Antigua and Barbuda country environmental profile

MISSING IMAGE

Material Information

Title:
Antigua and Barbuda country environmental profile
Physical Description:
xxv, 212 p. : ill. ; 28 cm.
Language:
English
Creator:
Caribbean Censervation Association
Antigua and Barbuda -- Historical, Conservation, and Environmental Commission
Publisher:
The Caribbean Conservation Association
Place of Publication:
St. Michael, Barbados
Publication Date:

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Environmental degradation -- Antigua and Barbuda   ( lcsh )
Environmental policy -- Antigua and Barbuda   ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (p. 193-212).
Statement of Responsibility:
prepared under the aegis of: the Caribbean Conservation Association, St. Michael, Barbados on behalf of: the Government of Antigua and Barbuda Historical, Conservation, and Environmental Commission.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
oclc - 25474832
lccn - 93185091
Classification:
lcc - GE160.A63 C37 1991
ddc - 363.7/00972974
System ID:
AA00001401:00001


This item is only available as the following downloads:


Full Text






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Draft Prepared 1990
Edited and Published 1991


COUNTRY

ENVIRONMENTAL

PROFILE


Prepared Under the Aegis Of:
THE CARIBBEAN CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION
St. Michael, BarLados

On Behalf Of:
THE GOVERNMENT OF ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA
Historical, Conservation, and
Environmental Commis

With the Technical Support Of:
THE ISLAND RESOURCES FOUNDATION
St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Island.
And
THE ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS GROUP
St. John's, Antigua


Funding Provided By:
THE U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Regional Development Office/Caribbean
Bridgetown, Barbados


flo- ^^3












ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


Overall project management for the Antigua-Barbuda Country Environmental Profile Project was
provided by the Caribbean Conservation Association (CCA) under the direction of Acting Executive
Director, Mr. Calvin Howell.

Technical guidance in preparation of the Profile was the responsibility of the Island Resources Foun-
dation (IRF). Dr. Edward L. Towle, President of the Foundation, is the Team Leader for the Profile
Project in the Eastern Caribbean; Judith A. Towle, IRF Vice President, is the Editcr of the CEP Re-
port Series; and Dr. Bruce J. Horwith, Director of IRF's NGO Institutional Development Program,
served as Coordinator for the Antigua-Barbuda CEP.

The CEP National Committee, as designated by CCA and the Government of Antigua and Barbuda,
was the Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission (HCEC), under the able leadership
of Mr. Oscar Bird. Several Commission meetings focused on the Profile during the course of the
project, and many HCEC members were valuable sources of information and were instrumental in
the review process. Special thanks are due Chairman Bird and Mr. E.T. Henry, liaison between the
Commission and the Environmental Awareness Group, for their time and effort.

Local project support was provided through the offices of the Environmental Awareness Group
(EAG). Valuable suggestions for the Profile design were made early on by an ad hoc committee of
EAG convened to review the CEP report outline. The EAG Executive Committee expressed contin-
ued interest and provided critical support throughout the entire project. The CEP report benefitted
greatly from their substantive input, in particular, Mr. E.T. Henry, Mr. Desmond Nichclson, Mr.
John Jurgensen, Mr. Lionel Michael, and Dr. Brian Cooper. Special thanks are also due to Ms.
Brenda Lee Brown, EAG Project Coordinator and CEP Project Assistant, whose efforts were critical
in enabling the project to be executed under a very demanding schedule.

Staff at the U.S. Agency for International Development, Caribbean Regional Development Office in
Barbados facilitated implementation of the Antigua-Barbuda Profile Project, in particular, Mission
Environmental Officer Rebecca Niec, whose support has been appreciated throughout this effort by
bcth CCA and IRF.

Many persons in Antigua and Barbuda gave willingly of their time and expertise in providing inter-
views and information for the CEP writing team and in the report review process. A special note of
appreciation is due Mr. Patrick Lay and Mr. Kevel Lindsay for their input on coastal and marine is-
sues and on biological resources, respectively. Both individuals contributed greatly of their time, ex-
pertise, and knowledge, and did so in a timely fashion. Many other organizations, agencies, and indi-
viduals in Antigua-Barbuda provided valuable assistance during the course of the project. To each
we extend our gratitude, along with the hope that the Environmental Profile will assist the country in
defining and achieving its goals for sustainable development in the decade ahead.

For further information, contact any one of the implementing institutions:

Caribbean Conservation Association Island Resources Foundation Environmental Awareness
Savannah Lodge, The Garrison Red Hook Box 33, St. Thomas Group, P.O. Box 103
St. Michael, Barbados U.S. Virgin Islands 00802 St. John's, Antigua


(August 1990)










ANTIGUA-BARBUDA COUNTRY ENVIRONMENTAL PROFILE NATIONAL COMMITTEE
Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission

Mr. Oscar Bird, Chairman


Government Appointed Members:


Mr. Errol James
Mr. Desmond Nicholson
Mr. E.T. Henry
Mr. Eustace Royer
Ms. Yvonne Maginley
Mr. Neville Francis
Mr. Tyrone Peters

Mr. Frank Henry
Mr. Joseph Reid


National Parks Commissioner
HAS and EAG Representative
HAS and EAG Representative
Chief Fisheries Officer
Director General, Tourism
Director, Public Works
Director, Development Control
Authority
Director of Agriculture
Chief Health Inspector


Mr. Lionel Michael
Mr. Eustace Hill

Senator R. Martin
Mr. J. Fuller, Attorney


Solid Waste Manager
Science Coordinator,
Ministry of Education


Coopted Members:
Asst. Commis. R.M. Charles Police Department
Mr. L Hesse Dept. of Legal Affairs


ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS GROUP
Executive Committee for 1990


John Jurgensen
Edward Henry
Radcliffe Robins
Lisa Nicholson
Kitz Rickert
Velma Thomas
Brian Cooper


President
Vice President
Treasurer
Secretary
Secretary
Publicity
General Member


Patricia Deans
Lionel Michael
Desmond Nicholson
Eustace Roycr

Brenda Lee Brown


General Member
General Member
General Member
General Member

EAG Project Coordinator


ISLAND RESOURCES FOUNDATION TECHNICAL TEAM
For The Country Environmental Profile Project


CEP PROJECT TEAM LEADER
CEP COORDINATOR FOR ANTIGUA PROFILE
EDITOR, CEP REPORT SERIES
GRAPHICS AND DESIGN
BIBLIOGRAPHY


Edward L Towle
Bruce J. Horwith
Judith A. Towle
Jean-Pierre Bade
Ian Jones, Margaret Klancher


Antigua-Barbuda Environmental Profile Writing Team


BACKGROUND

AGRICULTURE AND FORESTRY
FRESHWATER RESOURCES AND WATERSHEDS
BIODIVERSITY AND WILDLIFE
COASTAL AND MARINE RESOURCES
ENERGY AND INDUSTRY
TOURISM
POLLUTION AND ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH
LAND USE, PLANNING, DEVELOPMENT CONTROL
NATIONAL PARKS AND PROTECTED AREAS
PROTECTION OF HISTORICAL HERITAGE
INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK
SUMMARY


E.T. Henry, Bruce Horwith, Desmond Nicholson,
Klaus deAlbuquerque, Jerome McElroy
Richard Ince, Bruce Horwith
Bruce Horwith
Robert Norton
Melvin Goodwin, Patrick Lay
Bruce Horwith
Ivor Jackson
Bruce Horwith, Patrick Lay
Ivor Jackson
Ivor Jackson
Desmond Nicholson
Terry Hughes, Klaus deAibuquerque
Bruce Horwith











TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Acknowledgements I
Antigua-Barbuda CEP National Committee Ii
Environmental Awareness Group Executive Committee ii
Island Resources Foundation Technical Team II
List of Tables vi
List of Figures vili
Abbreviations Ix
Conversion Coefficients: Imperial Measures and Weights/Metric System ix
Acronyms x
Introduction xii


SYNTHESIS OF POLICY ISSUES AND RECOMMENDATIONS xv


SECTION 1 BACKGROUND 1

1.1 Landscape and A Changing Environment 1

1.2 Environmental Setting 9
1.2.1 Climate 9
1.2.2 Topography 12
1.2.3 Geology and Soils 15
1.2.4 Vegetation 17

1.3 History and Culture 20

1.4 Physical Infrastructure 25

1.5 Socio-Economic Setting 28
1.5.1 Demographics and Human Resources 28
1.5.2 National Economy and Development Trends 37


SECTION 2 LAND RESOURCES 45

2.1 Agriculture and Forestry 45
2.1.1 Overview 45
2.1.2 Problems and Issues 50
2.1.3 Policy Recommendations 56

2.2 Freshwater Resources and Watersheds 58
2.2.1 Overview 58
2.2.2 Problems and Issues 69
2.2.3 Policy Recommendations 72

2.3 Biodiversity and Wildlife 74
2.3.1 Overview 74
2.3.2 Problems and Issues 77
2.3.3 Policy Recommendations 82










SECTION 3

3.1
3.2
3.3


SECTION 4

4.1
4.1.1
4.1.2
4.1.3

4.2
4.2.1
4.2.2
4.2.3


SECTION 5


SECTION 6

6.1
6.2
6.3


SECTION 7


COASTAL AND MARINE RESOURCES


Overview
Problems and Issues
Policy Recommendations


ENERGY AND INDUSTRY

Energy
Overview
Problems and Issues
Policy Recommendations

Industry
Overview
Problems and Issues
Policy Recommendations


TOURISM

Overview
Problems and Issues
Policy Recommendations


POLLUTION AND ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH

Overview
Problems and Issues
Policy Recommendations


LAND USE, PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT CONTROL


Overview
Problems and Issues
Policy Recommendations


SECTION 8

8.1
8.2
8.3


SECTION 9


NATIONAL PARKS AND PROTECTED AREAS

Overview
Problems and Issues
Policy Recommendations


PROTECTION OF HISTORICAL/CULTURAL HERITAGE


Overview
Problems and Issues
Policy Recommendations










SECTION 10 INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR
ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT 175

10.1 Government OrganLzation 175
10.2 Government Institutions Concerned with Environmental Management 177
10.3 The Non-Governmental Sector in Environmental Management 183
10.4 Donor-Supported Resource Management Programs 185
10.5 Assessment of the Institutional Framework for
Environmental Management 188


BIBLIOGRAPHY 193










LIST OF TABLES


Table No. Page

1.1(1) Comparative land use in acres in Antigua for selected years. 4
1.2(1) Annual rainfall for selected stations, 1982-1988 (in millimeters). 10
1.2(2) Features of the land capability classification system
used for Antigua and Barbuda. 18
1.5(1) Selected demographic Indicators for selected years, 1970-1988. 29
1.5(2) Number of households and persons and average household size,
1970 and 1984, by enumeration districts. 31
1.5(3) Age distribution of the population In 1970 and 1984. 33
1.5(4) Selected soclo-economic Indicators. 35
1.5(5) Antigua-Barbuda GDP at factor cost by economic activity
In current prices, percent distribution. 38
1.5(6) Selected agricultural indicators, Antigua and Barbuda, various years. 40

2.1(1) Agricultural land use In Antlgua-Barbuda (acres), 1984 46
2.1(2) Production of field crops for selected years, 1984-1988. 47
2.1(3) Number of livestock in Antigua-Barbuda, 1984. 48
2.2(1) Annual rainfall in inches, 1950-1984. 60
2.2(2) Antigua watersheds with storage capacity estimates for existing
and proposed agricultural and municipal water supplies (acre-feet). 61
2.2(3) Size and storage capacity of several of the larger agricultural
and municipal reservoirs In Antigua. 66
2.2(4) Water capacity and water consumption data for years 1984 1987. 67
2.2(5) Estimated mear monthly run-c;, Antigua-Barbuda, in centimeters. 67
2.3(1) Terrestrial amphibians, reptiles and mammals present on Antigua. 76
2.3(2) Terrestrial amphibians, reptiles and mammals present on Barbuda. 76
2.3(3) Vertebrates In Antigua and Barbuda considered endangered,
threatened or in need of special conservation attention. 80
2.3(4) Potential terrestrial biodiversity sites to be evaluated for designation
as wildlife reserves. 83

3.2(1) Major areas and concerns related to coastal degradation in Antigua. 92

4.1(1) Imports of major petroleum products (in barrels) and their
percent share of imports mix. 98
4.1(2) Selected data on electricity consumption, 1984-1988. 101
4.2(1) Production of selected commodities In Antigua-Barbuda, 1985-1988. 105
4.2(2) The largest manufacturing companies in Antigua-Barbuda in 1990. 106

5.1(1) Visitor arrivals, 1986-1989. 112
5.1(2) Estimated average daily expenditure and length of stay
for visitors to Antigua and Barbuda. 113
5.1(3) Estimates of persons visiting day cruise destinations, 1990. 113
5.1(4) Selected tourism tax revenues (EC$ million), 1984-1989. 114
5.1(5) Hotel rooms at three major resorts areas, Antigua. 116
5.1(6) Sea visitor arrivals at various ports, 1989. 116

6.1(1) Percentage of sewage disposed of by the five primary 127
disposal categories.










7.1(1) Land use In Antigua, 1985. 136
7.1(2) Number of building applications and estimated value,
1981-1988. 139
7.1(3) GOAB agencies with land management functions. 141

8.1(1) Protected areas and their economic value. 150
8.1(2) Estimates of park visitation, Nelson's Dockyard National Park. 153
8.1(3) Proposed protected areas for Antigua and Barbuda, as
recommended by the OAS. 156
8.1(4) IUCN protected area management categories and objectives. 157

9.1(1) Summary of historic sites Inventory compiled by the Historical and
Archaeological Society. 162
9.3(1) Museum development in Antigua and Barbuda. 173

10.1(1) Primary resource management legislation In Antigua-Barbuda. 178-79








LIST OF FIGURES


Figure No. Page

1.1 (1) General map of the Eastern Caribbean, showing the location
of Antigua-Barbuda. 2
1.1(2) General location map for the Islands of Antigua and Barbuda. 3
1.1(3) Various projections o, sea level rise until the year 2100. 8
1.2(1) Monthly distribution of rainfall, Antigua, based upon figures re-
corded at nine stations over periods varying from 12 to 50 years. 10
1.2(2) Mean annual rainfall (long average annual Isohyetals) for various
locations in Antigua. 11
1.2(3) Physiographic regions of Antigua. 13
1.2(4) Distribution of land slope classes, Antigua. 14
1.2(5) Topography of Barbuda. 15
1.2(6) Soils map of Antigua. 16
1.4(1 a) Location of important physical Infrastructure for the Island of Antigua. 26
1.4(1 b) Location of important physical Infrastructure for the Island of Barbuda. 27

2.2(1) Average season rainfall variation. 59
2.2(2) Annual rainfall for 20, 50, and 80 percent frequencies. 59
2.2(3) Watersheds of Antigua. 62
2.2(4) Watersheds of Barbuda. 63
2.2(5) Several of the larger agricultural and municipal reservoirs
for the island of Antigua. 65
2.3(la) Potential biodiversity protection sites for the island of Antigua. 78
2.3(1 b) Potential biodiversity protection sites for the Island of Barbuda. 78

3.1(1) Important reef areas of Antigua. 86
3.1(2) Important reef areas of Barbuda. 87
3.1(3) The mangrove areas of Antigua. 88
3.1(4) Mangroves and salt flats of Barbuda. 89

4.1(1) Electricity generation capacity and peak load demand. 99
4.1(2) Primary electrical supply system for the island of Antigua. 100

5.2(1) Overall mission statement and long-term strategies of the
Antigua Hotel and Tourism Association. 120

6.1(1) Official and unofficial waste disposal sites. 126

7.1(1) Antigua land use from physical development plan prepared
by the Planning Office, 1977. 137
7.1(2). Hypothetical process for review of applications for
development projects with the Nelson's Dockyard National Park. 142

8.1(1) Antigua parks and protected areas (existing and proposed). 151
8.1(2) Barbuda parks and protected areas (existing and proposed). 152
8.1(3) Antigua terrestrial life zones. 155

9.1(1) Places of historical and cultural interest in Antigua. 163
9.1(2) Pre-historic and historic sites of Barbuda. 164
9.1 (3) English Harbor defenses: sites of historical Importance in the
area around Nelson's Dockyard. 166

10.4(1) Location of key GOAB and CARDI agricultural facilities in Antigua. 187










Abbreviations Used In The Country Environmental Profile


acre
acre-feet
biochemical oxygen demand
centimeter
chemical oxygen demand
Eastern Caribbean Dollar
foot
gram
gallons per day
hectare
Inch
kilogram
kilometer
knot
kilovolt


kW
kWh
Ib
m
MG
MG/A
MG/D
MG/M
ml
ML
ml
mm
MW
US$


kilowatt
kilowatt-hour
pound
meter
million gallons
million gallons per acre
million gallons per day
million galls per month
mile
millions of liters
milliliter
millimeter
megawatt
American Dollar
(US$1.00 = EC$2.67)


Conversion Coefficients Between Imperial Measures and Weights
And The Metric System


Imperial


Metric System


LENGTH


AREA


VOLUME


WEIGHT


TEMPERATURE


1 inch
0.39370 Inch
1 yard
1.094 yards
1 mile
0.6214 mile
1 fathom (6 feet)

1 square foot
10.6 square feet
1 acre
2.471 acres
1 square mile
0.386 square mile

1 pint
1.76 pints
1 gallon
0.220 gallon
1 cubic foot
35.31 cubic feet

1 pound
2.205 pounds
1 long ton
1 short ton
0.9842 long ton
1.102322 short ton

Conversion F to C:
subtract 32 and
divide by 1.8


2.540 centimetres
1 centimetre
0.91440 metre
1 metre
1.609 kilometres
1 kilometre
1.829 metres

0.093 square metre
1 square metre
0.405 hectare
1 hectare
2.59 square kilometres
1 square kilometre

0.568 litre
1 litre
4.546 litres
1 litre
0.028 cubic metre
1 cub metre

0.4536 kilogram
1 kilogram
1016 kilograms
907.185 kilograms
1 tonne (1,000 kilograms)
1 tonne (1,000 kilograms)


Conversion C to F:
multiply by 1.8 and
add 32


ac
AF
BOD
cm
COD
EC$
ft
g
gpd
ha
in
kg
km
kn
kV










ACRONYMS USED IN
THE ANTIGUA and BARBUDA COUNTRY ENVIRONMENTAL PROFILE


AHTA Antigua Hotel and Tourism Association
AUCS Antigua Livestock Improvement Cooperative Society
APUA Antigua-Barbuda Public Utilities Authority
BDD British Development Division
CANARI Caribbean Natural Resources Institute (formerly ECNAMP)
CAPS Caribbean Advisory and Professional Services
CARDATS Caribbean Agricultural Rural Development Advisory
and Training Service
CARDI Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development Institute
CARICOM Caribbean Community
CBH Central Board of Health
CCA Caribbean Conservation Association
CDB Caribbean Development Bank
CEHI Caribbean Environmental Health Institute
CEP Country Environmental Profile
CERMES Center for Resource Management and Environmental Studies (UWI)
CFA Cooperative Farmers Association
CHAPA Central Housing and Planning Authority
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
CIDE Center for International Development and Environment
CITES Convention on International Trade of Endangered
Species of Wild Flora and Fauna
CMC Central Marketing Corporation
CTO Caribbean Tourism Organization (formerly Caribbean Tourism
Research and Development Center)
CXC Caribbean Examinations Council
CZM Coastal Zone Management
DCA Development Control Authority
DFS Deutsche Forstinventur Service
EAG Environmental Awareness Group
ECCB Eastern Caribbean Central Bank
ECLAC Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
(United Nations)
ECNAMP Eastern Caribbean Natural Area Management Program
(renamed 1989 as Caribbean Natural Resources Institute, CANARI)
EEC European Economic Community
EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone
EDF European Development Fund
EIA Environmental Impact Assessment
EPU Economic Planning Unit
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GIS Geographic Information System
GOAB Government of Antigua and Barbuda
(found in the Bibliography under Antigua and Barbuda Government)
GTZ German Agency for Technical Co-operation
(Deutsches Gessellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit)
HAS Historical and Archaeological Society of Antigua and Barbuda
HCEC Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission
IDB Industrial Development Board










IICA
IMF
IRF
IUCN

LAC
MAB
NDNP
NGO
NPA
NRAD
OAD
OAS
ODA
OECS
OECS-NRMP

PAHO
PCB
PPO
PWD
RAMSAR

REMS
SFA
SJDC
TFR
VSO
UK
UNDP
UNEP
US
SAID
USAID/RDO/C

USDA
USEPA
USMAB
UWI
WHO
WWF
WWF-US


Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture
International Monetary Fund
Island Resources Foundation
International Union for Conservation of Nature and
Natural Resources
Latin America and the Caribbean
Museum of Antigua and Barbuda
Nelson's Dockyard National Park
Non-Government Organization
National Park Authority
Natural Resources Assessment for Agricultural Development (OAS)
Organization for Agricultural Development
Organization of American States
Organization for Agricultural Development
Organization of Eastern Caribbean States
Organization of Eastern Caribbean States-Natural Resources
Management Project
Pan American Health Organization
Pesticide Control Board
Physical Planning Office
Public Works Department
Convention on Wetlands of International Importance Especially as
Waterfowl Habitat
Regional Environmental Management Specialist (USAID)
Small Farmers Association
St. John's Development Corporation
Total Fertility Rate
Voluntary Service Overseas
United Kingdom
United Nations Development Program
United Nations Environment Program
United States
U.S. Agency for International Development
U.S. Agency for International Development/
Regional Development Office/Caribbean
U.S. Department of Agriculture
U.S. Environmental Protection Agency
U.S. Man and the Biosphere Program
University of the West Indies
World Health Organization
World Wide Fund for Nature (International)
World Wildlife Fund (U.S.)










INTRODUCTION


Preparation of Country Environmental Pro-
files (CEPs) has proven to be an effective
means to help ensure that environmental is-
sues are addressed in the development pro-
cess. Since 1979, the U.S. Agency for Inter-
national Development (USAID) has sup-
ported Environmental Profiles in USAID-as-
sisted countries. Those completed to date
have provided:

(1) a description of each coun-
try's natural resource base, includ-
ing a review of the extent and eco-
nomic importance of natural re-
sources and changes in the quality
or productivity of those resources;

(2) a review of the institutions,
legislation, policies and programs
for environmental planning, eco-
nomic development and natural re-
source management;

(3) identification of the major is-
sues, conflicts or problems in nat-
ural resource management and
opportunities for effective re-
sponses.

Profiles have highlighted gaps in the existing
information base, suggested new guidelines
for the design and funding of development
programs, pinpointed weaknesses in regula-
tory or planning mechanisms, and illustrated
the need for changes in policies. Most im-
portantly, the process of carrying out a profile
project has in many cases helped establish
new working relationships and even consensus
among government and non-government
bodies concerned with environmental issues
and has also served to strengthen local institu-
tions and to improve their capacity for incor-
porating environmental information into de-
velopment planning.


PROFILES FOR THE EASTERN
CARIBBEAN

Country Environmental Profiles have been
prepared for several countries in the Wider


Caribbean Region, including Panama, Belize,
the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Jamaica.
The potential utility of CEPs in the Eastern
Caribbean sub-region (essentially the OECS
countries) has been a subject of discussion
since the early 1980's. The need for the pro-
filing process to begin in those countries was
reaffirmed during a seminar on Industry, En-
vironment and Development sponsored by the
Caribbean Conservation Association (CCA)
and the University of the West Indies in
August 1986.

Shortly thereafter, USAID entered into a Co-
operative Agreement with CCA for prepara-
tion of a series of CEPs for the Eastern Carib-
bean. It was decided to begin the profile pro-
cess in the country of St. Lucia as a pilot pro-
ject, to be followed by profiles for Grenada,
Antigua-Barbuda, Dominica, St. Kitts-Nevis,
and St. Vincent and the Grenadines.

Early in 1987, CCA and the Island Resources
Foundation (IRF), of St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin
Islands, entered into an agreement whereby it
was determined that IRF would provide
technical assistance and support to CCA in
the execution of the profile project in the
Eastern Caribbean. The Executive Director
of the Caribbean Conservation Association is
the CEP Project Director, while the President
of the Island Resources Foundation serves as
CEP Project Manager/Team Leader.


THE ANTIGUA-BARBUDA COUNTRY
ENVIRONMENTAL PROFILE

Early in 1990 a Memorandum of Under-
standing (MOU) was signed by CCA and the
Government of Antigua and Barbuda
(GOAB) for the purpose of executing a
Country Environmental Profile, with the His-
torical, Conservation and Environmental
Commission (HCEC) selected as the coun-
terpart agency for Government. The mem-
bers of the Commission were designated to
serve as the CEP National Committee for the
Antigua-Barbuda Profile Project. At the
same time, the Antigua Environmental
Awareness Group (EAG), a local non-govern-











mental organization, was designated by CCA
and GOAB as the local implementing and co-
ordinating group for the CEP project in
Antigua-Barbuda.

The CEP National Committee was called on
to support the project in a variety of ways,
most importantly in helping to identify envi-
ronmental issues, to obtain reference materi-
als, and to coordinate and assist with the in-
country review of materials prepared by the
CEP technical writing team. A broad spec-
trum of individuals was selected locally to par-
ticipate in the review of the Profile, on a
chapter-by-chapter basis.

The headquarters of the Environmental
Awareness Group at the National Museum of
Antigua and Barbuda in St. John's also served
as the headquarters of the CEP Project. The
staff and members of EAG were most sup-
portive of the project and greatly facilitated
completion of the report within what was a
very demanding time frame. During the
course of the CEP project, a significant col-
lection of environmental reference materials
on Antigua-Barbuda and the Eastern
Caribbean was made available at the offices of
EAG. This collection will remain in the
country and can form the nucleus of an im-
portant environmental library or information
center to serve the community long after the
completion of the Profile Project.

The draft Profile Report was prepared during
a three month period, June August, 1990,
with draft chapters circulated to in-country re-
viewers for comments and input as each was
readied by the CEP technical team. The full
CEP document, in "draft final" format, was
completed in September and disseminated for
final review both in Antigua-Barbuda and to
other reviewers in the Caribbean region.


ORGANIZATION OF THE ANTIGUA-
BARBUDA CEP REPORT

As determined by the Antigua-Barbuda CEP
National Committee and the IRF technical
writing team, the Country Environmental
Profile has been organized in ten primary
sections. Each sector-specific section provides
the reader with an overview summary of the


sector, reviews key environmental problems
and issues within the sector, and concludes
with recommendations specific to that sector.

A SYNTHESIS OF POLICY ISSUES AND RECOM-
MENDATIONS precedes the sector-specific
sections and provides a summary and synthe-
sis of critical environmental issues, conclu-
sions, and recommendations.

SECTION ONE provides background informa-
tion on the general environmental setting of
the country and briefly reviews historical, eco-
nomic and demographic features.

SECTION TWO is a review of the country's land
resource base, including a discussion of pri-
mary environmental issues within three key
resource sectors: agriculture and forestry,
freshwater and watersheds, and biodiversity
and wildlife. SECTION THREE turns to a dis-
cussion of the coastal and marine environ-
ment.

The Profile moves away from an examination
of the physical environment to consider first
energy and industry issues in SECTION FOUR,
while focusing more specifically on the
tourism industry in SECTION FIVE. Pollution
anc environmental health are the subjects of
SECTION SIX.

The related topics of land use, physical plan-
ning, and development control are examined
in SECTION SEVEN. SECTION EIGHT considers
issues related to park planning and protected
areas management, while SECTION NINE fo-
cuses specifically on the management of his-
torical and cultural resources.

The subject of SECTION TEN is the institutional
framework for environmental management in
Antigua-Barbuda, including an overview of
key agencies and organizations with resource
management responsibilities.

A comprehensive bibliography of source ma-
terials dealing with natural resource develop-
ment and environmental management is
found at the end of the profile. Most refer-
ences cited deal specifically with Antigua-
Barbuda or with the Eastern Caribbean sub-
region. It is the most thorough assemblage of










such reference material on Antigua-Barbuda
to be published to date.

The objective of the Country Environmental
Profile project in Antigua-Barbuda has not
been to prevent or obstruct development but
rather to provide another kind of compre-
hensive planning tool for the country, one
which stands as an updated addendum to eco-
nomic planning documents. At the same time,
the CEP seeks to inform and guide local
discussion and debate about development pri-
orities and to encourage identification of more
sustainable development strategies for the


long term. The Environmental Profile at-
tempts to draw attention to gaps in the coun-
try's information base, !t identify critical
problem areas and to suggest options for ad-
dressing these problems. An important re-
lated objective is to improve the country's ca-
pacity for incorporating environmental con-
cerns in the development planning process
early enough to avoid the risks and eventual
costs associated with growth strategies which
ignore or pay little attention to such consider-
ations.











SYNTHESIS OF POLICY ISSUES AND RECOMMENDATIONS


The critical environmental issues
identified in this Country Environmental Pro-
file will not surprise those who know Antigua
and Barbuda well -- at the same time, there is
little room for complacency. There is in fact
cause for conce-n, which has been articulated
in various forums long before the current
CEP project began. Ironically, one of the
most serious reasons for concern is that quite
a bit is known about existing and/or potential
environmental problems in the country, but
the telling harbingers or early warning signs
have not generally received the attention they
deserve; nor have resources been systemati-
cally applied to develop either preventive or
remedial strategies.

This synthesis does not attempt to
fully summarize an almost 200-page Profile
because the sector-specific sections of the
CEP (sections two through ten) already pro-
vide concise "Overview", 'Troblems and Is-
sues", and "Policy Recommendations" sub-
sections for each resource or management
sector. Rather, a smaller group of critical en-
vironmental issues and recommendations --
more national and less sectorial in scope --
have been singled out and presented in this
synthesis. There is a risk in doing this, for any
issue (or cluster of issues) should not be con-
sidered in isolation. There are important
linkages between sectors, and the in-
terrelatedness of both natural and human el-
ements within ecosystems constitutes an im-
portant concept and challenge for the
Antiguan-Barbudan resource manager.


Solutions generally require inter-dis-
ciplinary and inter-ministerial/departmental
cooperation and coordination; they are sel-
dom as neat and orderly as their presentation
in list form would suggest. Furthermore, a
complex problem will appear, and in fact will
prove, intractable until it is attacked cre-
atively, aggressively and simultaneously by
both government and private sector entities
working together more or less as partners.
One of the purposes of the Country Environ-
mental Profile Project in Antigua-Barbuda
has been to open up such avenues of dialogue
in the search for workable solutions.

Under the best of circumstances, this
first Antigua-Barbuda Environmental Profile
could be seen as an immediately useable
agenda for the Government's Historical, Con-
servation, and Environmental Commission,
from which it could develop an action pro-
gram of its own for presentation to Cabinet.

Additionally, the Profile could also be
seen strategically, i.e., as a comprehensive
planning document and a first step leading to
the design and implementation of a national
conservation strategy or its equivalent. At the
very least, the document stands as an updated
addendum to the country's national planning
documents and provides new environmental
guidelines for its ongoing public sector in-
vestment program. What is most needed at
this juncture is a policy framework and a
schedule of implementation.










(1) DEVELOPMENT PLANNING
AND CONTROL

Inadequate development planniiig
and control represent the greatest environ-
mental threats, and arguably also the greatest
socio-economic threat, to the country. Cur-
rently, there is no requirement -- and limited
opportunity -- for systematic coordination
across departmental lines in the physical plan-
ning and developmental control process.

The problems arising from inade-
quate development planning and control are
exacerbated because of the magnitude and
rate of change affecting the country. Within
the course of one generation the economic
and social underpinnings of Antigua and
Barbuda have changed dramatically, trans-
forming the country from a rural-
based/agricultural society to a tourism-domi-
nated modern society. An important similar-
ity is that the economy has moved from a re-
liance on one export crop (sugar) to an
equally risky overdependency on one eco-
nomic sector (tourism). The tourist sector
supplies some 60 percent of GDP and, despite
attempts to diversify the economy, this per-
centage can be expected to increase in the
next decade. Government is aware of the
risks associated with this new "monoculture",
but it has not yet taken the steps to safeguard
the natural resource base upon which the
tourism sector depends. Sand mining contin-
ues at an unsustainable pace, human and in-
dustrial wastes threaten the quality and safety
of marine recreational areas, and hotels and
condominiums multiply in coastal areas with-
out careful consideration of infrastructural re-
quirements or the potential environmental
implications of such development.

Many countries in the world, irre-
spective of their size or economic status, have
recognized the necessity of good land use
planning. It could be argued that the impor-
tance of planning is inversely related to a
country's size and GDP, i.e., in smaller, less
wealthy countries like Antigua-Barbuda, there
is little margin for error and fewer funds
available to remedy the mistakes of ill-
planned schemes and strategies. For example,
the resort developments underway and pro-
posed for Barbuda would, over the next five


years, alter a significant percentage of the is-
land's wetlands and coastal environment; and,
at full occupancy, these resorts would increase
the number of people on the island by nearly
40 percent. It is difficult, perhaps impossible,
to imagine a proportionately comparable level
of change in a larger continental country such
as Canada or the United States for a compa-
rable time-frame. Yet, no real assessment has
been done to examine potential environmental
or social impacts of resort development on the
environmental well-being of the island or the
quality of life of its residents.

The dangers are compounded by
Antigua and Barbuda's stressed economy,
which limits the country's options to address
social or environmental problems that might
arise from development activities. It cannot
easily reallocate from within the national bud-
get the millions of dollars that could be
needed to alleviate development-related
crises. Antigua and Barbuda, like most small
islands, is less able to afford the consequences
and costs associated with poor planning deci-
sions.


Recommendation. Government
needs to establish a process for development
planning that will ensure that appropriate
agencies are informed of, and can provide
technical input into, proposed development
activities at the very earliest stages of project
planning and evaluation, particularly for major
development activities. The Board of the De-
velopment Control Authority (DCA) -- Gov-
ernment's intended "clearinghouse" for the re-
view of development proposals -- needs to be
strengthened by providing better inter-agency
representation in the application review and
development control process. The Physical
Planning Office, which provides staff for the
Development Control Authority, needs to be
upgraded and its staff enlarged. Con-
sideration shoJld be given to providing the
PPO with more substantive environmental
planning and environmental protection func-
tions.

Recommendation. One means for
more effective and regular coordination
among resource management, development
control and land use planning agencies rests










with the newly-established Historical, Conser-
vation and Environmental Commission. The
Commission has not yet been given an official
mandate or terms of reference. At the very
least, the Commission should be vested with
sufficient authority and provided with a staff
to vet critical development/environment is-
sues, to bring into that process a brc ad cross-
section of appropriate government and non-
government technical persons, and to make
recommendations to appropriate decision-
making authorities on its findings.

Consideration should also be given to
providing the Commission with substantive
coordination/integration responsibilities, both
for recommending environmental policy
across departmental lines and for establishing
procedures for monitoring the environmental
impacts of development activities, particularly
when these responsibilities are shared by
more than one GOAB agency or are not
clearly defined in existing legislation. Im-
proved coordination is one of the most critical
institutional issues confronting Antigua-
Barbuda in the resource management sector,
and the HCEC has the potential for estab-
lishing more effective and regular coordina-
tion by Government agencies with resource
management, environmental protection,
physical planning and development control re-
sponsibilities.

Recommendation. Legislation is
needed to require the preparation of Envi-
ronmental Impact Assessments for all major
development projects (public or private sec-
tor), especially those within the coastal zone,
within the boundaries of designated protected
areas, or affecting other critical areas. An in-
stitutional capability for interpreting, and later
carrying out, the technical aspects of impact
assessment needs to be created within the
Physical Planning Office and other appropri-
ate GOAB agencies. Private developers of
large projects or projects affecting environ-
mentally sensitive areas should bc. required to
bear the costs of preparing iaipact assess-
ments.

Recommendation. A national land
use plan needs to be prepared, focussing on
the achievement of sustainable development
over the long term. The plan should guide


future development into areas which are best
suited for particular kinds and densities of
land use -- based on physical and ecological
constraints as well as national social and eco-
nomic priorities. Preparation of land use
maps should be the initial step in the process
of designing a land use and growth manage-
ment plan for the country.



(2) PARKS AND PROTECTED AREAS

Currently, there is only one officially
designated, actively managed park in the
country -- Nelson's Dockyard National Park
in Antigua. However, management efforts are
principally directed at the regulation and sup-
port of business activities within the Park.
The Park's permanent staff lack adequate
training in resource or park management, and
therefore the Park's biological, historical and
cultural components are not being properly
preserved, protected, or managed at the pre-
sent time. Two marine parks have been estab-
lished under existing legislation, but they are
not managed or protected except on paper;
activities within these parks are not controlled
or regulated in any way. Several sites in
Antigua and Barbuda have been identified as
being worthy of protection, but there is no
plan for development of a full parks and pro-
tected areas system for the country.

Heritage sites -- broadly defined to
include areas of biological and geological im-
portance and pre-historical, historical and
cultural sites -- represent valuable resources
that Antigua and Barbuda can ill-afford to
squander. They are essential to the nation's
cultural identity; furthermore, in many cases
they can be linked to the country's key eco-
nomic sector -- tourism -- and thus have po-
tential for enhancing Antigua-Barbuda's mar-
ketability in an ever-more competitive tourism
market. Antigua and Barbuda still has the
opportunity to preserve and enhance its
unique cultural identity and to foster and en-
courage sustainable economic development of
so-called "heritage resources" -- but timely ac-
tion is required.










Recommendation. A Parks and
Protected Areas System for Antigua and
Barbuda should be developed immediately.
Development assistance agencies are paying
more attention to and allocating more funding
for both biodiversity and parks and protected
area programs, suggesting that GOAB might
attract donor interest in such endeavors. Spe-
cial consideration should be given to:

Critical habitats for endangered
or threatened species;

Protection of areas of high biodi-
versity;

Forest reserves and other areas of
special vegetational concern;

Multiple-use management areas
such as coastal wetlands, wa-
tersheds, and offshore islands;

Protection and appropriate devel-
opment of archaeological, histori-
cal and cultural sites;

The value of "non-productive"
land uses, such as wildlife conser-
vation and recreation; ideally,
marginal lands not suitable for
agricultural use should be evalu-
ated to determine their potential
contribution to the country in a
non-developed state, e.g., as eco-
tourism amenities, for watershed
protection, as "green space", for
wildlife habitat, or as public
recreational sites.

Four lists of prime areas which
should be considered for some degree of
protected area status are included within the
Profile in Sections 2.2, 3, 8 and 9. It would be
timely for the Historical, Conservation and
Environmental Commission to prepare a
short list for presentation to Cabinet as a first
step in the development of a representative
National Park, and Protected Areas System.

Recommendation. A National
Parks and Protected Areas Plan is needed to
ensure that all critical natural and cultural re-
sources receive adequate protection and that


management is carried out in an integrated
fashion. The Plan must include a phase-in
schedule of park management responsibilities
to be increasingly assumed by the National
Parks Authority, in cooperation and coordi-
nation with other GOAB departments and
agencies which might share or collaborate
with NPA in the execution of park manage-
ment tasks. Resource management and park
management training for NPA staff (and
other appropriate GOAB agency staffs) are
considered essential to the successful imple-
mentation of a fully-implemented Parks and
Protected Areas System for Antigua-Barbuda.

Recommendation. Amended, up-
dated, or new legislation may be required.
The current National Parks Act does not pro-
vide a working framework for a full parks and
protected area system (indeed, it does not
even provide a legal definition for what con-
stitutes a "national park"). Furthermore, both
the National Parks Act and the Fisheries Act
(under which marine reserves may be estab-
lished) lack supporting regulations; therefore,
specific management procedures as well as
prohibited activities for protected areas are
not defined or controlled.



(3) NATURAL RESOURCE
PRODUCTIVITY

The state of Antigua and Barbuda
has adequate natural resources to be far more
productive than is currently the case. Rainfall
is low, but improved management of water
supplies and watersheds could significantly in-
crease the reliability and availability of this re-
source. Imports of food, especially vegetables,
fruits and meat, could be greatly reduced by a
concerted effort to improve productivity of
these commodities. It is remarkable that
Antigua and Barbuda imports such large
quantities of meat, while grazing pressure
from large numbers of unmanaged cattle,
goats and sheep constitute one of the prime
factors in de',egetation and water and soil run-
off.

Sufficient background analysis has
been completed and a suitable framework has
been laid to provide for more efficient use and










greater protection of the country's natural re-
sources. A draft Forestry and Wildlife Act
has been vetted with a wide group of govern-
mental and non-governmental individuals.
Separate acts to deal with each of these sec-
tors are now being finalized. A draft Water
Resources Act draws on a decade of analysis
of issues and opportunities relating to water
and watei sheds in the country.


Recommendation. Government
should facilitate completion and passage of
the aforementioned legislation for forestry,
wildlife and water resources. Two issues in
this regard are important: (1) the need to en-
sure the harmonization of policies and legis-
lation for these natural resource sectors and
(2) the need to ensure that input from the
agricultural sector informs national resource
decisions, especially for water allocation.

Recommendation. Support is
needed to enable the institutions involved to
monitor and enforce proper management of
these resources. Government should pursue
discussions concerning the proposed CIDA
Natural Resource Management Project, which
represents an excellent opportunity to begin
an integrated approach to management of the
country's lands, forests, and watersheds. The
fact that legal or historical control of the vari-
ous sectors is dispersed among many Min-
istries and governmental bodies is a serious
obstacle but not an acceptable justification for
allowing the country's resources to be mis-
managed. The necessary coordination is pos-
sible, and Government has an excellent op-
portunity for leadership by demonstrating its
commitment to an integrated response for ad-
dressing these critical issues.

Recommendation. Government
could support more environmentally appro-
priate agricultural practices and use of forests.
In particular, there are opportunities to pro-
mote agroforestry as a means to improve
economic viability while conserving the natu-
ral resource base. Agroforestry is a major
component of FAO's Tropical Forestry Ac-
tion Plan, which could serve as an umbrella
for various ongoing and proposed agroforestry
initiatives (e.g., Pan American Development
Foundation's current project). The Ministry


of Agriculture has expressed interest in the
Plan and should be encouraged to take ad-
vantage of this opportunity.



(4) POLLUTION AND PUBLIC
HEALTH

Waste disposal and pollution control
problems associated with solid wastes, sewage
and other liquid domestic wastes, agrochemi-
cals, and hazardous and toxic wastes collec-
tively represent one of the most difficult
problems facing the country. These problems
have potentially injurious environmental im-
plications for both public health and the natu-
ral environment. There are also potential
economic impacts in neglecting these related
pollution issues, particularly as Antigua-
Barbuda focuses its economic future on sell-
ing the country as a pristine, well-managed
tropical paradise.

The technical actions required to ad-
dress these problems are well known and un-
derstood by local resource managers, but the
solution has not been as well understood or
appreciated by decision-makers. Increasing
the country's resources for addressing pollu-
tion-related problems is a clear priority, justi-
fied on economic and social grounds.


Recommendation. Government
should develop a National Waste Manage-
ment Plan and Strategy to focus on: (1) the
need to update and harmonize pollution con-
trol legislation and regulations and to provide
a framework for follow-up actions; (2) the
need to raise public awareness about pollution
issues and their costs to the country; and (3)
the need to identify new sources of funding
transferring some of the costs of collection
and disposal site management to waste gener-
ators, including commercial, industrial and
development enterprises as well as new and
expanding residential communities.

Recommendation. Public health
legislation is seriously outdated, lacks stan-
dards, and is based on colonial legal concepts
which are inadequate to deal with modern
pollution control problems. This legislation










needs to be updated and strengthened by in-
clusion of national standards and criteria for
water quality, pollution control and waste
management. The institutions given over-
sight/regulatory responsibilities -- in particu-
lar the Central Board of Health -- must be
allocated sufficient technical and fiscal re-
sources to take advantage of improved leg-
islative authority.

Recommendation. The need for
controlling and regulating the sale and use of
agrochemicals and for promoting their safe
and economical use warrants special attention
by GOAB at the present time. The Pesticide
Control Board (PCB) should be reactivated
immediately as an operational body, and sup-
porting regulations to the Pesticide Control
Act need to be vetted and gazetted as soon as
possible in order to give the PCB authority for
monitoring and regulating pesticide use in the
country. Among other activities, the Board
should develop a list of approved pesticides,
require pesticide distributors to report quan-
tities sold, and require major users to report
quantities applied to their crops.



(5) COASTAL ZONE MANAGEMENT

The coastal zone is the most heavily
populated area of Antigua-Barbuda and fig-
ures prominently in the recreational pursuits
of its citizens. Almost all industrial activities
in the country are sited in the coastal zone,
while the country's critical tourism sector is
dependent upon development of infrastruc-
ture in the coastal zone. Much of Antigua's
coast is experiencing significant alterations
due to intensive development, primarily for
tourism. Major concerns continue to be
raised about the consequences of this explo-
sive development including the degradation or
destruction of critical coastal resources, es-
pecially in the absence of an effective policy
for coastal zone management (CZM).

The interactive linkage of CZM is-
sues with other environment/development is-
sues -- tourism and industrial expansion,
port/marina development, environmental
monitoring, and pollution control, to name a
few -- means that management and develop-


ment of the coastal environment cannot be
viewed in isolation by Antiguan-Barbudan
policy planners.

Adverse impacts associated with ad
hoc, unregulated development in the country's
coastal zone have been well documented.
While the tendency has been to focus upon
such problems selectively, their increasing,
cumulative visibility reflects the absence of
comprehensive development control guide-
lines and policies committed to maintaining
the quality of coastal resources. This is a situ-
ation which needs to be addressed immedi-
ately by the Government of Antigua-Barbuda,
given the heavy use, loading, density, traffic,
and habitation levels in the coastal zone.


Recommendation. A comprehen-
sive coastal zone management program
should be implemented to provide overall
guidance for specific development and man-
agement activities. A useful island model with
over a decade and a half of adaptive testing is
provided by the U.S. Virgin Islands, a neigh-
boring insular area which has had to face sim-
ilar coastal-intensive development issues.

Oversight authority for a CZM pro-
gram should reside in one agency, although
responsibility for specific components almost
certainly will have to be an inter-ministerial
undertaking and better coordination of multi-
agency responsibilities for the nation's coastal
resources and wetlands will have to be pro-
vided. Emphasis should be placed upon de-
velopment planning, adherence to a policy of
review of all development proposals by the
Development Control Authority, and re-
quirements for Environmental Impact As-
sessments for all major developments in the
coastal zone.

Recommendation. A program of
management of the country's sand resources
needs to be put in place. An evaluation
should be made of the overall impact of sand
mining on the rate of beach loss, and GOAB
resource managers need to make judgments
as to where continued sand removal will have
the least detrimental impacts and is most
compatible with current site utilization. Pri-
ority areas where sand removal will be abso-










lutely prohibited need to be designated, and
areas of lesser concern also need to be identi-
fied where regulated sand removal will be car-
ried out at some determined and managed
level. Best management practices (e.g., set-
backs, pedestrian walkways, vegetation pro-
tection) should be required and enforced for
all beachfront facilities.

A review and possible revision of the
Beach Control and Beach Protection Ordi-
nances should be carried out; it needs to be
recognized that beach management requires
more involvement by public sector authorities
than the mere letting of sand mining permits.


The transfer of legal responsibility for beach
management from the Public Works Depart-
ment to a more appropriate agency should be
considered.

Recommendation. Immediate
protection should be extended to mangroves,
which are rapidly disappearing. Destruction
of mangroves and degradation of their associ-
ated habitats should be absolutely prohibited.

Recommendation. Procedures to
control sediment loading into coastal waters
should be required for all dredging and all
construction activities in the coastal zone.










SECTION 1 BACKGROUND


1.1 LANDSCAPE AND A CHANGING
ENVIRONMENT


Antigua, with its sister islands of
Barbuda and uninhabited Redonda, lies about
250 miles southeast of Puerto Rico in the
southern sector of the Leeward Islands
(Figures 1.1(1) and (2)). The absence of a
mountainous landscape and lush green vege-
tation distinguishes Antigua from many of its
neighboring islands in the Lesser Antilles
archipelago, that chain of Caribbean islands
which descends in a graceful arc from Puerto
Rico in the north to Trinidad in the south. In
Antigua, flat dry plains give riF to gently
rolling hills in the north and to higher volcanic
hills in the south. Its intricate coastline is
deeply indented and fringed by reefs and
shoals except for areas of the central western
coast and Falmouth and English Harbor in
the south. Antigua's sister island, Barbuda, is
a low limestone island with no marked inden-
tation in the coastline.

Typical of many former colonies,
Antigua's economic and land use history re-
flects a pattern of extensive resource exploita-
tion organized around an economic system
designed to produce a limited number of ex-
port crops. In Antigua's case, until very re-
cently, virtually the entire island was affected
by the monoculture economy -- if not to grow
the monocrop, then to provide the fuelwood
needed to process it. Shortly after coloniza-
tion, tobacco, cotton and indigo were the chief
crops. Later, the Plantation Act of 1653 es-
tablished sugar as the island's principal crop,
and by 1700 most land was under cane. Sugar
dominated for over 300 years, and it was only
in the mid-1960's that this industry was offi-
cially closed. Attempts were made to revive it
in the early 1980's, but these were not suc-
cessful.

Cotton was re-introduced around the
turn of the century in an effort to diversify
agriculture in the face of an already failing
sugar industry. However, the unreliability of
adequate water makes production of cotton
problematic. If it was not for the unique, high


quality of sea island cotton, the crop probably
would have been allowed to disappear long
ago. The most recent effort to revive the
cotton industry ended with Hurricane Hugo in
September of 1989 (Cater, 1944; Hill, 1966;
OAS, 1990).

The abandonment of sugar and cot-
ton production has led to a large increase in
livestock production, especially of cattle.
Much of this land is unimproved pastur. used
by landless cattle owners. Owners of small
ruminants -- sheep and goats -- typically allow
their animals to range freely regardless of
land ownership. On several of the dry sloped
hillsides of the island, goats are the main
agents of devegetation, leading to soil erosion
and run-off (OAS, 1990).

Table 1.1(1) provides an interesting
comparison of land use in Antigua over the
past 24 years. Although the data are not di-
rectly comparable between years because each
study used slightly different land use cate-
gories and land totals, the data do illustrate
that crop production has declined dramati-
cally, complemented by an increase in acreage
used for livestock production. It also is evi-
dent that vegetable and food crops have be-
come more important, presumably because of
increased local markets associated with rising
per capital income and demand generated by
growth in the tourist industry.

Although Antigua was once sustained
economically by export agricultural produc-
tion, tourism has now emerged as its major
industry. The country is undergoing intense
tourism-related development, which like the
agrarian-based economy which preceded it,
has resulted in major alterations of terrestrial
landscapes and, more recently, of the coastal
and marine environments.












CS ANEGADA


0C-.ANGUILLA
ST. MARTIN
e ST. BARTHELEMY


SABA


0
ST. EUSTATIUS


0 50 100
Miles


k BARBUDA


ST. CHRISTOPHER


NEVIS 0 ANTIGUA
Redonda MONTSERRAT

- GUADELOUPE

MARIET
GALANTE


A


7 "
0 Ao1'


DOMINICA


CARIBBEAN

SEA


/


MARTINIQUE%


ST. LUCIA


ST. VINCENT 0
,D


BARBADOS


J GRENADINES


0 GRENADA


ISLA LA
BLANQUILLA


TOBAGOD,
ISLA LA
MARGARITA

TRINIDAD

Fgr VENEZUELA C s

64- 6 2

Figure 1.1 (1). General map of the Eastern Caribbean, showing the location of Antigua-Barbuda.


VIRGIN
ISLANDS














ANTIGUA


OPrickly Pear Is.


ATLANTIC


OCEAN


Create Bird Is.


- MAIN ROADS
----PARISH BOUNDARIES
6r AIRPORTS


17"00'


3 \


Figure 1.1(2). General location map for the islands of Antigua and Barbuda.


CARIBBEAN


SEA


H NCRTH
1Halden Is. SOUND


Five


Bolands


ST. MARY
A
Boggy Peak


Johnsons


Url ings


Cades Bay


17*00


Iars Head


iIf Moon Bay


0 1 2
Miles


i-














Table 1.1 (1) Comparative land use in acres in Antigua for selected years.


Land Use Categories 1961 1964 1975 1985


Agricultural CrJp
Sugar Cane
Cotton
Coconut
Fruit Trees
Pit apple
Banana
Cor,
Sorghum
Food Crops
Vegetable Crops
Citronella Grass
Arrowroot
Agricultural Livestock
Improved Pasture
Pough Grczing
Mixed Scrub/Rough Grazing
Agricultural Unused
Arable
"Unproductive" Land
Woodland
Volcanic Areas
Limestone Hills
Other Uses
Rural Areas
Urban Arens
Industrial Areas
Tourism Hotels, Golf Courses
Recreation&l/Historical Areas
Airports/Military Installations
Dams and Reservoirs
Swamps, Mangrove, Beach Sand


12,552
1,690
54
NG
NG
88



1,440


22,371
606
312
NG
NG
172



1,108


222
30 100


725
5.496
NG


1,008
4,450
14,588


45
440
NG
755
604
NG
1,260
115
6,040

NG



9,210
9,210
NG


13,290
4,985

4,697 12,890 11,220
4,697 12,890 11,220


2,390
2,130
300
NG
NG
NG
435
1,125


Notes: (a) NG means "not given".
(b) 1961 and 1964 data from Hill, 1966.
(c) 1975 data from Land Use Map, 1975.
(d) 1985 data compiled using the GIS from Wirtshafter, et al., 1987.
(e) Food crops for 1961-1975 include vegetables.
(f) Data between yoars are not directly comparable (seo text).

Source: OAS, 1990.


554
117
119
486
131
246



2,026
1,479
343



2,364
2,364
6,981


15,190
8,455

1,819
4,808
381
1,133
714
935
635
2,164










THE ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA CEP:
A LOCAL PERSPECTIVE

The environmental resource base of
any insular state is notoriously fragile and
complex. To some extent, the environmental
issues confronting an island are a microcosm
of those experienced on larger, more diverse
continental land masses. At the same time,
smaller oceanic islands are sufficiently differ-
ent from continental areas to require cus-
tomized, carefully adapted, and more partici-
patory kinds of resource assessment, planning,
development and management strategies
(Towle, 1985). Furthermore, whereas a con-
tinental area might be able to afford an
environmental mistake or two and can even
absorb, albeit at significant costs, a disaster of
the magnitude of the recent Valdez oil spill in
Alaskan waters, similar disasters in insular
ecosystems could lead to significant
weakening if not total destruction of a small
island economy.

The economic growth of Antigua and
Barbuda is almost totally dependent on its
natural resources for important development
sectors such as agriculture and fisheries and
for the economy's current mainstay -- tourism.
Antigua and Barbuda has substituted a de-
pendency on sugar cane for a dependency on
tourism, and this new "monoculture" is just as
risk-prone as its predecessor. For example,
Antigua and Barbuda is extremely susceptible
to natural disasters. Hurricane Hugo in 1989
is the latest -- but not likely to be the last --
large-scale disaster to affect the dual-island
state. Typically, hurricanes occur every 10-15
years; drought every five years, with the 1983-
84 drought the most severe in recent history;
and heavy fires every 25 years (Morello 1983).
Major earthquakes occurred in 1843 and 1974
(Montgomery, 1983).

The country is made even more sus-
ceptible to natural disasters when its infras-
tructure and natural resource base are
severely strained, as is currently the case. Im-
proved planning -- in particular, strong devel-
opmental planning that merges environmental
concerns with economic growth issues in the
decision-making process -- can better prepare
the country for the inevitable natural disasters
and help to mitigate their long-term detri-


mental impact on the environment and the
economy.

During the past five years, a number
of events have increased local awareness
about the need for strengthened and more en-
vironmentally-sensitive planning and devel-
opment control policies; without such com-
mitment on the part of the Government and
people of Antigua-Barbuda, the environmen-
tal health and general quality of life for the
state and its citizens will continue to be at risk.
Some of the indicators that all is not well in-
clude the following:

(1) The ongoing destruction of major
mangrove ecosystems has been more
recently accelerated by large-scale
hotel and marine recreational de-
velopments and, in other instances, by
the use of these habitats as garbage
dumps. Jolly Beach, McKinnons Salt
Pond and Deep Bay are primary exam-
ples of areas where extensive mangrove
wetlands have been damaged and in
some cases destroyed. These areas
also are of considerable archaeological
interest, Deep bay, in particular, since
it is one of the earliest known sites of
man's presence in Antigua. Other
sizeable areas of mangrove forests,
notably Cooks (the Flashes) and
Fitches Creek, are used as garbage
dumps.

(2) The clearing of hillside trees and scrub
for the construction of roads and
building sites has resulted in severe soil
erosion, notably in the Cooks and
Union areas. Far less damage to the
landscape would have occurred if sim-
ple soil and water conservation mea-
sures such as contouring and drainage
ditches had been employed. Some
have pointed out that more suitable al-
ternatives for arable soil for hotel land-
scaping are available than the present
removal of such materials from Betty's
Hope Estate, site of one of the
country's major historic restoration
projects.

(3) Uncontrolled and illegal beach sand
mining along the coastal perimeter of










Antigua and Barbuda, in conjunction
with uncontrolled sewage disposal from
beach front hotels into the marine en-
vironment, calls attention to the need
for stringent resource regulation and
resource conservation measures -- if
the country's hotel/tourism industry is
to continue to prosper.

The extent to which the nation's in-
frastructure is overtaxed, and the vulnerability
of its natural as well as its built environments,
was well demonstrated in September of 1989
when Hurricane Hugo hit Antigua and
Barbuda. Even though the full force of the
storm was not felt in these islands, winds of
125 miles per hour were recorded; fifteen per-
cent of the country's houses were damaged,
and electricity supplies were disrupted.
Beaches and coastal areas suffered varying
degrees of erosion. Antigua and Barbuda had
not experienced a hurricane in almost four
decades, the last occurring in August 1950
when two hurricanes passed over the islands,
approximately 10 days apart. Prior to the
1950 storms, it had been twenty-two years
(1928) since a hurricane was felt in Antigua-
Barbuda. Interestingly, Hurricane Hugo,
which covered a greater diameter and was


more devastating than all preceding hurri-
canes to strike Antigua-Barbuda, followed the
same route as the 1928 stcrm.

Because of the considerable hiatus in
the occurrence of these hurricane disasters (a
time lapse of 22 years followed by another of
39 years), the country's population was in-
clined towards complacency. This attitude
was encouraged by repeated assurances that
adequate storm warning coverage was avail-
able from regional weather bureaus such as
Miami and San Juan, which supplied informa-
tion to Antigua's Meteorological Station.

Thus, the adequacy of the country's
disaster preparedness plans and its ability to
cope with a major hurricane disaster were not
sufficiently addressed prior to Hurricane
Hugo. The hurricane highlighted many plan-
ning deficiencies and pointed clearly to the
need for improvements in a wide range of is-
sues, e.g., the need for reinforced, adequately
equipped, properly identified disaster shelters,
as well as the necessity for building design and
construction guidelines which ensure a built
environment better capable of withstanding
hurricane-force winds.


FISH-KILL AT McKINNONS

McKinnons swamp, in the north of Antigua, again experienced considerable loss of fish life in
late July, 1990. The die-off is similar to, but not as disastrous as, the one last year at about the
same time where, millions of small fish perished in the swamp. It is believed that this recurring
event is attributable to a combination of factors. Effluent from a nearby hotel with a mal-
functioning sewage treatment plant Is pumped into the swamp. The higher summer temper-
atures increase biological activity of almost all organisms, including those that thrive on the
"nutrient soup" represented by the raw sewage, and therefore there is an increase in oxygen
demand and consumption. Yet warmer waters cannot maintain as high a dissolved oxygen
concentration. The result is that many fish die, unable to get enough oxygen to sustain them-
selves.

In order to reduce the highly unpleasant odor of the sewage and rotting fish, sea water is
being pumped back into the swamps. If the pumping had begun earlier in the season, some
of the annual problem might be eliminated. However, it should be remembered that this
"solution" will simply dilute the concentration of the sewage which, as it continues to flow un-
treated into the swamp, will also continue to pollute the swamp.










It is worthy of note that in the after-
math of this hurricane, it was discovered that-
many of the older houses with gabled roofs
and outside hurricane shelters were found to
have withstood the fury and onslaught of the
storm far better than many of the more mod-
em structures with nearly flat roofs. In this
case, there are important lessons to be derived
from an examination of the techniques used in
traditional West Indian architecture (see also
White, 1989).

Problems with basic infrastructure
were also highlighted following Hugo. The
lengthy delay in getting electrical services back
on stream stands in strong contrast to one
neighboring island, St Kitts, which suffered
more severe damage but had its electricity re-
stored within two weeks of the catastrophe.

Another kind of natural disaster oc-
curred in October of 1974 when an earth-
quake measuring 6.7 on the Richter scale was
felt in Antigua, causing extensive damage is-
landwide and millions of dollars in damage. It
was the most destructive earthquake on the
island since the catastrophic Leeward Island
earthquake of February 1843. (Robson,
1964). In most cases, severe damage was as-
cribed to buildings without concrete rein-
forcement and steel beams. The risk of dis-
ease was present, but fortunately no livcs were
lost.

Clearly, Antigua-Barbuda, like the
rest of the Caribbean, is an extremely disas-
ter-prone place -- exposed as it is to hurri-
canes and their associated storm surges and
wave action, to earthquakes and earthquake-
generated ocean waves (tsunamis), to land-
slides and rockslides, to flooding and also to
droughts. The islands of the Caribbean are
particularly vulnerable because of their small
size and because of their dependency on for-
eign revenues, whether earned from agricul-
ture or tourism. Therefore, it is incumbent on
island countries such as Antigua and Barbuda
to include precautionary measures -- which
focus on the likelihood of natural disaster oc-
currences -- as a part of all development plan-
ning and to give more attention to the en-
vironmental implications of major modifica-
tions to the natural landscape. In this effort,


the preparation of the present Environmental
Profile should be of assistance.


LOCAL IMPLICATIONS OF GLOBAL
ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE

It is becoming increasingly obvious
that multiple feedback interactions are taking
place between human activities and the state
of the environment everywhere (Clark, 1989).
For example, there is growing concern that
human-induced changes in concentrations of
carbon dioxide and other so-called
"greenhouse gases" are causing significant
warming of the atmosphere, with consequent
climatic changes. This fear is based on a be-
lief shared by many if not most experts; there
is, however, less agreement on the rate and
magnitude of warming. Resulting changes in
temperature and precipitation distribution
could threaten natural ecosystems as well as
agricultural production and could trigger a
worldwide rise in sea level. Although there is
considerable uncertainty surrounding these
projections, the possible consequences war-
rant contingency planning.

Such changes would pose particularly
severe challenges for developing nations like
Antigua and Barbuda. In the Caribbean re-
gion, critical ecosystems such as coral reefs
and mangrove swamps would be seriously
damaged if the sea level rises so fast they can-
not compensate. Global warming would in-
crease sea-surface water temperatures and
may cause changes in the strength, frequency,
and paths of hurricanes as well as an
extension of the hurricane season. Beaches
vital to the tourism industry are also at risk.

Conservative estimates suggest that
the sea level rise due only to climatic effects
will be on the order of 2-3 cm per decade in
the Caribbean region (Maul, 1988), but others
indicate that it may be larger and not neces-
sarily linear (see Figure 1.1(3). This may
seem like a trivial change, but one rule of
thumb states that a one centimeter sea level
rise will generally result in a one meter shore-
line retreat (Gable 1987/1988). In that
scenario, Antigua and Barbuda could expect
to lose some 8-12 meters (26-40 feet) of beach






















Hoffman et


100-








Wigley (1989) van der Ween (1988)
High U' High
SHgh High Jaeger (1988)
,. Hid
W /AHoffman et al.
(1986) Low




Fs ate A
AA

u -.vn der Ween (1988)





S'Wigley (1989) Lon

i I I I I I I
1980 2000 2020 2040 2060 2080 2100










Figure 1.1(3). Various projections of sea level rise until the year 2100 (source: Royer, 1990).


- High










width over the next 40 years in areas where
sea level change is due solely to climate.

The situation in Antigua and Barbuda
may be different from some others because of
the fringing coral reefs that surround much of
both islands and thereby provide a great deal
of protection. Coral reefs tend to grow to just
below the low water line. If sea-level rise is
on the order of 3.7 cm/decade -- which is
within the "best estimate" range (Figure
1.1(3)) -- then coral reefs may be able to grow
upwards at a pace to match sea-level rises
(Royer, 1990).

In the face of such uncertainty, most
experts recommend that governments should
adopt a flexible, adaptive strategy for coping
with the expected effects of climate changes.
This is easiest to implement in planning for
the construction or renovation of infrastruc-
ture such as roads, buildings, and coastal fa-
cilities.

In the case of older infrastructure
(which would have to be replaced in any
event), the best and cheapest response may be
to do nothing and accept the loss of the
structures, provided that they can be rebuilt in
an alternative location. Where existing, eco-
nomically vital infrastructure is threatened
and no alternative location exists, such as
certain sections of coastal road and some
coastal communities, an immediate defensive
response would be justified provided it is cost-
effective and environmentally sound.

In other cases, especially where in-
frastructure has not yet been built, measures
to adapt to the warming trend should be taken
only if such steps have good prospects of
yielding benefits even without a climate
change. If the predicted climate changes do
occur, then the measures taken, of course, will
yield a much greater benefit.

For example, implementing a coastal
set-back policy would make sense because it
also offers protection from storm surges and
tsunamis, maintains the aesthetic qualities of
the coastline, precludes monopolization of
what should be a public resource by private
interests and mitigates impacts from artificial
lighting on nesting sea turtles.


1.2 ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING

1.2.1 Climate

Antigua. Year round high tempera-
tures, steady easterly trade winds, and a
marked dry and wet season are the main cli-
matic features of the island of Antigua.

Temperatures average 29 degrees C
(84.2 F) during the summer and 24 degrees C
(75.2 F) during the winter, but extremes range
from highs of 34 degrees C (93.2 F) recorded
in August to lows of 15 degrees C (59 F)
recorded in January.

Seasonal variation in rainfall is con-
siderable as illustrated in Figure 1.2(1). Typi-
cally, there is a dry season that extends from
January to March or April, when less than 20
percent of the rainfall occurs. May is a wetter
month, averaging around four inches of rain-
fall, followed by a drop in rainfall in June and
July before the true wet season from August
to November, when approximately 50 percent
of the annual rainfall occurs (Figure 1.2(1)).
Almost half of Antigua's 44 inches of yearly
rainfall is the result of storms that produce
more than one inch of rain (OAS, 1990). De-
spite the seasonal pattern, the most critical
feature of the rainfall regime is its variability
and unpredictability.

There is considerable variation in
rainfall both within different parts of the
island and between years (see Table 1.2(1)
and Figure 1.2(2)). Within a four year period
from 1979 to 1983, rainfall varied from 66
inches to 22 inches (APUA, 1989).

The relative humidity in Antigua is
high compared to other islands in the region
(mean relative humidity is in the low 80's in
the morning and in the low 70's in the
afternoon); the heavy dews deposited at night
are believed to contribute significantly to
water availability in the drier regions
(Loveless, 1960; GOAB, 1989b; Atkins Land
and Water Management, 1983).


Barbuda. Farbuda
Antigua and, in fact, is one
islands in the Caribbean.


is drier than
of the driest
Estimates of


















12

10


8

S6

I-^


2







Figure 1.2(1).


S-10
Monthly Average






-
Dry Season









Jan Feb Mar Ap May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec



Monthly distribution of rainfall, Antigua, based upon figures recorded at nine
stations over periods varying from 12 to 50 years (source: Loveless, 1960).










ANTIGUA/MEAN ANNUAL RAINFALL


OCEAN






o bc.










CARIBBEAN -S 2 4 Kms

SEA 0 1 2 3 4 Miles


Mean annual rainfall (long average annual isohyetals) for various locations in Antigua (source: Hill, 1966).


Figure 1.2(2).










average annual rainfall are between 30 inches
(Hill, 1966) and 39 inches (OAS, 1990).
There is a dry season that lasts from
December to July and, as in Antigua, a w%.t
season that extends from August to November
(OAS, 1990).



1.2.2 Topography

Antigua. Antigua can be divided nat-
urally into three fairly distinct topographic re-
gions, roughly equivalent in size (see Figure
1.2(3)):

Volcanic region in the southwest

Central plain

Limestone region in the north and
east.

The volcanic region is the highest in
elevation and includes several peaks above
1,000 feet, the highest being Boggy Peak at
1,319 feet. It is bounded on the south by a
narrow coastal plain and contains several
small alluvial valleys.

The central plain lies on a diagonal
belt separated from the volcanic region by the
flood plain of the Bendals River and from the
limestone region by a one mile wide, low-lying
trough. The central plain consists of gently
rolling hills, some of which exceed 500 feet in
elevation.

The limestone region includes the
northern and eastern third of Antigua as well
as many of the islands off this part of the
coastline. In the north, the flat, low-elevation
landscape is marked by numerous, more or
less isolated, conical hills that reach 400 feet
in height. In the east, two 150 foot plateaus
flank Nonsuch Bay. Much of the limestone
region is separated from the central plain by
an abrupt, but discontinuous, escarpment ris-
ing in places to over 350 feet.

According to Atkins (1983, adapted
from Hill, 1966), 5 percent of the island :is
sloped less than 2 degrees; 65 percent is
sloped 3-10 degrees; 20 percent is sloped 11-


20 degrees; 9 percent is sloped 21-30 degrees;
and 1 percent is sloped more than 30 degrees
(see Figure 1.2(4)). These figures ame in
marked contrast to neighboring islands such
as Dominica, where almost two-thirds of the
island's land area exceeds a 30 degree slope.

The coastline of Antigua is very in-
dented, especially on the eastern or windward
side, with nume iu small islands ranging
from Guiana Island (about 200 acres) and
Long Island (approximately 120 acres) to tiny
coral reef outcrops less than one acre
(Loveless, 1960).


Barbuda. In comparison with
Antigua, Barbuda's topography is relatively
uniform and lower in elevation (Figure
1.2(5)). The most conspicuous differences are
the absence in Barbuda of the volcanic
mountains that define the western third of
Antigua and the presence of dunes in
Barbuda that make up large sandy fields,
absent from Antigua (Morello, 1983). Some
variations do exist in the topography of
Barbuda. The Highlands, located in the east,
reach elevations above 100 feet; it has an
abrupt escarpment on the north and west, a
gentle slope on the south, and sea cliffs on the
east. Although the rest of the island is only a
few feet above sea level, two levels can be
distinguished, each containing numerous
smaller depressions. A lagoon, averaging
about one and a half miles wide, runs along
most of the western side of the island. It is
separated from the sea by a long narrow sand
spit often only a few yards wide, with a
winding entry in the north (Martin-Kaye 1959;
Hill, 1966).



1.2.3 Geology and Soils

Antigua. The soils of Antigua and
Barbuda have been studied in detail, and
comprehensive treatments are found in
Martin-Kaye (1956) and Hill (1966); the latter
mapped the soils of Antigua at 1:25,000.

Antigua is partly a volcanic and partly
a coralline island. Its major soil types can be
grouped within the three main topographic











ANTIGUA/PHYSIOGRAPHIC REGIONS


OCEAN


) 2 4 6 Kms
) 1 2 3 4 Miles


Figure 1.2(3). Physiographic regions of Antigua (source: Loveless, 1960).













ANTIGUA/SLOPE CLASSES


0 = 00 20
1 = 30 100
2 = 110- 200
3 = 21-30


OCEAN


) 2 4 6 Kms
) 1 2 3 4 Miles
I I fI -- I


Figure 1.2(4). Distribution of land slope classes, Antigua (source: Atkins Land and Water Management, 1983).















































areas. The volcanic region consists of igneous
rock producing mostly clay loams. The soils
are mainly neutral to slightly acidic and well-
drained. Slopes are predominantly 11-20 de-
grees but include locally steeper areas. The
central plain has heavy, hard-to-work clay
soils in some areas, but most of the area has
well-drained soils over tuffs (stratified vol-
canic detritus) and agglomerates. Slopes are
less than 10 degrees. The limestone region
has light soils over calcareous sandstones,
heavier soils over calcareous grits, and deeper
well-drained clays over calcareous marls.
Some areas contain large amounts of almost
pure calcium carbonate, and alkaline soils
dominate throughout this region. Slopes gen-
erally are under 10 degrees (Loveless, 1960;
Atkins, 1983).


Atkins (1983) provides a map that
groups the 33 soils identified by Hill (1966)
into three main categories. As shown in Fig-
ure 1.2(6), shallow soils over volcanic material
or limestone occur cn about half of the island;
deep clays comprise one-third of the island;
and the remainder consists of alluvial soils (14
percent), with four percent uncategorized.

Barbuda soils are more homogeneous
and are most similar to those of the limestone
region of Antigua (Martin-Kaye, 1959).

A recent report (Ahmad, 1984) builds
on previous soil surveys and maps to develop
a land classification system for Antigua and
Barbuda. Such classification systems are par-
ticularly useful as a basis for decision-making
when formulating national agricultural policy.
They also are an aid to governments in the
development of rational land zoning policies
designed to make the most efficient use of
limited land resources.

Ahmad's land classification of
Antigua and Barbuda is based on an eight
class system proposed by the U.S. Department
of Agriculture (Klingebiel and Montgomery,
1961) which was adapted for both islands.
Soils within a "class" share similar land man-
agement restrictions, limitations or hazards
based on the following factors: climate; relief;
erosion; excessive wetness or dryness; and soil
characteristics such as shallow profile, infer-
tility, and impediments to root growth. Land
having the largest number of alternative uses
under a given system of management is placed
in Class I, and land with the least number is
placed in Class VIII. In general, Classes I-IV
are regarded as suitable for mechanical culti-
vation; they, of course, are also suitable for a
variety of other uses such as the growing of
tree crops or forest plantations. Sub-class
categories were also used and indicate how
severely the restricting factors limit the use of
the land compared to what would be expected
based on the Class designation alone.

Since the USDA system evaluates
suitability for mechanized agriculture on flat
lands using high inputs -- the exception in
much of the developing world, including
Antigua and Barbuda -- the utility of Ahmad's
report (1984) lies in the fact that he has mod-













o ANTIGUA/SOILS
0 Deep, alluvial, colluvial
1 Deep, kaolinitic clay
2 Shallow
3 Complex of shallow and
\1o c^ deep soils


ATLANTIC


OCEAN


bcb


0 2 4 6 kms
0 1 2 3 4 Miles
IIII ,,I


Figure 1.2(6). Soils map of Antigua (source: Atkins Land and Water Management, 1983).










ified the land classification system to reflect
conditions in Antigua and Barbuda (see Table
1.2(2)). His study began by ground-truthing
existing soil maps, including, wherever possi-
ble, interviews with farmers about cropping
systems employed and soil management
problems.

In Ahmad's work, "cultivation" is still
used to refer to mechanical cultivation; but, as
he notes, much cultivation in Antigua and
Barbuda is done manually. Therefore, his
data, which are the basis for the table on Land
Capability reported in Government's Statisti-
cal Yearbook for 1988 (GOAB, 1989b), are
conservative, in the sense that the same Class
rating allows for more land use flexibility,
given typical land use practices in Antigua and
Barbuda, than it would in the United States.
The amount of land falling into the various
land use classes in Antigua and Barbuda is
also presented in Table 1.2(2).



1.2.4 Vegetation

The most comprehensive botanical
treatment of Antigua remains Lovele.;s'
(1960) monograph, which was based largely
on the field work done by Box and Charter in
the mid-1930's. Loveless described Antigua's
vegetation in terms of Beard's system for neo-
tropical vegetation (Beard, 1955).

Nearly 50 years after the field work
done in the 1930's, a plant ecologist working
for OAS prepared an "ecological classifica-
tion" of the vegetation of Antigua and
Barbuda (Morello, 1983). The justification
for taking this approach was that the "natural"
vegetation had been altered beyond recogni-
tion by human manipulation, an argument
that seems especially relevant for the CEP,
which reputes to be a "state-of-the-environ-
ment" report. Accordingly, Morello's classifi-
cation (1983) has been adapted for use in this
Country Environmental Profile (see following
sub-section).

It should be noted that the classifica-
tion of vegetation into "types" is convenient
but also artificial. Vegetation almost always


occurs on a time and space continuum; the
boundaries between types is rarely sharp and
usually changes over time. The forests are
more distinct than the other types described
and typically do not have any grass cover pre-
sent. The remaining three types in Morello's
classification truly represent a continuum, and
the classification becomes more arbitrary.
Grasslands are areas consisting exclusively of
grasses and those dominated by grasses but
containing some woody plants. In savannas,
the woody element is more conspicuous;
emerging shrubs and trees occur over a more
or less complete grass understory. In the
scrub forest, the shrubs and trees are more
evident, and the grass layer is discontinuous.

Finally, it should be noted that the
percentages given in Morello (1983) do not
directly correspond to the vegetation types de-
scribed in the adaptation found in the next
sub-section; the figures shown do not there-
fore sum to 100 percent.


PRINCIPAL VEGETATION TYPES OF
ANTIGUA AND BARBUD.

The following are the principal types
of vegetation found in Antigua and Barbuda,
as adapted from Morello (1983). They reflect
the "natural" vegetation and the subsequent
human-induced landscape.


FORESTS

[Forests occupy an estimated 15 percent of the
land area and are sub-classified as follows.]

(1) Humid valley forest. This is the
most structurally complex of the insular
ecosystems of Ant'gua, but only small areas of
this type exist. It is currently dominated by
the ciba tree (Ceiba pentandra), with several
Ficus spp, Delonix regia, and a number of wild
fruit trees. The structure still consists of four
layers or more of vegetation, although it is
poor in vines, epiphytes, and palm trees and
has no ferns. The type is found in areas of
greatest water availability on well-drained
soils in the southwest part of Antigua but does
not occur in Barbuda.












Table 1.2(2). Features of the land capability classification system used for Antigua and Barbuda.


Antigua Barbuda
Acres %) Acres )


Very good land that can be cultivated safely and per-
manently, using good methods. Negligible limitation;,
but the addition of fertillizos may improve production.

11 Good land that can be cultivated using easily :pplied
protective methods; one lin ting factor or degree of
limitation exists.

Ill Land that can bj cultivated using moderate to Intensive
conservation and management practices; two actors or
degrees of limitation exist. In Barbuda, Class Ille lands
are limited by erosion, lack of rain; salinity or the nu-
trient status may be secondary limiting factors; rotational
strip cropping is advised. Class Ills are mainly shallow
soils; stoniness, salinity, lack of rain and erosion mr.y
further restrict utilization.

IV Land that can be cultivated only uNing very intensive con-
servation and management practices; three factors or de-
grees of limitation .dxist. In Barbuda, ClrIss IVe land limi-
tations are mainly excessive erosion and low rainfall;
additional factors are adverse soil conditions including
impeded drainage. Class Pis limitations are mainly ad-
verse soil factcrs such ao shallr.wness, sioniness or
salinity, and low rainfall; secondary limiting factors
are erosion or Impeded drainage.

V Land marginal for cultivation; four factors or degrees of
limitation exist. In Barbuda. Clasu Ve lands are limited
by extreme erosion, low rainfall, adverse soil conditions
such as stoniness, shallcv profile or impeded drainage.
Class Vs lands are mainly limited by adverse soil factors;
secondary limitations are low rainfall, impeded drainage
and possible orosion.

VI Land normally unsuitable for cultivation but may be
used with extreme care by experienced farmers in
manual agricultural systems,.

VII Land unsuitable for cultivationi, such as bare rock,
salinas, swamps, and land that may, through erosion,
adversely effect neighboring lands; suitable fcr rough
pasture, wildlife, recreation and watL, conservation.

VIII Lands unsuitable for any kind of plant production, includ-
Ing pastures; suitable for the non-agricultural uses des-
cribed for Class VII.
TOTALS


4,835 7.4


22,662 34.6 6,640 18.1










5,734 8.8 12,048 32.8











8,858 13.5 13,312 36.2









20,357 31.1




3,041 4.6 4,724 12.9









65,487 100 J5,724 100


Source: Adapted from Ahmad (1984) and GOAR, 1989b.


CLASs


DESCRIPTION










(2) Slope forest. This contains
much of the deciduous forest referred to, but
not described in Morello (1983). It is found in
the volcanic region of Antigua and the high-
lands of Barbuda. Original vegetation has
been greatly altered for production of wood.

(3) Mangrove. Three types -- red
(Rhizophora mangle), white (Laguncularia
spp.), and black (Avicennia) exist and are
found on both islands.

(4) Scleromorphic forest of white
cedar (Tabebuia pallida). This type is impor-
tant only on Barbuda.

(5) Mangrove edge forest. A legu-
minous forest dominated by Haematoxylon
logwoodd) and Pithecellobium ("bread and
cheese"). Very extensive on Barbuda but not
important on Antigua.



SCRUBLANDS

[Scrublands are an indistinct group, some-
times considered part of the savanna complex.
Collectively, thorny scrub types occupy 20 per-
cent of the land area.]

(1) Succulent thorny scrub. Domi-
nant species are Pilocereus obilis, Opuntia
dillenii, Agave obducta, and Acacia famesiana.
In this ecosystem, Acacias behave as faculta-
tive deciduous trees, that is, they lose their
leaves when water is unavailable. Biomass of
grasses is minimal. This is a littoral eco-
system.

(2) Thorny succulent-Sclerophyllic
scrub. This type shares two of the dominant
species listed above -- P. nobilis and A.
obducta -- but Croton replaces Acacia. It
occurs in the driest environments on the
island and is indicative of annual rainfall of
less than 30 inches. This also is a littoral
ecosystem.

(3) Scrub-forest of sclerophyllic
plants. Dominated by large, leathery-leaved
types (scleromorphic), such as Coccoloba
uvifera, accompanied by Byrsonima lucida and
Coccolobis diversifolia.


(4) Thorny scrub. The type is char-
acterized by its lack of diversity, i.e.,
monospecific or paucispecific. It was induced
by human activity and now occupies former
cotton and cane fields in the central plain. It
is made up of different combinations of Aca-
cia nilotica, A. lutea, A. tortuosa, or A. fame-
siana.

(5) Scrub forest of microphyllic
plants. This type is characterized as an in-
vader; old forests of Bursera and Pisonia fra-
gans appear. It was induced by human activity
following exploitation of the forests for char-
coal production.


SAVANNAS

[The leguminous savanna (parts of 2, 3, 5 and
9) is the most common, occupying some 65
percent of the two islands. Scleromorphic sa-
vanna occupies an estimated 5 percent.]

(1) White cedar. This type is found
in the Barbuda highlands and the valleys of
the volcanic zone of Antigua. Acacia does not
invade.

(2) Prosopis chilensis. Type occurs
from St. John's to Vernons, on central plains
on well-drained and poorly-drained slopes. In
leguminous savanna, Prosopis dominates over
Acacia.

(3) "Cerrado brasilero" type. This
is a type of scleromorphic savanna occurring
on clayey soil with visible parent rock of cal-
cium carbonate. It can be found on the
poorly-drained soils from the hills of the cen-
tral plains of Antigua.

(4) Cashew. A type of scleromor-
phic savanna occurring on sandy beaches.
Acacia does not invade.

(5) Acacia. A type of leguminous
savanna occurring in any environment of
Antigua; it is absent from Barbuda.

(6) Guava (Psidium guava). A type
of scleromorphic savanna found on soils of
different origins. Acacia does not invade vol-
canic areas.










(7) Date palm savanna. A type of
scleromorphic savanna caused by human ac-
tivity. It occurs on calcareous parent rock in
the hills of the central plain of Antigua but not
in Barbuda.

(8) Cocos nucifera. A type of scle-
romorphic savanna; it is difficult to distinguish
natural trees from planted coconuts.

(9) Leucaena savanna. A legumi-
nous savanna which is almost nonexistent ex-
cept in very humid valleys such as Glanvilles
and Willikies in Antigua.

(10) Fruit tree savanna. A type of
scleromorphic savanna comprised primarily of
sweet apple (Annona cherimoya), genip
(Genipa americana), and guava (Psidium
gnayaba). Acacia does not invade.


GRASSLANDS

[The grasslands consist of two main types --
turf and tussock. Turf grass has most of its
biomass close to the soil surface in stolons and
rhizomes; tussock grass has biomass at several
layers above the soil. Both grassland types
often contain elements of savanna.]

(1) Lemon Grass. This vegetation
type is planted; almost pure grasslands exist in
Antigua. This grass (Citronella) has exocrine
hormones that inhibit the development of
other plants such as the fasciculated grassland
and tussock grass.

(2) Antigua hay grass. Andropogon
caricosus, an excellent forage species, is the
most common turf grass on Antigua.


1.3 HISTORY AND CULTURE


PREHISTORY

Antigua developed from a volcano
that rose out of the sea about 34 million years
ago during the Oligocene period. When the
volcano subsided, coral began to grow on the
remaining volcanic rock, and in time lime-
stone of the Antigua formation was estab-
lished toward the northeast of the island.
Antigua thus differs frum most other islands
as being of both volcanic and limestone for-
mation. This was important for both the pre-
historic and later agricultural peoples who
settled the island.

Because of its unique physical char-
acteristics, Antigua appears to have many
more archaeological features than any other
island in the Eastern Caribbean. Its many
reefs and mangroves in the northeast provided
large quantities of marine resources for suste-
nance, and limestone formations yielded valu-
able flint for stone tool making by the earliest
inhabitants. A non-agricultural and ceramic
people inhabited Antigua at least 3,000 years
BC in the area of Mill Reef on the east coast.
They may have arrived from both the south
and the northwest.

Sixty-two ceramic sites of the first
group (or groups) of stone tool-making peo-
ples (ca. 3500-100 BC) have been discovered
to date a. well as about 65 sites of a second
group of agricultural and pottery-making peo-
ples commonly known as the Arawaks. The
Arawaks paddled up the island chain from
South America sometime between 50-1100
AD. On Antigua, these seafaring farmers and
fishermen found plenty of flat land, fertile
valleys and reefs for their sustenance. Most
prehistoric sites are found on the east and
northeast coasts of the island because of the
abundance of natural resources in these areas.

A third group known as the Caribs, living on
Dominica and St. Kitts, foraged on Antigua
for natural resources that were not as
common in their homelands. Their raids con-
tinued through early European settlement and
did not end until about 1705.










ANTIGUA-BARBUDA "VITAL STATISTICS"


The nation of Antigua and Barbuda is situated at the northern end of the Lesser Antillean arc of
Islands, about 250 miles east-southeast of Puerto Rico. It has been described touristically as the
"Heart of the Caribbean", for it is centrally located between the Greater and Lesser Antilles.
Antigua and Barbuda's geographic position In the region has made It important historically, and it
now serves as the hub for regional airline connections.

Location ANTIGUA: 17 degrees/17 degrees 10 minutes North;
61 degrees 40 minutes/61 degrees 55 minutes West
BARBUDA: 17 degrees 35 minutes North/61 degrees 48 minutes West
(28 miles north of Antigua)

Area ANTIGUA: 280 sq. km. (108 sq. miles)
BARBUDA: 160 sq. km. (62 sq. miles)


Highest Point


Rainfall


ANTIGUA: Boggy Peak, 402 m (1,319 ft.)
BARBUDA: Highlands, 38 m (125 ft.)


ANTIGUA: Annual Average 107-114 cm (42-45 Inches)
BARBUDA: Annual Average 76-99 cm (30-39 inches)


Temperature


Water Supply


Vegetation



Physical
Features





Population


Economy




Major
Port

Airports


Annual Average: 28 C (81.8 F)
Minimum/Maximum: 23 C (74 F), January; 29 C (84 F), August

ANTIGUA: 7 reservoirs and 60 wells
BARBUDA: catchments, cisterns, wells

ANTIGUA: In the southwest, evergreen deciduous forest
and in the northeast, evergreen woodland
BARBUDA: Xerophytic, dry woodland

ANTIGUA: Mainly coral-based and low lying, but the south is particularly
fertile, with undulating hills of volcanic origin. The coastline
is deeply indented and provides many natural harbors.
BARBUDA: Low limestone island; to the north and west lies an area of
lagoons and creeks separated by beach ridges and mangrove
swamps.

TOTAL POPULATION: 78,726 (1988); 1990 Estimates range from
82,000 87,000; New Census In 1991
BARBUDA ONLY: 1,100 (estimated)

Twenty years ago, agriculture was the backbone of the economy,
accounting for 40% of GDP; sugar and cotton were significant export
crops. Today tourism is the primary economic sector, with some
manufacturing (export-oriented enclave industries), agriculture, fishing.

Deep-water harbor at St. John's, Antigua, used by cruise ships and
for cargo transportation.

V.C. Bird International Airport, approximately 9 km north of capital with
two small airports on Barbuda: a nationally-owned facility near
Codrington and a privately-owned airport near Coco Point.










EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT

Columbus sighted the island in 1493
from near Redonda and named it Santa Mai*a
la Antigua after a miracle-working virgin from
the Seville Cathedral. In the late sixteenth
and the first quarter of the seventeenth cen-
turies Antigua wa visited by potential Spanish
and English settlers, but the island was not
actually colonized until 1632. The first settle-
ment was led by Edward Warner, the son of
Sir Thomas Warner, who had already colo-
nized St. Kitts in 1628. Antigua's oldest his-
torical site is at the Savannah House ruin, the
former home of the Warners and site of two
of their tombs.

Tobacco was the first significant cash
crop and was so listed as early as 1655. How-
ever, the island's soils and climate were
marginal for tobacco production, and this
coupled with a drop in market price led to the
substitution of sugar as the primary crop.
Sugar cane, around which the history of
Antigua was to revolve for the next 300 years,
had actually been introduced around the time
of tobacco. By the time it took over as the
leading crop toward the end of the 1700's, the
shortage of an adequate labor supply had
emerged as a serious problem. European in-
dentured labor was not sufficient, and the
colonialists looked to West Africa and slavery
as the solution.

The first full-scale sugar plantation
was established at Betty's Hope about 1674,
when Christopher Codrington settled from
Barbados, bringing the latest sugar technology
with him. Antigua's topography suited the
growing of sugar cane, and almost all of the
island's forests were cleared for sugar cultiva-
tion. The central plain was the region best
suited for the growing of cane, but land
throughout the island was used; cultivation
occurred nearly to the top of mountains.
Antigua's low-lying lands allowed the easterly
trade winds to power sugar mills more con-
stantly than in the mountainous islands further
south in the Lesser Antillean chain. Even to-
day 109 stone windmill towers dot the land-
scape, mute evidence of the great prosperity
of the family-sized plantation of a bygone era.


Plantation owners grew rich, but the
social fabric of the island was uneasy, with a
huge gap between the lifestyle of the privi-
leged white settlers and the wretched condi-
tions of the large slave population. The elite
were in constant fear of slave uprisings.
Slaves led by King Court (alias Tackey, Prince
Klaas) narrowly missed blowing up the plan-
tocracy at a ball in the gunpowder plot of
1736.

Natural disasters such as hurricanes,
droughts and earthquakes added to the chal-
lenges of life in Antigua, and many of the
plantation owners preferred to live in Eng-
land, using overseers to manage their estates.
Thus, an economy developed that was focused
almost entirely on trade and export. The land
was exploited for cash crops (mostly sugar),
while basic foodstuffs were imported.


DEFENSE

The growing wealth of Antigua soon
aroused the envy of other nations. The
planters were obliged to fortify themselves
strongly because Antigua had so many shel-
tered bays with smooth sandy beaches which
made ideal landing places for surprise attacks.
During the French Wars, Antigua found itself
in the middle of enemy strongholds located in
St. Kitts, Guadeloupe and Dominica. The
French did successfully occupy Antigua for a
brief period, but after only six months the is-
land was returned to England by treaty in
1667.

The largest military complex was at
Shirley Heights, which was started just after
the loss of the American colonies in the
1780's. It became the Leeward Islands' mili-
tary headquarters and was capable of holding
and maintaining a complete regiment.
Antigua probably had a greater number of
fortifications, in relation to its size, than any
other place in the world. At one time there
were about 40 military installations around the
coasts of Antigua, creating today's rich mili-
tary heritage.

Antigua possesses several deep-shel-
tered harbors, one of which, English Harbor,
became a favorite refuge for England's war-










ships in the Caribbean. In 1725, a Royal
Dockyard was built at English Harbor, where
the King's ships, responsible for patrolling the
valuable British Caribbean sugar islands, were
repaired and maintained. Captain Nelson,
later Admiral and victor at the Battle of
Trafalgar, was temporary Commander-in-
Chief of the Leewards stationed at English
Harbor in 1787.

With the defeat of Napoleon in 1815,
Antigua's military establishments were no
longer needed and gradually fell into decay.
The last garrisons left in 1854, and the Dock-
yard was closed down in 1889. Today a re-
stored Nelson's Dockyard is a National Park
and one of the most complete surviving exam-
ples of an eighteenth century fortified naval
base anywhere in the world. It has been revi-
talized as a haven for sea-going yachts and is
one of the best examples of adaptive use of a
historic monument in the Caribbean.


POST EMANCIPATION

In 1804, a motion was passed in the
British Parliament for the abolition of the
slave trade, but it was not until three years
later that the official act came into force and
yet another 27 years before the slaves of
Antigua were freed by the Emancipation Act
of 1834.

Initially freedom for the masses was
little better than slavery. Plantation owners
were no longer responsible for feeding,
clothing and caring of their labor force, and
ex-slaves often had no choice but to work for
the meager wages that were offered. Unhy-
gienic conditions, inadequate medical atten-
tion and poor wages fostered destitution and
resentment over the next hundred years.

The black population was denied land
to set up its own villages. To keep workers on
the estates, planters devised the Contract Act,
by which laborers were given free housing and
medical attention in return for an annual work
contract. Villages did begin to form, however,
mainly on church lands around chapels that
had been built by the Moravians and
Methodists.


In the meantime, the sugar estates
were in trouble, for the price of sugar had be-
gun to fall and there was competition from
European beet sugar. The position of West
Indian sugar planters became so critical that a
Royal Commission was appointed in 1896 to
look into the depression. One rec-
ommendation was that estates in the British
West Indies should be run more scientifically .
This led to the establishment of a central
sugar factory at Gunthorpe's, where workers
from all over the island were able to gather
and compare grievances. Also for the first
time the people were able to learn new skills
and become more self-sufficient.

World War I caused further deterio-
ration in the conditions of Antigua's laboring
masses. The planters were earning high war-
time prices for sugar and cotton, but they still
were paying appallingly low wages; addition-
ally, because of the war, food was in short
supply. Under these conditions a riot ensued
and in a confrontation on Newgate Street
(now an historic landmark), two persons were
killed when police fired on a crowd. The riot
was unsuccessful in improving workers' con-
ditions; it was not until six years later that
even minor concessions were made. Labor
conditions continued to worsen. Law and
order was threatened, and the situation
reached such a crisis that a Royal Commission
was appointed under Sir Walter Citrine. He
urged the formation of a labor union, and only
sixteen days later on January 16, 1939, the first
trade and labor union was born. It was from
this union that the first truly representative
government was later elected.


BARBUDA

Barbuda was leased to the English
Codrington family from 1668 until 1870, for
the payment of one fat sheep a year. The is-
land's land was too rocky to allow cultivation
of sugar, but Barbuda was used to supply the
Codrington's sugar estates on Antigua with
marine resources, cattle, provisions and
leather goods. Income was also derived from
the proceeds of cargoes salvaged from the
many shipwrecks that occurred along the is-
land's low-lying coast. On August 1, 1860,
Barbuda became an integral part of Antigua,










THE INFLUENCE OF HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL FACTORS
ON LAND USE PATTERNS


The dominance of the sugar economy In Antigua has produced a population with little
intrinsic sense of land husbandry or basic pride and appreciation for the land. The majority of
Antiguans are descendants of slaves who were used by plantation owners to exploit the land
for the wealth it could produce, with little concern for maintaining ecological equilibrium. Al-
most none of the wealth produced went back into the land; Instead it went toward supporting
lavish lifestyles, elaborate defense systems and homes in England. The basic loyalties of
plantation owners were to the Mother Country. As an Indigenous, professional middle class
began to develop in the nineteenth century, this focus continued to affect the perceptions of
educated persons who were mostly schooled in Europe. Few had any desire to be con-
nected to the land, even if they came back to Antigua.

The slaves could hardly have been expected to develop any concern for the well-being
of the land; it did not belong to them and required back-breaking labor to work. It had no re-
lation to their culture or ancestry, as they had been uprooted and forced to live in the West
Indies. Thus, a basic African love of the land Increasingly developed into more of a sense of
alienation from the land. Not long ago, an older man, trained in engineering, was asked why
he kept goats when he could see what damage they were doing to the vegetation and the
land. "But it's not my land" was the reply. As tourism developed In the twentieth century, the
rural population made every effort to secure jobs in hotels, rather than continuing to work the
land. During the last years of sugar production, cane cutters had to be imported from other
Islands. Antiguans did not want to be seen working In the fields of their own country, as it was
considered too "low class".

Ownership is a key factor in a people's ability to develop a sense of careful land use.
Not much of the land in Antigua Is owned by the people who work it. The remaining sugar
estates were combined In the 1950's to form a Sugar Syndicate which fed the central sugar
factory at Gunthorpe's; when this Syndicate collapsed, the Government acquired ownership
of these extensive lands. However, Government does not have sufficient resources to man-
age the land, and much of it lies fallow and exposed to further degradation. As waste accu-
mulates in an ever more "modern" Ilfestyle, the land along rural back roads is increasing used
as a dumping ground -- not for productive land uses.

Over the years the landscape of this little island has been exploited, abused and de-
pleted. Forest cover has been cleared, resulting In erosion and a drying up of water sources.
With the advent of tourism, similar patterns can be seen in the use of coastal areas. Man-
groves are cut down, garbage is deposited in wetlands and beach sand removed, with drastic
effects on both the shoreline and the protective fringing reefs. Most of the hotel owners, like
the plantation owners, are from overseas and have shown little knowledge about or sensitivity
to the delicate ecological balances at work In this tropical insular environment.

Of course, there always have been voices decrying these conditions. As early as 1721,
the Body Ponds Act prevented the felling of trees around these natural reservoirs, and there
are many laws governing the removal of sand, the disposal of waste, the tethering of animals,
arid so forth. However, enforcement has historically been minimal. The challenge to
Antiguans In the years ahead Is to develop viable land use and coastal zone management
policies and to create an awareness that such policies and protections are in the best inter-
ests of the country and Ks people. With weak land-appreciation traditions to draw upon,
education will be a key factor in developing such an awareness.

Source: Antigua and Barbuda Historical and Archaaological Society.










and the Antigua Legislature assumed respon-
sibility for the island. The Codrington estate
was now running at a loss, and its lease was fi-
nally relinquished in 1870.


CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

As of 1672, Antigua was commis-
sioned as part of the British leeward Islands,
which at the time consisted of Antigua,
Barbuda, Redonda, St. Kitts, Anguilla,
Sombrero, and the Virgin Islands. From 1898
until 1937 the Leeward Islands were consid-
ered a Crown Colony. Antigua's caly labor
union ran five candidates for the 1946 elec-
tions, all of which were elected to sit on the
Executive Council. It was the first time that
this governing body, mainly composed of the
plantocracy, had any labor representation. In
1951, with adult suffrage, a majority of labor
members was returned to the Legislative
Council, and the elected members began to
share in the executive branch of government
on an advisory basis through a committee
system. In 1956 the Leeward Islands Federa-
tion was abolished and a ministerial system of
government was introduced on a limited scale.
The labor union again won all the elective
seats. Constitutional advances continued in
1961 with the elected membership of the Leg-
islative Council increasing from 8 to 10 seats
and the position of Chief Minister being
created. By 1966, Antigua made sufficient
progress for its leaders to consider indepen-
dence from Great Britain. In February 1967,
Antigua, Barbuda and Redonda became an
Associated State in which only foreign affairs
and defense remained under the control of
Britain. Then in November 1981 full inde-
pendence was achieved when Antigua and
Barbuda became the 157 member of the
United Nations.


1.4 PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE

In many ways, Antigua and Barbuda
has infrastructural development far beyond
most developing countries. There is an
international airport with several daily flights
to the United States and to Europe, a good
road system, easy telecommunications with
the rest of the world, and fairly reliable water
and electricity service (Figure 1.4(1)).


TRANSPORT

Air. V.C. Bird International Airport,
located north of the capital, serves an average
of 40 commercial flights a day. Direct con-
nections to the United States, Europe, and
other islands in the Caribbean are available
on five international and several regional car-
riers. Leeward Islands Air Transport (LIAT),
a regional carrier, has its headquarters in
Antigua, and the country serves as a major
hub for regional travel. Air cargo and small
package delivery services are provided by all
carriers (Antigua Chamber of Commerce,
n.d.).

There are two small airports on
Barbuda. The nationally-owned airport near
Codrington has several commercial flights
daily from Antigua. A privately-owned airport
is located in the region of Coco Point (OAS,
1990).

Sea. Sea transport is available
through several ports on Antigua. Deep
Water Harbor near St. John's has facilities to
handle containers, roll on/roll off and lift
on/lift off cargo. Service is available to the
United States, Europe and the Far East. A
small amount of cargo is also shipped through
port facilities located on Crabs Peninsula.
During the severe drought in 1983-84, im-
ported fresh water was unloaded at the Crabs
facility (Antigua Chamber of Commerce, n.d.;
GOAB, 1989b).

Roads. Roads service almost all
parts of Antigua, and the relatively flat terrain
compared to the Windward Islands makes it
possible to drive from one end of the island to
the other in under an hour (see Figure 1.4(1)).
The European Development Fund is










ANTIGUA/PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE
-- Main roads
H Hotels
SP Ports


6 Kms
3 4 Miles
,! -


Figure 1.4(la). Location of important physical infrastructure for the Island of Antigua.


4%












BARBUDA/PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE
S-.-- Roads
H Hotels
Coat Pt. W Airstrips
A Dumps


Cedar
Tree
Point


Coco Pt.


Spanfsh
Point


0 1 2 3 Miles


Figure 1.4(1 b). Location of Important physical infrastructure for the Island of Barbuda.










sponsoring a road improvement project to
widen and resurface main roads to the
remoter sections of the island. To facilitate
expansion of commercial agriculture into
presently uncultivated areas, several dozen
miles of rough tracks would need to be
regraded, but in general the roads are
adequate to get agricultural goods to market.

Traffic congestion poses a serious
problem in the St. John's area, particularly
during business hours.


COMMUNICATIONS

The Antigua-Barbuda Public Utilities
Authority (APUA) provides telephone service
to over 7,500 private and commercial
subscribers throughout Antigua and Barbuda,
and service is generally adequate. Coin-
operated public telephones are located in
most of the smaller towns and villages to serve
those without telephones in their homes,
although many of these phones are in need of
repair. A microwave link allows APUA to
provide all basic telephone services to
Barbuda.

A private company, Cable and Wire-
less, provides overseas telephone, cable, telex,
facsimile, electronic mail, and other electronic
data transmission services. Cable and Wire-
less maintains a microwave transmission
tower atop Boggy Peak (the highest point in
Antigua) in the southwest part of the island.
(Antigua Chamber of Commerce, n.d.;
GOAB, 1989b; APUA, 1989).


1.5 SOCIO-ECONOMIC SETTING

1.5.1 Demographics and Human
Resources

The 1970 Census, the last population
census to be conducted in Antigua-Barbuda,
enumerated a population of 64,794, with
63,723 persons in Antigua and 1,071 in
Barbuda (for a brief sketch of the population
history of Antigua-Barbuda see Bouvier,
1984). Planning is now underway for the 1991
population census, and the census question-
naire is currently being pretested. Antigua's
failure to conduct a census in 1980-81 makes
any discussion of recent demographic trends
somewhat risky. In fact, current estimates of
Antigua's population are quite imprecise since
they have been based on assumptions re-
garding growth rates that have no empirical
validity. The demographic data in Table
1.5(1) should therefore be interpreted with
caution.

In the absence of census data for the
1980's, the 1984 Agricultural Census provides
the only somewhat reliable data source on
numbers of households, population size, and
population distribution. One of the objectives
of this census was to obtain a count of the
number of households and persons in
Antigua-Barbuda; it was not a substitute for a
population census but was to help plan for
such a census (Campbell, 1986). A post enu-
meration survey was conducted in 1985 to
adjust for the undercounting of non-farm
households, and the number of households
and persons was adjusted upwards.

The relationship between population,
resources and the environment is well docu-
mented; yet policy makers routinely ignore the
incorporation of demographic data into the
planning process. Given the fragile nature of
insular Caribbean environments, their finite
land area, and limited absorptive capacity, the
question of future population growth and dis-
tribution must emerge as a top priority for
policy makers in the 1990's. In the face of de-
clining opportunities for emigration and in-
creasing return migration and immigration,
much of it attendant on the tourism-related
economic restructuring underway, Antigua-
Barbuda needs to formulate a coherent


















































Government policy to absorb returnees and
immigrants.


POPULATION SIZE

Table 1.5(1) shows mid-year esti-
mates of the population of Antigua-Barbuda
for selected years from 1970 to 1988. The
1984 Agricultural Census placed the popula-
tion at 70,134, a difference of 5,000 from esti-
mates of the Government's Statistics Division.
Current estimates put the population of the
country at between 82,000 (Department of
Statistics) and 87,000 (Peters, 1990).
Bouvier's (1984) projections for 1990 show an
estimated population of 85,000. Bouvier's
projections are questionable, since they begin
with a base year for which there were no reli-


able age/sex data, and mate a series of as-
sumptions regarding future patterns of migra-
tion and fertility that have, unfortunately,
turned out to be incorrect. For example,
under Bouvier's low projection, the total fer-
tility rate (TFR) was expected to decline to
the replacement level (2.1) by 1990 and re-
main at this level until 2030, while net migra-
tion was assumed to be zero. Currently, how-
ever, the TFR has declined to an estimated
1.7, while net migration is now positive.

It is precisely these kinds of problems
(unanticipated changes in fertility and migra-
tion, lack of familiarity with what is actually
happening on the ground, the depopulation
effects of a natural disaster, etc.) that makes
the exercise ot projecting population an im-
precise one. Indeed, it is of dubious utility to


Table 1.5(1). Selected demographic Indicators for selected years, 1970-1988.



Indicator 1970 1975 1980 1984 1988


Estimated Mid-Year Population 64,794 69,475 72,944 75,067 78,726
Pop. Density (per sq. km) 147.2 157.8 165.7 170.5 178.8
Crude Birth Rate (per '000) 23.8 19.2 17.0 15.0 14.1
Crude Death Rate (per '000) 6.3 6.8 5.3 5.1 5.6
Rate of Natural Increase (%) 1.75 1.24 1.17 0.99 0.93
Estimate Pop. Growth Rate (%) 0.83 0.89 0.68 2.12
Total Fertility Rate 3.27 1.7
Births to Teenage Mothers as
a Percent of all Births 26.7 30.3 25.7 20.8
Crude Marriage Rate 2.70 4.85
Residents Returning by Air 18,629 27,633 44.571 59,790
Residents Leaving by Air 16,904 24,913 28,789 56,335
Difference 1,725 2,720 3,455
Estimated Labor Force ('000s) 24.5 30.4 14.3
Estimated Total Employment ('000) 19.8 24.1 30.8
Estimated Unemployment Rate (%) 19.2 20.7 10.2

Notes:
1. Population density figures do not include uninhabited Redonda.
2. "Residents Leaving by Air" figure for 1984 does not show data for May and July which were not available.


Source: Statistics Division, Ministry of Finance, Government of Antigua-Barbuda.










project populations more than 15 to 20 years
at a time, and projections must be continu-
ously revised.


POPULATION DENSITY

Antigua-Barbuda's population den-
sity of 179 persons per square kilometer is av-
erage by OECS standards. However, if
Antigua were taken alone, its population den-
sity would rank it near the top with Grenada
and St. Vincent. With projected increases in
population growth, densities will rise and will
require greater planning attention to avoid the
accompanying environmental and social
problems so evident in small, densely-popu-
lated mass. tourism islands. Already in some
areas in and around St. John's, densities of
2,700 persons per square kilometer are com-
mon, and since these areas often have inade-
quate sewage and sanitary facilities, concerns
about public health issues have increased.
Barbuda on the other hand has a very low
population density, estimated at 6.8 persons
per square kilometer.


POPULATION DISTRIBUTION

Table 1.5(2) shows changes in the
population distribution between 1970 and
1984. Like most small Caribbean islands, set-
tlement patterns in Antigua have long favored
residence in and around the capital/port city
and reflect a strong urban orientation
(McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1981). In
1970, an estimated 53.8 percent of the popu-
lation of Antigua resided in the city and parish
of St. John's, which is about the same per-
centage recorded in the 1946 census. By 1984,
the city and parish of St. John's accounted for
58.2 percent of Antigua's population. Areas
of greatest growth between 1970-1984 were
those areas within commuting distance of the
city of St. John's and along the major road
arteries leading into the capital -- Factory
Road (St. Johnsons Village, Potters), Old
Parham Road (Skerrets, Casada Gardens),
Fort Road (Gambles, Paradise View), Friar's
Hill Road (Upper Gambles), All Saints Road
(Newton, Belmont), and Valley Road (Gray's
Farm, Gray's Hill).


Linked to increasing urbaniza-
tion/suburbanization has been the steady loss
of population from some more distant rural
communities. For example, in 1970, 2,394
persons lived in Liberta, while the 1984 Agri-
cultural Census put the population of Liberta
at 1,508. Similarly, communities like John
Hughes, Buckleys, Sawcolts, Swetes and
Bethesda have also been losing population.
As the process of urbanization/suburbaniza-
tion intensifies, it is estimated that by the year
2000 over half the population of Antigua will
live within a five kilometer radius of St.
John's. Like the experiences of other islands
(e.g., the United States Virgin Islands, New
Providence, Bermuda) which have undergone
the tourism-led economic restructuring cur-
rently underway in Antigua, it is anticipated --
despite some of the disaggregating effects of
tourism -- that there will be a further concen-
tration of economic activity in and around St.
John's. Furthermore, with planned improve-
ments in the infrastructure, the sustained
growth in household and personal income,
and the ubiquity of the automobile, the pace
of suburbanization should quicken.

The environmental impacts of this
ongoing urbanization/suburbanization process
are quite far reaching. St. John's already has
major infrastructural problems -- there is ve-
hicular congestion; parking is extremely diffi-
cult; there are open sewers, unsightly con-
struction waste, and inadequate solid waste
removal; and thle overall aesthetic and
environmental quality of the city is quite
unattractive to residents and tourists alike. In
addition, a critical housing shortage in and
around St. John's exists, and this has led in
some areas (Gray's Farm Villa, the Point) to
the proliferation of squatter settlements. Such
settlements give the town an unplanned look
and also pose an environmental health hazard.
Unfortunately, because of the high cost of ur-
ban/suburban real estate, squatting is the only
alternative for some of the poorer segments of
the society.

The "suburbs" likewise suffer from
some of the same problems as St. John's -- in-
creased vehicular traffic, poorly maintained
roads, inadequate solid waste disposal, etc.
Much of this growth has been unplanned and
haphazard (see Section 7 of the Profile).














Table 1.5(2). Number of households and persons and average household size,
1970 and 1984, by enumeration districts.



Enum. Districts Corresp. Parish No. of Households No. of Persons Avg. Household Size


9, 26, 29-31, 33-46


14-18


St. John's


St. Mary


64-, 11, 12




13,21,22,32




23, 2., 27, 28




47


St. Paul




St. Peter




St. George




Barbuda


TOTAL Antigua/Barbuda


1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg


8,460
11,808
39.6


1970
1984
% chg


1,532 1970
1,884 1984
26.6 % chg

1,501 1970
1,567 1984
4.4 % chg

1,228 1970
1,529 1984
24.5 % chg

1,144 1970
1,385 1984
21.1 % chg

226 1970
275 1984
21.7 % chg


15,216
19,868
30.6


1970
1984
% chg


Source: Campbell, 1986.


FERTILITY

Table 1.5(1) shows very significant
declines in the birth rate from 24 per 1,000
population in 1970 to a current rate of about
14 per 1,000, which gives Antigua-Barbuda the
lowest birth rate in the Caribbean, on par with
"developed" countries like Canada, the United
Kingdom, Norway and Sweden. While
accurate measures of the TFR are
unattainable because of the lack of population
data by age and sex, the estimates shown in


Table 1.5(1) underscore a remarkable fertility
transition in the space of two decades, without
parallel in the region, Barbados excepted.
The 1988-1990 estimated TFR of 1.7 is much
below the replacement level of fertility. Much
of the decline in fertility can be explained by
invoking "modernization" factors --
improvements in female educational
attainment, greater female labor force
participation, the widespread availability of
contraceptives, and delayed marriage; but,
additionally, values regarding family size have


34,587
40,810
18.0

6,836
7,407
1.9

6,683
5,624
-15.8

5,724
5,526
-3.5

4,421
4,777
16.7

1,071
1,047
-2.2

64,284
70,134
9.1


1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg

1070
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg

1970
1984
% chg


4.09
3.46
-15.4

4.46
3.93
-11.9

4.45
3.48
-21.1

4.66
3.61
-22.5

3.86
3.45
-10.6

4.74
3.81
-19.6

4.22
3.53
-16.4










also undergone a change, and Antiguan
women today appear to desire fewer children
than did their counterparts 10 to 20 years ago.

The policy implications of a below
replacement level of fertility need to be
carefully considered by planners in Antigua.
The long-term prospects suggest there should
be some increase in immigration, a situation
that might occur naturally as the Antigua
economy moves towards full employment and
as critical labor shortages continue in some
sectors of the economy.


MORTALITY

Declines in mortality (Table 1.5(1))
have been less spectacular because the mor-
tality transition has been underway signifi-
cantly longer than changes in fertility patterns.
There is some evidence to suggest that the
crude death rate has reached its nadir at five
per 1,000 population and is inching upwards
with the aging of the Antiguan-Barbudan
population (in 1984 the mean age of the pop-
ulation was estimated at 27.5 years). Life ex-
pectancy for both sexes is currently estimated
at 71 years (Pop. Ref. Bureau, 1990). When
population data by age and sex become avail-
able from the 1991 census, it should be possi-
ble to generate up-to-date life tables. Im-
provements in medical care, living conditions
and nutrition have certainly contributed to in-
creased life expectancy, but changing dietary
practices, particularly the consumption of high
fat and processed, frozen and canned food,
have already brought in a whole new series of
diet-related health problems.

Private medical care and the
Holberton Hospital are adequate for the basic
health needs of the population; yet the prac-
tice of seeking both routine and specialized
health care off island (Guadeloupe, Puerto
Rico, St. Croix, the United States and
Canada) continues. The Springview Hospital
in Barbuda is also adequate but still relies on
the Barbuda Medical Program which brings in
doctors and dentists from the United States
on a rotational basis.


MIGRATION

Like most Caribbean societies,
Antigua-Barbuda has had a long migration
tradition, with citizens migrating to Panama
and the Bermuda dockyards at the turn of the
century, to the Dominican Republic in the
first two decades of this century, to Aruba and
Curacao in the 1940's and 1950's, to Great
Britain in the late 1950's and early 1960's, and
the United States, the U.S. Virgin Islands
(USVI), and Canada after 1962. Emigration
declined significantly after 1973, particularly
following the tightening of immigration re-
strictions in the USVI, the most popular des-
tination for Antiguan emigrants (the 1980
U.S. Census identified 4,951 persons in the
USVI who were born in Antigua [de
Albuquerque and McElroy, 1989]). Since the
early 1980's, some of those persons have been
returning to Antigua to retire or set up busi-
nesses (de Albuquerque, 1989b); yet return
migration remains an unappreciated demo-
graphic phenomenon in Antigua of significant
policy relevance (returnees often have consid-
erable savings and much needed skills). The
increases in land sales in July and August (the
most popular months for expatriate Antiguans
to return home) are a clear harbinger that
many Antiguans living abroad do intend to
return; indeed, many of them have made a
significant commitment to return by building
houses and investing in businesses.

Table 1.5(1) ilso shows the move-
ment of residents by dr between 1975-1988.
While not an acceptable method of estimating
emigration and return migration (arrival data
are much more carefully collected than depar-
ture data), in one year, 1978 (not shown in
Table), the number of departing residents ex-
ceeded returning residents.

Immigration into Antigua-Barbuda
has received very little attention from Gov-
ernment. Yet if the experiences of other
Caribbean mass market tourist destinations
(e.g., the Bahamas, Barbados, Cayman Is-
lands, St. Maarten, USVI) are any guide, im-
migration might become a vexatious policy is-
sue in the future. Already there has been sig-
nificant immigration into Antigua, starting in
the 1970's with Dominicans who came to work
primarily in the tourist industry. Other immi-










grant groups are also becoming more visible
as their numbers increase -- Vincentians in
the Police Force, persons from the Dominican
Republic as hostesses, service workers and in
manufacturing, Afro-Guyanese in the hotel
industry, trades, manufacturing, and teaching,
and Europeans and North Americans in the
hotel, restaurant, yacht chartering, and other
tourist-related businesses. In addition, there
has been a fairly sizable and growing retire-
ment community of mostly North Americans
-- a phenomenon whose long-term social con-
sequences have not been seriously examined
in the region.

Despite a slight contraction in the
Antiguan-Barbudan economy in 1988 and
1989, labor shortages continue in many areas,
particularly in construction, teaching and
health care. The number of work permits is-
sued continues to rise (755 in 1985 and 1,655
in 1988), with most of those (61 percent) be-
ing issued to OECS and CARICOM nationals
(GOAB, 1989b). If an OECS political union
becomes a reality, or if travel and immigration


restrictions are lifted between OECS member
states, then immigration into Antigua from
other OECS territories should significantly in-
crease.


AGE AND SEX STRUCTURE

Reliable data on the age and sex
structure of the population are unavailable.
However, it can be inferred, given changes in
fertility, mortality and migration, that the
population today has a very different age and
sex structure from that enumerated in 1970.

In 1970, the male:female sex ratio of
the population was 89.4 and in 1984 it was es-
timated at 95.4, indirect evidence of declining
emigration. Table 1.5(3) shows the age distri-
bution of the population in 1970 and 1984.
The effects of declining fertility are clearly
visible in the under 10 age group, while the
effects of increasing life expectancy can be
seen in the older age groups. It would also
appear that emigration declined significantly,


Table 1.5(3). Age distribution of the population In 1970 and 1984.



Age Group 1970 1984
No. % No. %


0-5 9,543 14.7 8,471 12.0
5+ -10 9,676 14.9 8,013 11.4
10+ -20 9,304 14.4 8,137 11.6
15+ -20 7,101 11.0 8,141 11.6
20+ -30 8,554 13.2 12,699 18.2
30+ -40 5,130 7.9 7,937 11.3
40+ -50 5,309 8.2 5,228 7.5
50+ -60 4,869 7.5 4,611 6.6
60+ -70 3,161 4.9 4,005 5.7
70 + 2,147 3.3 2,892 4.1

TOTAL 64,794 100.0 70,134 100.0


Source: Statistics Division, Ministry of Finance, GOAB; Campbell, 1986.










and there was some return migration during
the 1970-1984 period, since the most notice-
able difference in the two age distributions is
in the population aged 20-40, the age group
with the greatest propensity to migrate.


EDUCATION

Table 1.5(4) shows enrollment data,
for selected years, 1980-1986. Although there
appears to be a decline in enrollment, partic-
ularly at the primary level (the result of de-
clining fertility), enrollment data are umeli-
able because for most years enrollment re-
turns to the Ministry of Education were in-
complete. Enrollment declines are not
equally spread throughout the school system;
in fact, while some schools in rural areas
might eventually have to be closed, other
schools in St. John's and its environs are
severely overcrowded.

In terms of educational policy,
GOAB is committed to equality of opportu-
nity; yet the percent of recurrent expenditure
allocated to education has remained stagnant
at about 13 percent (see Table 1.5(4)), down
from approximately 14 percent in the 1970's.
As a result, some schools are badly in need of
repair, renovation and re-equipping. Depen-
dence on large numbers of non-degree trained
and untrained teachers continues. Teachers'
salaries are relatively low, and given tight
labor market conditions, turn-over rates are
high as degree-trained Antiguans are easily
lured to more lucrative occupations. The
Ministry of Education has to annually recruit
teachers from elsewhere within the region,
primarily Guyana, and also relies, to some de-
gree, on VSO and Peace Corps volunteers.

The quality of educational output, as
measured by local and external examination
results, is discouraging. t asses in the CXC
Basic and General exams remain in the 50
percent range, and Antigua ranks lowest
among OECS territories for CXC results
(Outlet, December 1, 1989).

All these negative indicators rein-
force perceptions regarding the generally poor
quality of public education in Antigua and


Barbuda and create a strong demand for pri-
vate education. Thus, despite a commitment
to equality of opportunity through the provi-
sions of universal free primary education, the
dual educational system, a legacy of colonial
times, persists and serves to perpetuate the
existing class structure.


LABOR FORCE AND EMPLOYMENT

Table 1.5(1) shows estimates of rele-
vant labor force statistics. Growth in em-
ployment has far outpaced growth of the labor
force and total population and is a direct re-
sult of the buoyancy of the Antiguan economy
in the 1980's. Parallel declines in unemploy-
ment also occurred in the 1980's. Currently,
unemployment is less than seven percent, and
much of that is hard-core unemployment. In
some sectors of the economy labor shortages
exist. Both the labor force and total employ-
ment will grow in the 1990's but at a slower
rate, with most of the growth coming through
increasing female labor force participation.

The challenge of the 1990's will not
be so much one of absorbing school leavers,
but of finding meaningful work for young
adults. Unfortunately, the tourist industry is
not expected to create the kinds of meaningful
employment young Antiguans will find attrac-
tive, and Antigua will therefore have to in-
crease its reliance on imported workers.
Through more and better vocational training
and other programs, GOAB hopes to create a
better trained and raore sophisticated labor
force to meet the demand of the 1990's.

In the area of public-sector employ-
ment, GOAB must find a way to reduce the
number of employees and to create, in the
words of the Minister of Finance (GOAB,
1990a), a "more productive and well-managed
government work force." In fact, the Minister
had earlier decried (GOAB, 1989a) the
"attitude to work" in the country, the part-time
work habits of some Government employees,
and the practice of pay days becoming like
national holidays.













Table 1.5(4). Selected socio-economic Indicators.


Indicator 1976 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988


Pop. per physician
Pop. per dentist
Pop. per hospital bed
Per cap. expenditure
on health (EC$)
% of current exp. on health
School enrollment (all
levels, all schools)
Total no. of teachers
Per cap. expenditure
on education (EC$)
% of recurrent exp. on
education
Property crime rate
(per 100,000)
Violent crime rate (per 100,000)
Total stayover visitors ('000s)
Air
Sea
Cruise ship visitors ('000s)
No. of telephone subscribers*
Electrical consumption (kwh)
Est. value of bldg. applica.
(EC$ millions)
Total no. of reg. vehicles


2,700
17,547
319


1,787
12,511
359


15,962 16,359
749


86.5

70.2
2,706


97.9
86.6
11.3
107.1
3,540


2,654
488
97.3
87.0
10.3
66.8
4,940
44.8

43.7
9,775


1,695
10,899
404

274
12.4


11,886 10,789
781 763

169 259


2,421
317
141.5
129.1
12.4
66.4
5,698
46.6

49.5
12,006


12.0

2,104
325
164.0
149.3
14.7
122.8
6,586
52.4

80.7
15,620


Note: Does not include coin boxes.

Source: Statistics Division, Ministry of Finaince, GOAB.


MODERNIZATION OF THE COUNTRY'S
SOCIETY

By all measures, consumption, par-
ticularly private consumption, has grown re-
markably in the 1980's, fueled by the very visi-
ble increase in the standard of liv-
ing/purchasing power of most citizens which
is, in turn, a direct result of the economic
boom of the 1980's. The banking system has
had excess liquidity through much of the
1980's, and consequently credit has been
readily available. Antiguans and Barbudans


have therefore been able to finance new home
construction and purchase motor vehicles and
a significant range of consumer durables.
Table 1.5(4) provides some data on the rela-
tively rapid modernization of Antiguan soci-
ety. In the 1980's the number of registered
motor vehicles more than doubled, electricity
consumption increased 44 percent, the num-
ber of telephone subscribers increased by 136
percent, and the estimated value of construc-
tion permits increased more than six fold.
Antiguans-Barbudans who formerly travelled
in search of work began to travel in record


1,640
9,841
410

418
12.9


391

12.0

2,967
267
187.2
176.9
10.3
199.8
8,372
61.4

221.8
19,686










numbers for vacation purposes. In 1988, an
estimated 56,000 nationals spent approxi-
mately EC$23 million on airline tickets, the
bulk of which were for vacation purposes
(GOAB, 1990). Indeed, the sophisticated
tastes and buying patterns of some Antiguans
necessitate frequent shopping/vacation trips
to St. Maarten, San Juan, Miami and New
York.

Since most of this remarkable trans-
formation is the result of tourism develop-
ment, Government has hinged its future de-
velopment plans on the expansion of the
tourist industry. To this end, it has decided to
double the number of hotel rooms to 5,000 by
1995 and has targeted 300,000 stay-over and
340,000 cruise ship visitors by the year 2000
(Weston, 1990; see also Section 5 of the Pro-
file). Such a major commitment to the
tourism sector will require drastic improve-
ments and upgrading of the infrastructure,
particularly the roads, harbors, airport, power
generating capacity and water supply. Given
the country's debt problem, much of it due to
heavy borrowing on non-concessionary terms
to finance costly infrastructure improvements
(McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1990),
GOAB's ability to borrow on capital markets
for further improvements of the infrastructure
is limited (see Section 1.5.2).

The environmental consequences of
the kind of modernization Antigua has under-
gone are much more visible on small, fragile
islands than continental systems. Mangrove
swamps have been drained to make way for
tourist developments, beach sand mining con-
tinues unabated because of the high cost of
imported sand and lack of enforcement of ex-
isting laws, St. John's harbor is becoming
more polluted because of marine, industrial,
and other wastes, and the list goes on. Addi-
tionally, chanr.Fi consumption patterns and
increasing de, '", :nce on packaged/pro-
cessed imported toods and other items have
contributed to a solid waste problem. Paper,
cartons, disposable diapers, packaging materi-
als, bottles, cans, styrofoam, and plastics are
everywhere visible and a grim reminder of the
economies-of-scale problem facing small is-
lands when it comes to recycling options. In-
dustrial wastes such as motor oil, car batter-


ies, and tires are also becoming more visible,
as are junked cars.

The closing years of the 1980's wit-
nessed a growing awareness of environmental
problems in Antigua-Barbuda, due in part to
the efforts of the country's environmental
NGOs (see also Section 10.3 of the Profile).
Public displays at the Museum of Antigua and
Barbuda on Earth Day, radio and television
spots, newspaper articles, and clean-up cam-
paigns served to heighten the awareness of
Antiguans to the fragile nature of their insular
environment and to such problems as beach
sand mining, coral mining, sea level rise, raw
and partially treated sewage discharge into
swimming areas, filling in of mangroves, lit-
tering, the bulldozing of archaeologi-
cal/historical sties, and other critical envi-
ronmental issues.

This growing awareness is being re-
inforced ir, the schools as some teachers are
now teacaiing a new environmental component
included in the CXC syllabus of several sub-
jects. The textbook The Caribbean Environ-
ment (Wilson, 1988), the work of the
Caribbean Conservation Association (CCA),
and several regional environmental workshops
served to spark an interest in environmental
issues among some teachers. Some of this can
be seen in the growing number of inquiries
related to the environment received from
school children at the National Museum in St.
Johb's.

The 1989 summer clean-up campaign
of St. John's ("Antigua Clean As A Whistle"),
sponsored by the Body Shop, the Environ-
mental Awareness Group, and other organiza-
tions, also served as a catalyst for some busi-
nesses to help keep their portion of the public
streets reasonably clean. One response of
Government to a growing environmental
awareness has been to establish the Historical,
Conservation and Environmental Commis-
sion. However, it is believed by many local
environmentalists that solutions to these envi-
ronmental problems will not come through
Government intervention alone or solely
through the introduction of new legislation
(existing ordinances continue to be ignored
and unenforced), but rather through a concur-
rent massive public educational campaign that










should begin in the schools. Already there are
signs that some school children are avoiding
littering and are appealing to their adult rela-
tives and friends to do the same. The emerg-
ing, renewed interest in the natural and cul-
tural patrimony of Antigua-Barbuda is cer-
tainly a welcome development.



1.5.2 National Economy and
Development Trends


Until the post-World War II era,
sugar dominated the economy. In the early
1960's, over 90 percent of all cropland was de-
voted to sugar cane, but poor prices, high
costs and labor shortages caused the collapse
of the industry in 1967 and various attempts to
rehabilitate a Government-owned sugar in-
dustry have been unsuccessful. Cotton pro-
duction has also become negligible (World
Bank, 1984). As a result, the contemporary
economy is characterized by the decline of
agriculture, continued dependence on foreign
dollars, and a successful pattern of diversifi-
cation towards tourism, hotel construction,
and light manufacturing.

Foreign dollars flow into Antigua-
Barbuda from five different sources: exports,
tourist spending, wages from Antiguans and
Barbudans working abroad, foreign investors,
and foreign government and bank loans.
Crude calculations suggest that, on the aver-
age, one foreign dollar from these outside
sources produces one local dollar of Gross
Domestic Product (GDP).

Economic diversification began in the
1960's and accelerated in the 1970's because
of the sugar crisis. Tourism grew with the ad-
vent of direct jet service to the United States
and the rapid establishment of several foreign-
financed hotel resorts. Later a deep-water
cruise port was constructed in the capital of
St. John's (Weston, 1990). Early export man-
ufacturing in textiles and food processing was
stimulated by the Aid to Pioneer Industries
Act in 1964 (later revised as the Fiscal Incen-
tives Act of 1975). During the 1990's the
Government has promoted both industries


heavily with generous tax concessions and
provided necessary infrastructure.

The effects of these policies can be
seen in Table 1.5(5). Between 1978 and 1988,
per capital real GDP rose nearly 80 percent,
electricity output doubled, stay-over visitors
increased 120 percent, and the value of total
tourist expenditure (stay-over and cruise) rose
over six-fold. The basis for this growth has
been the restructuring of the economy away
from sugar. Tourism has become the lead
sector accounting for approximately half of all
GDP and employment (Thorndike, 1986).
During the decade, for example, the direct
contribution of hotel and restaurant activity
alone grew from 11 to 15 percent of GDP, and
the contribution of related construction rose
from 7 to 12 percent. As a result, Antigua-
Barbuda now ranks at the top (with the
British Virgin Islands) in economic affluence
among its OECS neighbors.


RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

Since the worldwide recession of the
early 1980's, real GDP has grown at a rapid
seven to eight percent annual rate. A slight
slow-down (6.4 percent) in 1989 was caused by
Hurricane Hugo's damage to tourism and
agriculture (Caribbean Updatv,, 1990). How-
ever, four major imbalances -- excessive for-
eign debt, weak investment, over-dependence
on tourism, and labor shortages -- cloud the
economic future and cr strain the country's
ability to cop,; with mounting environmental
stresses.


THE DEBT PROBLEM

The most dangerous imbalance is the
excessive amount of foreign debt that has
been incurred in recent years and that is
mortgaging the country's future. At the end
of 1988, Antigua-Barbuda's total external debt
amounted to US$267 million, a figure which
represented over 80 percent of total GDP.
Annual debt service obligations -- yearly pay-
ments due on borrowed principal and interest
-- amounted to 16 percent of export sales and
half of all Government revenues. Most seri-
ous of all, debt arrears or unpaid past due



















































obligations stood at 20 percent of GDP
(Caribbean Update, 1990).

These long-term commitments were
made to capitalize on Antigua's growing rep-
utation as a leading Caribbean resort, yacht-
ing, and cruise ship destination. Much of this
foreign borrowing was used to finance the
Government's Royal Antiguan (Deep Bay)
Hotel and to complete the 40-unit phase of
the shopping complex at Heritage Quay
(CDB, 1987). The monies were also used to
make needed infrastructure improvements to
the airport and to the road and telephone
systems, as well as to construct new desalina-
tion and power plants.


Because these obligations were un-
dertaken at a time of fiscal weakness and reg-
ular budget deficits, Antigua-Barbuda became
overly dependent on foreign capital (CDB,
1988) and was forced to borrow commercially
on expensive terms involving short-term (five
years) repayments at high interest rates. Pre-
sent efforts to meet these yearly obligations
have created a cash crisis and caused payment
arrears. These arrears, in turn, have pro-
duced a loss of credit worthiness which sug-
gests it may become increasingly difficult to
secure fresh finance in the future. On the
one-to-one foreign-to-local dollar basis, this
translates into slower economic growth in
general and reduced construction activity in
particular.


Table 1.5(5). Antigua-Barbuda GDP at factor cost by economic activity
in current prices, percent distribution.



Indicator 1978 1988 Change


GDP ($EC million) 177.2 727.0 549.8

Percent Shares:
Agriculture 9 5 -4
Manufacturing and Mining 7 6 -1
Construction 7 12 5
Hotels and Restaurants 11 15 4
Government 15 15 0
Other1 51 47 -4
TOTAL 100 100

Per Capita GDP in Constant Factor Prices 2,294 4,080 1,786

Electricity Generation (million kwhs) 46.0 95.02 49.0

Total Stayover Visitors ('000) 79.9 176.9 97.0

Tourism Expenditures ($US million) 29.5 221.9 192.4


Notes: 1lncludes mainly transport, banking/reality, retail trade and other services.
2Estimate.

Source: For 1978: World Bank (1984); for 1988: CDB (1988) and GOAB (1988).










DOMESTIC IMBALANCES

Several domestic imbalances are tied
to the debt build-up. In the first case, several
studies have indicated that heavy Government
borrowing from domestic banks during the
1980's both reduced the amount of loan funds
available for local investment (World Bank,
1985) and caused sharp interest rate increases
that discouraged business borrowing
(McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1990). In a
recent report (1988), the Caribbean Devel-
opment Bank has argued that most of the
local credit available for borrowing has been
used to finance consumer purchases and to
build up inventory in the wholesale and retail
trades instead of providing fresh capital for
new ventures in agriculture and manufactur-
ing.

A second major imbalance has been
the Government's focus on tourist promotion
and construction to the point of overlooking
the negative consequences for agriculture and
manufacturing (CDB, 1987). Although this
emphasis was motivated by the high
unemployment created by the sugar collapse,
most available labor, finance, tax incentives,
and infrastructure have been channeled to
support tourism, while the non-tourist in-
dustries have languished at times and per-
formed modestly at best. This weakness sug-
gests that the economy remains vulnerable
because of its over-dependence on tourism, an
industry frequently shaken by recession and
oil price shocks. For example, it took three to
four years for the number of total visitors
(cruise and stay-over) to regain pre-recession
levels in the early 1980's (CTRC, 1986; CTO,
1989).

Third, labor shortages have con-
stantly plagued agriculture, have recently
"contributed to the closure of several facto-
ries" (Caribbean Update, 1990), and presently
"have manifested themselves in the construc-
tion sector (Weston, 1990), despite a steady
stream of returning migrant workers. High
wages in Government, tourism, and construc-
tion have consistently attracted labor away
from the softer sectors. During the 1980's,
hotel service workers earned 80 percent more
per week than agricultural laborers. The dif-
ference was higher for construction workers


(Carib.-Central Am. Action, 1982) and for
Government workers who were granted 20-
plus percent annual wage increases some six
times between 1978 and 1988 (McElroy and
de Albuquerque, 1990; CDB, 1988). Because
of the Government's large role in the econ-
omy, employing roughly 30 percent of the
work force (USAID, 1985) and because of
rapid growth in tourism and construction, ris-
ing wage pressures continue to threaten light
manufacturing and to inhibit diversification
into domestic agriculture.


AGRICULTURE

In 1960 agriculture, primarily for ex-
port, contributed 20 percent of GDP and em-
ployed one-third of the work force. Today it
accounts for less than five percent of GDP
and ten percent of total jobs. The long-term
success of Antigua-Barbuda's restructuring
will in great part depend on the durability of
the new sectors, i.e., an established tourism
industry, a developing manufacturing base,
and domestic agriculture.

Although Government has attempted
to support a policy of crop and livestock diver-
sification aimed at the local market, domestic
farming has been constrained by labor
scarcity, uneconomic farm size, and inade-
quate rainfall and other unfavorable weather
conditions during planting and harvesting pe-
riods (World Bank, 1985). Agriculture is also
plagued by insecure land-lease arrangements,
Government price controls that discourage
production, slack demand and protectionism
in CARICOM markets, poor marketing and
infrastructure, and inappropriate land man-
agement practices. For example, low grazing
fees and meat prices encourage over-grazing
which can ruin good pasture land, cause dam-
age to nearby cash crops from untethered
stock, or, in severe cases, cause erosion and
loss of soil productivity.

These natural and institutional prob-
lems have taken their toll on traditional re-
source uses. According to Table 1.5(6), since
1961 the number of farms has fallen 60 per-
cent and acreage in farms has been cut over
80 percent. Much of this decline has occurred
in the past decade in tandem with rapid













Table 1.5(6). Selected agricultural Indicators, Antigua and Barbuda, various years.


Total tourists1 ('000s)
No. hotel roms
Health expend. per cap.
($EC)2
Education expend. per
cap. ($EC)2


No. farms
Acreage in farms
% under 5 acres
Sugar cane (tons)
Cotton lint ('000s lbs.)


Rsh landings (m. tons)
Lobster landings (m. tons)


Beef animals
Sheep and goats
Pigs


1977
104.1
1,382


1987
326.7
2,752


68 351

67 330


1961
5,747
34,089
91.1
193,554
195,935

J197
2,437
195


2,951
1,142
1,711


2,298
6,225
95.4
2,500
4,600

1987
1,635
73

1987
4,032
697
2,510


Vegetable and Fruit
Production ('000s Ibs.)
Bananas
Beans
Cassava
Coconuts
Cucumbers
Egg Plant
Grapefruits
Onions
Oranges ('000s)
Pineapples
Pumpkins
Sweet Peppers
Sweet Potatoes
Tomatoes
Yams


Notes: 1lncludes air and cruise visitors.
2The Eastern Caribbean dollar is equivalent to US $0.37.

Source: Regional Council of Ministers, 1963; ECLAC, 1988; GOAB, 1988.


growth in tourism. Between 1977 and 1987,
the number of visitors (both stay-over and
cruise) tripled, the number of hotel rooms
more than doubled (see Table 1.5(6)), and per
capital Government expenditures on health
and education rose over five-fold as rural
labor and capital migrated from traditional
pursuits to Government and tourism.

As a result, less labor-intensive beef
and small livestock farming replaced vegetable
and fruit production. Two-thirds of the se-
lected produce listed in Table 1.5(6) recorded
output declines. Fish and lobster landings
also fell substantially despite brisk markets in
Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the
French Antilles. Several reasons for the de-


clines include: decreased effort because of
labor scarcity, poor management, over-fishing,
and inadequate credit and distribution facili-
ties.

Although farming and fishing will not
generate significant employment gains in the
near term (CDB, 1987), many new Govern-
ment initiatives appear to be headed in the
right direction. These include streamlined
leasehold procedures, improved irrigation,
various programs of technical assistance for
fruit and livestock production, the improved
performance of the Central Marketing Corpo-
ration, and new Government incentives like
duty-free concessions on imported equipment
and subsidized inputs (CDB, 1988).


1978
1,395
33
154
2,561
387
178
40
282
102
242
352
114
414
931
343


154
76
68
568
297
456
123
68
104
232
428
85
402
309
112










MANUFACTURING

As is typical among other Leeward
Islands undergoing economic modernization,
manufacturing in Antigua-Barbuda is small-
scale, in the early stages of development, and
characterized by modest and fluctuating
growth. The existing mix of industries serves
domestic and foreign markets and involves the
relatively low value-added enclave type relying
heavily on imported inputs for processing and
assembly by local labor. Firms include gar-
ments, electronic assembly, furniture, alco-
holic and non-alcoholic beverages, foodstuffs,
household appliances, paints and packaging
materials. All take advantage of the tax, im-
port, and factory rental incentives commonly
available in most OECS countries, and import
tariffs protect the firms selling locally.

A number of problems have plagued
manufacturing. These include, on the supply
side, the shortage of trained labor and the lack
of available factory space as well as a low-cost
regular supply of electric power. On the de-
mand side, production has been constrained
by the small size of the local market, slow
growth and protectionism in regional markets,
and an inability to significantly penetrate mar-
kets in the United States, Canada, and Eu-
rope. Some Government-sponsored im-
provements, however, include the installation
of new electricity generation capacity and the
construction and lease of new factory shells.
Less progress has been made on raising labor
productivity and reducing wage costs. Present
hourly manufacturing wages in Antigua-
Barbuda are already "over five times higher
compared to those in selected low-wage Asian
countries" (World Bank, 1988).


TOURISM

The 1980's represent a turning point
in the maturation of Antigua-Barbuda's
tourist industry During the past decade, the
number of stay-over visitors, cruise passen-
gers, and hotel rooms doubled. Before the
slight fall-off in arrivals in 1989 because of the
damage caused by Hurricane Hugo in
September, total visitor expenditures had
doubled between 1984 and 1988. Over the
same period, the average length of stay fell


from 7.5 to 7.0 days, and the average hotel oc-
cupancy rate declined from 68 to 60 percent
(CTO, 1989; CTRC, 1986). The shorter stay
may reflect the large share of Americans (47
percent) and West Indii.ns (15 percent) in the
Antiguan tourist profile who habitually make
shorter visits than UK (13 percent), European
(13 percent), and Canadian (8 percent)
tourists. Falling hotel occupancy rates may
reflect the large number of new hotel rooms
that became available over the same years.
Both declines may also partially reflect visitor
reaction to the increased crowding associated
with rapidly rising tourist densities over the
decade.

The overall success of the industry is
partly due to the Government's promotion
efforts and infrastructure/facility expansion
and partly due to the abundance of Antigua's
natural assets. These include many natural
harbors, sparkling coral sand beaches and
reefs, picturesque and varied land and
seascapes, and a rich heritage of historical
buildings and sites (Seward and Spinrad,
1982).

With the completion of the new
cruise ship pier at St. John's and the large-
scale, multi-phased renovation of the down-
town and market areas underway (OAS,
1986a), Antigua is positioned to become a
prime tourist destination if past trends con-
tinue through the present decade (McElroy
and de Albuquerque, 1989). This is especially
likely if the planned new hotel rooms materi-
alize since an 80 percent expansion to roughly
5,800 is projected for 1992 (IMF, 1986). Cur-
rent patterns of seasonality suggest this may
pose future crowding problems since over 50
percent of stay-over visitors and roughly 60
percent of cruise passengers customarily visit
during the short five-month (December
through April) winter season. In 1989 the
number of cruise passengers slightly exceeded
the number of stay-over visitors (CTO, 1990).


ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES AND POLICY

Three issues will dominate the econ-
omy in the 1990's:

the changing character of tourism;










the progress of agricultural and
manufacturing diversification; and

the debt problem.

All will impact the environment, and all must
be addressed concurrently because they are
mutually related. Projections for total cruise
and stay-over visitors in the year 2000 are
double present levels (Weston, 1990). Con-
trolling such high densities in sustainable ways
will demand careful management and plan-
ning. Overly rapid growth will provide the
foreign exchange and taxes to ease the debt
crisis but will likely threaten the natural assets
which draw the tourists in the first place, the
quality of island life for residents, and the suc-
cess of farming and new industry. If growth is
too slow, the debt crisis will continue to drain
off resources needed for infrastructure main-
tenance and expansion and for environmental
protection and restoration programs.

The correct blend of economic in-
centives and environmental policies will be-
come crucial to finding the "middle ground."
Some specific suggestions are listed below to
illustrate the range of possibilities. The two
primary benefits of most of these proposals lie
in (1) promoting sustainable resource uses
and practices and (2) raising revenue to cover
the costs of monitoring and enforcement pro-
cedures.

Assess dock charges for cruise
ship passengers and landing fees
for air arrivals to cover the cost of
airport and pier maintenance;

Require private developments
over some minimum size to pre-
pare an Environmental Impact
Assessment (EIA) as a pre-con-
dition for tax incentive considera-
tion; as a related issue, strict ad-
herence to building codes and/or
mandatory self-contained water,
power, or sewage treatment facil-
ities in the design of projects
could be variously negotiated as
part of the overall benefit pack-
age;


An EIA is especially recom-
mended for large-scale Govern-
ment infrastructure projects, and
set-aside funds should be included
to cover both monitoring and
mitigation strategies;

Large-scale public and private
projects, particularly those in the
coastal zone, should be phased in
over multi-year stages to avoid
depleting the labor force and to
allow for environmentally-sensi-
tive construction;

Prime state-owned agricultural
land should be zoned and land use
regulations established;

Favorable terms for long-term
leasehold and/or ownership by
smallholders farming Government
land should be tied to the level of
environmentally-sound cultivation
practiced on such lands;

Eliminate price controls on lo-
cally-grown meat, to encourage
production and support of re-
search on local animal feeds and
to raise the profitability of animal
husbandry,

Raise irrigation charges to in-
crease cost recovery from users
and to encourage efficient use of a
scarce resource;

Design a structure of tax in-
centives that includes some bene-
fits for local farmers, fishermen,
and manufacturers who supply the
tourism and construction sectors;

Provide similar incentives to ho-
tels, factories and construction
firms based on their share of local
food and input purchases.

The expected expansion of tourism
and construction during the coming decade
will open up a large number of small local
entrepreneurial opportunities. These will
occur especially in those areas which link agri-










culture, industry and tourism as rising pop-
ulation and visitor densities produce new,
commercially-exploitable markets now served
by imports. Even small local import replace-
ment could provide tangible environmental
benefits because it would allow significant re-
ductions in the volume of visitors needed to
sustain rising tourist expenditures.

An example is instructive. Assume
that there are presently 200,000 stay-over
tourists. Further assume that 90 percent stay
in hotels/guest houses, spend an average of
US$160 per day and visit Antigua for seven
days. These assumptions yield a total visitor
expenditure of approximately US$200 million.
Using the dollar-for-dollar, foreign-to-local
multiplier of 1.0, this $200 million in tourist
spending creates roughly $200 million in the
country's GDP.

Further assume that present import
leakages can be replaced by local food, handi-
craft, and construction materials by only five
percent. This would raise the multiplier to


1.05. The higher multiplier would raise the
stay-over GDP contribution to over $210 mil-
lion local GDP (200,000 x 0.90 x $160 x 7.0 x
1.05). Alternatively, the original $200 million
could be generated with 10,000 fewer
overnight visitors (190,000 x 0.90 x $160 x 7.0 x
1.05).

Such strengthening of the local econ-
omy would tend to reduce crowding, resident-
visitor tension, waste disposal problems, and
natural and infrastructural stresses and pro-
vide the ingredients for a sustainable visitor
industry compatible with ihe unique and frag-
ile character of the island environment. If
successful, Antigua-Barbuda could become a
model for mature Caribbean destinations,
demonstrating how the local economy can be
integrated into an amenity-defensive tourism
style that does not require rising promotional
budgets to annually pump-up densities nor the
increasing proliferation of artificial, imported,
man-made attractions to replace the natural
assets lost through environmental neglect.










LAND RESOURCES


2.1 AGRICULTURE AND FORESTRY

2.1.1 Overview


AGRICULTURE

Antigua-Barbuda's landscape today is
a result of natural resource exploitation that
began with colonization in the early seven-
teenth century. In the space of a few decades,
much of the natural vegetation had been
cleared for cultivation of tobacco, indigo,
cotton and then sugar cane. Production of
sugar cane in Antigua under the colonial
plantation system was well established by the
close of the eighteenth century. Only 5,500
acres (of a total land area of 69,120 acres) are
reported to have been spared from cane pro-
duction (Cater, 1944). Fields of sugar cane
were even observed on the peaks of many hills
in the southwest mountain range (Mackler
and Hannah, 1988).

A series of events, including the abo-
lition of slavery in 1834 and the serious eco-
nomic depression that followed, resulted in
progressively smaller plantings of cane on the
remaining estates. By 1938, 52,000 acres of
land previously in sugar cane production had
been abandoned. This trend continued until
the mid-1960 period when the sugar industry
completely collapsed. A revival of the indus-
try was attempted in 1972, but this was aban-
doned after two years of low rainfall and poor
prices for the sugar crop.

Several other crops have been grown
on plantation systems. Cotton was re-intro-
duced as a supplement to sugar cane in the
early 1900's. Competition from foreign mar-
kets, weak production systems, and low and
variable rainfall combined to make cotton
production marginal in Antigua. If it were not
for the unique, prized qualities of the sea is-
land cotton grown in Antigua, the industry
would have collapsed earlier. An attempt to
revive cotton production during the 1980's
failed primarily due to the ravages of Hurri-
cane Hugo in 1989.


Much of the land that became avail-
able with the end of sugar production is used
today by small-scale farmers. The Antigua
and Barbuda Agricultural Census (OAS,
1984a) reported a total "official" acreage oper-
ated by all farmers of 6,225 acres (2,790
hectares); Barbuda comprised almost eight
percent of this total (Table 2.1(1)). Over
6,000 farmers were identified in the census,
and 4,658 farms were listed. Approximately
50 percent of the farms were operated by
landless farmers, and another 40 percent of
the farms were under two acres (0.8 hectares)
in size. The census identified only 66 farms in
Antigua larger than 10 acres (4 hectares).

Nearly 70 percent of Antigua and
Barbuda's farmers pursue this occupation on
a part-time basis only. Agricultural produc-
tion is divided almost equally between home
use only (30 percent), mainly home use (33
percent), and commercial production (37 per-
cent) (OAS, 1984a). Commercial production
is mostly for domestic consumption and in-
cludes a wide range of food crops and fruits.
Production figures of field crops for selected
years during the period from 1984 to 1988 are
shown in Table 2.1(2).

An attempt was made by a U.S. pro-
ducer in the mid-1970's to grow corn under
large-scale mechanized conditions, but this
failed. Production practices designed to grow
corn in the American Midwest and the use of
inappropriate equipment led to rapid soil
degradation and erosion (OAS, 1990). A
project to promote peanut production is on-
going in Barbuda, but with only a few excep-
tions agricultural production continues to be
practiced on a small to medium scale by farm-
ers who grow a diverse set of crops.

Most farmers also raise some live-
stock, at least a few cattle, goats or sheep.
Livestock figures for 1984 are shown in Table
2.1(3). Much of the land that became



45 ,, 2 ... ,.


SECTION 2












Table 2.1 (1). Agricultural land use* In Antigua-Barbuda (acres), 1984.


ANTIGUA
Private Public


BARBUDA
Total Private Public


Temporary Crop

Improved Pasture

Other Pasture

Permanent Crop


Lying Fallow

Unsuitable


TOTAL


1,921.2 198.0 2,119.2


463.4


463.4


837.9 870.0 1,707.9


716.4

577.2


61.7 778.1

10.0 587.2

0.3 82.8


4,598.6 1,140.0 5,738.6


8.0 106.5 2,225.7


463.4


14.8 52.5 67.3 1,775.2

36.4 201.3 237.7 1,015.8


658.7


1.1 2.0 3.1 85.9


201.0 288.1 486.1 6,224.7


* Excludes unofficial uso of public and private lands.

Source: 1984 Agricultural Census as reported in GOAB, 1989b.


available with the end of cane production is
used as unimproved pasture, particularly by
those without their own land. According to
OAS (1990), there are over 20,000 acres of
unimproved pasture used to raise cattle and
small ruminants. Some cattle is raised by
land-owning livestock producers who fence
their land and control grazing.

There has been a steady decline in
the agricultural sector, particularly since the
1960's. Agriculture's contribution to GDP
declined from 11 percent in 1978 to 7.5 per-
cent in 1983 (World Bank, 1985) and currently
rests at less than five percent (see Section
1.5.2 and Table 1.5(5)).

As pointed out in the recent OAS as-
sessment of the agricultural sector (OAS,
1990), tourism has long since replaced agri-
culture as the leading sector of the economy,
contributing well over half of GDP. Govern-
ment's considerable expenditures for infras-
tructure development to support the tourist


industry have meant reduced amounts for
other sectors, and agriculture has suffered the
consu.aences of this shift in economic empha-
sis.

Nevertheless, the Government of
Antigua and Barbuda has recognized since the
mid-1980's that the agricultural sector could
play a more meaningful role in the economy,
particularly given GOAB's obligation to cur-
tail growth of public sector expenditures in
order to meet debt service requirements. A
World Bank report (1985) reported that agri-
cultural performance was considerably below
potential and suggested a strategy moving to-
wards a diversified agricultural system of fruit
and vegetable production. The large area of
underutilized, flat agricultural land in Antigua
(with at least some access to irrigation), cou-
pled with the potential linkage between the
agricultural and tourism sectors, have stimu-
lated expansion of market gardening over the
last several years.


CATEGORY


TOTAL


Total














Table 2.1(2). Production of field crops for selected years, 1984-1988.


UNIT OF
CROPS QUANTITY 1984 1985 1987 1988


Avocado '000's 82.5 29.8 23.0 28.0
Bananas '000 Ibs. 685.0 154.4 154.0 185.0
Beans 81.0 217.8 76.0 91.0
Beets 14.2 135.3 142.0 170.0
Cabbage 118.0 258.4 204.0 245.0
Carrots 557.0 303.9 326.0 391.0
Cassava 117.0 121.1 68.0 32.0
Cotton Unt 4.6 72.0 66.0 79.0
Coconuts '000's 717.0 462.5 568.0 678.0
Cucumbers '000 Ibs. 316.0 606.6 297.0 356.0
Eddoes 49.0 27.0 88.0 96.0
Egg Plant 219.0 343.4 456.0 547.0
Ginger 91.0 90.0 179.0 215.0
Grapefruit 000's 97.4 17.8 123.0 148.0
Hot Peppers '000 Ibs. 32.4 1.1 4.0 5.0
Limes 51.8 396.0 458.0 550.0
Maize 396.5 83.0 105.0 126.0
Mangoes 000's 401.6 812.2 1,102.0 1,322.0
Melons '000 Ibs. 26.1 270.0 1,235.0 1,482.0
Okras 21.0 265.8 116.0 139.0
Onions 84.0 50.4 68.0 82.0
Oranges 000's 208.8 70.4 104.0 125.0
Paw Paw '000 Ibs. 0.9 1.7 3.0 4.0
Peanuts 16.0
Pineapples 448.0 204.9 232.0 278.0
Pumpkins 480.0 370.9 428.0 514.0
Squash 40.0 329.0 154.0 185.0
Sweet Peppers 193.0 60.2 65.0 78.0
Sweet Potatoes 1,076.0 222.1 402.0 482.0
Sugar Cane '000 tons 2.5 -
Tomatoes '000 Ibs. 434.0 331.4 309.0 371.0
Yams 215.0 60.4 112.0 134.0



Note: 1984 data from the 1984 Agriculturcl Census (OAS, 1984a).


Source: Agricultural Extension Division, Government Agricultural Station, and Statistics
Division of the Ministry of Finance, as reported In GOAB, 1989b.
































In spite of constraints to expansion of
agricultural activities, such as lack of farmer
credit, difficulty in securing long-term leases
to agricultural land, high labor costs, and high
capital investment requirements, expansion of
agriculture in Antigua-Barbuda is considered
feasible. The large percentage of land re-
garded as well-suited for intensive agricultural
use (40 percent as per Ahmad, 1984) supports
expansion of the sector. The fact that Gov-
ernment owns 60 percent of the land could
protect this area from being converted into
non-agricultural uses; however, Government's
failure to provide adequate tenure security
could just as easily discourage private farming
ventures, thereby further weakening the agri-
cultural sector.


FORESTRY

Cater (1944), among others, noted
that the natural vegetation of Antigua had
been radically altered and that land clearing
had led to widespread erosion. It is probable
that extensive deforestation was caused by
cutting wood to fuel evaporators used in sugar
production. These drastic changes to the veg-
etation resulted in one of the first laws to
protect forests in the Caribbean, the Body
Ponds Act No. 15 of 1721. This Act prohib-
ited the felling of trees within 30 feet of the
edge of the Body Ponds in the southwest part


of Antigua and remained in effect for over
two hundred years (Cater, 1944).

The almost complete destruction of
Antigua's original forests and the continuous
cultivation of sugar cane over 300 years made
classification of native vegetation difficult.
Cater suggested the following original forest
types, on the basis of his reconnaissance study:

Mangrove Woodland. The origi-
nal size of these coastal forests is
difficult to determine due to over
exploitation.

Littoral Woodland. These forests
occurred on the coast a short dis-
tance from the sea. The most
common species identified include
seaside grape (Coccoloba uvifera)
and manchineel (Hippomane
mancinella).

Cactus Scrub. A large number of
species may have been present,
and agaves were also reported.

Thorn Woodland. The most
common species are thought to
have included acacias (Acacia
spp.), logwood (Haematoxylum
campechianum) and wild tama-
rind (Leucaena glauca).


Table 2.1(3). Number of livestock In AntlgLd-Barbuda, 1984.


UVESTOCK ANTIGUA BARBUDA

Cattle 9,992 1,072
Sheep 5,619 473
Goats 9,319 229
Pigs 2,425 12
Chickens 19,554 529
Horses 179 184
Donkeys 713 215


Source: 1984 Agricultural Census as reported In GOAB, 1989b.










Deciduous Seasonal Forest.
Species thought to be char-
acteristic were turpentine (Bursera
simaruba), red cedar (Cedrela
odorata) and white cedar
(Tabebuia heterophylla).

Semi-evergreen Seasonal Forest.
Climax type on the wettest slopes
of the volcanic southwest; white
cedar and Spanish ash (Inga
laurina) were indigenous to this
type. Cater states that West
Indies mahogany kSwietenia
mahogoni) found in this formation
may not be a native species.

Evergreen Seasonal Forest.
Spanish oak (Andira inermis) and
probably Antigua whitewood
(Bucida buceras) may have been
the dominant species.

These forest types represent Cater's
reconstruction of the original forest on the
basis of vegetation he observed on a recon-
naissance survey in 1943. The forest types
correspond to formations found at progres-
sively higher elevation and greater rainfall
(from sea level to the highest elevation -- 402
meters -- at Boggy Peak).

An historical view of Antigua's
forests is also provided by Beard (1949). A
300 acre stand of woodland on the slopes
above Wallings Reservoir was selected by
Beard for study in the early 1940's. His work
included a survey of a one-half acre quadrant
within the lower slopes of the stand, and the
results yielded 47 forest species. According to
Cater (1944), part of the regeneration in
Beard's study site was at least partially due to
artificial seeding in 1912. In any event, a sim-
ilar inventory at Brecknocks Reservoir showed
14 forest species. Beard also makes mention
of Prosopis and Acacia species, which had be-
come naturalized by the time of his visit to
Antigua. Leucaena, mahogany, albizzia
(Albizzia lebbeck), and a number of important
tropical fruit trees are indicated as introduc-
tions in Beard's report. Loveless (1960), on
the basis of field work by Box and Charter
during the period 1932 to 1938, identified two
major forest vegetation types -- Seasonal For-


est and Dry Evergreen Forest -- and three
subgroupings of each.

A study undertaken for the OAS by
Morello in 1983 best describes the vegetation
in Antigua and Barbuda at the present time.
The recurrent planting of sugar cane over sev-
eral centuries and the extensive area under
cane production are considered by Morello to
have destroyed for all practical purposes all
evidence of the natural vegetation. The intro-
duction and rapid naturalization of many plant
species, including five or six species of Acacia
and Prosopis chilensis, which now dominate
many areas previously in agricultural use, have
created pioneer ecosystems that are main-
tained by current land use practices. Morello
suggests the need to evaluate and classify veg-
etation types on the basis of the well-estab-
lished scrub growth. A description of
Morello's vegetation classification for Antigua
and Barbuda is presented in Section 1.2.4 of
the Profile. Unfortunately, no area estimates
are available for any of the vegetation types
identified by Morello.

Current estimates of forested area
vary substantially according to assessment
methodology and year of estimate. Even
within the same time frame, variation results
from differences in classification systems and
interpretation of forest versus scrub cover.

According to a study in 1983 (DFS,
1984), there are reportedly 13,838 acres (5,600
ha; 20 percent of land area) in woodland
cover, and 24,710 acres (10,000 ha; 36 percent
of land cover) under scrub growth. OAS
(1990) provides figures of woodland areas
based on assessments done for a Geographic
Information System (Wirtshafter, et al., 1987):
15,190 acres of woodlands in volcanic areas;
8,455 acres in limestone hills.

A recent limited inventory was un-
dertaken by Mackler and Hannah in i988. A
portion of the Wallings watershed, surveyed
by Beard in the 1940's, was reinventoried.
Results of that work indicate the vegetation at
Wallings Reservoir has changed considerably
in 44 years. Some preferred species such as
Spanish oak had declined considerably, "most
likely due to harvesting for charcoal." Some
early successional species and remnant trees










from the agricultural period such as mango
(Mangifera indica) were absent from the in-
ventory, or were much reduce in numbers.
According to Mackler, the forest had '-.terio-
rated from use as a source of supply of wattle
for fish traps, fuelwood and posts. The report
concludes that the control of cutting in the
area is possibly less effective than in former
times (Mackler and Hannah, 1988).

Lugo also reports that locally pro-
duced firewood, charcoal, and fence posts are
obtained mainly from uncontrolled cutting in
natural woodlands (Lugo, 1984). Some cut-
ting for boat building components is reported,
and slender poles for fish traps are observed
stockpiled along roadways in the southwest
part of Antigua. Other impacts on the forest
resource result from clearing for small-scale
agriculture, particularly in the Brecknocks and
Body Ponds areas, and from urban develop-
ment activities island-wide. Large-scale hotel
and related recreational developments along
Antigua's coastline have destroyed consider-
able mangrove forests. Reports reveal the de-
struction of seven major mangrove swamps
and the filling of most salt ponds (Williams,
1990; see also Section 3 of the Profile).

In addition to the commercial bene-
fits which result from wood products, forests
in Antigua and Barbuda are important as
sources of bush teas and for the habitat they
provide wildlife.



2.'i2 Problems and Issues


DEFICIENCIES IN AGRICULTURE AND
FORESTRY POLICIES

Agricultural Policy and Legislation.
Henry (1990) points out the serious environ-
mental impacts of farming under a poorly de-
fined agricultural policy. He concludes his re-
port by making a plea for Government sup-
port to ensure rapid institutional strengthen-
ing in the agricultural sector, including policy
development and planning capabilities. Henry
emphasizes the need for better management
of the sector rather than the ad hoc, mostly
disorganized approach -- with its emphasis on


meeting short-term and immediate require-
ments -- that has plagued agricultural policy in
the past. Defining a comprehensive policy
and implementing a plan for sustainable agri-
culture are critical at the present time.

The OAS (1990) report, summarizing
the accomplishments of its NRAD (Natu.al
Resources Assessment for Agricultural De-
velopment) project in Antigua and Barbuda,
makes several important points regarding the
environmental effects of agricultural produc-
tion in the country. Noteworthy is the projec-
tion that economic growth for the country is
expected to increase demand for agricultural
goods. Assuming that this demand is met by
domestic production, rather than imports, the
response by the agricultural sector could be
met by two approaches: (1) increased land
area used for agriculture and/or (2) increased
productivity. Relative to the first option, if the
large amount of land now being used as unim-
proved pasture is included as "agricultural
land," then there is very little additional land
in the country available for expansion of agri-
culture. Construction for tourism and urban-
ization will further reduce that option.

The second alternative, increasing
agricultural yields by generating more product
from the same amount of land, raises envi-
ronmental concerns. There is a possibility
that this emphasis will encourage production
methods that increase yields regardless of the
short- and long-term consequences for the
land. Environmental issues related to the
agricultural sector in Antigua and Barbuda
are discussed below. Additionally, OAS
(1990) raises a related issue, namely that an
agricultural policy favoring export agriculture
over import substitution could be expected to
be more harmful to the environment and to
Antiguans-Barbudans. The report states, "An
export strategy will require lower cost of pro-
duction and therefore a greater use of harmful
chemicals. Furthermore, production will have
to occur on a wider scale thus increasing the
intensity of exposure [to agrochemicals] by ihe
domestic population."

Lack of secure land tenure can also
deter agricultural development because farm-
ers are not able to use their land as collateral
for loans to improve their operations. The is-










sue is especially critical when the desired im-
provements are for the introduction of soil
and water conservation practices -- typically,
the returns on these investments are long-
term .nd may not directly translate into im-
mediate individual economic gain. It is clear
that farmers and livestock producers cannot
be expected to invest in conservation mea-
sures unless they are confident that they will
reap the returns of their investment.

The basis for establishing a Govern-
ment lease policy are outlined in a document
prepared by Dacosta (1983) working under
the auspices of the OAS/NRAD Project. As-
sisting farmers who are otherwise coifined to
the most o'v -ginal (and ecologically fragile)
lands to obtain long-term leases or freehold
title could have substantial environmental
benefits. Providing for a GOAB agricultural
policy with these objectives in mind needs to
be encouraged.

Forest Policy and Legislation. Defi-
ciencies in existing forestry and wildlife policy,
legislation and regulations are recognized as
deterrents to proper protection and manage-
ment of forest resources; such deficiencies
also discourage investment in the sector
(Henry, 1990). With the assistance of FAO, a
draft national forestry and wildlife policy and
associated legislation have been prepared
(McHenry and Gane, 1988). This draft has
been discussed with a cross section of gov-
ernmental and non-governmental persons.
Among other revisions suggested, most of
those consulted agreed that each of the two
sectors (forestry and wildlife) should be the
focus of a single piece of legislation. FAO is
in the pccess of preparing a draft Forestry
Act and a draft Wildlife Act. Presumably, the
revised drafts will incorporate the main points
included in the preliminary draft, specifically:

To select, establish and manage
forest reserves on Crown Land
and to include watersheds and
catchment areas in management
strategies; multiple use would be
encouraged, including utilization
for forest products, such as char-
coal, poles, and other timber
products, and for wildlife habitat;
reserves would be set aside on a


watershed basis, beginning in the
volcanic southwest hills; bound-
aries would be marked and desig-
nated under the law, and provi-
sion for enforcement of the re-
serve designation would be pro-
vided for.

To begin a watershed protection
program, watersheds would be
addressed in order of priority;
Crown and private lands would be
included in the assessment and
critical areas would be designated
as conservation areas; a national
heritage law would regulate land
use activities and prescribe land
use practices; land tenancy would
be addressed; areas would be
identified for tree planting;
staffing requirements to under-
take management and an exten-
sion component would be pro-
vided for.

To set up a forestry fund for re-
forestation purposes with income
to be derived from severance
taxes levied on forest products;
payments would be required for
water supplied from catchment
areas.

To introduce a private forestry in-
centive scheme by encouraging
tenant farmers and private farm-
ers to plant trees and protect nat-
ural regeneration and to practice
agroforestry; technical assistance
would be provided; tenure agree-
ments would be improved; grants
and loans would be available from
the forestry fund and would be
payable when trees are harvested.

To initiate silvicultural research,
including cultivation of agro-
forestry species; utilization of
forests for economic return (i.e.,
wood products) would be in-
cluded; research and demonstra-
tion projects would be carried out
on conveniently located Govern-
ment lands.










To designate and safeguard her-
itage sites through protection of
cultural and historic features and
areas of scenic and scientific in-
terest, including terrestrial and
marine wildlife,; regulations to
control use of these resources
would be included.

To safeguard threatened and en-
dangered plant and animal
species; specific guidelines would
be included for species on the
land and in the marine envi-
ronment.

To build institutional capabilities,
Forestry and Water Divisions
would be created within the De-
partment of Agriculture; protec-
tion, management, administration,
and other organizational respon-
sibilities for natural resources
would fall under this mandate;
personnel, equipment and other
facilities would be provided within
the limits of available resources.

To improve consultation and co-
ordination with other ministries of
Government, environmental im-
pact assessments would be re-
quired for all environmentally
sensitive development proposals.

To prepare a sectorial develop-
ment plan with a ten year span
which would include a mapping of
resoi-rces, selection of land for
reforestation, research and
demonstration priorities plus ad-
ministrative arrangements, staff-
ing requirements, and training
needs.

To initiate a public education
program to explain the role of
forests and r"!ated natural re-
sources and to encourage social
responsibility;, such efforts to be
targeted to politicians and other
leaders, -hurch groups, schools
and to the general public using a
variety of media.


To share expertise and services
with other OECS countries; to ex-
change information, research and
training, and to provide mutual
assistance in technical expertise;
foreign assistance and cost-shar-
ing would be possible on a sub-re-
gional basis.


ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES

Environmental problems associated
with agriculture and forestry in Antigua-
Barbuda can be classified into four categories:
(1) effects of agrochemical inputs; (2) compe-
tition for water; (3) poor use of land and
mismanagement of watersheds; and (4) the
effects of agro-proessing. These problems
can be expected to intensify if the proposed
resurgence of agricultural activity to meet
local and tourism demands is successful.


(1) Agrochemicals

Lausche (1986) refers to a survey re-
porting Antigua and Barbuda to be the largest
importer of pesticides in the Lesser Antilles,
and the Director of Agriculture recently cited
the large number of agrochemicals being used
in crop and livestock production (Henry,
1990). A wide variety of pesticides is avail-
able, and these appear to be used by even the
poorest farmers in the country. Archer (1984)
makes reference to the use of several herbi-
cides, fungicides, and insecticides on crops.
Dioquot was reportedly used on fruit and veg-
etable crops. Betz (1989), m her report on
land-based sources of marine pollution in the
Caribbean, cites Hammerton (1985 report to
CARDI and USAID) in which he lists seven
types of fungicides, 14 types of herbicides, 18
types of insecticides, acaricides, and nemati-
cides available for use in Antigua and
Barbuda.

Pesticide pollution resulting from
run-off of materials used by vegetable produc-
ers in the Potworks area is considered to be a
contributing factor to the fish-kill recently
observed in that reservoir (Fernandez and
Williams, 1990). An investigation by the De-
partment of Agriculture into this incident










identified nine pesticides (Diazinon, Lannate,
Sevin, Malathion, Vapam, Maneb, Bravo,
Reglone, and Gramaxone) and suggests that
pesticides may enter Potworks by wind-drift,
run-off and erosion, and flush back of irriga-
tion systems.

Henry (1990) notes that even the less
toxic agrochemicals can present health and
environmental hazards due to over use and/or
misuse. Improper application results in de-
graded soil and polluted surface and ground-
water, and presents a health risk for farm
workers. Pesticide resistance resulting from
over use of these chemicals is a well-docu-
mented world-wide phenomenon; it is sus-
pected as a factor in population increases in
some destructive insects which have been ob-
served by some farmers in Antigua and
Barbuda (pers. commun., L. Merchant, Sec-
retary, Antigua-Barbuda Cooperative Farmers
Association, 1990).

Only small amounts of fertilizers
were used in the past for production of food
crops. Ahmad (1984) indicates a reluctance
on the part of small-scale farmers to use fer-
tilizers. With increased agricultural activity,
especially by farmers trained in commercial
practices, use of fertilizers and pesticides will
undoubtedly increase, posing greater potential
for chemical run-off from cultivated land.
Section 6 of the Profile also discusses the
problem of agrochemical pollution and pre-
sents policy recommendations to address this
issue.


(2) Water Availability

Competition for water resources is
intense in Antigua. The dry climate coupled
with an irregular rainfall pattern exacerbates
the problem of water supply. Small ponds and
surface catchments have been an important
source of agricultural water supply for many
years (McMillan, 1985). Demand is growing
to use surface water resources for agricultural
irrigation. Concurrent with agricultural re-
quirements is a persistent pattern of rapidly
increasing urbanization in Antigua, which has
also increased demand for water. As dis-
cussed in Section 2.2 (Freshwater Resources),
agricultural use of water supplies is consid-


ered a lower priority than municipal demands.
Traditional water catchments such as
Potworks are being used for domestic supply,
and their use for agricultural irrigation as
originally planned is restricted. Thus, it is
even more critical that attention is paid to in-
creasing the availability and utility of the lim-
ited rainfall that the island receives.
McMillan (1985) points to the need for a
comprehensive watershed program, including
watercourse stabilization and encouragement
of farming practices designed for water and
soil conservation.


(3) Watershed Management Concerns

"Slash and Burn Agriculture". The
use of fire, particularly to clear undesired veg-
etation and to promote growth of forage veg-
etation, continues in a destructive manner in
Antigua, particularly in the Brecknocks and
Body Ponds areas (Henry, 1990). Destruction
of secondary forest in an early stage of succes-
sional development results. Within the last
two years, forest species introduction trials,
incorporating a variety of exotic trees, have
been destroyed by uncontrolled burning, most
likely originating from slash and burn opera-
tions (Henry, 1990). Such agricultural prac-
tices result in soil erosion and a loss of valu-
able forest, wildlife habitat, protection for
watersheds, and aesthetic values important for
tourist satisfaction. Data on the total area
burned annually are not compiled. However,
Hill (1988) reports over 400 acres burned in
the dry season beginning in late 1987 (see
Section 2.2 for more detailed discussion).

Uncontrolled Livestock Grazing.
Uncontrolled livestock grazing adversely af-
fects vegetation and watersheds. Grazing ac-
celerates land deterioration (especially during
wet periods), deforestation, erosion and gen-
eral denudation of the land resources (Garel,
1986). Given the current pattern of inefficient
livestock production systems in Antigua-
Barbuda, GOAB diversification plans to ex-
pand the livestock industry to reduce imports
and broaden the economic base could further
threaten the environment. The Agricultural
Census (OAS, 1984a) listed total numbers of
livestock (cattle, sheep and goats) in the
country at that time (see Table 2.1(3)). As al-










ready indicated, a majority of livestock farm-
ers are landless and graze their cattle on
rough pasture in watershed areas.

The objective of several ongoing and
projected projects in the country is to provide
assistance to the livestock industry by im-
proving pasture. The aim is to reverse the
present degradation of land due to uncon-
trolled grazing and to increase meat produc-
tion in order to reduce imports and gain
greater self-sufficiency.

USAID and the British Overseas
Development Administration
have focused their efforts on
fencing, forage production, stock
improvement, and establishment
of communal pastures.

CARDI's Forage Project, initi-
ated in 1983 in various parts of the
Caribbean, demonstrated the fea-
sibility of forage "banks" or areas
of pasture seeded with woody
plants suitable for intensive forage
production. These banks are used
as "feed lots" during dry periods
when open grazing is scarce.

The European Development
Fund (EDF) is committed to as-
sistance in livestock development
under an agreement with the
GOAB. The EDF initiative is a
four year project and includes
demonstration of improved feed-
ing and production techniques; a
scheme for establishing breeding
and fattening farms of 1.5 to 4
hectares; the establishment of a
200 hectare communal grazing
area for landless farmers; and up-
grading of staff in the Veterinary
and Livestock Division of the De-
partment of Agriculture. The
long term objective of the project
is to establish viable livestock
farms and communal grazing
areas that will demonstrate an al-
ternative to practices which
presently result in degradation of
land through uncontrolled g.az-
ing.


Reforestation. There is a long, and
mostly unsuccessful, history of attempts to
reforest Antigua. Cater (1944) mentions di-
rect seeding of the Wallings catchment area at
the turn of the century. Cater also documents
small areas of planting at Body Ponds and at
Fort James, using casuarinas (Cassuarina),
whitewood, and eucalyptus (Eucalyptus).
Sugai cane estate owners are reported to have
planted trees, including eucalyptus and ma-
hogany. In 1940 and 1941 the Superintendent
of Agriculture planted a few acres at
Brecknocks with casuarina, eucalyptus and
almond (Terminalia). In spite of these early
attempts, Cater (1944) concluded that "there
was never a well conceived, sustained pro-
gramme of afforestation at any time."

Beard (1949), in his assessment of
forestry in the Windward and Leeward Islands
on behalf of the Colonial Forest Service, pro-
vides a conceptual background to the practice
of forest management and proposes the man-
agement of estate woodlands. Species per-
ceived as suitable for intensive management in
the Caribbean are recommended by Beard,
sever-' of which would have been appropriate
for conditions in Antigua. Again, there is no
evidence to indicate that any reforestation or
management of existing forest resulted from
Beard's recommendations.

A modest proposal for afforestation
of some 55 to 60 acres was suggested by Allen
(1979) in a draft report to the Caribbean De-
velopment Bank. Allen's proposal focused on
development of 45 acres of leucaena, includ-
ing nine acres of species trials, and provided
suggestions for a study of marketing and
pricing of local forest products, institutional
strengthening of the Forestry Division, devel-
opment of a forest policy, and legislative
needs. An investment of EC$242,436 was
proposed for implementation of the project
over a three year period, but the plan was
never implemented.

More recently, FAO has proposed to
assist Antigua and Barbuda through its
worldwide Tropical Forestry Action Plan.
The primary function of the Plan is to coordi-
nate forestry and forestry-related activities
and to serve as an umbrella project through
which donors can provide support in a coordi-










nated fashion. In theory, this umbrella would
include both large projects, such as the CIDA
proposal discussed below, and small projects
that might be implemented by a local non-
governmental organization (see also
Chalmers, 1990).

In conjunction with GOAB, the
Canadian International Development Agency
(CIDA) has proposed a Natural Resource
Management Project (Prins, 1988). Negotia-
tions are proceeding with CIDA to develop a
working agreement, including staffing needs
and other preconditions (Henry, 1990). Oie
precondition is the establishment of a Natural
Resource Management Committee to coordi-
nate the efforts of all GOAB agencies in-
volved in the management of natural re-
sources. The project development document
(Prins, 1988) defines the principal elements of
the project:

Assistance in the technology of
monitoring, planning mand control-
ling the use of natural resources;

Assistance to the Department of
Agriculture in methods to protect
soils, watersheds and the margins
of reservoirs through afforesta-
tion;

A scholarship, in-service training
and public participation program;

Afforestation of 200 acres per
year, with associated site prepara-
tion, out-planting design, and fol-
low-up maintenance.

The Pan American Development
Foundation is beginning implementation of an
agroforestry project in cooperation with the
Antigua and Barbuda Cooperative Farmers
Association (see also Section 103 of the Pro-
file). Agroforestry systems will be demon-
strated in conjunction with typical farming
systems on a 50 acre site at Sandersons,
Antigua (Ince, 1990).

Agroforestry techniques can be used
to improve the economic viability of farmers
while conserving the natural resource base.
For example, livestock projects can incorpo-


rate forage trees into pasture improvement
activities. Leguminous species such as
Gliricidia and Leucaena can be managed
under a pollarding system for protein rich for-
age. Trees incorporated into fencing or used
as windbreaks or for soil conservation can
have aesthetic benefits as well.

Tree cropping potential in Antigua
was examined by the OAS/NRAD Project.
As pointed out in the summary document
(OAS, 1990), Antigua is not a traditional
commercial fruit tree producing country. The
southwestern region of Antigua is, however,
suitable for tree crops, based on soil, topogra-
phy, and rainfall conditions. Tree crops, es-
pecially mango, have been grown in limited
areas of better rainfdl for many years, and
two Government-operated commercial or-
chards have demonstrated their potential over
a ten year period. The proposed tree crop de-
velopment project seeks to promote the de-
velopment of tree crops on a total of 300 acres
over a five year period (OAS, 1990). As pro-
posed, the project would address major fac-
tors which limit tree crop production and will
include:

Improvement and expansion of
the two GOAB nurseries to sup-
ply planting material including
grafted cultivars; demand for
planting stock is projected at 5,000
trees per year;

A top grafting component to con-
vert 500 established mature
mango trees to preferred vari-
eties;

100 acres of Government land at
Christian Valley to be divided into
10 acre plots for allocation to tree
farmers; this demonstration would
be supported by advisors in fruit
production;

Marketing support to be provided
by supplying packaging materials,
grading and cool storage facilities,
and roadside fruit stands; export
markets would also be developed.











PROMOTION OF URBAN FORESTRY INITIATIVES


The projected cost of implementation
of the project is EC$2.4 million. Two models
analyzing financial options were proposed by
OAS. Both models involve subsidizing the
participating farmers with Government funds
to ease the cost of investment and to provide
income during the establishment period
(projected to be three to five years before
substantial fruit crops are produced). A posi-
tive effect on the balance of trade from pro-
ject activities is projected after the initial year
of implementation (OAS, 1990). In spite of
some use of pesticides and fertilizers, which
could contaminate groundwater, it is pro-
jected that "the concentration of chemicals in
tree crop production is small and this negative
effect on groundwater would be minimal"
(OAS, 1990). Overall, it is anticipated that
there would be a net positive, effect on the en-
vironment from the project.


(4) Processing of Agricultural Products

As also discussed in Section 4 of the
Profile (Energy and Industry), the agro-pro-


cessing industry is contributing to pollution
problems in the country, especially of
marine/coastal environments. As the agri-
cultural sector grows to meet import substitu-
tion requirements and tourism demands, ad-
ditional processing is likely to take place in
Antigua. In the past, waste from abattoirs
processing local livestock products has caused
problems for the marine environment
(Archer, 1984), and there are plans to develop
abattoir activity.



2.1.3 Policy Recommendations

(1) Harmonize policies and legislation
for the natural resource components (lan4
water, and forests) that affect the agricultural
sector in order to ensure that the sector's contri-
butions to the economy meet projections as
presently articulated in national development
plans.

As noted in Section 2.1.2, the back-
ground analysis and framework have been laid


The Importance of trees, shrubs and other vegetation in urban areas cannot be
overemphasized. The benefits of these plants go beyond their obvious aesthetic value and
include serving as noise barriers, removing airborne pollutants and adding oxygen to the envi-
ronment, and providing shade and wildlife habitat. The need for these benefits is Important In
Antigua as urban development continues and as additional facilities for tourist accommoda-
tion are built. Well-planned landscaping and rehabilitation of natural vegetation on develop-
ment sites should be required as part of the development permitting process. Planting new
trees and caring for existing trees should also be addressed in older neighborhoods.

The St. John's Botanical Garden Is becoming a focus of an urban forestry Initiative.
The plan for the Garden Includes rehabilitation and addition of trees and shrubs to enhance
the facility. Residents and tourists will both benefit from this effort. A public education and
awareness program could be launched in conjunction with Improvements at the Botanical
Garden and might include tree Identification and care as well as programs which emphasize
the benefits of trees.

The Ministry of Agriculture Is responsible for the Garden. The present budget allows for
payment of salaries for the maintenance crew, fuel for mowing grass, and other Incidental ex-
penses, but no funds for tree replacement or major improvemrntis to the grounds are
presently available (pers. commun., P. Blanchette, Department of Agriculture, 1990).










to allow more efficient use and greater pro-
tection of the country's land and forest re-
sources. Government should facilitate com-
pletion of the proposed Forestry Act and
Wildlife Act and provide the support needed
to enable designated agencies to monitor and
enforce regulations for sustainable manage-
ment of these resources.

Similarly, the draft Water Resources
Act draws on a decade of analysis of issues
and opportunities relating to this resource
(Burchi, 1981, 1988, 1989). As also noted in
Section 2.2 (Freshwater Resources and
Watersheds), it is critical that an institutional
vehicle and administrative procedures be
identified which ensure that technical input
from the agricultural sector inform national
water allocation decisions.

The proposed CIDA Natural Re-
source Management Project represents an ex-
cellent oppcatunity to begin an integrated ap-
proach to management of the country's lands,
forests, and watersheds. The fact that legal or
historical control of these resources is dis-
persed among several Government depart-
ments is a serious obstacle, but not an accept-
able justification, for allowing the country's
resources to be mismanaged and squandered.
The necessary integration is possible but will
require diplomacy and a willingness to com-
promise in order to promote national inter-
ests.


(2) Ensure that farmers and livestock
producers have adequate tenure security in
order to encourage utilization of soil and water
conservation practices.

The land tenure situation in Antigua
and Barbuda is confusing, and there is dis-
agreement about whether lack of tenure is a
serious obstacle to improved performance of
the agricultural sector. It is much more clear,
however, that uncertainty over future rights to
use of a parcel of land does discourage con-
servation investments such as the planting of
trees or the building and maintenance of soil
erosion controls. Tenure security, at least
through the time period needed to realize
economic returns on capital and labor invest-
ments, is essential if Government wishes to


promote the conservation measures needed to
protect ihe country's resource base.


(3) Provide support for more envi-
ronmentally appropriate agriculture and use of
forest resources.

Control of Agrochemicals. The need
for control and regulation of agrochemicals
and promotion of their safe and economical
use is paramount (Henry, 1990; also see
Section 6 of the Profile). In his recent report,
Henry points to the apparent adequacy, at
least on paper, of the Pesticide Control Act.
Regulations, however, have not been devel-
oped, and both Henry (1990) and Lausche
(1986) emphasize the need for supporting
regulations to give full force to the Act.

In the recommendations prepared as
part of the investigation of fish-kills at Pot-
works Reservoir, Fernandez and Williams
(1990) recommend steps to reduce chemical
deposition in this critical reservoir. These
recommendations, which can also be applied
nationally, include:

Appointment of a panel of indi-
viduals to oversee land use adja-
cent to Potworks Reservoir and to
make recommendations for con-
trol of agrochemicals used in the
area;

Training of farmers in the utiliza-
tion of effective and appropriate
tillage techniques to limit erosion
and run-off into Potworks;

Implementation of precautions to
control back-flushing of agro-
chemicals, as occurs when drip ir-
rigation fertilizer injectors are
cleaned;

Creation of a buffer zone around
Potworks to absorb chemicals mi-
grating from farm land;

Periodic testing of Potworks
water for contamination;










The training and licensing of per-
sonnel using chemicals.

Support for an Organic Farming Ini-
tiative. In his report to a recent national
workshop on conservation and development,
Henry (1990) noted the need to promote agri-
cultural practices that were less dependent on
chemical inputs, for example, the use of inte-
grated pest management. Several local farm-
ers have expressed an interest in organic pro-
duction (pers. commun., L. Merchant, Secre-
tary, Antigua-Barbuda Cooperative Farmers
Association, 1990), and representatives of an
organic produce marketing corporation visited
Antigua in 1989 to determine interest and
potential supply of organic fruits and vegeta-
bles to the U.S. market.

Government could support the estab-
lishment of a demonstration organic farm,
utilizing both local expertise and international
authorities on organic methods. There is a
need to augment the organic matter content
of most Antigua soils, particularly in those
areas where production is concentrated. Re-
search into production under organic methods
and the use of natural pesticides and other
low-input (i.e., low petrochemical input) ap-
proaches should be a part of a demonstration
farm project.

Support for Agroforestry Initiatives.
Opportunities to promote agroforestry, as a
means to improve economic viability while
conserving the natural resource base, should
be encouraged. Agroforestry is a major com-
ponent of FAO's Tropical Forestry Action
Plan (Chalmers, 1990). The Ministry of Agri-
culture has expressed interest in the Plan but
also is understandably concerned about the
possible personnel demands it may require.
GOAB should support its Ministry of Agri-
culture on this initiative and identify resources
to enable it to take advantage of this opportu-
nity.


2.2 FRESHWATER RESOURCES
AND WATERSHEDS


2.2.1 Ovorview

Antigua and Barbuda is characterized
by low annual rainfall, a situation made worse
by the fact that the amount of precipitation
varies sharply between the wet and dry sea-
sons and is highly variable between years
(Figure 2.2.(1); also see Section 1.2.1 for a
more detailed discussion). There are no per-
manent lakes or rivers in Antigua or Barbuda,
although the largest river in Antigua -- the
Bendals River -- has water except during
prolonged droughts (Loveless, 1960).
Droughts occur every 5-10 years and are a
regular, if unpredictable, feature of the envi-
ronment (Figure 2.2(2)). When several low-
rainfall years occur consecutively, as in 1964-
68 and 1983-84 (see Table 2.2(1)), the country
faces critical water shortages. In the 1983-84
diought, water had to be imported from
neighboring countries.

The three topographic regions in
Antigua (see Sections 1.2.1 and 1.2.2) strongly
influence the hydrology of the island:

Volcanic region. This region has the
highest elevations and contains sev-
eral mountains with the steepest
slopes on the island. The orographic
effect is the principal factor con-
tributing to the southwest's greater
rainfall (45-50 inches per year). The
region does not have any large
groundwater supplies in the volcanic
rocks; however, aquifers exist in sev-
eral of the alluvial valleys.

Central plains region. The central
plains and northern limestone area is
lower in elevation and gentler in to-
pography. The region receives in-
termediate values of rainfall -- aver-
aging 45 inches per year.

Limestone region. This region, situ-
ated on the eastern side of Antigua,
receives the least rainfall, some 35-40
inches per year (McMillan, 1985;
Montgomery, 1983).











































A 158 A: 80% of annual
rainfalls are
less than the
value at A.


50% of annual
rainfalls are
less than the
value at B.


C: 201 of annual
rainfalls are
less than the
. 9 value at C.

(Note that the difference
in value from C to A, the
variation in annual rain-
fall, is greater for 1961
1980 than for 1947-1961).


COOLIDGE GREENCASTLE
1961 1980 1961 1980


Figure 2.2(2).


Annual rainfall for 20, 50, and 80 percent frequencies
(source: McMillan, 1985).


DRY
SEASON


SE lnnflU JAll


Figure 2.2(1). Average season rainfall variation (source: APUA, 1989b).


A 132


A 133


FRIARS HILL
1947 1961


J F M A M J


J A S 0 N 0


WET
SEASON











































WATERSHEDS


A watershed is a topographically de-
fined area having a common drainage system.
It can be defined broadly (e.g., 86 were iden-
tified for Antigua in a study by Halcrow, 1977)
or narrowly (e.g., these 86 have been grouped
into 13 watersheds by McMillan, 1985). The
decision is somewhat arbitrary, and it primar-
ily is a function of management needs. Wa-
tersheds can be used as the fundamental units
to assess hydrological budgets and erosion and
to provide for land use planning and man-
agement.

McMillan's 13 watersheds are listed
in Table 2.2(2), with their existing and pro-
posed storage capacities as of 1985; they are
also shown in Figure 2.2(3). The 13 water-
sheds have been further grouped into six
major watersheds that occupy 43 percent of
the island's area and contain 80 percent of


groundwater supplies and 90 percent of sur-
face water storage. These six areas are:

Creekside
Potworks
Christian Valley
Fitches Creek
Parham
Bethesda.

Within these watersheds are found 50
percent of the island's total forest land, 90
percent of its crop production, 60 percent of
livestock production and 70 percent of the
Antiguan population (Fernandez, 1990).
Barbuda has been divided into ten watersheds,
shown in Figure 2.2(4).

Soil erosion from Antigua's water-
sheds has been identified as a problem from
hills in the southern region. However, three
factors combine to reduce the overall erosion












Table 2.2(2).


Antigua watersheds with storage capacity estimates for existing and
proposed agricultural and municipal water supplies (acre-feet).
See Figure 2.2(3) for location of watersheds.


AGRICULTURE MUNICIPAL
WATERSHED EXISTING PROPOSED EXISTING PROPOSED
STORAGE STORAGE STORAGE STORAGE


30.6
200.4
334.5
9.2
2.0

5.2
570.4
19.2
33.4
38.4
2.2
2.5


1,248.0


82.9
202.2
18.2
25.2


4,010
278

166
50


4,120

160
140
80


(1) 10.7
(2) 32.5
33.6
59.1
(3) 16.3

2.2


482.9


4,504


4,500


NOTES:
(1) Does not include Red Hill (46 AF) and Picadilly (c. 2 AF).
(2) Includes Bethesda (540 AF).
(3) Does not include Langfords (99 AF).
(4) Potworks (3,700 AF), Collins (310 AF).
(5) Creekside (2,900 AF), Body Ponds (1,200 AF).

Source: McMillan, 1985.


problem relative to other Eastern Caribbean
islands: relatively gentler topography, less
erosive rains and reversion of abandoned
agricultural lands to scrub (Atkins, 1983).
Some of the protective benefits of vegetative
cover in scrub lands is lost through the prac-
tice of burning the lands annually to promote
regeneration of younger, more edible fodder.
No estimates exist on the amount of land
surface affected by this practice although it is
clear that it occurs widely, including on sloped
lands.


A regional CARDI-sponsored study
of soil and water conservation (Atkins, 1983)
noted the surprising absence of on-farm water
conservation practices in Antigua-Barbuda
(e.g., mulching, strip-cropping on contours,
cover cropping and intercropping, run-off
measures such as tied-ridges, and agro-
forestry), despite the scarcity of agricultural
water. Support for these practices is assigned
as a collaborative responsibility to the Agri-
cultural Engineering Unit and the Extension


1
2
3
4 -11
12-20
21-26
27-46
47 53
54 62
63-66
67 77
78 -84
85-86


TOTALS














ANTIGUA/WATERSHED

Watershed boundary ---
Watershed No. 4-11
















Nonsuch
Bay -


02


Cape Shirley


Figure 2.2(3). Watersheds of Antigua (source: McMillan, 1985). See also Table 2.2(2).





































Figure 2.2(4). Watersheds of Barbuda (source: McMillan, 1985).


Division of the Ministry of Agriculture. The
Agricultural Engineering Unit, responsible for
the construction component of the collabora-
tion, consists of three individuals. Although
additional labor can be hired for specific jobs
such as mini-dam construction, the Unit is still
inadequately staffed and funded to meet all
farmer requests in a timely fashion, in addi-
tioni to its other responsibilities for the main-
tenance and rehabilitation of Government
lands (pers. commun., G. Fernandez, Agri-
cultural Engineering Unit, 1990).


KEY CATCHMENT AREAS

Catchment areas are components of a
watershed upslope from a water intake or
collecting area. They can be defined within
the broader watershed because they supply
water for more specific purposes such as
drinking water or irrigation.

There has not been any recent as-
sessment of the country's catchment areas,


and little is known about their condition (e.g.,
vegetated or barren) or management status
(e.g., used for grazing or contain residences)
(pers. commun., G. Fernandez, Agricultural
Engineering Unit, 1990; V. Yearwood, APUA
Water Division, 1990).


WATER SUPPLY/DEMAND AND
TREATMENT

(1) Water Supply

In 1983-84, Antigua and Barbuda ex-
perienced a severe drought, and water had to
be barged in from Guadeloupe and Dominica.
Since then over 20 new wells have been devel-
oped or rehabilitated to bring the total to 45
operational wells; transmission lines have
been renovated and expanded; and two de-
salination plants have been developed
(APUA, 1989a).

Water use can be divided conve-
niently into two groups, agricultural and non-










agricultural (municipal). The latter includes
domestic, commercial (industries and hotels),
government, harbor and airport facilities.
There are four sources of water for municipal
use. Groundwater and surface ponds/reser-
voirs are the primary ones; desalination plants
and cisterns also provide for municipal water
needs. Surface supplies are the source of irri-
gation water for agriculture, with occasional
use of groundwater when municipal demands
allow.

Groundwater. Groundwater in much
of Antigua and Barbuda is saline. Despite
this, estimates from 1980 listed this as bhe
source of some 45 percent of Antigua's water
supply production (Montgomery, 1983). Cur-
rent estimates are that groundwater supplies
about 25 percent of water demand (Burchi,
1988). Antigua's groundwater system can be
divided into five main well fields (supply fig-
ures shown in million gallons per month):


Collins-Bristol Springs
Follies
Claremont-Cades Bay
Bendals
Valley


7.1 MG/M
0.2 MG/M
2.6 MG/M
7.6 MG/M
7.9 MG/M


Total production is 25.4 MG/M (APUA, un-
published data, 1990).

Groundwater in much of Barbuda is
too saline for use, with the notable exception
of Palmetto Sands, a 1,500 acre (i.e., a 405
million gallon*) area of beach sands on the
island's southwestern shore. Mather (1971)
estimated that the area could supply 14.3
MG/A; according to McMillan (1985),
recharge estimated suggest a potential yield six
times greater.

Ponds and Reservoirs. There are
more than 500 ponds distributed throughout
Antigua, the majority of which are less than
one Acre-Foot storage capacity (McMillan,
1985). These small ponds are used primarily
for agriculture. Several of the larger areas are
shown in Figure 2.2(5), with information on
their size provided in Table 2.2(3). Many of
the reservoirs arc used for both agricultural
and non-agricultural needs. In McMillan's

* 1 Acre-Foot (AF) = 0.27 Million Gallons (MG).


1985 study, he reports WUere are seven smaU LU
medium reservoirs in the volcanic region, ten
in the central plains, and two in the limestone
region.

The total estimated storage capacity
(using a minimum size storage area of greater
than 0.1 Acre-Foot) in 1985 was 5,752 Acre-
Feet, equivalent to 1,553 MG (Table 2.2(2)).
The storage capacity reported by APUA in
1989 was 1,254.3 MG (Table 2.2(4)). The
lower value could reflect differences between
APUA's definition of storage capacity and
McMillan's definition, or it could mean that
some of the storage areas reported in 1985 are
no longer functional.

Many of the ponds found in Antigua
are shallow and are fed by relatively large
catchment areas. Less than 1 inch (2.54 cm)
of run-off can fill these storage areas to ca-
pacity. Run-off is affected by soil type and
soil moisture content, slope, shape and size of
catchment, and rainfall intensities. According
to McMillan (1985), run-off data are only
available for Creekside and Potworks; no data
exist for smaller catchments or for the lime-
stone areas in Antigua and Barbuda. How-
ever, McMillan (1985), using a run-off model
based on data from other parts of the world to
supplement the data available for Antigua-
Barbuda, estimated run-off for two regions of
Antigua and one for Barbuda. As shown in
Table 2.2(5), typically there is enough run-off
to fill Antigua's small storage ponds during
about half the months. (Regions 1 and 2 refer
to Antigua; Region 3 refers to Barbuda, but
the issue of run-off levels is not relevant in
Barbuda, where the water supply is primarily
from one large storage area.)

Shallow ponds do not "stockpile"
water well; agricultural and non-agricultural
demands, coupled with high evaporation rates,
deplete them quickly. Therefore, the avail-
ability of wat .'rom a shallow pond is a func-
tion of the run-off in that catchment during
the particular month in question. On the
other hand, water supply for the larger dams
and reservoirs is better computed by examin-
ing annual run-off values. These larger stor-
age areas require on the order of six to seven
inches to fill to capacity. This amount was
























































Figure 2.2(5).


ANTIGUA

AGRICULTURAL RESERVOIRS
Existing
1 Bethesda
2 Red Hill
3 Gunthorpes No.4
4 Gunthorpes No.7
5 Olivers Dam 1 to 6
6.A.S.F. Dams
7 Lightfoots
8 Langfords
9 Carrs
Proposed L
1 Cades Bay
2 Flax's
S A MUNICIPAL RESERVOIRS
,A4 ,Existing Q

S- --' 1 Potworks
2 Collins
<: 3 Wallings & Fig Tree
% ) < .] "-" ^4 Dunnings
S5 Brecknocks No.1
76 Brecknocks No.2
7 Hamiltons
(8 Body Ponds, Fishers
9 Fiennes & Sweets

S1 -Cedar HIll
,.. 2 Claremont
3 Creekside
4 Piccadilly
5 Roses





0 1 2 3 4 Miles



Several of the larger agricultural and municipal reservoirs for the island of Antigua (source: unpublished
data, circa 1982, provided by G. Fernandez, Agricultural Engineer, Department of Agriculture, GOAB).












Table 2.2(3). Size and storage capacity of several of the larger agricultural and municipal
reservoirs in Antigua. See also Figure 2.2(5).



AGRICULTURAL RESERVOIRS MUNICIPAL RESERVOIRS

STORAGE STORAGE
NAME SIZE VOLUME NAME SIZE VOLUME
(Acres) (Acre Foot) (Acres) (Acre Foot)


EXISTING


EXISTING


Bethesda
Red Hill
Gunthorpes No. 4
Gunthorpes No. 7
Olivers Dams 1 to 6
A.S.F. Dams
Ughtfoots
Langfords
Carrs


676
80
50
185
260
610
35
1,050
1,075


PROPOSED

Cades Bay
Flax's


Potworks
Collins
Wallings and Fig Tree
Dunnings
Brecknocks No. 1
Brecknocks No. 2
Hamiltons
Body Ponds, Fishers,
Fiennes and Sweets


PROPOSED


100 Cedar Hill
50 Claremont
Creekside
Piccadilly
Roses


Source: Unpublished data, circa 1982, provided by G. Fernandez, Agricultural Engineer, Department
of Agriculture, GOAB.


received in 13 of 20 years in Region 2, and in
19 of 20 years in Region 1 (McMillan, 1985).

Desalination. Antigua has two 1
MG/D (million gallons/day) desalination
plants, constructed over the past two years
(APUA, 1989a). However, they are not al-
ways in operation and seldom produce water
at full capacity.

Cisterns. Many individual residences
have cisterns that provide some, and in a few
cases a!l, of the household water needs.
There are no reliable data to estimate the


contribution that this water-collecting method
makes to meeting the country's water de-
mand.


(2) Water Treatment

Most municipal water is treated with
chlorine, which is a cheap, easy-to-handle
disinfectant with a residual effect. There are
three main treatment plants -- Bendals,
Delaps and Wailings -- which produce 18
MG/M, 43 MG/M and 18 MG/M respec-
tively. Municipal water supplied to several


6,100
500
268
390
150
100
470

2,000


3,700
330
50
233
20
74
100


1,125
843
6,293
500
649


200
140
2,900
100
160












Table 2.2(4). Water capacity and water consumption data for years 1984 1987.


1984


1985


1986


Capacity (Million Gallons)

(a) Reservoirs
(b) Storage


Consumption (Million Gallons)

(a) Industrial and Commercial
(b) Residential
(c) Public Stand Pipe


Source: APUA, 1989a.


1,253.10 1,253.10 1,254.30 1,254.30


1,245.40 1,245.40 1,245.40
7.75 7.75 8.95


439.90 84C.00


155.00
170.00
114.90


200.00
329.00
246.00


1,245.11
8.95


811.90 885.64


209.50
344.70
257.70


230.30
372.00
283.31


Table 2.2(5).


Month 1
Month 2
Month 3
Month 4
Month 5
Month 6
Month 7
Month 8
Month 9
Month 10
Month 11
Month 12


Year Totals


Estimated mean monthly run-off, Antigua-Barbuda, in centimeters
(2.54 cm. = 1 inch).


REGION 1
(ANTIGUA)

2.0
0.5
1.5
1.5
5.8
1.5
3.0
5.1
6.1
6.6
8.1
5.1


46.8


REGION 2
(ANTIGUA)

1.0
0.2
0.5
1.0
4.8
1.0
2.3
3.7
4.8
5.6
5.6
2.5


33.0


REGION 3
(BARBUDA)

0.8
0.2
0.4
0.8
3.8
0.8
1.8
3.0
3.8
4.5
4.5
2.0


26.4


Source: McMillan, 1985.


1987










areas is not treated. APUA has plans to chlo-
rinate this water as well, and in the meantime
it conducts a continual water quality moni-
toring program. Water is checked daily for
bacteria, chlorine residual, pH, color and tur-
bidity, and all wells in the system are checked
weekly for bacteria, sodium chloride and iron
(APUA, 1990; APUA, unpublished, 1990).

The Barbuda system is supplied from
a single well that serves Codrington, where
most of the population resides (McMillan,
1985).


(3) Demand

Table 2.2(4) shows municipal water
consumption patterns for 1984-1987, the last
year for which data are available. The previ-
ous reliable estimate (derived by multiplying
the estimated population size by an estimated
per capital consumption value) is for 1980 and
suggests that the demand was 746 MG/year
(McMillan, 1985). McMillan', 1980 estimate
is 306 MG more than APUA's 1984 figure.
APUA's figure presumably is based on actual
water sales and reflects the fact that 1984 was
a severe drought year. Consumption in 1987
was 886 MG, but demand rose sharply by 1988
in response to the newly operational desalina-
tion plant. Demand is now approximately
1,500 MG/year (APU data provided for CEP
project).

Agricultural water needs are consid-
ered subordinate to municipal needs. This is
official policy of the Public Utilities Authority,
although APUA does supply water for agri-
cultural use on an ad hoc basis (McMillan,
1985; Burchi, 1989). For most of the crops
grown in Antigua and Barbuda, water is the
limiting factor, and, aside from cost considera-
tions, agriculture could easily consume any
available water not being used for other pur-
poses. In most cases, however, this would not
be a cost-effective use of water.

The recently completed OAS sum-
mary of agricultural development in the
country (OAS, 1990) does look at particular
situations where irrigation could be cost-ef-
fective. It estimates that a total of 2,353 acre-
feet (635 MG) could be available for irrigation


water, based on developing surface water
storage capacity in an economically rational
manner (OAS, 1990). It is beyond the scope
of the CEP to evaluate agricultural water
needs for the country. It is noted, however,
that water allocation decisions depend on
economic and other policy considerations, not
plant physiology needs; the latter would re-
quire far more water than Antigua and
Barbuda can supply.


WATER MANAGEMENT: INSTITUTIONS
AND LEGISLATION

(1) Institutions

Antigua Public Utilities Authority
(APUA). APUA has overall responsibility for
managing the country's water resources. The
Planning and Development section of the
Water Division is responsible for hydrologica!
and hydrogeological studies, the development
and construction of wells, the planning and
design of dams, and contracting out major
construction projects. The Operations and
Maintenance section is in charge of pumping
stations and water treatment plants, small
construction projects, and the installation, in-
spection and repair of water meters.

The Water Division is also responsi-
ble, under the Public Utilities Act of 1973, for
establishing, operating and maintaining a
sewage system, but currently no system exists.

Central Board of Health. The Cen-
tral Board of Health (Ministry of Labor and
Health), charged with environmental health
responsibilities, also monitors freshwater
quality. A staff of about 20 supervisors and
public health inspectors collects water samples
from municipal stand pipes for laboratory
analysis. The inspectors investigate possible
environmental health issues and report to su-
pervisors weekly. Inspectors are authorized to
enter private property, but, in practice, they
do not always assert this right (pers. commun.,
D. Matthery, Central Board of Health, 1990).

Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries,
Lands, and Housing. There are four Divi-
sions that have some responsibilities relating
to watershed management.












Forestry Division:
Forest development and man-
agement;
Public education on forestry pro-
tection.

Soil and Water Conservation Division
(also referred to as Agricultural
Engineering Unit):
Planning, construction and main-
tenance of soil and water conser-
vation structures;
Irrigation design and layout;
Mini-dam construction.

Extension Division:
Promotion of soil conservation,
tree cropping and good land hus-
bandry.

Lands Division:
Land allocation, policy and evic-
tion.

The Ministry of Agriculture, the
Minister of Public Works and Communica-
tions and the Ministry of Public Utilities and
Aviation (which includes the APUA), all
share responsibility for dams, ponds, streams,
and catchment protection (pers. commun., G.
Fernandez, Department of Agriculture, 1990).

Development Control Authority
(DCA). DCA is responsible for ensuring that
new public buildings provide storage facilities
of at least ten imperial gallons of water per
square foot of roof surface. Other new
buildings are required to have a minimum ca-
pacity of 50 imperial gallons per occupant
(pers. commun.. G. Fernandez, Department
of Agriculture, 1990).


(2) Legislation

FAO has been working with the Gov-
ernment to develop an improved legislative
and institutional framework for the develop-
ment, use and conservation of the country's
freshwater resources. The three reports by
FAO's consultant (Burchi, 1981, 1988 and
1989) provide a thorough and detailed as-
sessment of existing and recommended legis-


lation to deal with water withdrawal and
users' rights; data collection, water resource
planning and administration; water pollution
control; and watershed protection. The com-
bined studies recently culminated in prepara-
tion of a "Draft Cabinet Paper For A Bill For
A Water Resources Act" (Burchi, 1989) which
notes that despite the fact APUA has been
given "control" of virtually all waters in
Antigua-Barbuda, confusion exists because
private land owners are entitled to draw water
for certain uses free of Government interfer-
ence. Therefore, the first recommendation of
FAO's draft Water Resources Act is that the
State should be granted "superior user rights
in all water resources in Antigua (and
Barbuda) as a trustee for and on behalf of all
Antiguans (and Barbudans)."

A related, ongoing FAO effort fo-
cuses on forestry and wildlife policy and leg-
islation (McHenry and Gane, 1988). In re-
sponse to the request of Government, FAO is
re-drafting forestry and wildlife legislation
into separate acts. Watershed protection was
featured in the first draft and presumably will
be dealt with in one or both of the redrafted
:-cts (see Section 2.1, Agriculture and
Forestry, for further discussion).



2.2.2 Problems and Issues


NEED FOR A NATIONAL WATER POLICY:

Because water is a limited resource,
water-related issues are critical in determining
national policies for Antigua-Barbuda. Nev-
ertheless, the country does not have a com-
prehensive national water policy. Most of the
recent improvements in supply and delivery of
municipal water were an offshoot of the se-
vere drought of 1983-84. The facts seem to
support the assumption that another crisis will
be required before the country's water situa-
tion will be fully assessed and considered as
an essential part of national economic and de-
vclopment planning. An assessment of the
country's water supply and demand should be
the basis of a water policy that considers,
among other things:










What is the existing and projected
per capital demand for municipal
water? How much do/could cis-
terns contribute to the amount
being supplied by APUA? What
is the suppressed demand?

How large a tourist population
can Antigua and Barbuda support
given the limitations of its water
supply? Will additional storage
facilities be necessary? Should
hotels be required to have their
own desalination units and to
maintain them in operational
condition, at least to be able to
supply their own needs during the
dry season?

What is existing and projected
agricultural demand for irrigation
water? Would this change if
farmers knew that their requests
for water would be considered on
equal priority with municipal de-
mands? What can be done to im-
prove rain-fed agriculture via
water catchment practices and


other water conservation mea-
sures?

What could/should a water con-
servation plan and policy look like
for Antigua and Barbuda? What
kind of educational and outreach
programs would be needed to
support such a conservation
policy?

Inadequate Meteorological Data. In
order to develop a national water policy and
to include water availability as a factor in de-
velopment planning, it would be useful to have
a better dtFrJtion of spatial variations in
rainfall, run-off, and evapotranspiration. Ac-
cording to McMillan (1985), the Coolidge
Meteorological Office is the only source of
such data for Antigua; a private individual
collects rainfall data for Barbuda. In years
past there were 70-95 rain gauges throughout
Antigua, but these have been allowed to fall
into disuse (Atkins, 1983; McMillan, 1985).
As noted by McMillan (1985), one or two
hydrological stations per area are needed in at
least the three main hydrogeological areas of
Antigua in order to provide a sounder basis
for establishing a water resources policy.


WATER CONSERVATION: CHANGING ATTITUDES

Most of the population, perhaps with the ncable exception of farmers who tend to be
acutely aware of the need for more water, does not Identify with the water shortage problem
in Antigua-Barbuda. People recognize that water shortages exist at the national level but
they lack motivation or pressure to translate that fact into actions that might affect their per-
sonal behavior. For example, it Is not uncommon to see people washing cars at a public tap,
leaving the water running while they wipe the car. APUA has attempted to promote conserva-
tion through its policy that domestic supplies are charged a progressively higher rate as con-
sumption Increases.

Many communities once had an unofficial "water warden", usually an older woman,
who informally monitored water use and brought social pressure to bear on those who
wasted this common-property resource. The custom seems to have died, with the women
having been replaced by laws that are seldom enforced.











INSTITUTIONAL COORDINATION

The Public Utilities Act of 1973 is the
key piece of legislation regarding water ad-
ministration in Antigua and Barbuda. It vests
the Antigua Public Utilities Authority with re-
sponsibility for water administration without
clearly defining what that responsibility en-
tails. Most of APUA's expertise and almost
all of its resources are focused on meeting
municipal water needs.

There is a serious gap in water plan-
ning and management for other uses of water
(i.e., non-municipal needs), and the 1973 Act
does not adequately define a process for
making water resource allocation decisions.
As noted in FAO's consultations, APUA's
decisions affecting the availability of water to
water-dependent sectors such as agriculture
are "widely perceived as arbitrary and capri-
cious" (Burchi, 1989). No formal mechanism
exists to ensure that the needs and input of all
affected sectors are represented in the deci-
sion-making process.


WATERSHED ISSUES

There are too few resources allocated
to enable the agencies responsible to properly
manage the country's watersheds. For exam-
ple, the condition of key catchment armas
needs tc be assessed, which would then help
determine priority areas for rehabilitation
work. Little information exists about the ex-
tent of squatting and illegal use of Govern-
ment watershed lands, encroachment on key
catchment areas, the extent of unauthorized
fires to clear land for livestock grazing, and
the consequences of any of these activities on
soil erosion or other aspects of environmental
degradation. Money and staff are needed to
monitor and enforce legislation that would
promoit rational use of these multi-purpose
areas. Furthermore, legislation covering these
issues is in need of upgrading, as discussed in
FAO's report on forestry and wildlife policy
and legislation (McHemy and Gane, 1988).

CIDA ha: offered to support a natu-
ral resources management project that would
include a strong emphasis on watershed reha-
bilitation through afforestation and promotion


of conservation activities (CIDA, 1988). The
proposal has the support of the Department
of Agriculture but seems to have stalled in the
process of obtaining support from the other
necessary parts of Government (pers. com-
mun., F. Henry, Director of Agriculture,
1990).


DRINKING WATER POLLUTION

As also discussed in other sections of
this CEP, contamination from agricultural
practices (Section 2.1) and waste disposal
(Section 6) poses a danger to drinking water
supplies. Since several of the biocides used in
agriculture in Antigua-Barbuda are very haz-
ardous to human health and since fertilizer
contamination resulting in high nitrate levels
(10 mg/liter as nitrogen or 45 mg/liter as ni-
trate) is very toxic to infants, concern about
the quality of potable water seems warranted.
Except in rare cases in response to a crisis
such as the fish-kill observed in Potworks
(Grant, 1990; Fernandez and Williams, 1990;
Hayden, 1990), surface water is not monitored
for contamination.

Legislation exists to prevent or
control contamination of catchment areas and
wells; however, these are rarely enforced. For
example, APUA is empowered to prevent
cultivation or grazing within 30 feet of surface
d inking water supplies (Fernandez, 1990).
'The construction of a potential source of pol-
lution, including residences, is prohibited
within 80 feet of any wells. Recently, wells
had to be abandoned in Roses and Liberta
because of high bacteriological counts associ-
ated with violations of this setback ordinance
(EAG, 1990).

In addition to instituting more effec-
tive watershed and catchment area manage-
ment, it may be necessary to upgrade pre-
treatment 'equipment (coagulation, sedimen-
tation, and filtration) at water production fa-
cilities. It is not uncommon for the water en-
tering Antigua's treatment plants to have too
high a color reading (i.e., above 10 c.u.; F-AG,
1990). One of the dangers of chlorinating
water without prefiltration is that a class of
carcinogenic compounds called chloramines
can be formed if the waters are rich in organic










substances. There is no information on the
extent to which this may be a problem in
Antigua and Barbuda.

As municipal water use increases, so
too will the amount of effluent produced.
Since all water eventually drains to the coast,
effluent levels in drairages and along the coast
will increase (as also discussed in Section 3,
Marine and Coastal Resources, and Section 6,
Pollution and Environmental Health).


BARBUDA'S WATER SUPPLY

This island is even drier than
Antigua, and although water demand is far
less in Barbuda, the island's water supply is a
source of concern. The groundwaters are
generally saline, with the notable exception cf
Palmetto Sands, a 1,500 acre (600 ha) area of
beach sands on the southwestern shore. 'h1i.
freshwater body is undeveloped but in jeop-.
ardy due to the mining of sand in recent years.
Sand mining has left the water table near the
surface and subject to evaporation. Barbuda's
topography and geology are not well suited to
dam construction. Imported bentonite could
be used to make some existing depressions
impermeable, but this would be an expensive
way to store fresh water (McMillan, 1985).



2.2.3 Policy Recommendations


(1) Government should undertake the
preparation of a National Water Policy.

A National Water Policy, as the term
is being used in tnis section, would include
several related components:

1) A Water Resources Act, such as
that proposed by FAO (Burchi,
1989) with revisions if necessary,
would provide the foundation for
the rational use of the country's
freshwater resources.

2) A Master Plan is an essential tool
for development planners. Water
is a key resource that must be


factored into decisions such as
Government's proposed doubling
of hotel rooms over the next five
years. Agricultural use of water,
in particular access to irrigation
water, must be addressed in the
Plan if that sector has any chance
of assuming the greater role ex-
pected of it in national develop-
ment plans. APUA has devel-
oped a long-term plan (through
the year 2020), but it is not backed
by legislation. The APUA plan is
the obvious starting point for an
updated Plan that would be con-
sonant with the proposed Water
Resources Act (Burchi, 1989).

3) A mechanism needs to be estab-
lished to enable the various agen-
cies with water interests to share
information on an ongoing basis.
APUA has lead responsibility for.
managing the country's water re-
sources, but other groups -- the
Cei*t-l Board of Health and the
Department of Agriculture, to
name just two -- need to be part
of national water planning. Re-
cent proposals for the creation of
a Water Resour.es Board or
Council to serve as this institu-
tionalized coordination unit would
appear to be extremely timely
(Burchi, 1989; EAG, 1990).

FAO presents strong arguments
for housing this body outside of
APUA. The thrust of the argu-
me:.t is that by placing the au-
thority elsewhere, APUA would
be able to focus on its principal
role as supplier of municipal
water, and Board decisions would
be free of real or alleged bias.
Decisions involving potentially
competing interests could be
managed by a Board whose im-
partiality would be ensured by its
balanced representation of rele-
vant Government and non-Gov-
ernment bodies. Because of the
important role of this limited re-
source in present and future na-










tional development planning,
FAO's suggestion that the Water
Board be housed in the Planning
Department of the Ministry of Fi-
nance should be carefully consid-
ered (Burchi, 1989).

If the dispute over the location of
the Board is, in fact, the reason
for the delay in its establishment,
as has been suggested by those in-
volved in the preliminary work, a
compromise should be sought as
soon as possible. The water allo-
cation process may also be com-
promised, but at least the Board
would provide an immediate fo-
rum for responsible agencies to
discuss matters of common inter-
est.


ulating farming and livestock production in
watersheds. In those areas where agriculture
is deemed appropriate, conservation practices
exist that could be promoted by the Extension
Division; they are technically feasible and
have been proven in the Caribbean context
(Atkins, 1983). The real question is whether
the social and economic environment needed
to foster their development can be created in
the country. For example, does the Govern-
ment consider this a high enough priority to
ensure that farmers and livestock owners re-
ceive adequate land tenure security to warrant
land conservation investments?


In order to be truly national, the Na-
tional Water Policy must address the situation
in Barbuda as well as Antigua. As noted in
Sections 2.2.2 and 10.1 of the Profile, this
means addressing the resource exploitation
and unplanned development currently being
imposed on that island.


(2) Government needs to identify and
support improved watershed management ef-
forts.

As part of the planning effort to de-
velop a National Water Policy, Government
should support an assessment of the country's
watersheds. That assessment should consider
related issues such as soil erosion and possible
contamination of catchment areas used for
drinking water. Much of the background
work -- the draft Water Resources Act, draft
Forestry and Wildlife Act, and CIDA Natural
Resources Management Project proposal --
has already been done to provide a strong
foundation that could be used to tackle the
related issues of water resource and water-
shed management. Government has an ex-
cellent opportunity to show its commitment to
addressing these critical issues in an integra-
tive fashion.

In the agriculture sector, Government
can also support watershed protection by reg-










2.3 BIODIVERSITY AND WILDUFE
RESOURCES


2.3.1 Overview

From the earliest colonial period to
as recently as the 1960's, export agriculture
dominated the land use patterns of Antigua
and resulted in major changes to terrestrial
habitats and the island's biodiversity. Nearly
three centuries of deforestation and land
clearing for intensive agricultural use have re-
sulted in the removal or degradation of much
of Antigua's original vegetation and con-
tributed to habitat destruction and subsequent
loss of species richness. Uncontrolled live-
stock grazing, particularly by goats, continues
to have a detrimental effect on native plant
communities. More recently, intensive
tourism development has resulted in major
bio-physical alterations to the coastline and
destruction of coastal and marine habitats
which represent an important component of
the country's natural heritage.

Mammalian introductions have been
traced to Pre-Columbian middens where
Agouti (Dasyprocta agouti) remains have been
found. It appears (Harris, 1964) that Agoutis
were extirpated from Antigua by 1800. Fallow
Deer (Dama dama) were introduced to
Antigua and Barbuda from America in the
seventeenth century to provide game (Pregill,
et al., 1988). The Indian Mongoose (Herpestes
auropunctatus) was introduced to Antigua in
the 1870's to control vermin in the planta-
tions. The Black or Roof Rat and the Brown
or Norway Rat (Rattus rattus, R. norvegicus)
were inadvertent introductions, all of which
altered the native biodiversity through depri-
vations, competition and habitat modification.

The primary negative impact on all
forms of wildlife in most Caribbean islands,
including Antigua, has been habitat reduction
via the conversion of forested wildlands to
other habitat types and land uses. Because of
these human disturbances, much of Antigua's
wildlife is now limited to coastal areas and
offshore cays. Hunting has also reduced fau-
nal diversity in both Antigua and Barbuda,
and this remains one of the leading factors in
the loss of animal life in Barbuda.


Plants. Some floristic surveys have
been done in Antigua-Barbuda (see Section
1.2.4 of the Profile), but neither island has a
comprehensive floral list. Remnant patches of
pre-colonial vegetation exist in some of the
more remote areas of Antigua (especially
Boggy Peak and the Sugar Loaf area), but the
rest of the island has secondary growth or
vegetation typical of more frequent distur-
bance. On the other hand, Barbuda has much
of its original dry forest community intact; this
represents a valuable scientific resource since
this eco-type has been drastically reduced in
other parts of the West Indies (see also Sec-
tions 1.2.4 and 2.1.1).

Amphibians. Antigua and Barbuda
support three and one species of amphibians,
respectively (Tables 2.3(1) and 2.3(2)). Two
small tree frogs (Eleuthrodactylus johnstonei
and E. martinicensis) are the only extant na-
tive amphibians to the country. The marine
toad (Bufo marinus) was introduced to
Antigua as a biological defense against vermin
in the agricultural fields. The crapaud, a large
edible frog (Leptodacty.as fallax), became lo-
cally extinct on Antigua presumably through
man's over-exploitation (Harris, 1964). Fossil
remains of an extinct tree frog have been as-
signed to a new species, Hyla barbudensis.

Reptiles. Seventeen reptiles have
been recorded (Faaborg and Arendt, 1985)
from Antigua and 12 from Barbuda. An ex-
tinct lizard (Leiocephalus cuneus) has been
recorded in middens from Antigua
(Steadman, et al., 1984) and Barbuda
(Watters, et al., 1984). The large native lizard
(Iguana delicatissima) formerly occurred in
Antigua but has been decimated due to
human exploitation and predation from the
mongoose (Harris, 1964). The last report of
an Iguana from Antigua was over five years
ago; the species may be extinct at this time
(pers. commun., K. Lindsay, Assistant
Forester, 1990). A tortoise (Geochelone
carbonaria), a common species in Barbuda, is
presumed to have been introduced from
South America by Arawak or Carib peoples.
Three geckos exist on Antigua: Hemidactylus
mabouia, Thecadactylus rapicauda and
Sphaerodactylus elegantulus; the latter two are
common in Barbuda as well. Anolis lizards










include Anolis bimaculatuw and A. wattsi. The
ground lizard Ameiva griswoldi, the endemic
subspecies of snake Alsophis antillensis
antiguae, and the blind snake Typhlops
monastus are extremely rare and local in dis-
tribution. Remains of Boa constrictor and
Alsophis leucomelas (which may not be a sep-
arate species from A. antillensis, according to
Pregil, et al., 1988) were recorded from
Antigua by Steadman, et al. (1984) and Wing,
et al. (1968), respectively.

Sea turtles are native reptiles to
Antigua and Barbuda and include green
(Chelonia mydas), loggerhead (Caretta
caretta), hawksbill (Eretmochelys imbricata),
and leatherback (Dermochelys coriacea) tur-
tles.

Birds: Faaborg and Arendt (1985)
reported that 106 species of birds hav,' been
noted from Antigua and 74 from Barbuda.
Extinct native land bird species include an owl
(Speotyto cunicularia amaura), parrot
(Amazona sp.) and trembler (Cinclocerthia
ruficauda); extinction was perhaps the result
of habitat change (Steadman, et al., 1984) and
exploitation by Arawaks (Harris, 1964). Ex-
tinct and/or extirpated waterbirds include the
Yellow-breasted Crake (Porzana flaviventer)
and a seabird, Audubon's Shearwater
(Puffinus lherminieri). An apparent reside-t
group of Greater Flamingo (Pheonicoptents
ruber) became extirpated from Antigua by
hunting (Steadman, et al., 1984). Bobwhite
quail was introduced as a game species but
has not become established.

Among the most important seabird
colonies of the West Indies is the Magnificent
Frigatebird (Fregata magnificens) nesting
colony at Barbuda (Halewyn and Nortco
1984). In 1971 the colony was estimated to
consist of about 2,500 pairs; it has been the
subject of breeding behavior studies
(Diamond, 1972, 1973) related to three other
species of the genus Fregata around the world.
The importance of this colony to understand-
ing sexual dimorphism among ancestral forms
of seabirds was demonstrated by Diamond
(1972), who indicated breeding is prolonged
and females nest every other year. It was
further suggested that this colony's breeding
regime, i.e., three adults (one male and two


females), could produce two young every two
years, thus maximizing productivity in an area
of rich food supplies, the Barbuda Bank. The
absence of males during the long rearing pe-
riod of the young (up tc 16-18 months) on
Barbuda may explain the establishment of a
small colony in St. Kitts and other scattered
roosting sites (e.g., Sombrero Island). Indeed,
the Barbuda colony may represent a core
from which other satellites may become es-
tablished or re-established. During the last
century, for" colonies in the Puerto Rico-
Virgin Islands area have been abandoned
(Halewyn and Norton, 1984). No more than
25 sites may be in existence in the Caribbean
today.

The Barbuda colony core has shifted
in recent times (pers. commun., I. Periera,
Vice President, Barbuda Council, 1990) from
an accessible manglar in the northwestern
corner of Codrington Lagoon to a site in the
extreme northwest, adjacent to the barrier
beach and interior mangroves. Whether this
is in response to human disturbance or a natu-
ral change in habitat is not clear. As sug-
gested by Halewyn and Norton (1984), this
and other seabird colonies should be afforded
full protection.

Barouda's Codrington Lagoou and
the satellite ponds of the island's interior pro-
vide a variety of feeding habitats and extensive
pond edge. Apart from a great variety of mi-
gratory species (see Holland and Williams,
1978), which may be expected annually,
Barbuda's native shorebirds include: Wilson's
Plover (Charadrius wilsonia), Willet
(Catoptrophorus semipalmatis), and Black-
necked Stilt (Himantopus mexicanus). Snowy
Plover (Charadrius alexandrinus) and Killdeer
(Charadrius vociferus) also occur.

Mammals. Seventeen species of
mammals have been recorded (Faaborg and
Arendt, 1985) from Antigua and 14 from
Barbuda. Fossil remains of three bat species
have been recorded: Pteronotus pamellii,
Mormoops blainvI'lei and the extinct
Phyllonycteris major (Steadman, et al., 1984).
A large cudemic rodent-lice animal,
Amblyrhiza inundata, and a rice rat, Oryzomys
spp., existed on both Antigua and Barbuda
(Harris, 1964). Other fossil evidence











Table 2.3(1). Terrestrial amphibians, reptiles and mammals present on Antigua.


AMPHIBIANS
Bufo marlnus
Eleuthrodactylus Johnstonel
E. martlnlcensis

REPTILES
Caretta caretta
Hemldactylus maboula
Thecadactylus raplcauda
Sphaerodactylus elegantulus
Anolls bimaculatus
A. watts
Iguana dellcatisslma *
Ameiva griswoldl
A. antillensis **
Typhlops monastus


MAMMALS
Noctlllo leporlnus
Monophyllus plethodon
Artlbeus famalcensis
Brachyphylla cavernarum
Natalus stramlneus
Tadarlda brasll/ensis
Molossus molossus
Rattus norvegicus
R. rattus
Mus musculus
Herpestes ]. auropunctatus
Dame dama


* May be extinct. ** May be only on Bird Island.


Source: Faaborg and Arendt, 1985; Pregill, et. al., 1988.


Table 2.3(2). Terrestrial amphibians, reptiles and mammals present on Barbuda.


AM;'HIBIANS
L.. uthrodactylus Johnstonel

REPTILES
Geochelone carbonaria
Thecadawtylus rapicauda
Sphaerodactylus eiegantuk;is
Anolls blmarulatus
A. watts
Amelva griswoldi
Typhlops monastus


MAMMALS
Noctilio leporinus
Monoohyllus plethodon
Artbeus jamaicensis
Brachyphylla cavernarum
Tadarlda brasillensis
Molossus molossus
Rattus norvegicus
R. rattus
Mus musculus
Trichechus manalus
Herpestes auropunctatus
Dama dama


Source: Faaborg and Arendt, 1985; Pregill, et al., 1988.










(Wing, et al., 1968) indicates that the West In-
dian Manatee (Trichechus manatus) inhabited
both Antiguan and Barbudan lagoons and
shallow bays. Watters, et al. (1984) also re-
port that remains of Capra hircus have been
recorded from Barbuda.

Mammalian introductions include
Agouti (Dasyprocta agouti), Fallow Deer
(dama dama) to provide game (Pregill, et. al.,
1988), the Indian Mongoose (Herpestes
auropunctatus) to control vermin in the plan-
tations, and the inadvertent importation of
rats (Rattus rattus, R. norvegicus).

Figure 2.3(la/b) identifies important
biodiversity sites which should be protected on
the islands of Antigua and Barbuda.


WILDLIFE LEGISLATION

Legislation relative to the protection
of wildlife outside of protected areas is found
in the Wild Birds Protection Ordinance (1913)
and the Turtle Ordinance (1927) (Lausche,
1986).

Several pieces of legislation include
protection for wildlife in restricted areas. The
Marine Areas (Preservation and Enhance-
ment) Act of 1972 provides for the declaration
of restricted marine areas in order to preserve
and protect flora and fauna. Antigua has one
declared marine park, Diamond Reef (or Salt
Fish Tail) Marine Park, and Barbuda also has
one, the Palaster Marine Park; both were es-
tablished in 1973 (see Section 8, National
Parks and Frotected Areas). Both parks are
undeveloped, unmauaged, and unpatrolled,
although marked by buoys.

The Fisheries Act of 1983 authorizes
the Minister responsible for fisheries to de-
clare any area of Antigua and Barbuda waters
and any adjacent land a marine reserve for the
purpose of giving special protection to the
area's natural beauty, flora, fauna, and habi-
tats. No marine reserves have yet been de-
clared under the legislation.

The National Parks Act (1984) pro-
vides for the management, protection and de-
velopment of the natural, physical, and eco-


logical resources of Antigua-Barbuda. Only
one national park (at Nelson's Dockyard) has
been declared under this legislation; it is pri-
marily an historical and cultural park (see also
Section 8, National Parks and Protected
Areas).

The Forest Ordinance Act (1941) and
Forestry Regulations (1952) provide for the
protection of forested lands, for the preven-
tion of their deforestation, and for reforesta-
tion where determined to be necessary by
Government. In contrast to other colonial-
based forestry legislation in the region, the
Antiguan ordinance and regulations are rather
brief, reflecting the lesser economic potential
of this resource in Antigua-Barbuda in com-
parison to more heavily-forested islands. Not
only are the forestry regulations outdated, but
they are largely not used (Lausche, 1986).

As discussed in Section 2.1, new, up-
dated legislation has been drafted by FAO for
forestry and wildlife. At the request, .'
GOAB, the two sectors -- forestry and wildlife
-- are being separated into two re drafted acts.
Since both wildlife and forestry legislation in
Antigua-Barbuda is outdated and ineffective,
early consideration by Government of the re-
drafted acts is to be encouraged.

It appears that wildlife protection and
management (other than activities falling
under the authority of the Nationrd Park Au-
thority) are under the jurisdiction of the Min-
istry of Agriculture, Fisheries, Lands, and
Housing, but there is no specific position for a
wildlife officer.



2.3.2 Problems and Issues


ENDANGERED SPECIES

Marine turtles represent some of
Antigua and Barbuda's most important
threatened and endangered species. Devel-
opment along coastal ;treas has provided few
measures to minimize the negative impact
that night-time lighting has on hatchling tur-
tles and nesting females. Of the four species


















































LAGOON DARBY'S
.* CAVE

Codrington






Statute Miles NATURAL /
=Pll SAVANNAHS
O 1 2 3 4 5 o n

Figure 2.3(lb). Potential biodiversity protection sites for the Island of Barbuda (see also Table 2.3(4)).



78











known to occur in Antigua-Barbuda, the log-
gerhead (Caretta caretta) is considered
vulnerable; the others -- green (Chelonia
mydas), hawksbill (Eretmochelys imbricata)
and leatherback (Dermochelys coriacea) are
endangered.

There are reports that poaching con-
tinues to be a serious problem at Long Island,
a privately-owned offshore island in Antigua's
North Sound area, and along the beaches on
the neighboring mainland. Long Island's sin-
gle resort hotel has incorporated "nature
tourism" into the package of activities offered
to guests, including visits to turtle nesting
beaches. A turtle conservation and monitor-
ing project, incorporating a turtle tagging
component, is being carried out at Long Is-
land under the direction of a professional ma-
rine biologist.

The proposed Goat Island Nature
Reserve in Barbuda (see below, Section 2.33)
also includes important turtle nesting sites.
Turtle nesting has also been reported on
Green Island and Sandy Island; on the fol-
lowing beaches in Antigua: Jabberock Beach,
Pearns Beach, Rendezvous Bay, Turtle Bay
and Devils Bridge Beach; and the following
areas of Barbuda: Low Bay and Welcher Bay
(CIDE, 1988).

The endemic Antiguan ground snake
(Alsophis antillensis antiguae) now finds
refuge only on Great Bird Isiand. Research
should be considered to determine the feasi-
bility of re-introducing the snake to other un-
inhabited cays to preclude loss of the genetic
pool should some catastrophe eliminate the
only population in existence. The mongoose
has been blamed for the decline of the ground
lizard (Ameiva griswoldi) on Antigua,
(Faaborg and Arendt, 1985).

Migratory whales which calve in local
waters of the Antigua-Barbuda marine shelf
include the Humpback Whale (Megaptera
novaeangliae). Action should be taken to
identify important calving areas (this would be
an appropriate project for a local NGO); it
may be necessary to protect calving areas as
marine reserves and restrict activities during
the animal's reproductive season in local
waters.


Locally threatened wildlife species in
Barbuda include the White-crowned Pigeon
and West Indian Whistling-Duck because for-
eign hunters apparently ignore local authority
(pers. commun., I. Periera, Vice President,
Barbuda Council, 1990). The Roseate Tern,
listed by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service,
has been recorded as nesting on the small off-
shore cays of Antigua-Barbuda.

Table 2.3(3) provides information on
selected species considered threatened or en-
dangered in Antigua and Barbuda.


COASTAL RESOURCE PROTECTION

Conflicting and incompatible uses of
the country's coastal environments is a devel-
opment issue which directly affects wildlife
habitat. Coastal areas of Antigua and
Barbuda are where the majority of the coun-
try's wildlife populations occur, but this is the
very area in which tourism development and
population expansion has most taken place in
recent decades. Because the highest concen-
tration of human activities occurs in coastal
environments, (industry, fisheries, tourism),
the coastal zone must be treated as a re-
stricted resource, and greater management
controls must be implemented (Miller, et al.,
1939).

Wetlands and coastal habitats in the
Lesser Antilles provide critical feeding and
nesting habitat for many species of birds mi-
grating along the West Indian Flyway between
North and South America (CIDE, 1988). The
small islands of the northeastern Caribbean
are frequently the first landfall for migratory
landbirds and waterfowl. The loss of these
habitats, especially coastal systems such as
mangroves, salt ponds, and other wetlands,
could threaten the long-term survival of a
number of migratory shorebird and songbird
species. Over 100 migrant species are regu-
larly recorded in the Lesser Antilles; most of
these species nest in North America and over-
winter in the Caribbean or South America.
Declines in shorebird populations over the
last two decades have revealed alarming
changes in habitats.




Full Text

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A N T I G U A and B A R B U D A ... 3 --.:7 0 .. 1 t. COUNTRY PROFILE Prepared Under the Aegis Of: THE CARIBBEAN CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION Michael, On Behalf Of: THE GOVERNMENT OF ANTIGUA AND BA:lBUDA Historical, Conservation, and Environmental, Commis I"" With the Technical Support Of: THE ISLAND RESOURCES FOUNDATION St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Island;; And THE ":NVIRONMENTAL GROUP St. John's, Antigua Funding Providt:d By: THE U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL Regional Development Office/Caribbean Bridgetown, Barbados Draft Prepared 1990 Edited and Published 1991

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Overall project management for the Antigua-Barbuda Country Environmental Proftle Project was provided by the Cadbbean Conservation Association (CO\.) under the direction of Acting Executive Director, Mr. Calvin Howell. Technical guidance in preparation of the Proftle was the responsibility of the Island Resources Foun dation (IRF). Dr. Edward L. Towle, President of the Foundatiol1, is the Team Leader for the Proftle Project in the Eastern Caribbean; Judith A. Towle, IRF Vice President, is the EditC'r of the CEP Re port Series; and Dr. Bruce J. Horwith, Director of IRF's NGO Institutional De .. elopment Program, served as Coordinator for the Antigua-Barbuda CEP. The CEP National Committee, as designated by CCA and the Government of Antigua and Barbuda) was the Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission (HCEC), under the able leadership of Mr. Oscar Bird. Several Commission meetings focused on the Proftie during the course of the project, and many HCEC members were valuable sources of wiormation and were instrumental in the review process. Special thanks are due Chairman Bird and Mr. E.T. Henry, liaison between the Commission and the Environmental Awareness Group, for their time and effort. Local project support was provided through the offices of the Environmental Awareness Group (EAG). Valuable suggestions for the Proftle design were made early on by an ad hoc committee of EAG convened to review the CEP report outline. The EAG Executive Committee contin ued interest and provided critical support throughout the entire project. The CEP report benefitted greatly from their substantive input, in particular, Mr. E.T. Henry, Mr. Dt.5mond Nichc!son, Mr. John Jurgensen, Mr. Lionel Michael, and Dr. Brian Cooper. Special thanks are also due to Ms. Lee Brown, EAG Project Coordinator and CEP Project Assistant, whose were critical in enabling the project to be executed under a very demancling schedule. Staff at the U.S. Agency for International Development, Caribbean Regional Development Office in Barbados facilitated implementation of the Antigua-Barbuda Proftie Project, in particular, Mission Environmental Officer Rebecca Niec, whose support has been appreciated throughout this effort by CCA and IRF. Many in Antigua and Barbuda gave willingly of theit: time and expertise in providing inter views and information for the CEP writing tearn and in the report review process. A special note of appreciation is due Mr. Patrick Lay and Mr. Kevel Lindsay for their input on coastal and marine is sues and on biological resources, respectively. Both individuals contributed greatly of their time, ex pertise, and knowledge, and did so in a timely fashion. Many other organizations, agencies, and indi viduals in Antigua-Barbuda provided valuable assistance during the course of the project. To each we extend our gratitude, along with the hope that the Environmental Proftie will assist the country in defming and achieving its goals for sustainable df,ve!opment in the decade ahead. For further information, contact anyone of the implementing institutions: Caribbean Conservation Association Savannah Lodge, The Garrison St. Michael, Barbados (August 1990) Island Resources Foundation Red Hook Box 33, St. Thomas U.S. Virgin Islands 00802 Environmental Awareness Group, P.O. Box 103 St. John's, Antigua

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ANTIGUA-BARBUDA COUNTRY ENVIRONMENTAL PROFILE NATIONAL COMMITIEE Historical, Consenation Dnd Environmental Commission Mr. Oscar Bird, Chairman Government Appointed Memben;: Mr. Errol James National Paries Commissioner Mr. Desmond Nicholson HAS and FAG Representative Mr. E. T. Henry HAS and FAG Representative Mr. Eustlice Royer Ms. Yvonne Maginley Mr. Neville Francis Mr. Tyrone Peters Mr. Frank Henry Mr. Joseph Reid Chief FISheries Officer Director General, Director, Public Worles Director, Development Cuntrol Authority Director of Agriculture Chief Health Inspector Mr. Lionel Michael Mr. Eustace Hill Senator R. Martin Mr. J. Fuller, Attorney Coopted Members: Solid Waste Manager Science Coordinator, Ministry of Education Asst. Commis. R.M. Charles Mr. 1.. Hesse Police Department Dept. of Legal Affairs ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS GROUP Executive Committee for 1990 John Jurgensen President Patricia Deans General Member Edward Henry Vice President Lionel Michael General Member Radcliffe Rot-ins Treasurer Desmond Nicholson General Member lisa Nicholson Secretary Eustace Royer General Memller Kirz Rickert Secn:tary Velma Thomas Publicity Brenda Lee Brown CA.G Proj,ct C.oordinator Brian Cooper General Member ISLAND RESOURCES FOUNDATION TECHNICAL TEAM For The Country Environmental Profile Project CEP PROJECfTFAM LEADER CEP COORDINATOR FOR ANTIGUA PROFILE EDITOR, CEP REPORT SERIES GRAPHICS AND DESIGN BIBLIOGRAPHY Edward 1.. Towle Bruce J. Horwith Judith A. Towll:: Jean-Pierre Bacle Ian Jones, Margaret K1ancher Antigua-Barbuda Environmental Profile Writing Team BACKGROUND AGRICULTURE AND FORESTRY FRESHWATER RESOURCES AND WATERSHEDS BIODIVERSITY AND WILDLIFE COASTAL AND MARINE RESOURCES ENERGY AND INDUSTRY TOURISM POLLlT110N AND ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH LAND USE, PLANNING, DEVELOPMENT CONTROL NATIONAL PARKS AND PROTECTED AREAS PROTECTION OF HISTORICAL HERITAGE INSITlunOl.JAL FRAMEWORK SUMMARY ii E. T. Henry, Bruce Horwith, Desmond Nicholson, Klaus deAJbuq;Jerque, Jerome McElroy Richard Ince, Bruce Horwith Brece Horwith Robert Norton Melvin Goodwin, Patrick Lay Bruce Hocwith Ivor Jackson Bruce Horwith, Patrick Lay lvor Jackson lvor Jackson Desmond Nicholson Terry Hughes, Klaus deAJbuquerque Bruce Horwith

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements Antigua-Barbuda CEP National Committee Environmental AwarenGSS Group Executive Committee Island Resources Foundation Technical Team Ust of Tables List of Figures Abbreviations Conversion Coefficients: Imperial Measures and Weights/Metric System Acronyms Introduction SYNTHESIS OF POLICY ISSUES AND RECOMMENDATIONS SECTION 1 BACKGROUND 1.1 Landscape and A Changing Environment 1.2 Environmental Setting 1.2.1 Climate 1.2.2 Topography 1.2.3 Geology and Soils 1.2.4 Vegetation 1.3 History and CuHure 1.4 Physical Infrastructure 1.5 Socia-Economic Setting 1.5.1 Demographics and Human Resources 1.5.2 National Economy and Development Trends SECTION 2 LAND RESOURCES 2.1 Agricul1ure and Forestry 2.1.1 Overview 2.1.2 Problems and Issuas 2.1.3 Policy Recommendations 2.2 Freshwater Resources and Watersheds 2.2.1 Overview 2.2.2 and Issues 2.2.3 Policy Recommendations 2.3 Biodiversity and Wildlife 2.3.1 Overview 2.3.2 Problems and 2.3.3 Policy Recommendations iii Page I II II II vi vIII Ix Ix x xII 1 1 9 9 12 15 17 20 25 28 28 37 45 45 45 50 56 58 58 69 72 74 74 77 82

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SECTION 3 COASTAL AND MARINE RESOURCES 85 3.1 Overview 85 3.2 Problems and Issues 91 3.3 Policy Recommendations 95 SECTION 4 ENERGY AND INDUSTRY 97 4.1 Energy 97 4.1.1 Overview 97 4.1.2 Problems and Issues 101 4.1.3 Policy Recommendations 103 4.2 Industry 104 4.2.1 Overview 104 4.2.2 Problems and Issues 106 4.2.3 Policy Recommendations 109 SECTION 5 TOURISM 111 5.1 Overview 111 5.2 Problems and Issues 117 5.3 Policy Recommendi!tlons 121 SECTION 6 POLLUTION AND ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH 125 6.1 Overview 125 6.2 Problems and Issues 129 6.3 Policy Recommendations 131 SECTION 7 LAND USE, PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT CONTROL 135 7.1 Overview 135 7.2 Problems and Issues 143 7.3 Policy Recommendations 145 SECTION 8 NATIONAL PARKS AND PROTECTED AREAS 149 8.1 Overview 149 8.2 Problems and Issues 150 8.3 Recommendations 160 SECTION 9 PROTECTION OF HISTORICAL/CULTURAL HERITAGE 161 9.1 Overview 161 9.2 Problems and Issues 167 9.3 Policy Recommendations 171 iv

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SECTION 10 INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT 175 10.1 Government Organi"zatlon 175 10.2 Government Institutions Concerned with Environmental Management 1 n 10.3 The Non-Governmental Sector In Envlronrnental Mcmagement 183 10.4 Donor-Supported Resource Management Programs 185 10.5 Assessment of the Institutional Framework for Environmental Management 188 BIBUOGRAPHY 193

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LIST OF TABLES Table No. Page 1.1 (1) Comparative land use In acres In Antigua for selected years. 4 1.2(1 ) Annual rainfall for selected stations, 1982-1988 (In millimeters). 10 1.2(2) Features of the land capability classification system used for Antigua and Barbuda. 18 1.5(1 ) Selected demographic Indicators for selected years, 1970-1988. 29 1.5(2) Number of households and persons and average household size, 1070 and 1984, by enumeration districts. 31 1.5(3) Age distribution of the population In 1970 and 1984. 33 1.5(4) Selected soclo-economlc Indicators. 35 1.5(5) Antigua-Barbuda GOP at factor cost by economic activity In current prices, percent distribution. 38 1.5(6) Selected agricultural Indicators, Antigua and Barbuda, various years. 40 2.1 (1) Agricultural land use In Antigua-Barbuda (acres), 1984 46 2.1 (2) Production of field crops for selected years, 1984-1988. 47 2.1 (3) Number of livestock in Antigua-Barbuda, 1984. 48 2.2(1 ) Annual rainfall In irlches, 1950-1984. 60 2.2(2) Antigua watersheds with storage capacity estimates for existing and proposed agricultural and municipal water supplies (acre-feet). 61 2.2(3) Size and storage capacity of several of thij larger agricultural and municipal reservoirs In Antlguo. 66 2.2(4) Water capacity and water consumption data for years 1984 1987. 67 2.2(5) Estimated mear' monthly run-c,;i, Antigua-Barbuda, In centimeters. 67 2.3(1) Terrestrial amphibians, reptiles and mammals present on Antigua. 76 2.3(2) Terrestrial amphiblqns, reptiles and mammals present on Barbuda. 76 2.3(3) Vertebrates In Antigua and Barbuda considered endangered, threatened or in need of special conservation attention. 80 2.3(4) Potential terrestrial biodiversity sites to be evaluated for designation as wildlife reserves. 83 3.2(1) Major areas and concerns related to coastal degradation in Antigua. 92 4.1 (1) Imports of major petroleum products (in barrels) and their percent share of Imports mix. 98 4.1 (2) Selected data on electricity consumption, 1984-1988. 101 4.2(1) Production of selected commodities in Antigua-Barbuda, 1985-1988. 105 4.2(2) The largest manufacturing companies in Antigua-Barbuda in 1990. 106 5.1 (1) Visitor arrivals, 1986-1989. 112 5.1 (2) Estimated average dally expenditure and length of stay for visitors to Antigua and Barbuda. 113 5.1 (3) Estimates of p9rsons visiting day cruise destinations, 1990. 113 5.1 (4) Selected tourism tax revenues (EC$ million), 1984-1989. 114 5.1 (5) Hotel rooms at three major resorts areas, Antigua. 116 5.1 (6) Sea visitor arrivals at various ports, 1989. 116 6.1 (1) Percentage of sewage disposed of by the five primary 127 disposal categories. vi

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7.1 (1) Land use In Antigua, 1985. 136 7.1 (2) Number of building applications and estimated value, 1981-1988. 139 7.1 (3) GOAB agencies with land management functions. 141 8.1 (1) Protected areas and their economic value. 150 8.1 (2) Estimates of park visitation, Nelson's Dockyard National Park. 153 8.1 (3) Proposed protected areas for Antigua and Barbuda, as recommended by the OAS. 156 8.1 (4) IUCN protected area management categories and objectives. 157 9.1 (1) Summar: of historic sites Inventory complied by the Historical and Archaeological Society. 162 9.3(1) Museum development in Antigua and Barbuda. 173 10.1(1) Primary resource management legislation In Antigua-Barbuda. 178-79 vii

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure No. Page 1.1 (1) General map of the Eastern Caribbean, showing the location of Antigua-Barbuda. 2 1.1 (2) General location map for the Islands of Antigua and Barbuda. 3 1.1 (3) Various projections o. sea level rise Until the year 2100. 8 1.2(1 ) Monthly distribution of rainfall, Antigua, based upon figures re-corded at nine stations over periods varying from 12 to 50 years. 10 1.2(2) Mean annual rainfall (long average annuallsohyetals) for various locations In Antigua. 11 1.2(3) Physiographic regions of Antigua. 13 1.2(4) Distribution of land slope classes, Antigua. 14 1.2(5) Topography of Barbuda. 15 1.2(6) Solis map of Antigua. 16 1.4(1 a) Location of Important physical Infrastructure for the Island of Antigua. 26 1.4(1 b) Location of important physical Infrastructure for the Island of Barbuda. 27 2.2(1 ) Average season rainfall variation. 59 2.2(2) Annual rainfall for 20, 50, and 80 percent frequencies. 59 2.2(3) Watersheds of Antigua. tj2 2.2(4) Watersheds of Barbuda. 63 2.2(5) Several of the larger agricultural and municipal reservoirs for the Island of Antigua. 65 2.3(1a) Potential biodiversity protection sites for the Island of Antigua. 78 2.3(1 b) Potential biodiversity protection sites for the Island of Barbuda. 78 3.1 (1) Important reef areas of Antigua. 86 3.1 (2) I mportant reef areas of Barbuda. 87 3.1 (3) The mangrove areas of Antigua. 88 3.1 (4) Mangroves and salt flats of Barbuda. 89 4.1 (1) Electricity generation capacity and peak load demand. 99 4.1 (2) Primary electrical supply system for the Island of Antigua. 100 5.2(1) Overall mission statement and long-term strategies of the Antigua Hotel and Tourism Association. 120 6.1 (1) Official and unofficial waste disposal sites. 126 7.1 (1) Antigua land use from physical development plan prepared by the Planning Office, 1977. 137 7.1 (2). Hypothetical process for review of applications for development projects with the Nelson's Dockyard National Park. 142 8.1 (1) Antigua parks and protected areas (existing and proposed). 151 8.1 (2) Barbuda parks and protected areas (existing and proposed). 152 8.1 (3) Antigua terrostriallife zones. 155 9.1 (1) Places of historical and cultural interest in AntigUa. 163 9.1 (2) Pre-historic and historic sites of Barbuda. 164 9.1 (3) English Harbor defenses: sites of historical Importance in the area around Nelson's Dockyard. 166 10.4(1 ) Location of key GOAB and CAROl agricultural facilities In Antigua. 187 viii

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ac AF BOD cm COD EC$ ft g gpd ha In kg Irm kn kV LENGTH AREA VOLUME WEIGHT TEMPERATURE Abbreviations Used In The Country Environmental Profile acre kW kilowatt acre-feet k'Ml kilowatt-hour biochemical oJ(ygen demand Ib pound centimeter m meter chemical oxygen demand MG million galion'J Eastern Caribbean Dollar MG/A million gallons per acre foot MG/D million gallons per day gram MG/M million galls per month gallons per day ml mile hectare ML millions of liters Inch ml milliliter kilogram mm millimeter kilometer MW megawatt knot US$ American Dollar kilovolt (US$1.00 = EC$2.67) Conversion Coefficients Between Imperial Measures and Weights And The Metric System Imperial Metric System 1 inch 2.540 centimetres 0.39370 inch 1 centimetre 1 yard 0.91440 metre 1.094 yards 1 metre 1 mile 1.609 kilometres 0.6214 mile 1 kilometre 1 fathom (6 feet) 1.829 metres 1 square foot 0.093 square metre 10.6 square feet 1 square metre 1 acre 0.405 hectare 2.471 acres 1 hectare 1 square mile 2.59 square kilometres 0.386 square mile 1 square kilometre 1 pint 0.568 litre 1.76 pints 1 litre 1 gallon 4.546l1tres 0.220 gallon 1 litre 1 cubic foot 0.028 cubic metre 35.31 cubic feet 1 cub, metre 1 pound 0.4536 kilogram 2.205 pounds 1 kilogram 1 long ton 1016 kilograms 1 short ton 907.185 kilograms 0.9842 iong ton 1 tonne (1,000 kilograms) 1.102322 short ton 1 tonne (1,000 kilograms) Conversion F to C: Conversion C to F: subtract 32 and multiply by 1.8 and divide by 1.8 add 32 ix

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AHTA AUCS APUA BDD CANARI CAPS CARDATS CARDI CARICOM CBH CCA CDB CEHI CEP CERMES CFA CHAPA CIDA CIDE CITES CMC GTO CXC CZM DCA DFS EAG ECCB ECLAC ECNAMP EEC EEZ EDF EIA EPU FAO GDP GIS GOAB GTZ HAS HCEC IDB ACRONYMS USED IN THE ANTIGUA and BARBUDA COUNTRY ENVIRONMENTAL PROFILE Antigua Hotel and Tourism Association Antigua Livestock Improvement Cooperative Society AntlguaBarbuda Public Utilities Authority British Development Division Caribbean Natural Resources Institute (formerly ECNAMP) Caribbean AdvlRory and Professional Services Caribbean Agricultural Rural Development Advisory and Training Service Carlbbeall Agricultural Research and Development Institute Caribbean Community Central Board of Health Caribbean Conservation Association Caribbean Development Bank Caribbean Environmental Health Institute Country Environmental Profile Center for Resource Iv.anagement and Environmental Studies (UWI) Cooperative Farmers Assuciatlon Central Housing and Planning Authority Canadian International Development Agency Center for International Development and Environment Convention on International Trade of Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna Central Marketing Corporation Caribbean Tourism Organization (formerly Caribbean Tourism Research ard Development Center) Caribbean examinations Council Coastal Zone Management Development Control Authority Deutsche Forstlnventur Service Environmental Awareness Group Eastern Caribbean Central Bank Economic Commission for latin America and the Caribbean (United Nations) Eastern Caribbean Natural Area Management Program (renamed 1989 as Caribbean Natural Resources Institute, CANARI) European Economic Community Exclusive Economic Zone European Development Fund Environmental Impact Assessment Economic Planning Unit Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Gross DomE:stic Product Geographic Information System Government of Antigua and Barbuda (found in the Bibliography under Antigua and Barbuda Government) German Agency for Technical Co-operation (Deutsches Gessellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit) Historical and Archaeological Society of Antigua Barbuda Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission Industrial Development Board x

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ileA IMF IRF IUCN LAC MAB NONP NGO NPA NRAO OAO OAS aDA OECS OECS-NRMP PAHO PCB PPO PWD RAMSAR REMS SFA SjOC TFR VSO UK UNOP UNEP US USAIO USAIO /ROO /C USDA USEPA USMAB UWI WHO VvWF WWF-US Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture International Monetary Fund Island Resources Foundation International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources latin America and the Museum of Antigua and Barbuda Nelson's Dockyard National Park Non-Government Organization National Park Authority Natural Resources Assessment for Agricultural Development (OAS) Organization for Agricultural Development Organization of American States Organization for Agricultural Development Organization of Eastern Caribbean States Organization of Eastern Caribbean States-Natural Resources Management Project Pan American Health Organization Pestlc:de Control Board Physical Planning Office Public Works Department Convention on Wetlands of International Importance Especially as Waterfowl Habitat Regional Environmental Management Specialist (USAID) Small Farmers Association St. John's Development Corporation Total Fertility Rate Voluntary Service Overseas United Kingdom United Nations Development Program United Nations Environment Program United States U.S. Agency for International Development U.S. Agency for International Development/ Regional Development Office/Caribbean U.S. Department of Agriculture U.S. Environmental Protection Agency U.S. Man and the Biosphere Program University of the West Indies World Health Organization World Wide Fund for Nature (International) World Wildlife Fund (U.S.) xi

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INTRODUCTION Preparation of Country Environmental Pro files (CEPs) has proven to be an effective means to help ensure that environmental is sues are addressed in the development pro cess. Since 1979, the U.S. Agency for Inter national Development (USAID) has sup ported Environmental Promes in USAID-as sisted countries. Those completed to date have provided: (1) a description of each coun try's natural resource base, includ ing a review of the extent and eco nomic importance of natural re sources and changes in the quality or productivity of those resources; (2) a review of I:he institutions, legislation, policies and programs for environmental planning, eco nomic development and natural re source management; (3) identification of the major is sues, conflicts or problems in nat ural resource management and opportunities for effective re sponses. Promes have highlighted gaps in the existing information base, suggested new guidelines for the design and funding of development programs, pinpointed weaknesses in regula tory or planning mechanisms, and illustrated the need for changes in policies. Most im portantly, the process of carrying out a proftie project has in many cases helped establish new wvrking relationships and even consensus among government and non-government bodies concerned with environmental issues and has also served to strengt!len local institu tions and to improve their capacity for incor porating environmental information into de velopment planning. PROFILES FOR THE EASTERN CARIBBEAN Country Environmental Promes have been prepared for several countries in .the Wider xii Caribbean Region, including Panama, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Jamaica. The potential utility of CEPs in the Eastern Caribbean sub-region (essentially the OECS countries) has been a subject of discussion since the early 1980's. The need for the proftIing process to begin in those cOll!ltries was reaffirmed during a seminar on Industry, En vironment and Development sponsored by the Caribbean Conservation Association (CCA) and the University of the West Indies in August 1986. Shortly thereafter, USAID entered into a Co operative Agreement with CCA for prepara tion of a series of CEPs for the Eastern Carib bean. It was decided to begin the profile pro cess in the country of St. Lucia as a pilot pro ject, to be followed by proftles for Grenada, Antigua-Barbuda, Dominica, st. Kitts-Nevis, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. Early in 1987, CCA and the Island Resources Foundation (IRF), of St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, entered into an agreement whereby it was determined that IRF would provide technical assistance and support to CCA in the execulion of the proftie project in the Eastern Caribbean. The Executive Director of the Caribbean Conservation Association is the CEP Project Director, while the President of the Island Resources Foundation serves as CEP Project Manager/Team Leader. THE ANTIGUA-BARBUDA COUNTRY ENVIRONMENTAL PROFILE Early in 1990 a Memorandum of Under standing (MOU) was signed by CCA and the Government of Antigua and Barbuda (GOAB) for the purpose of executing a Country Environmental Profile, with the His torical, Conservation and Environmental Commission (HCEC) selected as the coun terpart agency for Government. The mem bers of the Commission were designated to serve as the CEP Nalional Committee for the Antigua-Barhuda Profile Project. At the same time, tbe Antigua Environmental Awareness Group (EAG), a local non-govern-

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mental organization, was designated by CCA and GOAB as the local implementing and co ordinating group for the CEP project in AntiguaBarbuda. The CEP National Committee was called on to support the project in a variety of ways, most importantly in helping to identify envi ronmental issues, to obtain reference materi als, and to and assist with the in country review of materials prepareJ by the CEP technical writing team. A broad spec trum of individuals was selected locally to par ticipate in the review of the Prome, on a chapter-by-chapter basis. The headquarters of the Environmental Awareness Group at the National Museum of Antigua and Barbuda in St. John's also served as the headquarters of the CEP Project. staff and members of EAG were most sup portive of the project and greatly facilitated completion of the report within what was a very demanding time frame. During the course of the CEP project, a significant col lection of environmental reference materials on Antigua-Barbuda and the Eastern Caribhean was made available at the offices of EAG. This collection will remain in the country and can form the nucleus of an im portant environmental library or information center to serve the community long after the completion of the Prome Project. The draft Prome Report was prepared during a three month period, June August, 1990, with draft chapters circulated to in-country re viewers for comments and input as each was readied by the CEP tcchnical team. The full CEP document, in wdraft final w format, was completed in September and disseminated for fmal review both in Antigua-Barbuda and to other reviewers in Caribbean region. ORGANIZATION OF THE ANTIGUABARBUDA CEP REPORT As determined by the Antigua-Barbuda CEP National Committee and the IRF technical writing team, the Country Environmental Prome has been organized in ten primary sections. Each sector-specific section provides the reader with an overview summary of the XUI sector, reviews key environmental problems and issues within the sector, and concludes with recommendations specific to that sector. A SYNTIiESIS OF POLICY ISSUES AND RECOM MENDATIONS precedes the sector-specific sections and provides a summary and synthe sis of critical environmental issues, conclu sions, and recommendations. SECI10N ONE provideli background informa tion on the general environmental setting of the country and briefly reviews historical, eco nomic and demographic features. SECIION lWO is a review of the country's land resource base, including a discussion of pri mary environmental issues within three key resource sectors: agriculture and forestry, freshwater and wltersheds, and biudiversity and wildlife. SECTION THREE turns to a dis cussion of the coastal and marine environ ment. The Pro me moves away from an examination of the physical environment to consider flfSt energy and industry issues in SECTION FOUR, while focusing more specifically on the tourism industry in SECTION FIVE. Pollution environmental health are the subjects of SECTION SIX. The related topics of land use, physical plan ning, and development control are examined in SECTION SEVEN. SECTION EIGI-IT considers issues related to park planning and protected areas management, while SECTION NINE fo cuses specifically on the management of his torical and cultural resources. The subject of SECTION TEN is the institutional framework for environmental management in Antigua-Barbuda, including an overview of key agencies and organizations with resource responsibilities. A comprehensive bibliography of source ma terials dealing with natural resource develop ment and environmental management is found at thc end of the tlrofile. Most refer ences cited deal specifically with Antigua Barbuda or with the Eastern Caribbean sub region. It is the most thorough assemblage of

PAGE 15

such reference material on Antigua-Barbuda to be published to date. The objective of the Country Environmental Prame project in Antigua-Barbuda has not been to prevent or obstruct development but rather to provide another kind of compre hensive planning tool for the country, one which stands as an updated addendum to eco nomic planning documents. At the same time, the CEP seeks to inform and guide local discussion and debate about development pri orities and to encourage identification of more sustainable development strategies for the ;rlv ll)ng term. The Environmental Prame at tempts to draw attention to gaps in the coun try's information base, I" identify critical problem areas and to suggest options for ad dressing these problems. An important re lated objective is to improve the country's ca pacity for incorporating environmental con cerns in the development planning process early enough to avoid the risks and eventual costs associated with growth strategies which ignore or pay little attention to such consider ations.

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SYNTHESIS OF POLICY ISSUES AND RECOMMENDATIONS The critical environmental issues identified in this Country Environmental Pro file will not surprise those who know Antigua and Barbuda well -at the same time, there is little room for complacency. There is in fact cause for which has been articulated in various for1JUls long before the current CEP project began. Ironically, one of the most seriolls reasons for concern is that quite a bit is known about existing and/or potential environment.U problems in the country, the telling harbingers or early warning signs have not generally received the attention they deserve; nor have resour'::es been systemati cally applied to develop either preventive or remedial strategies. This synthesis does not attempt to fully summarize an almost 2OO-page Prome because the sector-specific sections of the CEP (sections two through ten) already pro vide concise "Oveniew", "Problems and Is sues", and "Policy Recommendations" sub sections for each resource or management sector. Rather, a smaller group of critical en vironmental issues and recommendations more national and less sectorial in scope have been singled out and presented in this synthesis. There is a risk in doing this, for any issue (or cluster of issues) should not be con sidered in isolation. There are important linkages between sectors, and the in terrelatedness of both natural and human el ements within ecosystems constitutes an im portant concept and challenge for the Antiguan-Barbudan resource manager. xv Solutions generally require inter-dis ciplinary and inter-ministerial/departmental cooperation and coordination; they are sel dom as neat and orderly as their presentation in list form would suggest. Furthermore, a complex problem will appear, and in fact will prove, intractable until it is attacked cre atively, aggressively and simultaneously by both government and private sector entities working together more or less as partners. One of the purposes of the Country Environmental. Prome Project in Antigua-Barbuda has been to open up such avenues of dialogue in the search for workable solutions. Under the best of circumstances, this first Antigua-Barbuda Environmental Prome could be seen as an immediately useable agenda for the Government's Historical, Con servation, and Environmental Commission, from which it could develop an action pro gram of its own for presentation to Cabinet. Additionally, the Prome could also be seen strategic.ally, i.e., as a comprehensive planning document and a first step leading to the design and implementation of a national conselVation strategy or its equivalent. At the very least, the document stands as an updated addendum to the country's national planning documents and provides new environmental guidelines for its ongoing public sector in vestment program. What is most needed at this juncture is a policy framework and a schedule of implementation.

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(1) DEVELOPMENT PLANNING AND CONTROL Inadequate development planniLg and control represent the greatest environ mental threats, and arguably also the greatest socio-economic threat, to the country. Cur rently, there is no requirement --and limited opportunity --for systematic coordination across departmental lines in the physical planning and developmental control process. The problems arising from inade quate development planning and control are exacerbated because cf the magnitude and rate of change affecting the country. Within the course of one generation the economic and social underpinnings of Antigua and Bprbuda have changed dramatically, trans forming the country from a rural based/agricultural society to a tourism-domi nated modem society. An important similar ity is that the economy has moved from a re liance on one export crop (sugar) to an equally risky over dependency on one economic sector (tourism). The tourist sector supplies some 60 percent of GOP and, despite attempts to diversify the economy, this per centage can be expected to increase in the next decade. Government is aware of the risks associated with this new "monoculture", but it has not yet taken the steps to safeguard the natural resource base upon which the tourism sector depends. Sand mining contin ues at an unsustainable pace, human and in dustrial wastes threaten the quality and safety of marine recreational areas, and hotels and condominiums multiply in coastal areas with out careful consideration of infrastructural re quirements or the potential environmental implications of such development. Many countries in the world, irre spective of their size or economic status, have recognized the necessity of good land use planning. It could be argued that the impor tance of planning is inversely related to a country's si7e and GOP, i.e., in smaller, less wealthy countries like Antigua-Barbuda, there is little margin for error and fewer funds available to remedy the mistakes of iIl planned schemes and strategies. For example, the resort developments underway and pro posed for Barbuda would, over the next five xvi years, alter a significant percentage of the isl8!ld's wetlands and coastal environment; and, at full occupancy, these resorts would increase the number of people on the island by nenrly 40 percent. It is difficult, perhaps impossible, to imagine a vroportionately comparable level of change in a larger continental country such as Canada or the United States for a compa rable time-frame. Yet, no real assessment has been done (0 examine potential environmental or social impacts of re30rt development on the enviroumental wdl-being of the island or the qualiiy of life of its residents. The dangers are compounded by Antigua and Barbuda's stressed economy, which limits the country's options to address social or environmental problems that might arise from development activities. It cannot easUy reallocate from within the national bud get the millions of dollar:; that could be needed to alleviate development-related crises. Antigua and Barbuda, like most small islands, is less able to afford the consequences and costs associated with poor planning decisions. Recommendation. Government needs to establish a process for development planning that will ensure that appropriate agencies are informed of, and can provide technical input into, proposed development activities at the very earliest stages of project planning and evaluation, particularly for major development activities. The Board of the De velopment Control Authority (DCA) -Gov ernment's intended "c1earinghouse" for the re view of development proposals --needs to be strengthened by providing better inter-agency representation in the application review and development control process. The Physical Planning Office, which provides staff for the Development Control Authority, needs to be upgraded and its staff enlarged. Con sideration sho:.Jd be given to providing the PPO with more substantive environmental planning and environmental protection functions. Recommendation. One means for more effective and regular coordination among resource management, development control and land use planning agencies rests

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with the newly-established Historical, Conser vation and Environmental Commission. The Commission has not yet been given an official mandate or terms of reference. At the very least, the Commission should be vested with sufficient authority and provided with a staff to vet critical development/envirorunent is sues, to bring into that process a bre ld cross section of appropriate government and non government technical persons, and to make recommendations to appropriate decision making authorities on its fmdings. Consideration should also be given to providing the Commission with substantive coordination/integration responsibilities, both for recommending enviIonmental policy across departmental lines and for establishing procedures for monitoring the ,::nvironmental impacts of development activities, particularly when these responsibilities are shared by more than one GOAB agency or are not clearly defined in existing legislation. Im proved coordination is cne of the most critical institutional issues confronting Antigua Barbuda in the resource management sector, and the HCEC has the potential for estab lishing more effective and regular coordina tion by Government agencies with resource management, environmental protection, physical planning and development control re s ponsibilities. Recommendation. Legislation is needed to require the preparation of Envi ronmental Impact Assessments for all major development projects (public or private sec tor), especially those within the coastal zone, within the boundaries of designated protected areas, or affecting other critical areas. An in stitutional capability for interpreting, and later carrying out, the technical aspects of impact assessment needs to be created within the Physical Planning Office and other appropri ate GOAB agencies. P:-i'vu!e d..-velopers of large projects or projects affecti ag environ mentally sensitive areas should b., required to bear the costs of preparing iD.lpact assess ments. Recommendation. A national land use plan needs to be prepared, focussing on the ar.hievement of sustainable development over the long term. The plan should guide xvii future developrilent into areas which are best suited for particular kinds and densities of land use --based on physical and eCOlogical constraints as well as national social and eco nomic priorities. Preparation of land use maps should be the initial step in the process of designing a land use and growth manage ment plan for the country. (2) PARKS AND PROTECI'ED AREAS Currently, there is only one officially designated, actively managed park in the country -Nelson's Dockyard National Park in Antigua. However, management efforts are principally directed at the regulation and sup port of business activities within the Park. The Park's permanent staff lack adequate training in resource or park management, and therefore the Park's biological, historical and cultural components are not being properly preserved. protected, or managed at the pre sent time. Two marine parks have been estab lished under existing legislation, but they are not managed or protected except on paper; activities within these parks are not controlled or regulated in any way. Several sites in Antigua and Barbuda have been identified as being worthy of protection, but there is no plan for development of a full parks and pro tected areas system for the country. Heritage sites --broadly defined to include areas of biological and geological im portance and pre-historical, historical and cultural sites --represent valuable resources that Antigua and Barbuda can ill-afford to squander. They are essential to the nation's cultural identity; furthermore, in many cases they can be linked to the country's key eco nomic sector -tourism -and thus have po tential for enhancing Antigua-Barbuda's mar ketability in an ever-more competitive tourism market. Antigua and Barbuda still has the opportunity to preserve and enhance its unique cultural identity and to foster and en courage sustainable economic development of so-called "heritage resources" -but timely ac tion is required.

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* Recommendation. A Parks and Protected Areas System for Antigua and Barbuda should be developed immediately. Development assistance agencies are paying more atte:;ntion to and allocating more funding for both biodiver!iity and parks and protected area programs, suggesting that GOAB might attract donor wterest in such endeavors. Spe cial consideration should be given to: Critical habitats for endangered or threatened species; Protection of areas of high biodi versity; Forest reserves and other areas of special vegetational concern; Multiple-use mwagement areas such as coastal wetlands, wa tersheds, and offshOl e islands; Protection and appropriate devel opment of archaeological, histori cal and sites; The value of wnon-productive" land uses, such as wildlife conser vation and recreation; ideally, marginal lands not suitable for agricultural use should be evalu ated to determine their potential contribution to the country in a non-developed state, e.g., as eco tourism amenities, for watershed protection, as "green space", for wildlife habitat, or as public recreational sites. Four lists of prime areas which should be considered for some degree of protected area status are included within the ProfIle iv Sections 2.2,3,8 and 9. It would be timely for the Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission to prepare a short list for presentation to Cabinet as a first step in the development of a representative National ParL and Protected Areas System. Recommendation. A National Parks and Protected Areas Plan is needed to ensure that all critical natural and cultural re sources receive adequate protection and that management is carried out in an integrated fashion. The Plan must include a phase-in schedule of park management responsibilities to be increasingly assumed by the National Parks Authority, in cooperation and coordi nation with other GOAB departments and agencies which might share or collaborate with NP A in the execution of park manage ment tdSks. Resource management and park management training for NPA staff (and other appropriate GOAB agency staffs) are considered essential to the successful imple mentatiou of a fully-implemented Parks and Protected Areas System for Antigua-Barbuda. Recommendation. Amended, up dated, or neVI legislation may be required. The current Naticnal Parks Act does not pro vide a working framework for a full parks and protected area system (indeed, it does not even provide a legal dermition for what con stitutes a "national park"). Furthermore, both the National Parks Act and the Fisheries Act (under which marine reserves may be estab lished) lack supporting regulations; therefore, specific management procedures as well as prohibited activities for protected areas are not defmed or controlled. (3) NATURAL RESOURCE PRODUCTWlTY The state of Antigua and Barbuda has adequate natural resources to be far more productive than is currently the case. Rainfall is low, but improved management of water supplies and watersheds could significantly in crease the reliability and availability of this re source. Imports of food, especially vegetables, fruits and meat, could be greatly reduced by a concerted effort to improve productivity of these commodities. It is remarkable that Antigua and Barbuda imports such large quantities of meat, while grazing pressure from large numbers of unmanaged cattle, goats and sheep constitute one of the prime factors in de"egetation and water and soil runoff. Sufficient background analysis has been completed and a suitable framework has been laid to provide for more efficient use and xviii

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greater protection of the counl.ry's natural re sources. A draft Forestry and Wildlife Act has been vetted with a wide group of govern mental and non-governmental individuals. Separate acts to deal \vith each of these sec tors are now being fmalized. A draft Wa.ter Resources Act draws on a decade of analysis of issues and opportunities relating to water and watelsheds in the country. Recommendation. Government should facilitate completion and passage of the aforementioned legislation for forestry, wildlife and water resources. Two issues in this regard are important: (1) the need to en sure the harmonization of policies and legis lation for these natural resource sectors and (2) the need to ensure that input from the agricultural sector informs national resource decisions, especially for water allocation. '4' Recommendation. Support is needed to enable the institutions involved to monitor and enforce proper management of these resources. Government should pursue discussions concerning the proposed CIDA Natural Resource Management Project, which represents an excelle.Jt opportunity to begin an integrated approach to management of the country's lands, forests, and watersheds. The fact that legal or historical control of the vari ous sectors is dispersed among many Min istries and governmental bodies is a serious obstacle but not an acceptable justification for allowing the country's resources to be mis managed. The necessary coordination is pos sible, and Government has an excellent op portunity for leadership by demonstrating its commitment to an integrated response for ad dressing these critical issues. Recommendation. Government could support more environmentally appro priate a&tficultural practices and use of forests. In particular, there are opportunities to pro mote agroforestry as a means to improve economic viability while conserving the natu ral resource base. Agroforestry is a major component of FAD's Tropical Forestry Ac tion Plan, which could serve aE an umbrella for various ongoing and proposed agroforestry initiatives (e.g., Pan American Development Foundation's current project). The Ministry xix of Agriculture has expressed interest in the Plan and should be encouraged to take ad vantage of this opportunity. (4) POLLUTION AND PUBLIC HEALTH Waste disposal and pollution control problems associated with solid wastes, sewage and other liquid domestic wastes, agrochemi cals, and hazardous and toxic wastes collec tively represent one of the most difficult problems facing the country. These problems have potentially injurious environmental lm plications for both public health and the natu ral environment. There are also potential economic impacts in neglecting related pollution issues, particularly as Antigua Barbuda focuses its economic future on seil ing the country as a pristine, well-managed tropical paradise. The technical actions required to ad dress these problems are well known and un derstood by local resource managers, but the solution has not been as well understood or appreciated by decision-makers. Increasing the country's resources for addressinr pollu tion-related problems is a clear priority, justi fied on economic and social grounds. Recommendation. Government should develop a National Waste Manage ment Plan and Strategy to focus on: (1) the need to update and harmonize pollution con trol legislation and regulations and to provide a framework for follow-up actions; (2) the need to raise public awareness about pollution issues and their costs to lhe country; and (3) the need to identify new sources of funding transferring some of costs of collection and disposal site management to waste gener ators, including commercial, industrial and development enterprises as well as new and expanding residential communities. Recommendation. Public health legislation is seriously outdated, lacks stan dards, and is based on colonial legal concepts which are inadequate to deal with modern pollution control problems. This legislation

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needs to be updated and strengthened by in clusion of national standards and criteria for water quality, pollution control and waste management. The institutions given over sight/regulatory responsibilities --in particu lar the Central BC'ard of Health --must be allocated sufficie!.lt technical and fiscal re sources to take advantage of improved leg islative authority. Recommendation. The need for controlling and regulating the sale and use of agrochemicAls and for promoting their safe and economical use warrants special attention by GOAB at the present time. The Pesticide Control Board (PCB) should be reactivated immediately as an operational body, and sup porting regulations to the Pesticide Control Act need to be vetted and gazetted as soon as possible in order to give the PCB authority for monitoring and regulating pesticide use in the country. Among other activities, the Board should develop a list of approved pesticides, require pesticide distributors to report quan tities sold, and require major users to report quantities applied to their crops. (5) COASTAL ZONE MANAGEMENT The coastal zone is the most heavily populated area of Antigua-Barbuda and fig ures prominently in the recreational pursuits of its citizens. Almost all industrial activities in the country are sited in the coastal zone, while the country's critical tourism sector is dependent upon development of infrastruc ture in the coastal zone. Much of Antigua's coast is experiencing significant alterations due to intensive development, primarily for tourism. Major concerns continue to be raised about the consequences of this explo sive development including the degradation or destruction of critical coastal es pecially in the absence of an effective policy for coastal zone management (CZM). The interactive linkage of CZM is sues with other environment/development is sues --tourism and industrial expansion, port/marina development, environmental monitoring, and pollution control, to name a few --means that management and develop-xx ment of tnt; coastal environment cannot be viewed in isolation by Antiguan-Barbudan policy planners. Adverse impacts associated with ad hoc, unregulated development in the country's coastal zone have been well documented. While the tendency has been to focus upon such problems selectively, their increasing, cumulative visibility reflects the absence of comprehensive development control guide lines and policies committed to maintaining the quality of coastal resources. This is a situ ation which needs to be addressed immedi ately by the Government of Antigua-Barbuda, given the heavy use, loading, density, traffic, and habitation levels in the coastal zone. Recommendation. A comprehen sive coastal zone management program should be implemented to provide overall guidance for specific development and man agement activities. A useful island model with over a decade and a half of adaptive testing is provided by the U.S. Virgin Islands, a neigh boring insular area which has had to face sim ilar coastal-intensive development issues. Oversight authority for a CZM pro gram should reside in one agency, although responsibility for specific components almost certainly will have to be an inter-ministerial undertaking and better coordination of multi agency responsibilities for the nation's coastal resources and wetlands will have to be pro vided. Emphasis should be placed upon de velopment planning, adherence to a policy of review of all development proposals by the Development Control Authority, and re quirements for Environmental Impact As sessments for all major developments in the coastal zone. Recommendation. A program of management of the country's sand resources needs to be put in place. An evaluation should be made of the overall impact of sand mining on the rate of beach loss, and GOAB resource managers need to make judgments as to where continued sand removal will have the least detrimental impacts and is most compatible with current site utilization. Pri ority areas where sand removal will be abso-

PAGE 22

lutely prohibited need to be designated, and areas of lesser concern also need to be identi fied where regulated sand removal will be ear ried out at some determined and managed level. Best management practices (e.g., set backs, pedestrian walkways, vegetation pro tection) should be required and enforced for all beachfront facilities. A review and possible revision of the Beach Control and Beach Protection Ordi nances should be carried out; it needs to be recognized that beach management requires more invulvement by public sector authorities than the mere letting of sand mining permits. The transfer of legal responsibility for beach management from the Public Works Depart ment to a more appropriate agency should be considered. Recommendation. Immediate protection should be extended to mangroves, which are rapidly disappearing. Destruction of mangroves and degradation of their associ ated habitats should be absolutely prohibited. Recommendation. Procedures to control sediment loading into coastal waters should be required for all dredging and all construction activities in the coastal zone.

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SECTION 1 BACKGROUND 1.1 LANDSCAPE AND A CHANGING ENVIRONMENT Antigua, with its sister islands of Barbuda and uninhabited Redonda, lies about 250 miles southeast of Puerto Rico in the southern sector of the Leeward Islands (Figures 1.1(1) and (2. The absence of a mountainous landscape and lush green vege tation distinguishes Antigua from many of its neighboring islands in the Lesser Antilles archipelago, that chain of Caribbean islands which descends in a graceful arc from Puerto Rico in the north to Trinidad in the south. In Antigua, flat dry plains give rir. to gently rolling hills in the north and to higher volcanic hills in the south. Its intricate coastline is deeply indented and fringed by reefs and shoals excr;pt for areas of the central western coast and Falmouth and English Harbor in the south. Antigua's sister island, Barbuda, is a low limestone island with no marked inden tation in the coastline. Typical of many former colonies, Antigua's economic iiDd land use history rt f1ects a pattern of extensive resource exploita tion organized around an economic system designed to produce a limited number of ex port crops. In Antigua's case, until very re cently, virtually the entire island was affected by the monoculture economy --if not to grow the monocrop, then to provide the fuelwood needed to proces it. Shortly after coloniza tion, tobacco, cotton and indigo were the chief crops. Later, the Plantation Act of 16;3 es tablished sugar as the i'jland's principal crop, and by 1700 most land was under cane. Sugar dominated for over 300 years, and it was only in the mid-1960's that this industry was offi cially closed. Attempts were made to revive it in the early 1980's, but these were not suc cessful. Cotton was re-introduced around the turn of the century in an effort to diversify agriculture in the face of an already failing sugar industry. However, the unreliability of adequate water makes production of cotton problematic. If it was not for the unique, high 1 quality of sea island cotton, the crop probably would have been allowed to disappear long ago. The most recent effort to revive the cotton industry ended with Hurricane Hugo in September of 1989 (Cater, 1944; Hill, 1966; OAS,1990). The abandonment of sugar and cot ton production has led to a large increase in livestock productiun, especially of cattle. Much of this land is unimproved pastun .. 'Jsed by landless cattle owners. Owners of small ruminants --sheep and goats .. typically allow their animals to range freely regardless of land ownership. On several of the dry sloped hillsides of the island, goats are the main agents of devegetatioll, leading to soil erosion and run-off (OAS, 199D). Table 1.1(1) provides an interesting comparison of land use in Antigua over the past 24 years. Although the data are not di rectly comparable between years because each study used slightly different land use cate guries and land totals, the data do illustrate that crop production has declined dramati cally, complemented by an increasr. in acreage used for livestock production. It also is evi dent that vegetable and food crops have be come more important, presumably because of increased local markets associated with rising per capita income and demand generated by growth in the tourist industry. Although Antigua was once sustained economically by export agricultural produc tion, tourism has now emerged as its major industry. The country is undergoing intense tourism-related development, which like the agrarian-based economy which preceded it, has resulted in major alterations of terrestrial landscapes and, more recently, of the coastal and marine environments.

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c:::;, ANEGADA VIRGIN ISLANDS d ST. MARTIN ctJ ST. BARTHELEMY o o SABA BARBUDA ST. EUSTATIUS CHRISTOPHER a NEVIS ANTIGUA ''0 Redonda 6 MONTSERRAT U' GUADELOUPE t? GALANTE DOMINICA )) CARIBBEAN SEA ST. LUCIA 0 50 100 I Miles '9,.>. < '9 1.,.>. o /(1 16(I "9 "'" ST. VINCENT 0 .J BARBADOS() -12. D ISLA LA BLANCUILLA /\ ISLA LA MARGARITA VENEZUELA # J GRENADINES o GRENADA :I] TRINIDAD Figure 1.1 (1). General map of the Eastern Caribbean, showing the location of Antigua-Barbuda. 2

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CARIBBEAN SEA o ST. MARY .A Boggy Pe,k 61-50' OPrtckly Poor Is. ATLANTIC Coolldgo <\\.., SOUND frport V""lden Is. Capo Shf rloy Figure 1.1 (2). General location map for the islands of Antigua and Barbuda. ANTIGUA OCEAN s1Gr.at Bfrd fs. o o Is. BARBUDA Cedar-tree Pt 17' CARIBBEAN SEA .t>York fs. frlors Hood o Coot Pt. 1 OCEAN 17' Coco Pt. Spanf sh Pt. Hfl.s ----MAIN ROADS --PAR I SH BOUNDAR I ES l'Y A I RPOP.TS 2 Hfles -I

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Table 1.1 (1) Comparative land use In acres In Antigua for selected years. LMd Use Categories 1!m1 1964 1975 1985 Agricultural Cr:lp Sugar Cane 12,552 22,371 45 554 Cotton 1,690 606 440 117 Coconut 54 312 NG 119 Fruit "freos NG NG 755 486 Pit NG NG 604 131 Banal,a 88 172 NG 246 Com 1,260 Sorghum 115 Food Crops 1,440 1,108 6,040 2,026 Vegetable Crops 1,479 Citronella Grass 222 NG 343 Arrowroot 30 100 Agricultural. Livestock Improved Pasture 725 1,008 9,210 2,364 rough Grczlng 5,496 4,45(, 9,210 2,364 Mixed Scrub/Rough Grazing NG 14,588 NG 6,981 AgriC'llltural Unused Arable 13,290 "Unproductive" land 4,985 Woocllend Volcanic Areas 4,697 12,890 11,220 15,190 Limestone HiII3 4,697 12,890 11,220 8,455 Other Uses Rural Areas NG NG 2,390 1,819 Urban ArerlS NG NG 2,130 4,808 Industrial AreAS NG NG 300 381 Tourism Hotels, Golf Courses NG NG NG 1,133 Recreatlonr.i/Historical Areas NG NG NG 714 Airports/Military Installations NG NG NG 935 Dams and Reservoirs NG NG 435 635 Swamps, Mangrove, Beach Sand NG NG 1,125 2,164 Notes: (a) NG means "not given", (b) 1961 and 1964 data from Hill, 1966. (c) 1975 data from land Use MIlP, 1975. (d) 1985 data compiled using GIS from Wirtshafter,!IJ.!!" 1987, (e) Food crops for 1961 ir.clude vegetables. (f) Data between y'lars are not ctirectly ccmparable (seo text). Source: OAS, 1990, 4

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THE ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA CEP: A LOCAL PERSPECTIVE The environmental resource base of any insular state is notoriously fragile and complex. To some extent, the environmental issues confronting an island are a microcosm of those experienced ou larger, more diverse continental land masses. At tbe same time, smaller oceanic islands are sufficiently differ ent from continental areas to require cus tomized, carefully adapted, and more partici patory kinds of resource assessment, planning, development and management strategies (Towle, 1985). Furthermore, whereas a con tinental area might be able to afford an environmental mistake or two and can even absorb, albeit at significant costs, a disaster of the magnitude of the recent Valdez oil spill in Alaskan waters, similar disasters in insular ecosystems could lead to significant weakening if not total destruction of a small island economy. The economic growth of Antigua and Barbuda is almost totally dependent on its natural resources for important developmenL sectors such as agriculture and fisheries and for the economy's current mainstay --tourism. Antigua and Barbuda has substituted a de pendency on sugar cane for a dependency on tourism, and this new "monoculture" is just as risk-prone as its predecessor. For example, Antigua and Barbuda is extremely susceptible to narural disasters. Hurricane Hugo in 1989 is the latest --but not likely to be the last large-scale disaster to affect the dual-island state. Typically, hurricanes occur every 10-15 years; drought every five years, with the 1983-84 drought the most severe in recent history; and heavy fires every 25 years (Morello 1983). Major earthquakes occurred in 1843 and 1974 (Monlgomery, 1983). The country is made even more sus ceptible to natural disasters when its infras tructure and natural resource base are severely strained, as is currently the case. Im proved planning --in particular, strong devel opmental planning that merges environmental concerns with economic growth issues in the decision-making process --can better prepare the country for the inevitable natural disasters and help to mitigate their long-term detri-5 mental impact on the environment and the economy. During the past five years, a number of e"ents have increased local awareness about the need for strengthened and more en vironmentally-sensitive planning and devel opment conlrol policies; without such com mitment on the part of the Government and people of Antigua-Barbuda, the environmen tal health and general quality of life for the state and its citizens will continue to be at risk. Some of the indicators that all is not well in the following: (1) The ongoing destruction of major mangrove ecosystems has been more recently accelerated by large-scale hotel and marine recreational de velopments and, ill other instances, by the use of these habitats as garbage dumps. Jolly Beach, McKinnons Salt Pond and Deep Bay are primary exam ples of areas where extensive mangrove wetlands have been damaged and in some cases destroyed. These areas also are of considerable archaeological interest, Deep nay, in particular, since it is one of the earliest known site:) of man's presence in Antigua. Other sizeable areas of mangrove forests, notably Cooks (the Flashes) and Fitches Creek, are used as garbage dumps. (2) The clearing of hillside trees and scrub for the construction of roads and building sites has resulted in severe soil erosion, notably in the Cooks and Union areas. Far less damage to the landscape would have occurred if sim ple soil and water conservation mea sures such as contouring and drainage ditches had been employed. Some have pointed out that more suitable al ternatives for amble soil for hotel land scaping are available than the present removal of such materials from Betty's Hope Estate, site of one of the country's major historic restoration projects. (3) Uncontrolled and illegal beach sand mining along the coastal perimeter of

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Antigua and Barbuda, in conjunction with uncontrolled sewage disposal from beach front hotels into the marine en vironment, calls attention to the need for stringent resource regulation and resource conservation measures --if the country's hotel/tourism industry is to continue to prosper. The extent to which the nation's in frastructure is overtaxed, and the vulnerability of its natural as well as its built environments, was well demonstrated in September of 1989 when Hurricane Hugo hit Antigua and Barbuda. Even though the full force of the storm was not felt in these islands, winds of 125 miles per hour were reco:ded; fifteen per cent of the country's houses were damaged, and electricity supplies were disrupted. Beaches and coastal areas suffered varying degrees of erosion. Antigua and Barbuda had not experienced a hurricane in almost four decades, the last occurring in August 1950 when two hurricanes passed over the islands, approximately 10 days apart. Prior to the 1950 storms, it had been twenty-two years (1928) since a hurricane was felt in Antigua Barbuda. Interestingly, Hurricane Hugo, which covered a greater diameter and was more devastatil!g than all preceding hurri canes to Antigua-Barbuda, followed the same route as the 1918 stcmn. Because of the considerable hiatus in the occurrence of these hurricane disasters (a time lapse of 22 years followed by another of 39 years), the country's population was in clined towards complacency. This attitude was encouraged by re.peated assurances that adequate storm warning coverage was avail able from regional weather bureaus such as Miami and San Juan, which supplied informa tion to Antigua's Meteorological Station. Thus, the adequacy of the country's disaster plans and its ability to cope with a major hurricane disaster were not sufficiently addressed prior to Hurricane Hugo. The hurricane highlighted many plan ning deficiencies and pointed clearly to the need for improvements in a wide range of is sues, e.g., the need for reinforced, adequately equipped, properly identmcd disaster shelters, as well as the necessity fm building design and construction guidelines which ensure a built environment better capable of withstanding hurricane-force winds. FISH-KILL AT McKINNONS McKlnnons swamp, in the north of Antigua, again experienced considerable loss of fish life in late July, 1990. The die-off Is similar to, but not as disastrous as, the one last year at about the same time wher. millions of small fish perished in the swamp. It Is believed that this recurring event Is attributable to a combination of factors. Effluent from a nearby hotel with a mal functioning sewage treatment plant Is pumped into the swamp. The higher summer temper atures increase biological activity of almost all organisms, including those that thrive on the "nutrient soup" represented by the raw sewage, and therefore there is an increase in oxygen demand and consumption. Yet warmer waters cannot maintain as high a dissolved oxygen concentration. The result is that many fish die, unable to get enough oxygen to sustain themselves. In order to reduce the highly unpleasant odor of the sewage and rotting fish, sea water is being pumped back into the swamps. If the pumping had begun earlier in the season, some of the annual problem might be eliminated. However, It should be remembered that this "solution" will simply dilute the concentration of the sewage which, as it continues to flow un treated into the swamp, will also continue to pollute the swamp. 6

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It is worthy of note that in the after math of this hurricane, it was discovered that many of the older houses with gabled roofs and outside hurricane shelters were found to have withstood the fury and onslaught of the storm far better than many of the more mod em structures with nearly flat roofs. In this case, there are important lessons to be derived from an examination of the techniques used in traditional West Indian architectW'e (see also White, 1989). Problems with basic infrastructure were also highlighted following Hugo. The lengthy delay in getting electrical services back on stream stands in strong contrast to one neighboring island, St Kitts, which suffered more severe damage but had its electricity re stored within two weeks of the catastrophe. Another kind of natural disaster oc curred in October of 1974 when an earth quake measuring 6.7 on the Richter scale was felt in Antigua, causing extem,ive damage is landwide and miUions of dollars in damage. It was the most destructive earthquake on the island since the catastrophic Leeward Island earthquake of February 1843. (Robson, 1964). In most cases. severe damage was as cribed to buildings without concrete rein forcement and steel beams. The. risk of dis ease was present, but fortunately no lives were lost. Clearly, Antigua-Barbuda, like the rest of the Caribbean, is an extremely disas ter-prone place --exposed as it is to hurri canes and their associated storm surges and wave action, to earthquakes and earthquake generated ocean waves (tsunamis), to land slides and rockslides, to flooding and also to droughts. The islands of the Caribbean are particularly vulnerable because of their small size and because of their dept:ndency on for eign revenues, whether earned from agricul ture or tourism. Therefore, it is incurubent on island countries such as Antigua and Barbuda to include precautionary measures --which focus on the likelihood of natural disaster oc currences --as a part of all development plan ning and to give more attention to the en vironmental implications of major modifica tions to the natural landscape. In this effort, 7 the prepar: ... tion of the present Environmental ProfUe should be of assistance. LOCAL IMPLICATIONS OF GWBAL EN".lRONMENTAL CHANGE It is becoming increasingly obvious that multiple feedback interactions are taking place between human activities and the state of the environment everywhere (Clark, 1:)89). For example, there is growing concern that human-induced changes irt concentrations of carbon dioxide and other so-called "greenhouse gases" are causing significant warming of the atmosphere, with consequent climatic changes. This fear is based on a be lief shared by many if not most experts; there is, however, less agreement on the rate and magnitud
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150 100 6 ... .... ... ." ::: x .... ." a: so 1980 2000 2020 2040 Hoffman !l (1986) -High 2060 van der Ween (1988) ....... High Jaeger (1988) .... ... .-'" HI d ...Hoffman et al '/ (1986) to-.-van der Ween (1988) ......... Low 2080 2100 Figure 1.1 (3). Various projections of sea level rise until the year 2100 (source: Royer, 1990). 8

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width over the next 40 years in areas where sea level change is due solely to climate. The situation in 14utigua and Barbuda may be different from some others because of the fringing coral reefs that surround much of both islands and thereby provide a great deal of protl:CtlOll. Coral reefs tend to grow to just below the low water line. If sea-level rise is on the order of 3.7 em/decade --which is within the "best, estimate" range (Figure 1.1(3)) --then coral reefs may be able to grow upwards at a pace to mal(;i.;. sea-level rises (Royer, 1990). In the face of such uncertainty, most experts recommend that governments should adopt a flexible, adaptive for coping with the expected effects of climate changes. This is easiest to implement in planning for the construction or renovation of infrastruc ture such as roads, buildings, and coastal fa cilities. In the case of older infrastructure (which would have to be replaced in any event), the best and cheapest response may be to do nothing and accept the loss of the structures, provided that they can be rebuilt in an alternative location. Where existing, eco nomically vital infrastructure is threatened and no alternative location exists, such as certain sections of coastal road and some coastal communities, an immediate defenSIVe response would be justified provided it is cost effective and environmentally sound. In other cases, ec;pecially where in frastructure has not yet been built, measures to adapt to the warming trend should be taken only if such steps have good prospects of yielding benefits even without a climate change. ,If the predicted climate changes do occur, then the measures taken, of course, will yield a much greater benefit. For example, implementing a coastal set-back policy would make sense because it also offers protection from storm surges and tsunamis, maintains the aesthetic qualities of the coastline, precludes monopolization of what should be a public resource by private interests and mitigates impacts from artificial lighting on nesting sea turtles. 9 1.2 SETTING 1.2.1 Climate Antigua. Year round high tempera tures, steady easterly trade winds, and a marked dry and wet season are the main cli matic features of the island of Antigua. Temperatures average 29 degrees C (84.2 F) during the summer and 24 degrees C (75.2 F) during the winter, but extremes range from highs of 34 degrees C (93.2 F) recorded in August to lows of 15 C (59 F) recorded in January. Seasonal variation in rainfall is con siderable as illustrated in Figure 1.2(1). Typi cally, there is a dry season that extends from January to March or April, when less than 20 percent of the rainfaU occurs. May is a wetter month, averaging around four inches of rain fall, followed by a drop in rainfall in June and July before the true wet season from August to November, when approximately 50 percent of the annual rainfall occurs (Figure 1.2(1)). Almost half of Antigua's 44 inches of yearly rainfall is the result of storms that produce more than one inch of rain (OAS, 1990). De spite the seasonal pattern, the most critical feature of the rainfall regime is its variability and unpredictability. There is considerable variation in rainfall both within different parts of the island and between years (see Table 1.2(1) and Figure 1.2(2)). Within a four year period from 1979 to 1983, rainfall varied from 66 inches to 22 inches (APUA, 1989). The relative humidity in Antigua is high compared tv other islands in the region (mean relative humidity is in the low 80's in the morning and in the low 70' s ill the afternoon); the heavy dews deposited at night are believed to contribute significantly to water availability in the drier regions (Loveless, 19f1O; GOAB, 1989b; Atkins Land and Water Management, 1983). Barbuda. P lfbuda is drier than Antigua and, in fact, is one of the driest islands in the Caribbean. Estimates of

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14 12 10 10 Monthly Average ...J ---------...J 8 z c:i >6 ...J J: I-Z 0 4 ::E: 2 Jan Feb Mar Ap May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Figure 1.2(1). Monthly distribution of rainfall, Antigua, baser.! upon figures recorded at nine stations over periods varying from 12 to 50 years (source: Loveless, 1960). Table 1.2(1). Annual rainfall for selected stations, 1982-1988 (In millimeters). Station 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 Bethesda 935.0 726.4 864.9 1,030.2 1,628.1 Cades Bay 1,123.4 1,110.7 1,307.1 1,260.6 1,116.3 1,522.7 1,162.6 Christian Valley 1,310.6 1,034.3 1,300.7 1,150.6 966.0 1,690.0 1,000.5 Dunbar 1,022.4 567.2 1,295.9 481.8 844.8 1,227.3 1,070.9 Jolley Hill 1,255.5 972.6 1,318.8 1,237.0 1,209.6 1,622.1 1,540.8 Orange Valley 1,153.7 860.6 1,230.4 1,024.2 1,186.2 1,486.4 1,276.1 V.C Bird Airport 1,124.9 567.3 1,664.9 1,184.7 892.3 1,400.8 1,300.4 Source: Meteorological Office; in GOAB, 1989b. 10

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ANTIGUA/MEAN ANNUAL RAINFALL Q ATLAf.lTIC OCEAN ot!)b<> o 2 4 6 Kms 'L____ L' ____ ____ _J' SEA o 2 3 4 Miles ,L__ __ __ ____ Figure 1.2(2). Mean annual rainfall (long average annual isohyetals) for various locations in Antigua (source: Hill, 1966).

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average annual rainfall are between 30 inches (Hill, 1966) and 39 inches (OAS, 1990). There is a dry season that la'lts from December to July and, :is in Antigua, a wd season that extends from August to November (OAS, 1990). 1.2.2 Topography Antigua. Antigua can be divided nat urally into three fairly distinct topographic re gions, roughly equivalent in size (see Figure 1.2(3)): Volcanic region in the southwest Central plain Limestone region in the north and east. The volcanic region is the highest in elevation and includes several peal-.s above 1,000 feet, the highest being Boggy Peak at 1,319 feet. It is bounded on the south by a narrow coastal plain and contains several small alluvial valleys. The central plain lies on a diagonal belt separated from the volcanic region by the flood plain of the Bendals River and from the limestone region by a one mile wide, low-lying trough. The central plain consists of gently rolling hills, some of which exceed 500 feet in elevation. The limestone region includes the northern and eastern third of Antigua as well as many of the islands off this part of the coastline. In the north, the flat, low-elevation landscape is marked by numerous, more or less isolated, conical hills that reach 400 feet in height. In the east, two 150 foot plateaus flank Nonsuch Bay. Much of the limestone region is separated from the central plain by an abrupt, but discontinuous, escarpment ris ing in places to over 350 feet. According to Atkins (1983, adapted from Hill, 1966), 5 percent of the island ::; sloped less than 2 degrees; 65 percent is sloped 3-10 degrees; 20 percent is sloped U12 20 degrees; 9 percent is sloped 21-30 degrees; and 1 percent is sloped more than 30 degrees (see Figure 1.2(4)). These figures ale in marked contrast to nc:ighboring islands such as Domiaica, where almost two-thirds of the ;sland's land area exceeds a 30 degree slope. The coastline of Antigua is very in dented, especially on the eastern or windward side, with numelU' j small islands ranging from Guiana Island (about 200 acres) and Long Island (approximately 120 acres) to tiny coral reef outcrops less than one acre (Loveless, 1960). Barbuda. In comparison with Antigua, Barbuda's topography is relatively cniform and lower in elevation (Figure 1.2(5)). The most conspicuous differences are the absence in Barbuda of the volcanic mountains that derme the western third of Antigua and the preseace of dunes in Barbuda that make up large sandy fields, absent from Antigua (Morello, 1983). Some variations do exist in the topography of Barbuda. The Highlands, located in the east, reach elevations above 100 feet; it has an abrupt escarpment on the north and west, a slope on the south, and sea cliffs on the east. Although rest of the island is only a few feet above sea level, two levels can be distinguished, eac.:h containing numerous smaller depressions. A lagoon, averaging about one and a half miles wide, runs along most of the western side of the island. It is separated from the sea by a long narrow sand spit often only a few yards wide, with a winding entry in the north (Martin-Kaye 1959; Hill, 1966). 1.2.3 Geology and Solis Antigua. The soils of Antigua and Barbuda have been studied in detail, and com prehensive treatments are found in Martin-Kaye (1956) and Hill (1966); the latter mapped the soils of Antigua at 1:25,000. Antigua is partIy a volcanic and partly a coralline island. Its major soil types can be grouped within the three main topographic

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o ANTIGUA/PHYSIOGRAPHIC REGIONS Q ATLAMTIC OCEAN LIMESTONE REGION Vol V L:/ CARIBBEAN o 2 4 6 Kms 1-' _---.-..J'L.....__ 'L.....-_-J' o 2 3 4 Miles 1-' __ SEA Figure 1.2(3). Physiographic regions of Antigua (source: Loveless. 1960).

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Q CARIBBEAN SEA 0 r \ r-, ,\ \ "-'... ) '''''\ -" ST. JOHN'S ,-" \ 2 \. \ \ 1 ''''"'\ o \ 1 -"' 2 / '-/ 1 .... ,\ \...-, ....... \ c2J--" ( -... \ 0 '/ .., '" (' ':I' \. '-'-' ,....--.-2 ,--_ ',r_1 ... ..... -_ I/''\ \.... ,/'" -'-0 rJ'_---..l --I... 2 \ \ 1 ANTIGUA/SLOPE CLASSE5 o = 0 2 1 = 3 10 2 = II 0_ 20 3 = 21-30 ATLANTIC OCEAN o 2 4 6 Kms L' ____ ____ ____ o 2 3 4 Miles ____ L-__ ____ ___ Figure 1.2(4). Distribution of land slope classes, Antigua (source: Atkins land and Water Management. 1983).

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Nautical Miles r-1 iii i o 1 2 3 4 5 Figure 1.2(5). Topography of Barbuda. areas. The volcanic region consists of igneous rock producing mostly clay loams. The soils are mainly neutral to slightly acidic and well drz.ined. Slopes are predominantly 11-20 de grees but include locally steeper areas. The central plain has heavy, hard-to-work clay soils in some areas, but most of the area has well-drained soils o'ler tuffs (stratified volcanic detritus) and agglomerates. Slopes are less than 10 degrees. The limestone region has light soils over calcareous sandstones, heavier soils over calcareous grits, and deeper well-drained clays over calcareous marls. Some areas contain large amounts of almost pure calcium carbonate, and alkaline soils dominate throughout this region. Slopes gen erally are under 10 degrees (Loveless, 1960; Atkins, 1983). 15 Atkins (1983) provides a map that groups the 33 soils identified by Hill (1966) into three main categories. As shown in Fig ure 1.2(6), shallow mils over volcanic material or limestone occur cn about half of the island; deep clays comprise one-third of the island; and the remainder consists of alluvial soils (14 percent), with four percent uncategorized. Barbuda soils are more homogeneous and are most similar to those of the limestone region of Antigua (Martin-Kaye, 1959). A recent report (Ahmad, 1984) builds on previous soil surveys and maps to develop a land classification system fol' Antigua and Barbuda. Such classification systems are par ticularly useful (1S a basis for decision-making when formulating national agricultural policy. They also are an aid to governments in the development of rational land zoning policies designed to make the most efficient use of limited land resources. Ahmad's land classification of Antigua and Barbuda is based on an eight class system proposed by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (Klingebiel and Montgomery, 1961) which was adapted for both islands. Soils within a "class" share similar land man agement restrictions, limitatio.;}s or hazards based on the followin 6 factor.':: climate; relief; erosion; excessive wetness or dryness; and soil characteristics such as shallow infer tility, and impediments to root growth. Land having the largest number of alternative uses under a given system of management is placed in Class I, and land with the least nUlIlber is placed in Class VIII. In general, Classes I-IV are regarded as suitable for mechanical culti vation; they, of course, are also suitable for a variety of other uses such as the growing of tree crops or forest plantations. Sub-class categories were also used and indicate how severely the restricting factors limit the use of the land compared to what would be expected based on the Class designation alone. Since the USDA sYf.tem evaluates suitability for mechanized agriculture ou flat lands using high inputs --the exceptIO" in much of the developing world, including Antigua and Barbuda --the utility of Ahmad's report (1984) lies in the fact that he has mod-

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Q \ O \ ... ...J. ,--" \ r I I \._ \ J \ .... ,. 2 \ o \ ,. ( .... --_./ 0 \ CARIBBEAN SEA o 3 Figure 1.2(6). Soils map of Antigua (source: Atkins Land and Water Management. 1993). ANTI GUA/ SO I L S o -Deep, alluvial, colluvial 1 -Deep, kaolinitic clay 2 Shallow 3 -Complex of shallow and deep soils ATLANTIC OCEAN 3 o 2 4 6 kms L' ____ ______ ____ o 2 3 4 Miles ____ ____ L' ____ ____ -A'

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ified the land classification system to reflect conditions in Antigua and Barbuda (see Table 1.2(2. His study began by ground-truthing existing soil maps, inciuding, wherever possi ble, interviews with farmers about cropping systems employed and soil management problems. In Ahmad's work, "cultivation" is still used to refer to mechanical cultivation; but, as he notes, much cultivation in Antigua and Barbuda is done manually. Therefore, his data, which are the basis for the table on Land Capability reported in Government's Statisti cal Yearbook for 1988 (GOAB, 1989b), are conservative, in the sense that the same Class rating allows for more land use flexibility, given typical land use practices in Antigua and Barbuda, than it would in the United States. The amount of land falling into the various land use classes in Antigua and Barbuda is also presented in Table 1.2(2). 1.2.4 Vegetation The most comprehensive botanical treatment of Antigua remains Lovele.>:;' (1960) monogl"aph, which was based largely on the field work done by Box and Charter in the mid-1930's. Loveless described Antigua's vegetation in terms of Beard's system for neo tropical vegetation (Beard, 1955). Nearly 50 years after the field work done in the 1930' s, a plant ecologist working for OAS prepared an "ecological classifica tion" of the vegetation of Antigua and Barbuda (Morello, 1983). The justification for taking this approach was that the "natural" vegetation had been altered beyond recogni tion by human manipnlation, an argument that seems especially relevant for the CEP, which reputes to be a "state-of-the-environ ment" report. Accordingly, Morello's classifi cation (1983) has been adapted for use in this Country Environmental Profile (see following sub-section). It should be noted that the classifica tion of vegetation into "types" is convenient but also artificial. Vegetation almost always 17 occurs on a time and space continuum; the boundaries between types is rarely sharp and usually changes over time. The forests are more distinct than the other types described and typically do not have any grass cover pre sent. The remaining three types in Morello's classification truly represent a continuum, and the classification becomes more arbitrary. Grasslands are areas consisting exclusively of grasses and those dominated by grasses but containing some woody plants. In savannas, the woody element is more conspicuous; emerging shrubs and trees occur over a more or less complete grass understory. In the scrub forest. the shrubs and trees are more evident, and the grass layer is discontinuous. Finally, it should be noted that the percentages given in Morello (1983) do not directly correspond to the vegetation types de scribed in the adaptation found in the next sub-section; the figures shown do not there fore sum to 100 percent. PRINCIPAL VEGETATION 1YPES OF ANTIGUA AND BA RBUDA The following are the principal types of vegetatiou found in Antigua and Barbuda, as adapted from Morello (1983). They reflect the "natural" vegetation and the subsequent human-induced landscape. FORESTS [Forests occupy an estimated 15 percent of the land area and are sub-classified as follows.] (1) Humid valley forest. This is the most structurally complex of the insular ecosystems of Anfgua, but only small areas of this type exist. It is currently dominated by the ciba tree (Ceiba pelltandra), with several Ficus spp, De/OIlV: regia, and a number of wild fruit trees. The structure still consists of four layers or more of vegetation, although it is poor in vines, epiphytes, and palm trees and has no ferns. The type is found in areas of greatest water availability on well-drained soils in the southwest part of Antigua but does not occur in Barbuda.

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Table 1.2(2). Features of the land capability classification system used for Antigua and Barbuda. Antigua Barbuda DESCRIPTION Acres .00 Acres .00 Very good land that can be cultivated safely and permanently, using good methocs. I\!eglialble Ilmitationo. but the addition of fertlllzo''l may Improve prcduction. II Good land that can be cultivated using easily I-:pplled 4,835 7.4 protective methodG; one lin ',ting fac.10r or degrae of limitation exlns. III Land that can btl cultivated uBing moderate io Inlenslve 22,662 34.6 6,640 18.1 conservation and managernent practices; two jactors or degrees of 1Ir.I:tation exist. In Barbuda, Class lIIe lands are limited by oroslon, lack of rain; salinity or the nutrient status may be secondary limiting factoro; rotational strip cropping in advised. Clnss Ills are mainly shallow soils; stoniness. salinity, leck of rain and erosion restrict utilization. rv Land that can be cultivated only utllng very intensil/e con5,734 8.8 12,048 32.8 servatlon and management practicos; threG factors or degrees of limitation f.:dst. In Barbuda, Clr.ss rve land IImltaUons are mainly excessive .. roslon and low rainfall; additional factors are adverse soil ronditions including Impeded drair.ago. Class r-is limitations aro mainly :td-verse soli factcrs such ao sh1'dlr.wness, sionlness or salinity, and low rainfall; secondary limiting factors are erosion or Impeded drainage. V Land marginal for cultivation; )'actors or degrees of 8,858 13.5 13,312 36.2 limitation exist. In Barbuda. Ve lands limited by extreme erosion, low rainfall. adverse soil conditionr. such as stoniness, shallc: .... profile or impeded drainage. Class Vs lands are mainly limited by adverse soil factors; S6condary limitations are low rainfall, impeded drainage and possible oroaion. VI Land normally unsuitable :or r,tJltlvatlon but may be 20,357 31.1 used with extreme care by experienced farmers in manual agricultural systemf VII Land unsuitable for cultivation, such as bare rock, 3,041 4.6 4,724 12.9 salinas, swamps. and land that may, through emsion, adversely eHect neighboring lands; !lultable fcr rough pasture, wildlife, recreation and watt., conservation. VIII Lands unsuitable for any kind of plant production, includIng pastures; suitable for the non-agricultural uses described for Class VII. TOTALS 65,487 100 ;jS,724 100 Source: Adapted from Ahmad (1984) and GOAR, 1985b. 18

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(2) Slope forest. TIlls contains much of the deciduous forest referred to, but not described in Morello (1983). It is found in the volcanic region of Antigua and the high lands of Barbuda. Original vegetation has been greatly altered for production of wood. (3) Mangrove. Three types -red (Rhizophora mang/e), white (Laguncu/aria :;pp.), black (Avicennia) exist and are found on both islands. (4) Scleromorphlc forest of white cedar (Tabebuia pal/ida). This type i!: impor tant only on Barbuda. (5) Mangrove edge forest. A legu minous forest dominated by Haematoxylon (logwood) and Pithecellobium ("bread aud cheese"). Very extensive on Barbuda but not important on Antigua. SCRUBLANDS [Scrub lands are an indistinct group, some times considered part of the savanna complex. Collectively, thorny scrub types occupy 20 per cent of the land area.] (1) Succulent thorny scrub. Domi nant species are Pi/ocereus obilis, Opuntia di//enii, Agave obdllcta, and Acacia /amesiana. In this ecosystem, Acacias behave as faculta tive deciduous trees, that is, they lose their leaves when water is unavailable. Biomass of grasses is minimal. This is a littoral eco system. (2) Thorny succulent-Scleropbyllic scrub. This type shares two of the dominant species listed above --P. nobi/is and A. obducta --but Croton replaces Acacia. It occurs in the driest environments on the island and is indicative of annual rainfall of less than 30 inches. This also is a littoral ecosystem. (3) Scrub-Corest oC sclerophyllic plants. Dominated by large, leathery-leaved types (sderomorphic), such as Cocc%ba uvi/era, accompanied by Byrso1lima /ucida and Cocc%bis diversi/o/ia. 19 (4) Thorny scrub. The type is char acterized by its lack of diversity, i.e., monospecific or paucispecific. It was induced by human activity and now occupies former cotton and cane fields in the central plain. It is made up of different combinations of Acacia ni/otica, A. /utea, A. tortuosa, or A. /amesiana. (5) Scrub forest of plants. This type is characterized as an in vader; old forests of Bursera and Pisonia fragans appear. It was induced by human activity following exploitation of the forests for char coal production. SAVANNAS [The leguminous savanna (parts of 2, 3, 5 and 9) is the most common, occllpying some 65 percent of the two islands. Sderomorphic sa vanna occupies an estimated 5 percent.] (1) White cedar. This type is found in the Barbuda highlands and the valleys of the volcanic zone of Antigua. Acacia does not invade. (2) Prosopis chilensis. Type occurs from St. John's to Vernons, cn central plains on well-drained and poorly-drained slopes. In leguminous savanna, Prosopis dominates over Acacia. (3) "Cerrado brasilero" type. This is a type of sderomorphic savanna occurring on clayey soil with visible parent rock of cal cium carbonate. It can be found on the poorly-drained soils from the hills of the cen tral plains of Antigua. (4) Cashew. A type of scleromor phic savanna occurring on sandy beaches. Acacia does not invade. (5) Acacia. A type of leguminous savanna occurring in any environment of Antigua; it is absent from Barbuda. (6) Guava (Psidillm guava). A type of sderomorphic savanna found on soils of different origins. Acacia does not invade vol canic areas.

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(7) Date palm savanna. A type of scleromorphic savanna caused by human ac tivity. It occurs on calcareous parent rock in the hills of the central plain of Antigua but not in Barbuda. (8) Cocos nucifera. A type of scle romorphic savanna; it is difficult to distinguish natural trees from planted coconuts. (9) Leucaena savanna. A legumi nous savanna which is almost nonexistent ex cept in very humid valleys such as Glanvilles and Willikies in Antigua. (10) Fruit tree savanna. A type of scleromorphic sav;!Ona comprisep primarily of sweet apple (Annona cherimoya), genip (Genipa americana), and guava (Psidium gt!ayaba). Acacia does not invade. GRASSLANDS [The grasslands consist of two main types turf and tussock. Turf grass has most of its biomass close to the soil surface in stolons and rhizomes; tussock grass has biomass at several layers above the soil. Both grassland types often contain elements of savanna.] (1) Lemon Grass. This vegetation type is planted; almost pure grasslands exist in Antigua. This grass (Citronella) has exocrine hormones that inhibit the development of other plants such as the fasciculated grassland and tussock grass. (2) Antigua hay gr"dSS. Andropogon caricosus, an excellent forage species, is the most common turf grass on Antigua. 20 1.3 HISTORVAND CULTURE PREHISTORY Antigua developed from a volcano that rost' out of the sea about 34 million years ago during the Oligocene period. When the volcano subsided, coral began to grow on the remaining volCCl.ruc rock, and in time lime stone of the Antigua formation was estab lished toward the northeast of the island. Antigua thus differs frum most other islands as being of both volcanic and limestone for mation. This was important for both the pre historic and later agricultural peoples who settled the island. Because of its unique physical char acteristics, Antigua appears to have many more archaeological features than any other island in the Eastern Caribbean. Its many reefs and mangroves in the northeast provided large quanti[ies of marine resources for suste nance, and limestone formations yielded valu able flint for stone tool making by the earliest inhabitants. A non-agricultural and aceramic people inhabited Antigua at least 3,000 years BC in the area of Mill Reef on the east coast. They may have arrived from both the south and the northwest. sixty-two aceramic sites of the first group (or groups) of stone tool-making peo ples (ca. 3500-100 BC) have been discovered to datI": ::':. welt as :-bout 65 sites of a second group of agricultural and pottery-making peo ples commonly known as the Arawaks. The Arawaks paddled up the island chain from South America sometime between 50-1100 AD. On Antigua, these seafaring farmers and fIShermen fouud plenty of flat land, fertile valleys and reefs for their sustenance. Most prehistoric sites are found on the east and northeast coasts of the island because of the abundance of natural resources in these areas. A third group known as the Caribs, living on Dominica and St. Kitts, foraged on Antigua for natural resources that were not as common in their homelands. Their raids con tinued through early European settlement and did not end until about 1705.

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ANTIGUA-BARBUDA "VITAL STATISTICS" The nation of Antigua and Barbuda Is situated at the northern end of the Lesser Antillean arc of Islands, about 250 miles east-southeast of Puerto Rico. It has been described touristically as the "Heart of the Caribbean", for it Is centrally located between the Greater and Lesser Antilles. Antigua and ;,jeographlc position In the region has made It Important historically, anti It now serves as the hub for regional airline connections. Location Area Highest Point Rainfall Temperature Water Supply Vegetation PhYSical Features Population Economy Major Port Airports ANTIGUA: 1 i degrees/17 degrees 10 minutes North; 61 degrees 40 mlnutes/61 degrees 55 minutes Wsst BARBUDA: 17 degrees 35 minutes North/61 degrees 48 minutes West (28 miles north of Antigua) ANTIGUA: 280 sq. km. (108 sq. miles) BARBUDA: 160 sq. km. (62 sq. miles) ANTIGUA: Boggy Peak, 402 m (1,319 ft.) BARBUDA: Highlands, 38 m (125 ft.) ANTIGUA: Annual Average -107-114 cm (42-45 Inches) BARBUDA: Annual Average -76-99 cm (30-39 inches) Annual Average: 28 C (81.8 F) Minimum/Maximum: 23 C (74 F), January; 29 C (84 F), August ANTIGUA: 7 reservoirs and 60 wells BARBUDA: catchments, cisterns, Y:ells ANTIGUA: In the southwest, evergreen deciduous forest and in the northeast, evergreen woodland BARBUDA: Xerophytic, dry woodland ANTIGUA: Mainly coral-based and low lying, but the south Is particularly fertile, with undulating hills of volcanic origin. The coastline is deeply indented and provides many natural harbors. BARBUDA: Low limestone island; to the north and west lies an area of lagoons and creeks separated by beach ridges and mangrove swamps. TOTAL POPULATION: 78,726 (1988); 1990 Estimates range from 82,000 87,000; New Census In 1991 BARBUDA ONLY: 1,100 (estimated) Twenty years ago, agriculture was the backbone of the economy, accounting for 40% of GOP; sugar and cotton were significant export crops. Today tourism is the primary economic sector, with some manufacturing (export-oriented enclave industries), agriculture, fishing. Deep-water harbor at St. John's, Antigua, used by cruise ships and for cargo transportation. V.C. Bird International Airport, approximately 9 km north of capital with two small airports on Barbuda: a nationally-owned facility near Codrington and a privately owned airport near Coco Point. 21

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EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT Columbus sighted the island in 1493 from near Redonda and named it Santa Mar la Antigua after a miracle-working virgin from the Seville Cathedral. In the late sixteenth and the fust quarter of the seventeenth cen turies Antigua wa visited by potential Spanish and English settlers, but the island was not actually colonized until 1632. The fust settle ment was led by Edward Warner, the son of Sir Thomas Warner, who had already colo nized St. Kitts in 1628. Antigua's oldest his torical site is at the Sa\'anmh House ruin, the former home of the Warner:; and site of two of their tombs. Tob .. cco was the fust significant cash crop and was so listed as early as 1655. How ever, the island's soils and climate were marginal for tobacco production, and this coupled with a drop in market price led to the substitution of sugar as the primary crop. Sugar cane, around which the history of Antigua was to revolve for the next JOO years, had actually been introduced around the time of tobacco. By the time it took over as the leading crop toward the end of the 1700's, the shortage of an adequate labor supply had emerged as a serious problem. European in dentured labor was not sufficient, and the colonialists looked to West Africa and slavery as the solution. The fust full-scale sugar plantation was established at Betty's Hope about 1674, when Christopher Codrington settled from Barbados, bringing the latest sugar technology with him. Antigua's topography suittd the growing of sugar cane, and almost all of the island's forests were cleared for cultiva tion. The central plain was the region best suited for the growing of cane, but land roughout the island was used; cultivation occurred nearly to the top of mountains. Antigua's low-lying lands allowed the easterly trade winds to power sugar mills more con stantly than in the mountainous islands further south in the Lesser Antillean chain. Even to day 109 stone windmill towers dot the land scape, mute evidence of the great prosperity of the family-sized plantation of a bygone era. 22 Plantation owners grew rich, but the social fabric of the island was uneasy, with a huge gap between the lifestyle of the privi leged white settlers and the wretched condi tions of the large slave population. The elite were in constant fear of slave uprisings. Slaves led by King Court (alias Tackey, Prince Klaas) narrowly missed blowi.iig up the plan tocracy at a ball in the gunpowder plot of 1736. Natural disasters such as hurricanes, droughts and earthquakes added to the chal lenges of life in Antigua, and many of the plantation owners preferred to live in Eng land, using overseers to manage their estates. Thus, an economy developed that was focused almost entirely on trade and export. The land was exploited for cash crops (mostly sugar), while basic foodstuffs were imported. DEFENSE The growing wealth of Antigua soon aroused the envy of other nations. The planters were obliged to fortify themselves strongly because Antigua had so many shel tered bays with smooth sandy beaches which made ideal landing places for surprise attacks. During the French Wars, Antigua found itself in the middle of enemy strongholds located in St. Kitts, Guadeloupe and Dominica. Thp, French did successfully occupy Antigua for a brief period, but after only six months the is land was returned to England by treaty in 1667. The largest military complex was at Shirley Heights, which was started just after the loss of the American colonies in the 1780's. It became the Leeward Islands' mili tary headquarters and was capable of holding and maintaining a complete regiment. Antigua probably had a greater number of fonifications, in relation to its size, than any other place in the world. At one time there were about 40 military installations around the coasts of Antigua, creating today's rich mili tary heritage. Antigua possesses several deep-shel tered harbors, one of which, English Harbor, became a favorite refuge for England's war-

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ships in the Caribbean. In 1725, a Royal Dockyard was built at English Harbor, where the King's ships, responsible for patrolling the valuable British Caribbean sugar islands, were repaired and maintained. Captain Nelson, later Admiral and victor at the Battle of Trafalgar, was temporary Commander-in Chief of the Leewards stationed at English Harbor in 1787. With the defeat of Napoleon in 1815, Antigua's military establishments were no longer needed and gradually fell into decay. The last garrisons left in 1854, and the Dock yard Wt!S closed down in 1889. Today a re stored Nelson's Dockyard is a National Park and one of tlle most complete surviving exam ples of an eighteenth century fortified naval base anywhere in the world. It has been revi talized as a haven for sea-going yachts and is one of the best examples of adaptive use of a historic monument in the Caribbean. POST EMANCIPATION In 1804, a motion was passed in the British Parliament for the abolition of the slave trade, but it was not until three years later that the official act came into force and yet another 27 years before the slaves of Antigua were freed by the Emancipation Act of 1834. Initially freedom for the masses was little better than slavery. Plantation owners were no longer responsible for feeding, clothing and caring of their labor force, and ex-slaves often had no choice but to work for the meager wages that were offered. Unhy gienic conditions, inadequate medical atten tion and poor wages fostered destitution and resentment over the next hundred years. The black population was denied land to set up its own villages. To keep workers on the estates, planters devised Contract Act, by which laborers were given free housing and medical attention in return for an annual work contract. Villages did begin to form, however, mainly on church lands around chapels that had been built by the Moravians and Methodists. 23 In the meantime, the sugar estates were in trouble, for the price of sugar had be gun to fall and there was competition from European beet sugar. The position of West Indian sugar planters bec:une so cri[ical that a Royal Commission was appointed in 1896 to look into the depression. One rec ommendation was that estates in the British West Indies should be run more scientifically. This led to the establishment of a central sugar factory at Gunthorpe's, where workers from all over the island were able to gather and compare grievances. Also for the frrst time the people were able to learn new skills and become more self-sufficient. World War I caused further deterio ration in the conditions of Antigua's laboring masses. The planters were earning high war time prices for sugar and cotton, but they still were payi.ng appallingly low wages; addition ally, because of the war, food was in short supply. Under these conditions a riot ensued and in a confrontation on Newgate Strer.t (now an historic landmark), two persons we.c;: killed when police frred on a crowd. The riol Vias unsuccessful in improvWg workers' con ditions; it was not until six years later that even minor concessions were made. Labor conditions continued to worsen. Law and order was threatened, and the situation reached such a crisis lhat a Royal Commission was appointed under Sir Walter Citrine. He urged the formation of a labor union, and only sixteen days later on January 16, 1939, the first trade and labor union was born. It was from this union that the frrst truly representative government was later elected. BARBUDA Barbuda was leased to the English Codrington family from 1668 until 1870, for payment of one fat sheep a year. The is land's land was too rocky to allow cultivation of sugar, but Barbuda was used to supply the Codrington's sugar estates 011 Antigua with marine resources, cattle, provisions and leather goods. Income was also derived from the proceeds of cargoes salvaged from the many that occurred along the is land's low-lying coast. On August 1, 1860, Barbuda became an integral part of Antigua,

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THE INFLUENCE OF HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL FACTORS QN LAND USE PATTERNS The dominance of the sugar economy In Antigua has produced a population with little Intrinsic sense of land husbandry or basic pride and appreCiation for the land. The majority of Antiguans are descendants of slaves who were used by plantation ownors to exploit the land fm the wealth It could produce, with little concem for maintaining ecological equilibrium. Almost none of the wealth produced went back Into the land; Instead It went toward supporting luvlsh lifestyles, elaborate defense systems and homes In England. The basic loyalties of pl'lntation owners were to the Mother Country. As an Indigenous, professional middle class beij'in to develop In the nineteenth century, this focus continued to affect the perceptions of educated persons who were mostly schooled in Europe. Few had any desire to be con nected to the land, even If they came back to Antigua. The slaves could hardly have been expected to develop any concern for the well-being of the land; it did not belong to them and required back-breaking labor to work. It had no relation to their culture or ancestry, as they had bern uprooted and forced to live in the West Indies. Thus, a basic African love of the land Increasingly developed Into more of a sense of alienation from the land. Not long ago, an older man, trained In engineering, was asked why he kept goats when he could see what damage they were doing to the vegetation and the land. "But it's not my land" was the reply. As tourism developed In the twentieth century, the rural population made every effort to secure Jobs In hotels, rather than continuing to work the land. During the last years of sugar production, cane cutters had to be Imported from other Islands. Antlguans did not want to be seen working In the fields of their own country, as It was considered too "low class". Ownership Is a key factor In a people's ability to develop a sense of careful land use. Not much of the land In Antigua Is owned by the people who work It. The remaining sugar estates were combined in the 1950's to form a Sugar Syndicate which fed the central sugar factory at Gunthorpe's; when this Syndicate collapsed, the Government acquired ownership of these extensive lands. However, Government does not have sufficient resources to man age the land, and much of it lies fallow and exposed to further degradation. As waste accu mulates in an ever more "modern" lifestyle, the land along ruml back roads is increasing usod I as a dumping ground --not for productive land uses. Over the years the landscape of this little island has been exploited, abused cmd do pleted. Forest cover has been cleared, resulting in erosion and a drying up of water sources. With the advent of tourism, similar patterns can be seen in the use of coastal areas. Man groves are cut down, garbage Is deposited in wetlands and beach sand removed, with drastic effects on both the shoreline and the protective fringing reefs. Most of the hotel owners, like the plantation owners, are frem overseas and have shown little knowledge about or sensitivity to the delicate ecological balances at work in this tropical insular environment. Of course, there always have been voices decrying these conditions. As early as 1721, the Body Ponds Act prevented the felling of trees around these natural reservoirs, and there are many laws governing the removal of sand, the disposal of waste, the tethering of animals, ar'd so forth. However. enforcement has historically been minimal. The challenge to Antiguans in the years ahead Is to develop viable land use and coastal zone management poliCies and to create Cln awareness that such policies and protections are in the best interests of the country and lis people. With weak land-appreciation traditions to draw upon, educ:.lion will be a key factor In developing such an awareness. Source: Antigua and Barbuda Historical and Archnaologlcal Society. 24

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and the Antigua Legislature assumed respon sibility for the island. The Codrington estate was now running at a loss, and its lease was fi nally relinquished in 1870. CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT As of 1672, Antigua was commis sioned as part of the British Leeward Islands, which at the time consisted of Antigua, Barbuda, Redonda, St. Kitts, Anguilla, Sombrero, and the Virgin Islands. From 1898 until 1937 tht: Leeward Islands were considered a Crown Colony. Antigua's c,illy labor union ran five candidates for the 1946 elec tions, all of which were elected to sit on the Executive Council. It was the first time that this governing body, mainly composed of the planto..:racy, had any labor representation. In 1951, with adult suffrage, a majority of labor members was returned to the Legislative Council, and the elected members began to share in the executive branch of government on an advisory basis through a committee system. In 1956 the Leeward Islands Federa tion was abolished and a ministerial system of government was introduced on a limited scale. The labor union again won all the elective seats. Constitutional advances continued in 1%1 with the elected membership of the ug islative Council increasing from 8 to 10 seats and the position of Chief Minister being created. By 1966, Antigua made sufficient progress for its leaders to consider indepen dence from Great Britain. In February 1%7, Antigua, Barbuda and Redonda became an Associ2lted State in which only foreign affairs and defense remained under the control of Britain. Then in November 1981 full inde pendence was achieved when Antigua and Barbuda became the 157 member of the United Nations. 25 1.4 PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE In many ways, Antigua and Barbuda has infrastructural development far beyond most developing countries. There is an international airport with several daily flights to the United States and to Europe, a good road system, easy telecommunications with the rest of the world, and fairly reliable water and electricity service (Figure 1.4(1. TRANSPORT Air. V.c. Bird International Airport, located north of the capital, serves an average of 40 commercial flights a day. Direct con nections to the United States, Europe, and other islands in the Caribbean are available on five international and several regional car riers. Leeward Islands Air Transport (LIA T), a regional carrier, has its headquarters in Antigua, and the country serves as a major hub for regional travel. Air cargo and small package delivery servic/'!s are provided by all carriers (Antigua Chamber of Commerce, n.d.). There are two small airports on Barbuda. The nationally-owned airport near Codrington has several commercial flights daily fron:. Antigua. A privately-owned airport is located in the region of Coco Point (OAS, 1990). Sea. Sea transport is available through several ports on Antigua. Deep Water Harbor near St. John's has facilities to handle containers, roll on/roll off and lift on/lift off cargo. Service is available to the United States, Europe and the Far East. A small amount of cargo is also shipped through port facilities located on Crabs Peninsula. During the severe drought in 1983-84, im ported fresh water was unloaded at the Crabs facility (Antigua Chamber of Commerce, n.d.; GOAB,1989b). Roads. Roads service almost all parts of Antigua, and the relatively flat terrain compared to the Windward Islands makes it possible to drive from one end of the island to the other in under an hour (see Figure 1.4(1. The European Development Fund is

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Q ANTIGUA/PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE --Main roads H Hotels P Ports o 6 Kms ______ -L ______ ______ o 2 3, Hiles ____ ____ ______ _____ --J' Figure 1.4{1 a): Location of important physical infrastructure for the Island of Antigua.

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Cedar Tree Pofnt Coat Pt. Area mfned (present) --I--+-Area mf ned (past) o 2 BARBUDA/PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE ...... /'" I I I 3 Hfles --_... Roads H Hotels Airstrips .A Dumps Coco Pt. Spanfsh Pofnt Figure 1.4{1 b). Location of Important physical Infrastructure for the Island of Barbuda. 27

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sponsoring a road improvement project to widen and resurface main roads to the remoter sections of the island. To facilitate expansion of commercial agriculture into presently uncultivated areas, several dozen miles of rough tracks would need to be regraded, but in general the roads are adequate to get agricultural goods to market. TraCic congestion poses a serious problem in the st. John's area, particularly during business hours. COMMUNICATIONS The Antigua-Barbuda Public Utilities Authority (APUA) provides telephone service to over 7,500 private and commercial subscribers throughout Antigua and Barbuda, and service is generally adequate. Coin operated public telephones are located in most of the smaller towns and villages to serve those without telephones in their homes, although many of these phones are in need of repair. A microwave link allows APUA to provide all basic telephone services to Barbuda. A private company, Cable and Wire less, provides overseas tebphone, cable, telex, facsimile, electronic mail, anrl other electronic data traru.mission services. Cable and Wire less maintains a microwave transmission tower atop Boggy Peak (the highest point in Antigua) in the southwest part of the island. (Antigua Chamber of Commerce, n.d.; GOAB, 1989b; APUA, 1989). 28 1.5 SOCIO-ECONOMIC SEITING 1.5.1 Demogl'lphlcs and Human Resources The 1970 Census, the last population census to be conducted in Antigua-Barbuda, enumerated a population of 64,794, with 63,723 persons in Antigua and 1,071 in Barbuda (for a brief sketch of the population history of Antigua-Barbuda see Bouvier, 1984). Planning is now underway for the 1991 population census, and the census question naire is currently being pret'.!sted. Antigua's failure to conduct a census in 1980-81 makes any discnssion of recent demographic trends somewhat risky. In fact, current estimates of Antigua's population are quite imprecise since they have been based on assumptions re garding growth rates that have no empirical validity. The demographic data in Table 1.5(1) should therefore be interpreted with caution. In the absence of census data for the 1980's, the 1984 Agricultural Census provides the only somewhat reliable d:\ta source on numbers of households, population size, and population distribution. One of the objectives of this census was to obtain a count of the number of households and persons in Antigua-Barbuda; it was not a substitute for a popUlation census but was to help plan for such a census (Campbell, 1986). A post enu meration survey was conducted in 1985 to adjust for the undercounting of non-farm households, and the number of households and persons was adjusted upwards. The relationship between population, resources and the environment is well docu mented; yet policy makers routinely ignore the incorporation of demographic data into the planning process. Given the fragile nature of insular Caribbean environments, their fmite land area, and limited absorptive capacity, the question of future population growth and dis tribution must emerge as a top priority for policy makers in the 1990's. In the face of de clining opportunities for emigration and in creasing return migration and immigration, much of it attendant on the tourism-related economic restructuring underway, Antigua Barbuda needs to formulate a coherent

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Table 1.5(1). Selected demographic indicators for selected years, 1970-1988. Indicator 1970 1975 1980 1984 1988 Estimated Mid-Year Population 64,794 69,475 72,944 75,067 78,726 Pop. Density (per sq. km) 147.2 157.8 165.7 170.5 178.8 Crude Birth Rate (per '000) 23.8 19.2 17.0 15.0 14.1 Crude Death Rate (per '000) 6.3 6.8 5.3 5.1 5.6 Rate of Natural Increase (%) 1.75 1.24 1.17 0.99 0.93 Estimate Pop. Growth Rate (%) 0.83 0.89 0.68 2.12 Total Fertility Rate 3.27 1.7 Births to Teenage Mothers as a Percent of all Births 26.7 30.3 25.7 20.8 Crude Marriage Rata 2.70 4.85 Residents Returning by Air 18,629 27,633 44,571 59,790 Residents Leaving by Air 16,904 24,913 28,789 56,335 Difference 1,725 2,720 3,455 Estimated Labor Force ('COOs) 24.5 30.4 14.3 Estimated Total Employment ('000) 19.8 24.1 30.8 Estimated Unemployment Rate (%) 19.2 20.7 10.2 Notes: 1. Population density figures do not include uninhabited Redonda. 2. "Residents Leaving by Air" figure for 1984 does not show data for May and July which were not available. Source: Statistics Division, Ministry of FimlOce, Government of Antigua-Barbuda. Government policy to absorb returnees and immigrants. POPULATION SIZE Table 1.5(1) shows mid-year esti mates of the popUlation of Antigua-Barbuda for selected years from 1970 to 1988. The 1984 Agricultural Census placed the popula tion at 70,134, a difference of 5,000 from esti mates of the Government's Statistics Division. Current estimates put the population of the country at between 82,000 (Department of Statistics) and 87,000 (Peters, 1990). Bouvier's (1984) projections for 1990 show an estimated population of 85,000. Bouvier's projections are questionable, since they begin with a base year for which there were no reli-29 able age/sex data, and maAe a series of as sumptions regarding future of migra tion and fertility that have, unfortunately, turned out to be incorrect. For example, under Bouvier's low projection, the total fer tility rate (TFR) was expected to decline to the replacement level (2.1) by 1990 and re main at this level until 2030, while net migra tion was assumed to be zero. Currently, how ever, the TFR has declined to an estimated 1.7, net migration is now positive. It is precisely these kinds of problems (unanticipated changes in fertility and migra tion, lack of familiarity with what is actually happening on the ground, the depopulation effects of a natural disaster, etc.) that makes the exercise ot' projecting population an im precise one. Indeed, it is of dubious utility to

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project populations more than 15 to 20 years at a time, and projections must be continu ously revised. POPULATION DENSI1Y Antigua-Barbuda's population den sity of 179 persons per square kilometer is av erage by OECS standards. However, if Antigua were taken alone, its population den sity would rank it near the top with Grenada and St. Vincent. With projl!cted increases in population gruwth, densities will rise and will require greater planning attention to avoid the accompanying environmental and social problems so evident in small, densely-popu lated mass. tourism islands. Already in some areas in and around St. John's, densities of 2,700 persons per square kilometer are com mon, and since these areas often have inade quate sewage and sanitary facilities, concerns about public health issues have increased. Barbuda on the other hand has a very low population density, estimated at 6.8 persons per square kilometer. POPULATION DISTRIBUTION Table 1.5(2) shows changes in the population distribution between 1970 and 1984. Like most small Caribbean islands, set tlement patterns in Antigua have long favored residence in and around the capital/port city and reflect a strong urban orientation (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1981). In 1970, an estimated 53.8 percent of the popu lation of Antigua resided in the city and parish of St. John's, which is about the same per centage recorded in the 1946 census. By 1984, the city and parish of St. John's accounted for 58.2 percent of Antigua's population. Areas of greatest growth between 1970-1984 were those areas within commuting distance of the city of St. John's and along the major road arteries leading into the capital --Factory Road (St. Johnsons Village, Potters), Old Parham Road (Skerrets, Casada Gardens), Fort Road (Gambles, Paradise View), Friar's Hill Road (Upper Gambles), All Saints Road (Newton, Belmont), and Valley Road (Gray's Farm, Gray's Hill). 30 Linked to increasing urbaniza tion/suburbanization has been the steady loss of popUlation from some more distant rural communities. For example, in 1970, 2,394 persons lived in Liberta, while the 1984 Agri cultural Census put the population of Liberta at 1,508. Similarly, communities like John Hughes, Buckleys, Sawcolts, Swetes and Bethesda have also been losing population. As the process of urbanization/suburbaniza tion intensifies, it is estimated that by the year 2000 over half the population of Antigua will live within a five kilometer radius of St. John's. Like the experiences of other islands (e.g., the United States Virgin Islands, New Providence, Bermuda) which have undergone the tourism-led economic restructuring cur rently underway in Antigu:)., it is anticipated despite some of the dis aggregating effects of tourism --that there will be a further concen tration of economic activity in and around St. John's. Furthermore, with planned improve ments in the infrastructure, the sustained growth in household and personal income, and the Ubiquity of the automobile, the pace of sub urbanization should quicken. The environmental impacts of this ongoing urbanization/suburbanization process are quite far reaching. St. John's already has major infrastructural problems -there is ve hicular congestion; parking is extremely diffi cult; there are open sewers, unsightly con struction waste, and inadequate solid waste removal; and tile overall aesthetic and environmental quality of the city is quite unattractive to residents and tourists alike. In addition, a critical housing shortage in and around St. John's exists, and this has led in some areas (Gray's Farm Villa, the Point) to the proliferation of squatter settlements. Such settlements give the town an unplanned look and also pose an environmental health hazard. Unfortunately, because of the high cost of ur ban/suburban real estate, squatting is the only alternative for some of the poorer segments of the society. The wsuburbsw likewise suffer from some of the same problems as St. John's -in creased vehicular traffic, poorly maintained roads, inadequate solid waste disposal, etc. Much of this growth has been unplanned and hapltazard (see Section 7 of the ProfUe).

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Table 1.5(2). Number of households and persons and average household size, 1970 and 1984, by enumeration districts. Enum. Districts Corrasp. Parish No. of Households No. of Persons Avg. Household Size St. John's 1970 1984 %chg 14-18 St. Mary 1970 1984 %chg 6-f.I,ll,12 St. Paul 1970 1984 %chg 13,21,22,32 St. Peter 1970 1984 %chg St. George 1970 1984 %chg 47 Barbuda 1970 1984 %chg TOTAL Antigua/Barbuda 1970 1984 %chg Source: Campbell, 1986. FERTILI1Y Table 1.5(1) shows very significant declines in the birth rate from 24 per 1,000 population in 1970 to a current rate of about 14 per 1,000, which gives Antigua-Barbuda the lowest birth rate in the Caribbean, on par with wdeveloped w countries like Canada, the United Kingdom, Norway and Sweden. While accurate measures of the TFR are unattainable because of the lack of populatIon data by age and sex, the estiI!lates shown in 8,460 1970 34,587 1970 4.09 11,808 1984 40,810 1984 3.46 39.6 %chg 18.0 %chg -15.4 1,532 1970 6,836 1970 4.46 1,884 1984 7,407 1984 3.93 26.6 %chg 1.9 %chg -11.9 1,501 1970 6,683 1970 4.45 1,567 1984 5,624 1984 3.48 4.4 %chg -15.8 %chg -21.1 1,228 1970 5,724 1970 4.66 1,529 1984 5,526 1984 3.61 24.5 %chg -3.5 %chg -22.5 1,144 1970 4,421 1070 3.80 1,385 1984 4,777 1984 3.45 21.1 %chg 16.7 %chg -10.6 226 1970 1,071 1970 4.74 275 1984 1,047 1984 3.81 21.7 %chg -2.2 %chg -19.6 15,216 1970 64,284 1970 4.22 19,868 1984 70,134 1984 3.53 30.6 %chg 9.1 %chg -16.4 Table 1.5(1) underscore a remarkable fertility transition in the space of two decades, without parallel in the region, Barbados excepted. The 1988-1990 estireated TFR of 1.7 is much below the replacement level of fertility. Much of the decline in fertility can be explained by 31 invoking wmodernizationW factors improvements in female educational attainment, greater female labor force participation, the widespread availability of contraceptives, and delayed marriage; but, additionally, values regarding family size have

PAGE 54

also undergone a cbange, and Antiguan women today appear to desjre fewt;r children than did their counterparts 10 to 20 years ago. The policy implications of a below replacement level of fertility need to be carefully considered by planners in Antigua. The long-term prospects suggest there should be some increase in immigration, a situation that might OClU.r naturally as the Antigua economy moves towards full employment and as critical lahor shortages continue in some sectors of the economy. MORTALI'IY Declines in mortality (Table 1.5(1) have been less because the mor tality transition has been underway signifi cantly longer than changes in fertility patterns. There is some evidence to suggest that the crude death rate. has reached its nadir at five per 1,000 population and is inching upwards with the aging of the Antiguan-Barbudan population (in 1984 the mean age of the pop ulatioIi. was estimated at 27.5 years). Life ex pectancy for both sexes is estimated at 71 years (Pcp. Ref. Bureau, 1990). When population data by age and sex become avail able from the 1991 census, it should be possi ble to generate up-to-date life tables. Im provements in medical care, living conditions and nutrition have certainly contribu[ed to in creased life expectancy, but changing dietary practices, particularly the ',;onsumption of high fat and processed, frozen and canned food, have already brought in a new series of diet-related health problems. Private medical care and the Holberton Hospital are adequate for the basic health needs of the population; yet the prac tice of seeking both routine and specialized health care off island Puerto Rico, St. Croix, the United States and Canada) continuc:s. The Springview Hospital in Barbuda is also adequate but still relies on the Barbuda Medical Program which brings in doctors and dentists from the United States on a rotational basis. 32 MIGRATION Like most Caribbean societies, Antigua-Barbuda has had a long migration tradition, with citizens migrating to Panama and the Bermuda dockyards at the turn of the century, to the Dominican Republic in the first two decades of this century, to Aruba and Curacao in the 1940's and 1950's, to Grellt Britain in the late 1950's and early 1960's, and the United States, the U.S. Virgin Islands (USVI), and Canada after 1962. Emigration declined significantly after 1973, particularly following the tightening of immigration re strictions in the US VI, the most popular des tination for Antiguan emigrants (the 1980 U.S. Census identified 4,951 persons in the USVI who were born in Antigua [de Albuquerque and McElroy, 1989]). Since the early 1980's, some of those persons have been returIllilg to Antigua to retire or S\!t up busi nesses (de Albuquerque, 1989b); yet return migration remains an unappreciated demo graphic phenomellon in Antigua of significant policy relevance (returnees often have consid erable savings and much needed skills). The increases in land in July and August (the most popular months for expatriate Antiguans to return home) are a clear harbinger that many Antiguans living abroad do intend to return; indeed, many of them have made a significant commitment to return by building houses and investing in businesses. Table 1.5(1) ,Iso shows the move ment of residents byjr between 1975-1988. While not an acceptable met.hod of estimating emigration and return migration (arrival data are much more carefully collected than depar ture data), in one year, 1978 (not shown in Table), the number of departing residents ex ceeded returning residents. Immigration into Antigua-Barbuda has received very little attention from Gov ernment. Yet if the experience!> of other Caribbean mass market tourist destinations (e.g., the Bahamas, Barbados, Cayman Is lands, St. Maarten, USVI) are any guide, im migration might become a vexatious policy is sue in the future. Already there has been sig nificant immigration into Antigua, starting in the 1970's with Dominicans who came to work primarily in the tourist industry. Other immi-

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grant groups are also becoming more visible as their numbers increase -Vincentians in the Police Force, persons from the Dominican Republic as hostesses, service workers and in manufacturing, Afro-Guyanese in the hotel industry, trades, manufacturing, and teaching, and Europeans and North Americans in the hotel, restaurant, yacht chartering, and other tourist-related businesses. In addition, there has been a fairly sizable and growing retire ment community of mostly North Americans -a phenomenon whose long-term social con sequences have not been seriously examined in the region. Despite a slight contraction in the Antiguan-Barbudan economy in 1988 and 1989, labor shortages continue in many areas, particularly in construction, teaching and health care. The number of work permits is sued continues to rise (755 in 1985 and 1,655 in 1988), with most of those (61 percent) be ing issued to OECS and CARICOM nationals (GOAB, 1989b). If an OECS political union becomes a reality, or if travel and immigration restrictions are lifted between OEes member states, then itnmigration into Antigua frOiD other OECS territories should significantly in crease. AGE AND SEX STRUCTURE Reliable data on the age and sex of the population are unavailable. Howe .. er, it can be inferred, given changes in fertility, mortality and migration, that the population today has a very different age and sex structure from that enumerated in 1970. In 1970, the male:female sex ratio of the population was 89.4 and in 1984 it was es timated at 95.4, indirect evidence of declining emigration. Table 1.5(3) shows the age distri bution of the population in 1970 and 1984. The effects of declining fertility are clearly visible in the under 10 age group, while the effects of increasing life expectancy can be seen in the older age groups. It would also appear that emigration declined significantly, Table 1.5(3). Age distribution of the population In 1970 and 1984. Age Group 1970 1984 No. % No. % 0-5 9,543 14.7 8,471 12.0 5+ -10 9,676 14.9 8,013 11.4 10+ -20 9,304 14.4 8,137 11.6 15+ -20 7,101 11.0 8,141 11.6 20+ 30 8,554 13.2 12,699 18.2 30+ -40 5,130 7.9 7,937 11.3 40+ -50 5,309 8.2 5,228 7.5 50+ -60 4,869 7.5 4,611 6.6 60+ -70 3,161 4.9 4,005 5.7 70+ 2,147 3.3 2,892 4.1 TOTAL 64,794 100.0 70,134 100.0 Source: Statistics Division, Ministry of Finance, GOAB; Campbell, 1986. 33

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and there was some return migration during the 1970-1984 period, since the most notice able difference in the two age distributions is in the population aged 20-40, the age group with the greatest propensity to migrate. EDUCATION Table 1.5(4) shows enrollment datC\. for selected years, 1980-1986. Although there appears to be a decline in enrollment, partic ularly at the primary level (the result of de clining fertility), enrollment data are uru eli able because for most years enroament re turns to the Ministry of Education were in complete. Enrollment declines are not equally spread throughout the school system; in fact, while some schools in rural areas might eventually have to be closed, other schools in St. John's and its environs are severely overcrowded. In terms of educational policy, GOAB is committed to equality of opportu nity; yet the percent of recurrent expenditure allocated to education has remained stagnant at about 13 percent (see Table 1.5(4, down from approximately 14 percent in the 1970's. As a result, some schools are badly in need of repair, renovation and re-equipping. Depen dence on large numbers of non-degree trained and untrained teachers continues. Teachers' salaries are relatively low, and given tight labor market conditions, turn-over rates are high as degree-trained Antiguans are easily lured to more lucrative occupations. The Ministry of Education has to annually recruit teachers from elsewhere within the region, primarily Guyana, and also relies, to some de gree, on VSO and Peace Corps volunteers. The quality of educational output, as measured by local and external e;camination results, is discouraging. t asses in the CXC Basic and General exams remain in the 50 percent range, and Antig'.!a ranks lowest among OECS territories for CXC results (Outlel, December I, 1989). All these negative indicators rein force perceptions regarding the generally poor quality of public education in Antigua and 34 Barbuda and create a strong demand for pri vate education. Thus, despite a commitment to equality of opportunity through the provi sions of universal free primary education, the dual educational system, a legacy of colonial times, persists and serves to perpetuate the existing class structure. LABOR FORCE AND EMPLOYMENT Table 1.5(1) estimates of rele vant labor force statistics. Growth in em ployment has far outpaced growth of the labor force and total population and is a direct re sult of the buoyancy of the Antiguan economy in the 1980's. Parallel declines in unemploy ment also occurred in the 1980' s. Currently, unemployment is less than seven percent, and much of that is hard-core unemployment. In some sectors of the economy labor shortages exist. Both the labor force and total employ ment will grow in the 1990's but at a slower rate, with most of the growth coming through increasing female labor force participation. The challenge of the 1990's will not be so much one of absorbing school leavers, but of fmding meaningful work for young adults. Unfortunately, the tourist industry is not expected to create the kinds of meaningful employment young Antiguans will fmd attrac tive, and Antigua will therefore have to in crease its reliance on imported workers. Through more and better vocational training and other programs, GOAB hopes to create a better trained and r.Jore sophisticated labor force to meet the demand of the 1990' s. In the area of public-sector employ ment, GOAB must find a way to reduce the number of employees and to create, in the words of the Minister of Finance (GOAB, 1990a), a W more productive and well-managed government work force.w In fact, the Minister had earlier decried (GOAB, 1989a) the Wattitude to workw in the country, the part-time work habits of some Government employees, and the practice of pay days becoming like national holidays.

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Table 1.5{4}. Selected socia-economic indicators. Indicator 1976 1980 Pop. per physician 2,700 Pop. per dentist 17,547 Pop. per hospital bed 319 Per cap. expenditure on health (EC$) 68 % of current expo on health 14.3 School enrollment (all levels, all schools) 15,962 Total no. of teachers Per cap. expenditure on education (EC$) 67 % of recurrent expo on education 14.1 Property crime rate (per 100,000) Violent crime rate (per 100,000) Total stayover visitors COCOs) 97.9 AIr 86.5 86.6 Sea 11.3 Cruise ship visitors COCOs) 70.2 107.1 No. of telephone subscribers 2,706 3,540 Bectrical consumption (kwh) Est. value of bldg. applica. (EC$ millions) 35.5 Total no. of reg. vehicles Note: Does not include coin boxes. Source: Statistics Division, Ministry of Fin.lnca, GOAB. MODERNIZATION OF THE COUNTRY'S SOCIETY By all measures, consuQ1ption, par ticularly private consumption, has grown re markably in the 1980' s, fueled by the very visi ble increase in the standard of liv ing/purchasing power of most citizl.;ns which is, in turn, a direct result of the economic boom of the 1980' s. The banking system has had excess liquidity through much of the 1980's, and consequently credit has been readily available. Antiguans and Barbudans 35 1911..2 1984 1986 1988 1,787 1,695 1,640 12,511 10,899 9,841 337 359 404 410 180 274 418 13.1 12.4 12.9 16,359 11,886 10,789 749 781 763 169 259 391 12.3 12.0 12.0 2,654 2,421 2,104 2,967 488 317 325 267 97.3 141.5 164.0 187.2 87.0 129.1 149.3 176.9 10.3 12.4 14.7 10.3 66.8 66.4 122.8 199.8 4,940 5,698 6,586 8,372 44.8 46.6 52.4 61.4 43.7 49.5 80.7 221.8 9,n5 12,006 15,620 19,686 have therefore been able to finance new home construction and purchase motor vehicles and a significant range of consumer durables. Table 1.5(4) provides some data on the rela tively rapid modernization of Antiguan soci ety. In the 1980's the number of registered motor vehicles more than doubled, electricity consumption increased 44 percent, the num ber of telephone subscribers increased by 136 percent, and the estimated value of construc tion permits increased more than six fold. Antiguans-Barbudans who formerly travelled in search of work began to travel in record

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numbers for vacation purposes. In 1988, an estimated 56,000 nationals spent approxi mately ECS23 million on airline tickets, the bulk of which were for vacation purposes (GOAB, 1990). Indeed, the sophisticated tastes and buying patterns of some Antiguans necessitate frequent shopping/vacation trips to St. Maarten, San Juan, Miami and New York. Since most of this remarkable t,'ans formation is the result of tourism develop ment, Government has hinged its future de velopment plans on the expansion of the tourist industry. To this end, it has decided to double the number of hotel rooms to 5,000 by 1995 and has targeted 300,000 stay-over and 340,000 cruise ship visitors by the year 2000 (Weston, 1990; see also Se<:tion 5 of the Pro file). Such a major commitment to the tourism sector will require clrastic improve ments and upgrading of the infrastructure, particularly the roads, harbors, c.irport, power generating capacity and water supply. Given the country's debt problem, much of it due to heavy borrowing on non-concec;sionary terms to fmance costly infrastructure improvements (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1990), GOAB's ability to borrow on capital markets for further improvements of the infrastructure is limited (see Section 1 .. 5.2). The environmental consequences of the kind of modernization Antigua has under gone are much more visible on small, fragile islands than continental systems. Mangrove swamps have been drained to make way for tourist developments, beach sand mining con tinues unabated because of the high cost of imported sand and lack of enforcement of ex isting laws, St. John's harbor is becoming more polluted because of marine, industrial, and other wastes, and the list goes on. Addi tionally, char.rlf ::onsumption patterns and increasing de: "'\'. mce on packaged/pro cessed importeu {\lods and other items have contributed to a solid waste problem, Paper, cartons, disposable diapers, packaging materi als, b.:>ttles, cans, styrofoam, and plastics are everywhere visible and a grim reminaer of the economies-of-scale problem facing small is lands when it comes to recycling options. In dustrial waste!' such as motor IJiI, car batter-36 ies, and tires are also becoming more visible, as are junked cars. The closing years of the 1980's wit nessed a growing awareness of environmental problems in Antigua-Barbuda, due in part to the efforts of the country's environmental NGOs (see also Section 10.3 of the Profile). Public displays at the Museum of Antigua and Barbuda on Earth Day, radio and television spots, newspaper articles, and clean-up cam paigns served to heighten the awareness of Antiguans to the fragile nature of their insular environment and to such problems as beach sand mining, coral mining, sea level rise, raw and partially treated sewage discharge into swimming areas, filling in of mangroves, lit tering, the bulldozing of archaeologi cal/historical sties, and other critical envi ronmental issues. This growing awareness is being re inforced if. the schools as some teachers are now teaccing a new environmental component included in the CXC syllabus of several sub jects. The textbook The Caribbean Environment (Wilson, 1988), the work of the Caribbean Conservation Association (CCA), and several regional environmental workshops served to spark an interest in environmental issues among some teachers. Some of this can be seen in the growing number of inquiries related to the environment received from school children at the National Museum in St. JoutJ's. The 1989 summer clean-up campaign of St. John's ("Antigua Clean As A Whistle"), sponsored by the Body Shop, the Environ mental Awareness Group, and other organiza tions, also served as a catalyst for some busi nesses to help keep their portion of the public streets reasonably clean. One response of Government to a growing environmental awareness has been to establish the Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commis sion. However, it is believed by many local environmentalists that solutiuns to these envi ronmental problems will not come through Government intervention alone or solely through the introduction of new legislation (existing ordinances continue to be ignored and unenforced), but rather through a concur rent massive public rducational campaign that

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should begin in the schools. Already there are signs that some school children arc avoiding littering and are appealing to their adult rela tives and friends to do the same. The emerging, renewed interest in the natural and cul tural patrimony of Antigua-Barbuda is cer tainlya welcome development. 1.5.2 National Economy and Development Trends Until the post-World War II era, sugar dominated the economy. In the early 1960' s, over 90 percent of all cropland was de voted to sugar cane, but poor prices, high costs and labor shortages caused the collapse of the industry in 1967 and various attempts to rehabilitate a Government-owned sugar in dustry have been unsuccessful. Cotton pro duction has also become negligible (World Bank, 1984). As a result, the contemporary economy is characterized by the decline of agriculture, continued dependence on foreign dollars, and a successful pattern of diversifi cation towards tourism, hotel construction, and light manufacturing. Foreign dollars flow into Antigua Barbuda from five different sources: exports, tourist spending, wages from Antiguans and Barbudans working abroad, foreign investors, and foreign government and bank loans. Crude calculations suggest that, on the aver age, one foreign dollar from these outside sources produces one local dollar of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Economic diversification began in the ]96O's and accelerated in the 1970's because of the sugar crisis. Tourism grew with the ad vent of direct jet service to the United States and the rapid establishment of several foreign fmanced hotel resorts. Later a deep-water cruise port was constructed in the capital of St. John's (Weston, 1990). Early export man ufacturing in textiles and food processing was stimulated by the Aid to Pioneer Industries Act in 1964 (later revised as the Fiscal Incen tives Act of 1975). During the 1990's the Government has promoted both industries 37 heavily with generous tax concessions and provided necessary infrastructure. The effects Jf these policies can be seen in Table 1.5(5). Between 1978 and 1988, per capita real GDP rose nearly 80 percent, electricity output doubled, stay-over visitors increased 120 percent, and the value of total tourist expenditure (stay-over and cruise) rose over six-fold. The basis for this growth has been the restructuring of the economy away from sugar. Tourism has become the lead sector accounting for approximately half of all GDP and e=nployment (Thorndike, 1986). During the decade, for example, the direct contribution of hotel and restaurant activity alone grew from 11 to 15 percent of GDP, and the contribution of related construction rose from 7 to 12 percent. As a result, Antigua Barbuda now ranks at the top (with the British Virgin Islands) in economic affluence among its OECS neighbors. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Since the worldwide recession of the early 1980's, real GDP has grown at a rapid seven to eight percent annual rate. A slight slow-down (6.4 percent) in 1989 was causer! by Hurricane Hugo's damage to tourism clnd agriculture (Caribbean Updatl;, 1990). How ever, four major imbalances --excessive for eign debt, weak investmect, over-dependence on tourism, and labor shortages --cloud the economic future and cr clstrain the country's ability to cOlJ'; with mr.unting environmental stresses. THE DE8T PROBLEM The most dangerous imbalance is the excessive amount of foreign debt that has been incurred in recent years and that is mortgaging the country's future. At the end of 1988, Antigua-Barbuda's total external debt amounted to US$267 million, a figure which represented over 80 percent of total GDP. Annual dt:bt service obligations --yearly pay ments due on borrowed principal and interest --amounted to 16 percent of export sales and half of all Government revenues. Most seri ous of all, debt arrears or unpaid past due

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Table 1.5{5}. Antigua-Barbuda GOP at factor cost by economic activity In current prices, percent distribution. 1978 1988 Change GOP ($EC million) 1n.2 727.0 549.8 Percent Shares: Agriculture 9 5 -4 Manufacturing and Mining 7 6 -1 Construction 7 12 5 Hotels and Restaurants 11 15 4 Govemment 15 15 0 Other 1 51 47 -4 TOTAL 100 100 Per Capita GOP In Constant Factor Prices 2,294 4,080 1,786 Sectrlclty Ger,eratfon (million kwhs) 46.0 95.02 49.0 Total Stayover Visitors ('000) 79.9 176.9 97.0 Tourism Expenditures ($US million) 29.5 221.9 192.4 Notes: 1 Includes mainly transport, banking/reality, retail trade and other services. 2Estlmate. Source: For 1978: World Bank (1984); for 1988: COB (1988) and GOAB (1988). obligations stood at 20 percent of GOP (CaritJbean Update, 1990). These long-term commitments were made to capitalize on Antigua's growing rep utation as a leading Caribbean resort, yacht ing, and cruise ship destination. Much of this foreign borrowing was used to fmance the Government's Royal Antiguan (Deep Bay) Hotel and to complete the 4O-unit phase of the shopping complex at Heritage Quay (COB, 1987). The monies were also used to make needed infrastructure improvements to the airport and to the road and telephone systems, as well as to construct new desalina tion and power plants. 38 Because these obligations were un dertaken at a time of fIscal weakness and reg ular budget defIcits, Antigua-Barbuda became overly dependent on foreign capital (COB, 1988, and was forced to commercially on expensive terms involving short-term (fIve years) repayments at high interest rates. Pre sent efforts to meet these yearly obligations have created a cash crisis and caused payment arrears. These arrears, in tum, have pro duced a loss of credit worthiness which sug gests it may become increasingly difficult to secure fresh fmance in the future. On the one-to-one foreign-to-Iocal dollar basis, this translates into slower economic growth in general and reduced construction activity in particular.

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DOMESTIC IMBALANCES Several domestic imbalances are tied to the debt build-up. In the first case, several studies have indicated that heavy Government borrowing from domestic banks during the 1980' s both reduced the amount of loan funds available for local investment (World Bank, 1985) and caused sharp interest rate increases that discouraged business borrowing (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1990). In a recenl report (1988), the Caribbean Devel opment Bank has argued that most of the iocal credit available for borrowing has been used to fmance consumer purchases and to build up inventory in the wholesale and retail trades instead of providing fresh capital for new ventures in agriculture and manufacturmg. A second major imbalance has been the Government's focus on tourist promotion and construction to the point of overlooking the negative consequences for agriculture and manufacturing (COB, 1987). Although this emphasis was motivated by thl! high unemployment created by the sugar collapse, most available labor, fmance, tax incentives, and infrastructure have been channeled to support tourism, while the non-tourist in dustries have languished at times and per formed modestly at best. This weakness sug gests that the economy remains vulnerable because of its over-dependence on tourism, an industry frequently shaken by recession and oil price shocks. For example, it took three to four years for the number of total visitors (cruise and stay-over) to regain pre-recession levels in the early 1980's (CTRC, 1986; CTO, 1989). Third, labor shortages have con stantly plagued agriculture, have recently Wcontributed to the closure of several facto riesw (Caribbean Update, 1990), and presently "have manifested themselves in the construc tion sector" (Weston, 1990), despite a steady stream of returning migrant workers. High wages in Government, tourism, and construc tion have consistently attracted labor away from the softer sectors. During the 1980's, hotel service workers earned 80 percent more per week than agricultural laborers. The dif ference was higher for construction workers 39 (Carib.-Central Am. Action, 1982) and for Government workers who were granted 20plus percent annual wage increases some six times between 1978 and 1988 (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1990; COB, 1988). Because of the Government's large role in the econ omy, employing roughly 30 percent of the work force (USAID, 1985) and because of rapid grcwth in tourism and construction, rising wage pressures continue to threaten light manufacturing and to inhibit diversification into domestic agriculture. AGRICULTURE In 1960 agriculture, priraarily for ex port, contributed 20 percent of GOP and em ployed one-third of the work force. Today it accounts for less than five percent of GOP and ten percent of total jobs. The long-te rm success of Antigua-Barbuda's restructurmg will in great part depend on the durability of the new sectors, i.e., an established tourism industry, a developing manufacturing base, and domestic agriculture. Although Government has attempted to support a policy of crop and livestock diver sification aimed at the local market, domestic farming has been constrained by labor scarcity, uneconomic farm size, and inade quate rainfall and other unfavorable weather conditions during planting and harvesting pe riods (World Bank, 1985). Agriculture is also plagued by insecure land-lease arrangements, Government price controls that discourage production, slack demand and protectionism in CARl COM markets, poor marketing and infrastructure, and inappropriate land man agement practices. For example, low grazing fees and meat prices encourage over-grazing which can ruin good pasture land, cause dam age to nearby cash crops from untethered stock, or, in severe cases, cause erosion and loss of soil productivity. These natural and institutional prob lems have taken their toll on traditional re source uses. According to Table 1.5(6), since 1961 the number of farms has fallen 60 per cent and acreage in farms has been cut over 80 percent. Much of this decline has occurred in the past decade in tandem with rapid

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Table 1.5(6). Selected agricultural Indicators, Antigua and Barbuda, various years. 1977 .12!ll Vogetable and Fruit Total tourists 1 ('000s) 104.1 326.7 Production ('000s Ibs.) 1m No. hotel r..;oms 1,382 2,752 Bananas 1,395 154 Health expend. per cap. Beans 33 76 ($EC)2 68 351 Cassava 154 68 Educatlon expend. per Coconuts 2,561 568 cap. ($EC)2 67 330 Cucumbers 387 297 Egg Plant 178 456 Grapefruits 40 123 No. farms 5,747 2,298 Onions 282 68 Acreage in farms 34,089 6,225 Oranges ('0008) 102 104 % under 5 acres 91.1 95.4 Pineapples 242 232 Sugar cane (tons) 193,554 2,500 Pumpkins 352 428 Cotton lint ('000s Ibs.) 195,935 4,600 Sweet Peppers 114 85 Sweet Potatoes 414 402 1978 .lim Tomatoes 931 309 Ash lamJings (m. tons) 2,437 1,635 Yams 343 112 Lobs1er landings (m. tons) 195 73 .1W .12!ll Beef animals 2,951 4,032 Sheep and goats 1,142 697 Pigs 1,711 2,510 Notes: 1 Includes air and cruise visitors. 2The Eastern Caribbean dollar is equivalont to US $0.37. Source: Regional Council of Minis1ers, 1963; ECLAC, 1988; GOAB, 1988. growth in tourism. Between 1977 and 1987, the number of visitors (both stay-over and cruise) tripled, the number of hotel rooms more than doubled (see Table 1.5(6, and per capita Government expenditures on health and education rose over five-fold as rural labor and capital migrated from traditional pursuits to Government and tourism. As a result, less labor-intensive beef and small livestock farming replaced vegetable and fruit production. Two-thirds of the se lected produce listed in Table 15(6) recorded output declines. Fish and lobster landings also feU substantially despite brisk markets in Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the French Antilles. Several reasons for the de-40 clines include: decreased effort because of labor scarcity, poor management, over-fishing, and inadequate credit and distribution facili ties. Although farmiD.b and fIShing will not generate significant employment gains in the near term (CDB, 1987), many new Govern ment initiatives appear to be headed in the right directicn. These include streamlined leasehold procedures, improved irrigation, various programs of technical assistance for fruit and livestock production, the improved performance of the Central Marketing Corpo ration, and new Government incentives like duty-free concessions on imported equipment and subsidized inputs (CDB, 1988).

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MANUFACI'URlNG As is typical among other Leeward Islands undergoing economic l!lodernization, manufacturing in Antigua-Barbuda is small scale, in the early stages of development, and characterized by modest and fluctuating growth. The existing mix of industries serves domestic and foreign markets and involves the relatively low value-added enclave type relying heavily on imported inputs for processing and assembly by local labor. Firms include gar ments, electronic assembly, furniture, alco holic and non-alcoholic beverages, fuodstuffs, household appliances, paints and packaging materials. All take advantage of the tax, im port, and factory rental incentives commonly available in most OECS countries, and import tariffs protect the flfms selling locally. A number of problems have plagued manufacturing. These include, on the supply side, the shortage of trained labor and the lack of available factory space as well as a low-cost regular supply of electric power. On the de mand side, production has been constrained by the small size of the local market, slow growth and protectionism in regional markets, and an inability to significantly penetrate mar kets in the United States, Canada, and Eu rope. Some Government-sponsored im provements, however, include the installation of new electricity gem'ration capacity and the construction and leac;(' of new factory shells. Less progress has been made on raising labor productivity and reducing wage costs. Present hourly manufacturing wages in Antigua Barbuda are already wover five times higher compared to those in selected low-wage Asian countries" (World Bank, 1988). TOURISM The 1980's represent a turning point in the maturation of Antigua-Barbuda's industr During the past decade, the number of stay-over visitors, cruise passen gers, and hotel room& doubled. Before the slight fall-off in arrivals in 1989 because of the damage caused by Hurricane Hugo in September, total visitor expenditures had doubled between 1984 and 1988. Over the same period, the average length of stay fell 41 from 7.5 to 7.0 days, and the average hotel oc cupancy rate declined from 68 to 60 percent (CfO, 1989; CfRC, 1986). The shorter stay may reflect the large share of Americans (47 percent) and West Inrli;IDS (15 percent) in the Antiguan tourist proiile who habitually make shorter visits than lJi( (13 percent), European (13 percent), and Canadian (8 percent) tourists. Falling hotel occupancy rates may reflect the large number of new hotel rooms that became available over the same years. Both declines may also partially reflect visitor reaction to the increased crowding associated with rapidly rising tourist densities over the decade. The overall success of the industry is partly due to the Government's promotion efforts and infrastructure/facility expansion and partly due to the abundance of Antigua's natural assets. These include many natural harbors, sparkling coral sand beaches and reefs, picturesque and varied land and seascapes, and a rich heritage of historical buildings and sites (Seward and Spiruad, 1982). With the completion of the new cruise ship pier at St. John's and the large scale, multi-phased renovation of the down town and market areas underway (OAS, 1986a), Antigua is positioned to become a prime tourist des(ination if past trends con tinue through the"present decade (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1989). This is likely if the planned new hotel rooms materi alize since an 80 percent expansion to roughly 5,800 is projected for 1992 (IMF, 1986), Cur rent patterns of seasonality suggest this may pose future crowding problems since over 50 percent of stay-over visitors and roughly 60 percent of cruise passengers customarily visit during the short five-month (December through April) winter season. In 1989 the number of cruise passengers slightly exceeded the number of stay-over visitors (CfO, 1990). ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES AND POLICY Three issues will dominate the econ omy in the 1990's: the changing character of tourism;

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the progress of agricultural and manufacturing diversification; and the debt problem. All will impact the environment, and all must be addressed concurrently because they are mutually related. Projections for total cruise and stay-over visitors in the year 2000 are double present levels (Weston, 1990). Con trolling such high densities in sustainable ways will cfemand careful management and plan ning. Overly rapid growth will provide the foreign exchange and taxes to ease the debt crisis but will likely threaten the natural assets which draw the tourists in the fIrst place, the quality of island life for residents, and the suc cess of farming and new industry. If growth is too slow, the debt crisis will continue to drain off resources needed for infrastructure main tenance and expansion and for environmental protection and restoration programs. The correct blend of economic in centives and environmental policies will be come crucial to fmding the "middle ground." Some specific suggestions are listed below to illustrate the range of possibilities. The two primary benefits of most of these proposals lie in (1) promoting sustainable resource uses and practices and (2) raising revenue to cover the costs of monitoring and enforcement pro cedures. Assess dock charges for cruise ship passengers and landing fees for air arrivals to cover the cost of airport and pier maintenance; Require private developments over some minimum size to pre pare an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) as a pre-con dition for tax incentive considera tion; as a related issue, strict ad herence to building codes and/or mandatory self-contained water, power, or sewuge treatment facil ities in the design of projects could be variously negotiated as part of the overall benefit pack age; 42 An EIA is especially recom mended for large-scale Govern ment infrastructure projects, and set-aside funds should be included to cover both monitoring and mitigation strategies; Large-scale public and private projects, particularly those in the coastal zone, should be phased in over multi-year stages to avoid depleting the labor force and to allow for environmentally-sensi tive construction; Prime state-owned agricultural land should be zoned and land use regulations established; Favorable terms for long-term leasehold and/or ownership by smallholders farming Government land should be tied to the level of environmentally-sound cultivation practiced on such lands; Eliminate price controls on lo cally-grown meat, to encourage production and support of re search on local animal feeds and to raise the profItability of animal husbandry; Raise irrigation charges to in crease cost recovery from users and to encourage effIcient use of a scarce resource; Design a structure of tax in centives that includes some benefIts for local farmers, fishermen, and manufacturers who supply the tourism and construction sectors; Provide similar incentives to ho tels, factories and construction ftrms based on their share of local food and input purchases. The expected expansion of tourism and construction during the coming decade will open up a large number of small local entrepreneurial opportunities. These will occur especiaUy in those areas which link agri-

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culture, industry and tourism as rising pop ulation and visitor densities produce new, commercially-exploitable markets now served by imports. Even small local import replace ment could provide tangible environmental benefits because it would allow significant re ductions in the volume of visitors needed to sustain rising tourist (xpenditures. An example is instructive. Assume that there are presently 200,000 stay-over tourists. Further assume that 90 percent stay in hotels/guest houses, spend an average of US$I60 per day and visit Antigua for seven days. These assumptions yield a total visitor expenditure of approximately US$2OO million. Using the dollar-for-dollar, foreign-to-Iocal multiplier of 1.0, this $200 million in tourist spending creates roughly $200 million in the country's GOP. Further assume that present import leakages can be replaced by local food, handi craft, and construction materials by only five percent. This would raise the mUltiplier to 43 1.05. The higher multiplier would raise the stay-over GOP contribution to over $210 mil lion local GOP (200,000 x 0.90 x $160 x 7.0 x 1.05). Alternatively, the original $200 million could be generated with 10,000 fewer overnight visitors (190,000 x 0.90 x $160 x 7.0 x 1.05). Such strengthening of the local econ omy would tend to reduce crowding, resident visitor tension, waste disposal problems, and natural and infrastructural stresses and pro vide the ingredients for a sustainable visitor industry compatible with ihe unique and frag ile charclCter of the island environment. If successfu:" Antigua-Barbuda could become a model for mature Caribbean destinations, demonstrating how the local economy can be integrated into an amenity-defensive tourism style that does not require rising promotional budgets to annually pump-up densities nor the increasing proliferation of artificial, imported, man-made attractions to replace the natural assets lost through environmental neglect.

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SECTION 2 LAND RESOURCES 2.1 AGRiCULTURE AND FORESTRY 2.1.1 Overview AGRICULTURE Antigua-Barbuda's landscape today is a result of natural resource exploitation that began with colonization in the early seven teenth century. In the space of a few decades, much of the natural vegetation had been cleared for cultivation of tobacco, indigo, cotton and then sugar cane. Production of sugar cane in Antigua under the colonial plantation system was well established by the close of the eighteenth century. Only 5,500 acres (of a total land area of 69,120 acres) are reported to have been spared from cane pro duction (Cater, 1944). Fields of sugar cane were even observed on the peaks of many hills in the southwest range (Mackler and Hannah, 1988). A series of events, including the abo lition of slavery in 1834 and the serious eco nomic depression that followed, resulted in progressively smaller plantings of cane on the remaining estates. By 1938, 52,000 acres of land previously in sugar cane production had been abandoned. This trend continued until the mid-1960 period when the sugar industry completely collapsed. A revival of the indus try was attempted in 1972, but this was aban doned after two years of low rainfall and poor prices for the sugar crop. Several crops have been grown on plantation systems. Cotton was re-intro duced as a supplement to sugar cane in the early 1900's. Competition from foreign mar kets, weak production systems, and low ano variable rainfall combined to make cotton production marginal in Antigua. If it were not for the unique, prized qualities of the sea is land cotton grown in Antigua, the industry would have collapsed earlier. An attempt to revive cotton production during the 1980's failed primarily due to the ravages of Hurri cane Hugo in 1989. 45 Much of the land that became avail able with the end of sugar production is used today by small-scale farmers. The Antigua and Barbuda Agricultural Census (OAS, 1984a) reported a total "official" acreage oper ated by all farmers of 6,225 acres (2,790 hectares); Barbuda comprised almost eight percent of this total (Table 2.1(1. Over 6,000 farmers were identified in the census, and 4,658 farms were listed. Approximately 50 percent of the farms were operated by landless farmers, and another 40 percent of the farms were under two acres (0.8 hectares) in size. The census identified only 66 farms in Antigua larger than 10 acres (11 hectares). Nearly 70 percent of Antigua and Barbuda's farmers pursue this occupation on a part-time basis only. Agricultural pruduc tion is divided almost equally between home use only (30 percent), mainly home usc (33 percent), and commercial production (37 per cent) (OAS, 1984a). Commercial production is mostly for domestic consumption and in cludes a wide range of food crops and fruits. Production figures of field crops for selt:cted years during the period from 1984 to 1988 are shown in Table 2.1(2). An attempt was made by a u.S. pro ducer in the mid-1970's to grow com under large-scale mechanized conditions, but this failed. Production practices designed to grow com in tl:!::: American Midwest and the use of inappropriate equipment led to rapid soil degradation and erosion (OAS, 1>90). A project to promote peanut production is on going in Barbuda, but with only a few excep tions agricultural production continues to be practiced on a small to medium scale by farm ers who grow a diverse set of crops. Most farmers also raise some live stock, at least a few cattle, goats or sheep. Livestock figures for 1984 are shown in Table 2.1(3). Much of the land that became .. _/ ,..,.,'"...., kA .. ..

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Table 2.1 (1). Agricultural land use* In Antigua-Barbuda (acres), 1904. CATEGORY ANTIGUA BARBUDA TOTAL Private Public Total Private Public Total Temporary Crop 1,921.2 198.0 2,119.2 98.5 8.0 106.5 2,225.7 Improved Pasture 463.4 463.4 463.4 Other Pasture 837.9 870.0 1,707.9 14.8 52.5 67.3 1,775.2 Permanent Crop 716.4 61.7 778.1 36.4 201.3 237.7 1,015.8 Lying Fallow 577.2 10.0 587.2 50.2 21.3 71.5 658.7 Unsuitable 82.5 0.3 82.8 1.1 2.0 3.1 85.9 TOTAL 4,598.6 1,140.0 5,738.6 201.0 288.1 486.1 6,224.7 Excludes unofficial usa of public and private lands. Source: 1984 Agricultural Census as reported In GOAB, 1989b. available with the end of cane production is used as unimproved pasture, particularly by those without their own land. According to OAS (1990), there are over 20,000 acres of unimproved pasture used to raise cattle and small ruminants. Some cattle is raised by land-owning livestock producers who fence their land and control grazing. There has been a steady decline in the agricultural sector, particularly since the 1960's. Agriculture's contribution to GOP declined from 11 percent in 1978 to 7.5 per cent in 1983 (World Bank, 1985) and currently rests at less than five percent (see Section 1.5.2 and Table 1.5(5. As pointed out in the recent OAS as sessment of the agricultural sector (OAS, 1990), tourism has long since replaced agri culture as the leading sector of the economy, contributing well over half of GOP. Govern ment's considerable expenditures for infras tructure development to support the tourist 46 industry have meant reduced amounts for other sectors, and agriculture has suffered the of this shift in economic empha sis. Nevertheless, the Govemment of Antigua and Barbuda has recognized since the mid-1980's that the agricultural sector could playa more meaningful role in the economy, particularly given GOAB's obligation to cur tail growth of public sector expenditures in order to meet debt service requirements. A World Bank report (1985) reported that agri cultural performance was considerably below potential and suggested a strategy moving to wards a diversified agricultural system of fruit and vegetable production. The large area of underutilized, flat agricultural land in Antigua (with at least some access to irrigation), cou pled with the potential linkage between the agricultural and tourism sectors, have stimu lated expansion of market gardening over the last several years.

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Table 2.1 {2}. Production of field crops for selected years, 1984-1988. UNIT OF CROPS QUANTITY 1984 1985 1987 1988 Avocado 'OOO's 82.5 29.8 23.0 28.0 Bananas '000 Ibs. 685.0 154.4 154.0 185.0 Beans 81.0 217.8 76.0 91.0 Beets 14.2 135.3 142.0 170.0 Cabbage 118.0 258.4 204.0 245.0 Carrots 557.0 303.9 326.0 391.0 Cassava 117.0 121.1 68.0 32.0 Cotton Unt 4.6 72.0 66.0 79.0 Coconuts 'OOO's 717.0 462.5 568.0 678.0 Cucumbers '000 Ibs. 316.0 606.6 297.0 356.0 Eddoes 49.0 27.0 88.0 96.0 Egg Plant 219.0 456.0 547.0 Ginger 91.0 90.0 179.0 215.0 Grapefruit 'OOO's 97.4 17.8 123.0 148.0 Hot Peppers OOOlbs. 32.4 1.1 4.0 5.0 Umes 51.8 396.0 458.0 550.0 Maize 396.5 83.0 105.0 126.0 Mangoes 'OOO's 401.6 812.2 1,102.0 1,322.0 Melons 'OOOlbs. 26.1 2;'0.0 1,235.0 1,482.0 Okras 21.0 265.8 116.0 139.0 Onions 84.0 50.4 68.0 82.0 Oranges 'OOO's ;:08.8 70.4 104.0 125.0 Paw Paw '000 Ibs. 0.9 1.7 3.0 4.0 Peanuts 16.0 Pineapples 448.0 204.9 232.0 Pumpkins 480.0 370.9 428.0 514.0 Squash 40.0 329.0 154.0 185.0 Sweet Peppers 193.0 60.2 65.0 78.0 Sweet Potatoes 1,076.0 222.1 402.0 482.0 Sugar Cane 000 tons 2.5 Tomatoes 'OOOlbs. 434.0 331.4 309.0 371.0 Yams 60.4 112.0 134.0 Note: 1984 data from the 1984 Agricullurel Census (OAS, 1984a). Source: Agricultural Extension Division, Government Agricultural Slation, and Statistics Division of the Ministry of Finance, as reported In GOAB, 1989b. 47

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Table 2.1 (3). Number of livestock In Antlgw-Barbuda, 1984. UVESTOCK ANTIQUA BARBUDA Cattle 9,992 1,072 Sheep 5,619 473 Goats 9,319 229 PIgs 2,425 12 ChIckens 19,554 529 Horses 179 184 Donkeys 713 215 Source: 1984 Agrfcultural Census as reported In GOAB, 1989b. In spite of constraints to expansion of agricultural activities, such as lack of farmer credit, difficulty in securing long-term leases to agricultural land, high labor costs, and high capital investment requirements, expansion of agriculture in Antigua-Barbuda is considered feasible. The large percentage of land re garded as well-suited for intensive agricultural use (40 percent as per Ahmad, 1984) supports expansion of the sector. The fact that Gov ernment owns 60 percent of the land could protect this area from being converted into non-agricultural uses; however, Government's failure to provide adequate tenure security could just as easily discourage private farming ventures, thereby further weakening the agri cultural sector. FORESTRY Cater (1944), among others, noted that the natural vegetation of Antigua had been radically altered and that land clearing had led to widespread erosion. It is probable that extensive deforestation was caused by cutting wood to fuel evaporators used in sugar production. These drastic changes to the vegetation resulted in one of the rust laws to protect forests in the Caribbean, the Body Ponds Act No. 15 of 1721. This Act prohib ited the felling of trees within 30 feet of the edge of the Body Ponds in the southwest part 48 of Antigua and remained in effect for over two hundred years (Cater, 1944). The almost complete destruction of Antigua's original forests and the continuous cultivation of sugar cane over 300 years made classification of native vegetation difficult. Cater suggested the following original forest types, on the basis of his reconnaissance study: Mangrove Woodland. The origi nal size of these coastal forests is difficult to determine due to over exploitation. Littoral Woodland. These forests occurred on the coast a short dis tance from the sea. The most common species identified include seaside grape (Cocc%ba uvi/era) and manchineel (Hippomalle mallcillella ). Cactus Scrub. A large number of species may have been present, and agaves were also reported. Thorn Woodland. The most common species are thought to have included acacias (Acacia spp.), logwood (Haematoxy/um campeclli!'lIwn) and wild tama rind (Leucaena g/auca).

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Deciduous Seasonal Forest. Species thought to be char acteristic were turpentine (Bursera simaruba), red cedar (Cedrela odorata) and white cedar (Tabebuia heterophylla). Semi-evergreen Seasonal Forest. CliI:::ax type on the wettest slopes of the volcanic southwest; white cedar and Spanish ash (Inga laurina) were indigenous to this type. Cater states that West Indies mahogany mahogoni) found in this formation may not be a native species. Evergreen Seasonal Forest. Spanish oak (Andira illemlis) a:Jd probably Antigua whitewood (Bucida buceras) may have been the dominant species. These forest types represent Cater's reconstruction of the original forest on the basis of vegetation he observe1 on a recon naissance survey in 1943. The forest types correspond to formations found at progres sively higher elevation and greater rainfall (from sea level to the highest elevation -402 meters -at Boggy Peak). An historical view of Antigua's fore$ts is also provided by Beard (1949). A 300 acre stand of woodland on the slopes above Wallings Reservoir was selected by Beard for study in the early 1940's. His work included a survey of a one-half acre quadrant within the lower slopes of the stand, and the results yielded 47 forest species. According to Cater (1944), part of the regeneration in Beard's study site was at least partially due to artificial seeding in 1912. In any event, a sim ilar inventory at Brecknocks Reservoir showed 14 forest species. Beard also makes mention of Prosopis and Acacia species, which had be come naturalized by the time of his visit to Antigua. Leucaena, mahogany, albizzia (Albizzia lebbeck), and a number of important tropical fmit trees are indicated as introduc tions in Beard's report. Loveless (1960), on the basis of field work by Box and Charter rturing the period 1932 to 1938, identified two major forest vegetation types -Seasonal For-49 est and Dry Evergreen Forest subgroupings of each. and three A study undertaken for the OAS by Morello in 1983 best describes the vegetation in Antigua and Barbuda at the present time. The recurrent planting of sugar cane over sev eral centuries and the extensive area under cane production are considered by Morello to have destroyed for all practical purposes all evidence of the natural vegetation. The intro duction and rapid naturalization of many plant species, including five or six species of Acacia and Prosopis chilensis, which now dominate many areas previously in agricultural use, have created pioneer ecosystems that are main tained by current land use practices. Morello suggests the need to evaluate and classify veg etation types on the basis of the well-estab lished scrub growth. A description of Morello's vegetation classification for Antigua and Barbuda is presented in Section 1.2.4 of the ProfIle. Unfortunately, no area estimates are available for any of the vegetation types identified by Morello. Current estimates of forested area vary substantially according to assessment methodology and year of estimate. Even within the same time frame, variation results from differences in classification systems and interpretation of forest versus scrub cover. According to a study in 1983 (DFS, 1984), there are reportedly 13,838 acres (5,600 ha; 20 percent of land area) in woodland cover, and 24,710 acres (10,000 ha; 36 percent of land cover) under scrub growth. OAS (1990) provides figures of woodland areas based on assessments done for a Geographic Information System (Wirtshafter, et al., 1987): 15,190 acres of woodlands in volcanic areas; 8,455 acres in limestone hills. A recent limited inventory was un dertake[l by Mackler and Haimah in i988. A portion of the Wallings watershed, surveyed by Beard in the 1940's, was reinventoried. of that work indicate the vegetation at Wallings Reservoir has changed considerably in 44 years. Some preferred species such as Spanish oak had declined considerably, Wmost likely due to harvesting for charcoal." Some early successional species and remnant trees

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from the agricultural period such as mango (Mangifera indica) were absent from the in ventory, or were much reduce.J in numbers. According to Mackler, the forest had rated from use as a source of supply of wattle for fISh traps, fuelwood and posts. The report concludes that the control of cutting in the area is possibly less effective than in former times (Mackler and Hannah, 1988). Lugo also reports that locally pro duced firewood, charcoal, and fence posts are obtained mainly from uncontrolled cutting in natural woodlands (Lugo, 1984). Some cutting for boat building components is reported, ruld slender poles for fish traps are observed stockpiled along roadways in the southwest part of Antigua. Other impacts on the forest resource result from clewing for small-scale agriculture, particularly in the Brecknocks and Body Ponds areas, and from urban develop ment activities island-wide. Large-scalr. hotel and related recreational alone Antigua's coastline have destroyed consider able mangrove forests. Reports reveal the de struction uf seven major mangrove swamps and the filling of most salt ponds (Williams, 1990; see also Section 3 of the Proftle). In addition to the commercial benefits which result from wood products, in Antigua aild Barbuda are important as sources of bush teas and for the habitat they provide wildlife. 2. i.2 Problems and Issues DEFICIENCIES IN AGRICULTURE AND FORESTRY POLICIES Agricultural Policy and Legislation. Henry (199O) points out the serious environ mental impacts of farming under a poorly de fmed agricultural policy. He concludes his re port by making a plea for Government sup port to ensure rapid institutional strengthen ing in the agricultural sector, including polky development and planning capabilities. Henry emphasizes the need for better management of the sector rather than the ad 1I0c, mostly disorganized approach --with its emphasis on 50 meeting short-term and immediate require ments --that has plagued aricl11tural policy in the past. Defming a policy and implementing a plan for sustainable agri culture are critical at the present tUne. The OAS (1990) report, summarizing the accomplishments of its NRAD (Natw.&l Resources Assessment for Agricultlil'al De velopment) project in Antigua and Barbuda, makes several important points regarding the environmental effects of agricultural produc tion in the country. Noteworthy is the projec tion that economic growth for the country is expected to increase demand for agricultural goods. Assuming that this demand is met by domestic production, rather than imports, the response by the agricultural sector could be met by two approaches: (1) increased land area used for agriculture and/or (2) increased productivity. Relative to the first option, if the large amount of land now being used as unim proved pasture is included as "agricultural land," then there is very little additional land in the country available for expansion of agri culture. Construction for tourism and urban ization will further reduce that option. The second alternative, increasing agricultural yields by generating more product from the same amount of land, raises envi ronmental concerns. There is a possibility that this emphasis will encourage production methods that increase yields regardless of the shortand long-term consequences for the land. Environmental issues related to the agricultural sector in Antigua and Barbuc' a are discussed below. Additionally, OAS (1990) raises a related issue, namely that an agricultural policy favoring export agriculture over import substitution could be expected to be more harmful to the environment and to Antiguans-Barbudans. The report states, HAn export strategy will require lower cost of pro duction and therefore a greater use of harmful chemicals. Furthermore, production will have to occur on a wider scale thus increasing the intensity of exposure [to agrochemicals] by lhe domestic population." Lack of secure land tenure can also deter agricultural development because farm ers are not able to use their land as collateral for loans to improve their operations. The is-

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sue is especially critical when the desired im provements are for the introduction of soil and water conservation practices --typically, the returns on these investments are long term end may not directly translate into im mediate individual economic gain. It is clear that farmers and livestock producers cannot be expected to invest in conservation mea sures unless they are confident that they will reap the returns of their investment. The basis for establishing a Govern ment lease policy are outlined in a document prepared by Dacosta (1983) working under the auspices of the DASjNRAD Project. As sisting farmers who are otherwise cOlXmed to the most 1:'1' -ginal (and ecologically fragile) lands to obtain long-term least:s or freehold title could have substantial environmental benefits. Providing for a GDAB agricultural policy with these objectives in mind needs to be encouraged. Forest Policy and Legislation. Defi ciencies in existing forestry and wildlife policy, legislation and regulations are recognized as deterrents to proper protection and manage ment of forest resources; such deficiencies also discourage investment in the sector (Henry, 1990). With the assistance of FAD, a draft forestry anc! wildlife policy and associated legislation have been prepared (McHenry and Gane, 1938). This draft has been discussed with a cross section of gov ernmental and non-governmental persons. Among other revisions most of those consulted agrc.!d that each of the two sectors (forestry and wildlife) should be the focus of a single piece of legislation. FAD is in the p,'c!:ess of preparing a draft Forestry Act and a draft Wildlife Act. Presumably, the revised drafts will i.ncorporate the maill points included in the preI!minaI) draft, specifically: To st:iect, establish and manage forest reserves on Crown Land and to include watershds and catchment areas in management strategies; multiple use would be encouraged, including utilization for forest products, such as char coal, poles, and other timber products, and for wildlife habitat; reserves would be set aside on a 51 watershed basis, beginning in the volcanic southwest hills; bound aries would be marked and desig nated under the law, and provi sion for enforcement of the re serve designation would be pro vided for. To begin a watershed protection program, watersheds would be addre!:Sed in order of priority; Crown and private lands would be includt:d in the assessment and critical are:::: wm!Id be designated as conservation areas; a national heritage law would regulate land use activities and prescribe land use practices; land tenancy would be a(hlressed; areas would be identified for tree planting; staffmg requirements to under take management and an exten sion component would be pro vided for. To set up a forestry fund for re forestation purpose!; with income to be derived from severance taxes levied on forest products; payments would be required for water supplied from catchment areas. To introduce a private forestry in centive scheme by encouragicg tenant farmers and private farm ers to plant trees and protect nat ural regeneration and to practice agroforestry; technical assistance would be provided; tenure agree ments would be im proved; grants and loans would be available from the forest.ry fund and would be payable when trees are harvested. To initiate silvicultural research, including cultivation of agro forestry species; utilization of forests for economic return (i.e., wood products) would be in cluded; research and demonstra tion projects would be carried out on conveniently located GO'fern ment lands.

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To designate and safeguard her itage sites through protec.tion of cultural and historic features and areas of scenic and scientific in terest, including terrestrial and marine wildlife; regulations to control use of these resources would be included. To safeguard threatened and en dangered plant and animal species; specific guidelines would be included ior species on the land and in the marine envi ronment. To build institutional capabilities, Forestry and Water Divisious would be created within the De partment of Agriculture; protec tion, management, administration, and other organizational respon sibilities for natural resources would fall under this mandate; equipment and other facilities would be provided within the limits of available resources. To improve consultation and co ordination with other ministries of Government, environmental im pact assessments would be re quired for all environmentally sensitive development proposals. To prepare a sectorial develop ment plan a ten year span which would include a mapping of selection of lmd for reforestation, research and demonstration priorities plus ad ministrative arrangements, staff ing requirements, and training needs. To initiate a public education program to explain the role of forests and natural re sources and to encourage social responsibility; such efforts to be ta.rgeted to politicians and other leaders, Wturch groups, schools and to the general public using a variety of media. 52 To share expertise and services with other OECS countries; to ex change information, research and training, and to provide mutual assistance in technical expertise; foreign assistance and cost-shar ing would be possible on a sub-re gional basis. ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES Environmental problems as:iociated with agriculture and forestry in Antigua Barbuda can be classified into four categories: (1) effects of agrochemical inputs; (2) compe tition for water; (3) poor use of land and mismanagement of watersheds; and (4) the effects of agro-pro.:essing. These problems can be expected to intensify if the proposed resurgence of agricultural activity to meet local and tourism demands is successful. (1) Agrocbemlcals Lausche (1986) refers to a survey re porting Antigua and Barbuda to be the largest importer of pesticides in the Lesser Antilles, and the Director of Agriculture recently cited large number of agrochemicals being used in crop and livestoc;:k produc!ion (Henry, 1990). A wide variety of pesticides is avail able, and these appear to be used by even the poorest farmers in the country. Archer (1984) makes reference to the use of herbi cides, fungicides, and insecticides on crops. Dioquot was reportedly used on fruit and veg etable crops. (1989), m her report on land-based sources of marine pollution in the Caribbean, cites Hammerton (1985 report (0 CAROl and USAID) in which he lists seven types of fungicides, 14 types of herbicides, 18 types of insecticides, acaricides, and nemati cides available for use in Antigua and Barbuda. Pesticide pollution ref'ulting from run-off of materials used by vegetable produc ers in the Potworh area is considered to be a contributing factor to the fIsh-kill recently observed in that reservoir (Fernandez and Williams, 1990). An investigation by the De partment of Agriculture into this incident

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identified nine pesticides (Diazinon, Lannate, Sevin, Malathion, Vapam, Maneb, Bravo, RegIone, and Gramaxone) and suggests that pesticides may enter Potworks by wind-drift, run-off and erosion, and flush back of irriga tion systems. Henry (1990) notes that even the less toxic agrochemicals can present health and environmental hazards due to over use and/or misuse. Improper application results in de graded soil and poUuted surface and ground water, and presents a health risk for farm workers. Pesticide resis.ance resulting from over use of these chemicals is a weU-docu mented world-wide phenomenon; it is sus pected as a factor in population increases in some destructive insects which have been ob served by some farmers in Antigua and Barbuda (pers. commun., L. Merchant, Sec retary, Antigua-Barbuda Cooperative Farmers Association, 1990). Only small amounts of fertilizers were used in the past for production of food crops. Ahmad (1984) indicates a reluctance on the part of small-scale farmers to use fer tilizers. With increased agricultural activity, especially by trained in commercial practices, use of fertilizers and pesticides will undoubtedly increase, posing greater potential for chemical run-off from cultivated land. Section 6 of the Profile also discusses the problem of agrochemical poUution and pre sents policy recommendations to address this issue. (2) Water Availability Competition for wat;!r resources is intense in Antigua. The dry climate coupled with an irregular rainfall pattern exacerbates the problem of water supply. Small ponds and surface catchments have been an important source of agricultural water supply for many yea;s (McMillan, 1985). Demand is growing to use surface water resources for agricultural irrigation. Concurrent with agricultural re. quirements is a persistent pattern of rapidly increasing urbanization in Antigua, which has also increased demand for water. As dis cussed in Section 2.2 (Freshwater Resources), agricultural use of water supplies is consid-53 ered a lower priority than municipal demands. Traditional water catchments such as Potworks are being used for domestic supply, and their use for agticultural irrigation as originally planned is restricted. Thus, it is even more critical that attention is paid to in creasing the availability and utility of the lim ited rainfall that the island receives. McMillan (1985) points to the need for a comprehensive watershed program, including watercourse stabilization and encouragement of farming practices designed for water and soil conservation. (3) Watershed Management Concerns "Slash and Burn Agriculture". The use of rITe, particularly to clear undesired veg etation and to promote growth of forage veg etation, continues in a destructive manner in Antigua, particularly in the Brecknocks and Body Ponds areas (Henry, 1990). Destruction of secondary forest in an early stage of succes sional development results. Within the last two years, forest species introduction trials, incorporating a variety of exotic trees, have been destroyed by uncontroUed burning, most likely originating from slash and burn opera tions (Henry, 1990). Such agricultural prac tices result in soil erosion and a loss of valu able forest, wildlife habitat, protection for watersheds, and aesthetic values important for tourist satisfaction. Data on the total area burned annually are not compiled. However, Hill (1988) reports over 400 acres burned in the dry season beginning in late 1987 (see Section 2.2 for more detailed discussion). Uncontrolled Livestock Grazing. UncontroUed livestock grazing adversely af fects vegetation and watersheds. Grazing ac celerates iand deterioration (especially during wet ddorestation, erosion and gen eral denudation of the land resources (Garel, 1986). Given the current pattern of inefficient livestock production systems in Antigua Barbuda, GOAB diversification plans to ex pand the livestock industry to reduce imports and broaden the economic base could further the environment. The Agricultural Census (OAS, 1984a) listed total numbers of livestock (cattle, sheep and goats) in the country at that time (see Table 2.1(3)). As al-

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ready indicated, a majority of livestock fann ers are lanc!1ess and graze their cattle on rough pasture in watershed areas. The objective of several ongoing and projected projects in the country is to provide assistance to the livestock industry by im proving pasture. The aim is to reverse the present degradation of land due to uncon trolled grazing and to increase meat produc tion in order to reduce imports and gain greater self-sufficiency. USAID and the British Overseas Development Administration have focused their efforts on fencing, forage production, sp:ock improvement, and establishment of communal pastures. CARDI's Forage Project, initi ated in 1983 in various parts of the Caribbean, demonstrated the fea sibility of forage "banksw or areas of pasture seeded with woody plants suitable for intensive forage production. These banks are used as wfeed lots" during dry periods when open grazing is scarce. The European Development Fund (EDF) is committed to ac; sistance in livestock development under an agreement with the GOAB. The EDF initiative is a four year project and includes demonstration of improved feed ing and production techniques; a scheme for establishing breeding and fattening farms of 1.5 to 4 hectares; the establishment of a 200 hectare communal grazing area for landless farmers; and up grading of staff in the Veterinary and Livestock Division of the De partment of Agriculture. The long term objective of the project is to establish viable livestock farms and communal grazing areas that will demonstrate an al ternative to practices which presently result in degradal;f)n of land through uncontroUed .'iZ ing. 54 RerOmitatlOD. There is a long, and mostly unsuccessful, history of attempts to reforest Antigua. Cater (1944) mentions di rect seeding of the Wallings catchment area at the tum of the century. Cater also documents small areas of planting at Body Ponds and at Fort James, using casuarinas (Cassuarina), whitewood, and eucalyptus (Eucalyptus). Suga. cane estate owners are reported to have planted trees, including eucalyptus and ma hogany. In 1940 and 1941 the Superintendent of Agriculture planted a few acres at Brecknocks with casuarina, eucalyptus and almond (Terminalia). In spite of these early attempts, Cater (1944) concluded that wthere was never a weU conceived, sustained pro gramme of afforestation at any time." Beard (1949), in his assessment of forestry in the Windward and Leeward Islandc; on behalf of the Colonial Forest Service, pro vides a conceptual background to the practice of forest management and proposes the man agement of estate woodlands. Species per ceived as suitable for intensive management in the Caribbean are recommended by Beard, of which would have been appropriate for cunditions in Antigua. Again, there is no evidence to indicate that any reforestation or management of existing forest resulted from Beard's recommendations. A modest proposal for afforestation of some 55 to 60 acres was suggested by Allen (1979) in a draft report to the Caribbean De velopment Bank. Allen's proposal focused on developme'Jt of 45 acres of leucaena, including nine acres of species trials, and provided suggestions for a study of marketing and pricing of local forest products, institutional strengthening of the Forestry Division, devel opment of a forest policy, and legislative needs. An investment of EC$242,436 was proposr.d for implementation of the project over a three year period, but the plan was never implemented. More recently, FAO has proposed to assist Antigua and Barbuda through its worldwide Tropical Forestry Action Plan. The primary function of the Plan is to coordi nate furestry and forestry-related activities and to serve as an umbreUa project through which donors can provide support in a coordi-

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Dated fashion. In theory, this umbrella would include both large projects, such as the CIDA proposal discussed below, and small projects that might be implemented by a local non governmental organization (see also Chalmers, 1990). In conjunction with GOAB, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) has proposed a Natural Resource Management Project (Prins, 1988). Negotiations are proceeding with CIDA to develop a working agreement, including staffmg needs and other preconditions (Henry, 1990). Oue precondition is the establishment of a Natural Resource Management Committee to coordi nate the efforts of all GOAB agencies in volved in the management of natural re sources. The project development document (Prins, 1988) defmes the principal elements of the project: Assistance in the technology of monitoring, planning and controlling the use of natural resources; Assistance to the Department of Agriculture in methods to protect soils, watersheds and the margins of reservoirs through afforestation; A scholarship, in-service training and public participation program; Afforestation of 200 acres per year, with associated site prepara tion, out-planting design, and follOW-liP maintenance. The Pan American Development Foundation is beginning implementation of an agroforestry project in cooperation with the Antigua and Barbuda Cooperative Farmers Association (see also Section 103 of the ProfIle). Agroforestry systems will be demonstrated in conjunction with typical farming systems on a 50 acre site at Sandersons, Antigua (lnce, 1990). Agroforestry techniques can be used to improve the economic viability of farmers while conserving the natural resource base. For example, livestock projects can incorpo-55 rate forage trees into pasture improvement activities. Leguminous species such as Gliricidia and Leucaena can be managed under a pollarding system for protein rich for age. Trees incorporated into fencing or used as windbreaks or for soil conservation can have aesthetic benefits as well. Tree cropping potential in Antigua wac; examined by the OASjNRAD Project. As pointed out in the summary document (OAS, 1990), Antigua is not a traditional commercial (ruit tree producing country. The southwestern region of Antigua is, however, suitable for tree crops, based on soil, topography, and rainfall conditions. Tree crops, es pecially mango, bet:n grown in limited areas of better rainfcJ1 for many years, and two Government-operated commercial or chards have demonstrated their potential over a ten year period. The proposed tree crop de velopment project seeks to promote the de velopment of tree crops on a total of 300 acres over a five year period (OAS, 1990). As pro posed, the project would address major fac tors which limit tree crop production and will include: Improvement and expansion of the two GOAB nurseries to sup ply planting material including grafted cultivars; demand for planting stock is projected at 5,000 trees per year; A top grafting component to con vert 500 established mature mango trees to preferred vari eties; 100 acres of Government land at Christian Valley to be divided into 10 acre plots for allocation to tree farmers; this demonstration would be supported by advisors in fruit 'production; Marketing support to be provided by supplying packaging materials, grading and cool storage facilities, and roadside fruit stands; export markets would also be developed.

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PROMOTION OF URBAN FORESTRY INITIATIVES The Importance of trees, shrubs and other vegetation In urban areas cannot be overemphasized. The benefits of these plants go beyond their obvious aesthetic value and Include serving as noise barriers, removing airborne pollutants and adding oxygen to the environment, and providing shade and wildlife habitat. The need for these benefits Is Important In Antigua as urban development continues and as additional facUlties for tourist accommoclatlon are built. Well-planned landscaping and rehabilitation of natural vegetation on development sites should be required as part of the development permitting process. Planting new trees and caring for existing trees should also be addressed In older neighborhoods. The St. John's Botanical Garden Is becoming a focus of an urban forestry initiative. The plan for the Garden Includes rehabilitation and addition of trees and shrubs to enhance the facUlty. Residents and tourists will both benefit from this effort. A public education and awareness program could be launched in conjunction with improvements at the Botanical Garden and might include tree identification and care as well as programs which emphasize the benefits of trees. The Ministry of Agriculture Is responsible for the Garden. The present budget allows for payment of salaries for the maintenance crew, fuel for mowing grass, and other incidental expenses, but no funds for tree replacement or major to the grounds are presently available (pers. commun., P. Blanchette, Department of Agriculture, 1990). The cost of implementation of the project is ECS2.4 million. Two models analyzing fmancial options were proposed by Both models involve subsidizing the participating farmers with Government funds to ease the cost of investment and to provide income during the establishment period (projected to be three to five years before substantial fruit crops are produced). A posi tive effect on the balance of trade from pro ject activities is projected after the initial year of implementation (OAS, 1990). In spite of some use of pesticides and fertilizers, which could contaminate groundwater, it is projected that "the concentration of chemicals in tree crop production is small and this negative effect on groundwater would be minimal" (OAS, 1990). Overall, it is anticipated that there would be a net positive; effect on the en vironment from the project. (4) Processing of Agricultural Produc!s As also discussed in Section 4 of the Profile (Energy and Industry), the agro-pro56 cessing industry is contributing to pollution problems in the country, especially of marine/coastal environments. As the agri cultural sector grows to meet import substitu tion requirements and tourism demands, ad ditional processing is likely to take pll\ce in Antigua. In the past, waste from abattoirs processing local livestock products has caused problems for the marine environment (Archer, 1984), and there are plans to develop abattoir activity. 2.1.3 Polley Recommendations (1) Hannonize policies alld legislation for "the nalllral resource compollents (land, water, and forests) that affect the agriculturc/ sector ill order to ensure that tile sector's contributions to the ecollomy meet projectiol/s as presently articulated in national development plans. As noted in Section 2.1.2, the back ground analysis and framework have been laid

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to allow more efficient use and greater pro tection of the country's land and forest re sources. Government should facilitate com pletion of the proposed Forestry Act and Wildlife Act and provide the support needed to enable designated agencies to monitor and enforce n.:gulations for sustainable manage ment of these resources. Similarly, the draft Water Resources Act draws on a decade of analysis of issues and opportunities relating to this resource (Burchi, 1981, 1988, 1989). As also noted in Section 2.2 (Freshwater Resources and Watersheds), it is critical that an institutional vehicle and administrative procedures be identified which ensure that technical input from the agricultural sector inform national water allocation decisions. The proposed CIDA Natural Re source Manll.gement Project represents an excellent opp(; .. tunity to begin an integrated ap proach to management of the country's lands, forests, and watersheds. The fact that legal or historical control of these resources is dispersed among several Government depart ments is a serious obstacle, but not an accept able justification, for allowing the country's resources to be mismanaged and squandered. The necessary integration is possible but will require diplomacy and a willingness to com promise in order to promote national inter ests. (2) Ensure that farmers and livestock producers have adequate tenure security in order to encourage utilization of soil and water conservation practices. The land tenure situation in A.ntigua and Barbuda is confusing, and there is disagreement about whether lack of tenure is a serious obstacle to improved performance of the agricultural sector. It is much more clear, however, that uncertainty over future rights to use of a parcel of land does discourage con servation investments such as the planting of trees or the building and maintenance of soil erosion controls. Tenure security, at least through the time period needed to realize economic returns on capital and labor invest ments, is essential if Government wishes to 57 promote the conservation measures needed to protect ihe country's resource base. (3) Provide support for more environmentally appropriate agriculture and use of forest resources. Control or Agrochemlcals. The need for control and regulation of agrochemicals and promotion of their safe and economical use is paramount (Henry, 1990; also see Section 6 of the Prome). In his recent report, Henry points to the apparent adequacy, at least on paper, of the Pesticide Control Act. Regulations, however, have not been devel oped, and both Henry (1990) and Lausche (1986) emphasize the need for supporting regulations to give full force to the Act. In the recommendations prepared as part of the investigation of fISh-kills at Pot works Reservoir, Fernandez and Williams (1990) recommend steps to reduce chemical deposition in this critical reservoir. These recommendations, which can also be applied nationally, include: Appointment of a panel of indi viduals to oversee land use adja cent to Potworks Reservoir and to make recommendations for con trol of agrochemicals used in the area; Training of farmers in the utiliza tion of effective and appropriate tillage techniques to limit erosioI: and run-off into Potworks; Implementation of precautions to control back-flushing of agro chemicals, as occurs when drip ir rigation fertilizer injectors are cleaned; Creation of a buffer zone around Potworks to absorb chemicals mi grating from farm land; Periodic testing of Potworks water for contamination;

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The training and licensing of per sonnel using chemicals. Support ror an Organic Fanning Ini tiative. In his report to a recent national workshop on conservation and development, Henry (1990) noted the need to promote agri cultural practices that were less dependent on chemical inputs, for example, the use of inte grated pest management. Several local farm ers have expressed an interest in organic pro duction (pers. cOlIlmun., L. Merchant, Secre tary, Antigua-Barbuda Cooperative Farmers Association, 1990), and representatives of an organic produce marketing corporation visited Antigua in 1989 to determine interest and potential supply of organic fruits and vegeta bles to the U.S. market. Government could support the estab lishment of a demonstration organic farm, utilizing both local expertise and international authorities on organic methods. There is a need to augment the organic matter content of most Antigua soils, particularly in those areas where production is concentrated. Re search into production under organic methods and the use of natural pesticides and' other low-input (i.e., low petrochemical input) approaches should be a part of a demonstration farm project. Support for Agroforestry Initiatives. Opportunities to promote agroforestry, as a means to improve economic viability while conserving the natural resource base, should be encouraged. Agroforestry is a majo. component of FAO's Tropical Forestry Action Plan (Chalmers, 1990). The Ministry of Agri culture has expressed interest in the Plan but also is understandably concerned about the possible personnel demands it may require. GOAB should support its Ministry of Agri culture on this initiative and identify resources to enable it to take advantage of this opportunity. 58 2.2 FRESHWATER RESOURCES AND WATERSHEDS 2.2.1 Ovorvlew A.1ltigua and Barbuda is characterized by low annual rainfall, a situation made worse by the fact that the amount of precipitation varies sharply between the wet and dry sea sons and is highly variable between years (Figure 2.2.(1); also see Section 1.2.1 for a more detailed discussion). There are no per manent lakes or rivers in Antigua or Barbuda, although the largest river in Antigua --the Bendals River --has water except during prolonged droughts (Loveless, 1960). Droughts occur every 5-10 years and are a regular, if unpredictable, feature of the envi ronment (Figure 2.2(2. When several lowrainfall years occur consecutively, as in 1964-68 and 1983-84 (see Table 2.2(1, the country faces critical water shortages. In the 1983-84 dlOUght, water had to be imported from neighboring countries. The three topographic regions in Antigua (see Sections 1.2.1 and 1.2.2) strongly influence the hydrology of the island: Volcanic region. This region has the highest elevations and contains sev eral mountains with the steepest slopes on the island. The orographic effect is the principal factor con tributing to the southwest's greater rainfall (45-50 inches per year). The region does not have any large groundwater supplies in the volcanic rocks; however, aquifers exist w several of the alluvial valleys. Central plains region. The central plains and northern limestone area is lower in elevation and gentler in to pography. The region receives in termediate values of rainfall -aver aging 45 inches per year. Limestone region. This region, situ ated on the eastern side of Antigua, receives the least rainfall, some 35-40 inches per year (McMillan, 1985; Montgomery, 1983).

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I SEASON I WET SEASON 7 -6 ...... III 5 41 r-r-.r; (J 4 c: 3 I r-r-"'1-_I""'" ...J ...J < 2 lL. Z r-,.i 1 0 JFMAMJJASOND Figure 2.2(1). Average season rainfall variation (source: APUA, 1989b). 160 140. 120 100 BO 60 Ap!. B 114 C 94 --FRIARS Hill 1947 1961 B 103 C 73 COOLIDGE 1961 1980 A A: 80S of annual -rainfalls are less than the value at A B _129 B: 50S of annua I rainfalls are less than the value at B. C.!!..., C: 20S of annua I rainfalls are I ess than the value at C. (Note that the difference in va I ue from C to A, the variation in annual rain fa 11, is greater for 1961 1980 than for 1947-1961). GREENCASTLE 1961 -1980 Figure 2.2(2). Annual rainfall for 20,50, and 80 percent frequencies (source: McMillan, 1985). 59

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Table 2.2{1}. Annual rainfall In Inches, 1950 -1984, {periods of prolonged drought: 1964-1968 and 1983-1984}. Year Rainfall 1950 50.05 1951 60.79 1952 56.78 1953 29.15 1954 41.58 1955 46.89 1956 49.42 1957 43.79 1958 47.35 1959 41.55 1960 40.76 1961 40.58 1962 50.91 1963 44.06 1964 34.46 1965 31.69 1966 29.74 1967 34.58 1968 27.19 1969 52.05 1970 61.23 Source: APUA, 1989b. WATERSHEDS A watershed is a topographically de fined area having a common drainage system. It can be defined broadly (e.g., 86 were iden tified for Antigua in a study by Halcrow, 1977) or narrowly (e.g., these 86 have been grouped into 13 watersheds by McMillan, 1985). The decision is somewhat arbitrary, and it primar ily is a function of management needs. Wa tersheds can be used as the fundamental units to assess hydrological budgets and erosion and to provide for land use planning and man agement. McMillan's 13 watersheds are listed in Table 2.2(2), with their existing and pro posed storage capacities as of 1985; they are also shown in Figure 2.2(3). The 13 water sheds have been further grouped into six major watersheds that occupy 43 percent of the island's area and contain 80 percent of 60 Year Rainfall 1971 45.18 1972 45.92 1973 27.73 1974 50.70 1975 37.78 1976 40.89 19n 38.50 1978 49.00 1979 66.00 1980 33.00 1981 58.00 1982 40.00 1983 22.26 1984 33.25 1985 1986 35.12 1987 56.23 1988 51.82 1989 43.32 1990 21.73 (amos.) groundwater supplies and 90 percent of sur face water storages. These six areas are: Creekside Potworks Christian Valley Fitches Creek Parham Bethesda. Within these watersheds are found 50 percent of the island's total forest land, 90 percent of its crop production, 60 percent of Iivestor.k production and 70 percent of the Antiguan population (Fernandez, 1990). Barbuda has been divided into ten watersheds, shown in Figure 2.2(4). Soil erosion from Antigua's water sheds has been identified as a problem from hills in the southern region. However, three factors combine to reduce the overall erosion

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,...--._-----------------------_ .. _---Table 2.2(2). Antigua watsrsheds with storage capacity estimates for existing and proposed agricultural and municipal water supplies (acre-feet). See Figure 2.2(3) for location of watersheds. AGRICULTURE; WATERSHED EXISTING PROPOSED STORAGE STORAGE 1 30.6 82.9 2 200.4 202.2 3 334.5 18.2 4 -11 9.2 25.2 12 20 2.0 21 26 27 -46 5.2 (1 ) 10.7 47 53 570.4 (2) 32.5 54 62 19.2 33.6 63-66 33.4 59.1 67 -77 38.4 (3) 16.3 78 -84 2.2 85-86 2.5 2.2 -_.TOTALS 1,248.0 482.9 NOTES: EXISTING STCRAGE 4,010 278 166 50 4,504 MUNICIPAL (4) PROPOSED STORAGE 4,120 (5) 160 140 80 4,500 (1) Does not Include Red Hili (46 AF) and Picadilly (c. 2 AF). (2) Includes Bethesda (54O AF). (3) Does not Include Langfords (99 AF). (4) Potworks (3,700 AF), Collins (310 AF). (5) Creekside (2,900 AF), Body Ponds (1,200 AF). SourC9: McMillan, 1985. problem relative to other Eastern Caribbean islands: gentler topography, less erosive rains and reversion of abandoned agricultural lands to scrub (Atkins, 1983). Some of the protective benefits of vegetative cover in scrub lands is lost through the practice of burning the lands annually to promote regeneration of younger, more edible fodder. No estimates exist on the amount of land surface affected by this practice although it is clear that it occurs widely, including on sloped lands. 61 A regional CARD I-sponsored study of soil and water conservation (Atkins, 1983) noted the surprising absence of on farm water conservation practices in (e.g., mulching, strip-cropping nn conLOurs, cover cropping and intcrcropping, run-off measures such as tied-ridges, and agroforestry), despite the scarcity of agricultural water. Support for these practices is assigned as a coUaborative responsibility to the Agricultural Engineering Unit and the Extension

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Johnsons Potnt 4-11 67-77 12-20 \ "' j i .i 1 Lon91shnW 63-66 .-.--_._._._ .", ... i .' ; j i _.-..... -.-.-,---,-,,* 47-53 aa, Cape Shtrl., Figure 2.2(3). Watersheds of Antigua (source: McMillan, 1985). See also Table 2.2(2). ANTIGUA/WATERSHED Watershed boundary Watershed No. 4-11 o

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o 1 Z J r... WATERSHED BOUNDARY -.-WATERSHED Nur.sER 3 Figure 2.2{4}. Watersheds of Barbuda {source: McMillan, 1985}. Division of the Ministry of Agriculture. The Agricultural Engineering Unit, responsible for the construction component of the collabora tion, consists of three individuals. Although additional labor can be hired for specific jobs such as mini-dam construction, the Unit is still inadequately staffed and funded to meet all farmer requests in a timely fashion, in addi tillli to its other responsibilities for the main tenance and rehab;'itation of Government lands (pers. commun., G. Fernandez, Agri cultural Engineering Unit, 1990). KEY CATCHMENT AREAS Catchment areas are components of a watershed upslope from a water intake or collecting area. They can be defined within the broader watershed because they supply water for more specific purposes such as drinking water or irrigation. There has not been any recent as sessment of the country's catchment areas, 63 and little is known about their condition (e.g., vegetated or barren) or management status (e.g., used for grazing or contain residences) (pers. commun., G. Fernandez, Agricultural Engineering Unit, 1990; V. Yearwood, APUA Water Division, 1990). WATER SUPPLY/DEMAND AND TREATMENT (1) Water Supply In 1983-84, Antigua and Barbuda experienced a severe drought, and water had to be barged in from Guadeloupe and Dominica Since then over 20 new wells have been devel oped or rehabilitated to bring the total to 45 operational wells; transmission lines have been renovaled and expanded; and two de salination plants have been developed (APUA,1989a). Water use can be divided conve niently into two groups, agricultural and non-

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agricultural (municipal). The latter ir..eludes domestic, commercial (industries and hotels), government, harbor and airport There cde four sources of water for municipal use. Groundwater and surface ponds/reser voirs are the primary ones; desalination plants and cisterns also provide for municipal water needs. Surface supplies are the source of irri gation water for agriculture, with use of groundwater when municipal demands allow. Groulidwater. Groundwater in much of Antigua and Barbuda is saline. Despite this, estimates from 1980 listed this as source of some 45 percent of Antigua's water supply production (Montgomery, 1983). Cur rent are that groundwater supplies about 25 [)ercent of waler demand (Burchi, 1988). Antigua's groundwater system can be divided into five main well fields (supply fig ures shown in million gallons per month): Collins-Bristol Springs Follies Oarcmont-Cades Bay Bendals Valley 7.1 MG/M O.2MG/M 2.6MG/M 7.6MG/M 7.9MG/M Total prOliuction is 25.4 MG /M (APUA, un published data, 1990). Groundwater in much of Barbuda is too saline for use, with the notable exception of Palmetto Sands, a 1,500 acre (i.e., a 405 million gallon*) area of beach sands on the island's southwestern shore. Mather (1971) estimated that the area could supply 14.3 MG/A; aCGording to McMillan (1985), recharge estimate'. suggest a potential yield six times greater. Ponds and Reservoirs. There are more than 500 ponds distributed throughout Antigua, the majority of which are less than one Acre-Foot storage capacity (McMillan, 1985). These small ponds are used primarily for agriculture. Several of the larger areas are shown in Figure 2.2(5), with information on their size provid('d in Table 2.2(3). Many of the reservoirs arc used for boti-. agricultural a!ld non-agricultural needs. In McMillan's 1 Acre-Foot (AF) = 0.27 Million Gallons (MG). 64 1985 study, he reports tnere are seven swcw LU medium reservoirs in the volcanic region, ten in the central plains, and two in the limestone region. The total estimated storage capacity (using a minimum size storage area of greater than 0.1 Acre-Foot) in 1985 was 5,752 Acre Feet, equivalent to 1,553 MG (Table 2.2(2. The capacity reported by APUA in 1989 was MG (Table 2.2(4. The lower value could reflect differences between APUA's definition of storage capacity and McMillan's defrnition, or it could mean that some of the storage areas reported in 1985 are no longer functional. Many of the ponds found in Antigua are shallow and are fed by relatively large catchment areas. Less than 1 inch (2.54 cm) of run-off can fill these storage areas to ca pacity. Run-off is affected by soil type and soil moisture content, slope, sha)}e and size of catchment, and rainfall intensities. According to McMillan (1985), run-off data are only available for Creekside clnd Potworks; no data exist for smaller catchments or for the lime stolle areas in Antigua and Barbuda. How ever, McMillan (1985), using a run-off model based on data from other parts of the worln to supplement the data available for Barbuda, estimated run-off for t\'/o regions of Antigua and one for Barbuda. As shown in Table 2.2(5), typically there is enough run-off to fill Antigua's small storage ponds during about half the months. (Regions 1 and 2 refer to Antigua; Region 3 refers to Barbuda, but the issue of run-off levels is not relevant in Barbuda, where the water supply is primarily from one large storage area.) Shallow ponds do not "stockpile" water well; agricultural and non-agricultural demands, coupled with high evaporation rates, deplete them quickly. Therefore, the avail ability of wat "." :com a shallow pond is a func tion of the run-off in that catchment during the particular month in question. On the other hand, water supply for the larger dams and reservoirs is better computed by examin ing annual run-off values. These larger stor age areas require on the order of six to seven inches to flIl to caparity. This amount was

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Figure 2.2(S). o 2 3 4 Mil es ANTIGUA AGRICULTURAL RESERVOIRS Existing I11A 1 Bethesda 2 Red Hi 11 3 Gunthorpes No.4 4 Gunthorpes No.7 5 Olivers Dam 1 to 6 6.A.S.F. Dams 7 lightfoots 8 Lan!1fords 9 Carrs ?roposed a 1 C3des Bay 2 Flax's HUN!CIPAL RESERVOIRS Existing 1 Potworks 2 Collins 3 Wallings & Fig Tree 4 Dunnings 5 Brecknocks No.1 6 Brecknocks No.2 7 Hamiltons 8 Body Ponds, Fishers 9 Fiennes & ProposeJ 0 1 Cedar Hill 2 Claremont 3 C,oeekslde Piccadilly 5 Roses Several of the larger agricultural and municipal reservoirs for the Island of Antigua (source: unpublished data, circa 1982, provided by G. Fernandez, Agricultural Engineer, Department of Agriculture, GOAB).

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Table 2.2(3}. Size and storage capacity of several of the larger agricultural and municipal reservoirs In Antigua. See also Figure 2.2(5}. AGRICULTURAL RESERVOIRS MUNICIPAL RESERVOIRS STORAGE STORAGE NAME SIZE VOLUME NAME SIZE VOLUME (Acres) (Acre -Foot) (Acres) (Acre -Foot) EXISTING EXISTING Bethesda 676 Potworks 6,100 3,700 Red Hili 80 46 Collins 500 330 Gunthorpes No.4 50 26 Wallings and Fig Tree 268 50 Gunthorpes No. 7 185 67 Dunnlngs 390 233 Ollvers Dams 1 to 6 260 59 Brecknocks No. 1 150 20 A.S.F. Dams 610 116 Brecknocks No.2 100 74 Ughtfoots 35 2 Hamiltons 470 100 Langfords 1,050 110 Body Ponds, Carrs 1,075 4 Flennes and Sweets 2,000 96 PROPOSED PROPOSED Cades Bay 648 100 Cedar Hili 1,125 200 Aax's 139 50 Claremont 843 140 Creekside 6,293 2,900 Piccadilly 500 100 Roses 649 160 Source: Unpublished data, circa 1982, pro\lded by G. Fernandez, Agrlc'Jltural Engineer, Department of Agriculture, GOAB. received in 13 of 20 years in Region 2, and in 19 of 20 years in Region 1 (McMillan, 1985). Desalination. Antigua has two 1 MG/D (million gallons/day) desalination plants, constructed over the past two years (APUA, 1989a). However, they are not al ways in operation and seldom produce water at full capacity. Cisterns. Many individual residences have cisterns that provide some, and in a few cases a!l, of the household water needs. There are no reliable data to estimate the 66 contribution that this water-ooUecting method makes to meeting the COUDtry'S water de mand. (2) Water Treatment Most municipal water is treated with chlorine, which is a cheap, easy-to-handle disinfectant with a residual effect. There are three main treatment plants --Bendals, Delaps and Wailiogs --which produce 18 MG/M, 43 MG/M and 18 MG/M respec tively. Municipal water supplied to several

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Table 2.2(4). Water capacity and water consumption data for years 1984 -1987. 1984 1985 1986 1987 Capacity (Million Gallons) 1,253.10 1,253.10 1,254.30 1,254.30 (a) Reservoirs 1,245.40 1,245.40 1,245.40 1,245.11 (b) Storage 7.75 7.75 e.95 8.95 Consumption (Million Gallons) 439.90 84(;.00 811.90 885.64 (a) Industrial and Commercial 155.00 200.00 209.50 230.30 (b) Residential 170.00 329.00 344.70 372.00 (c) Public Stand Pipe 114.90 246.00 257.70 283.31 Source: APLIA,1989a. Table 2.2(5). Estimated mean monthly run-off, Antigua-Barbuda, in centimeters (2.54 cm. = 1 inch). REGION 1 REGION 2 REGION 3 (ANTIGUA) (ANTIGUA) (BARBUDA) Month 1 2.0 1.0 0.8 Month 2 0.5 0.2 0.2 Month 3 1.5 0.5 0.4 Month 4 1.5 1.0 0.8 Month 5 5.8 4.8 3.8 Month 6 1.5 1.0 0.8 Month 7 3.0 2.3 1.8 Month 8 5.1 3.7 3.0 Month 9 6.1 4.8 3.8 Month 10 6.6 5.6 4.5 Month 11 8.1 5.6 4.5 Month 12 5.1 2.5 2.0 Year Totals 46.8 33.0 26.4 Source: McMillan, 1985. 67

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areas is not treated. APUA has plans to chlo rinate this water as well, and in the meantime it conducts a continual water quality moni toring program. Water is checked daily for bacteria, chlorine residual, pH, color and tur bidity, and all wells in the system are checked weekly for bacteria, sodium chloride and iron (APUA, 1990; APUA, unpublished, 1990). The Barbuda system is supplied from a single well that serves Codrington, where most of the population resides (McMillan, 1985). (3) Demand Table 2.2(4) shows municipal water consumption patterns for 1984-1987, the last year for which data are available. The previ ous reliable estimate (derived by multiplying the estimated population size by an estimated per capita consumption value) is fQr 1980 and suggests that the demand was 746 MG/year (McMillan, 1985). McMillan' oJ 1980 estimate is 306 MG more than APUA's 1984 figure. APUA's figure presumably is based on actual water sales and reflects the fact that 1984 was a severe drought year. Consumption in 1987 was 886 MG, but demand rose sharply by 1988 in response to the newly operational desalina tion plant. Demand is now approximately 1,500 MG/year (APU data provided for CEP project). Agricultural water needs are consid ered subordinate to municipal needs. This is official policy of the Public Utilities Authority, although APUA does supply water for agri cultural use on an ad hoc basis (McMillan, 1985; Burchi, 1989). For most of the crops grown in Antigna and Barbuda, water is the limiting factor, and, aside from cost considera tions, agriculture could easily consume any available water not being used for other pur poses. In most cases, however, this would not be a cost-effective use of water. The recently completed OAS sum mary of agricultural development in the country (OAS, 1990) does look at particular situations where irrigation could be cost-ef fective. It estimates that a total of 2,353 acre feet (635 MG) could be available for irrigation 68 water, based on developing surface water storage capacity in an economically rational manner (OAS, 1990). It is beyond the scope of the CEP to evaluate agricultural water needs for the country. It is noted, however, that water allocation decisions depend on economic and other policy considerations, not plant physiology needs; the latter would re quire far more water than Antigua and Barbuda can supply. WATER MANAGEMENT: INSTITUTIONS AND LEGISLATION (1) Institutions Antigua Public Utilities Authority (APUA). APUA has overall responsibility for managing the country's water resources. The Planning and Development section of (he Water Division is responsible for hydrologica! and hydrogeological studies, the development and construction of wells, the planning and design of dams, and contracting out major cunstruction projects. The Operations and Maintenance section is in charge of pumping stations and water treatment plants, small construction projects, and the installation, in spection and repair of water meters. The Water Division is also responsi ble, under the Public Utilities Act of 1973, for establishing, operating and maintaining a sewage system, but currently no system exists. Central Board of Health. The Cen tral Board of Health (Ministry of Labor and Health), charged with environmental health responsibilities, also monitors freshwater quality. A staff of about 20 supervisors and public health inspectors collects water samples from municipal stand pipes for laboratory analysis. The inspectors investigate possible environmental health issues and report to su pervisors weekly. Inspectors are authorized to enter private property, but, in practicr-, they do not always assert this right (pers. commun., D. Matthery, Central Board of Health, 1990). Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, Lands, and Hous:ng. There are four Divi sions that huve some responsibilities relating to watershed management.

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Forestry Division: Forest development and man agement; Public education on forestry pro tection. Soil and Water Conservation Division (also referred to as Agricultural Engineering Unit): Planning, construction and main tenance of soil and water conser vation structures; Irrigation design and layout; Mini-dam construction. Extension Division: Promotion of soil conservation, tree cropping and good land hus bandry. Lands Division: Land allocation, policy and evic tion. The Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministr: of Public Works and Communica tions and the Ministry of Public Utilities and Aviation (which includes the APUA) all share responsibility for dams, ponds, streams, and catchment protection (pers. commun., G. Fernandez, Department of Agriculture, 1990). DevelolJment Control Authority (DCA). DCA is responsible for ensuring that new public buildings provide storage facilities of at least ten imperial gallons of water per square foot of roof surface. Other new buildings are required to have a minimum ca pacity of 50 imperial gallons per occupant (pers. commun G. FermlOdez, Department of Agriculture, 1990). (2) Legislation FAO has been working with the Gov ernment to develop rut improved legislative and institutional framework for the develop ment, use and conservation of the country's freshwater resources. The three reports by FAO's consultant (Burchi, 1981, 1988 rutd 1989) provide a thorough and detailed as sessment of existing and recommended legis-69 lation to deal with water withdrawal and users' rights; data collection, water resource planning and administration; water pollution control; and watershed protection. The com bined studies recently culminated in prepara tion of a "Draft Cabinet Paper For A Bill For A Water Resources Act" (Burchi, 1989) which notes that despite the fact APUA has been given "control" of virtually all waters in Antigua-Barbuda, confusion exists because private land owners are entitled to draw wate.' for certain uses free of Government interfer ence. Therefore, the first recommendation of FAO's draft Water Resources Act is that the State should be granted "superior user rights in all water TI!sources in Antigua (and Barbuda) as a trustee for and on behalf of all .:'""Llltiguans Barbudans)." A related, ongoing FAO effort fo cuses on forestry and wildlife policy and leg islation (McHenry and Gane, 1988). In re sponse to the request of Government, FAO is re-drafting forestry and wildlift! legislation into separate acts. Watershed protection was featured in the ftrst draft and presumably will be dealt wi(h in one or both of the redrafted :ccts (see Section 2.1, Agriculture and Forestry, for further discussion). 2.2.2 Probloms and Issues NEED FOR A NATIONAL WATER POLICY: Because water is a limited resource, water-related issues are critical in determining national policies for Antigua-Barbuda. Nl!v ertheless, the country does not have a com prehensive national water policy. Most of the recent improvements in supply and delivery of municipal water were an offshoot of the se vere drought of 1983-84. The facts seem to support the assumption that another crisis will be required before the country's water situa tion will be fully assessed and considered as an essential of national economic and de velopment planning. An assessment of the COUDlry'S water supply and demand should be the basis of a water policy that considers, among other things:

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What is the existing and projected pel' capita demand for municipal water? How much do/could cis terns contribute to the amount being supplied by APUA? What is the suppressed demand? How large a tourist population can Antigua and Barbuda support given the limitations of its water supply? Will additional storage facilities be necessary? Should hotels be required to have their own desalination units and to maintain them in operational condition, at least to be able to supply their own needs during the dry season? What is existing and projected agricultural demand for irrigation water? Would this change if fanners knew that their requests for watt:' would be considered on equal priority with municipal de mands? What can be done to im prove rain-fed agriculture via water catchment pr!lctices and other water conservation mea sures? What could/should a water con servation plan and policy look like for Antigua and Barbuda? What kind of educational and outreach programs would be needed to support such a conservation policy? Inadequate Meteorological Data. In order to develop a national water policy and to include water availability as a factor in de velopment ol;mning, it would be useful to have a better of spatial variations in raiciall, run-off, and evapotranspiration. Ac cording to McMillan (1985), the Coolidge Meteorological Office is the only source of such data for Antigua; a private individuaJ coUects rainfaU data for Barbuda. In years past there were 70-95 rain gauges throughout Antigua, but these have been allowed to faU into disuse (Atkins, 1983; McMillan, 1985). As noted by McMillan (1985), one or twu hydrological stations per area are needed in at least the three main hydrogeological areas of Antigua in order to provide a sounder basis for establishing a water resources policy. WATER CONSE:RVATION: CHANGING ATTITUDES Most of the popUlation, perhaps with the nct3ble exception of farmers who tend to be acutely aware of the need for more water, docs not identify with the water shortage problem in Antigua-Barbuda. People recognize that water shortages exist -at the national level but they lack motivation or pressure to translate that fact into actions that might affect their per sonal behavior. For example, it is not uncommon to see people washing cars a public tap, leaving the water running while they wipe the car. APUA has attempted to promote conserva tion through its policy that domestic supplies are charged a progressively higher rate as con sumption increases. Many communities once had an 1:i1official "water warden", usually an older womar., who informally monitored water use brought social pressure to bear on those who II wasted this common-property resource. The custom seems to have died, with the women having been replaced by laws that are seldom enforced. 70

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INSTITUTIONAL COORDINATION The Public Utilities Act of 1973 is the key piece of legislation regarding water ad ministration in Antigua and Barbuda. It vests the Antigua Public Utilities Authority with re sponsibility for water administration without clearly defIning what that responsibility en tails. Most of APUA's expertise and almost all of its resources are focused on meeting municipal water needs. There is a serious gap in water plan ning and management for other uses of water (i.e., non-municipal needs), and the 1973 Act does not adequately defIne a process for making water resource allocation decisions. As noted in FAO's consultations, APUA's decisions affecting the availability of water to water-derendent sectors such as agriculture are Wwidely perceived as arbitrary and capri ciousw (Burchi, 1989). No formal mechanism exists to ensure that the needs and input of all affected sectors are represented in the deci sion-making process. WATERSHED ISSUES There are too few allocated to enable the agencies responsible to properly manage the country's watersheds. For exam ple, the condition of key catchment arc;::; needs be assessed, which would then help determine priority areas for rehabiPtation work. Little information exists about the ex tent of squatting and illegal use of Govern ment watershed lands, encroachment on key catchment areas, the extent of unauthorized fIres to clear land for livestock GI'azing, and the conseque!lces of any of these activities on soil erosion or other aspects of environmental degradation. Money and staff are net:ded to monitor and enforce legislation that would promOlt' rational use of these multi-purpose areas. Furthermore, legislation covering issues is in need of upgrading, as di:;cussed in FAO's report on forestry and wildlife policy and legislation (McHemy and Gane, 1988). CIDA ha:; offered to support u natu,a1 resources management project that would include a strong emphasis on watershed reha bilitation through afforestation and promotion 71 of conservation activities (CIDA, 1988). The proposal has the support of the Department of Agriculture but seems to have stalled in the process of obtaining support from the other necessary parts of Government (pers. com mun., F. Henry, Director of Agriculture, 1990). DRINKING WATER POLLUTION As also discussed in other sections of this CEl', contamination from agricultural practices (Section 2.1) and waste disposal (Section 6) poses a danger to drinking water supplies. Since several of the biocides used in agriculture in Antigua-Barbuda are very haz ardous to human health and since fertilizer contamination resulting in high nitrate levels (10 mg/liter as nitrogen or 45 mg/liter as ni trate) is very toxic to infants, concern about the quality of potable water seems warranted. E;(cept in rare cases in respunse to a crisis such as the fIsh-kill observed in Potworks (Grant, 1990; Fernandez and Williams, 1990; Hayden, 1990), surface water is not monitored for contamination. Legislation exists to prevent or corotrol contamination of catchment areas and wells; however, these are rarely enforced. For example, APUA is empowered to prevt!nt cultivation or grazing within 30 feet of surface inking water supplies (Fernandez, 1990). 'I he construction of a potential source of polIULtOn, including residences, is prohibited within 80 feet of (lny welJs. Recently, wells had to be abandoned in Roses and Liberta because of high bacteriological counts associ ated with violations of this setback ordinance (EAG, 1990). In addition to instituting more effective watershed and catchment area manage ment, it may be uecessary to upgrade pre treatment equipment (coagulation, sedimen tation, and filtration) at water production fa cilities. It is not uncommon for the water en tering Antigua's trr,atment plants to have too high a color reading (i.e., ,\bove 10 c.u.; f.::AG, 1990). One of the dangers of chlorinating water witham prefihration is that a class of carcinogenic compl't'l1ds called chloramines can be formed if the waters rich in organic

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substances. There is no information on the extent to which this may be a problem in Antigua and Barbuda. As municipal water use increases, so too will the amount of effluent produced. Since all water eventually drains to the coast, effluent levels in drairages and along the coast will increase (as also discussed in Section 3, Marine and Resources, and Section 6, Pollution and Environmental Health). BARBUDA'S WATER SUPPLY This island is e'.'en drier than Antigua, and although water demand is far less in Barbuda, the island's water supply is a source of concern. Til.:: groundwaters are generally saline, with the notable excep'Lion cf Palmetto Sands, f\ 1,500 acre (600 ha) area of beach sands on the southwestern shore. freshwater body is undeveloped but 1.'1 jeflp" ardy due to the mining of sand in recent years. Sand mining has left the water table near the surface and subject to evaporation. Barbuda's topography and geology are not well suited to dam construction. Imported bentonite could be used (0 make some existing depressions impermeable, but this would be an expensive way to store fresh water (McMillan, 1985). 2.2.3 Polley Recommendations (1) Government should undertake the preparation of a National Water Policy. A National Water Policy, as the term i.e; being used in Lnis section, would include several related components: 1) A Water Rescurces Act, such as that proposed by F AO (Burchi, 1989) with revisions if necessary, would provide the foundation for the rational use of the country's freshwater resources. 2) A Master Plan is an essential tool for development Water is a key resource that must be 72 factored into decisions such as Government's proposed doubling of hotel rooms over the next five years. Agricultural use of water, in particular access to irrigation water, must be addressed in the Plan if that sector has any chance of assuming the greater role ex pected of it in national develop ment plans. APUA has devel oped a long-term plan (through the year 2020), but it is not backed by legislation. The APUA plan is the obvious starting point for an updated Plan that would be con sonant with the proposed Water Resources Act (Burchi, 1989). 3) A mechanism needs to be estab lished to enable the various agen cies with water interests to share information on an ongoing basis. APUA has lead responsibility for. managing the country's water re sources, but other groups -the Ceut-':\I Board of Health and the Department of Agriculture, to name just two -need to be part of national water planning. Re cent proposals for the creation of a Water Resow' .'es Board or Council to serve as this institu tionalized coordination unit would appear to be extremely timely (Burchi, 1989; EAG, 199D). F AO presents strong arguments for housing this body outside of APUA. The thrust of the argume::lt is that by placing the au thority elsewhere, APUA would be :tble to focus on its principal rolt; as supplier of municipal water, and Board decisions would be free of real or alleged bias. Decisions involving potentially competing interests could be managed by a Board whose im partiality would be ensured by its balanced representation of rele vant Government and non-Gov bodies. Because of the important role of this limited re source in present and future na-

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tional development planning, FAO's suggestion that the Water Board be housed in the Planning Department of the Ministry of Fi nance should be carefully consid ered (Burchi, 1989). If the dispute over the location of the Board is, in fact, the reason for the delay in its establishment, as has been suggested by those in volved in the preliminary work, a compromise should be sought as soon as possible. The water allo cation process may also be com promised, but at least the Board would provide an immediate fo rum for responsible agencies to discuss matters of common inter est. In order to be truly national, the Na tional Water Policy must address the situation in Barbuda as well as Antigua. As noted in Sections 2.2.2 and 10.1 of the Prome, this means addressing the resource exploitation and unplanned development currently being imposed on that island. (2) Government needs to identify and support improved watershed management ef forts. As part of the planning effort to de velop a National Water Policy, Government should support an assessment of the country's watersheds. That assessment should consider related issues such as soil erosion and possible contamination of catchment areas used for drinking water. Much of the background work --the draft Water Resources Act, draft Forestry and Wildlife Act, and CIDA Natural Resources Management Project proposal has already been done to provide a strong foundation that could be used to tackle the related issues of ;.tater resource and water shed management. Government has an ex cellent opportunity to show :ts commitment to addressing these critical issues in an integra tive fashion. In the agriculture sector, Government can also support watershed protection by reg-73 ulating farming and livestock production in watersheds. In those areas where agriculture is deemed appropriate, conservation practices exist that could be promoted by the Extension Division; they are technically feasible and have been proven in the Caribbean context (Atkins, 1983). The real question is whether the social and economic environment needed to foster their development can be created i1.1 tlte country. For example, does the Govern ment consider this a high enough priority to ensure that farmers and livestock owners re ceive adequate land tenure security to warrant land conservation investments?

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2.3 BIODIVERSITY AND WILDUFE RESOURCES 2.3.1 Overview From the earliest colonial period to as recently as the 1960's, export agriculture dominated the land use patterns of Antigua and resulted in major changes to terrestrial habitats and the island's biodiversity. Nearly three centuries of deforestation and land clearing for intensive agricultural use have re sulted in the removal or degradation of much of Antigua's original vegetation and con tributed to habitat destruction and subsequent loss of species richness. Uncontrolled livestock grazing, particularly by goats, continues to have a detrimental effect on native plant communities. More recently, intensive tourism development has resulted in major bio-physical alterations to the coastline and destruction of coastal and marine habitats which represent an important component of the country's natural heritage. Mammalian introductions have been traced to Pre-Columbian middens where Agouti (Dasyprocta agouti) remains have been found. It appelJrs (Harris, 1964) that Agoutis were extirpated from Antigua by 1800. Fallow Deer (Dama dama) were introduced to Antigua and Barbuda from America in the seventeenth century to provide game (Pregill, et al., 1988). The Indian Mongoose (Herpestes auropunctatus) was introduced to Antigua in the 1870's to control vermin in the planta tions. The Black or Roof Rat and the Brown or Norway Rat (Rattus rattus, R. norvcgicus) were inadvertent introductions, all of which altered the native biodiversity through depri vations, competition and habitat modification. The primary negative impact on all f.urms of wildlife in most islands, including Antigua, has been habitat reduction via the conversion of forested wildlands to other habitat types and land uses. Because of these human disturbances, much of Antigua's wildlife is now limited to coastal areas and offshore cays. Hunting has also reduced fau nal diversity in both Antigua and Barbuda, and this rl:mains one of the leading factors in the loss of animal life in Barbuda. 74 Plants. Some floristic surveys have been done in Antigua-Barbuda (see Section 1.2.4 of the Proftle), but neither island has a comprehensive floral list. Remnant patches of pre-colonial vegetation exist in some of the more remote areas of Antigua (especially Boggy Peak and the Sugar Loaf area), but the rest of the island has secondary growth or vegetation typical of more frequent distur bance. On the other hand, Barbuda has much of its original dry forest community intact; this represents a valuable scientific resource since this eeo-type has been drastically reduced in other parts of the West Indies (see also Sec tions 1.2.4 and 2.1.1). Amphibians. Antigua and Barbuda support three and one species of amphibians, respectively (Tables 2.3(1) and 2.3(2)). Two small tree frogs (Eleuthrodactyills johnstone; and E. martinicensis) are the only extant na tive amphibians tv the country. The marine toad (Bufo marin us) was introduced to Antigua as a biological defense against vermin in the agricultural fields. The crapaud, a large edible frog (LeptodactY:ds fallax), became lo cally extinct on Antigua presumably through man's over-exploitation (Harris, 1964). Fossil remains of an extinct tree frog have been as signed to a new species, Hyla barbudensis. Reptiles. Seventeen reptiles have been recorded (Faaborg and Arendt, 1985) from Antigua and 12 from Barbuda. An extinct lizard (Leiocephalus cuneus) has been recorded in middens from Antigua (Steadman, et al., 1984) and Barbuda (Watters, et al., 1984). The large native lizard (Iguana de!icauJsima) formerly occurred in Antigua but has been decimated due to human exploitation and predation from the mongoose (Harris, 1964). The last report of an Iguana from Antigua was over five years ago; the species may be extinct at this time (pers. commun., K. Lindsay, Assistant Forester, 1990). A tortoise (Geochelonc carbonaria), a common species in Barbuda, is presumed to have been introduced from South America by Arawak or Carib peoples. Three geckos exist on Antigua: Hemidactylus mabouia, 17lecadactylus rapicauda and Sphaerodactylus elegantulus; the latter two are common in Barbuda as well. Anolis lizards

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include Anolis and A. watts;. The ground lizard Ame;va grislVold;, the endemic subspecies of snake Alsoph;s antillens;s antiguae, and the blind snake Typhlops monastus are extremely rare and local in dis tribution. Remains of Boa constrictor and Alsoph;s leucomelas (which may not be a sep arate species from A. antillensis, :tccording to Pregil, et al., 1988) were recorded from Antigua by Steadman, et al. (1984) and Wing, et al. (1968), respectively. Sea turtles are nati.ve reptiles to Antigua and Barbuda and include green (Chelonia mydas), loggerhead (Caretta caretta), hawksbill (Eretmochelys imbricatn), and leatherback (Dennoc"elys coriacea) tur tles. Birds: Faaborg and Arendt 1:1985) reported that 106 species of birds hav1! been noted from Antigua and 74 from B.rrbuda. Extinct native land hird sprcies include an owl (Speotyto cunicularia amaura), parrot (Amazona sp.) and trembler (Cinc/ocerthia ruficauda); extinction was perhaps the result of habitat change (Steadman, et al., 1984) and exploitation by Arawaks (Harris, 1964). Ex tinct and/or extirpated waterbirds include the YeUow-brer.sted Crake (Porzana Jlaviventer) and a seabird, Audubon's Shearwater (Puffinus Ihemlinieri). An apparent reside_l group of Greater Flamingo (Pheonicoptems ruber) became extirpated from Antigua by hunting (Steadman, et al., 1984). Bobwhite quail was introduced as a game species but has not become established. Among the most impofiant seabird colonies of the West Indies is the Magnificent Frigatebird (Fregata magnificells) nesting colony at Barbuda (Halewyn and Norte I 1984). In 1971 the colony was estimated to consist of about 2,500 pairs; it has been the subject of breeding behavior studies (Diamond, 1972, 1973) related to three other species of the genus Fregata around the world. The importance of this colony to understand ing .'\exual dimoq;hism among ancestral forms of seabirds was demonstrated by Diamond (1972), who indicated breeding is prolonged and females nest every other year. It was further suggested that this colony's breeding regilne, i.e., three adults (one male and two 75 females), could produce lWO young every two years, thus maximizing productivity in an area of rich food supplies, the Barbuda Bank. The absence of males during the long rearing pe riod of the young (up tc 16-18 months) on Barbuda may explain the establishment of a smaIl colony in St. Kitts and other scattered roosting sites (e.g., Sombrero Island). Indeed, the Barbuda colony may represent a core from which other satellites may become es tablished or re-established. During the last century, fOJ:" colonies in the Puerto Rico Virgin Islanru. area have be.!n abandoned (Halewyn and Norton, 1984). No more than 25 sites may he in existence in the Caribbean today. The Barbuda colony core has shifted in recent times (pers. commun., I. Peri era, Vice President, Barbuda Council, 1990) from an accessible manglar in the northwestern corner of Codrington Lagoon to a site in the extreme northwest, adjacent to the barrier beach and interior mangroves. Whether this is in response to human disturbance or a natu ral change in habitat is not clear. As sug gested by Halewyn and Norton (1984), this and other seabird colonies should be afforded full protection. Bar\Juda's Codrington Lagoon and the ponds of the island's interior pro vide a variety of feeding habitat:, and ... e pond edge. Apart from a great variety of mi gratory species (see Holland and Williams, 1978), which may be expected annually, Barbuda's native shorebirds include: Wilson's Plover (OlQradrills wi/sonia), Willet (CatoptropllOms semipalmatus) and Black necked Stilt (Himantoplls mexicanus). Snowy Plover (Charadrius alexanddnus) and Killdeer (Charadlius vocifems) also occur. Mammals. Seventeen species of mammals have been recorded (Faaborg and Arendt, 1985) from Antigua and 14 from Baibuda. Fossil remains of three bat species have been recorded: Pteronotus pamellii, MomlOops blainv:'fei and the extinct Phyllonycteris major (Steadman, et 01., 1984). A large cudemic rodent-)jICe animal, Amblyrhiza inundata, and a rice rat, Oryzomys spp., existed on both Antigua and Barbuda (Harris, 1964). Other fossil evidence

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Table 2.3(1). Terrestrial amphibians, reptiles and mammals present on Antigua. AMPHIBIANS Buto marlnus Eleuthrodactylus johnstonel E. martlnlcens/s REPTILES Caretta caretta Hemldactylus maboula Thecadactylusraplcauda Sphaerodactylus e/egantulus Anolls blmaculatus A. wattsl Iguana del/catisslma Arneiva griswoldl A. antlllensis ** Typhlops monastus May be extinct. ** May be only on Bird Island. MAMMALS Noctlllo leporlnus Monophyllus plethodon Artlbeus jamalcens/s Brachyphylla cavernarum Natalus stramlneus Tadarlda brasiliensis Mo/ossus mo/ossus Rattus norvegicus R. rattus Mus musculus Herpestes j. auropunctatus Dame.dama Source: Faaborg and Arendt, 1985; Preglil, et. al., 1988. Table 2.3(2). Terrestrial amphibians, reptiles and mammals present on Barbuda. AM--;HIBiANS C. ,. ilthrodactylus johnstonel REPTILES Geoche/one Thecadar:tylus rapicauda Sphaerudactylus e/sgantuli'is Anolls blmar.ulatus A. wattsl Arnelva griswoldi Typhlops monastus Noctilio leporinus Monophyllus plethodon Artfbeus jamaicensis Brachyphylla cavernarum Tadarlda brasiliensis Mo/ossus mo/ossus Rattus norvegicus R. rattus Mus musculus Trichechus manatus Herpestes aUiOpunctatus D3madama Source: Faaborg and Arendt, 1985; Preglll, et al., 1988. 76

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(Wing, et al., 1968) indicates that the West In dian Manatee (Tricllechus manatus) inhabited both Antiguan and Barbudan lagoons and shallow bays. Watters, et al. (1984) also re port that remains of Capra hircus have been recorded from Barbuda. Mammalian introductions include Agouti (Dasyprocta agouti), Fallow Deer (dam a dama) to provide game (Pregill, et. al., 1988), the Indian Mongoose (Herpestes auropunctatus) to control vermin in the plan tations, and the inadvertent importation of rats (Rattus rattus, R. norvegiclls). Figure 2.3(1ajb) identifies important bie-diversity sites which should be protected on the islands of Antigua and Barbuda. WILDLIFE LEGISLATION Legisbtion relative to the protection of wildlife outside of protected areas is found in the Wild Birds Protection Ordinance (1913) and the Turtle Ordinance (1927) (Lausche, 1986). Several pieces of legislation include protection for wildlife in restricted areas. The Marine Areas (Preservation and Enhance ment) Act of 1972 provides for the declaration of restricted marine areas in order to preserve and protect flora and fauna. Antigua has one declared marine park, Diamond Reef (or Salt Fish Tail) Marine Park, and Barbuda also has one, the Palaster Marine Park; both were es tablished iu 1973 (see Section 8, National Parks and Protected Areas). Both parks are undeveloped, unmalJaged, and unpatroIled, although marked by buoys. The Fisheries Act of 1983 authorizes the Minister responsible for fisheries to de clare any area of Antigua and Barbuda waters and any adjacent land l marine reserve for the purpose of giving special protection to the area's natural beauty, flora, fauna, and habi tats. No marine reserves have yet been de clared under the legislation. The National Parks Act (1984) pro vides for the managemer.t, protection and de velopment of the natural, physical, and econ logical resources of Antigua-Harbuda. Only one national park (at Nelson's Dockyard) has been under this legislation; it is pri marily an historical and cultural park (see also Section 8, National Parks and Protected Areas). The Forest Ordinance Act (1941) and Forestry Regulations (1952) provide for the protection of forested lands, for the preven tion of their deforestation, and for reforesta tion where determined to be necessary by Government. In contrast to other colonial based forestry legislation in the region, the Antiguan ordinance and regulatious are rather brief, reflecting the lesser economic potential of this resource in Antigua-Barbuda in com parison to more heavily-forested islands. Not only are the forestry regulatioJlls outdated, but they are largely not used (Lausche, 1986). As discussed in Section 2.1, new, up dated legislation has been drafted by FAD !I)r forestry and wildlife. At the reques. ,o.r GOAB, the two sectors --forestry and \\ildlife --are being separated into two redrafted acts. Since both wildlife and forestry legislation in Antigua-Barbuda is outdated and ineffective, early consideration by Government of the re drafted acts is to be encouraged. It appears that protection and management (other than act,\-jties falling under the authority of the Ncltiond Park Au thority) are under the jurisdirtiol1 cf the Min istry of Agriculture, Fisheri,,::s, Lands, and Housing, but there is no specific position for a wildlife officer. ENDANGERED SPECIES Marine turtles represent some of Antigua and Barbuda's most important threateneci ;:nd endangered species. Devel opment along wastal :treas has provided few measures to minimize the negative impact that night-time lighting has ou hatchling tur tles and nesting females. Of the four species

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Santa Maria Hill .. __ Long is land __ Great Bf rd Reservo' and Coll ins Island Island Figure 2.3(18). P:ltentfal biodiversity protection snes for the Island of Antigua (see also Table 2.3(4)). LAGOON Statute Miles iii i ... \ o 1 234 5 NATURAL SAVANNAHS ISLAND Figure 2.3(1b). Potential biodiversity protection sites for the Island of Barbuda (see also Table 2.3(4)). 78

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known to occur in Antigua-Barbuda, the log gerhead (Caretta caretta) is considered vulnerable; the others -green (Chelonia mydas), hawtlSbill (Eretmochelys imbricata) and leatherback (Dermochelys coriacea) are endangered. There are reports that poaching con tinues to be a serious problem at Long Island, a privately-owned offshore island in Antigua's North Sound area, and along the beaches on the neighboring mainland. Long Island's sin gle resort hotel has incorporated Wnature tourism" into the package of activities offered to guests, including visits to turtle nesting beaches. A turtle and monitor ing project, incorporating a turtle tagging component, is being carried out at Long Is land under the direction of a professional ma rine biologist. The proposed Goat Island Nature Reserve in Barbuda (see below, Section 2.33) also includes important turtle nesting sites. Turtle nesting has also been reported on Green Island and Sandy Island; on the fol lowing beaches in Antigua: labberock Beach, Pearns Beach, Rendezvous Bay, Turtle Bay and Devils Bridge Beach; and the fol.!owing areas of Barbuda: Low Bay and Welcher Bay (CIDE, 1988). The endemic Antiguan ground snake (Alsophis anti//ensis alltiguae) now fmds refuge only on Great Bird Island. Research should be considered to determine the feasi bility of re-introducing the snake to other un inhabited cays to preclude loss of the genetic pool should some catastrophe eliminate the only population in existence. The mongoose has been blamed for the decline of the ground lizard (Ameiva griswoldi) on Antigua, (Faaborg and Arendt, 1985). Migratory whales which calve in local waters of the Antigua-Barbuda marine shelf include the Humpback Whale (Megaptera novaeangliae). Action should be taken to identify imrortant calving areas (this would be an appropriate project for a local NGO); it may be necessary to protect calving areas as marine reserves and restrict activities during the animal's reproductive season in local waters. 79 Locally threatened wildlife species in Barbuda include the White-crowned Pigeon and West Indian Whistling-Duck because for eign hunters apparently ignore local au:hority (pers. commuo., I. Peri era, Vice President, Barbuda Council, 1990). The Roseate Tern, listed by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, has been recorded as nesting on the small off shore cays of Antigua-Barbuda. Table 2.3(3) provides information on species considered threatened or en dangered in Antigua anJ Barbuda. COASTAL RESOURCE PROTECfION Conflicting and incompatible uses of the country's coastal environments is a devel opment issue which directly affects wildlife habitat. Coastal areas of Antigua and Barbuda are where the majority of the coun try's wildlife populations occur, but this is the very area in which tourism development and populalion expansion has most taken place in recent decades. Because the highest concen tration of human activities occurs in coastal environments, (industry, fisheries, tourism), the coastal zone must be treated as a re stricted resource, and greater management controls must bi! implemented (Miller, et al., 1939). Wetlands and coastal habitats in the Lesser Antilles provide critical feeding and nesting habitat for many species of birds mi grating along the West Indian Flyway between North and South America (CIDE, 1988). The small islands of the northeastern Caribbean are frequently the first landfall for migratory landbirds and waterfowl. The loss of these habitats, especially coastal systems such as mangroves, salt ponds, ar..d other wetlands, could threaten the long-term survival of a number of migratory shorebird and songbird species. Over 100 migrant species are larly recorded in the Lesser Antilles; most of these species nest in North America and over winter in the Caribbean or South America. Declines in shorebird populations over the last two decades have revealed alarming changes in habitats.

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Table 2.3(3). Vertebrates in Antigua and Barbuda considered endangered, threatened or In need of special conservation attention. Herpetofauna Green Turtle Hawksblll Turtle Loggerhead Turtle Leatherback Turtle Ground Uzard Chelonia mydas Eretmoche/ys Imbrlcata Caretta caretta Dermochelys coriacaa Ameiva idriswoldl Coastal waters, beaches Coastal waters, beaches Coastal waters, beaches Coastal waters, beaches Antigua Endemic Ground Snake Alsophls antl/lensis antlguae Antigua (Great Bird Island) West Indian Whistling-Duck Piping Plover Roseate Tern White-crowned Pigeon Ruddy Quail-Dove Bridled Quail-Dove Adelaide's Warbler Red-nec!
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tems. Fish are frequently, but not consis tently, more sensitive than warm-blooded vertebrates. There is also a general develop mental hierarchy of sensitivity within each species. Vertebrate embryos, eggs and larvae are often more sensitive to toxicants than adults because they are less protected from the surrounding environment, have limited means for detoxifying absorbed substances, and are less able to move away from noxious substances. LOSS OF NATIVE WILDLIFE HABITAT As indicated above, the primary neg ative impact of development on wildlife is habitat reduction via the conversion of forested wildlands to other habitat types and land uses. Exact home range requirements and minimum viable popUlation sizes for most species are as yet poorly known; but, as de clining populations indicate, it is clear that de velopment is taking a toll on many species. The small land mass of the country means that any system of parks and protected areas will consist of small, probably isolated "islands" of more-or-Iess "natural" habitat sur rounded by a matrix of more intensive land uses. If maintained largely as native vegeta tion, such reserves could perhaps include suf ficient area to protect some species of wildlife which may require that particular type of habitat, but this is very much a matter of indi vidual species characteristics. The importance of native forest for promoting biodiversity is two-fold and needs to be underscored: plant diversity is in creased, and many native species have valu able economic, cultural and ecological quali ties. Moreover, the greater plant diversity of native forest supports the existence of far more associated species such as insects, birds, reptiles and mammals. It may appear to be easier and faster to reforest an area using one or two introduced species, and there are situ ations where t his may be appropriate in 01 tier to quickly establish a vegetative cover to pro tect against soil erosion. Even in these cases, however, regeneration plans should include the eventual incorporation of indigenous plant species. A program of selective reforestation can be supplemented -at very low cost -by 81 natural avian dispersal of native plant species. Management involves protecting the reg.:ner ating area from human disturbance and graz ing, as well as restricting hunting of bird species capable of seed dispersal. For exam ple, in sub-tropical Florida, Whitecrowned Pigeons (Columba leucocephala), which are found in Antigua-Barbuda as well, have been founG to be important seed dispersers of na tive fruit-bearing trees critical to reforestation in the Evt!rglades National Park. Many so-called marginal lands in Antigua-Barbuda are considered to be of minimal economic importance unIess tht>y can be profitably developed for agricultural pro duction or tourism. Seldom is there adequate recognition of important indirect economic values, such as the clean and reliable water supply afforded by watershed protection. De velopers typically show even less appreciation and understanding of non-economic values, such as the provision of wildlife habitat. It is important, therefore, that Government ir. c1ude such non-traditional, non-economic considerations in its assessment of judg ments about the capabilities of marginal lands and their usefulness to the state. From a bio diversity perspective, marginal lands could have considerable national value, and they re quire the development of appropriate man agement strategies. INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN THREATENED AND ENDANGERED SPECIES International trade is a major threat to the survival of mallY wildlife species in the Caribbean (TRAFFIC (U.SA.), 1988). Many Caribbean countries permit commercial ex port of wildlife, including species listed as en dangered by IUCN. The Convention on Iu ternational Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna Flora (CITES) attempts to regulate wildlife trade through a worldwide system of import and export for listed species. CITES offers only imperfect protec tion to endangered species since a member country is obligated only to ensure that prod ucts from listed species do not enter intema tional trade; hunting and killing of such species for local trade is not prohibited.

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Moreover, any country is allowed to enter "reservations" at the time of ratification which allow it to continue its international trade in species which it so designates. The Government of Antigua and Barbuda is not a signatory of CITES. Mem bership would offer the country access to a wealth of materials, training and expertise on species conservation and wildlife trade regu lation. 2.3.3 Polley Recommendations (1) Biocides. No information exists on the damage pesticides and herbicides (collectively referred to as biocides) have on wildlife populations in Antigua-Barbuda. GOAB could support an inexpensive, long term monitoring effort to collect this infor mation and correct problems as they arise. Simple quantification of data, such as the number of bird species recorded in an area, combined with other fie!d notes, can provide invaluable information about changing pat terns. Members of NGOs (like the Envi ronmental Awareness Group) could be called upon to assist with monitoring and data col lection. Other recommendations O!! this sub ject can be found in Section 2.1.3 of this chapter and in Section 3 (Coastal and Marine Resources) and Section 6 (Pollution and Envi ronmental Health). (2) Research. Natural resource data in Antigua-Barbuda are very limited, including inadequate baseline data, which makes as sessment of biological diversity nearly impos sible (CIDE, 1988). To support biodiversity in the face of increasing demands on wildlife habitat, particularly in coastal areas, requires at least semi-quantitative knowledge of what is required to maintain species or communities. The extent of impacts on coastal resources from a variety of human uses has most often not been documented in .he country. Map ping of these areas is recommended, and in ventories should be compiled of wildlife habitats and species. More intense land capability studies should be undertaken to assess. specific re-82 quirements for reforestation of marginally productive land. Baseline ecological research should be undertaken to record the plant and animal communities of Barb'Jda's dry tropical forest, after which reforesting appropriate. areas of Antigua with species transplanted from Barbuda could be considered to improve Antigua's native biodiversity. Ecological re search should also be considered for reintro ducing native vertebrates to small offshore is lands where the endangered iguana and Antigua ground snake may have refuge from mongoose and rat predation. For many of tbese research efforts, the assistance of locll NGOs could be signifi cant in collecting data and providing support for already over-burdened Government staffs. The resources of the Environmental Aware ness Group in Antigua and the Caribbean Heritage Project in Barbuda might be tapped for such purposes. The Botanic Gardens should be en couraged to develop in situ propagation of native plant species for reintroduction to suit able habitats, particularly on Antigua. Seabird and shorebird breeding sites should be surveyed and populations should be monitored, particularly on the small offshore islands and Barbuda (again, assistance from appropriate NGOs could be sought to assist Government officials with this task). Seabird population dynamics around the world appear to be greatly influenced by unpredictable cli matic events, and, therefore, long-term mon itoring is the only method of gaining insight into the true status of seabird species in a given local area. Areas believed to be whale breeding sites should be surveyed, and the potential for using the sites as tourist attractions should be evaluated to ensure that there would be no negative impact on the whales. (3) Protected areas. Established ma rine parks lack staff and budget, and proposed protected areas have only marginal monitor ing support, primarily by the private sector. Management plans are needed for the estab lished marine park areas to ensure protection of wildlife and other natural resources and to

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stabilize biodiversity (see also Section 8 on National Parks and Protected Areas). Several studies and reports have rec ommended that portions of Barbuda be set aside as a national park or as a Biosphere Re serve under UNESCO guidelines. Barbuda is relatively species-rich and supports a wide va riety of native forest species. For example, relatively :mtouched portions of dry tropical forest exist on the island. This is an ecosystem that has been drastically reduced in other areas of the region and should be given a high priority for conservatjon in the Northern Lesser Antilles. Codringtcu Lagoon's exten sive mangrove forest and seven-mile barrier beach should be for nomination as a RAMSAR site (a wetland of international importance). Wildlife species associated with this wetland are apparently enjoying popula tion levels not encountered in other areas of the Caribbean region, including the Magnifi cent Frigatebird which has one of the largest colonies in the Eastern Caribbean in Co drington Lagoon. Protection afforded Barbuda by a RAMSAR designation may allow .:latllral reintroduction of selected species (e.g., White-crowned Pigeon and West Indian Whistling-Duck) from elsewhere in the Northern Lesser Antilles where theii' popula tions are declining. Such steps would al.so en hance the promotion of Barbuda as a nature tourism destination (see Section 5 on T ) Aounsm. Table 2.3(4). Potential terrestrial biodiversity sites to be evaluated for designation as reserves. (See also proposed parks and pmtected areas In Figures 8.1 (1) and (2) and designation of Important reef and mangrove areas In Figures 3.1 (1) -(4)). ANTIGUA Block Ghaut-Ayer's Creek Boggy Peak Corridor from Boggy Peak to Darkwood Wailings Woodlands Potworks Reservoir Santa Maria Hill BARBUDA Goat Island Darby's Cave Spanish Point Codrington Lagoon Natural Savannah OFFSHORE 13LANDS Green Island (Mill Reen Guiana Island (North Sound) Long Island (North Sound) Gree.t Bird Island (North Sound) Crump Island (North Sound) Source: Nicholson (1977); DeGeorges (1988); updated by the CEP Project Team, 1990. 83

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All offshore islands under the control of the Government of Antigua and Barbuda should be set aside as ,multiple-use conserva tion reserves. Carefully planned development could be allowed, but a high priority should be given to the protection of habitat of seabird populations and to the re-establishment of populations of rare and endangered species which would not otherwise survive successfully on the main islands. Table 23(4) provides recommenda tions of specific areas which should be consid ered for designation as wildlife reserves by the Government of Antigua and Barbuda. (4) Predator control. An integrated pest control program should be promoted to include control of the mongoose (an impor tant prerequisite for protf,ction of the native fauna of Antigua-Barbuda) and greater con trol of feral or quasi-feral livestock, which would enhance the regeneration of native plant species aLa plant communities. (5) Improved Wildlife legislation. The laws pertaining to wildlife in Antigua-Barbuda are outdated and are currently being with the assistance of FAD. Among other topics covered in revised wildlife legislation, it 84 io; suggested there be provisions regarding de liberate introductions of exotic animals. In 1989 an attempt was made to use Barbuda as a transit stop for the shipment of llamas from South America to the United States as part of a lucrative exotic pet trade. The attempt to land llamas in Barbuda was aborted due to an unprecedented outcry from the local popUla tion, which was concerned about the possible outbreak of disease affecting domestic live stock. International organizations dedicated to the protection of wildlife also voiced their concerGs. The subsequent detention of the llamas on a small island off Antigua, where llama deaths occurred before they became ac climatized, led to further protests and pres sure for their repatriation. The new wildlife legislation also should address the conservation of threatened species. In the interim, i.e., until new legisla tion and regulations are put in place, Gov ernment should consider a moratorium on the taking of endangered sea turtle species and a ban on the hunting of Columbid species which could assist in the dispersal of native plant species in any reforestation effort. Additionally, the Government of Antigua-Barbuda should become a member of CITES.

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SECTION 3 COASTAL AND RESOURCES 3.1 OVERVIEW PHYSICAL FEATURES Antigua and Barbuda are coral lime stone islands that are the emerge!lt portions of a 3,400 sq km platform, one of the largest in the Eastern Caribbl';an. Depth between the islands ranges from 27 33 m. Antigua's coastline is markedly indented with numerous rock islands, offshore reefs and sand bars. The Barbuda coastline is less var ied, although reef development is also exten sive, particularly on the eastern coast. Both islands have numerous white sand beaches. Currents generally set northwest to west, although this flow occasionally reverses during periods of very light wind. Ground swells setting across the shelf to the west of Antigua tend to suspend sediments, causing turbidity as far as 3 4 km from shore (Rogers and McLain, 1988). Currents are primarily wind-driven, and much of the coast does not experience strong unidirectional flows that tend to flush out enclosed bays. CRITICAL HABITATS Coral Reefs. Coral reefs are com mon on the coasts of both Antigua and Barbuda (see Figure 3.1(1) and Figure 3.1(2, having a collective area estimated at 25.45 sq km (Bacon, et al., 1984). Multer, et al. (1986) describe major reef types on the Antiguan coast, while IUCN/UNDP (Wells, 1987) de scribes the location and overall structure of major reefs on both islands. Leigh (1989) and Barratt (1989) report on subjective qualitative surveys on 21 reefs near as well as Palaster Reef near Barbuda. Rogers and McLain (1988) describe marine communities in the vicinity of Lignumvitae Bay (Morris Bay) and Deep Bay. Jackson, et al. (1987) provide descriptions of similar communities in Runaway Bay and Dickinson Bay. 85 The Leigh and Barratt reports char acterize Antigua reefs as "of only average quality for the region" but without apparent significant deterioration. CIDE (1988), how ever, suggests that coastal resources in general are under "considerable stress at present" and emphasizes the need for a detailed inventory of those resources. The scarcity of the typi cally dominant elkhorn coral (Acropora palmata) and star coral (Montastrea annularis) in some areas (e.g., Deep Bay and Jolly Beach) suggests sediment stress (Rogers and McLain, 1988). Despite the general absence of coral formations that would appear spectacular to many lay observers, the mixed coral/ algal/sponge / soft coral assemblages described for much of the coast provide di verse habitat for many typical reef-dwelling species, including the juveniles of commer cially important fishes and crustaceans. A Reefwatch study in July 1990, a follow-up to investigations a year earlier (Reefwatch, 1989), looked at reef productivity, diversity and the effects of Hurricane Hugo. The poor visibility and elevated algal cover on reefs were linked by these investigators to the impacts of coastal developments and sediment disposal in nearby waters (other unidentified factors may also have contributed to these conditions). Most reefs exhibited poor live coral cover, with gorgonians and soft corals predominating. Hurricane Hugo in September 1989 caused widespread toppling of southern and southeastern reefs, but signs of recovery were evident (pers. commun., Reefwatch Team, July 1990). Seagrass Beds. Turtle grass (Thalassia testudinum), manatee grass (Syringodium filfomle) and shoal grass (Halodule wrightii) are common in shallow (l\!SS than 20 m) portions of the coastal zone. The labyrinthine spaces between the leaves and rhizomes of seagrasses provide shelter for many species, including the juveniles uf com mercially important queen conch (Strom bus gigas) and spiny lobster (Panulirus argus).

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Sandy Is. @ o 2 3 ... .. ST. JOHNIIS .... 4 5 Miles Figure 3.1 (1). Important reef areas of Antigua (source: Reefwatch, 1989). ANTIGUA I S REEFS

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" BARBUDA/REEFS Ita o 5 Miles Figure 3.1 (2). Important reef areas of Barbuda (source: 'Neils, 1987). Seagrasses are themselves a source of food for some herbivores, and their surfaces provide a substrate for epiphytic plants upon which other species may graze. Seagrasses also help to retard coastal erosion by stabilizing loose substrates and by reducing current flow. through the drag of seagrass leaves. Calcareous algae (e.g., Halimeda sp. and Penicillius sp.) are often interspersed with sea grasses and are important sand sources. Halimeda has been reported to be the major producer of white sand for Antigua's beaches (Multer, 1988). 87 Mangroves. Wetlands, primarily salt ponds and mangrove swamps, are numerous with a total area of 4,901 ha for both islands (W )rld Resources Institute, 1987). (See Figure 3.1(3) and Figure 3.1(4).) Scott and Carbonell (1986) describe important man grove areas that include the Parham Harbor Guiana Bay region, and salt ponds between Runaway Bay and Lignumvitae Bay on Antigua; and Codrington Lagoon, the Bull Hole region, and the southeastern Flashes on Barbuda. Mussington (1983) described man groves and major benthic communities of Codrington Lagoon.

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McKi nnons Lost to marina "in trouble" Lost to Royal Anti Hotel Lost to dredged materials from St. John's Harbor Lost to residential areas ANTIGUA/MANGROVE AREAS Mangrove areas lost since 1980 Current mangrove areas (mangrove forest) F Lost to Emerald Cove ,"Condos" Ayres Creek Mangrove-lined "swamps" or ponds Fringing mangrove o 2 3 Miles ________________________________________________ __ Figure 3.1 (3). The mangrove areas of Antigua (source: adapted from British Directorate of Overseas Survey, 1980; DCA/Planning Office, 1976 Land Use Map of Antigua; ECANMP, 1980a; pers. observations of P. Lay, CEP Project Team, 1990).

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o BARBUDA/MANGROVES AND SALT FLATS SF 2 Fringing mangroves Salt Flats (Fr;nged by mangroves) Coco Po;nt Figure 3.1 (4). Mangrovas and salt flats of Barbuda (source: British Admiralty Charts, 1990). 89

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Mangroves and wetlands have come under increasing pressure from coastal devel opment projects and land-based sources of marine pollution, but several important man grove stands still exist (see Figure 3.1(3. Well-developed manlJ)'ove forests are impor tant features in the Parham Harbor, Fitches Creek and Guiana Island areas. Red man groves (Rhfzophora mangle) dominate in these areas, although black mangroves (Avicenllia genninans) and buttonwood (Conocarpus (!rectus) abound. Barbuda's salt flats support large populations of white mangrove (Lagrmcularia racemosa) and buttonwood. Large schools of juvenile mullets (Mugi/ curema), snappers (Lutjanus spp.) and mojarras (mostly Ge"es cinereus) frequent these mangrove areas, along with several pis civorous fishes Oach and barracudas) that feed on them. FISHERIES The fisheries sector has been re viewed in a variety of reports (Peacock, 1973; CDB, 1979; Kreuzer and Oswald, 1978; DuBois, 1984; Anderson and Matthes, 1985; Joseph, 1985; Royer, et al., 1988). Principal target species include shallow and deep dem ersal fishes, spiny lobster (Panulirus argus), queen conch (Strom bus gigas), coastal pelag ics, and deepwater pelagics. Demersal fishes are captured by arrowhead and rectangular traps as well as by handlines. Spiny lobsters are harvested by divers using wire snares or by traps. This species is considered overex ploited in inshore areas around Antigua (Royer, et al., 1988). Conch are harvested by flee-divers or with scuba gear. Seines and gill nets are used to capture coastal pelagic fishes, but this is a minor component of the fishery. Other pelagic fishes are captured incidentally by trolled lines deployed en route to offshore trap fishing sites. The most numerous (250 300) fish ing vessels are 4 -8 m long wood or fiberglass open boats powered by outboard engines and used relatively close to shore. Larger (11 20 m long) inboard diesel or sail-powered sloops operate in nearshore as well as deepwater demersal fisheries. general purpose 90 fiberglass fishing launches have engaged in flShing activities in recent years with varying degrees of success. Recreational fisheries are targeted primarily toward large pelagic species pursued from cabin cruisers. Royer, et al. (1988) list 20 lanJing sites in Antigua and two in Barbuda that accommodate a total of 197 vessels. Comprehensive landing statistics are not available. Local subjective judgement suggests that there has been a decline in spiny lobsters in recent years, little if any change in conch fisheries, and a level of exploitation in inshore reef fisheries that is Wa little maximum sustainable yield (CIDE, 1988). The basis for the latter opinion, however, is the comparative size of fish in the local catch and fish of the same species captured in Jamaican trap fisheries. Because the latter fisheries are severely depleted, fish in Antigua-Barbuda could be larger than those in Jamaica and still be over-exploited. COASTAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT AND DEVELOPMENT Much of Antigua's coast is experi encing significant alterations due to intensive tourism development efforts oriented toward a high-density, increasingly mass-market ap proach. These efforts include construction of beach front hotels, condominiums, and mari nas and expansion of deepwater harbor facil ities and cruise ship berths, as well as promo tion of the country as a major yachting and scuba diving dt!stination. The pace of tourist facilities development is so rapid that it greatly exceeds the rate at which necessary infrastructure (especially prOViSIons for sewage and solid waste disposal) is being pro vided. Even less adequate are provisions to manage the consequences of intense devel opment pressure on coastal resources. Overall responsibility for orches trating this development theoretically rests with the Development Control Authority, which is charged with granting or refusing permission to develop land as well as preparing a national development plan. The thority maintains a setback requirement of 50 feet from the highwater mark for all con-

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struction. Approval from the Authority is needed before development projects may be considered by Cabinet, but Cambers (circa 1988) notes that projects are often submitted to Cabinet without such approval. Under the Marine Protection Act of 1972, Salt Fish Tail Reef (Diamond Reef) near Antigua and Palaster Reef near Barbuda were formally designated as marine protected areas in 1973. Cades Reef ad Mamora Reef are informally protected as wparksw by local dive tour operators. None of these arc as, however, is actively managed nor have long term objectives for the use and protection of marine resources within the parks been deter mined. (See also Section 8, National Parks and Protected Areas.) LEGISLATION The National Parks Act (No. 11 of 1984) provides for the creation of the National Parks Authority and for designation of any area of land or water as a national park, sub ject to legislative afftrmation. The National Parks Act is implemented by the National Parks Authority, which is responsible to the Ministry of External Affairs, Economic De velopment, Tourism and Energy. The Fisheries Act (No. 14, 1983) is administered by the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Lands. This Act requires the Chief Fisheries Officer to prepare a plan for development and management of ftsheries; provide for licensing of foreign and domestic ftshing vessels and fish processing establish ments; coordinate regional cooperation; des ignate local fisheries management areas and organizations representing local fishermen as Local Fisheries Management Authorities; lease land, foreshore, and sea bed for aqua culture; declare marine reserves; authorize fisheries research; prohibit the use of explo sives or chemicals for fishing; and promulgate regulations. The Marine Areas (Preservation and Enhancement) Act (No.5 of 1972) provides the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries Lands, and Housing with authority to declare marine protected areas. 91 The Beach Control Ordin=mce (Cap. 298, 1957) requires that a permit be obtained from the Minister of Public Works for re moval of sand, stone, gravel, or shingle from beaches or the seashore. This requirement does not apply to Barbuda. 3.2 PROBLEMS AND ISSUES COMPREHENSIVE COASTAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT Major concerns related to coastal re sources (Table 3.2(1)) derive primarily from the consequences of explosive development in the absence of effective means for coastal zone management. Frequently identified con cerns (e.g., CIDE, 1988; Rogers and McLain, 1988; Cambers, c. 1988) relate to habitat loss, water quality, and erosion. An overarching issue that touches all siteand resource-specllc concerns is the dif ficulty of identifying economically-compelling arguments in support of alternative develop ment approaches which deter the degradation of coastal resources. The dilemma is exempli fied by the specllc case of the Jolly Beach Hotel, which is r,ot singled out as an isolated example but is rather cited as representative of many tourism development projects in Anti!:,rua. This hotel is one of the largest pri vate employers in the country, but many of the jobs are held by immigrants. More than 90 percent of the resort's guests are on pre-paid package tours and spend little or nothing in the nearby village of Bolans. Destruction of the Jolly HilI salt pond is expected to result in periodic flooding in Bclans, as well as a de cline in the local fisheries harvest. Neverthe less, from a national perspective, the eco nomic benefits to Antigua-Barbuda of this tourism development will continue to out weigh the economic losses to the affected local communities (de Albuquerque, 1989a). Perhaps th:c; dilemma is partially re sponsible for the fact that "lack of informa tion w is frequently cited as a primary con straint to effective coastal management, leading to calls for detailed inventories as a

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Table 3.2(1). Major areas and concerns related to coastal degradation In Antigua. SALT MANGROVE LOCATION PONDS LOSS Dickinson Bay X Deep Bay X X Crabbs Peninsula Ft. James/Flashes X Falmouth Harbor X Jolly Beach Marina X Jumble Bay/Long Is. X Hydes Bay, Darkwood X Cocks Hili, Jolly Pond X X McKlnnons Pond X Willoughby Bay Sisters Island and Sand Island Source: data from CIDE, 1988. prerequisite to ma.,agement action. However, in the case of Antigua and Barbuda, incomplete information is less of a constraint than the absence of a means to put available information to effective use. Gwneral qualitative information on the location and extent of major habitats is already available for the country (see, among others, Harris, J.963; John and Price, 1979; Loveless, 1960; Macintyre, et 01., 1985; Multer, et 01., 1986; Price and Jobn, 1979). Published information, combined with documentation of local knowledge, would provide ample indica tion of major resource concentrations as well as local perspectives on issues related to their use. On the other hand, there is a growing body of evidence that demonstrates the limited usefulness of monitoring and inventory efforts when these activities are undertaken without a dear understanding of how the data 92 DREDGE SEDIMENT WASTE IMPACTS IMPACTS DISPOSAL X X X X X X X X will be used for decision-making and man agement (a recent review on this subject is provided in National Research Council, 199O). In calling for additional resource inventories, the hope may be that more information will provide compelling reasons for decision-mak ers to embrace effective management strate gies; on the other hand, the plea of llladequate information might also be offered as a plausi ble reason for not taking action. It is true that the quantitative extent of coastal resources, as well as the specific extent and cause of possible destruction, are not precisely known in Antigua-Barbuda. Detailrd resource characterization is essential to an on-going program to manage these re sources. But it is equally true that the impor tance of coastal resources is well-established, as are the adverse impacts of raw sewage dis posal, excessive run-off, over-fishing, and me chanical disruption. More aala are not needed to establish that these impacts must be

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controlled if coastal resource values are to be maintained. Therefore, the overriding present need 1s a commitment to act on the informa tion that is already in hand, based on the recommendations of numerous local authori ties and consultants who call for better man agement of coastal resources (e.g., Cambers, c. 1988; Rogers and McLain, 1988; Coulston, 1987; Coulston and Mussington, 1987; L1ewelyn-Da",es Weeks and Maxwell Stamp Associates, 1980; Robinson, 1979). WithoUl such commitment and clearly defined objec tives for management, resource inventories are unlikely to yield effective solutions to the problems and issues described below. HABITAT LOSS Dredging to create ship channels and marinas is responsible for some of the most pervasive degradation of coastal habitlts. The impact of dredging and dredge spoil disposal on mangroves, coral reefs, and seagrass meadows has been well documented (Coulston, 1987; Coulston and Mussington, 1987; and Rogers and McLain, 1988). Dredging of St. John's Harbor and Dredge Bay areas contributed to increased erosion at Fort James (Cambers, 1985). Dredge spoils disposal in the Flashes has increased the po tential for unknown quanti lies of pollutants to negatively impact coastal waters (Coulston and Mussington, 1987). Construction of shore facilities is fre quently accompanied by indiscriminate cutting of mangroves, allhough these systems are known to. control erosion and provide nurs eries for commercially important fishery species. Similarly, salt ponds are routinely modifted or destroyed, even though their function of controlling sediment loading to reefs and seagrass habitat is well established. Both salt ponds and mangroves provide wildlife habitat, and the loss of these systems has been linked to the precarious status of some indigenous species such as the Antillean Wood Duck. Despite the importance of these varied functions, little value has been attached to salt ponds and mangrove swamps; fifty three acres of productive swamp at Jolly Hill 93 were sold to developers for ECS100 (de Albuquerque, 1989a). Jolly Hill Salt Pond and McKinnons Salt Pond have been dredged and filled 3S part of condominium and marina development. Opening sal .. ponds to the sea, as at Deep Bay, reduces their function as sediment traps and has resulted in severe damage to nearshore reefs and other sessile orgaI'isms from sediment transport (Jackson, et 01., 1986). The 61 ha McKinnons Salt Pond was once a very important wildlife habitat, but its value has progressively deteriorated due in part to oil refmery activities from 1965 to 1975 (McEachern, 1973). More recently, the pond has been partially lilled to construct the Ma rina Bay condominiums, resulting in loss of water exchange from tidal overflows. A com bination of high summer temperatures and sewage and oil disposal resulted in massive fish-kills in June 1989 and again in July 1990 (de Albuquerque, 1989a; pers. observation, P. Lay, CEP Project Team, 1990). At present, seawater is being pumped into the pond to promote better water quality, but numerous mullets, mojarras and blue crabs (Callinectes sapidus) have since died. Vast areas of mangroves and wet lands have been destroyed by coastal de velopments, and more will inevitably suffer the same fate. In August 1990, a major tourist developmeut, the K-Club in Barbuda, claimed ownership of part of an extensive salt pond/mangrove swamp on that island and proceeded to block it off. Developers plan to dredge the area claimed without being re quired to prepare an Environmental Impact Assessment. T!lt question of ownership of wetlands and authority to use (which often means destroy) productive natural systems in the coastal zone are critical issues which need to be addressed immediately in Antigua and Barbuda. Recreational diving has been widely associated with degradation of popular sites (e.g., Rogers, 1987; Tilmant, 1987). In addi tion to destruction of living corals through di rect contact by divers, anchor damage to coral reefs and seagrass beds is a frequent accom paniment of coastal t('lurism, as is the collec tion of corals, live shells, and other organisms

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for curios. Although such impacts have not been widely documented in Antigua and Barbuda, the frequency with which these are identified as problems in similarly developed areas suggests the need for management to avoid similar problems. WATER QUALITY Documented instances of water qual ity degradation are sporadic. Jackson (1985) discharge of sewage effluent into McKinnons Salt Pond following failure of a poorly maintained treatment plant. As indi cated in the prior sub-section (see also side bar, page 6), a massive fiSh-kill in June 1989 was linked to development and discharge of raw sewage into the sait pond at Marina Bay (de Albuquerque, 1989a). Despite the ab sence of information on coastal water quality, however, more widespread degradation is virtually certain considering the absence of effective coastal resource management and the fact that ur banization and development of tourist facilities in coastal areas are almost always ac companied by water quality degradation. Because the development of central ized sewage treatment facilities is not keeping pace with the need for such facilities, contin ued construction of hotels and condominiums is apt to be accompanied by an increasing number of individual sewage systems. Such Wpackage plantsn are notoriously susceptible to poor maintenance and improper operation by inadequately trained personnel. Without a uniform policy for sewage treatment and pro visions for enforcement, point source pollu tion from domestic sewage can be expected to mcrease. Increased non-point source pollution is also a likely result from current deVelop ment practices. Of particular concern are sediment loading from construction and dredging, contaminated storm water from the growing number of impervious surfaces, and runoff-borne pesticides and agrochemicals (USMAB, 1990). 94 COASTAL EROSION Removal of beach sand for construc tion has resulted in severe beach erosion, par ticularly in the vicinity of Pearns Bay. Al though Ute Beach Protection Ordinance pro vides the means to control this practice, pros ecution is virtually unheard of (Cambers, c. 1988). Recently, much of the sand used in constt uction on Antigua has been mined from beaches on Barbuda resulting in trenches six to seven meters deep (see also Section 4.2). Some beachfront hotels are built too close to the high water mark and interfere with the normal movement of sand, resulting in accell!rated erosion. Nichols and vanEepoel (1988) estimate that Jolly Beach is eroding a rate of 0.75 m/yr. Dickinson Bay displays a typical suite of problems associated with inadequate man2gement of intensive coas[al development. Jackson (1985) reports beach erosion that in some cases exceeds 1m/yr. Appropriate setbacks have not been applied to all structures, necessitating revet ment construction which W ... may have pro tected the property, but have not con served the beach or improved aesthetic aspects" (Cambers, ,c. 1988). OVERFISHING Peacock (1973) described a study of the spiny lobster fishery initiated to investigate an observed decline in landings in the early 1970' s. Results of the study indicated that the decline was most probably due to capture of juveniles and young adult lobsters in shallow water; researchers recommended discouraging the use of scuba gear in preference to traps, re-directing the fishery into deeper areas, and enforcement of minimum size reg ulations. Mussington (1983) reported deple tion of sea moss and spiny lobsters in Codringtl"'!l Lagoon, attributed to heavy and possibly excessive exploitation. There are no recent studies that pro vide clear indication of overfishing, although efforts are underway to obtain reliable landing statistics with assistance from the OECS Fish eries Desk. Even without such data, fishery stocks in other Eastern Caribbean countries

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are generally acknowledged to have been severely depleted by less sophisticated fleets than that currently operating in Antigua and Barbuda. Considering the increasing demand for seafood resulting from an expanding tourist industry and more affluent resident population, over-exploitation seems a virtual certainty in th'! absence of effective provisions for ftsheries management. 3.3 POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS (1) A comprehensive coastal zone management program should be implemented to provide overall guidance for specific devel opment and management activities. Oversight authority for this program should reside in one agency, although responsibility for specific components almost certainly will have to be an interministerial undertaking; procedures for better coordination of multi-agency responsibilities for thr nation's coastal re sources and wetlands must also be provided for. Particular empbasis should be placed upon development planning, adherence to a policy of review of all development proposals by the Development Control Authority, and requirements for Environmental Impact As sessments for all major developments in the coastal zOQe. The goals of the program could in clude ensuring water quality for multiple uses (e.g., fisheries habitat, human contact, and waste disposal); coordinated management of the country's wetlands; port development; increased recreational opportunities; and coor dinated and broad-based participation in coastal resl)urce management. The em phasis should not be on regulation alone, as experi ence suggests that a program emphasizing ed ucation, incentives, technical assistance, cost sharing, and cooperation wiU ;nore effec tive than a proliferation of rules and penalties. Major elements of this type of program in clude development of a system characteriza tion (inventories), priority problem definition, action plans, and financial strategy. It should be clear, however, that this process should lIOt delay corrective actions that are already known. This caveat applies 95 particularly to the following two recommen dations which are extremely urgent: Immediate protection shQuld be extended to mangroves. Destruc tion of mangroves and degrada tion of their associated habitat should be absolutely prohibited. Procedures to control sediment loading into coastal waters should be required for all dredging ,tnd construction actIVItIes. Rogers and McLain (1988) point out that "recovery of seagra'iS beds and coral reefs may occur slowly or not at all followiug major distur bances such as dredging or dis posal of dredged materials." (2) Provision should be made for es sential infrastrncture (especiallY. sewage and solid was'e management) in advance of fUrther major development in the coastal zone (see also Section 6.3). At least partial recovery of capital costs could be achieved through user fees, especially for developments tht place high demands on such services. (3) A program of management of the country's sand resources needs to be put in place. An evaluation should be made of the overall impact of sand mining on the rate of beach loss and of alternative sources of con struction sand (see also recommendations on sand mining in Section 4.2.3). Best manage ment practices (e.g., setbacks, ptdestrian walkways, vegetation protection) should be required for all beachfront facilities. (4) Sources and extent of non-point source pollution, particularly roll-off from agri cultural areas, should be assessed. Better en forcement of the Pesticide Control Act is re quired as is enactment of regulations to strengthen the Act. More detailed recom mendations are found in Section 2.1.3, Section 2.3.3 and Section 6.3 of the Profile. (5) A lIatiollal educational program on the importance and benefits of coastal resources should be launched by the Antiguan Barbudan Government in cooperation with

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local NGOs, most appropriat.ely under the leadership of the Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission. Components of the program should be developed and tailored to key target audiences, including Govern ment decision-makers, hoteliers, school chil-96 dren, and tourists. This is an integral part of any coastal zone management program and is particularly important in Antigua-Barbuda where a significant measure of voluntary com pliance is needed.

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SECTION 4 ENERGY AND INDUSTRY 4.1 ENERGY 4.1.1 Overview FOSSIL FUElS Antigua and Barbuda is virtually to tally dependent upon imported petroleun: products to meet its energy requirements. Petroleum imports are a major share of total imports, with ranging from 11.5 per cent (computed from 1987 data in Statistical Yearbook, 1988) to 15 percent or higller (Daniel, 1988). As indicated in Table 4.1(1), imports of all major categories of petroleum products have risen during the period from 1984 to 1988. Petroleum consumption has risen along with economic growth, and, as of 1988, it stood at 2,000 barrels of petroleum products per day. However, some 50 percent of this consists of aviation fuels, which c:m be catego rized as re-expc "ts. Of the 50 percent used for domestic consumption, about half is used to generate electricity, 40 percent is used by motor vehicles and the res'. is used as cooking gas (Daniel, 1988). Pe.troleum imports for motor vehicles especially har. grown because of the i...,crease in the nun",oer of vehicles. During the period from 1984 to 1988, the number of cars in the country increased from 10,430 to 17,437, a 66 percent increase. Buses and trucks underwent similar increases: 61 percent and 67 percent, respectively (com puted from GOAB, 1989b). An oil refinery was developed in 1965, but ceased operations in 1975 due to a severe cash flow caused by the 1973-74 oil cri sis. The refinery reopened in 1982 but closed shortly after. Currently, the facility is used as a petroleum products terminal. Some interest has been shown in oil exploration in the off shore area between Antigua and Barbuda, but there are no plans for this activity at the pre sent time (Daniel, 1988). 97 ELECl'RICITY Supply. There are three electricity generating stations in Antigua --Friar's Hill, Crabbs, and Cassada Gardens. all connected to a na.tional grid. Antigua Public Utilities Authority (APUA), the Government agency responsible for electricity, has increased gen erating capacity from 13 MV in 1976 to some 20 MV today (see Figure 4.1 (1. There are nine distribution feeders, most of which are extended beyond design limits, causing low voltages at the feeder ex tremities. A 69,000 volt ring circuit has been built around part of the island, with seven sub stations that distribute at 11,000 volts (see Figure 4.1(2. This 69 kV Transmission Line Project is projected for completion in 1990. The new system will enable the 11 kV feeders to carry smaller, more appropriate loads, and tl',e ring will evenmally make it possible to feed many are3S of the island from two eli rections, rather than just one. Customers should receive improved quality of voltage levels and increased reliability. Part of the projected improvements would be attributable to an estimated 10-15 percent decrease in transmission losses, i.e., 13.6 -14.4 percent losses rather than the current 16 percent loss (APUA, 1989a; pers. commun., M. Wood roffe, General Manager of APUA, 1990). All APUA electricity generation is based on fossil fuels, using either diesel or Bunker C, which is approximately half the price of diesel and has almost the calorific value. However, it requires greater temperatures to use and, therefore, the gener ators that use it are more expensive. APUA has boilers that are able to use any waste lubricating oils as fuels. Currently, however, the wastes from the smaller residentialand hotel-owned diesel generators are not fed into the APUA system.

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Table 4.1 (1). Imports of major petroleum products (In barrels) and their percent share of Imports mix. Category 1984 % 1985 1986 % 1987 1988 Gasoline 147,355 18.06 146,388 17.38 172,844 19.37 179,709 18.39 180,535 17.00 Diesel 167,788 20.57 184,072 21.86 203,077 22.76 261,154 26.72 215,102 20.25 Jetfuel/ AvGas 420,190 51.51 427,468 50.76 425,140 47.64 450,542 46.09 450,080 42.38 L.P.G 24,270 2.98 29,932 3.20 31,033 3.48 26,189 2.68 36,924 3.48 Fuel 011 56,085 6.88 57,228 6.80 60,274 6.75 59,858 6.12 179,407 16.89 TOTALS 815,688 100.00 842,368 100.00 892,308 100.00 977,452 100.00 1,062,048 100.00 Source: OECS, unpublished data from Economic Assessment Section, St. John's, Antigua. Demand. Officially recorded demand, measured as peak load, increased from about 7.5 MW in 1976 LO around 17 MW in 1988 (see Figure 4.1(1. Currently, the offi cial peak load is 18 MW, but unofficially it is believed to be closer to 20-21 MW (pers. commun., M. Woodroffe, General Manager APUA, 1990). Over the last five years, there has been an average increase in electricity consumption of about 10 percent per year (APUA, 1989a). Put in another way, the cur rent rate of increase means that the amount of electricity consumed would double approxi mately every five years. For perspective, dou bling timt: in the U.S. and Europe was 7-10 years before the oil crisis of the 1970' s, and it has increased considerably in the wake of that crisis. Such rapid growth in demand would tax the most sophisticated, well-endowed electricity pewer supply systems; it is a severe strain on APUA. The Authority can meet current demand in Antigua but will not be able to do so for long if demand continues to increase (pers. commun., M. Woodroffe, APUA, 1990). Table 4.1(2) shows the current electricity consumption paltern in Antigua. Barbuda. -,\PUA operates one gen erating facility on the island. There are three generators capable of producing about 600 KW. Typically only the largest of these is used in order to meet the approximate 300 98 KW demand. Tourism developments on the island maintain their own generating systems. For example, the K Club development has four generators, two producing 195 KW and two more producing 255 KW --an output 300 KW higher than the maximum output of the APUA facility on the island. Waste oil from the APUA system in Barbuda is stored in barrels, and most of this is given away to individuals who use it as a spray to kill vegetation. There are DO provi sions to ship this wdste oil, or the waste oil from the hotel generating facilities, to APUA boilers in Antigua which are of using waste lubricating oils as fuels. -CONSERVATION AND NON-PETROLEUM ENERGY SOURCES Conservation. There does not seem to be any official national energy conservation policy. If there is one, it is not widely known; nOlle of the individuals interviewed by the CEP research team from APUA or the pri vate sector knew of it. Energy sources other than fossil fuels have not been well developed or even widely explored in Antigua and Barbuda, although there is reason to believe that the use of some

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20 GENERATION HISTORY 19 18 17 16 15 14 III "0 c: 13 It! III :J 0 .c 12 l-V) 11 l-I-cC 10 0 -l ::.:: 9 8 7 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 YEAR GENERATION CAPACITY PEAK LOAD Figure 4.1 (1). Electricity generation capacity and peak load demand (source: APUA, 1989a). of these -solar, wind and charcoal, in partic ular _. have potential to contribute to meeting the country's energy needs. Solar Energy. Solar energy has been used in a variety of ways throughout the world. In the Eastern Caribbean, small-scale solar units have been used as water heaters, water pumps, desalination devices, and crop driers. Only the first of these has had any success in Antigua and Barbuda. Until re cently, two companies split this market. The largest solar company in the country, Nubec, has sold some 600 water heaters since 1985. Solar water heaters are installed in the majority of hotels, as well as many residences. In general, the units substitute for electrical water heatr.rs but also for LPG (liquid 99 propane gas). Solar water heaters often are more expensive initially to llurchase and in stall, but less expensive to operate. The pay back time for solar water heaters is estimated to be 18 months for the larger units sold to hotels and approximately 30 months for indi vidual residences (pers. commun., J. Becker, Engineer for Nubec, 1990). The environmental conditions to ex ploit solar energy in the country are good _. year-round high solar radiation, with less than eight percent variation around the mean monthly hours of sunlight (Daniel, 1988). Wind Energy. There are no com mercial wind-generated energy uperations, or even pilot projects, in Antigua and Barbuda at

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.... 8 Figure 4.1 (2). Primary electrical supply system for the Isl:jnd of Antigua. ANTIGUA/ELECTRICITY SUPPLY SYSTEM 69 KV DOUBLE CIRCUIT .. ---11 KV DOUBLE C I RCU IT PRIMARY FEEDERS

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Table 4.1 (2). Selected data on electricity con:;umptlon, 1984-1988. Category 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 Domestic 17,302,800 18,907,n6 21,046,512 22,57l!,240 25,156,092 Industrial 7,136,100 3,675,972 3,620,784 3,46H,788 3,On,676 Commercial 22,157,856 26,365,116 27,687,324 24,47Cl,808 21,676,956 Hotel 8,071.752 7,699,812 Agriculture 126,720 Government 3,28:-1,570 3,707,434 TOTALS 46,596,75/i 48,948,864 52,354,620 61,874,158 61,444,690 Source: Electricity Antigua Public Utilities Authority, as cited in GOAB, 1989b. the present time. The recently terminated USAID-funded project was considered to be a failure, but it does not appear to have been as a pilot. It used a vertical axis wind turbine, which is well-suited to high speed, variable winds but which requires at least 12-14 knots to generate electricity eco nomically. Mean wind speed for Antigua and Barbuda is at or below that minimum: in 1988, the monthly average was 13.1 knots; in 1987 it was 10.8 knots (GOAB, 1989b). There are, however, wind turbines that are much more efficient at these lower wind speeds, and they are designed for the more constant and unidirectional winds typical of Antigua and Barbuda (pers. commun., J. Becker, Engineer for Nubec, 1990). Charcoal. Charcoal production is estimated to be about 1,200 tonnes/year, em ploying an estimated 100-125 full-time and 100 part-time charcoalers, and with a annual rev enue of approximately EC$1.5 million (Chalmers, 1990; Daniel, 1988; McHenry and Gane, 1988). It should be noted, however, that all reports consulted warned that the data on this topic are particularly weak and unreli able. Nearly 18 percent of residential energy use is derived from charcoal. An estimated 20 percent of households are dependent on char coal as their only cooking fuel, with about 75 101 percent using it as a backup source or for cooking certain meals. Charcoal is usually retailed by the "tin", a 2.5 -3 gallon container (Daniel, 1988). 4.1.2 Problems and Issues FOSSIL FUELS Antigua and Barbuda's dependence on fossil fuels is a cause of concern for two related reasons. First, regardless of the source of energy --oil, geothermal, etc. --it is risky not to have any options in the event of difficulties with the major source of energy. The theory that diversity begets stability in re gard to ecosystems may be debated among some ecologists; but when applied to national economies, there does not seem to be any de bate --it is risky for a developing country to rely on one source of foreign exchange earn ings, one source of energy, etc. Secondly, the risk to Antigua and Barbuda is compounded because the country's main source petroleum --is totally under foreign control. The price and availability of oil can fluctuate widely, as was dramatically illustrated less than 20 years ago. Yet for several reasons,

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accessibility and cost among them, Antigua and Barbuda's foreseeable energy future is tied to petroleum. From an environmental perspective, the use of fossil fuels to generate electricity does not pose a local problem. Some air pol lution does result, and Antigua and Barbuda is contributing its share to global effects of fossil fuel combustion, but local air quality is largely unaffected because of the constant winds that cleanse the islands. Some waste oil from the APUA generators in Antigua is disposed of by converting it into fuel for further power generation. The danger always exists of an oil spill from tankers transporting or unloading oil. A proposal to locate an oil storage and refueling tank at one of three possible sites -U rlings, Fishers Point or Crabbs -poses a se rious threat of contamination and pollution of reefs and beaches in proximity to the site. Leakages, which are almost inevitable, would degrade these areas over time; in the event of an oil spill, habitat destruction could be much quicker and more extensive. The absence of adequate oil spill contingency planning proce dures and in-country C:1pabilities for oil spill clean-up increase the necessity for a full envi ronmental impact assessment and review be fore GOAB moves ahead with plans for this proposed project. ALTERNATIVE ENERGY SOURCES Wind-generated electricity. One of the main problems limiting this activity is that it has not been tested or adapted adequately for Antigua and Barbuda. To do so would re quire funds that may not show a return on in vestment at least in the short term. The Caribbean Wind Energy Assessment and Evaluation Project of OECS, which is just in the start-up phase, should remove some of the uncertainty for entrepreneurs exploring this venture in the Eastern Caribbean. The target islands are the British Virgin Islands, Grenada and St. Vincent; Barbuda has been chosen for a limited site survey (OECS, n.d.). Assuming that wind energy is as sessed to be a viable option under at least 102 some conditions, the most likely scenario would require that the electricity generated be fed into the APUA national grid (OECS, n.d.; pers. commun., J. Becker, Engineer for Nubec, 1990). This would require that the Government assume a critical coordinating role and make a commitment to the wind en ergy industry that might include subsidies during the initial stages. CharcoaJ. Charcoal is produced from wood because it has a higher calorific output per unit weight than wood. However, a great deal of the potential energy value is lost during the conversion process, due pri marily to kiln and processing inefficiencies. The conversion efficiencies can be improved substantially, without dramatically altering the current production systems. In traditional earth kilns, it is difficult to restrict combustion to only that portion of the wood required to generate sl1fficient heat to char the remainder. Modem, low-cost, portable metal kilns can improve efficiency from around 15 percent to 40 percent by providing better control of the pyrolysis process (Jennings, 1979; Daniel, 1988). Efficiencies can be improved signifi cantly even in traditional earth kilns by drying the wood to a greater extent and more uni formly. A recent OAS study (1987) found that in the Eastern Caribbean, firewood generally is stacked for only a few days before it is put, insufficiently dry, into a charcoal kiln. The wood collected as fuelwood and used for charcoal production often consists of Acacia shrubs and other species considered of low value. Furthermore, charcoal production is often a byproduct of land clearing activities. In these cases, the activity is beneficial since the biomass would otherwise be burned 011 the site to dispose of it, but instead it can contribute to meeting energy needs while gen erating income for the charcoaler. Charcoal production in Antigua seems to be operating on a sustainable basis, and there is no evi dence that the use of trees for this purpose is creating any environmental problems. An ex ception would be if the trees were being cleared from watershed areas, leaving behind bare ground. It has been suggested that this might be occurring, but as discussed in Sec tion 2.2 (Freshwater Resources and Water sheds), there are no quantitative data, or even

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reliable qualimtive surveys, to indicate that such a problem exists. 4.1.3 Policy Fiecommendations Antigua ,lind Barbuda would improve its balance of trade position by reducing its imports of petroleum, but it is not known to what extent this can, or should, be pursued. There hos not been an analysis done of the energy sector in marlY years; in the absence ot' such an there is little foundation for exploring impoli reduction options. ( 1) Government needs to prepare an assessment of and policy for tile energy sector. GOAB should consider preparing an assess ment of the energy sector and could seek donor support for the undertaking. In 1983, Antigua and Barbuda endorsed the CARICOM Regional En:!rgy Action Plan, which had ac; its primary objective: To alleviate within the shortest possible time, the adverse effect of thl! energy crisis on the Caribbean economies, while laying the basis for a more coor dinated and rational development of the energy resources of the region (quoted in OECS, n.d.). The assessment proposed in this CEP would enable the GOAB to move toward this objec tive; relative to environmental concerns, a na tional energy policy would: 1) Encourage energy conservation, and 2) Support private sector involve ment to im prove and develop en ergy alternativ(;s that *eady have shown promise in the Caribbean context. (2) Antigua-Barbuda needs to support tile development and liS!! of a/t.emative energy sources. It is nol possible for the country to substitute non-petroleum energy sources on a very large scale, at least for future, but there are opportunities for devel103 opment of alternative energy sources which both the public and private sectors need to more vigorously pursue. As discussed in Section 2.1 (Agriculture and Forestry), there are options available to improve and expand agro forestry practices in the coun try. Two new initiatives in agroforestry -the Pan Ameri can Development Founda tion's Agroforestry Project and the regional Tropical For est Action Plan -identify fuelwood production as a key component of propo:ed activi ties. Charcoalers should be encour aged to use more efficient metal kilns. Support could be given to 10q1 craftsmen to produce the kilns. Char coalers could be assisted through a combination of ex tension services, a licensing strategy, and marketing sup port. GOAB needs to explore the feasibility of a wind energy system that could feed into the national electricity grid.

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4.2 INDUSTRY 4.2.1 Overview The industrial sector, narrowly de fined to include manufacturing activities alone, is very small in Antigua and Barbuda, contributing only slightly over 3 percent of GOP in 1988. However, when viewed more broadly to include mining and quarrying (2.3 percent of GOP), the hotel and restaurant in dustry (15.8 percent of GOP), construction (13 percent) and road transport (t2 percent), this sector assumes a far more important role in the economy (see GOAB, 1989b and Table 1.5(5); the reader is also referred to Section 5 for a discussion of the tourism industry). MANUFACTURING The performance of the manufactur ing sector from 1982-1988 was considered weak, after a 20 percent per year growth ear lier in the decade (ECCB, 1989b) --this despite Government investments to build industrial parks and factory shells and to pro vide fIscal incentives and tax holiday periods. The sector is characterized by import substitution production and t:nclave-type manufacturing for extra-regional markets. According to the World Bank (1985), the contribution of the various sub-sectors to manufacturing employment was as follows: Garment/Textiles 47% Food and Beverages 21 % Fabricated Metal Products 20% Fabricated Wood Products 12%. In 1982, fIve fIrms, or nine percent of the total, produced 52 percent of the output, while half the industries --those consisting of fewer then 10 employees --produced just 11 percent of the output. While several of the companies that were responsible for the above statistics remain the same, there has been considerable change as well. Several companies left Antigua-Barbuda after exhausting their tax breaks (GOAB, 1990b). As displayed in Table 4.2(1), one major clothing factory closed, and stove and refrigerator assemblies 104 have decreased considerably. The !argest currently operating in Antigua are listed in Table 4.2(2). In an effort to attract new industries, the Government is considering a proposal to establish a free zone. The free zone, modeled after similar zones in othzr parts of the world, would offer a package of fmanciaI incentives guaranteed by Guvernment for a period of 50 years (GOAB, 1990b). The manufacturing sector is con strained by limited domestic demand and a bias for foreign goods, instability of regional markets, scarcity of raw materiais, and labor shortages. As also noted in Section 5 (Tourism), laborers in the tourism sector earn far more than those in industry, and it is diffI cult therefore for industries to attract and re tain good workers (GOAB, 1990c; pers. com mun., B. Meade, Industrialization Commis 1990; B. S. Young, Antigua Manufac turers Association, 1990). SAND MINING Although only a small industry in terms of contribution to GOP, sand mining rer>resents one of the most pressing environ mental threats to Antigua c.nd Barbuda. The current situation is alarming, and the diffIculty in obtaining reliabie data about the quantity involved and which beaches are being used does nothing to mitigate environmental and socio-economic concerns. Government em ployees and private citizens contacted as a part of the CEP project, regardless of their sectoral interests, shared concern over the fact that much of the sand mining activity is illegal and/or unregulated. The issue of sand mining is mentioned, therefore, in several sections of the CEP, in particular, in Sections 1 and 3. BUILDING AND ROAD CONSTRUCTION The contribution of the construction sub-sector to GDP increased from 6.8 percent to 13 percent during the period 1984 to 1988. Production of construction materials, such as crushed stones, concrete blocks and concrete increased on the order of 50-75 percent during

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Table 4.2(1). Production of selected commodnles In Antigua-Barbuda, 1985 -1988. UNIT OF COMMODITIES QUANTITY 1985 1986 1987 1988 Quarrying Crushed Stones Tons 82,457 508,695 82,274 129,175 Concrete Blocks No. 1,494,892 2,085,000 1,905.217 2,607,800 Goncrete Cu. Yd. 19,846 38,750 37,981 35,133 .EQQQ and Beverages {I Aerated Soft Drinks Liters 2,468,059 2,509,441 2,546,401 224,311 Rum and Alcohol Liters 2n,679 352,740 331,074 464,036 Wines and Vodka Liters 38,041 220,582 204,938 147,500 Chemical Products Paints Liters 567,750 807,004 820,396 935,876 Oxygen Hecto-Liters 611,418 5,484,595 6,670,346 Acetylene Hecto-Liters 7,968 1,761,048 1,730,470 Nitrogen Hecto-Llters 89,210 17,134 163,627 Textile Clothing Dozen 401,071 3,928,000 497,050 Paper Products Toilet Tissue Rolls 1,429,000 1,786,000 1,747,000 1,265,000 Selected Manufactured Products Mattresses No. 7,634 5,372 6,962 7,032 Mattress Bases No. 3,328 2,894 3,016 3,046 Stoves No. 2,780 2,464 900 200 Refrigerators No. 1,392 1,240 1,000 700 Hot Plates No. 2,015 Freezers No. 1,072 40 Fans (Electrical) No. 9,033 7,250 14,350 13,560 Gas Lamps No. 1,783 738 750 1,010 Blenders No. 313 780 250 576 Mixers No. 500 100 Vacuum Cleaners No. 600 80 181 Irons (Dry) No. 1,000 Galvanized Sheets Tonnes 751 1,215 1,480 NOTES: (1) 1988 data is provisional. (2) One major clothing factory closed in 1988. (3) 1985 figure for stoves" includes stoves and hot plates. (4) 1985 figure for "refrigerators includes refrigerators and freezers. Source: GOAB, 1989b. 105

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Table 4.2(2). The largest manufacturing In Antigua-Barbuda In 1990. Chemical Prcxiucts: Leewlnd Paint Food and Beverages: Antigua Distillery Exotic Products Antigua Winery Bryson's Bottling Trans Caribbean Marketing Textile: Sealy Mattress Co. Sewn Products Eagle ILC Paper Chala Paper Products Antigua Packaging Ambar Paper Product Furniture: Piggott's Woodworking Etlnoff Enterprises Bryson's Woodworking Plastic Foam and Furniture Metal Products: Nubec Solar Water Heaters Henderson's Galvanized Siding Source: Ministry of Trade, Industry and Commerce, unpublished data. this period (GOAB, 1989b and Table 4.2(1. This sub-sector will remain extremely active at least for the next 5 10 years given current projections for hotel and residential construc tion and road rehabilitation. YACHT CHARTER INDUSTRY There are six major marinas in Antigua, five of them located in the southern part of the island centered around English Harbor and one on Crabbs Peninsula. To gether, they provide approximately 150 slips, while additional boats can anchor in the sur rounding bays. Four marinas are either under construction or in the planning stages. The marinas at Jolly Beach and Emerald Cove and the Nelson's Dockyard National Park marina in Falmouth Harbor each have the capacity to single-handedly double the total existing ma rina capacity in the country. About 150-200 boats arrive at English Harbor for the annual boat show held each year in late November. Numerous yachts re main in Antigua-Barbuda waters from that time about June 1, the end of the coun106 try's other majer boating activity -Sailing Week, an event acclaimed throughout the re gion (pers. commun., R. Nicholson, owner of Nicholson Charters, 1990). 4.2.2 Problems and Issues MANUFACfURING The most recent study examining in dustrial pollutants in Antigua and Barbuda in fact, the only comprehensive report on this topic -is Arthur Archer's 1984 report. At that time, in his preliminary study for P AHO, Archer identified distillery wastes from sugar and molasses and wastes from abattoirs as important land-based sources of marine pol lution. The situation has changed considerably in the intervening years, and Archer's 1984 study may have lost much of its value. The brief discussion that follows is based on interviews only. Antigua Distillery. Wastes -90 per cent water and 10 percent yeast and

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other solids -are allowed to run-off untreated into the sea (pers. commun., Manager, Antigua Distillery, 1990). Bryson's Bottling. Untreated liquid wastes go directly into the gutter. Pre vious'.y, the now defunct recycling sys tem 'leutralized and chlorinated used water so that it could be used again to rinse bottles. The bottles themselves are recycled (pers. commun., C. Browne, Production Manager, 1990). Trans Caribbean Marketing. Cur rently, the company only distributes imported meats. It has plans to estab lish an abattoir (per::. commun., c. Watt, Manager, 1990). Leewind Paints. New recycling system pumps wash water into a tank where it is flocculated before being reused in the paint manufacturing pro cess. Some of the solids accumulated can also be used in the manufacturing process. No information was available on how the mineral spirits in this sol vent-based system are disposed of (pers. commun., G Joseph, Technical Director, 1990). Textiles. For the most part, textiles are simply assembled, not produced, in Antigua. Wastes consist of scrap mate rials and should not pose any particular environmental problems (pers. com mun., J. Warner, Manager, Sewn Products, 1990). The largest company, Sealy, does manufacture but seems to have adequate controls on the process, i.e., cotton dusl from the garmenting operation is collected in a vacuum sys tem; furniture spraying is done in booths specially uesigned for this pur pose (pers. commun., B. S. Young, Antigua Manufacturers Association, 1990). Antigua Plastic Foam and Fumiture. Foam is used for stuffing sofas, etc. Excess pieces are shredded and used to stuff other items such as pillows (pers. commun., A Hadeed, Manager, 1990). 107 This brief overview of selected in dustrial wastes suggests that it may be worth while to explore ways to minimize pollutiun impacts from several of the companies, e.g., the distillery and the paint factory. At the same time, it should be noted that relative to other more industrialized countries, the small size of this sector in Antigua-Barbuda has shifted the emphasis of concern from indus trial pollution to residential and tourism-re lated pollution issues. SAND MINING Sand mining from beaches is one of the most pressing coastal problems in Antigua, and the situation is even worse in Barbuda. Until the mid-1980s, the Public Works Department (PWD) designated beaches for sund mining, did the actual mining and then sold the sand to the public. This re sulted in severe erosion of several beaches, most notably Pearns Bay and its environs (Cambers, circa 1988). The PWD is no longer involved in sales, but the practice of sa!ld mining continues. A drive through virtually any part of Antigua reveals stockpiles of sand in fields and behind homes. It is com::non knowledge that no questions are asked about the origin of this sand, and .he biggest con straint to obtaining
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SAND MINING THREATENS BARBUDA Barbuda's coastal environment, where small, Isolated cliff-wrapped beaches contrast with miles of long, coral-pink sandy stretches, Is one of Its richest resources. In 1979 the Government of Antigua and Barbuda entered Into an agreement with the Red Jacket Mines Company for the mining of sand In Barbuda. Over the years, the company has changed ownership, but It Is still a matter of considerable discontent locally that the Barbuda Council has not been able to collect the money to which It feels It Is entitled based on earlier 3greements. The Barbuda Council brought court action (thus far unsuc cessfully) against the present sand mining company (SandCo), complaining that the Island Is reaping few benefits from the sale of its sand. The Berbuda operation Is reportedly one of the largest, If not the largest, sand-mining operation for export In the Eastern Caribbean (Thompson, 1990). Sand is bulldozed and trucked to barges which transport It to Antigua and to American and French Caribbean territories. It was reported that In 1989 at least 20,000 tons/month were exported; the monthly for the first five months of 1990 was 29,360 (Barbuda Council and Sand Co records). Neither the Council nor the mining company seems certain of actual figures, but this of course only Increases local concerns about these activities. Adding to the problem Is the fact that while three studies (with conflicting conclusions) have been car ried out to assess the environmental impact of the sand removal, no formal, standardized En vironmental Impact Assessment --along the lines of the EIAs required for major coastal pro jects In the neighboring U.S. Virgin Islands --has yet to be Implemented. Parts of the coast line have eroded to the extent that some houses at the sbandoned Dulcina Resort are now on the verge of collapsing Into the sea. There is also a danger that the island's major freshwater aquifers are being contaminated with salt water infiltrating the water system as a result of SF.nd mining. A 1987 study commissioned by the Public Utilities Authority reported that ground water at Palmetto Sands no longer meets acceptable water quality standards (pers. commun., V. Yearwood, Hydrologist, APUA, 1990). Reefs and underwater sand banks are Barbuda's natural defense against the sea, while its reefs are responsible for the reputation Barbuda en joys as one of the best fishing banks in the Caribbean. It is likely that the removal of sand in large quantities from one area will ultimately cause the collapse of the undersea topography ;n other areas. Another problem is the fact that ma terials -wastes and construction residues -are transported in open, overloaded vehicles. A significant amount is lost en route, posing a serious health risk. YACHT CHARTER INDUSTRY The primary environmental issue as sociated with this industry is one shared with many other development activities in Antigua and. Barbuda -namely, the loss of coastal 108 habitats with associated environmental conse quences. The quickly disappearing mangrove systems are an especially critical problem, and all efforts should be made to minimize this loss (see also Section 3 of the Profile). Yachts and other pleasure craft are frequently cited as major pollutors of marine and coastal waters because (unless the vessel has a holding tank) the human wastes from pas.' .;ngers are flushed directly into the sea. Undoubtedly, this is a contributing factor to marine pollution problems, particularly in

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semi-enclosed bays. However, the untreated sewage effluents and waste water from hotels and residences and leachate from nearby residential settlements contribute to excessive nutrient loading of adjacent embayments greatly in excess of any similar pollution loading from moored or anchored yachts. 4.2.3 Policy Recommendations ( 1) Up-to-date quantitative data 011 industrial pollutants is needed in order to take appropriate steps to reduce pollution loading of coastal waters. Archer's (1984) estimated quantities of industrial pollutants in Antigua-Barbuda are seriously in need of an update, if only to reflect new industries and to adjust for the growth of outputs by those industries with more significant waste streams --some as ef fluents and some as solid waste. Unfortu nately, other than Archer's (1984) preliminary report produced for PAHO (which also in cludes useful volumetric estimates of domestic sewage and solid waste streams), no more re cent study has been done to determine waste generation by industries or to assess the ef fects of industrial pollutants on the coastal en vironments of the country. To effectively reduce the pollution loading of coastal waters and embayments, it is important to quantify (both vector and vol ume) non-point (generalized) sources of pol lution (such as widely-spread pesticides a!ld fertilizers) and point sources of pollution (such as commercial and industrial as well as residential waste streams). Once the volumet ric dimensions are established, it is possible to build a pollution control strategy designed to reduce, if not eliminate, the stream of trouble some polluting chemicals, sewage and other waste materials. Toxic wastes require a more sophisticated analysis to establish their break down products and interaction with other waste and bottom sediments. It is time for Antigua-Barbuda (and other Eastern Caribbean states) to begin to undertake such actions. According to Archer (1984), CARICOM countries should develop 109 a regional code of practice for industrial waste disposal to marine and coastal environments to ensure the protection of coastal ecosystems and amenities. Countries in the region should consider taking this one step further. It would be worthwhile for them to cooperatively set standards on the degree to which effluent and all other forms of industrial pollution must be treated before disposal, and on m::!thods of disposal as well. In the absence of such stan danis, additional industrial development in the Caribbean may create a Wpolluter's havenw in any given island, affecting not only existing industries and the quality of life in the pol luted country but also in nearby islands that are seeking to maintain better environmental conditions. As an interim measure, Government should commit itself to a policy of providing development permits as well as subsidies, tax benefits and other forms of support only to in dustries which are relatively non-polluting. Government should begin to identify re sources to put in place a morutoring program of existing industries. Those discharging toxic and/or high-BOD wastes into the environ ment need to be targeted and required to treat their wastes and clean up already pol luted areas. A system of fmes should be con sidered for violators. (2) An assessment of available sand deposits needs to be carried out, and a program of management for the country's sand resources put in place. GOAB resource managers need to assess available sand deposits in both Antigua and Barbuda and make judgments as to where continued sand removal will have the least detrim'!ntal impacts and is most compatible with current site utilization. Because of the risk which current sand mining poses to the environmental health of the island of Barbuda, a formal Environmental Impact As sessment should be carried out to determine the feasibility of continued sand mining at the present large-scale level of operation which is directed at commercial exportation. It is likely that until a substitute for sand has not only been identified but has

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demonstrated technical and monetary capa bility for widespread local use for construc tion, sand will continue to be removed from the beaches. To better manage and control exploitation of the resource in the near-term, GOAB must make difficult decisions to ear mark priority areas where sand removal will be absolutely prohibited and areas of lesser concern and stress where regulated sand re110 moval will be carried out at some determined and managed level. At same time, every effort must be made to identify and develop sources of construction aggregate. One possi bility is to determine the feasibility of large scale, deepwater, offshore dredging (Chambers, circa 1988).

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SECTION 5 TOURISM 5.1 OVERVIEW Tourism has replaced sugar produc tion as the lead economic sector in Antigua and Barbuda and hal) dominated the economy in the post-World War II era. During the last 30 to 40 years, Government has periodically pursued a policy of heavy investment in the tourism industry. Investment in air and sea port infrastructure in the 1960's facilitated jet airlire and cruise ship servi-:es to the country at a time when sugar was going into full de cline. Government borrowed heavily to provide the basic infrastructure needed to ser vice the tourism sector. The debt burden in creased again to finance more recent im provements for airport facilities and for con struction of the Ramada Renaissance Royal Antiguan Hotel and the Heritage Quay shop ping, condominium and cruise ship complex. Goverrment's debt jumped from 36.4 percent of GOP in 1984 to 68.4 percent in 1986 and was estimated to be 75.7 percent in 1988 (COB, 1988; Weston, 1990; see also 1.5.2 of the Prome). Government's plan to double hotel rooms by the mid-1990's raises important questions about the country's capacity to manage the industry in harmony with the en vironment. Growth in some areas outpaced the availability of basic water and electricity services in the 1980's, and road conditions remain poor. Demand for choice beach and shoreline property has led to the demise or major transformation of sensitive environ mental systems, most importantly, the coun try's wetlands. This trend could well continue at least for the next five years as Government strives to meet its growth objectives. Effective management of tourism re quires careful attention to the potential im pacts of the industry 011 the country's land scape. Scarce land lost to the (;onstruction of tourism infrastructure is one concern; others include environmental ch:mge as a result of yachting, scuba diving and other tourist recre ational activities. 111 V!SITOR ARRIVALS Of the various indicaors that can be used to gauge performarlce of the sector, visitor arriva: data is the most fre quently publicized. Growth in stay-over and cruise ship tourist arrivals indicates steady and impressive performance in these sub-sectors. The former grew from 57,197 in 1976 to 189,079 in 1989, and the latter from 32,385 to 207,909 in the same period. Growth in yacht visitors is less significant but still shows a substantial increase (Table 5.1(1)). TOURISM AND INCOME Annu.a1 reports frolD the Caribbean Development Bank (1987 and 1988) indicate a doubling of tourist expenditures between 1983 and 1986. The 1986 figure of US$156.2 mil lion increased another 19.5 percent to US$I86.7 million in 1987. Weston (1990) provides figures that indicate tourism's eco nomic strength relative to other sectors, e.g., it earns 80 percent of total foreign exchange and its direct and indirect contribution to total GOP is 60 percent. No labor force survey has been done for many years, but estimates are that tourism employs some 15 percent of the bbor force directly and perhaps as much as one-third of the labor force indirectly. Estimates of tourism expenditures vary depending on th(! source. Weston's (1990) figure of EC$387 million (lJS$I46 mil lion) for 1988 represents a significant decline from the COB figure of US$I86.7 million for 1987. This is confusing given the 30 percent increase of cruise passengers in 1988 over 1987 and the eight percent increase in stay over tourists for the same period. If both the Weston and COB figures are accurate, it would mean that per capita visitor expenditure ill 1988 was much less than in 1987. Such dis crepancies raise some question about the reli ability or interpretation of tourism data sources, at least those consulted for the Envi ronmental Prome.

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Table5.1(1). Visitor arrivals, 1986-1989. Category 1986 Stay-over /lJr 149,322 Sea 9,366 Subtotal 158,688 Cruise Ships 122,613 Yachting WindJemmer 4,394 Yachts 10,356 Subtotal 14,750 TOTALS 296,051 Source: GOAB, 1989c. Table 5.1(2) indicates that the esti mated average daily expl!nditure for hotel/guest house visitors is seven times higher than that for cruise ship visitors. Amselle's (1987) projection that average daily expenditure for cruise ships and hotel visitors will increase by 53.5 percent and 40 percent, respectively, by 1992 seems rather optimistic (particularly in view of some of the discrepan cies among data sources as indicated above). In fact, because of external influences, the in dustry can be very fickle, and all projections must be treated with some caution. For ex ample, Amselle (1987) projected US$216.6 million in tourism expenditure for 1988, but the preliminary figure provided by COB was US$186.7 million. Real possibilities exist for increasing the per capita expenditure of all visitors through promotion of scuba diving, day cruises and other forms of outdoor recreation. Scuba Diver Magazine in a 1987 subscriber 1987 1988 1989 159,207 176,893 175,500 14,026 10,274 13,579 173,233 187,167 189,079 153,542 199,810 207,969 7,480 9,804 8,611 13,064 19,822 14,540 20,544 29,686 23,171 347,319 416,663 420,199 112 survey estimates that on an average trip of 7.3 days, scuba divers spend about US$1,598. The average income of the scuba diving traveller is US $54, 600, and the assumption is that these tourists have more disposable income for travel than the average non-diver. Based on the estimates of persons taking day cruises in Antigua (see Table 5.1(3, the yearly ex penditure for this recreational activity is about US$1.43 million (at an average of US$57 per person/trip). The value of this revenue to local cruise boat operators cannot be ignored. TAX REVENUES FROM TOURISM Tourism tax revenues are generated from a variety of sources, including a hotel (head) tax of EC$2.50 -$10.00 per night de pending on room rate, a 5 percent Govern ment tax based on the total hotel bill, a 1 per cent Guest Levy also based on the total hotel bill, and an embarkation tax. Revenue from

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Table 5.1 (2). Estimated aver-age daily expenditure and length of stay for visitors to Antigua and Barbuda. Type of Visitor Cruise Ship c:nd Windjammer Yacht Daily US$ Avg Length Stay Days/Nights Air (Hotel/Apartment/Guest House) Air (Private Residence) 19.00 38.00 134.62 30.50 1.0 10n 7.8 14.0 Note: 1986 estimate. Source: Amseile, oj 987. Table 5.1 (3). Estimates of persons visiting day cruise destinations, 1990. Avg No. of No. of Total No. of P(Jrsons Persons Day Cruise No. of Capacity Trips Carried Carried Destinations Boats Boats Per Week Per Week Por Year Bird Island 5 227 14 332 17,264 Maiden Island/ Exchange Island 1 52 2 40 2,080 Cades Reef 2 40 6 72 3,744 Cruise Around Island 65 40 2,080 Source: Compiled from figures provided by operators of day cruise boats. these taxes grew 31 percent between 1985 and 1987 (Table 5.1(4)). Revenue from the 5 per cent Government tax (guest tax) grew by 16 percent yearly between 1986 and 1988, re flecting the growth in stay-over arrivals. Assuming that tax revenues are efficiently collected, this could mean that average stay-113 over tourist expenditure has remained rela tively steady in recent times. Government makes available very generous concessions to the hotel developers by waiving taxes on a range of imported items and on business income for a minimum of five years (these items are, however, subject to a

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Table 5.1 (4). Selected tourism tax revenues (EC$ million), 1984-1989. Year 5% Gov't Embarkation 1% Guest Tax Tax2 Tax Levi 1984 1.98 4.43 1985 2.84 6.07 1.46 1.15 19& 2.89 6.92 2.03 1.40 1987 3.35 8.03 2.15 1.56 1988 3.97 9.29 1989 3.80 9.44 Notes: 1 Hotel Tax is EC $2.50 $10.00 per head per night, depending on room rate, paid by hotel to Government. 2 Government Tax Is guest tax charged on every item of hotel bill. 3 Guest Levy is 1 % chargE:! on every item on hotel bill. Source: Antigua and Barbuda Estimates, 1987, 1988, and 1989, GOAB, Ministry of Finance. customs services tax of 2.5 percent). There is no personal income tax in the state, and as some tourism developments fmd ways to wroU over w cr extend the company's income tax waiver, source of GOAB tax revenue is negligible. SOCIAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM Tourism reportedly employs about 15 percent of the labor force (Weston, 1990), al though the figure may be higher. Hotel em ploymeut, using an employee to room ratio of 1:1, is about 2,925 persons. The relatively at tractive wage rate of the is attributed by some (e.g., Weston, 1990) for the coun try's failure to fully revitalize agriculture; a similar view is held by the local manufac turing/industrial sector (per:;. commun., B. S. Young, Manufacturers Associalion, 1990). The average monthly wage of a front desk clerk is about 15 to 20 percent higher than the salary of bank teUers. Semi-skilled persons working on yachts at Nelson's Dockyard earn 114 up to 1.5 times more than their counterparts in construction. Tourism creat{'!; a demand for labor that is met in part by migrant workers from within the region. The situation is not dissim ilar to the experiences of the U.S. Virgin Is lands (USVI) in the 1960's and 1970' s and the British Virgin Islands ana St. Maarten in the 1970's and early 1980's. In St. Thomas, USVI, a rapidly expanded popula(ion I;oupled with accelerated tourism development have drl\ maticaUy overtaxed basic infrastruc.ture
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a country of its size and increases overall tourism development potential and the value of shorefront lands. There are some approxi mately 2,9CO hotel/guest house rooms in An tigua. They are scaltered throughout the is land, but three important resort areas rearlily stand out: Dickinson Bay/Runaway Bay; the Deep Bay/Galley Bay area; and Jolly Beach. These major resorts contain a total of 1,492 rooms (Table 5.1(5)), roughly equally divided among the three (Antigua Hotel and Tourist Association, unpublished data for 1989). Wetlands are the major natural fea ture of the envirollments in which these re sorts are being developed. In each case, wet land alteration has occurred through dredging or land-filling; the transformation of these ecosystems is so drastic that they virtually can no longer be considered wetlands. Jackson (1985) cited a projected total of 2,953 rooms/units proposed for Dickin son/Runaway Bay, which includes arJ area extending from Fort James north to Blue Waters. A major ongoing development at Jolly Beach will create 1,860 two-bedroom villas and 70 marina berths for large yachts (pers. commun., F. Biegler, Proj. Mngr., Jolly Harbor Proj., 1990). Environmental problems such as beach erosion, marine polhaion and flooding, associated with tourism deve!opment at Dickinson/Runaway Bay, have been cited in a number of studies (Deane, 1975; Jackson, 1985; and Jackson, et a/., 1987). Similar problems exist in other localities .Ind can be expected to worsen dramatically, in light of major tourism development proposed by Government over the next five years, unless timely interventions are made in policy, plan ning and development control. The touriSi: industry is the main factor responsible for the relatively higher property values on the north coast of Antigua, from Fort James in the west to Dutchman's Bay in the east. It is one of the principal agents of change affecting residential growth and ex panding urbanization in th'lt coastal stretch, as well as in the English Harbor/Falmouth area in the south of the island. Tourism in tbe southern aret is based on a mix of yachting, hotel accommodations and tourist visits to 115 historic Nelson's Dockyard, the scenic Look out, and other attractions. Nelson's Dockyard National Park (see also Sections 8 and 9) is the nucleus of tourism-related development in the southern part of Antigua. Long-term plans call for the sit:.! to be developed as a world class tourism destination (DPA Group, 1985). English Harbor/Falmouth is the major center for yachting in the country, although compared to comparable yachting areas in the Eastern Caribbean its actual at-berth capacity is small. Total berths in the area, including stern-to docking in Nelson's Dockyard, is 108. The National Park Authority (NPA) is in the pro cess of inviting tenders ( developers) to build a 150 berth marina in Falmouth Harbor (pers. commun., E. James, Parks Commissioner, NPA,l990). Table 5.1(6) indicates the relative importance of yachting and related activities to the English Harbor area. Eighty-seven percent of yacht passengl!rs arriving at An tigua-Barbuda's five ports-of-call were recorded at Nelson's Dockyard. St. John's Harbor, including the Deep Water Harbor and the newly created Heritage Quay Berth, receives 98 percent of all cruise ship passen gers. Urban tourism, characteri7.ed mainly by cruise ship activity, ;5 facilitating the upgrad ing of St. John's and with it the stimulation of shopping and nightlife. Unfortun:llely, it also exerts stress on weak urban services and ag gravates existing congestion and traffic prob lems. BARBUDA Despite its excellent beaches, Barbuda remained unaffected by the hotel building boom experienced by Antigua in the 1960' s and even more recent I!:
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Table 5.1 (5). Hotel rooms at three major resort areas, Antigua. Area Dickinson/Runaway Bay Deep Bay jGalley Bay Jelly Beach TOTAL No. of Rooms 556 436 500 1,492 Table 5.1 (6). Sea visitor arrivals at various ports, 1989. Ports of Call Cruise Pass. Shipll St. John's Deep Water Hal bor 302 197,271 Nelson'!) Dockyard 13 ,,200 Crabs Marin3 Heritage 10 6,646 Barbuda 24 2,852 TOTALS 349 207,969 Source: GOAB,198-9c. developmental stage) indicate that this level could rapidly increase to 300-400 rooms within a couple of years time. The island lacks basic infrastructure to handle this kind of expan sion, and therefore, at the present time, each development project will be responsible for providing such services as power and sewage disposal. However, no monitoring system is in 116 Yachts P9SS. WindjammfJr Pass. Cruises 122 1.513 49 3,978 2,752 12,653 44 4,633 101 374 2,975 14,540 93 8,611 place to regulate or control these private sector activities. Additionally, rapid expansion of tourism in Barbuda would place severe stress on the island's very small labor forct: which could not meet construction demands or sup port the developments when completed; housing already is limited (see also sidebar on

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pRge 176). Land tenure rights will undoubt edly limit some speculation and easy access to land for development, while infrastructure constraints may work against rapid expansion. Barbuda currently attrdcts a moder al day visitor traffic of h)urists vacatiorung in Antigua. Day visits \\iil increase once the natural attractions on the i .. land are developed and tours become bette) organized. In time, Barbuda should generate significant business from car rentals, restaurant sales and the marketing of souvenir items in co:mection with day trips and in some cases overnight stays. It is not likely that Barbuda wiU be come a major stay-over destination in the near future. Rather, tourism could evolve at a pace and style appropriate to its natural resource base, smaIl population and infrastructure lim its. A strategic plan to develop a nature-based tourism markl?ting strategy or toutism facili ties for an up-scale market (Le., fewer tourists but higher revenues per would have considerable The :ssue of tourism "style" !s one which confronts all Eastern Caribbean islar:,ds, including Barbuda. Development projects or development approaches catering to the "mass tourism" market can significantly impar', on many aspects (e.g., physical, biological, socio cultural) of island life, particularly smaIJ, )'(,'Ia tively undeve.loped islands like Barbuda. But, as has been well documented (e.g., AcEIroy and de Albuquerque, 1989), often the eco nomic benefits of mass tourism are illusory, the result of a failure to account for the social costs to the community and the environmental costs to the ecosystem. 5.2 PROBLEMS AND ISSUES INADEQUATE DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND CONTROLS Without clearly articulated land use policies and environmental controls, Gov ernment's development goals for the tourism sector could have far-reaching consequences 117 for the environment. Weston (1990) states that a decision has been made by Government to double hotel rooms to 5,000 by the mid1990's. Stay-over tourist arrivals by air are targeted at 278,000 by 1992, up frem 175,500 in 1989, with projections by the turn of the centUlY reaching 300,000. Cruise ship arrivals arc set at 340,000 by 2000, up from 207,969 in 1989. Such rapid expansion will exacerbate existing problems with basic services and in frastructl1re, e.g., water, electricity and ro(l,ds. UnLil there is a strategic physical development plan to match economic growth targets, basic infrastructure is likely to lag behind demand. Physical development planning is also neces sary for the efficient lise of beach and shore line lands (that are becoming increasingly scarce) and for a cost-effective distribution of infrastructure services. To be protitable hotels require an av erage yearly rate of about 60 per cent. CDB (1987 and 1988) indicates that ovrra11 room occupancy averaged 65.3 percent through the years 1983 to 1986, reaching a high of '71.5 percent in 1985. AmseUe (1987) warns that rapid expansion could result in de clining occupancy rates, as low as 41 percem by 1992. This projecti,on is based on Govern menL's target of 11,000 beds (5,000 rooms) by 1992 and air arrivals totaling 212,200 visitors stJying an average of 7.8 nights. Amselle (1987) a figure of 212,200 arrivals, rarher than the 278,000 arrivals targeted by Govern ment for 1992, because his analysis identified constraint:; in the availability of airline seats and a shortage of local labor. A recession in target markets could also be a factor in re ducing arrivals. In pursuing its expansion plans, Gov ernment may be inadvertently changing the nature of tourism. Room rates of the middle and higher priced hotels in Antigua and Barbuda make the counLry relatively more of an "up-market" destination than most other destinations in the region. R3pid expansion could result in a gradual move toward "mass tourism" ami a drop in average room prices, along with a reduction in per capit:.. tourist expenditure and Government tourisL tax rev enue.

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INSTITUTIONAL ISSUES Tourism's overall economic domi nance and influence on physical development makes it necessary to have an institutional structure that both provides for long-term planning for the industry and rationally man ages the industry's use of and impact on the environment. Integral to this structure should be collaboration between (1) Government agen cies responsible for tourism planning and marketing, physical and land use planning and environmental management and (2) formal ized consultations between GOAB agencies and private sector agencies involved in tourism. Government agencies having some responsibility for tourism were listed by Jackson (1985) and are briefly summarized: Ministry of External Affairs, Economic Development, Tourism and Energy: economic and tcurism planning, investment promotion, review of proposed tourism pro and development of histori cal resources. Antigua and Barbuda Department of Tourism: tourism promotion and marketing. Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, Lands and Housing: processing of applications for lease or purchase of publicly-owned lands for tourism development. Ministry of Public Works and Communications/Public Works Department: road construction and maintenance, drainage, beach protection, and sand extraction control. Developme1lt COlltrol Authority (DCA)/Physical Planning Office: physical planning, land use plan ning, and development control. 118 Antigua Public Uti:ities Authority (APUA): production and mainte nance of water and electricity, maintenance of sewage treatment plant at McKinnons. Central Board of Health (CBH): solid waste disposal, environ mental health. Antigua and Barbuda National Park Authority (NPA): development and management of na tional parks. Two other institutions with important functions ldative to tourism are the St. Jolin's Development Corporation, which is responsible for the upgrading of downtown St. John's and the management of Heritage Quay, and the Antigua Hotel and Tourism Association (AR1A), which is involved with promoting the interests of its members. A number of structural and func tional weaknesses in these existing institu tional arrangements have been identified. (1) Lack of collaboration in planning between the Economic Planning Unit and the Physical Planning Office means that tourism expansion is not necessarily liuked to an offi cially-accepted physical development and land use strategy. The technical and administrative capacities of both bodies are currently not adequate to undertake such an integrated planning mandate. (2) The objective of making the 12 square mile Nelson's Dockyard National Park a world class tourism destination is being pur sued without collaborative mechanisms that could draw on the resources of other GOAB agencies. The planning expertise of the Eco nomic Planning Unit and the Physical' Plan ning Office and the tourism marketing experi ence of the Department of Tourism could be of valuable assistance to the National Park Authority. (3) The mandate of the St. John's Development Authority to facilitate growth in urban tourism has already effected important

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improvements in St. John's. However, it is being pursued without the involvement of the Physical Planning Office, which is needed to avoid conflicting demands on urban services by tourists and the resident population. (4) There is no easiJy identifiable lead agency with responsibility for tourism amenity planning or for enhancing the general landscape of the country, both of which are vital to effective marketing of Antigua Barbuda as a unique destination in a competitive market. The natural resources of Barbuda lend themsel'l'.!S to the promotion of the island for nature tourism. (5) Tourism in Antigua-Barbuda de veloped through the ml.'tually supportive in vestment efforts of the public and private sectors. However, formal mechanisms to fa cilitate collaboration between both sectors in policy and planning are lacking. In 1989 the AI-ITA commissioned a strategic plan (see below and Figure 5.2(1), which outlines the PROJECTED ENVIRONM':NT IN 1995 [Excepts from AHTA Strategic Plan, 1989J The manufacturing and offshore banking industries have grown. However, tourism is still #'/' The worldwide economy has experienced a slump in recent years (since 1989). The environment is a major issue in the U.S. and Antlgua-Sarbuda. The 2,600 rooms back in 1989 have grown (conservatively) to 5:000. 75% cl new construction has been in condos. Three major brand name chains are now on island. Jolly Beach approaching 2,000 units. Cruise ship docking capacity has doubled. Passenger counts now up to 360,ooo/year. The airport terminal is severely congested. A national airline is likely. The utility situation has gone from bad despite modest improvements. Sewage on I)eaches (isJ a common occurrence. Taxation of industry ha" been escalated in a variety of forms. Shipping &nd air freight loglstir.s are severe (and costly). Government and union wages have doubled. Importation of labor now at 50% of industry's work-force. Influx of immigrants is causing darnaging social-economic problems related to the visitor's experience and to the traditional AntiguanE3arblJdan family O.e., school system stressed, housing shortages, drug related crime at unimaginable high!). Unplanned expansion in Antigua-Sarbuda is the root to major problems. World is upl Marketing direct to the value sensitiVE! retail consumer is the new challenue. He/she can shop destination options electronically (and visually) from his/her home. Asian and European visitor demand and investments have grown in Caribboan. A VISION OF 1995 1996 AHTA is gail1ing recognition as a CHA (Caribbean Hotel AssociationJ role model. Pace of growth is in harmony with Government's resources and tourist arrivals. Private sector is a partner with Government on major tourism policy development. Have a separate minister of tourism and a functioning Tourist Board. Have an on-going and effective marketing plan. Tourism employees look forward to industry'S regular newsletter. Airport is being expanded. AHTA is providing a continuous training program. Have had a continuity in long-term direction, year to year, Soard to Board, since 1989. 119

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I INCREASE EHPLOYEE AND COttlUNITY AWARENESS (ANa GA I N SUPPORT) FOR r---THE REAL TOURISH INDUSTRY. GAIN SUPPORT FRDH OTHER PRIVATE SECTORI COMMUNITY CROUPS ANO GOVERNHEtIT FOR A r---CONTROLLED CROWTH PLAN ...... VI Q) -DEFINE AND PLAN PURSUIT OF A MARKETING CI Q) NIOIE FOR DEST INAT ION. 01-' co L... MISSION: 01-' (./) E IMPROVE L... Q) TOURISM 01-' INDUSTRY I -L... TO Q) SUBSTANT I ALLY INCREASE HARKET I NG CI PROVIDE f---c:: f--AND PROHOT I ONAL PROSPERITY 0 ....J TO ALL! w l!) z: cl: :t: U ....J cl: EXPAND EMPLOYEE TRA I N I NG PROGRAM. z: 0 f-I-U W c:: c c w c:: (./) EXPAND BREADTH AND DEPTH OF MEMBERSHIP W C -TO BETTER REPRESENT INDUSTRY. ENHANCE PROGRAMS AND BENEF I TS TO ALL HEH!lERS. Figure 5.2(1). Overall mission statement and long-term strategies of the Antigua Hotel and Tourism Association (source: AHTA Strategic Plan, 1989). 120

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opportunities and constraints for future tourism development in the country. The AHT A planning effort was not done in col laboration with Government, nor was it seri ously considered by Government, an indica tion of the need for improved coordination and cO'!lSultation betwf'en the public and pri vate ENViRONMENTAL ISSUES Impact on coastal and marine habi tats, including beaches, during the construc tion phase of tourism infrastructure is a major tourism/environment issue. Location and siting of structures and dredging and filling activities occur in the absence of effectively enforced development control procedures. The compounded effect of degrading or al tering several wetlands on the west coast, along with the effects of a number of large dredging projects, could be a decline in coastal water quality which would, in turn, be detrimental to the well being of the tourist in dustry as well as the health of the country's population. Development impacts could be minimized through the application of coastal planning guidelines and the introduction of impact assessment procedures. Ot!ter environmental concerns relate to the operation and management of tourism facilities and the lack of control mechanisms for GOAB monitoring of industry use of commonly-held natural resources. Problems derived from inadequate management of sewage and kitchen at the Dickin son/Runaway resort area have already been documented (Jackson, 1985). The choice of waste treatment and disposal systems and the efficiency with which they are maintained are critical not only to the environment but to the future vf tourism itself. At full capacity, the 556 hotel rooms in the area generate close to 100,000 gallons of waste water daily. A pub licly-owned sewage plant treats less than 40 percent of this total and is plagued with fre quent breakdowns (Jackson, et al., 1987). Scuba diving, snorkeling, glass bot tom boat tours to view reefs, and cruises to offshore islands are recre::ttional activities that draw stay-over visitors, cruise ship passengers 121 and yacht charterers. In a study of the cruise ship industry by OAS/CfRC (1988), the cruise lines servicing the region pointed to the need for improved development of regional attractions to I!nsuce better patronage by cruise passengers. The utilization of natural areas as at tractions in Antigua and Barbuda is largely unplanned and unmanaged. Failure to de velop atlractions results m potential revenue loss, and the absence of proper management results in degradation of resources that could have been avoided. The shallow reefs at Bird Island are subjected to intensive, unmanaged use by some of the estimated 17,000 tourists that visit the offshore island yearly (See T::tble 5.1 (3. Scuba and glass bottom tours and day cruises represent small-scale enterprises making important contributions to overall tourist expenditure. Management of the re sources on which they depend is vital to long term sustained use. Maintenance of the natu ral attractions and roads that facilitate land based tours need similar consideration. 5.3 POUCY RECOMMENDATIONS (1) A reassessment of hotel expansion plans is needed. Environmental considerations and labor and infrastructure constralnts suggest the need for scaling down Government's room expansion plans. A review and re assessment of the 5,000 room target set for 1992 should occur through a consultative pro cess, involving the public and private sectors. The consultative review process should con sider and make recommendations on: Pl'Ocedures to reduce the impact of nt:w development projects on coastal resources; A room expansion taIget that cor responds to a realistic schedule and fmancing plan for upgrading

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water and electricity services and roads; Options for fmancing the up grading of sewage waste man agement as a means of reducing pollution risks to bathing waters adjacent to tourism resorts; An appropriately-sized municipal sewerage system to serve the Dickinson/Runaway/Paradise View area. (2) The cumnt tourism marketing emphusis for Antigua and Barbuda needs to be re-examined, and a strategic marketing plan/strategy, linked to environmental consid erations, should be put in place. Major room expansion plans of the Caribbean Hotel Association (CHA) member countries, including Mexico, will stiffen the com petit jon for tourists. Antigua and Barbuda should strive for competitive advan tage through a strategic plan which is linked to an environmentally-enhanced des tination. Some elements of the strategy should include: Emphasis on up-market proper ties while maintainIDg diversity in the mix of tourism accommoda tions. The plan should under score the relatively higher impor tance of increased tourism expen diture over increased arrivals in the matrix of growth indicators. Marketing of Antigua-Barbuda as a twin island destination, with Barbuda packaged as a nature tourism resort island. Establishment of an investment program for the development of natural attractions to enhance the destination, as an integral compo nent of tourism promotion and marketing. (3) Strategic planning /f}r the contin ued development of urban tourism is required. Urban tourism has the advantage of stimulating crafts, music and nightlife and im proving amenitjes in thf; country's capital city, St. John's. Such gains could be quickly lost if too large a tourist itinerant popUlation creates over-congestion and erodes urban services. This will happen in the absence of strategic plans for hosting cruise ship tourists if passen ger arrivals reach 340,000 --as is targeted for the year 2000. Recently, taxi drivers expressed dis satisfaction over the number of cruise ships being berthed at the new Heritage Quay pier in relation to those berthing at the Deepwater Harbor. They claim to get much less business from the former because passengers are more inclined to walk around st. John's thau to take an island tour. Ground tours for cruise ship passengers have always been an important source of income to taxi drivers and a signifi cant portion of overall cruise pllssenger ex penditure. Thu:;, while berthing at Heritage Quay ellcourages c .. uise passengers to shop, it c:Juld do so to the detriment of tour tr affic. It seems that a long. term cruise ship plan that focuses on this and other rehded concerns is needed, particularly in view of fu ture cruise passenger arrival targeis set by GOAB. The plan should ronsider: The expansion of parking facilities in downtown St. John's to relieve congestion recently exacerbated by the increase of taxis serving cruise ships; and The development of Falmouth Harbor as a cruise ship port for smaller vessels and possibly the development of Parham Harbor as a third cruise ship anchorage. (4) Institutional measures which create a more cohesive, coordinated approach to tourism development need to be considered by both the public and private sectors. 122 Antigua and Barbuda is at a critical cross-road in its development, where a wrong

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turn could have a critical erosive effect on the quality of life for years to come. Improved management of the environment is essential to sustain a competitive tourism industry. This requires strengthening the institutional structure for effective management of the in dusl'.-y. Suggestions to this effect are already pro,:jded in this chapter, but are briefly SUIDmruized as follows: Integration of economic planning and physical/land use planning so that tourism develorment i!' linked to carrying capacity consid erations, to enhancement of the country's natural resource base, and to an appropriate and achiev able level of infrastructural devel opment; Establishment of collabora tive/coordination mechanisms to .tap the resources and expertise of all relevant agencies in pursuing the overall objective of making 123 Nelson's Dockyard National Park a world class tourism destination; Institutionalizing collaborative planning between the St. John's Development Corporation and the Physical Planning Office in the development of urban tourism; Responsibility for preparation of a plan for the development of natu ral attractions and the enhance ment of the landscape assigned to a task force comprising represen tatives from the Department of Tourism, the AHT A, the Forestry Division in the Department of Agriculture, and other relevam agencies and institutions; Creatiou of a formalized consul tative pm cess between the public and private sectors in the plan ning, mf)Ditoring, and evaluation of the tourism industry.

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SECTION 6 POLLUTION AND HEALTH 6.1 OVERVIEW SOLID WASTE Solid was .. e management increasingly is becoming an impo.'tant worldwide envi ronmental issue. The global issuer. are ey.ag gerated on small islands with limited "waste" land and, in the case of Antigua and Barbuda, are COL pounded by the dependence of the country on tourism. As noted ;; y the country's Solid Waste Manager, tourists will not spend money to go to the Caribbean "just to see garbage sitting on street corners, or to smell burning garbage dumps -they can do this at for nothing" (Michael, 1990a). Antigua has regularly scheduled col lection routes covering the entire island. Au ditional pick-Ups are arranged by contacting the Solid Waste Unit, Central Board of Health (CBH), Ministry of Labor and Health. Antigua has five official solid waste disposal sites: a majo:, facility at Cook's Dump, southwest of St. John's; a second large facility at Burma, adjacent to V.c. Bird International Airport; and smaller secondary sites at Old Road on the south coart, Berhesdd. in the southeast, and Freetown in the east. How ever, as indicated in Figure 6.1(1), there also are numerous, sizeable ad hoc dumps. Barbuda has lhree public dumps, all of which.rre located in or ncar salt flats that are covered in high tides. Waste water from the dump has been reported to leach into the adjacent salt flats and even into the Lagoon. These areas also have extensive fringing man groves which are beginning to show some signs of stress. The two largest disposal sites are near the island's hospital, and there are concerns about the spread of vector-borne disease. Ad hoc dumping also takes place in Barbuda as it does in Antigua. The Solid Waste Unit has a fleet of 20 vehicles: 10 compactors, 7 flatbeds, 2 skip loaders and 1 tractor. In addition to this, it employs five privately owned trucks. Private, unlicensed individuals collect the solid wastes 125 of marly businesses and hotels, as well as con struction wastes. The National Litter Act of 1983 is the most recent legislt\tive attempt to deal with waste disposal and control. The principal legislation for waste management, the Public Health O.dinance (1957), is very outdated; it does stipulate that it is illegal to discharge septic tank effluent in drains without using a disinfectant. SEWAGE AND OTHER DOMESTIC LIQUID WASTES As displayed in Table 6.1(1), sewage is disposed of through sewage treatment plant.::, septic tank.;, pit latrines and pitless la trines (i.e., the "bucket &ystem,,), while an es timated 8-9 percent of the population does not have access to any type of facility (Silva, 1990; Archer, 1988). There is no sewerage system in any part of the country, even though this had been recommended for St. John's at least as euly as 1966 (WHO, 1966, cited in PAHO, 1985). When and if any sewerage systems are de:veloped, the Antigua Public Utilities Act stipulates that APUA would be the responsi ble body for establishing and operating gov ernment facilities (PAHO, 1985). Sewage Treatment Plants. The nu merous sewage treatment plants scattered throughout Antigua primarily service private tourist facilities. Most hotels have their own plants, but many of these are malfunctioning and/or overloaded (PAHO, 1985, updated through personal observation and interviews with members of the Environmental Aware ness Group aJld the Hotel and Tourism Asso ciation). Septic Tanks and Pit Latrines. The majority of residences and many commercial buildings use septic tanks (Archer, 1988). In St. John's, effluent from septic tanks is dis charged either directly, or through a seepage 'I""'!\ ...... -',-! ........ ,'" r; ... ...... -" l. ,' ..........

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cl o ANTIGUA/WASTE DISPOSAL SITES (A) ,Cooks (B) Old Road (C) Burma (D) Bethesda (E) Freetown Illegal Sites __ _____ o 2 6 Kms --__ ______ L' ____ o 2] Hiles ____ -L' ____ ____ Figure 6.1 (1). Official and unofficial waste disposal sites (source: L Michael. Solid Waste Manager, GOAB).

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Table 6.1 (1). Percentage of sewage disposed of by the five primary disposal categories. RESIDENTIAL TOTAL (Including hotels) Sewage Treatment Plants 0 6 Septic Tanks 60 40 Pit Latrines 30 24 Pitle!')s Latrines 1-2 30 ** No Sanitarj Facilities 8-9 A more recent survey reports 16-20% (pers. commun., D. Matthery, CBH). ** Archer (1988) data for those only having access to pitless latrinEis with thoss having no access to sanitary facilities. Source: Residantial data from Silva, 1990; data for "Total" from Archer, 1988. Total refara to all of Antigua, i.e., residential and nonresldential, and therefore includes hotels and other pit, to street gutten. and other open drainages. This effluent has received only primary treat ment at best. Gray water -sink, bathing water, etc -usually is piped directly into thl; gutters and open drrunages en route to the bay (PAHO, 1985). Pit latrines, employed more in rural than urhan a.reas, are used in about one-quarter of the residences. Bucket System. The Central Board of Health operates the wnight soil w or bucket system used in poorer parts of St. John's; hu man wastes are stored in buckets that are collected between 10 PM and 5 AM, Monday to Friday. Uncovered buckets are transported to Cook's Dump where the wastes are buried. The bucket system is only in operation in St. John's, where it handles an I!stimated one to two percent of wastes (Jackson, 1988; Silva, 1990). The Public Health Ordinance (CAP. 236, 1957) states that it is illegal to discharge undean septic tar!k effluent if it could create a health risk (and presumably the same applies to sewagt! disposed of through other meth-127 ods), but no agency is responsible for moni tormg this risk potential. CBH provides technical assistance for the design, installation and maintenance of sewage di5posal systems when requested but doe:; not do so in a regulatory capacity. For the problematic St. John's area, the primary remedial action is to encourage the use of chlorinators to disinfect septic effluent. The Development Control Authority, in the Min i5try of Agriculture, is responsible for cnsurwg that building permits for all new construction includes sewage plans. CBH, in conjunction with the Caribbean EnviJonmental Health Institute (CEHI) in St. Lucia, has been monitoring sewage levels in four locations since the be ginning of 1990: Dickinson Bay, Jolly Beach, English Harbor and the St. James Club area (pers. commun., D. Matthery, CBH and D. Shim, CEHI, 1990). P,Jbllc Healtb. The two common disease indicators of unsanitary sewage/ex-

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creta disposal problems are typhoid and infant gastroenteritis (PAHO, 1985). According to the fmdings presented by the participants at a 1985 workshop bosted by the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), 60 percent of the annual gastroenteritis cases reported are from the population of St. John's (PAHO, 1985). For 1988, there were 829 gastroenteritis cases and 0 typhoid cases reported (GOAB, 198%). AGROCHEMICALS, HAZARDOUS AND TOXIC WASTES Agrochemiculs. Agrochemicals are used widely in Antigua, e.g., 56 percent of crop farmers use pesticides, 35 percent use herbicides, and 54 percent use chemical fer tilizers. Minimal use was recorded Barbuda (OAS, 1984a). A Pesticide Control Act was passed in Antigua and Barbuda in 1973, as part of a British-supported effort to develop such leg islation in several Eastern Caribbean states. The Act called for the establishment of a Pes ticide Control Board and empowers it to enact regulations for the approval, distribution and use of pesticides. The Board met from 1978 to 1984 but has been idle since. Draft regula tions were prepared and to the Legal Department for review and processing, but they have never been enacted. Currently, there is no list of pesticides approved for use in Antigua and Barbuda, no records or control of imports, and no controls on distribution or disposal (Lausche, 1986; DeGeorge!>, 1989b). A 1985 study identified 7 varieties of fungi cides, 14 varieties of herbicides, 18 varieties of insecticides, acaricides and nematicides in use in Antigua (Hammerton, 1985, cited in Betz, 1989). According to a draft report to USAID which examined pesticide management in AntiglJa and Barbuda in 1989, several of the pesticides in use
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refinery was most recently reopened in 1982 but closed shortly thereafter. There are new plans to build a transshipment facility to off load large tankers and transfer petroleum products to smaller vessels. Proposed sites in clude Fisher's Point and Crabbs Peninsula (pers. commun., E. Weston, Ministry of Eco nomic Development, 1990). Both these areC!S have important nearshore reefs, and the Crabbs site also has extensive mangrove forests. The proposai for an oil transshipment facility should require preparatIon of a formal, standardized Environmental Impact Assess ment while the project is still in a feasibil ity/pre-planning pha!;e; it also points to the need for mere aggressive oil spill contingency planning in the stale prior to approval of this or any similar project. A two million GPO desalination plant at Crabbs continues to discharge huge amounts of hyperthermal arid hypersaline water in the surrounding coastal waters (CIDE, 1988). Thermal pollution, along with hypersaline conditions, has resulted in ex treme stress to local benthic communities and destruction of important seagrass beds. This area presently has well-developed mangroves and coral reefs and is potentially very vuinera ble to massive habitat destruction. 6.2 PROBLEMg AND ISSUES The problems that arise from the spreading effects of pollution in Antigua Barbuda place at risk not only the country's environmental health but its socio-economic viability as well. Antigua and Barbuda's land base, landscape, and key natural resources arc being degraded faster than need be as a con sequence of wide-spread, inefficient waste management practices. Furthermore, the quality and supply of potable water, perhaps the country's scarcest, single most critical re source, continues to be jeopardized by the of expanding groundwater pollution. A second important resource, coastal reefs and seagrass systems that lend stability to beaches, support fisheries, and contribute substantially to the tourism industry, are diminishing in scope and deteriorating in quality in the face 129 of expanding, ever-more pernicious forms of land-based marine pollution. The risks to tourism, in particular, of degraded water (potable and marine) and degraded land scapes -to say nothing of diminished vegeta tiol! in an extremely dry environment -are both palpable and highly visible. Tourism's 60 percent contribution to (he country's GDP would drop dramatically in the event of an outbreak of typhoid, hepatitis or some other infectious, water-borne disease. An oil spill, or any spill of similarly toxic materials, would have precisely the same effect, in the absence of any effective spill containment strategy. There are some noteworthy com monalities in the issues that affect each of the pollution problems discussed in this chapter. Perhaps most important is the low priority that these issues receive witiun Government, evident in the absence of a national-level plan (or plans) to manage waste streams and in the inadequate levels of budgetary sUPl?ort allo cated for these activities. The low priority assigned pollution is sues by Government actually is symptomatic of a larger related problem, for it reflects a lack of awareness -by Government, the busi ness community and the general popUlation about the importance of pollution control and the problems and corls associated with poor resoun::e management, particularly in critical sectors such as tourism. One public official recently summed it up succinctly when he told an OECS audience _L, ''In our small coun tries of limited land fresh-water re sources, indifference to the quality of solid waste management is a cavalier attitude and luxury we can ill-afford" (Michael, 1990b). Another facet of the same problem which confronts Antigua and Barbuda is the inadequate of legislation available to ad dress eVer-more exotic chemicals and waste materials which present increasingly complex pollution control problems. Penalties, for ex ample, are usually low, do not act as a deter rent, and rarely are appropriate for the amount of environmental damage done by careless or even deliberate polluters. While it is true that laws alone cannot solve the prob lem, the)' arc a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for success.

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SOLID WASTE (1) Comprehensive Planning. Solid waste mrulagement receives too Iowa priority from the Government, which has ultimate re sponsibility either directly or through coutrol of the private sector. Despite repeated and, in some cases, 20 year old recommendations made by various consultrults and local Gov ernment officials regarding the need for a na tional solid waste plan, none exists today (McEachern, 1973; McEachern and Towle, 1973; Archer, 1984 and 1985; Michael 199Oa). However, it would be ill-advised to develop a plan that was not promptly followed by a widely-accepted recognition within Govern ment of the need to explore the options laid out in the plan and --most critically --to de vise new funding strategies to deal with the problems identified. It is extremely important to identify new sources of revenues to con front solid waste ciisposal and management is sues, e.g., through collection fees, tippage fees at the dun p sites, and severe peilalties for il legal waste disposal prejudicial to community health and ec05ystf;m viability. (2) Site C01lsolidatio1l a1ld Mallage ment. The five official solid waste disposal sites in Antigua need to be consolidated into one or two improved sites. Michael (l990a) argues that given the high cost of operating a modern landfLIl --with a track-type loader, compactor, and the dump trucks needed to transport wastes to it --it would be more cost effective for each island (Antigua and Barbuda) to concentrate operations at one main site, with a possible, reduced-scale sec ondary site to lower transportation costs. Proper supervision and equipment must be provided for each primary, consolidated site. SEWAGE AND OTHER LIQUID WASTES (1) Conimu1Iity Health Issues. As is often the case with the collection of waste, private collectors handle much of the cleaning of septic tanks; similarly, sewage treatment plants are privately operated and unsupervised by public health agencies. The from cleaning septic tanks are often dumped ad hoc along roadsides in the rural areas where they are a threat to public health. 130 Nearshore marine communities already are showing severe signs of pollution, and this can only be expected to worsen unless ameliora tive actions are taken (see Section 3.2, Coastal and Marine Resources). (2) Poorly ma1laged disposal tech niques. The bucket system is recognized to be a poorly managed disposal technique that can pose serious health risk problems for the night-soil workers. CBH announced its inten tion to terminate the system over two years ago, but bas only succeeded in reducing the number of buckets involved (Jackson, 1988; Silva, 1990). The reduction, of course, could also signify that informal or illegal means for disposing of human excreta and other waste have expanded among users of the night-soil buckets. AGROCHEMICALS (1) Biocide;. Since there is a fairly widespread use of pesticides, herbicides, and fungicides (collectively referred to as biocides) among farmers, livestock holders, and land scape managers in Antigua-Barbuda, this poses a significant health risk for those who apply these chemicals under even the most controlled conditions. Unfortunately, these risks tend to be greater because of mis-han dling of the products in the absence of reli able, current information regarding biocide applications. In addition to the direct risk facing the pesticide user as well as neighbor ing communities or ecosystems down-wind or down-stream, other groups are often placed at risk due to indirect exposure to the biocide or its break-down compounds. In the absence of proper procedures for safe disposal of pesti cide containers, too many people are placed in contact with discarded pesticides and pesticide containers. A much la.rger population is also exposed to groundwater contaminated by carelessly handled biocides. (2) Agrochemical fertilizer. The ex cessive application of various chemical fertil izers can result in what is known as nutrient pollution of adjacent streams, grouudwater, and coastal ecosystems. Misdirected dosages of many fertilizers accelerate the growth of various kinds of algae which, if uncontrolled,

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can pollute water supplies and injure other organisms. (3) Pesticides Legislation. Although Antigua-Barbuda has a Pesticide Control Act dating back to 1973 which set up a Pesticide Control Board (PCB), regulations have never been developed and, as a consequence, there is no list of approved pesticides. In 1989, Antigua-Barbuda imported 41 different pesti cides, thre:! of which were on the USEPA cancellt!d list and nine of which were suffi ciently toxic to be on USEPA's restricted list. The lack of regulations prevents the PCB from controlling the type, brand, quantity, storage, distribution, and use of pesticides in A IItigua. Furthermore, the Board has virtuarty no quantitative data ot. the volume and r;omposition of pesticide importation (DeGeorges, 1989b). 6.3 POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS GENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS (1) Antigua-Barbuda needs to develop a National Waste Management Plan and Strat egy. A national strategy to deal with the disposal and management of wastes should focus on the following requirements: the need to update and harmonize pollution control legislation and regulations and to provide a framework for follow-up actions; the need to raise public awareness about pollution issues and their costs to the country; and the need to identify new sources of funding transferring some of the rising costs of collection and disposal site management to waste generators including com mercial, industrial and develop mental enterprises as well as new and expanding residential com munities. 131 The latter item perhaps needs amplific:l.tion. Pollulion control and waste man agement are customarily seen as a drain on the public treasury. However, given the high costs of modern technology and the high volwnes of waste generated in consumer-ori ented economies, pollution control and waste management can be turned into revenue generating activities by the simple procedure of establishing prices for all facets of waste disposal. Once this is done, segments of the process can be privatized. Possible options in clude: charging a levy to all hotels for waste collection and treatment services; selling fran chises to private waste coUectors for desig nated collection routes; charging industrial 3l1d commercial users for waste collection and disposal; and billing polluters for cleanup and restoration costs. (2) TIle legislative framework for waste management needs to be improved and updated. Neces:;ary changes include: (a) a review 3l1d update of the Litter Act of 1983 to identify disposal sites and improve provisions dealing with management, licensing, permit ting, and registration of private waste collec tors; (b) a complete revision of the 1957 Public Health Ordinance, including drafting of standards for sewage disposal systems; (c) authorization for the CBH to approve, con trol, and monitor waste disposal systems, in cluding septic tanks and package sewage treatment plants. (3) A campaign targeted to deci sion-makers, businesses and the ge1leral popu lation is needed to raise awareness about pollution issues and what they cost the com munity and the economy over time. One of the best o!,portunities for educating the public on pollution issues, as with all environmental ed ucation initiatives, is through the schools and youth groups. A serious effort to educate the public and promote new behavior will require a well-conceived and supported campaign. Information about pollution control standards must be widely disseminated, and violators must be prosecuted. (4) A national pollmion assessment should be implemented. The quantitative and systemic aspects of environmental pollution in Antigua-Barbuda are not sufficiently well

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documented to permit the proper develop ment of remedial or regulatory measures. It would therefore be appropriate to assemble an interdisciplinary team to conduct a national pollution assessment. Such an effort should establish th'e basic dimensions of each waste stream, identifying and quanti.fying sources and causative agents, volumes, flow rates, destinations, impacts, and projections, cover ing: point (i.e., industry) and non point (i.e., agriculture) sources; pesticides, herbicides, and agro chemical inputs; industrial chemicals (e.g., imports, storage, use, risk, disposal, im pacts); interaction, i.e., aggregates and additive effects; bio-accumulation effects (over time). The national proftle could use the workbook methodology laid out in WHO Publication No. 62, "Rapid or Sources of Air, Water and Land Pollution," as a preliminary framework (this manual was used by Arc:her, 1984). SOLID WASTE (1) A fee schedule for various waste collection end disposal services sllOllld be es tablished and implemented. (2) Sufficient autharity should bl? vested in the Celltral Board of Health to regll late private solid waste collection. Authority should include licensing, training and regu lating prh'ate collectors and !:aulers of waste and the power to rescind franchises if collec tors do not perform satisfactorily (Michael, 1990a). (3) 17,e lIumber of Govemment solid waste disposal :;tes "eed to be redz.ced, and management and operation of consolidated sites needs to be upgraded. The ultimate ob jective is to reduce or eliminate the number of informal/illegal dump sites. A warden and litter control 5ystem with severe penalties for major industrial and commercial violators may be necessary to redirect community mal practices regarding the discarding of waste on public property. (4) 17le public and private sectors need to explore alternative means of disposal. Fot' example, a p!lot program to compost do mestic sewage sludge and the organic r.ompo nent of solid wastes could be established. The composted product could be used as u sourr.e of rich, high nutrient organic soil for agricul ture and landscaping. A related benefit would be a reduction in the volume of unusable "wastes"; i.e., an extension of the life of Antigua and Barbuda's landfills (Michael, 1990b). The economics and feasibility of re cycling some wastes also ileed to be explored. This may require a can and bottle charge on imported items in order to guarantee the availability of funds to ship recycled products back to the originating destination (Michael, 1990b). SEWAGE AND OTHER LIQUID WASTES (1) A sewerage system should be de velopedfor St. John's. The most cost-effective and ecologically sound 1>ewage disposal option needs to be identified and then implemented for the St. John''S urban area and, secondarily, for the Engli!i, Harbor /Falmouth Harbor area where the semi-enclosed embayments and a low flushing rate increase the level of marine pollution. Taking into consideration existing technological and fmancial COD straints, the most feasible option is likely to be preliminary treatment combined with a long outfall which discharges into deep water in an area of strong currents. Disposal systems should be designed to be ea1>ily upgraded to a higher level of treatment this prove to be necessary later. (2) Better oversight for the IlS.e of sep tic tanks needs to be provided. For those areas where septic tanks are feasible is, where there is suflicient land and adequate water supply), they are the recommended treatment. CBH should be vested with the authority and 132

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resources -staff and funding -to that septic tanks are constructed to standard spec ifications. The Development Control Au thority's approval process for building appli cations should incorporate CBH technical ex pertise in the review process to ensure that all construction plans include appropriate waste disposal systems. A performance monitoring program for septic tanks and soakaways should be started, first focusing on larger scale non-domestic, commercial and industrial sites. (3) Ventilated improved pit latrines need fO be provided ill areas where septic tanks are not suitable. For many households, partic ularly in the poorer, high density sections of St. John's, septic tanks are not an option. In these cases, ventilated improved pit latrines offer satisfactory control of pathogens, insect vectors, and odors. Solids have to be removed every one to two years, but this operation only requires simple equiphlent (PAHO, 1985). (4) The night-soil bucket system needs to be temtinated. The 1985 Workshop on Wastewater Management (PAHO, 1985) rec omml!naed that the bucket system be abol ished. To 00 so would require support from Government to ensure that the poor of St. John's, the primarily users of this technique, will be provided an affordable alternative. The issue -and recommendation --is not new and only requires the full commitment of Government to take appropriate action. AGROCHEMICALS, HAZARDOUS AND TOXIC WASTES (1) 17le Pesticide Control Board needs to be reactivated and strengthened. The Pesticide Control Board needs to be immedi ately reestablished as an operational body, and, equally iillportant, supporting regulations to the Pesticide Control Act need to be vetted and gazetted as soon as possible in order to give the PCB authority for monitoring and regulating pesticide use in the country (Henry, 1990). Among other responsibilities, the Board should develop a list of approved pesti cides, excluding those banned or setting spe cial use requirements for those restricted; USEPA's pesticides list (or some other witable agency's classification system) should be used for establishing a basis for Antigua Barbuda's approved pesticides list. The Board should be responsible for requiring pesticide distributors to repori quantities sold and major users to report applied to their crops. (2) 17,e capability of the Ministry of Agriculture's analytical laboratory needs to be upgraded to include pesticide monitoring. Antigua, along with St. Lucia, Grenada, and Dominica, has a new but inoperative gas chromatograph which could be used for mon itoring pesticide residues in food crops and in tissue samples from persons exposed to pesti cides. The urgency of establishing a pesticide evaluation capability in the form of (1.'1 opera tional pesticide monitoring laboratory has been rl!marked on by several consultants. (3) Steps need to be take" to region alize agrochemical regulation alld management. Given the limited resources of the OECS countries, coupled their close affiliarion through the OECS framework, careful consideration should be given to earlier rec ommendations to regionalize agrochemical control and management. For example, Antigua already has a good laboratory and trained staff, but it is short on operating funds. It may be more cost-effective to maintain the laboratory if the volume of work increased and analyses were done for other countries on a fee basis. (4) In response tv a request from famlers during Awareness Week in 1989, the Ministry oj Agriculture should develop a Pesticide Certijicat;:;ii Program that would provide trainillg on the use of biocides. Agricultural extension agents and representa tives of local NGOs and farmers organizations should be trained to certify farmers in the safe use of biocides. Training programs should emphasize the use of visual instructional methods (e.g., videos rather than lectures) and should make a concerted effort to involve the children of farmers through schools and youth clubs. Pest control operators who spray buildings and the environment to control in sects should also receive training in the safe use of biocides (DeGeorges, 1989b). 133

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In conjunction with this program, agricultural extension agents could develop the necessary expertise to assist farmers in adopting practices that require less use of more expensive and potentially harmful chemicals. Agricultural practices that rely more on organic farming methods could be environruentally and economicaBy advanta geous. They tend to make more efficient use of limited water resources because the im proved soil structure holds water better (OTA, 1988). Integrated Pest Management programs --whereby pests are controlled through a program of biological and cultural practices supplemented by judicious use of chemicals --can also reduce the use of pe:.i.i cides. This approach was proposed by the Di rector of Agriculture in a recent workshop on Integrating Conservation and Development (Henry, 1990). Collectively, these 10w-inpuL techniques could produce agricultural goods more attractive to both the local popUlation and to tourists who have expressed concern about overuse of chemicals (EAG, 1990). (5) Cooperative action is needed by CARICOM members in the area of hazardous and toxic waste disposal. The disposal of haz ardous wastes and toxic substances is a situa-134 tion where it is not only critical but appropri ate the CARICOM member states act in a unified and coordinated manner. A regional solution is probably the only one capable of protecting all countries --large and small --in the region. As industrialized countries in creasingly attempt to wexport" their hazardous and toxic wastes to the developing world, it is possible that CARICOM members will be played one against another in an attempt by industrialized counries to escape the more excessive regulatory regimes at home. CARICOM countries need to explore and identify common approaches which will pro tect all by establishing standard criteria and setting uniform standards for the permitting of various kinds of offshore waste disposal ac tivities in the region (Michael, 199Ob). This issue could require the cooperation and par ticipation of CCA and CEHI, among others. (6) An oil and hazardous maten'als spill contingency plan should be prepared and implemented. Additionally, legislation is needed to require proper disposal of waste automotive oil and other hazardous materials, and facilities to accomplish this must be pro vided.

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SECTION 7 LAND USE, PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT CONTROL 7.1 OVERVIEW Organized physical planning and development control were introduced to Antigua and Barbuda in the 1970's by a United Nation's Development Progrant (UNDP) Physi cal Planning Project for the Eastern Caribbean. Since then, the country's perfor mance in land use planning and development control has had mixed results. Systemic weaknesses 3.re primarily responsible for the limited effectiveness of the Development Control Authority (DCA) and the Physical Planning Office (PPO), the Government bodies mainly responsible for development control and planning. Notwithstanding these we&knesses, however, an institutional structure for land management does exist and could be upgraded with some effort. At same time, tne effects of rapid tourism growth anll j disorderly pi'Ocess of urbanization point to the urgent need for improving land use planning and development control functions in the country. LAND CAPABILI1Y Land use planning provides a framework for the rational use of land in accor dance with its physical and productive capaci ties. There is no known attempt at a systematic analysis of land Antigua and Barbuda prior to the 196J's. Hill (1966) did a comprehensive soil survey of Antigua, while Vernon, Lang and Hill (reported in Hill, 1966) carried out a similar survey of Barbuda. On the basis of these surveys, a land capability system was devised and lacer described in a report entitled Soil and Land Use Su"'eys Antigua and Barbuda (Hill, 1966). Almost two decades later, Ahmad (1984), an OAS consultant, built on lhis work by describing the land capability classes and producing a land capability map. Ahmad was asked to adapt his land capability system to the I to VIII class format used by the U.S. 135 Department of Agriculture (see also Section 1.23 of the Profile). Essentially, lands are grouped into the eight classes on the basis of soil type and environmentallimit&tions to mechanized agri cultural use. Limitations do not exist for Class I lands, which are very good for cultivation, but limitations increase progressively through Class VIII lands, which are considered not suitable for cultivation. The system highlights the importance of retaining non-agricultural lands (i.e., t!:lose lands with the severest limitations for agriculture) for other uses such as wildlife habitat, water conservation, recre ation, and undeveloped landscape. One of the shortcomings of using the land capability system to plan future land uses is the absence ot fully assigned values for nonagricultural uses. Policy makers may be easily misled into assuming that non-agricultm-.:1 lands are of low value because they are not "productive" and that therefore there is little or uo loss to the country if they are developed. Such decisions ignore the fact that non-agri cultilJ'allands may be extremely valuable in an undeveloped state, for example, as a wildlife refuge which protects habitat and biodiversity while perhaps simultaneously attracting nature tourism revenues. Table 1.2(2) shows that just over 40 percent of the lands in Antigua are grouped in Classes II and III, i.e., land which can be culti vated with moderate to strong limitations. Class IV and V lands, representing an addi tional 22 percent, are suitable for tree and or chard crops and pasture. CURRENT PATIERNS OF LAND USE Ahmad's (1984) land classification work formed part of a larger OAS effort that also included the development of a Geo graphic. Information System (GIS) for' the country (Wirtshafter, 1987). An attempt by

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OAS (1990) to provide a comparative analysis of land use data derived from available sources for 1961, 1964, 1975 and 1985 indi cated there were major inconsistencies in cat egories or classifications used and therefore also in the end product of the analysis. The results of the GIS data from the 1985 OAS survey are simplified in Table 7.1(1). Nevertheless, despite the discrepan cies, all data point to a significant dec-line in acreage used fcr sugar cane from 22,371 acres in 1964 to a few hundred acres by 1975. Much of the former sugar land is now used to graze livestock, especially by landless cattle owners. According to OAS (1990), grazing of unim proved pastures now occurs on some 17,000 acres. Uncontrolled g. .. azing in scrub land!; hinders forest regrowth
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ANTIGUA/PRESENT LAND USE [==:l Wildlands IITilIIlll Tree crops Annual crops Urban and suburban t:,. In"dustrial -Tourism Solid waste disposal Statute Miles iii 1" i o 2 3 4 5 Figure 7.1 (1)" Antigua land use from physical development plan prepared by the Planning Office, 1977 (source: ECNAMP, 1980a).

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The OAS data indicate that less than one percent of land in Barbuda is occupied by human settlement and other structures, compared to roughly 12.5 percent in Antigua. Residential and tourism growth were key factors influencing land use patterns in Antigua in the 1980' s. Village expansion schemes are noticeable lin several communi ties. Several settlements previously consid ered rural are becoming increasingly urban. Unfortunately, urban expansion in Antigua and Barbuda has taken place without sufficient emphasis on urban planning; the re sult has been a pattern of disorganized growth. In addition, Government develop ment authorities often fail to provide residen tial lots to potential homeowners in a timely manner, which has resulted in squatting on state lands. DEVELOPMENT CONTROL Development control is the responsi bility of the Development Control Authority (DCA), created by the Land Development (Control) Act No. 15 of 1977. The law pro vides for the preparation of a National Physi cal Development Plan, which should in tum provide the policy framework for deVelopment control decision-making. A draft plan was prepared in 1976 with the assistance of UNDP but was not approved by Government and is not in force. The DCA is a regulatory body with a weak public image due: in part, to it!; inability to effectively enforce the law it is charged with implementing. Penalties for contravening the law are weak, and Hafting deficiencies prevent effective surveillance and enforcement. De liberate circumvention of the DCA's authority occurs. In practice, major tOllfism develop ment applications arc approved by Govern ment before bein'g reviewed by the DCA. The number of building applications submitted to the DCA yearly has been in creasing since 1982, following a sharp reduc tion from 1981 (See Table 7.1(2. The mean value of the applications for new buildings and extensions fluctuated between 1981 and 1988. However, while the mean value for 1981 was 138 about ECS45,OOO, that for 1988 was over EC$200,OOO. Inflation may be partly respon sible for a higher mean value of development projects in 1988. However, the major reason for the difference is that the size of the aver age development for 1988 was larger than that for 1981. The larger size of development pro jects means that more time is required to re view development applications and inspect buildings once construction has commenced. On the basis of the data provided in Table 7.1(2), it can be assumed that the demands on the staff of the Physical Planning Oftice (which serves as the staff of the DCA) and on the DCA Board, relative to the review and monitoring of development applications and development projects, have grown steadily between 1982 and 1988, There was not, how ever, a corresponding improvement in the ca pacity of both bodies to deal with the in creased wQrk load; the result has been a weakened cievelopmcnt control process in the sta.te. Records are not kept on the percent age of applications actually with construction carried out. The non-comput erized information system maintained by DCA does not allow easy access to stored data. In 1988 the DCA reviewed an averagp. of 91 applications per month, a load consid ered too heavy for its small technical staff. Development surveillance is carried out by two Building Inspectors. The structure and function of the DCA resemble those of similar agencies in the OEeS. It is a statutory body responsible to a Government Minister, in this case, the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries, Lands and Housing. An ideal (or p.ven appropriate) composition for the DCA Board would be one which provid::d for the widest possible inter agency review of development applications, in order to determine and respond to the poten tial demands placed on health and basic infrastructure st!rvices by proposed projects and to evaluate the impacts on prime agricul tural lands, key resources and sensitive environmental areas. Unfortunately, the DCA Board does not have such broadly-based re pres en tation.

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Tab:e 7.1 (2). Number of building applications and estimated value, 1981-1988. Year Number of Appl!catlons Estimated Value (EC$) 1981 1982 1983 1984 i985 1986 1987 1988 919 457 557 585 816 879 1,022 1,096 41,313,055 43,727,463 60,402,960 49,527,617 61,964,649 80,656,500 221,886,699 Note: Time lag of up to 2 years between application for building and commencement of building. Source: Development Control Authority. The Central Board of Health (CBH), the Public Works Department (PWD) and the Physical Planning Office (PPO) are repre sented on the DCA. Noticeably absent are the Department of Agriculture and the Antigua Public Utilities Authority (APUA). There is no effective coordinating mechanism to protect prime agricuitural land from ex panding urbanization or to ensure that the supply of basic infrastructure services keeps pace with expanding demands from aoproved development projects. Other bodies whose representation on the DCA Board could im prove iand use in Antigua and Barbuda are t.he Lands Division in tht: Ministry of Agri culture and the St. John's De"elopment Con trol Corporation. The DCA relies on the Physical Planning Office for the technIcal and admin istrative support needed to carry out its func tions. The PPO is headed by a Chief Town and Country Planner, who sits on the DCA Board but reports to the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry Of Agriculture, Fisheries, Lands and Housing. DCA meetings are held monthly but are not well attended. A thorough review of major development appli-139 cations does not occur in the absence of key technical inputs from relevant agel]cies. For example, the technical presence of the CBH at DCA meetings is needed to confirm that ade quate sewage pollution control measures will be employed by proposed projects. Decisions are guided by the Land Development and Building Guidelines pre pared in 1976. These guidelines provide stan dards for plot coverage, building density, height and setback, parking, road alignment and width, septic tank design, etc. Plot cover age and setback provisions are most difficult to enforce in St. John's and shorefront resort areas because of their comparatively higher land values. A major weakness in the deve!op ment control system is the lack of procedures for analyzing the environmental impact of de velopment projects. The law does not pre scribe the use of environmental impact as sessment (EIA) reports, and the DCA itself has never attempted to make it a requirement of its application review process. Three ElAs on tourism-related projects were commis sioned by the Ministry of Economic Devel-

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opment in 1986-87 and one by the Ministry of Agriculture in 1987. None of the EIA reports were reviewed by the DCA, further evidence of the irregularities acd lack of standard pro cedures in the development control process. The larger institutional structure for land managtment in Antigua and Barbuda in eludes several other agencies besides the DCA (see Table 7.1(3. Unfortunately, there is an overlap and in some cases duplication of responsibilities among these agencies. For example, the Central Housing and Pla.nniag Authority (CHAPA) at one time functiontd as the Government's main residential land delivery agency, facilitating low income hous ing as well as the sale of land to other income groups. In recent times, the Ministry of Agri culture, through its Lands Division, has assumed responsibility for the sale of Govern ment lands for residential p'lrposes in some areas. The importance of CHAPA as a land delivery agency has consequently diminished, although it maintains a staff of about thirty persons. If there is any effective cooperation or coordination between CHAPA and the Lands Division, it i.:; not clear. The land deliv ery system is made even more complex and inefficient because parliamentary representa tives are involved in the endorsement of lot sales to various individuals. For all of these reasons, Government-owned lands are too often developed in a very disorganized, ad hoc The National Parks Amhority has the power to control d:!velopment in the country's only declared national park, Nelson's Dock yard National Park. Figure 7.1(2) provides a summary of the development review process that should be followed --but is not --with re spect to development activities within the Park's boundaries. In fact, the NPA does not exercise effective control of development in any area of the Park except wit.hin Nelson's Dockyard itself (sec also Section 8, National !larks and Protected Areas). The Physical Planning Office was intended to function as a separate entity from the DCA, although it was envisioned that its staff wou1d process development applications for review by the DCA in enforcing tbe provisions of the Land Development (Control) Act. 140 The stipulation in the Act that a development plan for Antigua-Barbuda should be prepared by the DCA as a policy guide for land devel opment and control is somewhat in conflict with the intended responsibilities of the PPO which was set up as the agency directly ac countable for long term physical and land use planning. The result is that there is little or no distinction between the DCA and the PPO. At present, the PPO is solely occupied with development control matters, at the e;q>ense of long-term planning. The St. John's Development Corpo ration was established by Government in. 1986 and charged with resp0:ISibility for overseeing the revitalization of downtown St. John's through urban renewal and development schemes. lt also has responsibility to assist with the improvement of waste management infrastructure in St. John's but currently does not have the capacity to do so because of staffmg and budgetary limitations. Current plans call for street improvements and reor ganization of traffic patterns, conservation of buildings of historical and architectural inter est, revitalization of the Market Esplanade, improvement of parking, and creation of pedestrian-priority streets. INTEGRATED FORWARD PLANNING Most development planning com pieted for Antigua and Barbuda has been done with the assistance of international or regional agencies. The small staff of the PPO operates with technical limitations and has been more involved with routine building control functions. UNDP provided fairly comprehensive assistance in physical planning in the 1970's as part of its Physic'll Planning Project for the Eastern Caribbean. The DCA and the PPO were created as a result of the UNDP project, and a Draft National Physical Devebpment Plan, the Territorial Plan Tl, was prepared but was not approved by the Governmtnt. A major limitation of the Plan is the limited treatment of both the opportunities and con straints for development associated with the country's' natural resource base. As an example of the inadequate focus on resource

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Table 7.1 (3). GOAB agencies with land management functions. AGENCY Cevelopment Control Authority (DCA) Physical Planning Ofiice Land Division, Ministry of Agriculture 5t. John's Development Corporation National Parks Authority (NPA) Antigua and Barbuda Port Authority Central HO'Jsing anci Planning Authority (CHAPA) Ministry of Trade, Industry and Commerce issues, the designated 4,985 acres (OAS calculation) as wunproductiveW land. The so called Runproductivc w land included areas which had some emironmental potential (e.g., as wildlife habitats, fresh water catchments). From an environmental perspective, land is never unproductive. FUNCTIONS Development application review and approval; de'Jelopment sllrvoillance. Land use and physical planning; development control administration and technical Input to DCA. Planning and ullocation of Government lands for residential, agricultural and othM land use purposes; administration of GOAB land leases and rentals, Upgrading of downtown 51. John's through urban renewal and Implementation of oth\lr development projects (e,g" Heritage Quay, a tourism shopping, accommodations and cruiSE) ship borthing Developm9nt and management (Including development control) of national parks, at present limited to Nelson's Dockyard National Park; a development application process Is displayed in Rgure 7,1 (2), but It is not used, Development and management of lands at 5t. John's Deepwater Port, At one time functioned as Govornment's primary residential land allocation agency, but some of its functions have been assumed by tho Lands Division, Ministry of Agriculture; also implementation of low int.'Ome housing schemes, Management of Industrial Estates at Coolidge and Cassada Gardens which formerly wore the responsibility of the Induttrial Development Board; functions transferred to newly created Ministry of Trade, Industry and Commerce In July 1990, 141 A report, Alltigua 77,e Environment, was prepared in 1976 to supplement the Ter rilorial Plan Tl. The report sets general land use guidelines for conservation and develop ment of the Fort James/Dickinson Bay and the English Harbor/Falmouth areas.

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DEVELOPMENT APPLICATION AND REVIEW SUBMIT APPLI CA 11 ON DCA r ---------r I I I STANDARDS I L----t:----I r FORMULATES ----1 I RECOMMENDATION TO NPA I L _________ I YES NPA r---------I .... .... NO I PARK COMMI 551 ONER I L RECOtJlMENDS NO ;====f====: I-------....J I NPA DECIDES I L _________ I YES ACCEPTANCE Figure 7.1 {2}. Hypothetical process for review of applications for development projects within the Nelson's Dockyard National Park {source: DPA Group Inc., 1985}. 142

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No attempt to upgrade the national physical development plan has been made since the work done in the mid-1970's, al though the PPO w(>.s recently advised by the Minister of Agriculture to do so. The PPO, with assistance from the OECS Natural Re sources Management Project (NRMP) is un dertaking Phase 1 of c.. Land Use Mauagement Scheme, which includes the mapping of exist ing land use information at scales of 1:2,500 and }.:5,OOO for Antigua and Barbuda. The list of land use categories has been expanded be yond that used for the Territorial Plan TI, with more attention paid to naturall'esources. It is expected that these large-scale land use maps will facilitate development control and that composite 1:10,000 maps will be preprued to provide the basis for evaluating future land use proposals. CIDA, in providing assistance to the National Parks Authority through the DPA Group, Inc., has mapped land uses in its preparation of a Draft Plan for Nelson's Dockyard National Park, an area which covers approximately 12 square miles. Volume I of the Draft Plan (Park Development Plan) sets out a land use framework for integrating con servation and development in the Park, and Volume II (Park Management Pian) details the policy framework to guide future land use for the Park. The Plan was approved by Gov ernment, but the NP A currently lacks the in stitutional capacity to implement its pro visions. OAS, as a part of its Natural Re sources Assessment for Agricultural Devel opment (NRAO) Project, focllsed much of its work in Antigua-Barbuda during the 1980's on land use planning as it relates to agriculture. The NRAD project commenced in 1984 and was motivated by the need to ameliorate problems identified as constraints on further development of the agriculture sector. The project provided invaluable inputs to future lanu use plannir.g in the country by generating data from studies on land capability, land usc, water resources, and human settlements. Data have been converted into a GIS system, and applications could help to optimize the economic potential of the agricultural sector. The project's final report presents a basis for 143 development of a national policy and strategy for agricuiture (OAS, 1990). OAS also provided technical support for upgrading the St. John's area through its St. John's Revitalization Project. Its efforts assisted Government in the establishment of the Heritage Quay waterfront development project and in the creation of the St. John's Development Corporation. GOAB secured additional fmancing for lite Heritage Quay project, for extension of the St. John's Harbor deep-water basin, and for creating new wa terfront lrulds by lanrlfilling. 7.2 PROBLEMS AND ISSUES GOAD PLANNING COORDINATION The current approach to planning, which isolates the various departments, agen cies, and statutory bodies involved in GOAB planning activities, is not a cost-effective strat egy for utilizing external technical assistance and funding or for achieving national planning objectives. EA1ernal support has faciliiated a number of impJrtant forward planning initia tives, but there is no formal institutional mechanism to allow sharing of technical as benefits, and expertise across departmental or ministerial lines. The Physi cal Planning Office, for example, was only pe ripherally involved with the OAS projects (for the agricultural sector and for St. John's revi talization) and with CIDA planning activities on behalf of the Dockyard National Park. The CIDA project in particular provided an excellent opportunity for shared training in land use planning and in park development aud management -skills which could have benefited PP'1 staff. However, due to the manner in which the project was structured, the sole potential beneficiary of the training was the National Parks Authority which, unfortunately, did not have the local staff to take full advantage of the opportunity af forded by CIDA's assistance. Similarly, more substantive involve ment of the PPO in the OAS Revitalization Project for St. John's would have enhanced its

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urban planning capacity and set the stage for more effective cooperation between the St. John's Development Corporation (SJDC) and the national physical plauning agency. The Corporation has no significant technical ca pacity of its own, but, with suitable coordina tion mechanisms in place, SJDC could utilize not only the planning skills of the PPO staff but also the engineering expertise of the Public Works Department in carrying out its mandate for St. John's. A lack of both formal and informal coordination links between the Economic Planning Unit (EPU) in the Ministry of Eco nomic Development and the PPO (in the Ministry of Agriculture) is au important illustration of structural weakness in the national planning machinery. The failure of the EPU to coordinate economic development planning so as to provide for input from other GOAB agencies was underscored by participants at a recent (March 1990) CCA/IUCN-sponsored worksh'iti on conservation and development (carried uut under the local auspices of the Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission anG the Environmental Aware ness Group). In a summary of views expressed at the workshop, the draft report on the proceedings states that plans and projects are completed by various ministries in relative isolation and that effective "coordination cou!d be achieved by strengthening the overall coor dinating, planning and implementation capac ities of the Economic Planning Unit" (Jackson, 1990). SQUATTING AND UNPLANNED SETTLEMENTS Squatting on Government (Crown) lands in Antigua-Barbuda dates back at teast three decades and is the result of a number of interrelated factors. In the frrst plar.e, Gov ernment is the largest land owner in the country, and it is attempting to sell certain lands to individuals for private residences. Would-be land buyers are often frustrated by the sluggish nature of the public land delivery system but, at the same time, are either re luctant or incapable of purchasing land on the private market where prices are higher. Some tum to squatting as a last resort and are usu-144 ally "rewarded" in th.eir illegal actions by gaining access to land because penalties for squatting are rarely applied. The major environmental problem relateci to squatting in rural areas has been the loss of productive Class II and III agri cultural lands. Additionally, these unplanned settlements impose a fmancial burden on the Government which is expected to provide basic infrastructure services for such developments. In urban areas, the posed by unplanned settlements are mostly related to public health issues. In the densely-popu lated sbm neighborhoods of Grays Farm and Green Bay in St John's, several houses may exist on one privately-owned parcel. Conges tion leads to unsanitary conditions, particu larly privy and pail or bucket closets are used for excreta disposal (PABO, 1985; Michael, 1990b). Archer (1988) draws a link between such conditions and the high inci dence of gastroenteritis reported for Grays Farm in 1987. Out of a totlll of 1,207 gas troenteritis cases seen and reported at the Holberton Hospital for that year, 386 (32 per cent) were from Grays Farm. The deplorable slum conditions of sections of Grays Farm and Green Bay are not likely to be relieved anytime soon because the area offers perhaps the cheapest possible rents to migrant workers. In fact, the com munity could experience further urban decay because the new coastal road linking St. John's to resorts in the Deep Bay section by passes the area. UNCONTROLLED COASTAL DEVELOPMENT Recent tourism developments have caused major changes or alterations to coastal wetlands at Jolly Beach, Deep Bay, the Cove and McKlnnons Pond. The Cooks salt flat has been used to deposit spoil from the dredging of St. Joho's Deepwater Harbor and the Deep Bay salt pond. The accumulated effect of these developments is a substantial physical change in Antigua's west coast environment. However, underlying ecological impacts are

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not as easBy discemihle or understood as sim ple observation of physical change, one reason being that the lack of baseline data makes il difficult to measure ecosystem change. Degradation of several important wetlands just whhin the last four years points to systemic weaknesses in planning for and control of coastal land uses. Construction of buildings in the active beach zone and inef fective provisions for waste management have led to beach erosion and the deterioration of coastal water quality, as evidenced in the Dickinc;on Bay area. The fate of the remain ing wetlands in Antigua is questionable. There is no wetlands policy, and it is not clear which Government agency has direct respon sibility for this resource. Unless appropriate mechanisms and policies for the protection and management of wetlands are put in place very soon, it is quite possible that most coastal wetlands will be within a short period of time. Il is not the priv
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future land use and physical development in the country. Perhaps the most important condi tion for sustainable development is that envi ronmental and economic concerns be merged in the decision-making process, as they are in the real world; otherwise even the best land use planning efforts are doomed to fail. To this end, the coordination linkages between the Economil: Planning Unit and the Physical Planning Office to be improved, partic ularly if the PPO moves ahead with the prepa ration of an updated physical dcvelopment plan. The Physical Planning Office will re quire technical support to undertake a full land use planning project. Such support could be requested from an appropriate develop ment assistance agency with a specific request that training to improve the technical and ad ministrative capacity of PPO for land use planning be made an integral part of the as sistance package. Secondarily, selected staff from other agencies to he involved in a national physical planning effort would also benefit from such training. (2) Upgrade the Development Control Authority. A number of policy initiauves or changes are required to improve the efft!ctive ness of the Development Control Authority. These include: Enhancement of the Authority's image in the country by building public support for its functions; Strengthening DCA's Board to provide for better inter-ageucy represent.ation in the development review and control process (for example, the Department of Agri culture and the Lands Division, both within the Ministry of Agri culture, plus the Antigua Public Utilities Authority should be rep re'jenled on the DCA Board); 146 System. Strengthening the surveil lance/monitoring capacity of the DCA by creation of an enforce ment arm within the PPO (which would require staffmg changes and increased personnel in the PPO); Strengthening the bgal authority of the DCA to monitor and en force its decisiofiS for land use changes (for example, the DCA needs to have the authority to re quire other GOAB agencies to comply with its rulings). (3) of the Land Delivery Government should develop a clearer, more specific policy on the distribu tion of public lands to persons in need. The policy should stipulate what institutional re are req\\ired for a more efficient land delivery system. Notably, changes are needed in the procedures for applying and receiving approval for land, payment provisions, and the expeditious surv ;: of land subdivisions. An improved land delivery system would help to reduce squatting and facilitate bettcr organi zation in the development of cew or the expi1Il!.ion of older settlements. (4) Steps to Minimize Impact of Coastal Developments on Coastal Resources. The impacts vi' tourism-related de velopment on coastal resources, particularly on the west coast, should be addressed by a combination of coastal planning, resource as sessment and monitoring, and strict devel opment control. Area-specific plans for the Dickinson Bay/Fort James area, the Deep Bay Rescrt/Five Islarlds area, and Jolly Beach should be considered as a means to minimize future conflicts in land use and to limit further resource dl'gradation. Legislation b need to require the preparation of Environmental Impact Assess mer.ts for major projects in the (:oastal zone and other critical areas identified in this Pro-

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me. An important consideration in develop ing legislation to require EIAs is the fact that the EIA proct:ss represents a positive step in the direction of improved inter-agency coor dination. Formal EIA requirements would force a more holistic integration of technical data and expertise, while at the same time guaranteeing more systematic input into pro-147 ject planning across department lines. Ap propr:..I(e standards for various classes of de velopment projects should be included in the legislation. An institutional capability for in terpreting, and later carrying out, the tech nical aspects of environmental impact assess ment needs to be created within the PPO and other appropriate GOAB agencies.

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SECTION 8 NATIONAL PARKS AND PROTECTED AREAS 8.1 OVERVIEW Establishment of a formal System of National Parks and Protected Areas would provitic both conservation and economic ben efits for Antigua and Barbuda. A strategically planned system could preserve and enhance prime landscapes and selected habitats for recreation, tourism, education and science, and maintain the counh y' s biological diversity of flora and fauna. rhe institutional framework for a parks and protected areas system has already been established in the form the National Parks Act of 1984 that created the Antigua and Barbuda National Parks Authority (NPA). l'1lPA's function is to "preserve, pro tect, manage and develop the natural physical and ecological resources and the historical and cultural heritage of Antigua and Barbuda". Only one park -Nelson's Dock yard National Park -has been established by the NPA. The National Parks Act of 1984 does not provide a definition for the term "national park" and makes no provision for other cate gories of protected areas. It is assumed that any area to be protected under this legislation must use the generic label "national park". This, as is discussed later in this chapter, is somewhat restrictive and inflexible if Antigua and Barbuda intends to develop a full parks and protected areas program. EXISTING PARKS AND PROTECTED AREAS Nelson's Dockyard National Park (NDNP). The Park comprises 8 percent of Antigua and Barbuda's land mass (see Figure 8.1 (1) and Table 8.1 (1 and has both marine and terrestrial components. The land acreage given by the NPA for the park is 15 square miles or 3,885 ha (pers. commun., E. James, Parks Commissioner, 1990) compared to a figure of 12 square miles (3,108 ha) for the entire park cited by OAS (1988a). The marine acreage has not been calculated but ex tends out to the limit of the territorial sea (pers. commun., E. James, Parks Commis sioner, 1990). The National Parks Authority re ceived valuable assistance from CIDA to es tablish the Dockyard National Park, including support for a broadly-based public consulta tive and participatory process. In Phase I of the park development program, CIDA fo cused much of its effort on providing organi zational support for and institutional strength ening of the NPA, but it also repaired the docking (berthing) wall at the Dockyard and upgraded electricity and parking, for a total investment of Can$2.36 million (Arthur Young, 1989). The primary focus of development activities during Phase II is on upgrading basic infrastructure services and facilities to in crease Park visitation. CIDA will provide Can$5.0 million for a number of projects in c1uding a 6,000 square foot Interpretation Center at Dow's Hill, a sewer system for Nel son's Dockyard, and upgrading of the water supply system, trails and signs. This funding will be augmented by NPA which is using its own fund:; to execute a number of smaller projects. A major objective for managing the Park is to create a world class tourism desti nation based on the strength of the Park's his torical and natural resources (The DPA Group Inc, 1985). The Park includes areas of impressive landscape and scenic values as well as a unique historic restoration (see also Section 9 of the Profile). A 1989 estimate suggests that 20 percent of cruise passenger arrivals to Antigua, 19 percent of stay-over visitors and 92 percent of yacht arrivals visit Nelson's Dockyard National Park (see Table 8.1 (2. A recent evaluation of the de velopment program for the Park identified the

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Table 8.1 (1). Pntected areas and their economic value. Protected Area Date Established Diamond Reef Marine Park, 1973 or Salt Fish Tall Marine Park (Antigua) Palaster Reef Marine 1973 Park (Barbuda) Nelson's Dockyard 1984 National Par!< (Antigua) Source: OAS, 19888. following requirements needed to take full ad vantage of the natural and historical resources of the Park (Arthur Young, 1989): (1) Development of a Core Area Master Plan to coordinate de velopments in the area be tween Falmouth Harbor and Nelson's Dockyard, which forms the approach to the main historic precinct of the Park; (2) Preparation of a Residential Land Use Plan for the Park to eliminate squatting, upgrade settlements and reduce enVi ronmental impacts; (3) Completion of a Natural Re sources Inventory; (4) Completion of an Archaeo logical Survey of the Park; and (5) Cultural research into the African heritage related to the historic development and use of the area. Area (Ha) 2.000 500 3,108 Use Eoonomlc Value Soma fishing, lobster and conch Some fishing, wreck diving, tourism Historic and cultural, tourism, yachting Diamond Reef Marine Park (also called Salt Fish Tail Marine Park). This 2,000 ha park, located in Antigua, was established in 1973 under the provisions of the Marine Areas, Preservation and Enhancement Act (No.5 of 1972). See Figure 8.1(1). Pa!ilster Reef Marine Park. This 500 ha park, located in Barbuda, also was estab lished in 1973 under the Marine Areas, Preservation and Enhancement Act. See Fig ure 8.1(2). Neither of the two marine parks is managed as a protected area. Two areas were proclaimed Public Parks under the Public Parks Ordinance (No. 4 of 1%5): one of 690 acres (279 ha) in the English Harbor/Falmouth region and the other of 117 acres (47.3 ha) in the Long Bay/Indian T()wo Creek area (UNDP, 1976). The first area is now a part of the Neison's Dockyard National P.uk and should, there fore, receive some measure of protection. The latter area does not receive special man agement or protection, and the National Parks Act of 1984 does not refer to either parIc. 150

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DIAMOND REEF or SALT FISH TAil MARINE PARK ST. JOHN IS NELSON I S DOCKYARD NA TI ONAl PARK + Figure 8.1 (1). Antigua parks and protected areas (existing and proposed). ANTIGUA/PARKS PROTECTED AREAS GREAT BIRD & GUIANA BAY .. ISLANDS MAMORA REEF o o 2 Parks (Established) Protected Areas (Proposed) 3 4 5 Miles

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CODRINGTON LAGOON BIRD SANCTUARY (P) CODRINGTON LAGOON (p) .. ....-GOAT ISLAND & THE FLASHES (P) PALASTER REEF NE PARK SPANISH POINT (p) (E) = ESTABLISHED (P) = PROPOSED (E) Figure 8.1 (2). Barbuda parks and protected areas (existing and propcsEld). There is thus some degree of uncer tainty over what constitutes a protected area in Antigua and Barbuda. A broad definition could include the Botauical Garden, which was created by the Botanical Gardens Ordi nance in 1900. Likewise, forest reserves should be considered protected areas and managed as such. the Forest Ordi nance (Cap. 99, 1941) and the Forestry Reg ulations (SRO No. J3, 1941, SRO No. 42, 1952, const lidated) are not en forced. The uncertain and precarious status of forest reserves prompted one group of in vestigators (Miller, et al., 1988) to recommend 152 that forest reserves for Antigua and Barbuda be re-designated and that designated reserves be surveyed and demarcated. Some degree of legislative protection for beaches and mangroves has been at tempted but without much success. The Beach Protection Ordinance (Cap. 298, 1957) prohihits removal of 5and and other material from beaches without a permit from the Di rector of Public Works. The criteria for granting a permit are not specified in the or dinance, and, in any event, the law is not con sistently applied. Furthermore, the legislation

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Table 8.1 (2). Estimates of park visitation, Nelson's DocJ..yard National Park. Catl!gory Resident In Park: Local hotel visitors 1 Yacht vlsltors 2 Other Tourists: Cruise Ships Stay-overs Antiguan Resldsnts 3 Notes: 1 Basfld on NPA Hotel Survey. 198.'5 N/A 11,000 34,000 N/A 45,000 1986 1987/88 N/A 22.,234 12,000 13,382 53,000 31,496 11,74f.\ N/A 936 65,000 79,794 2 83sad cn number of yacht ca!ls and a mean of 5 to 5.4 persons per vessa/. 3 Based on NPA memberships. Source: Arthur Young, 1989. does not apply to Barbuda, an exclusion which is specifically stated in the law. Recognizing the threat posed to beaches from development, the Antigua and Barbuda Cabinet issued a directive on November 30, 1988, that no pl'ivate develop ment should occur at eight beach areas, which should wreruain for public purpose only'''. The areas so designated are: Pigeon Point, Fryes Bay, HaHmoon Bay, Fort James, DarkwolJd, Jabberwock, Long Bay and Morris Bay. Un fortunately, this directive could as easil!, be reversed by another Cabinet order and therefore has no long-term legal significance. Furthermore, it is not clear if the directive was intended to apply to privately-owned land im mediately adjacent to these beaches. The on going construction of a house on private lands next to the beach at Pigeon Point would sug gest that it does not. The directive did not make any reference to the operation of con cessions at the beaches, but a small snack bar was recently constructed at Pigeon Point, and 153 three or four are being run at Fort James. Clarification over the true objective of the di rective is needed, and better management of uses at these and other beaches seems desir able. The Crown Lands Ordinance (Cap. 130, 1957) and the Fisheries Act (No. 14 of 1983) contain provisions which could afford protection to mangroves and publjcly-owned wetlands. However, at the present time, such areas are not effectively protected. REPRESENTATIVENESS There is no fe
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protected ru-eas system may also seek tu maintain outstanding scenic landscapes, geo logical attractions and important natural recreational assets. The present parks system in Antigua and Barbuda does not provide adequate cov erage of species, habitats and other environ mental features. A generalized map of ter restrial life zones for Antigua, reprinted by E(;NAMP in 1980 as part of a series of re source data maps for Antigua and Barbuda (ECNAMP, 1980a and 1980b), is provided in Figure 8.1(3). Four life zones are mapped: mangroves, cactus scrub, dry woodland and moist forest. Much of the dry woodland that existed in the English Harbor/Falmouth area prior to 1960 has been reduced to cactus scrub, but enough remains that both of these life zones are fairly well covered in the Nel son's Dockyard National Park. Moist forests also are well-represented within the Park. Most. of the remaining moist forests occur in the southwest volcanic region of the country, but Faaborg and Arendt (1985) indicate that good samples also exist at the Wallings Forest Reserve and at parts of Christian Valley in the southwestern Uighlands. This POLutS to the importance of upgrading forest reserve man agement. The ECNAMP resource data maps also display important marine and coastal habitats; neither these habitats nor endan gered or locally important wildlife species they contain are adequately covered within existing parks. The northeast coastline of Antigua and adjacent offshore cays are particularly impor tant for their concentration of wetlands, man grove habitats, coral reefs, seagrass beds and seabird nesting; yet these have not been af forded protected status. Similarly, there is no legal basis for protecting the impressive bio logical diversity of Barbuda. ECNAMP recommended areas for "special treatment" in both Antigua and Barbuda. The areas selected (see ECNAMP 1980a and 1980b) indicate that for Antigua the volcanic southwest and southern sections and their nearshore marine environment and the northeru:t and northern coastal .. '1 marine areas are vital for their representation of ecosystems, habitats, important species and 154 areas of outstanding recreational, historical and archaeological value. The Highlands of Barbuda and the extended marine habitats of its western and southern sides are similarly important. Barbuda's impressive number of shipwrecks also adds to its historical and ar chaeological significance. Thus, a much better representation of the natural and historical re sources of both islands in a system of parks and protected areas is warranted. 'D PARKS AND PROTECTED AREAS Additional areas proposed for pro tection in Antigua and Barbuda, as recommended by OAS (1988a), are displayed in Table 8.1(3). OAS also proposed specific management categories for each area based on guidelines by the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN). The IUCN categories and management objectives are described in Table 8.1(4). Figure 8.1(1) (Ant.igua) and Figure 8.1(2) (Barbuda) show thf .lpproximate locations of proposed parks and protected areas. In addition to those recommend'ed by OAS (7able 8.1(3, the following areas are included: Fort James National Park for recreation, historic significance i.u1d protection of mangroves housing a cattle egret colony; Corbisons Point for recreation and history; Coral Reef Marine Park for ecosystem preservation and recre ation. Barbuda: Goat Island Wildlife Park for wildlife protection and recreation; Castle Ruins and Spanish Point for historical importance.

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ANTIGUA/TERRESTRIAL LIFE ZONES Mangrove Littoral vegetation c:::=J scrub Dry woodland UI1ID Moist NA Rain forest NA Cloud forest c Statute Miles iii 2 3 4 5 Figure 8.1 (3). Antigua terrestrial life zones (source: ECNAMP, 1980a, based on Harris, 1963).

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Table 8.1 (3). Proposed protected areas for Antigua and Barbuda, as recommended by the Organization of American States (see also Figure 8.1 (1) and Figure 8.1 (2)). Proposed Area Proposed Management /ves. Type Category (Ha) Cades Reef Marine Sanctuary (Antigua) II, IV, VIII M M Mamora Rellf (Antigua) V M M Gretat Bird Island and associated Islets (Antigua) IV M MI Gi.llana Bay Islands (Antigua) IV 600 MC Codrington Lagoon (Barbuda) IV 3,550 C Bull Hole (Barbuda) IV, VII 200 C The Rashes (Barbuda) IV 150 C For definition of managernent categorlas, see Table 8.1 (4). KEY: M .. Me.rine C = Coastal I .. Island Source: OAS, 198811. Various management options are open to countries wishing to develop a pro t.ected areas system (see Tabie 8.1(4. IUCN Categories V (Protected Landscape and Seascape) and VIII (Multiple Use Manage ment Area) would have ready application for in areas where resource conservation and exploitation must be skill fully ma.tched. In this respect. they offer con siderably more flexibility than Category II (National Park). amendment to the Antigua-Barbuda National Parks Act (1984) should therefore be considered to allow the use of management categories other than the "national park" designation. 156 INSTITUTIONAL RESPONSIBILITIES Nalil)nal Authority. The NP A was created in 1985 and given authority over development and management of the Nelsou's Dockyard National Park. It superseded the Society of the Friends of English Harbor, which was a private group involved with stahi lization, restoration and adaptive use of tce historic areas at Nelson's Dockyard since the 1950' 5. The society is now defunct. With CIDA's help, the NPA has con centrated mainly on improving its capacity to manage its commercial interests within the Park, including concessions, rentals, directly operated enterprises and the collection of fees

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Table 8.1 (4). IUCN protected area management categories and objectives. CATEGORY OBJECTIVES I. Scientific Reserve/Strict Nature Reserve: To nature and maintain natural processes in an undisturbed state in order to keep available representative examples of the natural environment in a dynamic and evolu tionary condition. II. National Park: To protect natural and scenic areas of national or inter national significance for scientific, educational, and recreational use to provide ecosystem stability and diversity. III. Natural Monument/Natural Landmark: To protect and preserve nationally signif!cant natural features and to provide opportunities for interpretation, education, research, and public appreciation. IV. Nature Conservation Reserve/Managed Nature Reserve/Wildlife Sanctuary: To assure the natural conditions necessary to protect nationally significant communities or physical features of the environment where !hese require specific human manipulation for their perpetuation. v. Protected Landscape or Seascape: To maintain nationally significant natural landscapes and seascapes which are characteristic of the har monious interaction of man and land while providing opportunities for tourlslll and recreation. VI. Resource Rf9serve (Interim Conservation Unit): To restrict the use of these areas until adequate studies have been completed on how best to use the remaIning VII. Natural 8iotic Area/Anthropological Reserve: To allow the way of life of societies living in harmony with their environment to continue un disturbed by modern technology. VIII. Multiple Use Management Area/Ma.naged Resource Area: To provide for the sustained production of water, timber, wildlife (Including fish), pasture, or marine products, and outdoor recreation. Source: OAS, 1988a. from visitors and Approximately 34 businesses operate in NPA-owned properties (Arthur Young, 1989). The National Parks Authority is lo cated within the Ministry of External Affairs, 157 Economic Development, Tourism and En ergy. It has a Board of Directors (seven members) and a staff of approximately 35 persons, headed by the Parks Commissioner. Community involvement in the affairs of the Authority is facilitated but not fully realized

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by an Advisory Committee of eight persons that meets with the Commissioner each quarter. The organizational chart of NPA shows a void in planning and research func tions which to date have been provided by CIDA consultants. It will be important for NP A to develop its own planning, research and resource monitoring capacity in the future. It is unclear what additional respon sibilities for managing protected areas NPA will be asked to assume. A public recreation park being developed at Halfmoon Bay through private initiative could be eventually handed over to the Authority. It cuuld also be asked by Government to develop and manage similar parks at Fort James and Fryes Bay. F'sberies Division. The Fisherie5 Division, within the Ministry of Agriculture, FlSheries, Land5 and Housing is legally re sponsible. for the management of Diamond Reef (Antigua) and Palaster Reef (Barbuda) Marine Parx.s. The Division lacks both the staff and budget to manage the areas, and the designated parks remain unmanaged and ne glected. The component of the Nt;lson's Dockyard National Park has suffered the same fate since thr. NPA also lacks the ca pacity to manage marine areas. The institutional structures for man aging mang;.oves and beal:hes also weak. It is unclear whether the Fisheries Division has responsibility for the former. The law gives the Public Works Department control over beach sand mining, but overaU beach management does not fall within the authority or of any particular depart ment. Barbuda Council. No rU'm policy de cision has been made on the ultimate respon sibility for managing protected areas in Barbuda. Environmental problems and con siderable controversy have arisen ovp,r the mining of beach sand in Barbuda, and (he Council has brought legal action against SandCo, the sand mining company currently operating in Barbuda under an agreement with the national Government (see Section 158 1.1.2 of the Prome). The fact that the court has failed to rule on the case for two years indicates that the issues involved will not be re solved quickly or easily. It is also not clear if Council would have legai responsibility for managing the Codrington LagOOil Bird Sanc tuary, the Goat Island Wildlife Park or other proposed protected areas in Barbuda if they were to be established. 8.2 PROBLEMS AND ISSUES INSTITUTIONAL CONSIDERATIONS As already noted in this chapter, the institutional framework for parks and pro tected areas in Antigua-Barbuda is inade quate. The primary problem is that laws have been passed without sufficient consideration of stafrmg and b\ldgetary requirements, and hence funding to meet the overall costs for administration and enforcement has not been available. Additionally, the present range of legislation still leaves many re50urces unpro tected unless they arc identified within the boundaries of a designated park or reserve. Furthermore, institutional responsibilities and authority are not entirely clear under existing laws, for example, the management of pro tected areas in Barbuda. A shortage of trained technical per sounel is an impediment to the management of parks and protected areas. The problem is especially apparent in regard to marine areas. The marine parks created in 1973 are under the authority of the Fisheries Divisif'n but re ceive no management because the Division lacks both staff and fmancial resources to carry out these responsibilities. NPA is un able to provide the necessary management that the terrestrial areas of the Dockyard Na tional Park alone require, much less assume responsibilities for of the Park's marine areas. The present NPA staff of 35 is pri marily involved with the management of busi ness concessions, yachting operations, main tenance and other activities related to services provided at Nelson's Dockyard. None of the

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CORAL, REEF MARINE PARK A group of local Antlguans Is presently setting up a marine par't< on Crump Island off the northeast coast of Antigua. Initially the park will consist of a seaquarlum and an associ ated 1,500 foot walkway around a living coral raef system displaying local marine life; a sea side restaurant and beach with watersports; and a campsite with marked trails. Some of these facilities are presently being constructed, and the park will be opened In August 1991. The first of its kind in the OEeS courtries, this park was conceived as a symbol of na tional pride and achievement alid is being designed to Incorporate the educational, recre ational, and environmental aspects of one of the country's more Important natural resources --its marine environment. The Idea for the park was developed by a few concerned Antiguan professionals who recognized the need for greater understanding and protection of the local marine environ ment. At the heart of park planning Is the founder's commitment to a strong educational component, while the park's recreational center will provide additional leisure opportunities for Antiguan families. But most importantly, the park will concentrate its efforts on local awareness about the importance of the country's coral reefs and mangrove swamps and the need to conserve and protect these critical ecosystems. permant!nt staff have adequate training in re source management, and therefore manage ment of the Park's natural resources are overlooked at the present time. Neither effective land use nor devel opment control are practiced within the Park. Nevertheless, in order for long-term Park ob jectives to be realized, urban expansion has to be controUed, 5quatting reduced, and indis criminate clearing of land and uncontrolled grazing prohibited within Park boundaries. The present, time-consuming daily operational demands on current NPA staff means the Authroity is not now in a position to design and manage an expanded parks and protected areas system for the country. Nev ertheless, as argued below, expansion cf the present park system is warranted. Therdore, given the existing constraints on the National Parks AuthQrity, management responsibilities for protected areas need to be consolidated, or better coordinated, throughout the Gov errunent to achieve greater efficiency at a rea sonable cost. For elGimple, having both the Fisheries Oivision and the NPA responsible for marine parks or the marint! components of 159 national parks is neither practical nor eost-ef fective. Generally speaking, the ad hoc ap proach to land use in the country nt!eds to be replaced by a more rational system of land management in which stricter control over de velopment is exerci5ed. Specifically, there is the need to identify institutional mechanisms which are better able to protect critical areas from unsustainable development -particu iarly, the more productive wetlands. COVERAGE OF mOLOGICAL DIVERSlTY AND HISTORICAL RESOURCES Ensuring the best possible tat ion of a country's biological diversity in a system of parks and protected areas is a com plex undertaking reql..:ring resource invento ries, assessments, synthesis of data and public involvement. Antigua and Barbuda mllst avoid the pitfalls of creating additional large acreage of protected areas which leaves criti cal biological and historical resources outside of its parks and protected areas system (see also Section 9, Protection of Histori-

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caliCultural Heritage). A PlOceSS needs to be put in place which begins to evaluate and clas sify potential protected areas and establishes procedures to assess high risk as opposed to less threatened sites. The frrst step should be initiation of more aggressive data collection for proposed sites since, at present, data are either lacking or too fragmented to permit ra tional identification of new plOtected areas with delineation of boundaries. The ECNAMP re50urce data maps, m'w a decade old (ECNAMP 1980a and 1980b), need to be updated and, equally important, done at a 3cale (minimum 1:50,(00) to be useful to local resource planners who must make on-the ground decisions about the location and boundaries of protected areas. 8.3 POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS ( 1) Parks and Protected A.-eos Sys tem. A national parks and protected areas system should be created as a strategic component of Antigua and Barbuda's future development planning. The system should ensure adequate coverage of the biological diversity within the country and should seek to optimize the USf! of outstanding natural and historical resources and scenic areas for recreation and tourbm. The proposed parks :;.nd protected areas system could be a valuable mechanism for integrating conservation and development. Government should be prepared to provide tLe policy directive and support for planning, resource inventory, inter-agency cooperation, and legislative reform that would be rtquired to create a viable system. 160 (2) Beach Protection. Beach protec tion should be given appropriate emphasis in the parks and protected areas program. A re view cmd possible rr.vision of the Beach Con trol and Beach Protection should be carried out; it needs to be cecognized that beach management requires more involve ment by public sector authorities than the mere supervision of sand mining permits. The transfer of legal for beach man agement from the Public Works Department to a more appropriate agency should be ef fected. This might necessitate establishment of a L",ew agency, perhaps as part of a compre hensive coastal zone management program (see Policy Recommendations in Section 3, Coastal and Marine Resources). (3) Technical Staff Requirements. A recruitment, training and incentive program, aimed at eliminating the critical shortage of' trained technical staff for park managemeut, should be planned and executed without de lay. NPA, for example, needs to acquire the capacity for resource planning, research and monitoring. (4) Institutional Restructuring. A general review and reform of environmental policy is needed to address, among ot her things, weaknesses in the Government's in stitutional structure as it relates to the man agement of resources. Resource arell.5 need ing special attention for inStitutional restruc turing include beaches (alre:ldy mentioned), forests, wildlife and wetlands. The identifica tion of appropriate mechanisms to ensure more effective coordination and collaboration among agencies responsible for resource management should br, included in the re structuring exercise.

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SECTION 9 PROTECTION OF HISTORICAL/CUL HE:RITAGE 9.1 OVERVIEW The historical development of Antigua and Barbuda is reflected in the many surviving historical and archaeolvgical sites which can still be found throughO!.lt the coun try. The abundance of reefs surrounding these islands, with their lite-sustaining marine resources, favored the settlement of prehis toric peoples. Latc:r Antigua's central plain with its flat land and rich soil provided excel lent conditions for the establishment of sugar and other plantations. Antigua's indented coastline and central location ill the Caribbean ensured its position as tue principal Eastern Caribbean base for the English naval fleet in the eighteenth century and requirell the erection of many military installations on the island. The Historical and Archaeological Society (HAS) has developed a very hensive inventory of historical cultural heritage sites in the couniry. Th:t listirg, which is maintalned at the National Museum of Antigua and Barbuda in St. John's, includes almost 800 entries, which are classified by name, type, and status plus a sitc-l;y-site rec ommendation for the placement of each site in one of three protection categories (see Section 9.3). Copie:; of the inventory have been distributed to the Development Control Authority, the Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission and the t'liational Parks Authority to guide these bodies in deci sion-making which may affect a known site. Other than sugar mills, most important sites are found in the coastal regions (see Figures 9.1(1) and 9.1(2. Table 9.1(1) provides a summatJ of the informatiou compiled by the and Archaeological Society. Antigua is very rich in its heritage of military architecture with at least forty forts having been maintained on the island between 1672 and 1800. Numerous examples of these early fortifications still survive, some not much more than large stone platforms and many others not more than fragments of former structures. Monks Hill and Fort Berkeley, 161 both of historic significance, are now in a state of ruin. The island boasts several spectacular military installations such as Shirley Heights overlooking English Harbor, an extensive complex of arched stone buildings built into the side of a 2OO-foot cliff reaching straight up from the sea. The most celebrated of its mil itary sites, however, is Nelson's Dockyard at English Harbor, which was built in 1725 as re gional headquarters for the English naval force in the Caribbean. After 1890, the Dock yard fell into decay until 1951 when restora tion spearheaded by the Society of Friends for the Restoration of English Harbor, begun. Today, Nelson's Dock yard is a National Park, an important tourist attractioll in Antigua, a center of yachting in the region, and at (he same time is still counted as one of the key historic landmarks in the Caribbean -
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I Table 9.1(1). Summary of historic sites Inventory compiled by the Historical and Archaeological Society. The full Inventory Is maintained at the Nat/onal Museum of Antigua and Barbuda In St. John's. ANTIGUA 1 Precolumblan Sites Aceramlc Ceramic Heritage How:;es In St. John's Historic Sites Shipwreck Sites TOTAL SITES/ANTIGUA BARBUDA Precolumblan Sites Aceramlc Ceramic Historic Sites Shipwreck Sites TOTAL SITES/BARBUDA Detail on Antigua Sites: Nat/onal Landmarks 60 51 45 321 123 600 4 15 15 146 180 Mill Towers Still Standing L Sites In Nelson's Dockyard National Park Cannon Barrels -68 109 160 77 or two stories, with gabled roofs, outside stair cases and verandas or galleries; collectively, they give the downtown area its wJ.ique archi tectural character. Although St. John's is flot designated an "historic distr:ct," efforts have been made over the years to document and provide guidelines to retain the many exam ples of vernacular architecture which remain in the downtown area (e.g., see Cloyd, 1984). Most recently, as a part of a revitalization project for St. John's, OAS sponsored an up dated inventory of buildings of historic and ar chitectural interest in St. John's, including de sign guidelines and recomm<.:ndations for poli cies which encourage adaptive use and restorat.ion strategies ihroue.h the employment 162 of economic and other incentives (OAS, 1989). INSTITUTIONAL RESPONSIBILITIES Unlike many of its sister islands in the Eastern Caribbean, Antigua-Barbuda did not pursue the "national trust" model as adopted throughout the region in the 1960's and 1970's. The country, therefore, lacks this centralizing force for resource protection and deVelopment. Nevertheless, a number of Ll stitutions, both within a.ld external to Gov ernment, have some responsibility for the conservation and of historical

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ANTIGUA/SELECTED PLACES OF HISTORIC CULTURAL INTEREST A SITES .e:.. ARCHITECTURAL SITES 0 CANNONS + CEHETARIES 4 4 4 4 Q 4 4 t? JftL ESTATE HOUSES FORTS H HI STOR I C SITES .', LIGHT HOUSES --M MILITARY BUILDINGS A 4 4 STEAM MILLS MILL TOWERS 4 4 111111 SLAVE CELL LIME KILNS 4 4 SHIP WRECKS 4 4 4 4 ..... 0\ Vl 0'" be> 4 4 4 J8I 4 0 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 o 2 4 6 Kms ...0+ 104. .104 0 I I I 0 2 3 4 Miles Figure 9.1 (1). Places of historical and cultural interest in /\:1tigua (source: D. Nicholson, HAS).

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BARBUDA/PREHISTORIC AND HISTORIC SITES Coat Point Cedar Tree Point CARIBBEAN SEA BA-1 INDIAN TOWN TRAIL BA-2 SPANISH POINT BA-3 SUFFERERS BA-4 RIVER BA -5 HIGHLAND ROAD 6 RAVINE ROCKSHELTER BA-7 OVERVIEW CAVE BA-B EUREKA BA-9 DARK CAVE ROAD BA-10 PELICAN BAY WELCH'S ATLANTIC CODRINGTON BA-11 DOUBLE CAVE BA-J2 CAVE RD.,N. POWDER BA-13 GUT 9A-14 POWDER CAVE Rd., S. BA-15 SALT POND, CLOUTIER 8A-16 SEAVIEW BA-17 COCO AIRSTRIP BA-18 INDIAN CAVE BA-19 SUCKING HOLE OCEAN COCOd Point Spanish Point ARCHITECTURAL SITE tl LIME KI LN .. FORTS +k-SHIPWRECK Figure 9.1 (2). Pre-historic sites of Barbuda (source: D. Nicholson, HAS). 164

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and cultural resources. Unfortunately, such diffusion of responsibility has meant that the country lacks a well-defmed sense of direction as well as coo1'dinatcd policies for historical resource protection, and it is therefore per haps understandable that so much of the na tion's heritage has been destroyed. Without a broader policy base for the management of historical/cultural resources, this pattern of neglect will continue. The institutions currently involved in some aspect of historical/cultural resource protection and management are briefly discussed below. (1) The Ministry of External AilairS, Economic Development, Tourism and Energy is responsible for most of the institutions that deal with historical resources. These include: the National Parks Authority, the St. John's Development Corporation, the Historical, Couservation and Enviroumeatal Commis sion, and the Betty's Hope Conservation Pro ject, the latter being H jorr..t effurt of the Min istry's of Tourism and the His torical and An:haeological Socicty. The National Parks Authoritr is a statutory body created under the provi sions of thc National Parks Act (If 1984. It is responsible for overseeing operations and implementing a comprehensive park de velopment plan. Thus far, only one national park, the Nelson's Dod:ya>:"d Nation,,] Park, has been legally established. The NP A over sees private and public sector development in the Dockyard and raises operational and de, velopment reve:;nes through the ICJ.sing of park lands. J: is also responsible for preserv ing and cl,;,.eloping the natural, I.!ultural and historical 'resources of any other park desig nated under the legislation. The present national park at Nelson's Dockyard encompasses such historic land marks as the eighteenth century naval dock yard, the Shirley Heights military complex, Fort George and several other important his toric sites (Figure 9.1(3. The NP A is re sponsible for the Dockyard Museum; many of the exhibits there are in need of conservation and should be made more interpretive. While the NPA has sole authority over historic sites 165 within the National Park, this leaves any historic site outside of park bound-tries without protection. The St. John's Invelopme:ot Corpo ration was established by thf! St. John's De velopment Corporation Act in 1986. Its pri mary objective has been to promote the revi talization of downtown St. John's, but the Corporation is also carrying out a public awareness campaign to sensitize the commu nity to the vaiue of St. John's older houses, both ac; a part of Antigua's architf!ctural her itage and as an asset in promoting tourism in Sl. John's and its environs. Forty-five "Heritage Houses" have been nominated for protection by the Corporation. The Historical, Conservation and Environml!ntal Commission (HCEC) held its inaugural meeting on September 14, 1989, hut has yet to have its terms of reference solidified and approved t-y Cabinet. are no statutory provisions for its operations. Func tions which have been suggested for the Commission include: to advise Government and pro pose legal measures to prot.ect historic sites and the environment; to monitor housing and land de velopment schemes, pollution threats and other environmental impacts; and to educate the public on environ mental issues. At present the Shirley Heights Inter pretation Center comes under the jurisdiction of the HCEC; however, since Sb:'ley Heights is located within the ,,: the Na tional Park, it should be under the authority of the I'!PA. This is but one example of the am biguity which surwunds the management of historical/cultural resources in the country. (2) The Ministry of Agriculture, Fisherie3, Lands and Housing includes the Development Control Authority, the Gov ernment's lead agency for controlling devel opment in the state. The DCA was legally established the Land Development anrl

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ENGLISH HARBOR nEFENSES FORT tHARLES BLACK'S POINT BATTERY (nothing left) o FALMOUTH YARDS 500 FORT CUYLER The M MIDOLE GROUNO A A ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES ARCHITECTURAL SITES o CANNONS + HOSPITAL HILL () H.'GAZ I NE 1762 (nothing left) II M LAND SERVICE MAGAZINE + CEHEU.R I ES Ii FORTS nn MILITARY BUILDINGS SHIPWRECK o M DOW'S HILL A. CLARENCE HOUSE o CAPSTAN HO BATTERY (nothing left) ENGLI SH HARBOR HAN O'WAR MAGAZINE (nothing left) o A SH I RLEY HE I CHTS rco & \0 l I FORT CHARLOTTE -------------' Figure 9.1 (3). English Harbor defenses: sites of historical importance induding Nelson's Dockyard (source: D. Nicholson, HAS).

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Control Act of 1m. Its responsibilities under the legislation occur at two levels: (1) the DCA has authority to grant or refuse permis sion for t.he development of land and buildings and (2) the Authority is charged with the preparation of a National Development Plan. At present, the Authority has no formal pro cedures for technical input the loca tion and importance of known historic sites which might be affected by development pro jects. Ac; for preparation of a National Devel opment Plan, an inventory of historic sites by the Historical and Archaeoiogical Society was fIrst published in the Antigua-Barbuda Na tional Physical Plan of 1976, but destruction of such sites nevertheless continues (see Section 9.2). (3) The Ministry of Home Affairs is responsible for the island of Barbuda, where the Barbuda Council was crea,ted under the Barbuda Local Government Act of 1986. The Barbuda Council has ilower to make by-laws for development on the island. The nrst by law was enacted in 1981 to protect the Palmetto Point area, but an impasse DOW ex ists between the Council and the national Governrnent with reference to which authority will govern the development of Barbuda (Lausche, 1986; pers. commun., H. Frank, Barbuda Representative to Parliament, March 1990; see also Section 10.1 of the Proftle). Given the large number of historic shipwreck to be found in the waters surrounding Barbuda (see Table 9.1(1, it will become in creasingly important that management au thority for these important resources be re solved. Such sites need to be recognized as non-renewable assets which must be protected and managed in the public interest --not ex ploited for private gain. Recently, exclusive rights to salvage shipwrecks in Antigua and Barbuda were granted for a IS-year period to a FIorida-bac;ed treasure hunter (HAS, Newslelfer, No. 24, Jan. 1989). (4) The Ministry of Education and Culture runs the Cultural Office and the Na tional Archives. The Cultural Office is re sponsible for promoting Antigua and Barbuda's culture. It has organized Natio[.al Arts Festivals, and a "Cultural Village" was built in which annual cultural shows and exhibits are aeld. The Natiolial Archives is 167 housed in the old Court House building. By invitation, the Historical and Archaeological was asked to create the Museum of Antigua and Barbuda in the, downstairs por tion of this building. (5) The Historical and Archaeologi cal Society (HAS) is a non-governmental Of' ganization founded in 1%5. It was registered in 1988 under tJle Companies Act, Cap. 358; as such, it is limited by guar:mtee and is not for-profit. HAS created the Museum of Antigua and Barbuda in 1985. Its aim is to research the nation's historical and natural heritage, cotlect and preserve its artifact.s and educate the public on the history of Antigua Barbuda from its geological birth to its political independence. (6) The Environmental Awareness Group (EAG) is a non-governmental organi zation founded in 1988 as an offshoot of the HAS. It aims to educate the pubuc 011 the need to protect the total environment for a better quality of life. It also strives to protect historical heritage sites. (7) Something You Need (SUN) is a benevolent society which wac; registered in 1982 under the Friendly Societies Act. It is interested in applying appropriate technology in the use of local resources for self-help pro jects and in preserving Antigua and Barbuda's cultural heritage and environment. It is in the process of revitali7lng the site of a large fort next to the St. John's Deep Water Harbor, once known as "The Citadel". 9.2 PROBLEMS AND ISSUES HERITAGE DESTRUCTION The country of Antigua-Barbuda cur rently lacks the following: (1) a national policy which would bring together all aspects of national heritage protection under one comprehensive, operational program; (2) clear lines of authority or responsibility for the management of historical resol!l'ces; (3) ade quate legislatio" to protect hislorical re sources; and (4) effective procedures to con-

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trol the use and development of historical re sources. Because there is no antiquities law to protect the country's cultural property, arti facts are routinely removed from the most valuable archaeological sites by local en trepreneurs and others. A National Trust Bill that dealt with the protection of cultural prop erty was put forward in Parliament in 1975 but was not acted upon. At present, no agency is legally responsible for authorizing, prohibit ing, or monitoring archaeological excavations for cultural objects the National Parks Authority within national park boundaries. Even then, the NPA's authority is not as strong as it might be had regulations been en acted to the original National Parks legisla tion. The "Valley of Petrifactions w was the premier tourist attraction in Antigua in the 1920's, according to an old guide book (Ober, 1920), but today it is barren of artifacts. The Historical and Archaeological Society has at tempted to recover Antiguan and Barbudan artifacts overseas through UNESCO's 1970 Cultural Property Convention entitled "The Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property.w Signatories to the Con vention are obliged to prohibit the import of cultural property identified as stolen from an other party to the Convention (Whiting, 1983). In the case of Antigua and Barbuda, however, no hems can be identified as stolen, because there is no national law prohibiting the export of cultural property. In the meanwhile, pieces of the country's national heritage --its arti facts and historic resources --are being lost or exploited for personal gain. Several exam ples clearly illustrate this ongoing problem. The Freetown conch shell Dog's Head, as illustrated in full color or. the cover of the SCJool book Story of Arawaks in A1Itigua and Barouda, wac; taken from the country by art collec tors. A fmder was paid EC$50 (the equivalent of US$20), and it was later sold for US$15,OOO. Now US$90,OOO is needed to bring it back, along with 27 other Caribbean cultural objects. The Ministry of Education has sought the 168 assistance of a UNESCO Inter-gov ernmental Committee for its return. Efforts have been stalled, however, be cause t1..e artifact is now in the United States, which is no longer a party to UNESCO and there is no proof of "illegal exportationw Metal detectors, used mainly by visiting hobbyists, are a modem tech nology that can easily deplete an ar chaeological site. In June 1987, per mission was given by the Tourist Board to a group organized by a travel agency to search Antigua's beaches for metal objects. Two bus loads of tourists with detectors appeared at Shirley Heights and quickly carried off vast quantities of buckles, badges and other artifacts, displacing, at the same time, metallic objects vital to archaeological excava tions and for interpreting the site within the context of the National Park. As a consequence of these and simi lar actions, the country now faces three kinds of heritage site abuse which are illustrated below with appropriate examples. (1) Destruction of Historic Sites. In June 1988, a house site was prepared on Indian Creek, one of the most outstanding prehistoric sites in the entire Caribbean. Neither the NP A nor the DCA was aware of tbis in tended development. At Jolly (site of the first known human settlement in Antigua, dat ing to 1775 BC), bulldozing has been done by private individuals engaged in a land dispute. Bull dozing is a commonly used de facto method of claiming land which can have devastating effects, including destruction of sites of potential archaeological value. Montpelier and Gunthorpe's Sugar Factories are unprotected, and many fear these sites will one day be sotd as scrap metal, thus elimi nating their potential value m helping future generations of

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Antiguans-Barbudans to under stand and interpret that part of their history which was dominated by sugar production. Many of St. John's designated "Heritage Houses" are in disrep;t:'. partially eaten away by unpainted and otherwise neglected. Land values have increased in re cent years in downtown St. John's, and several fme old buildings have been tom down and replaced by modem office buildings; there is every indication that this trend will continue unless steps are taken to reverse the pattern. The St. John's Development Corporation has the power to restrict demolition or con version but has not taken the sary steps to do so. Such steps might include enactment of desi6Il guidelines which are by legislation and enactment of a pro gram of incentives to encourage property owners to retain the unique architectural features of their historic buildings. (2) Loss of Historical Identity. At present, there are no restored his toric sites in Antigua and Barbuda. The Dockyard and the Lookout at Shirley Heights are not true restorations, but rather examples of adaptive use of historic structures. Authentic restoration would return a site to its original structural fea tures and for.71, while interiors could be modernized in order to support commercial activities. In the case of the Shirley Heights Lookout, although plans for a restoration had been drawn by an historical architect commissioned by the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Cooperation, these were not used by the Park Foundation (forerunner of the NPA), and much historical authenticity was in the reconstruction (e.g., a naval sryle roof was placed on a military building). Many local researchers believe the concept of historic site is not fully understood in the country, and therefore it is undervalued as an educational tool and a means of encouraging 10c..'11 pride. (3) Loss of Artifacts. The salvage of artifacts from historic sbipwreck sites is becoming a more serious problem. Shipwrecks are protected by the Marine Areas (Preservation and Regul
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ENCOURAGING DEVELOPMENT THAT PRESERVES HISTORICAL RESOURCES Historic sites have been destroyed by developers throughout the Eastern Caribbean because the potential economic value of using rather than destroying the extant historical resources was not appreciated. Several years ago Antigua and Barbuda'li HistorlcaJ and Archa80:oglcal Society (!-;AS), as a part of its efforts to protect the country's heritage sites, sent a memorandum to a company that had been given rights to develop an unused tract of land on the east coast of Antigua at Nonsuch Harbor. The site contained Important Amerindian ruins, and the Socloty was ju::tiflably concernod about the fate of thesa resources. Ii, its memo to the development company (which was subsequently published In the Caribbean ConservaIn JunG of 1987), the Society briefly rl!vlowed the historlcaJ Importance of the site, pointing out that from about 300 AD the araa had been occupied by marltlrnl) tropical forf'st Amerindians who had resettled from South America. Much later, In the late 1600's, early colonials built a road across Antigua as a means of communication In the event of enemy attack. Tho roae! ended on the wost coast at Five Islands Harbor and on the east at Nonsuch Harbor. Subllequently, two forts and a gu&rd houso wtlre built at Nonsuch. After military occupa tion, the land was used for agriculture, until 250 years later when the site was contemplated for hotel and condo minium development. The Society, In its memo to the project's de\'elopar, suggested spsciflc ways In which the historlcallmpor tance of the aroa could be Incorporated Into site planning and the historical rasources could be made a valuable assot lor the development. Suggestions Included: An Amerindian motif for the development Historical motifs for Interior decoration Use of Amerindian architectural styles for heach house::, bars, craft centers, and other buildings A small on-site museum to Interpret the locality Open and on-golng excavations for the information and interest of visitors and tenants RGstoratlon of the colonial guard house and cistern as a lookout or bar Identification of a univl3rslty to take charge of on-site Investigations and establishment of a summer school for student archaeologists. Initially, the developers were very enthusiastic over the prospect of exploiting the site's historical signifi cance. It Invitod HAS to peg out scientifically Important areas where bush wculd be cleared by hand rather than by bulldozer, and it Indicated its Intontlon to use motifs and place names which recalled the history and culture of the Arawak Indians. A U.S. university (Tulane) was Identified by the Society for a cooperative excavation program, and students were sent to Antigua on a field expedition. Unfortunately, two years later, after this hopeful beginning, all has not gone a3 the Society had expected. Management changed several times, and the oarl, commitment to developing the site while preserving its histori cal components vacillated. Some of the areas marked for Investigation were Indeed clealtid by hand, but other Identified areas (some of which wore part of a land dispute) were bulldozed over us a means of claiming owner ship. Mora recont:y, maO!agers of the development seern positive once again about cooperative activities with HAS, Including publlCJltion of a booklet on the Arawaks at Nonsuch Bay for each gueot room, developmant of a small, model Arawak village, and preparation of a video including footage of actual oxcavations at the sits. Whatever the future holds for this :,artlcular development, the concept of linking tourism development tc historical resourco preservation remains P. valid one, and the Historical and Archaeological Society will continue tOJ pursue tha "development without dustructlon" concept wherever It Is appropriate. 170

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because many historic sites can be developed as tourist attractions and are therefore of eco nomic value to the country. INCREASING DEMANDS ON RESOURCES The country's growing population and accelerating economic development are placing greater pressure on the land and sea. Urbanization has grown at an ever increasing pace during the last decade, while all forms of infrastructure --roads, desalination plants, oil refineries, etc. --are taking up more and more space on the country's limited land base and along its valuable cOastline. Much of this development is occurring in areas that are be lieved to hold important archaeological informution but have not yet been adequately studied. As the nation's sites become fewer and as people become more historically con scious, the remaining sites should be investi gated by archaeologists before they are lost forever. Implementation of an Environmental Impact Assessment process for major devel opment activities, particularly for projects in the coastal zone, could include a cultural re source assessment component as one step to ensure that protection of the .. e resour<.:es is taken into consideration when development decisions are made. 9.3 POLICY RF.COMMENDATIONS (1) A National Heritage Protection Policy and Implementation Plan is needed that would: clarify the responsibilities and the authority of the various institu tions now involved in some aspect of historical/ cultural resource management and protection; seek to harmonize elcisting legis lation for historical resource con servation and develoT'mem by idenlifying unnecessary overlaps and redundancies and providing for updated, revised, or new leg islation where required in order to 171 eliminate legislative gaps, incon sistencies, and oversights; and identify the necessary resources to provide for implementation of the Policy. Management plans need to be devel oped for individual sites, especially each site officially designated as a National Landmark. Suggested development drawings were made of several landmarks a decade ago (1978-80) by an historical .. .rchitect provided by the Commonwealth Fund for Technica1 Coopera tion architect. These are still available at the Ministry of Economic Development (pers. common., C. Edwards, Prrmanent Secretary, Ministry of Economic Development, 1990). Management plans also need to provide guidelines or regulations controlling the usc of different classes of protected sites, including sites which have tourism potential, and desig nating what activities are prohihited for vari ous protection classes. A comprehensive inventory of her itage sites has already been prepared and for warded to the DCA and the HCEC by the Historical and Archaeological Society. Re cently, as a part of the Country Environmental Prame Project, that inventory was re\;sed to include a recommended priority classifIcation system, which provides the basis for future management strategies. Sites in the HAS na tional inventory have been grouped into three Protected based on the following cri teria: scientific, historical, and archaeological value; uruqueness; uf disturbance; and esthetic value. The three Proposed Protected Classes for Heritage Sites recommended by HhS are de scribed below.

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Protected Class A. Sites of the greatest importance based on the criteria indicated above. Management of Class A Sites. Most are national landmarks, and they should be developed very carefully, if at all. Each should be with great care. They can be made into commercially viable enterprises by choosing a adaptive use, but they should be restored autheutically so their his torical identity is not lost. A hypothetical adaptat:on for the old Central Sugar Factory would be restoration of the. steam engines and de.velopment of a science mlLseum focusing on later sugai' technology. 1'wo critical archaeological national landmarks are indian Creek and Jolly Beach. These should not be built over but left for futlO!"e research and investigation by Antiguans. Protected Class B. !m:>ortant based on criteria above, but of le!>ser impor tance than nationallandmary.!i. Management of Class B Sites. This class of heritage site can be developed if done appropriately. Accommodations may be necessary, but these can enhance the economic and educational value of the sit.e. The basic conversion rules for historic buildings including mill tower walls should be that the conversion is designed by a competent architect; the design is approved by the HCEC and DCA; t.he heritage site is left free standing apart from any building that might be erected as a part of the development; and the conversion retains its historical integrity and beauty. Protected Class C. These sites either are known to be of lesser importance than Protected Class B sites, or they are to be of lesser importance but have not been adequately studied. Management of Class C Sites. Sites are to be surveyed and excavated only if a survey shows that no archaeological inforrnatic,n or artifacts would be lost A site could then be built over, but preferably, buildings could be placed to one of any "significant" areas. 172 As discussed in Section 9.1, there are marJY Government and non-Government institutions associated with heritage protection. The responsibilities of these Government agencies and commissions, statutory bedies, and NGOs must be clarified, and clearer lines of authority and responsibility need to be established. Coordination need!. to be im prO't'ed, and specific procedures for the re view, referral, and approval of development applications which impinge upon an identified heritage site must be formalized. Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs), that include an analysis of the historical and cultural resources affected by devel opment activities, should be mandatory and used by DCA in reaching its decisions (see also Section 7 of the Prome). Opportunity fer input by appropriate technical experts should be provided for in the planning/evaluation stage of major development projects, i.e., persons associated with HCEC, HAS, and/or the Dockyard National Park. Procedures should be mandated. to require an evaluation and rtc:''llmendations from a trained archaeologist for the most important or archaeological sites. (2) A National Heritage Protection Program should be establi:..',-i. Government should consider establishing a National Heritage Protection Pro gram to raise awareness and incentives for conserving the country's historical and cultural heritage. Antigua and Barbuda has many her;Lage sites, but they are being under utilized for education and tourism. The nation needs [0 look beyond Nelson's Dockyard, Shirley Heights and St. John's Cathedral -the histor. areas now most frequented by tourists --to identify sites which also are worthy of restoration and development. Additional sites recommended for development include: Betty's Hope Plantation and the Citadel (both now in progress), Gunthorpe's and Montpelier Sugar Factories, Fort James, Fort Barrington, Indian Creek Amerindian site, and Bat's Cave. Amerindian could be developed by building exact replicas of Indian houses with interpretative centers, souvenir shops, and other facilities.

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Other important heritage sites could be inter preted by the placing of suitable signs and providing guide leaflets. Such efforts could undoubtedly attract support from donor agen cies (as they have in other OECS countries, e.g., Grenada, Dominica), for these activities are easily linked to tourism development and economic growth. A National Heritage Protection Pro gram should include a strong education com ponent, targeted to the full population ranging from school children to government officials. One objective would be to bring about com munity attitudinal changes necessary to pro tect the nation's heritage over the long term. It might be useful to survey Antiguans and Barbudans to determine how they feel about their historical heritage, such a survey to be administered during a "National Heritage Weekthat could be jointly organized by the HCEC, NPA, HAS, and EAG. The media could be instrumental in the program by reaching people through radio, televic:bn, fIlms, lectures and exhibits. A fmal component of a National Heritage Protection Program would be the expansion and upgrading of museums in the country. Table 9.3(1) summarizes current and projected museum and interpretive center programs in Antigua-Barbuda. Table 9.3(1}. Museum development In Antigua and Barbuda. MUSEUM THEME STATUS MANAGEMENT Oper. Dev. Prop. Museum of Antigua-Barbuda National History X HAS Culture X Cultural Office Dockyard Maritime History X NPA Shirley Heights Military H!3tory X NPA Dow's Hill Interpretive Naturai, Cultural and X NPA Center Military History Bat's Cave Natural History X NPA Betty's Hope Estate Early Sugllr History X Betty's Hope R!storatiofl Project Gunthorpe's Sugar Factory Later Sugar History X Betty's Hope Restoration Project Marteilo Tower Barbuda History X Barbuda Council Museum of Marinl3 Uving Art Sheils, Ancient History X Private and Ancient Civilizations Coral Reef Marine Park, Marine X Private Crump Island KEY: OPER. = operational; DEV. = in davelopmentel stage; PROP. = proposed. l_ Sou'''''' D. N'oho'.o,. HAS. 173

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Consideration must be given to de veloping fmancial incentives to compensate property owners for participating in the con servation and restoration of designated her itage sites. The St. John's Development Cor poration and the OAS have jointly designated 45 buildings in St. John's as "Heritage Houses,w and the OAS has provided guidelines for developmeut and utilization 0: these sites without loss of their historical and architec tural integrity. Incentives wwch could be employed by Government to compensate owners who Heritage Houses might include property tax exemptions, lower utility 174 rates, low interest loans, and customs conces sions on materials used in renovation (OAS, 1989). Consid'!ration should also be given to Government acquiring oWDl!rship of critical heritage sites whicL are most threatened by development. For :;elccted sites, such ali Indian Creek, it may be feasible to exchange Government IllJds in another area f(lr the heritage site. !n the specific case of Indian Creek, this alternative has been proposed to the Ministry of Agriculture, and a dtcision from Cabinet is pending.

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SECTION 10 !NSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT 10.1 GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION Antigua and Barbuda, with its unin habited dependency of Re-:londa, is an inde pendent unitary democracy. After over 200 years as a British colony, Antigua and Barbuda attained associated statehood in 1967. In this status, Antiguan.c; and Barbudans enjoyed full internal self-government through a locally-elected assembly, while Great Britain retained control over foreign defense and ex ternal affairs. In November of 1981, Antigua and Barbuda gained complete independence. As a member of the Sritish Com monwealth, the COU!ltry observ'!s the tradition.o; of a Constitutional Mona'tchy and the practices of a parliamentary dellic!:'racy. The Monarch apPJints a Governor General, who in turn appoints, as Prime Minister, the leader of the majority party in the 17-membel, pop ularly-elected House of Representatives. The Governor General also appoints the 17 meiJlhers of the Senate. He is advised by the Prime Minister on the appointment of eleven senaturs, by the Opposition Leader on four, and by the Barbuda Council (see below) on one. The Governor General appoint1> re maining senator at his own discretion. The Constitution of 1981, promwgated at the same time the count.ry gained independence, guar antees the rights of opposition part:es in gov ernment (Sturges-Vera 1989). Judicial matters are handled at three levels. The Magistrate Court deals with summary offenses, the High Court handlrs in dictable offenses, and the Eastern CariLu::an States Court of Appeal hears appeals from the two lower courts. The functional of Governmeut are carried out by the following ministries: Prime Minister's Office (including Defense) 175 Ministry of External Affairs, Economic Development, Tourism and Energy Ministry of Legal Affairs and Attorney General Ministry of Finance Ministry of Education, Culture and Youth Affairs Ministry of Labor and Health Ministry of Home Affairs Ministry of Public Utilities and Aviation Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, Lands and Housing Ministry of Public Works and Communications Ministry of Trade, Industry, and Commerce. THE BARBUDA COUNCIL The island of Barbuda was formally annexed to Antigua in 1860. Influential land owners governed Barbuda by lease until 1903, when the authorities on Antigua were ordered to govern it as a CrO\\'O Estate. The pos;tion of warden, or manager, was established the next year, and this official administered the island until 1976. In that year, in recognition of secessionist sentiment on Barbuda, the Barbuda Council was est'lblished to ail ow a greater degree of internal self-government. The Council, which is empowered to make by-laws, consists of nine electt:d mem bers (elections are held every two years), the two Barbudan representatives to the national Parliament, o.nd a government-appointed

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ANTIGUA-BARBUDA RELATIONS Barbuda currently has an estimated resIdent population of 1, 'j 00, slightly less than It had In 1960 when I, 145 people were enumerated on the Island. There has been some return migration of Barbudans from Britain, the United States and the USVI, and this should Intensify as many Barbudans who migrated In the 1960's reach retirement age or are attracted home by expanding opportunities. Many consider Barbuda's relatlonsh!p vis a vis the national Government In Antigua to be (me of dependency, although technically the Island has local government. In the form of the Barbuda Council and a seat In the cauntlY's Parliament. Relations between Barbuda and Antigua have been strained for some time. In 1969 Barbudans petitioned Britain for separa tion from Antigua, and at present they have a c.ase on appeal before the Privy Council to de cide on their historical claim to all of Barbuda. Since the Government in Antigua has steadfastly maintained that most of Barbuda Is "Crown" land, many development projects r.ave been approved by Cabinet without the knowi edge or input of Barbudans. The issue of sand mining In Barbuda Is discussed In more detail In Sectjons 3 and 4 of the Profile. Additionally, tourism development projects approved for Barbuda by Cabinet can have far reaching consequences for the Island's environment and people. One to!Jrlsm complex now being developed (the K Club) has already drained and filled som3 of the mangrove swamp behind the hotel: furthermore, the ucreage approved by the Barbuda Council for this pmJect was substantially smellier than the area eventually fenced off by the developers, reportedly with the national Government's appro'lal. Many Italian work ers were by the project's Italian owners, and a small community was erected for them. The same group has leased another 250 acres from Government to build a large de vel::>pment at Palmetto Point, and reportedly li British group Is at!emptlng to put together a sizeable project for Spanish Point. If most of those prolects are fully developed (which could raise the number of hotel rooms from the current leve! of about 50 to 300-400), their labor demands could not be met locally, as existing tourism facilities already have to bring in 30ma I workers from Antigua and there has been discussion of importing additional labor fram within the Caribbean, e.g., from Guyana. Since Barbudans are a closely-related and tightly-knit people, the prospect of large numbers of outsldE:TS on the island is certain to nave serious social and politlcaj mpercus.:Jlons. Barbudans are generally distrustful of outsiders (Antiguans are included in this cate gory), and, based on past C3xperiences, they are quite skeptical of thp. promised benefits that may accrue to Barbudar:s ircm proposed developm6nt activities. 'The (lew enviror:rnar.ial awareness reported in Antigua (see Sections 1.4 and 10.3) has been slow to take roo'( ill Barbuda. Barbudans are nonetheless aware of the importance of the bird l::mctuary for nature tourism and have watched with Interest the "lady strE'am of outI siders who have come to study their bird colonies. They ara also aware that Barbuda's ship wrecks and reefs offer splendid opportunities for dive tourism, and it is because of this that some Barbudans are quite disturbed over the agreement entered into by the Antiguan Gov ernment and a Florida-based sal'Jagell"treasure huntp;r" which gives the salvager the right to take a major portion of artifacts out of the state (see also Section 9 of the ProfIle). Many Barhudans the shl;Jwreck sites off their waiers should be properly charted, stude_PhotOgraPhed, but should belen ossentlally undisturbed. 176

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member. The Ministry of Home Affairs in Antigua is responsible [or coordinating the activities of the Council, and the Council submits proposals for capital and special ex penditures to the Ministry. (Nicholson, 1984; Bourue, 1987) LEGISLATIVE FOUNDATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT The evolution of 3.0 administrative framework for environmental management in Antigua and Barbuf1a can be traced by re viewing the legislative history of the country. The authority to regulate activities to protect and manage the environment is dispersed among the laws and ordinances listed in Table 10.1(1). This listing was primarily compiled by an OECS-NRMP consultant (Lausche, 1986), who completed a similar review of re source management legislation in other OECS countries. 10.2 GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS CONCERNED WITH ENVIRON MENTAL MANAGEMENT No single ilgency in Government is charged with responsibility for the environ ment, and consequently responsibility for re source Dlanagement, resource conservation, and reSOll!'ce development rests with a number of GOAB agencies, which are de scribed in the sub-sections which follow. MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE, FlSHERlES, LANDS AND HOUSING The Department of Ag.dcl!lture (a part of the Ministry of Fisheries, Lands, and Housing) is responsible for agri cultural extension, agricultural engineering, plant protection, forestry, vetErinary and live sto.;k services, and horticulture. The Department's headquarters and an experiment sta tion arc located at Dunbars, north of st. John's. Nurseries are located at Green Castle and Ch.ristian Valley. Smaller agricultural stations are located Cades Bay, Orange Valley, and Bethesda. (pers. commun., F. 1.77 Henry, Director of Agriculture, 1990) (see Figure 10.4(1. Extension activities are divided be tween two sections. An Extension Officer oversees a small group of agricultural in structors, who provide technical information to farmers and livestock owners. In addition, a Principal Administrative Officer is in charge of a force of Field Officers and Agricultural Assistants who process requests to lease land parcels of five acres or less, remove or shoot stray animals grazing on cultivated land, and coordinate plowing and other services. The Agricultural Engineering Unit repairs and cleans small dams and ponds that provide agricultural water and handles other duties related to irrigation and drainage. The unit is also responsible for soil and water conservation. However, very little is done regarding soil or water and no major conservation programs Co .11 ;ntly exist. The Department's fDrestry I'esponsi bUities are presently under the charge of a Forestry Assistant. (The position of Forestry Officer is currently vacant.) Another Forestry Assistant is now studying in Canada and will return to Antigua in 1991. Tree seedlings are propagated at Christian ValJ,;y and Green Castle. The current protecting forest resources are outdated aI'd unenforce able until state-o ... med fores' reserves are sur veyed and demarcated (Bourne 1987; Lausche, 1986; Miller, et al., 1989). The Pesticide Control Act of 1973 authorized the creation of a Pesticide Control Board with powers to draft and enact regula tions to supervise the importation, use and disposal of pesticides. Th .! Board was estab lished in 1978 but generall!f has been inactive, particularly over the last years. The position of Plant Protection Officer, who headed the Board in the past, is currently va cant. The Director of Agriculture is attempt ing to reconvene the Board. He has obtained copies of pesticide regulations from Dominica and St. Lucia and expects to adapt thl!se for 'Jse in Antigua and Barbuda (pers. commun., F. Henry, Dir. of Ag., 1990).

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Table 10.1 (1). Primary resource management legislation In Antigua-Barbuda. PLANNING DEVELOPMENT CAOWNLANDS AGAICUL TUAE FOAESTS WATEA 8EACHES Town and Country Planning Act (Cap 278, 1948) (for building regulations) Town and Country Planning Regulations (SAO No. 24, Land Development and Control Act(No. Hi ()f 19n) The St. John's Development Corporation Act (No.1 of 1986) Jlntlgua Agricultural Oevelopmont Corporation k;i (No. 11 of 197tl) Crown lands (Regulation) Act (Cap. 130, 1917) The Crown Lands (Land Settlement) Regulations (SAO No. 24,1930) The Crown Lands (Renting) Regulations (SAO No. 23,1926) The Crown Lands (Sale) Regulations (SAO No.9, 1939) The Pesticides Control Act (No. lS of 1913) Plant Protection Act (Cap. 102) Produce Protection Act (Cap. 103) Fumigation of Plants Act (Cap. 100) Forestry Act (Cap. 90,1941) Forestry Regulations (SRO No. 13,1941, and No. 42,1952) The Barbuda (Lease of Government ,1'ld Cutting of F1rewcod) By-Law (SAO No. 23,1934) Bush F1rAs Act (Cap. 303) The Public Utilities Act (No. 10 of 1973) Watercourses lind Watflr Works Regulations (SAO 23, 1954, and SRO No. 24,1961) Beach Control Act (Cap. 2f}7, 1959) The Beach Control (Prevention of Danger) Regulations (SRO No. 25 of 1976) Beach Protection (Cap. 298, 1957) Beach p.,tection (Amendment) Act (No.1, 1968) (continued) The Fisheries Department, another section of the Ministry, is tasked with assisting the industry by helping it obtain duty free fIShing equipment, boats or vehicles, by selling ice and fIshing equipment at concessionary or subsidized rates, and by making loans for boat repairs. fIshing in marine areas to preserve flora, fauna, natural beauty and shipwrecks and to promote recreation or scientillc study. Salt Fish Tail Red (Diamond Reef) off Antigua and Palaster Reef off Barbuda have been declared restricted areas, but none of the areas are actively managed or controlled. The Fisheries Act of 1983 gives the Ministry power to preselve habitats, restore degraded areas and promote scientillc study in any area of territorial waters and adjacent land by designating it a marine rese.rve. No marine reserves have been designated. Extensive authority to protect marine resources has been given to the Ministry under several pieces of legislation. Under the Marine Areas Act (Preservation and En hancement) of 1972, the Ministry may restrict 178

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Table 10.1 (1) (continued). Primary resource management legislation In Antigua-Barbuda. PAOTECTED AREAS W1LDUFE MARINE WASTE MANAGEMENT The National Parks Act (No. 11 of 1004) National Parks (Amendment) Act (No.3 of 1986) Botanical Gardens Act (Cap. 300,1900) Botanical Gardens Regulations (1901) The Marine Areas (Preserva{/on and Enhancement) Act (No.5 of 1972) The Marine Areas (Proservation and Enhancement) Regulations (SAO No. 25, 1973) The Marine (Restricted Areas) Order (SAO No. 47, 1913) Wild Birds Protection Act (Cap. 115, 1919) Proclamation (SAO No. 16, 1937) Proclamation (SAO No.3, 1976) The Barbuda (Shooting and Fishing) By-Law (SAO No. 41,1959) Protection of Animals Act (Cap. 113) The Fisheries Act (No. 14, 1983) Fisheries (Protection of Lobster) Regulations (SAO No.3, 1978) Turtle Act (Cap. 333, 1927) Senl Fisheries (North Pacific) Act (1912, UK) Maritime Areas Act (No. 23 of 1986) (formerlyentitlad Territorial Waters fV;t, No. 18 of 1982) Public Health Act (Cap. 236, 1957) P"ublic Health Regulations (SAO No. 35, 1959; SAO No. 25, 19&'; SAO No. 24, 1958) The Utter Act (No.7, 198::1) The Utter (Fixed Penalty Procedure) Regulations (SAO No. 41, 1984) The Utter (Fixed Penalty Procedure) (Amendment) Regulations (SAO No. 16, 1985) Privy Regulations (Cap. 236, 1965) Dumping at Sea Act (No. 29 of 1975) N.B. AlIOrdinances were renamed "Acts in 1987 (No. 14). Source: Lausche, 1986; pers. commun., L. Hesse, 1990. The Ministry's Lands Division is re sponsible for the management and control of all Government lands, including land recla mation, land use and the sub-division of land. Since over half of the country's land is owned by Government, Division has a key role in determining the conversion of land to non agricultural uses (Soler, 1988). The Division answers directly to the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture. 179 The Development Control Authority (DCA) is a statutory body responsible to the Minister of Agriculture; the Authority was created by the Land Development (Control) Act of 1977, the prin::ipal law governing land use planning and development control in the state. It is tasked with monitoring and regu lating development and construction in Antigua and Barbuda. DCA relies on the professional and technical staff of the Physical Planning Office to carry out its functions.

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That staff consists of a Town and Country Planner, two Senior Planning Assistants, one Building Technician, two Building Inspectors, and one Assistant Inspector Technician. In many OECS countries, strong de velopment control authorities have assumed an important centralizing and coordinating role in regulating national develcpment. This is not the case, however, in Antig'Ja-Barbllda where the DCA is seriously constrained in ex such leadership; at the same time, no other statutory body or government agency has taken over this role. Additionally, coordination and communication linkages between the DCA and other Government de partments dealing with physical IDfrastruc:ure or land use issues are generally very poor. For example, the Public Works Department and the Public Utilities Authority do not sys tematically provide the DCA with data and planning information about their development proje(;ts (Soler, 1988). (For a more detailed discw,!iion ot' development planning and the role and capabilities of the DCA, see Section 7 of the ProfIle.) CENTRAL MARKETING CORPORATION The Central Marketing Corporation (CMC), a statutory body, is responsible for domestic and export marketing of agricultural products, limited importing, and selling of farm inputs to farmers. It owns a packing house, grading equipment, and a wholesale outlet. Most farmers prefer to sell directly to hotels, supermarkets, (market women), or consumers at public markets and therefore use CMC as a market of last resort. CMC lacks an information system that allows it to predict production levels or market de mand, and generally operates at a loss (IICA, n.d.). CENTRAL BOARD OF HEALTH The Central Board of Health (CBH) is responsible for enforcing environmental sanitation regulations, preventing the spread of infectious diseases, operating a mosquito cont.rol program, and collecting and disposing of solid and liquid waste. This last responsi-180 bility consumes most of the agency's re sources. Antigua ar.d Barbuda's waste coUec tion system has improved considerably in the last two to three years, in l&.rge measure be cause of the creation of a position for, and subsequent hiring of, a Solid Waste Manager. However, enforcement of sanitation regula tions (which are themselves very weak) is still inadequate, fmes are low, and illegal dumping in wetlands, swamps and other areas is a problem. The principal legislation for waste management and pollutiua control is the now outdated Public Health Act. The Act follows the colonial pattern common to the region of using violations for pollution J)ut enforcement is difficult because concepts are outdated (Lausche, 1986). (See also Section 6 for a more detailed discussion.) WATER. DMSION The Water Division of the Antigua Public Utilities Authority (APUA) is responsible fer providing dr:nking water and ensur ing its quality for public consumption. The Division is a part of the Public Utilities Au thority, a statutory body which reports to the Ministry of Public Utilities and Aviation; it was created by legislation in 1973 and merges responsibilities for electricity, telephone, and water services under one Authority. Lausche (1986) states thc.t the emphasis of the enabling legislation is on the provision of utility ser vices, and the law is weak on giving the Water Division specific authority for water resource management and protection. The Planning and Development sec tion of the Division is responsible for hydrological and hydrogeological studies, the development and construction of wells, the plan ning and design of dams, and contracting out major construction projects. The Operations and Maintenance section is in charge of pumping stations and water treatment plants, small construction projects, and the installation, inspection and repair of water meters. The Water Division is also responsible, under the Public Utilities Act of 1973, for

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establishing, operating and maintaining a sewage system, but currently no system exists. PUBLIC WORKS DEPARTMENT The Public Works Department, part of the Ministry of Public Works and Commu nications, is responsible for enforcement of the Beach Protection Act of 1957 which prevents the removal of sand, stone, gravel or shingle from beaches or foreshores without a permit. The Department formerly mined and sold sand to the public but stopped this practice in Antigua in response to community pressure. The practice continues in Barbuda, however, where mined sand continues to be exported to Antigua and elsewhere (see also Sections 3 and 4 of the Prome). The Department is also responsible for building roads and therefore for maintenance of road drainage systems throughout the country. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION, CULTURE AND YOUTH AFFAIRS Nearly all of the schools in Antigua and Barbuda are publicly supported and therefore represent an important resource for increasing awareness and understanding about critical environmental issues. Some efforts have already been made to integrate environ mental education into the curricula of primary and secondary schools. Agricultural Science, a part of the Fifth Form Caribbean Examination Council (CXC) level, is presently taught at four of the country's nine secondary schools: Princess Margaret, Pares Secondary, All Saints Sec ondary, and Jennings Secondary. In Antigua, the practical examinations in Animal Hus bandry to meet CXC requirements are con ducted at the Agricultural Department's Olivers Livestock Station. Instruction dealing with safe pesticide use, composting, soil and water conservation techniques, and similar practices could be included in course work ill order to encourage and promote a more di rect environmental education focus. The syl labus, on which the CXC examinations are based, influences course curricula, and teach ers can petition the CXC to include particular 181 questions on the examinations, thus allowing them to base their instruction on 10cally-im port ant content or issues during the school year. Two U.S. Peace Corps volunteers (one with extensive tree cropping experience) will begin serving as Agricultural Science teachers for two years in 1990. Miller and Howell (1989) have iden tified five other CXC syllabi with environ mental relevance: chemistry, biology, physics, integrated science, and geography. These could provic!e the context for enha.,ced envi ronmental education at all of the secondary schools, including the non-agricultural science institutions: Antigua Girls' High School, Antigua Grammar School, Clare Hall Sec ondary, and Oltos Comprehensive in the St. John's area, and Holy Trinity Secondary on Barbuda. A foundation has also been lnid for teaching environmental issues at the primary level. The World Wildlife Fund's Caribbea, Resource Management Edllcation Program has developed materials for primary and lower secondary grades in the English speaking Caribbean on the natural history of major island ecosystems and the importance of prudent resource management. These materials have been field-tested and revised and were reportedly available via teachers' colleges starting in 1988 (Brown, 1989). The Ministry of Education and Cul ture also includes the Cultural Office (responsible for the promotion of national culture, including festivals, exhibits, and the like) and the National Archives, now housed in the old Court House building in St. John's. NATIONAL PARKS AUTHORITY The National Parks Authority was created as a statutory corporation in 1985, following enactment of the National Parks Act one year earlier. This statutory body is re sp'1nsible to the Minister of Economic Devel opment and Tourism and, as such, most of the Authority's efforts have focused on strength ening the commercial viability and tourism

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potential of the Nelson's Dockyard National Park, which is at present the only legally de clared park under the enabling legislation. The National Parks Authority ll.\ re sponsible for the implementation of the Na tional Parks Act and for all matters associated with park management, including planning and the management of funds generated by park operations and activities. Management authority, however, has been weakened as the National Parks Act lacks supporting regula tions. Furthermore, the legislation did not provide a legal deftnition for what constitutes a "national park" and makes no provision for protected areas. Thus, while passage of the National Parks Act, creation of the NP A, and establishment of the Nelson's Dockyard Na tional Park are encouraging steps forward for Antigua-Barbuda, the country has yet to make a full commitment to a comprehensive parks and protected areas program. (See also Sec tion 8 of the Prome for additional information on the organizational structure of the NPA.) HISTORICAL, CONSERVATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL COMMISSION Government has established an advi sory body, with no statutory provisions, to provide input and guidance in the manage ment of the nation's natural and historical re sources. The formation of the Historical, Conservation and Environmental Commission (HCEC) had been under discussion for a number of years, but the HCEC did not hold its inaugural meeting until September of 1989. Unfortunately, its terms of reference have yet to be promulgated and approved by Cabinet. Current membership of the Commission is drawn from both the public and private sec tors. In early 1990, the Commission was des ignated as the local national committee to provide direction to CCA and IRF in the preparation of the Antigua-Barbuda Envi ronmental Profile. (See Section 9 of the Prome for additional information on the HCEC.) 182 ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION Hill (1988), in a country report pre pared the auspices of UNEP's Interna tional Environmental Education Program, prioritizes needs and suggests measures for environmental education in Antigua-Barbuda. The steps identified in Hill's report include: Development of a national policy on environmental education; Designation of one ministry charged with responsibility for en vironmental education; Establishing environmental edu cation networks and linkages be tween ministries at all levels, po litical and technical; Implementation of special work shops and seminars for various interest groups, e.g., Chamber of Commerce; A review and upgrading of exist ing school syllabi to incorporate instruction on the special en vironmental problems of Antigua Barbuda; Implementation of a public awareness program to inform the public through effective use of the media; Creation of an environmental monitoring system to document environmental problems; Training of teachers, administra tors, and parents in environmental issues. Hill's report is primariiy orit:nted to ward building environmental awareness pro grams in industrial education, which for AntiguaBarbuda focuses on the Antigua State College, the Antigua and Barbuda Technical and Vocational Center, and the Hotel and Training Center. Educating stu dents enrolled in tourism service courses is important according to Hill.

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Environmental education is the num ber one priority mentioned by a former USAID Regional Environmental Manage ment Specialist in a 1988 report which focuses on interviews with Government and non-gov ernment persons in Antigua. (1988) proposes expanded use of media out lets to work with environmental groups in developing appropriate materials and pro grams for environmental education (see also '7he Media" in Section 103 below) and em ployment of U.S. Peace Corps volunteers to assist with tasks such as environmental e'luca tion curriculum development. 10.3 THE NON-GOVERNMENTAL SECTOR IN ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT Generally Antigua-Barbuda has not yet devekped a privatl:>sector base for commuaity support of environmental programs. The recent revitalization of the country's oldest \:on!>crvation" organization (the Historical and AIr.haeo!ogical Society) has been enconraging as has the emergence of a second non-governmental organization (NGO) with a broader environmental agenda. Antigua also supports a variety of rural devel opment and cooperative or quasi-cooperative groups, many of which have active resource management components. FinaJly, within the country's strongest growth sector --tourism there are some private-sector organizations which have an interest in promoting long-term planning and the development of balanced growth strategies, The primary NGOs and private-sector groups with environmental in terests are reviewed helow, The Histonl:al and Archaeological Society of Antigua and Bdfhuda (HAS) was established over three decades ago and throughout most of its institutional history was a fairly small organization. The year 198.1 marked a significant turn-around for the Soci ety when, support from Goverument and under grants provided by UNESCO and CIDA, HAS established the National Mu seum of Antigua and Barbuda which it con tinues to operate ill St. John's. The Society also carries out historical research, assists 183 site preservation efforts (e.g., Betty's Hope Estate Restoration Project), and pro vides leadership for the protection and preser vation of artifacts and historic relicts. The National Museum is used exten sively by visitors to Antigua and by local per sons, especially primary and secondary school teachers and their classes. At the time of the Museum's founding in the mid-1980's, Society members reported that its had provided a nt:w focal point for growth and ex pansion of the organization and, at same thnC, represented an important commitment on the part of Government and signaled an opporLUnity for expanded private sector in volvement in environmental programs (Towle, et a/., 1987). The En-vironment.al Awareness Group (EAG), a recent offshoot of the His torical and Archaeological Society, wc:.s orga nized in 1988 with a stronger f'Jcus on envi ronmental issues. Its primary objective is to rai"e public concern about, and awareness of, important environmentaJ problems facing the country. EAG sponsors a lecture series, con ducts walking tours of environmentally sensi tive areas, and has begun to record and mon itor specific instances of pollution, illegal sand mining, and similar acts that threaten the en vironment. It co-sponsors Earth Day activi ties, including tree plantings <,.nd a clean-up of a trash dlimp near Shirley Heights. In March of 1990, with fundmg from the Caribbean Conservalion Association, EAG co-organized with HCEC a workshop which began to explore issues leading to develop ment of a National Conservation Strategy. Several members of EAG l>erve on the His torical, Conservation and Environmental Commission, and in 1990 EAG was selected as the local NGO counterpart for implemen tation of the Antigua-Barlmda CEP projecl. for one paid staff member in each group, both HAS and EAG rely on vol unteers. Many of the volunteers belong to the expatriate community, and the need to expand membership 10 a hroader community base is a recognized goal of each organization. Both groups publish newsletters, and are planning outreach programs for schools and the gen eral public in an attempt to increase

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membership and involve morc Antiguans and Barbudans in their activities. The Cooperative Farmers Associa tion (CFA) was registered as a cooperative in 1982. Members jointly lease 50 acres of land at Sandersons, near the Potworks Reservoir in central Antigua, where each of the 25 active members has access to two acres for individ ual cultivation. CFA has established its own irrigation syster.t, drawing water from both Potworks aild its own pond. It handles group purchases of inputs and some marketing of products. Many of CFA's members are part time farmers and have a range of professional and managerial skills that are unusual for a cooperative of this size. The Pan American Development Foundation has received fund ing from USAID to sponsor an agroforestry project \vith CFA; CFA has also received sup port from the Inter-American Foundation and Island Resources Foundation. Tht Antigua Uvestock Improvement Cooperative Society (ALICS) was established in 1986 as part of a USAID-funded livestock improvement project implemented by the De partment of Agriculture and Winrock r national, a U.S. philanthropic foundation. When the project was terminated in 1987, its resources, including nearly a quarter million dollars in equipment, were turned over to ALICS. The Society provides it5 approxi mately 20 members with mechanized brush cutting, land preparation, post hole digging and livestock hauling services, the use of breeding bulls, and educational materials. ALICS presently has one paid employee, a tractor driver (pers. commun., P. Millwood, ALICS President, 1990). The Small Fanners Association (SFA) is presently inactive, although its presi dent hopes to revive the group. In the past, SF A counted as many as 125 crop and live stock farmers as members for whom the As sociation provided a variety of services, in cluding land preparation, group purchase of livestock inpurs, cleaning of ponds, the con struction of irrigation dams, and training (pers. commun., J. Samuel, SFA President, 1990). 184 The Antigua and Barbuda Fisher men's Association is the only representative body for local fIshermen. Its activities focus on education, research and lobbying on behalf of fIshermen, and the group is concerned with the impact of tourism development in coastal areas, specifIcally the destruction of man groves and other areas important as fIshery habitats and nurseries (Towle, et 01.,1987). The Organization for Agricultural Development (OAD) grew out of a Meals for Millions Project that started in 1979. OAD offers various types of material, fmancial, ad visory, and production assist
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personnel are still working in Antigua. Its multi-disciplinary team of West Indian devel opment specialists provides assistance to Caribbean NGOs and small businesses in agribusiness development, women's en trepreneurship, small-scale industry develop ment, financial management, feasibility stud ies, ano project design (Towle and Potter, 1989). The Antigua and Tourism As sociation was esta.llished by hotel owners in the 1960's to present a unified industry voice when dealing with Government and unions. The Association has ::;ince taken on additional members and functions, including advertising and the development of promo tional themes and activities (e.g., Sailing Week), and long-range planning and fore casting. Members are concerned about bal anced growth for Antigua, the adequacy of the nation's infrastructure, and the lack of public understanding and support for the tourism in dustry (Antigua Hotel and Tourism Assn., 1989; pers. commun., A. Hawley, Executive Director, 1990). THE MEDIA Those responsible for natural re source conservation and management in the Eastern Caribbean emphasize that the lack of an energized public constituency is one of the most important obstacles they face in imple menting programs and promoting change. Eyre (1989), who describes several successful media campaigns in the Caribbean to develop broader environn.ental constituencies, claims that thr intelligent use of media is the most important avenue for furthering environmen tal education initiatives in the region. The media in Antigua and Barbuda include the Government-owned Antigua Broadcasting Service's radio and television stations, several commercial and one religious radio stations, and several newspapers. The Government stations are willing to broadcast programs produced by iocal organizations (pers. commun., N. Campbell, teacher and HAS 1990), and the newspapers will publish articles addressing environmental is sues. (pers. commun., B. Brown, Peace Corps 185 Volunteer and EAG member, 1990). Ex panded use of all of these outlets needs to be made by GOAB and by all NGOs and other community groups interested in enhancing the level of environmental awareness in Antigua and Barbuda. 10.4 DONOR-SUPPORTED RE SOURCE MANAGEMENT PROGRAMS The Organization of American States (OAS) recently completed a summary report of its Natural Resources Assessment for Agricultural Development Project, a multi-year, comprehensive investigation of Antigua and Barbuda's land and water re sources as they relate to agricultural develop ment (OAS, 1990). The study cor.duded by pmposing two projects, a tree crop project and an onion development project, but it is presently unclear whether either of these projects has the necessary funding support. OAS has also funded projects to investigate the viability of solar drying of agricultural products and biogas technobgy (I1CA, n.d.). Outside of the agricultural sector, OAS has been actively involved in efforts to promote the revitalization of downtown St. John's, supported a study of development control and physical planning in the state, and helped to establish a new land classification system for the country (see Section 1.2.3 of the Profile). In 1986, the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), with assistance from OAS and GTZ (the German Agency for Technical Cooperation), initiated its Natural Resources Management Project (NRMP), dc signed to enhance the capacity of member countries to establish natural resource man agement programs. In Antigua-Barbuda, OECS-NRMP activities have focused on land use management issues, with OECS-NRMP hosting a workshop in 1987 on the inefficient use of lands in the country. Antigua-Barbuda was also included in regional surveys spon sored by OECS-NRMP, including envi ronmental legislation (Lausche, 1986) and GOAB resource management agencies (Bourne, 1987).

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...... The University or the West Indies (UWI) is the leading institution of higher edu cation in the region. The University's Faculty of Agriculture is located at the Trinidad cam pus, and selected faculty serve as extension specialists and resource personnel for Eastern Caribbean ministries of agriculture. The agri cultural school is the home of the Caribbean Agricultural Extension Program (CAEP). Funded by USAID, CAEP provides training and technical extension materials to national extension workers on safe pestidde use, in tegrated pest management, proper fertilizer application, pasture management, and soil conservation (Chemonics, 1988; DeGeorges 1989a). In Barbados, UWI's Cave Hill cam pus houses the Center ror Resource Manage ment and Environmental Studies (CERMES). CERMES currently offers a post-graduate diploma in environmental studies and natural resources management and plans to offer master's degrees in coastal management, fIsheries and terrestrial ecological systems. UWI's Mona Campus has offered a bachelor's degree in environmental science since 1988 (Miller Howell, 1989). The Caribbean Agricultural Re search and Development Institute (CAROl) is the agricultural research arm of the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM). With primary laboratories in Trinidad, CARD I also maintains representa tives and a full program in each member is land. In Antigua, CARDI has an office near St. John's and an experiment station near Betty's Hope in the eastern part of Antigua (see Figure 10.4(1) for location of key CAROl and GOAB agricultural facilities in Antigua). Current projects include its West Indies Tropical Produce Support Project, an attempt to increase exports of non-traditional agricultural products, and its Agricultural Research and Extension Project (funded ill part by USAID), an effort to establish linkages between the research and extension activities of UWI, national ministries of agriculture, and CAROL The Caribbean Agricultural Rural Development, Advisory and Training Service (CARDATS) is CARICOM's agricultural 186 training arm. A CARDATS project (funded in large part by UNDP) in the late1:98O's sought to assist small. farmers in the Eastern Caribbean in five program areas: Marketing and reduction of post harvest losses; Farm management, agricultural credit and farm re-investment; Improved soil conservation; Livestock development; and Group dynamics and communica tions. In Antigua and Barbuda, CARDA TS worked with a target group of abOl:t 50 pri mary farmers and nearly 400 secondary farm ers. It offered trainiilg iii farm management, agricultural credit, record-keeping, fmancial analysis, plant propagation, and poultry and vegetable production. A twice-weekly radio program with information about market prices and agricultural technology was initi ated. The project supported the construction and enlargement of ponds, and included a demonstration small-scale trickle irrigation system (CARDATS, 1988). The Canadian International Devel opment Agency (CIDA) has funded a pilot stall feeding program for livestock (with sup port from CARDA TS), fmanced the estab lishment of Antigua-Barbuda's fIr3t National Park at Nelson's Dockyard, and proposed a fIve-year forestry and watershed management program (the latter a proposal to which Go" ernment has not, thus far, responded). Other donors active in the resource management sector in Antigua-Barbuda in clude the United Nation's Food and Agricul tural Organization (FAO), which is assisting with efforts to update and strengthen -the country's legislation dealing with water re sources, forestry and wildlife. The European Development Fund (EDF) is sponsoring a livestock improvement project (see Section 2.1 for more a more detailed discussion).

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-00 -...J a o Dockyord Figure 10.4(1). Location of key GOAB and CAROl agricultural facilities in Antigua. ANTIGUA/AGRICULTURAL FACILITIES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 2 CAROl OFFICES 3 CAROl EXPERIMENT STATION 4 GOVERNMENT LIVESTOCK EXPERIMENT STATION 5 GOVERNMENT o 4 6 1Cm. ______ -i' ______ -J' o 2 4 Mile> ____ L____ ____ __

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10.5 ASSESSMENT OF THE INSTITU TIONALFRAMEWORKFOR ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEy MENT GOVERNMENT Those prescribing remedies to Antigua and Barbuda's environmental prob lems must $'!veral constraints. The economies of the small island countries in the Eastern are for the most part not sufficiently developed to take on the broad range of resource management activities which are increasingly expected of modem The variety of scientific and technical expertise needed to cope with pollution con trol, national park management, land u .... e planning, and the like requires a larger, better trained staff than mC'.>t Eastern Caribbean countries, including Antigua ami Barbuda, can afford to employ or keep fully occupied. Training in a variety of specializations cannot be provided locally; overseas training is long and costly, and qualified applicants may not be available. At the same time, it should be recog nized that the Government of Antigua and Barbuda over the past several decades has not aggressively supported or strengthened many of its resource development and resource management agencies specifically charged with land use and development control re sponsibilities, with protection of the country's natural resource base, or with ensuring the environmental health of the population. For example, problems associated with the effec tiveness of the Development Control Author ity, the National Park Authority .1Ild the Pesti cide Control Board have already been identi fied elsewhere in this Profile. Additional problems facing Govern ment in the environmental sector include the following, and all need to be addressed (see also USAID, 1985; Lausche, 1986; Bourne, 1987): (1) Staffing for ellvironmental pro grams. Although the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, Lands, and Housing plays an essen tial role with respect to environmental man-188 agement, its budget is inadequate for the re sponsibilities it carries. Kcy sections respon sible for national development plannmg (including the Development Control Author ity), soil and water conservation, disnosition of government lands, protection ot forests and marine resources, and pesticide regulation are understaffed. As a result, many legislative mandates are ignored or poorly implemented (e.g., management of marine protected areas, imposition of soil and water conservation farming practices, enforcement of the safe use of pesticides). StafElJg problems also hamper the effectiveness of the Central Board of Health. (2) Legislation issues. Much of the legislation pertaining to environmental mat ters is outdated, lacks regulations, is ignored, or is unenforceable. For example, public health legislation is seriously outdated, lacks standards, and is based on colonial legal con cepts which are inadequate to deal with mod em pollution control problems. Both the Na tional Parks Act and the Fisheries Act do not have supporting regulations and therefore specific management procedures as well as prohibited activities for protected areas (e.g., national parks and marine reserves) are not dermed or controlled. New legislation dealing with forestry and wildlife and with water re source management has been proposed, bilt these legislative initiatives have not yet been approved by GOAB (see Sections 2.1 and 2.2 of the Proftle). (3) Improved coordinatioll of re source management agencies. Responsibility for each of several critical environmental protection and management functions -in cluding development control, land use plan ning, water i'lanagement, and utilization of marine resources --is dispersed anlong sev eral ministries and departments of Govern ment, and there is no formal mechanism to improve coordination in dealing with these re sponsibilities across departmental lines. Co ordination/integration issues and the lack of sufficient technical input into the decision making process are particularly critical in the following sectors: forestry management, land use planning, and water resource manage ment. Improved coordination for water issues is particularly important as the sole agency

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dealiug with the wl:lter sector at this time is a public utility which to treat prin cipally as a comme :lity rath.!r than as a natu ral resource requirine protection and man agement. Coordination procedures are also weak within several sratutory bodies with crJlj cal resource manligement responsibilities. For example, many key agencies are not represented on the Development Control At.t.bority, e the Department of Agriculture and the Lands Division of the Ministry of Agri:ulture. Tills, in turn, weakens Govern ment's ability to protect prime agricultural lands in the face of expanding urbanization. The Public Utilities Authority and the St. Development Control Corporation are also Itot represented ou the DCA. With rcference to the National ?arks Authority, Lausl'.he (1986) points out that input from forestry and fisheries staff in the Ministry of Agriculture is import.tIlt for national park management, but at prescnt there is no formal mecllanism for regular communication and coordination between the Ministry and the NPA. A related coordination issue concerns the present multi-layered approach to pro gram devdopment and approval which often affects activitie.s in the resource management sector. An excdlcnt example of the need for streamlining and centralizing this process is the history of a new five-year forestry and watershed management project first proposed by eIDA in 1988 as a par! of :ts natural re source management program in Antigua Although the urlit of Government most affected by the propC'sed program, the Department of Agriculture, has endorsed the project, tinal approval does not rest with tbe Minislry of Agriculture. In keeping with cur rent rrocedures, the proposal is first for warded to the Ministry of Economic Devel opment for review and and then to the Ministry of Finance for approval and cOlnmitment of GOAB reSOllIces to COlO ple ment to be provided by CIDA. If the project --which ;s still unappro'/cd --passes all inter-governmental hurdles. if. will still be subject to annual re-exa.'llination as GOAB funds are not committed for the life of the program, b\lt only on a yearly basis. 189 One means for more effective and regular coordination among resource man agement, development control, and land use planning agencies might be the newly-estab lished Historical, Conservation and Environ mental Commission. The Commission has not yet been given an official mandate or terms of reference, and, therefore, considera tion should be given to providing it with sub stantive coordination/integration respnnsibil ities, e.g., for recommending environmental policy across departmental lines, for es tablishing procedures for monitoring the envi ronmental impacts of development activities, and for enforcing pollution control stru..dards, particularly when these responsibilities are shared by more than one GOAB department or are not clearly defmed in existing legisla tion. At the very least, the Commission should be vested with sufficient authority to vet critical development/environment issues, to bring into that process a broad cross-sec tion of appropriate GOAB tecbnjcal persons, and to make recommendations to appropriate decision-making authorities on its fmdings. In the last analysis, effective imple mentation of resource management programs in Antigua-Barbuda will require: (1) public sector consensus on general resource management and environ mental protection objectives; (2) sufficient political will to support those objectives; and (3) a sharing of program goals and de velopment objectives between na tional government departments, local communit!l!s, and relevant interest groups. There is point in shaping new resource ma'lagement policies or environ mental protection standards unless the politi cal and social means are available to carry these out. This will require close cooperation between political leaders at the highest levels of Governmenl, coordination of environmen tal activities at the technical, middle-manage ment levels of Government, and interaction between Government and those non-govern mental wuserw groups impacted by both gov-

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ernment regulation and damage to the re source base. NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS NGOs concerned about environ mental issues are relatively weak in Antigua Barbuda, and programs need to be identified which can help to expand and strengthen ex isting NGOs. The active members of the three farmers associations comprise only about two percent of the farmers in the nation, while the membership base of the country's two "traditional" environmental organizations (HAS and EAG) is substantially smaller. Many of the skills that are necessary for development of a dynamic NGO sector are missing, in part because they are also lacking in the private sector in general (USAlD, 1989). The mixed and often weak level of basic management and mar!
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Antigua Hotel and Tourism Association) and to identify other creative approaches to "privatized" resource management. ACHIEVING INSTITUTIONAL SYNERGY Over the past decade, nearly a dozen major donors, technical assistance agencies, and NGOs have provided funds and other support for programs and activities which address environmental problems in Antigua and Barbuda. With few exceptions, most of these efforts have been independently planned and implemented, often resulting in costly and unnecessary redundancy by the failure to build on previous efforts. Steps need to be taken to more aggressively share information and resources. For example, projects implemented by OAS' Department of Regional Development throughout the OECS countries have pro duced a wealth of information, studies and recommendations can be used by planners and technical persons in Antigua and Barbuda. Additionally, OAS, OECS, and USAID --to name a few --have all Eponsored important studies of various aspects of the natural resource management sector in the Eastern Caribbean. At this point, it is important for a central coordinating body such as the Historical, Conservation and Environ mental Commission to take responsibility for serving as a clearinghouse of information con-191 cerning development/environment issues. The prospect of success in this endeavor would be increased if an NGO, such as the Environmental Awareness Group, workd in concert with the HCEC to establish an Environmental Information Center, easily accessible to all interested persons, whether from the public or private sector. EAG has made a substantial start in this direction during implementation phases of the CEP Pmject and now maintains the most comprehensive and up-to-date library of environmental source material in the country. A follow-up outreach effort is needed to ensure that this information is more widely available beyond J:M,G's membership Institutions with environmental re sponsibilities should also expand their efforts to gain access to regional information re sources such as those avruiable through the Panos Institute's Wider Caribbean Information Program and the Caribbean Environ mental Information Network (CEPNET). Finally, efforts to combine local re sources with regional programs and expertise should be expanded. The recently established marine pollution monitoring program, imple mented by the Central Board of Health and the Caribbean Environment Health Institute in St. Lucia, is a good example of this approach. Many other opportunities for re gional collaboration in the resource manage ment sector exist and should be actively explored.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY ANTIGUA and BARBUDA COUNTRY ENVIRONMENTAL PROFILE Abbad, D., 1989. The social case for historical pfeservation. In: Caribbean Conservation tion, Annual general meeting report, Curacao, pp. 46-53. Adiar, D., 1963. Examination of soils from Claremont irrigation scheme. Govt. Antigua, St. Jobo's, Antigua. Ahmad, N., 1984. Land capability of Antigua and Barbuda. Dept. Reg. Dev., Organization of American States, Washington, DC. Ahmad, N., 1985. Land use in Antigua and Barbuda. Organization of American States, Washington, D.C .. Allen, T., 1979. Forestry development in Antigua. Draft consultancy report submitted to Caribbean Development Bank. FAO, Rome. AmseUe, J-P., 1987. Tourism in Antigua: past trends and future prospects. International Monetary Fund, Washington, DC. Anderson, A. and Matthes, H., 1985. Report of the EEZ policy and planning mission to Antigua and Barbuda. FAO report FI:GCP/INT/398(NOR). Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Rome. Antigua Shrimpery, Ltd., 1983. Caribbean project facility, Antigua and Barbuda: Antigua Shrimpery, Ltd. St. Jobo's, Antigua. Antigua and Barbuda Government, 1966. Development plan 1966-70. Off. Chief Min., St. John's, Antigua. Ant;gua and Barbuda GovernmeIlt, 1968. General development plan for the island of Barbuda, State of Antigua. Sl. John's, Antigua. Antigua and Barbuda Government, 1968. Agricultural and livestock development committee. Re port 1968. St. John's, Antigua. Antigua and Barbuda Government, 1970. Survey of small farmers, February-March 1977: prelimi nary results. Mimeo., Min. Agri., St. John's, Antigua. Antigua and Barbuda Government, 1972. Report on the sugar industry, 1972. Off. Premier, St. John's, Antigua. Antigua and Barbuda Government, 1976. Antigua: development sh'ategy 1976/77-1979/80. St. John's, Antigua. Antigua and Barbuda Government, 1978. Statistical yearbook, 1977. Statistics Div., Min. of Finance, St. John's, Antigua. Antigua and Barbuda Government, 1982. An agricultural policy for Antigua (draft proposal). Min. Agri., st. John's, Antigua. Pl' :? : .. ... : .. 193

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Atkins Land and Water Management, 1983. Soil and water conservation Windward and Leeward Is lands: phase I reconnaissance study. Volume 1: main report (September 1983); Volume 2: appendices (August 1983). Prepared for Caribbean Agricultural Research a:lci Development Institute (CARDI). Cambridg.:;, UK Augelli, J., 1953. Pattern and problems of land tenure in the Lesser Antilles: Antigua, B.W.1. Econ. Geog., 29(October 1953):362-367. Bacon, P., et 01., 1984, et seg. The national reports. Proceedings of the Western Atlantic Turtle Sym posium, Costa Rica. Vol. 3. University of Miami Press, FL. Baker, R. and Genoways, H., 1978. Zoogeography of Antillean bats. Spec. Publ., 13:53-97. Acad. Nat. Sci., Philadelphia, P A. Barratt, L., 1989. Preliminary report of Reefwatch !>tudies carried out by the joint services expedition to Antigua and Barbuda. Unpublished report. Tropical Marine Research Unit, Ltd., De partment of Biology, University of York, UK Becrd, J., 1945. Forestry and timber in the Windward and Leeward Islands. Guardina Commercial Printery, Port-of-Spain, Trinidad. Beard, J., 1949. The natural vegetation of the Windward and Leeward Islands. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Beard, J., 1955. The classification of tropical American vegetation types. Ecology, 36(1):89-100. Berleant-SchiUer, R., 1974. Subsistence and social organization in Barbuda, West Indies. Ph.D. dis sertation, State Univ. New York, Stony Brook, NY. Berleant-Schiller, R., 1977a. Production and division of labor in a West Indian peasant community. American Ethnologist, 4(19TI). Berleant-Schiller, R., 1977b. Social and economic role of cattle in Barbuda. Geographical Review, 67(July 19TI):299-3U9. Berleant-Schiller, R., n.d.. Environment, technology, and the catch: fishing and lobster-diving in Barbuda. In: Gunda, B. (ed.), Fishing cultures of the world. Ethnological Inst. Univ., Debrecen, Hungary. Betz, K, 1989. A report on land-based sources of marine pollution in the Caribbean. Unpub. rpt. prepared for the Office of International Activities, U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Washington, DC. Boerge, B., 1980. The minidams and ponds of Antigua --a water resources survey. U.S. Peace Corps in cooperation with the Ministry of Agriculture, st. John's, Antigua. Borden, R., 1972. Soil properties and irrigation ratings for some Antigua soils. M.Sc. thesis, McGill Univ ., Montreal, PO, Canada. Borden, R., 1976. A method for determining the irrigation requirement in Antigua, West Indies. Tropical Agriculture (Trinidad), 53(January 1976):41-45. Borden, R. and Warkentin, B., 1974. An irrigation rating for some soils in Antigua, West Indies. Tropical Agriculture (Trinidad), 51(October 1974):501-513. 195

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Bourne, L., 1987. Institutional analysis in the area of natural resources management: the case of Antigua and Barbuda. OECS-NRMP, Castries, St. Lucia. Bouvier, L., 1984. Antigua and Barbuda: yesterday, today and tomorrow. Pop. Ref. Bureau Occa sional. Ser., Washington, DC. Brathwaite, c., 1973. Plant parasitic nemotodes associated with vegetable crops in Antigua. Pro ceedings, Carib. r.ood Crop Soc., 11(1973):299-306. Brown, J., 1989. Sharing environmental education resources: Atlantic Center for the Environment and Foundation for PRIDE. Carib. Journal of Education, Vol. 16, Nos. 1 and 2. Buisseret, D. and Clark, n., 1971. A report on the chief monuments of Antigua, British Virgin Is lands, Dominica, Grenada, Montserrat, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and Turks and Caicos Islands. Commissioned on behalf of the Governments by the British De.,\!lopment Division in the Caribbean. Burchi, S., 1981. Water resources legislation and administration in Antigua and Barbuda. Ref-ort to the Govt. of Antigua prepared by United NatioOl=, Dept. of Tech. Coop. for Dev. Burchi, S., 1988. Technical cooperation program. Second report to Government of Antigua-Barbuda on water resources legislation and administration. FAO/TCP/RLA/6770. Burchi, S., :989. Technical cooperation program. Second report to Government Df Antigua-Barbuda on water resources legislation and administration. Draft Cabinet paper for a bill for a water resources act. FAO/TCP /RLA/6770. Campbell, J., 1986. Antigua and Barbuda agricultural census, 1984. Final report, vol. I. Dept. of Reg. Dev., Organization of American States, Washington, DC. Campbell, L. and Edwards, D., 1965. Agriculture in Antigua's r.conomy: possibilities and problems of adjustment. Agri. Ser. no. 1. U'NI, Inst. Soc. Econ. Res., Cave Hill, Barbados. Cambers, G., 1985. Erosion of coasts and beaches in the Caribbean islands: an overview of coastal zone management in six East Caribbean islands. Prepared under contract for UNESCO Reg. Off. Sci. Tech. Latin Amer./Carib., Montevideo, Uruguay. Cambers, G. (preliminary draft), circa 1988. Regional survey of coastal conservation. Regional sewage disposal and coastal conservation studies. UN/ECLAC. Canadian Iniernational Development Agency (CIDA), 1988. First draft of a natural resources man agement project. St. John's, Antigua. Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development Institute (CAROl), 1990. CARDI/UWI USAID agricultural research and extension pfC'ject charter. Caribbean Agricull.u(al Rural Deve!opment Advisory and Training Service (CARDA TS), 1988. A review 01 the performance of CARDATS target farmers (production year 1987). St. George's, Grenada. Caribbean Development Bank, 1979. Appraisal report on fisheries development Antigua. Manuscript report AR 79/5 AN. Barbados. Caribbean Development Bank, 1984. Regional forestry sector study. Final report. Barbados. 196

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