unmarked and marked perspective include : (i) frequency (ii) what is normal, and (iii) the extent to which an event is presented as a whole In Bonggi unmarked perspective occurs more frequently and is the norm It is also the citation form and is learned first. Unmarked perspective presents events as a whole Even events that are inherently iterative such as nggisik 'to shake' and nggahut 'to shuttle back and-forth' are presented as a whole despite the fact that these events are internally complex. The internal complexity results in gforms as opposed to -mor ngforms, but the perspective is unmarked in each case. According to Smith (1983 : 482) "Progressive aspect presents an interior perspective from which the endpoints of an event are ignored." Smith's progressive aspect corresponds to what I call the marked perspective. The 'being-in-a-posture' posture verbs and fully-reduplicated verbs present an interior perspective There are two more semantic distinctions which have not yet been discussed that also are related to the category that I have referred to as the g-/peggroup or the g-/pegmarked verbs They too conform to this general distinction between simple viewpoint aspect and marked viewpoint aspect. One takes the unmarked perspective and the other the marked perspective I started off in 3.2 and 1.1 referring to this category as the peggroup based on the morpheme used to form the imperative The morphophonemic description in 1 1 shows that in

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176 viewpoint aspect or to a marked viewpoint aspect? Actually they are divided between the two with some gmarked forms providing an upmarked perspective and others a marked perspective. In terms of the semantic distinctions which have been made in this category the following provide an unmarked perspective or simple viewpoint aspect: (i) inherently iterative activities (e g. ng-g-isik 'NPST-IT-shake' in (26)) ; (ii) inherently iterative accomplishments (e g ng-g-ahut 'NPST-IT-shuttle' in (32)) ; and (iii) nonprototypical accomplishments with an unaffected undergoer which is neither a patient nor a theme that changes location (e g ng-g-adak 'NPST-VA-kiss' in (35)) On the other hand, a marked perspective is provided by verbs which refer to 'being-in-a posture' (e g. gupug 'sitting' in (40)) and verbs which are reduplicated (e g nggupug-upug 'repeatedly sit down' in (41)). The bases for this distinction between unmarked and marked perspective include : (i) frequency (ii) what is normal, and (iii) the extent to which an event is presented as a whole In Bonggi unmarked perspective occurs more frequently and is the norm It is also the citation form and is learned first. Unmarked perspective presents events as a whole Even events that are inherently iterative such as nggisik 'to shake' and nggahut 'to shuttle back and-forth' are presented as a whole despite the fact that these events are internally complex. The internal complexity results in gforms as opposed to -mor ngforms, but the perspective is unmarked in each case. According to Smith (1983 : 482) "Progressive aspect presents an interior perspective from which the endpoints of an event are ignored." Smith's progressive aspect corresponds to what I call the marked perspective. The 'being-in-a-posture' posture verbs and fully-reduplicated verbs present an interior perspective There are two more semantic distinctions which have not yet been discussed that also are related to the category that I have referred to as the g-/peggroup or the g-/pegmarked verbs They too conform to this general distinction between simple viewpoint aspect and marked viewpoint aspect. One takes the unmarked perspective and the other the marked perspective I started off in 3.2 and 1.1 referring to this category as the peggroup based on the morpheme used to form the imperative The morphophonemic description in 1 1 shows that in

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177 tenns of consistency of form, pegis more consistent than any other form in the paradigm and thus a suitable morphological label. Later I referred to this category as gmarked verbs since all the indicative fonns and even the imperative have a /g/ in their stem-deriving prefix. Two other reasons for preferring the label 'g marked verbs' as opposed to 'the peggroup' include : (i) the phonological parallel between gand the two other primary stem-forming affixes i.e causative p(cf. .4) and modal marker k(cf. 2) ; and (ii) the imperatives probably arose historically from the cliticiz.ation of pe 'yet' to a reduced form (i.e. lg/+ Root; cf. .1.1) Normally, imperatives are the least complex form from the perspective of morphology. Having introduced the distinction between simple viewpoint aspect and marked viewpoint aspect, I shift from a morphological label to a semantic label for this category. Since, at times, occurs with simple viewpoint aspect and at other times with marked viewpoint aspect ghas a very general function as an indicator of viewpoint aspect. The exact interpretation of the viewpoint aspect which is indicated by gdepends upon both the morphological form and the semantics of the verb Up to this point, I have avoided a semantic label because I believe it is a mistake to unify the various uses of g-lpegin tenns of a single semantic component such as [+iterative] or [+durative]. Such a single semantic component solution claims, in effect that there is only one meaning of the aspectual operator g-lpeg. Instead, I have shown that g-lpeghas different meanings which show a family resemblance to each other In what follows I show how the remaining two semantic distinctions fit into this scheme The first of these semantic distinctions is reciprocals which are related to viewpoint aspect g. Reciprocal events involve actions which are performed by two or more actors reciprocally on each other. Since reciprocals involve actors, only activities and accomplishments are potentially reciprocal events Reciprocal verbs are marked by igas shown in (60) and (61) where igoccurs with the accomplishment verb root tibas 'strike with a machete' The nonreciprocal actor-pivot form of this verb is shown in (62) (cf .4)

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177 tenns of consistency of form, pegis more consistent than any other form in the paradigm and thus a suitable morphological label. Later I referred to this category as gmarked verbs since all the indicative fonns and even the imperative have a /g/ in their stem-deriving prefix. Two other reasons for preferring the label 'g marked verbs' as opposed to 'the peggroup' include : (i) the phonological parallel between gand the two other primary stem-forming affixes i.e causative p(cf. .4) and modal marker k(cf. 2) ; and (ii) the imperatives probably arose historically from the cliticiz.ation of pe 'yet' to a reduced form (i.e. lg/+ Root; cf. .1.1) Normally, imperatives are the least complex form from the perspective of morphology. Having introduced the distinction between simple viewpoint aspect and marked viewpoint aspect, I shift from a morphological label to a semantic label for this category. Since, at times, occurs with simple viewpoint aspect and at other times with marked viewpoint aspect ghas a very general function as an indicator of viewpoint aspect. The exact interpretation of the viewpoint aspect which is indicated by gdepends upon both the morphological form and the semantics of the verb Up to this point, I have avoided a semantic label because I believe it is a mistake to unify the various uses of g-lpegin tenns of a single semantic component such as [+iterative] or [+durative]. Such a single semantic component solution claims, in effect that there is only one meaning of the aspectual operator g-lpeg. Instead, I have shown that g-lpeghas different meanings which show a family resemblance to each other In what follows I show how the remaining two semantic distinctions fit into this scheme The first of these semantic distinctions is reciprocals which are related to viewpoint aspect g. Reciprocal events involve actions which are performed by two or more actors reciprocally on each other. Since reciprocals involve actors, only activities and accomplishments are potentially reciprocal events Reciprocal verbs are marked by igas shown in (60) and (61) where igoccurs with the accomplishment verb root tibas 'strike with a machete' The nonreciprocal actor-pivot form of this verb is shown in (62) (cf .4)

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178 (60) Sigelama na ig-tibas (ig-tibas) kina 3pNOM DEF REC-strike with machete earlier 'TIIEY struck each other with machetes earlier (61) Sia n-ig-tibas (in-ig-tibas) ma' Ubiadn. 3sNOM PST-REC-strike with machete with Ubian 'HE and an Ubian struck each other with machetes.' (62) N-ibas (ng-tibas) ou kiou kina APL-strike.with machete lsNOM wood earlier 'I struck the wood with a machete earlier.' Reciprocals share certain features with g'viewpoint aspect' First both reciprocal clauses and all clauses with g'viewpoint aspect' have actor-pivots Second reciprocals resemble full y reduplicated verbs in that both involve repetitions of an event. In the case of reduplicated verbs the repetition is performed b y the same actor thus supplying an iterative meaning In the case of reciprocals the repetition is performed b y different actors In both cases the event is comple x and a marked viewpoint is taken from w hich an interior perspective is provided Third, reciprocals are not prototypical accomplishments Whereas prototypical accomplishments involve a single controlling agent (the actor) who is unaffected by the event and a single patient (the undergoer) which is highl y affected, in the reciprocal both arguments are at the same time actor and undergoer Neither reciprocals nor g'viewpoint aspect' verbs that refer to nonprototypical accomplishments with an unaffected undergoer (e g. (35) (37)) conform to the accomplishment prototype Besides being related to aspect reciprocals are related to voice and are often discussed in the context of voice or valenc y (e.g Anderson 1985:192f.) 29 This dual relationship between 29 Reflexive are also often discussed in the context of voice or valenc y Reflexive clauses invol v e coreferential arguments resulting in a reduction in semantic valenc y Whereas reciprocals are coded morphologicall y in Bonggi reflexives are coded analyticall y, as in English, b y the reflexive pronoun deirdn 'self as seen in (i) Actuall y, a clause can be both reciprocal and reflexive as seen in (ii) (cf. (15)). (i) Sia n-u s a ( ng-susa) deirdn na 3sNOM APL-difficult self DEF 'SHE makes things difficult for herself.' (ii) Sigelama na ig-limut (ig-limut) deirdn nda 3pNOM DEF REC-slander self plural 'TIIEY slandered each other

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178 (60) Sigelama na ig-tibas (ig-tibas) kina 3pNOM DEF REC-strike with machete earlier 'TIIEY struck each other with machetes earlier (61) Sia n-ig-tibas (in-ig-tibas) ma' Ubiadn. 3sNOM PST-REC-strike with machete with Ubian 'HE and an Ubian struck each other with machetes.' (62) N-ibas (ng-tibas) ou kiou kina APL-strike.with machete lsNOM wood earlier 'I struck the wood with a machete earlier.' Reciprocals share certain features with g'viewpoint aspect' First both reciprocal clauses and all clauses with g'viewpoint aspect' have actor-pivots Second reciprocals resemble full y reduplicated verbs in that both involve repetitions of an event. In the case of reduplicated verbs the repetition is performed b y the same actor thus supplying an iterative meaning In the case of reciprocals the repetition is performed b y different actors In both cases the event is comple x and a marked viewpoint is taken from w hich an interior perspective is provided Third, reciprocals are not prototypical accomplishments Whereas prototypical accomplishments involve a single controlling agent (the actor) who is unaffected by the event and a single patient (the undergoer) which is highl y affected, in the reciprocal both arguments are at the same time actor and undergoer Neither reciprocals nor g'viewpoint aspect' verbs that refer to nonprototypical accomplishments with an unaffected undergoer (e g. (35) (37)) conform to the accomplishment prototype Besides being related to aspect reciprocals are related to voice and are often discussed in the context of voice or valenc y (e.g Anderson 1985:192f.) 29 This dual relationship between 29 Reflexive are also often discussed in the context of voice or valenc y Reflexive clauses invol v e coreferential arguments resulting in a reduction in semantic valenc y Whereas reciprocals are coded morphologicall y in Bonggi reflexives are coded analyticall y, as in English, b y the reflexive pronoun deirdn 'self as seen in (i) Actuall y, a clause can be both reciprocal and reflexive as seen in (ii) (cf. (15)). (i) Sia n-u s a ( ng-susa) deirdn na 3sNOM APL-difficult self DEF 'SHE makes things difficult for herself.' (ii) Sigelama na ig-limut (ig-limut) deirdn nda 3pNOM DEF REC-slander self plural 'TIIEY slandered each other

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/ 179 rec i procals and aspect as w ell as reciprocals and voice is easil y understood in the event framework of Chung and Timberlake (1985:203). According to this framework events can be defined in terms of three components : (i) a predicate (ii) an interval of time on which the predicate occurs and (iii) a set of conditions under which the predicate occurs Aspect is primaril y concerned with the second of these components ; that is the relationship between the predicate and the time span in which it occurs (Chung & Timberlake 1985 : 214). Or stated another wa y aspect is concerned with the distribution of the event through time (cf. Talm y 1985:77) On the other hand voice is primaril y concerned with the third of these components ; that is the conditions under w hich the predicate occurs specificall y, the distribution of the arguments of the predicate. Reciprocals are interesting from the perspective of both aspect and voice When accomplishment roots such as tibas 'strike with machete' occur in a reciprocal form (e g (60) (61)) the reciprocals are a type of downgraded accomplishment. Reciprocals invol v e a reduction in both semantic and syntactic valenc y The LS for nonreciprocal ti bas 'strike with machete' is provided in (63a) The clause-specific LS for (62) is provided in (63b) Normall y, the effector-theme (instrument) i e the machete is implied with this verb (eg (60) (61) (62)) When the effector-theme is implied, it is unspecified (0) in the clause-specific LS (e g (63b)). However the effector-theme can be e x plicitl y stated, in which case it usuall y occurs in syntax as an oblique argument ma' badi' 'with a machete' and is specified in the clause-specific LS. (63) a LS for nonreciprocal tibas : b LS for (62) : [[do' ( x )] CA U S E [do' ( y )]] CA U S E [BECOME be-at' (z y )] x=effector y=effector-theme z=locative-goal [[do' (ou 'I')] CAUSE [do' (0)]] CAUSE [B E COME be-at' (kiou 'wood' 0)] Reduction in semantic v alenc y i s seen b y comparing the LS of the nonreciprocal v erb (e g. (63a)) with that of the reciprocal verb (e g (64a)) A reciprocal reading requires x and 'z' to be both effectors and locati v e-goals resulting in a comple x LS such as that shown in (64a) which is a

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/ 179 rec i procals and aspect as w ell as reciprocals and voice is easil y understood in the event framework of Chung and Timberlake (1985:203). According to this framework events can be defined in terms of three components : (i) a predicate (ii) an interval of time on which the predicate occurs and (iii) a set of conditions under which the predicate occurs Aspect is primaril y concerned with the second of these components ; that is the relationship between the predicate and the time span in which it occurs (Chung & Timberlake 1985 : 214). Or stated another wa y aspect is concerned with the distribution of the event through time (cf. Talm y 1985:77) On the other hand voice is primaril y concerned with the third of these components ; that is the conditions under w hich the predicate occurs specificall y, the distribution of the arguments of the predicate. Reciprocals are interesting from the perspective of both aspect and voice When accomplishment roots such as tibas 'strike with machete' occur in a reciprocal form (e g (60) (61)) the reciprocals are a type of downgraded accomplishment. Reciprocals invol v e a reduction in both semantic and syntactic valenc y The LS for nonreciprocal ti bas 'strike with machete' is provided in (63a) The clause-specific LS for (62) is provided in (63b) Normall y, the effector-theme (instrument) i e the machete is implied with this verb (eg (60) (61) (62)) When the effector-theme is implied, it is unspecified (0) in the clause-specific LS (e g (63b)). However the effector-theme can be e x plicitl y stated, in which case it usuall y occurs in syntax as an oblique argument ma' badi' 'with a machete' and is specified in the clause-specific LS. (63) a LS for nonreciprocal tibas : b LS for (62) : [[do' ( x )] CA U S E [do' ( y )]] CA U S E [BECOME be-at' (z y )] x=effector y=effector-theme z=locative-goal [[do' (ou 'I')] CAUSE [do' (0)]] CAUSE [B E COME be-at' (kiou 'wood' 0)] Reduction in semantic v alenc y i s seen b y comparing the LS of the nonreciprocal v erb (e g. (63a)) with that of the reciprocal verb (e g (64a)) A reciprocal reading requires x and 'z' to be both effectors and locati v e-goals resulting in a comple x LS such as that shown in (64a) which is a

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180 simple combination of two nonreciprocal events 30 In most reciprocal circumstances the two actors 'x and 'z use different effector-themes as instruments w hich is the rational behind the subscripts on y in (64a) Absence of subscripts y ields the unusual circumstance in which both actors use the same instrument e g two people taking turns hitting each other w ith a stick The clause-specific LS for the reciprocal in (61) is provided in (64b) Reduction in semantic valenc y results from 'x' being both an effector and a location 31 (64) a LS for reciprocal tibas : b LS for (61) : [[do' ( x )] CAUS E [do' (yt}]] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (z yt)] & [[do' (z)] CAUS E [do' ( y 2)]] CA U S E [B E COME be-at' (x ,y 2)] [[do' (sia he')] C AUSE [do' {0)]] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (Ubiadn 'Ubian' 0)] & [[do' (Ubiadn 'Ubian')] CAUS E [do' (0)]] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (sia 'he' 0)] Reduction in syntactic valenc y is seen b y comparing the reciprocal clauses in (60) and (61) with the nonreciprocal clause in (62) (60) has one core argument sigelama na 'the y', (61) has one core argument sia 'he' and one oblique argument ma' Ubiadn 'with an Ubian' and (62) has two core arguments ou 'I' and kiou 'wood.32 The verb morphology of ig-tibas 'REC-strike with machete' in (60) and (61) requires a reciprocal reading since the root tiba s strike with machete' is an accomplishment verb root (cf. .4) When the root tibas is prefi x ed with ig, a second reading is possible if the root is full y reduplicated. The full y -reduplicated form ig-tibas-tibas 'repeatedl y strike with machete' requires 3 0if in ( 63a) 'x' and 'z' were coreferential the result would be a reflexi v e reading 31 Tuis is reminiscent of Hopper and Thompson's (1980) property of individuation Individuation refers to the distinction of the patient from the agent (1980 : 253) In reciprocal clauses there is an absence of individuation 32 Tue preposition ma' with' was discussed in .4 where I claimed that ma' with' marks effector themes (instruments) under the following circumstances: (i) the effector and theme are coreferential ; (ii) the effector is not an actor ; and (iii) the theme is not an undergoer. As seen in (59) ma' 'with' also indicates a comitative relationship Comitative arguments are coperformers of the action who are potential actors/agents This dual function of ma' is comparable to English with which also marks instruments and comitatives The semantic link between instruments and comitati v es is that both are potential actors.

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180 simple combination of two nonreciprocal events 30 In most reciprocal circumstances the two actors 'x and 'z use different effector-themes as instruments w hich is the rational behind the subscripts on y in (64a) Absence of subscripts y ields the unusual circumstance in which both actors use the same instrument e g two people taking turns hitting each other w ith a stick The clause-specific LS for the reciprocal in (61) is provided in (64b) Reduction in semantic valenc y results from 'x' being both an effector and a location 31 (64) a LS for reciprocal tibas : b LS for (61) : [[do' ( x )] CAUS E [do' (yt}]] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (z yt)] & [[do' (z)] CAUS E [do' ( y 2)]] CA U S E [B E COME be-at' (x ,y 2)] [[do' (sia he')] C AUSE [do' {0)]] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (Ubiadn 'Ubian' 0)] & [[do' (Ubiadn 'Ubian')] CAUS E [do' (0)]] CAUS E [B E COME be-at' (sia 'he' 0)] Reduction in syntactic valenc y is seen b y comparing the reciprocal clauses in (60) and (61) with the nonreciprocal clause in (62) (60) has one core argument sigelama na 'the y', (61) has one core argument sia 'he' and one oblique argument ma' Ubiadn 'with an Ubian' and (62) has two core arguments ou 'I' and kiou 'wood.32 The verb morphology of ig-tibas 'REC-strike with machete' in (60) and (61) requires a reciprocal reading since the root tiba s strike with machete' is an accomplishment verb root (cf. .4) When the root tibas is prefi x ed with ig, a second reading is possible if the root is full y reduplicated. The full y -reduplicated form ig-tibas-tibas 'repeatedl y strike with machete' requires 3 0if in ( 63a) 'x' and 'z' were coreferential the result would be a reflexi v e reading 31 Tuis is reminiscent of Hopper and Thompson's (1980) property of individuation Individuation refers to the distinction of the patient from the agent (1980 : 253) In reciprocal clauses there is an absence of individuation 32 Tue preposition ma' with' was discussed in .4 where I claimed that ma' with' marks effector themes (instruments) under the following circumstances: (i) the effector and theme are coreferential ; (ii) the effector is not an actor ; and (iii) the theme is not an undergoer. As seen in (59) ma' 'with' also indicates a comitative relationship Comitative arguments are coperformers of the action who are potential actors/agents This dual function of ma' is comparable to English with which also marks instruments and comitatives The semantic link between instruments and comitati v es is that both are potential actors.

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181 an iterative reading (cf. the iterative accomplishment ig-timbak-timbak 'repeatedly shoot' in (52)) When the root tibas is prefixed with ig, a third reading is possible if the root is partially reduplicated. 33 The partially-reduplicated form ig-ti-tibas 'continually strike each other with a machete' requires both a reciprocal and an iterative reading. The nice thing about the accomplishment verb roots tibas 'strike with machete' and timbak 'shoot' is that the different readings are unambiguous and can be determined strictly from the verb morphology without having to make reference to syntactic arguments 34 However once we go beyond these two accomplishment roots it becomes increasingly ambiguous and difficult to determine the semantic reading on the basis of verb morphology alone This leads us to the fourth feature which reciprocals share with certain g'viewpoint aspect' verbs. That is the surface form which marks reciprocals is the same as that which marks many verb sterns derived by g'viewpoint aspect'; specifically verbs derived from roots beginning with an obstruent other than /g/ and not marked for nonpast tense. 35 For example, the nonreciprocal verb ig-bali 'VA-play' in (13) has the same form as the reciprocal verb ig-tibas 'REC-strike with machete' in (60) Similarly, past tense 33 Partial reduplication usually involves reduplicating the initial CV of the stem ; e g. suad 'speak' becomes su-suad Partial reduplication also has an aspectual function and is described later in this section Partial reduplication in Tagalog has a similar form and function (cf. French 1988:23) 34 Accomplishment verb roots were defined in .4 as roots that cannot be related to nouns adjectives stative verbs, achievement verbs or activity verbs by any derivational process. The only other accomplishment verb root mentioned in .4 was tobokng 'cut down trees' which cannot occur as a reciprocal since it is not a process that animate entities can do to each other 35 Due to the morphophonemic changes which occur Bonggi is an excellent example of how similarity in surface form is often a poor basis for semantic similarity. The relationship between the morphemes in the g-/peggroup and the surface phonological forms was described in .1 1 as being skewed by morphophonemic changes in the direction of one morpheme and many phonologically conditioned allomorphs ( cf. also the discussion of the situation marking morphemes in e g m'ST' km'ACH' -m'ACY' ng'APL' and -Vn 'UPL'). In the case of reciprocal verbs and gverb sterns I am suggesting just the opposite Two morphemes (albeit with some semantic similarity) appear to share the same or a similar form. Two competing principles are operating (cf. Wurzel 1989) : (i) the well-known one-form-one-function tendency and (ii) the tendency for languages to employ a restricted number of morphological forms/shapes (cf. English plural-sand possessive -s)

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181 an iterative reading (cf. the iterative accomplishment ig-timbak-timbak 'repeatedly shoot' in (52)) When the root tibas is prefixed with ig, a third reading is possible if the root is partially reduplicated. 33 The partially-reduplicated form ig-ti-tibas 'continually strike each other with a machete' requires both a reciprocal and an iterative reading. The nice thing about the accomplishment verb roots tibas 'strike with machete' and timbak 'shoot' is that the different readings are unambiguous and can be determined strictly from the verb morphology without having to make reference to syntactic arguments 34 However once we go beyond these two accomplishment roots it becomes increasingly ambiguous and difficult to determine the semantic reading on the basis of verb morphology alone This leads us to the fourth feature which reciprocals share with certain g'viewpoint aspect' verbs. That is the surface form which marks reciprocals is the same as that which marks many verb sterns derived by g'viewpoint aspect'; specifically verbs derived from roots beginning with an obstruent other than /g/ and not marked for nonpast tense. 35 For example, the nonreciprocal verb ig-bali 'VA-play' in (13) has the same form as the reciprocal verb ig-tibas 'REC-strike with machete' in (60) Similarly, past tense 33 Partial reduplication usually involves reduplicating the initial CV of the stem ; e g. suad 'speak' becomes su-suad Partial reduplication also has an aspectual function and is described later in this section Partial reduplication in Tagalog has a similar form and function (cf. French 1988:23) 34 Accomplishment verb roots were defined in .4 as roots that cannot be related to nouns adjectives stative verbs, achievement verbs or activity verbs by any derivational process. The only other accomplishment verb root mentioned in .4 was tobokng 'cut down trees' which cannot occur as a reciprocal since it is not a process that animate entities can do to each other 35 Due to the morphophonemic changes which occur Bonggi is an excellent example of how similarity in surface form is often a poor basis for semantic similarity. The relationship between the morphemes in the g-/peggroup and the surface phonological forms was described in .1 1 as being skewed by morphophonemic changes in the direction of one morpheme and many phonologically conditioned allomorphs ( cf. also the discussion of the situation marking morphemes in e g m'ST' km'ACH' -m'ACY' ng'APL' and -Vn 'UPL'). In the case of reciprocal verbs and gverb sterns I am suggesting just the opposite Two morphemes (albeit with some semantic similarity) appear to share the same or a similar form. Two competing principles are operating (cf. Wurzel 1989) : (i) the well-known one-form-one-function tendency and (ii) the tendency for languages to employ a restricted number of morphological forms/shapes (cf. English plural-sand possessive -s)

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182 n-ig-ba/i 'PST-VA-play' in (16) has the same form as past tense n-ig-tibas 'PST-REC-strike with machete' in (61) With accomplishment verb roots the reciprocal reading can be determined strictly from the verb morphology but the syntactic arguments must not contradict the verb morphology. Reciprocal verbs require one of the following two syntactic configurations First there can be one core argument the pivot e g sigelama na 'they' in (60). In this case, the pivot is plural (referring to both participants) and no other syntactic argument can occur except an oblique instrument. 36 The plural is used when the focus is equally on both participants Second, the pivot can be singular e g sia 'he' in (61), in which case there is an oblique argument marked by comitative ma' 'with' The singular is used when the focus is on only one of the two participants with the other occurring as an oblique argument ( e g ( 61)). This second type of syntactic configuration can also have a plural pivot in which case the plural participant is viewed as acting as ~ie go~mltion can a (65) the verb is marked by igindicating it is reciprocal Morphological marking ofreciprocals results in a single clause in Bonggi whereas the English translation in (65) requires two clauses Furthermore many English verbs are ambiguous in terms of the reciprocal and nonreciprocal readings, e.g. English: They argued with me. English requires a reflexive pronoun with the verb argue in order to unambiguously have a reciprocal reading e g English : They argued with each other. (65) Sigelama na ig-tibas (ig-tibas) ma' diaadn 3pNOM DEF REC-strike with.machete with lsACC 'THEY struck me with machetes, and I struck them back.' Since the surface form /ig-/ sometimes indicates simple viewpoint aspect and other times reciprocal viewpoint aspect with nonaccomplishment verb roots the correct reading cannot be determined strictly from the verb morphology without reference to syntactic arguments Certain roots (e g. bunu' 'argue') are normally treated as lexical reciprocals in that they involve two 36 When the pivot is plural an adjunct can occur such as the temporal adjunct kina 'earlier' in (60).

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182 n-ig-ba/i 'PST-VA-play' in (16) has the same form as past tense n-ig-tibas 'PST-REC-strike with machete' in (61) With accomplishment verb roots the reciprocal reading can be determined strictly from the verb morphology but the syntactic arguments must not contradict the verb morphology. Reciprocal verbs require one of the following two syntactic configurations First there can be one core argument the pivot e g sigelama na 'they' in (60). In this case, the pivot is plural (referring to both participants) and no other syntactic argument can occur except an oblique instrument. 36 The plural is used when the focus is equally on both participants Second, the pivot can be singular e g sia 'he' in (61), in which case there is an oblique argument marked by comitative ma' 'with' The singular is used when the focus is on only one of the two participants with the other occurring as an oblique argument ( e g ( 61)). This second type of syntactic configuration can also have a plural pivot in which case the plural participant is viewed as acting as ~ie go~mltion can a (65) the verb is marked by igindicating it is reciprocal Morphological marking ofreciprocals results in a single clause in Bonggi whereas the English translation in (65) requires two clauses Furthermore many English verbs are ambiguous in terms of the reciprocal and nonreciprocal readings, e.g. English: They argued with me. English requires a reflexive pronoun with the verb argue in order to unambiguously have a reciprocal reading e g English : They argued with each other. (65) Sigelama na ig-tibas (ig-tibas) ma' diaadn 3pNOM DEF REC-strike with.machete with lsACC 'THEY struck me with machetes, and I struck them back.' Since the surface form /ig-/ sometimes indicates simple viewpoint aspect and other times reciprocal viewpoint aspect with nonaccomplishment verb roots the correct reading cannot be determined strictly from the verb morphology without reference to syntactic arguments Certain roots (e g. bunu' 'argue') are normally treated as lexical reciprocals in that they involve two 36 When the pivot is plural an adjunct can occur such as the temporal adjunct kina 'earlier' in (60).

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183 participants who act upon one another. 37 Lexical reciprocals usually receive a reciprocal interpretation even when the verb morphology is not marked with ig'reciprocal' (e g (69)) Other roots (e.g bali 'play') do not imply that two participants are acting upon one another, so they receive a nonreciprocal interpretation when the verb morphology is ambiguous. Still other roots (e g tomu 'meet/find') can receive both interpretations depending upon the context. The root bunu' 'argue' is representative oflexical reciprocals. It can occur as a regular accomplishment verb (e g (66)), in which case it does not have a reciprocal interpretation (cf. (62)). 38 When bunu' 'argue' is prefixed with ig'reciprocal', it can occur in either of the two syntactic configurations described above; specfically one syntactic argument which is a pivot that is semantically plural and refers to both participants in the reciprocal event (e.g. (67) cf. (60)) or one core pivot argument and one oblique argument with the participants being divided between the two (e g (68), cf. (61)) When bunu' 'argue' does not occur as a regular ngmarked accomplishment verb or an igmarked reciprocal verb, it still receives a reciprocal interpretation, e.g. (69). (66) Sia m-unu' (ng-bunu') pusud nya. 3sNOM APL-argue sibling 3sGEN 'HE scolds his sibling (67) Sigelama na ig-bunu' (g-bunu') 3sNOM DEF REC-argue 'THEY are arguing with each other.' (68) Sia ig-bunu' (ig-bunu') ma' pusud nya 3sNOM REC-argue with sibling 3sGEN 'HE is arguing with his sibling.' (69) Sia m-bunu' (ng-g-bunu') ma' pusud nya 3sNOM NPST-argue with sibling 3sGEN 'HE is arguing with his sibling.' 37 Lexically reciprocal verbs in English (depending on context) include : kiss meet and shake hands. 38 As seen from this example, there are no "pure" lexical reciprocals in Bonggi That is, there are no verb roots that must be interpreted as a reciprocal in every instance.

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183 participants who act upon one another. 37 Lexical reciprocals usually receive a reciprocal interpretation even when the verb morphology is not marked with ig'reciprocal' (e g (69)) Other roots (e.g bali 'play') do not imply that two participants are acting upon one another, so they receive a nonreciprocal interpretation when the verb morphology is ambiguous. Still other roots (e g tomu 'meet/find') can receive both interpretations depending upon the context. The root bunu' 'argue' is representative oflexical reciprocals. It can occur as a regular accomplishment verb (e g (66)), in which case it does not have a reciprocal interpretation (cf. (62)). 38 When bunu' 'argue' is prefixed with ig'reciprocal', it can occur in either of the two syntactic configurations described above; specfically one syntactic argument which is a pivot that is semantically plural and refers to both participants in the reciprocal event (e.g. (67) cf. (60)) or one core pivot argument and one oblique argument with the participants being divided between the two (e g (68), cf. (61)) When bunu' 'argue' does not occur as a regular ngmarked accomplishment verb or an igmarked reciprocal verb, it still receives a reciprocal interpretation, e.g. (69). (66) Sia m-unu' (ng-bunu') pusud nya. 3sNOM APL-argue sibling 3sGEN 'HE scolds his sibling (67) Sigelama na ig-bunu' (g-bunu') 3sNOM DEF REC-argue 'THEY are arguing with each other.' (68) Sia ig-bunu' (ig-bunu') ma' pusud nya 3sNOM REC-argue with sibling 3sGEN 'HE is arguing with his sibling.' (69) Sia m-bunu' (ng-g-bunu') ma' pusud nya 3sNOM NPST-argue with sibling 3sGEN 'HE is arguing with his sibling.' 37 Lexically reciprocal verbs in English (depending on context) include : kiss meet and shake hands. 38 As seen from this example, there are no "pure" lexical reciprocals in Bonggi That is, there are no verb roots that must be interpreted as a reciprocal in every instance.

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184 Other examples of reciprocal forms are shown in (70) where in most cases there are corresponding nonreciprocal accomplishments. When corresponding accomplishments exist, the reciprocal forms are downgraded accomplishments (70) ROOT GLOSS ACTMTY ACCOMPLISHMENT RECIPROCAL goul mix together nge-goul ig-goul lujubm trick ngu-lujubm ig-lujubm ranggar ram nge-ranggar 1g-ranggar 'collide' salabm greet n-alabm ig-salabm suntuk punch ; fist fight n-untuk ig-suntuk tumbuk punch ; fist fight n-umbuk ig-tumbuk tolu' pursue ; chase n-olu' ig-tolu' mati die m-mati 'kill' ig-pati 39 loon oppose 1-em-oon nge-loon ig-loon tomu meet t-em-omu ig-tomu tampidn blame petampidn ig-petampidn 40 The surface form /ig-/ can have a reciprocal meaning (e g. (68)) and a nonreciprocal meaning (e.g. (13)). Similarly the surface form /m-/ can occur with reciprocal verbs (e.g (69)) and nonreciprocal verbs (e g (9)) 41 Such neutralization of contrasts is a general problem that goes beyond the neutralization between reciprocal and nonreciprocal forms. This problem is especially acute before bilabial-initial roots as seen in (71) (71) AFFIXES FUNCTION ROOT GLOSS SURF ACE FORM REFERENCE m'ST' puti' 'white' mputi' 1 3 -m'ACY' panu 'walk' mpanu 3 ng-g'NPST-VA' bali 'play' mbali (9) ng-g'NPST-VA' bunu' 'argue' mbunu' (69) On the other hand, Bonggi has an interesting means in one case of avoiding neutralization or semantic ambiguity As mentioned above /ig-/ sometimes indicates simple viewpoint aspect and other times reciprocal viewpoint aspect. There are instances in which a possible reciprocal reading is undesirable To avoid the reciprocal reading the morphophonemic rules described in .1 1 are 39 Tue reciprocal form ig-pati 'kill each other' suggests the root is pati Mati 'die' is an achievement verb and should not be considered the root This verb is irregular 40 Pe-tampidn is a causative stem meaning 'to blame someone else'

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184 Other examples of reciprocal forms are shown in (70) where in most cases there are corresponding nonreciprocal accomplishments. When corresponding accomplishments exist, the reciprocal forms are downgraded accomplishments (70) ROOT GLOSS ACTMTY ACCOMPLISHMENT RECIPROCAL goul mix together nge-goul ig-goul lujubm trick ngu-lujubm ig-lujubm ranggar ram nge-ranggar 1g-ranggar 'collide' salabm greet n-alabm ig-salabm suntuk punch ; fist fight n-untuk ig-suntuk tumbuk punch ; fist fight n-umbuk ig-tumbuk tolu' pursue ; chase n-olu' ig-tolu' mati die m-mati 'kill' ig-pati 39 loon oppose 1-em-oon nge-loon ig-loon tomu meet t-em-omu ig-tomu tampidn blame petampidn ig-petampidn 40 The surface form /ig-/ can have a reciprocal meaning (e g. (68)) and a nonreciprocal meaning (e.g. (13)). Similarly the surface form /m-/ can occur with reciprocal verbs (e.g (69)) and nonreciprocal verbs (e g (9)) 41 Such neutralization of contrasts is a general problem that goes beyond the neutralization between reciprocal and nonreciprocal forms. This problem is especially acute before bilabial-initial roots as seen in (71) (71) AFFIXES FUNCTION ROOT GLOSS SURF ACE FORM REFERENCE m'ST' puti' 'white' mputi' 1 3 -m'ACY' panu 'walk' mpanu 3 ng-g'NPST-VA' bali 'play' mbali (9) ng-g'NPST-VA' bunu' 'argue' mbunu' (69) On the other hand, Bonggi has an interesting means in one case of avoiding neutralization or semantic ambiguity As mentioned above /ig-/ sometimes indicates simple viewpoint aspect and other times reciprocal viewpoint aspect. There are instances in which a possible reciprocal reading is undesirable To avoid the reciprocal reading the morphophonemic rules described in .1 1 are 39 Tue reciprocal form ig-pati 'kill each other' suggests the root is pati Mati 'die' is an achievement verb and should not be considered the root This verb is irregular 40 Pe-tampidn is a causative stem meaning 'to blame someone else'

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185 overridden or modified slightly. Where, according to the rules in l. l we would expect gto be deleted or realized as lig-1 we find /gi-/ instead e.g. (72) and (73). (72) Lama ng-gi-taru' (ng-g-taru') molok Gipudn. people NPST-VA-hide scared Japan 'PEOPLE hid because they were scared of the Japanese. 14 2 (73) Sia ng-gi-suru' (ng-g-suru') 3sNOM NPST-VA-order 'HE ordered people to work.' lama kerai people work According to l. l, when the full form IIJ-I + lg-I occurs before obstruents, the lg-/ is deleted and the IIJ-1 assimilates to the point of articulation of the initial obstruent of the root (e.g (9) (10)). When the reduced form lg-I occurs before obstruents an initial Iii is added to avoid the deviant word-initial cluster lg-/+ obstruent (e.g (13)) According to these rules, the full forms in (72) and (73) should be *ntaru' and *nsuru' but both of these are deviant. Furthermore the reduced forms of these verbs should be igtaru' and igsuru' instead of gitaru' and gisuru' which are the actual reduced forms. The expected forms igtaru' and igsuru' are not deviant; instead, they are the reciprocal forms The derived stems gitaru' and gisuru' occur in order to block the reciprocal interpretation that would otherwise occur. Although these forms are exceptions to the rules described in 1 l they are exceptions with a purpose To understand the function of these exceptions one must not only examine the stem forming prefix g, but also the relationship between gand reciprocal ig. The final semantic distinction in the constellation of gmarked forms deals with the internal complexity of events Iterative events (e.g. (26) (32)) and reciprocal events (e.g (60), (61)) are not the only types of events with internal complexity Other events with internal complexity are events that are perceived as occurring in stages such as those in (74) which are shown in their full41 The viewpoint aspect of mbali in (9) is simple whereas the viewpoint aspect of mbunu' in ( 69) is interpreted as reciprocal since bunu' 'argue' is a lexical reciprocal 42 Banggi Island was occupied by the Japanese during World War II

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185 overridden or modified slightly. Where, according to the rules in l. l we would expect gto be deleted or realized as lig-1 we find /gi-/ instead e.g. (72) and (73). (72) Lama ng-gi-taru' (ng-g-taru') molok Gipudn. people NPST-VA-hide scared Japan 'PEOPLE hid because they were scared of the Japanese. 14 2 (73) Sia ng-gi-suru' (ng-g-suru') 3sNOM NPST-VA-order 'HE ordered people to work.' lama kerai people work According to l. l, when the full form IIJ-I + lg-I occurs before obstruents, the lg-/ is deleted and the IIJ-1 assimilates to the point of articulation of the initial obstruent of the root (e.g (9) (10)). When the reduced form lg-I occurs before obstruents an initial Iii is added to avoid the deviant word-initial cluster lg-/+ obstruent (e.g (13)) According to these rules, the full forms in (72) and (73) should be *ntaru' and *nsuru' but both of these are deviant. Furthermore the reduced forms of these verbs should be igtaru' and igsuru' instead of gitaru' and gisuru' which are the actual reduced forms. The expected forms igtaru' and igsuru' are not deviant; instead, they are the reciprocal forms The derived stems gitaru' and gisuru' occur in order to block the reciprocal interpretation that would otherwise occur. Although these forms are exceptions to the rules described in 1 l they are exceptions with a purpose To understand the function of these exceptions one must not only examine the stem forming prefix g, but also the relationship between gand reciprocal ig. The final semantic distinction in the constellation of gmarked forms deals with the internal complexity of events Iterative events (e.g. (26) (32)) and reciprocal events (e.g (60), (61)) are not the only types of events with internal complexity Other events with internal complexity are events that are perceived as occurring in stages such as those in (74) which are shown in their full41 The viewpoint aspect of mbali in (9) is simple whereas the viewpoint aspect of mbunu' in ( 69) is interpreted as reciprocal since bunu' 'argue' is a lexical reciprocal 42 Banggi Island was occupied by the Japanese during World War II

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186 fonn ( cf. (18) (3 7)). The events in (7 4) involve a complex change of state instead of a single change of state (74) ng-g-api NPST-VA-cook m-buat NPST.VA-make ng-gi-liput NPST-V A-circle a place The verbs in (74) are similar to iterative, reciprocal and 'being-in-a-posture' type verbs in that they refer to action drawn out in time Events which are iterative reciprocal or have stages are viewed as covering a longer period of time than noniterative, nonreciprocal or single-stage events To summarize gmarked verbs are a category whose members show a family resemblance to each other All the members of the category fall into a semantic "gray area" between prototypical accomplishments and prototypical activities. This gray area arises because there is no single unifying feature such as [+iterative] or [-punctual] which accounts for all the various members of the category The overarching meaning of this category is viewpoint aspect. Whereas prototypical accomplishments (ngmarked) and prototypical activities (-mmarked) have simple viewpoint aspect gmarked verbs include both simple and marked viewpoint aspect. All gmarked verbs have some degree of complexity in their internal structure when compared to ngmarked accomplishments and -mmarked activities The types of verbs associated with this category include : (i) iterative activities (e.g. (26)) ; (ii) iterative accomplishments (e.g. (32)) ; (iii) nonprototypical accomplishments whose undergoer is unaffected (e.g. (35), (37)) ; (iv) verbs which refer to 'being-in-a-posture' (e g (40) (45) (46), (51)) ; (v) reduplicated verbs with the reduplication supplying an iterative meaning, (e.g (38), (41) (44) (52) (53) (54) (55) (56) (57) (58), (59)) ; (vi) reciprocal verbs (e g (60) (61) (67) (68) (70)) ; and (vii) verbs which refer to events that occur in stages (e g. (74)) Not all the verbs in (18) and (23) fit neatly within these semantic distinctions ; y et they do not match the activity or accomplishment prototype and they share at least one feature with some member of this category. For example ng-g-apu' 'NPST-VA grandfather' (call someone grandfather) is [-punctual] which correlates with iteratives which are also nonpunctual

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186 fonn ( cf. (18) (3 7)). The events in (7 4) involve a complex change of state instead of a single change of state (74) ng-g-api NPST-VA-cook m-buat NPST.VA-make ng-gi-liput NPST-V A-circle a place The verbs in (74) are similar to iterative, reciprocal and 'being-in-a-posture' type verbs in that they refer to action drawn out in time Events which are iterative reciprocal or have stages are viewed as covering a longer period of time than noniterative, nonreciprocal or single-stage events To summarize gmarked verbs are a category whose members show a family resemblance to each other All the members of the category fall into a semantic "gray area" between prototypical accomplishments and prototypical activities. This gray area arises because there is no single unifying feature such as [+iterative] or [-punctual] which accounts for all the various members of the category The overarching meaning of this category is viewpoint aspect. Whereas prototypical accomplishments (ngmarked) and prototypical activities (-mmarked) have simple viewpoint aspect gmarked verbs include both simple and marked viewpoint aspect. All gmarked verbs have some degree of complexity in their internal structure when compared to ngmarked accomplishments and -mmarked activities The types of verbs associated with this category include : (i) iterative activities (e.g. (26)) ; (ii) iterative accomplishments (e.g. (32)) ; (iii) nonprototypical accomplishments whose undergoer is unaffected (e.g. (35), (37)) ; (iv) verbs which refer to 'being-in-a-posture' (e g (40) (45) (46), (51)) ; (v) reduplicated verbs with the reduplication supplying an iterative meaning, (e.g (38), (41) (44) (52) (53) (54) (55) (56) (57) (58), (59)) ; (vi) reciprocal verbs (e g (60) (61) (67) (68) (70)) ; and (vii) verbs which refer to events that occur in stages (e g. (74)) Not all the verbs in (18) and (23) fit neatly within these semantic distinctions ; y et they do not match the activity or accomplishment prototype and they share at least one feature with some member of this category. For example ng-g-apu' 'NPST-VA grandfather' (call someone grandfather) is [-punctual] which correlates with iteratives which are also nonpunctual

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187 Several different morphemes (both derivational and inflectional) have been discussed in this section including: (i) stem-forming gin indicative mood ; (ii) stem-forming pegin imperative mood ; (iii) inflectional inin past tense ; (iv) inflectional ngin nonpast tense ; (v) fully-reduplicated roots to indicate iterative events ; (vi) the reciprocal marker ig; and (vii) partially-reduplicated roots in which the initial CV of the root is reduplicated to indicate events that are both reciprocal and iterative e g. (75) and (76) (cf. (72)). (75) Sigelama na ig-be-balas (ig-CV-balas) ig-ti-timbak (ig-CV-timbak) dii toidn 3pNOM DEF REC-IT-retaliate REC-IT-shoot at jungle 'THEY keep retaliating against each other by shooting at each other in the jungle (76) Eihi n-ig-te-taru' {in-ig-CV-taru ') tuba 1 pexcNOM PST-REC-IT-hide poisonous.root WE kept hiding the root from each other.'43 Other roots which are both partially-reduplicated and reciprocal are shown in (77) The reduplicated syllables in (77) represent the same morphological element which is simply the skeletal pattern 'CV' added to the stem (cf. Anderson 1988a : 157) (77) ROOT GLOSS puun lapas suad bali take leave of hit with switch speak play ACCOMPLISHRECIPROCAL & MENT PARTIAL-REDUPLICATION m-uun nge-lapas ig-pu-puun 'keep taking leave of each other' ig-le-lapas 'keep hitting each other with switch' ig-su-suad 'keep speaking with each other' ig-be-bali 'keep playing with each other' 3 1.3 Iterativity : Specific and Distributive Viewpoints Events can be iterated or quantified in different ways . 1 2 described two general types of iterative events : those that are internally iterative and those that are externally iterative Internally iterative events are events whose internal structure contains a number of subevents (microevents), e.g. nggisik 'shake' in (26) nggahut 'shuttle back-and-forth' in (32), igbunu' 'argue' in (67), and 43 Tuba is a poisonous root which is used to stun fish at low tide It is highly valued and hard to find

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187 Several different morphemes (both derivational and inflectional) have been discussed in this section including: (i) stem-forming gin indicative mood ; (ii) stem-forming pegin imperative mood ; (iii) inflectional inin past tense ; (iv) inflectional ngin nonpast tense ; (v) fully-reduplicated roots to indicate iterative events ; (vi) the reciprocal marker ig; and (vii) partially-reduplicated roots in which the initial CV of the root is reduplicated to indicate events that are both reciprocal and iterative e g. (75) and (76) (cf. (72)). (75) Sigelama na ig-be-balas (ig-CV-balas) ig-ti-timbak (ig-CV-timbak) dii toidn 3pNOM DEF REC-IT-retaliate REC-IT-shoot at jungle 'THEY keep retaliating against each other by shooting at each other in the jungle (76) Eihi n-ig-te-taru' {in-ig-CV-taru ') tuba 1 pexcNOM PST-REC-IT-hide poisonous.root WE kept hiding the root from each other.'43 Other roots which are both partially-reduplicated and reciprocal are shown in (77) The reduplicated syllables in (77) represent the same morphological element which is simply the skeletal pattern 'CV' added to the stem (cf. Anderson 1988a : 157) (77) ROOT GLOSS puun lapas suad bali take leave of hit with switch speak play ACCOMPLISHRECIPROCAL & MENT PARTIAL-REDUPLICATION m-uun nge-lapas ig-pu-puun 'keep taking leave of each other' ig-le-lapas 'keep hitting each other with switch' ig-su-suad 'keep speaking with each other' ig-be-bali 'keep playing with each other' 3 1.3 Iterativity : Specific and Distributive Viewpoints Events can be iterated or quantified in different ways . 1 2 described two general types of iterative events : those that are internally iterative and those that are externally iterative Internally iterative events are events whose internal structure contains a number of subevents (microevents), e.g. nggisik 'shake' in (26) nggahut 'shuttle back-and-forth' in (32), igbunu' 'argue' in (67), and 43 Tuba is a poisonous root which is used to stun fish at low tide It is highly valued and hard to find

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188 mbuat 'make' in (74) Externally iterative events are macroevents that consist of a number of repetitions of an event, e.g. igtimbak-timbak 'keep shooting' in (52) Accordingly, we can speak of three levels of events : (i) events, (ii) microevents which are subcomponents of events and (iii) macroevents which contain repetitions of an event. The different types of microevents (internally iterative events) discussed in .1 2 are marked by the prefix gorig(e g nggisik 'shake' in (26) and igbunu' 'argue' in (67)), whereas macroevents (externally iterative events) are marked by full reduplication (e g igtimbak-timbak 'keep shooting' in (52)) Events that are both internally and externally iterative are marked by both a prefix (gor ig-) and reduplication (full or partial) e.g nggahut-ahut 'keep shuttling back-and-forth' in (55), and igtitimbak 'keep shooting at each other' in (75) This section deals with two other ways in which events are iterated or quantified in Bonggi: (i) specific iteratives which involve a single repetition of an event and (ii) distributive iteratives which involve many repetitions of an event on different occasions. Whereas the aspectual distinctions which have been described thus far are formally expressed in the verb morphology specific iteratives are indicated periphrastically via the aspectual word malik 'again', e.g. (78) and (79) (78) Ou m-ohodn (-m-ohon) malik. lsNOM ACY-eat agam 'I am eating again.' (79) lbis-idn (abis-Vn) gulu noo nubu' n-uga' (ng-suga') malik. finish-UPL first that then APL-insert agam 'First finish THAT, then put some more inside again.' Although malik 'again' is discussed here because of its iterative function, it is different from viewpoint aspect gin terms of scope. In (78) and (79) malik has scope over the whole clause 44 Other times, malik modifies nouns and only has scope within the noun phrase, e.g. (80). 44 Cf. Talmy (1985 : 114) who treats English 'again' as an aspectual satellite.

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188 mbuat 'make' in (74) Externally iterative events are macroevents that consist of a number of repetitions of an event, e.g. igtimbak-timbak 'keep shooting' in (52) Accordingly, we can speak of three levels of events : (i) events, (ii) microevents which are subcomponents of events and (iii) macroevents which contain repetitions of an event. The different types of microevents (internally iterative events) discussed in .1 2 are marked by the prefix gorig(e g nggisik 'shake' in (26) and igbunu' 'argue' in (67)), whereas macroevents (externally iterative events) are marked by full reduplication (e g igtimbak-timbak 'keep shooting' in (52)) Events that are both internally and externally iterative are marked by both a prefix (gor ig-) and reduplication (full or partial) e.g nggahut-ahut 'keep shuttling back-and-forth' in (55), and igtitimbak 'keep shooting at each other' in (75) This section deals with two other ways in which events are iterated or quantified in Bonggi: (i) specific iteratives which involve a single repetition of an event and (ii) distributive iteratives which involve many repetitions of an event on different occasions. Whereas the aspectual distinctions which have been described thus far are formally expressed in the verb morphology specific iteratives are indicated periphrastically via the aspectual word malik 'again', e.g. (78) and (79) (78) Ou m-ohodn (-m-ohon) malik. lsNOM ACY-eat agam 'I am eating again.' (79) lbis-idn (abis-Vn) gulu noo nubu' n-uga' (ng-suga') malik. finish-UPL first that then APL-insert agam 'First finish THAT, then put some more inside again.' Although malik 'again' is discussed here because of its iterative function, it is different from viewpoint aspect gin terms of scope. In (78) and (79) malik has scope over the whole clause 44 Other times, malik modifies nouns and only has scope within the noun phrase, e.g. (80). 44 Cf. Talmy (1985 : 114) who treats English 'again' as an aspectual satellite.

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(80) a) ari Li ma malik da y five next 'next Frida y b) toudn malik year next 'next y ear' 189 c) minggu malik week next 'next week' Malik 'again' can occur with activities (e g (78)) accomplishments (e g (79)) and achievements (e g. (81)) (81) Budak ku k-i-m-a y ad (-in-km-ayad) na malik flower 1 sGEN ACH-PST@ -pretty PFT agam 'MY FLOWERS have become pretty again Malik 'again' differs in three respects from other aspectual words that are marked periphrasticall y : (i) syntactic position (ii) scope and (iii) ability to carry tense Malik occurs post verball y, whereas other aspectual words occur pre-verbally within the verb phrase (cf. 1.4) Malik has scope over the clause whereas other aspectual words have scope over the nucleus (the predicate) Malik can be inflected for tense whereas other aspectual words cannot. 45 When stems are inflected for tense in Bonggi the y are normally prefixed or infixed (cf. .3). A third process which occurs with some roots is stem modification involving vowel umlaut. This occurs in Bonggi where nonpast /malik/ occurs as /melik/ in past tense e g (82) In (82) the aspectual word melik 'again' agrees in tense with the verb ipupuli' 'return something' (82) Sia i-pu-puli' (in-p-puli') nya m-e-lik (-in-malik) 3sNOM PST-CAU-retum 3sACC @ -PST-again 'HE returned it again Distributive iteratives are similar to macroevents marked b y reduplication in that both involve multiple repetitions of an event. The primary difference is that reduplicated iterative events occur together ; that is the y are viewed as a collective macroevent (e g (52), (55) (75)) In contrast distributive iteratives consist of distinct and individuated events that do not occur together ; that is they are viewed as events occurring on man y different occasions ( cf. Chung & Timberlake 1985 : 221) Distributi v e iteratives are marked b y meg-lbegwhich is a prefix that attaches to both verb roots e g (83) (cf. (70)) and denominal verbs e.g (84) (cf. (52)). 45 Since malik 'again' is treated differently than other aspectual words it could be regarded as an adverb. However it differs from adverbs which cannot be inflected for tense

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(80) a) ari Li ma malik da y five next 'next Frida y b) toudn malik year next 'next y ear' 189 c) minggu malik week next 'next week' Malik 'again' can occur with activities (e g (78)) accomplishments (e g (79)) and achievements (e g. (81)) (81) Budak ku k-i-m-a y ad (-in-km-ayad) na malik flower 1 sGEN ACH-PST@ -pretty PFT agam 'MY FLOWERS have become pretty again Malik 'again' differs in three respects from other aspectual words that are marked periphrasticall y : (i) syntactic position (ii) scope and (iii) ability to carry tense Malik occurs post verball y, whereas other aspectual words occur pre-verbally within the verb phrase (cf. 1.4) Malik has scope over the clause whereas other aspectual words have scope over the nucleus (the predicate) Malik can be inflected for tense whereas other aspectual words cannot. 45 When stems are inflected for tense in Bonggi the y are normally prefixed or infixed (cf. .3). A third process which occurs with some roots is stem modification involving vowel umlaut. This occurs in Bonggi where nonpast /malik/ occurs as /melik/ in past tense e g (82) In (82) the aspectual word melik 'again' agrees in tense with the verb ipupuli' 'return something' (82) Sia i-pu-puli' (in-p-puli') nya m-e-lik (-in-malik) 3sNOM PST-CAU-retum 3sACC @ -PST-again 'HE returned it again Distributive iteratives are similar to macroevents marked b y reduplication in that both involve multiple repetitions of an event. The primary difference is that reduplicated iterative events occur together ; that is the y are viewed as a collective macroevent (e g (52), (55) (75)) In contrast distributive iteratives consist of distinct and individuated events that do not occur together ; that is they are viewed as events occurring on man y different occasions ( cf. Chung & Timberlake 1985 : 221) Distributi v e iteratives are marked b y meg-lbegwhich is a prefix that attaches to both verb roots e g (83) (cf. (70)) and denominal verbs e.g (84) (cf. (52)). 45 Since malik 'again' is treated differently than other aspectual words it could be regarded as an adverb. However it differs from adverbs which cannot be inflected for tense

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190 (83) Tapi' meg-/oon nda' m-iaa' (ng-biaa') suad i Mual but DIS-oppose not APL-follow sa y NPIV Mual 'But SHE alwa y s opposes people and does not follow what Mual sa y s. 46 (84) Sia meg-lahi sei 3sNOM DIS-male onl y 'All SHE does is chase after men .' Conditions on the choice between megand begare not clear y et. megoccurs much more frequentl y than begwhich occurs in the imperative (cf. (94)) One difference may have to do with main clauses where megis used (e g (83) (84)) versus subordinate clauses where begis used (e g (85)). This distinction is related to the general problem of when to use full-forms (in this case meg-) versus reduced forms (beg-)_47 (85) lg-bunu' (ig-bunu') sampai beg-bubus raa' REC-argue until DIS-spil