• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Matter
 Cover
 Title Page
 Introduction
 Table of Contents
 Author's introduction
 Beginnings of English colonisa...
 Puritan emigration and the formation...
 The Saybrook Project and the settlement...
 The planting of Tortuga (Association)...
 Enlargement of the activities of...
 Progress and controversy in Association...
 Projected emigration to Connecticut:...
 Spanish attacks and the company's...
 Counter attacks
 The Providence Company and the...
 The final reconstruction of the...
 Trade with the Main; French capture...
 The company and New England
 Capture of Providence by Spain
 The abiding influence of the Providence...
 Index
 Map






The colonizing activities of the English Puritans…. (incl. section on Haiti), x+(2)+344+maps
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Title: The colonizing activities of the English Puritans…. (incl. section on Haiti), x+(2)+344+maps
Physical Description: Archival
Publisher: New Haven, Yale U. Pr., 1914
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General Note: 5-multi-jur-1910
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Table of Contents
    Front Matter
        Front Matter
    Cover
        Page i
        Page ii
    Title Page
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Introduction
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
    Table of Contents
        Page xi
        Page xii
    Author's introduction
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 12a
    Beginnings of English colonisation
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
    Puritan emigration and the formation of the Providence Company
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
    The Saybrook Project and the settlement of Providence
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
    The planting of Tortuga (Association) and troubles in Providence
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
    Enlargement of the activities of the company
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 144a
        Page 145
    Progress and controversy in Association and Providence
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
    Projected emigration to Connecticut: Saybrook
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
    Spanish attacks and the company's change of policy
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
    Counter attacks
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
        Page 235
    The Providence Company and the ship-money case
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
    The final reconstruction of the company
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
        Page 256
        Page 257
        Page 258
        Page 259
        Page 260
        Page 261
        Page 262
        Page 263
        Page 264
        Page 265
        Page 266
        Page 267
        Page 268
        Page 269
        Page 270
        Page 271
    Trade with the Main; French capture of Tortuga
        Page 272
        Page 273
        Page 274
        Page 275
        Page 276
        Page 277
        Page 278
        Page 279
        Page 280
        Page 281
        Page 282
    The company and New England
        Page 283
        Page 284
        Page 285
        Page 286
        Page 287
        Page 288
        Page 289
        Page 290
        Page 291
        Page 292
        Page 293
    Capture of Providence by Spain
        Page 294
        Page 295
        Page 296
        Page 297
        Page 298
        Page 299
        Page 300
        Page 301
        Page 302
        Page 303
        Page 304
        Page 305
        Page 306
        Page 307
        Page 308
        Page 309
        Page 310
        Page 311
        Page 312
        Page 313
    The abiding influence of the Providence Company's enterprises
        Page 314
        Page 315
        Page 316
        Page 317
        Page 318
        Page 319
        Page 320
        Page 321
        Page 322
        Page 323
        Page 324
        Page 325
        Page 326
        Page 327
        Page 328
        Page 329
        Page 330
    Index
        Page 331
        Page 332
        Page 333
        Page 334
        Page 335
        Page 336
        Page 337
        Page 338
        Page 339
        Page 340
        Page 341
        Page 342
        Page 343
        Page 344
    Map
        Page 345
Full Text






















This copy of a rare volume in its collections,
digitized on-site under the
LLMC Extern-Scanner Program,
is made available courtesy of the

Saint Louis University Law Library

























YALE

HISTORICAL PUBLICATIONS

MISCELLANY

I

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
FROM THE INCOME OF

THE HENRY WELDON BARNES
MEMORIAL FUND










I








THE COLONISING ACTIVITIES OF

THE ENGLISH PURITANS



THE LAST PHASE OF THE ELIZABETHAN
STRUGGLE WITH SPAIN




BY
ARTHUR PERCIVAL NEWTON
Lecturer in Colonial History, University of London


WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY
CHARLES M. ANDREWS
1/32














NEW HAVEN: YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
MDCCCCXIV







































COPYRIGHT. 1914, BY
YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS


First printed January, 1914, 1000 copies












INTRODUCTION


The first forty years of the seventeenth century in
England, primarily of interest as a period of constitu-
tional conflict, was marked by an outburst of romantic
activity that sent hundreds of Englishmen out into the
western seas in search of adventure and profit. Coinci-
dent with the later days of these half-piratical expedi-
tions and organised commercial enterprises were the
migrations of those who, moved by impulses that were
partly religious, partly political, and partly economic,
sought independence of worship and permanent homes
in the New World. Though differing widely in purposes
and results, these journeyings into the unknown West
were often closely related in origin, and were supported
by groups of men, aristocrats, commoners, merchants,
and adventurers, who were ready to promote any under-
taking, whether commercial or religious, that promised
a profitable return. It is difficult to grasp the full signifi-
cance of the settlements of Virginia, Maryland, Massa-
chusetts, and Saybrook, without a knowledge of the
circumstances under which the colonies of Bermuda,
Barbadoes, and Old Providence were established; for all
represented in different forms and proportions the in-
fluences at work in the motherland which were arousing
in men of all classes the spirit of adventure and revolt.
No single motive governed the men who voyaged over
seas during this romantic period. The zeal of the viking
and the lust of the capitalist were inextricably inter-
woven with the hopes of the godly in the task of opening
and occupying the great frontier which stretched west-
ward from the maritime states of Europe.







INTRODUCTION


In dealing with the events of this period the historian
cannot isolate a part of his subject and observe it, as it
were, in vacuo. Such treatment is illogical in ignoring
the unity of causes which provoked colonial enterprise,
and incomplete in omitting many phases of the larger
movement that are essential to a proper understanding,
not only of the whole, but of any of its parts. Hitherto,
the picture of our settlement in the period from 1607 to
1640 has been left provokingly incomplete, and, in conse-
quence, estimates and conclusions have been reached that
are often exaggerated, sometimes even grotesque.
Writers on early American history have been accus-
tomed, as a rule, to segregate individual efforts at
colonisation and to"deal with them as independent
phenomena, thus giving to our era of beginnings
the appearance of a running track, laid out in sepa-
rate and mutually exclusive courses. However agree-
able this form of procedure may be to those 'whose
interest is limited to the history of a single colony, and
whose chief concern is a microscopic examination of the
incidents of that colony's career, it cannot be satisfactory
to those to whom settlement on the American seaboard
was but part of a larger commercial and colonising move-
ment in the wider world of the Atlantic basin, where all
the maritime enemies of Spain were engaged in the
effort, successful in the end, to break the monopoly of the
great Colossus.
As a contribution to this aspect of our early history,
I welcome Mr. Newton's book. Though dealing pri-
marily with the colonising experiments of the English
Puritans in the Caribbean, the author ranges over the
larger field of English activity during the eventful years
from 1604 to 1660 and gives us a point of view from
which to observe the happenings in the New World.
Thus to no small extent his work fills in the missing






INTRODUCTION


parts of our picture and renders intelligible aspects of
the scene that had hitherto remained obscure. Though
many phases of the subject still need to be investigated
with the same painstaking care that is here expended
on the history of the Puritan movement, yet the angle
of observation is rightly selected and the character of
the period is determined with accuracy and skill. At
many points the narrative touches the "original" colo-
nies and throws needed light on details of their history.
This is particularly true of the origins of Virginia and
Massachusetts and the short-lived settlement of Say-
brook, but it is also true of the later history of New
England and of the relations of the Puritans of Massa-
chusetts Bay with the aristocratic and conservative
Puritans at home. Many passages in Winthrop's journal
take on a new meaning, and the unity of Puritan activity,
in England and New England and the Caribbean, mani-
fests itself with striking significance. In short, we get
glimpses of ourselves from the outside and an oppor-
tunity of comparison that cannot but be beneficial. Self-
contemplation is never conducive to soundness of judg-
ment, if indulged in without regard to the world around
us.
Mr. Newton has done more than fill in our picture and
set before us a new point of view. He has presented an
exceedingly interesting account of a colonial settlement,
hitherto almost unknown and, except in one or two
features, entirely unstudied. The ample material that
exists for the history of the Providence Company and
its colonising ventures enables the author to deal fully
with the company, its organisation, personnel, and
methods; with the colony, its types of settlers, manner
of settlement, forms of cultivation, staples, labour, diffi-
culties, quarrels, and other hindrances to success; and,
lastly, with the relations between the two, government,






viii INTRODUCTION

defence, supplies, and distribution of profits. Not only
is such a study of interest as showing the prevailing
ideas of the period regarding a plantation, but it is
particularly suggestive as a Puritan experiment, similar
in its inception and spirit, during the early years of its
career, to the colony of Massachusetts. As Mr. Newton
says, "The founders of both wished to provide a refuge
for the oppressed victims of Laud's ecclesiastical
regime, each was to be a sanctuary where the Puritans
might worship God after their own fashion, each was to
be a society ordered according to the dictates of religion
and governed with justice and equity, but upon the
strictest Puritan pattern." That the Providence settle-
ment failed was in part due to its location in the heart
of the Spanish Main, and in part to the fact that "the
founding of an ideal community and the pursuit of a
profitable investment for trading capital are incom-
patible aims." The student of New England history
cannot but profit from a study of an experiment that
presents so many points in common with the Puritan
settlements there.
Of equal importance with the light thrown on the
colonising activities of the period is the information
furnished regarding the political situation in England
and the connection of the members of the company,
particularly John Pym and the Earl of Warwick, with
organised resistance to the personal government of
Charles I. The English Puritans formed a veritable
clan, intimately bound together by ties of blood, mar-
riage, and neighbourhood, and they acted together in all
that concerned colonisation on one hand and autocratic
rule on the other. The genealogical features of the book
form an impressive commentary upon the religious and
political groupings of the period, a commentary the more
significant in that the company, which became the nucleus






INTRODUCTION


of resistance, was active as a chartered body during the
very years when Charles I was endeavouring to rule
without parliament. In the months of 1637, at a critical
time in the constitutional conflict, "nothing less was in
process of formation," says Mr. Newton, "than the first
organised political party of opposition to an English
government," and of this party John Pym, the treasurer
of the company, was the leader and energising force. To
the life of King Pym, the author has contributed a
valuable chapter, disclosing the importance of his activi-
ties during a period of obscurity, to which Gardiner was
able to devote but a few lines in his elaborate article on
Pym in the Dictionary of National Biography. As this
period coincided also with the great migration to New
England, so careful a study of Puritan plans and pur-
poses furnishes a needed background to New England
history, and sets forth for the first time the facts regard-
ing the proposed withdrawal of the Puritan "Lords and
Gentlemen" from the Old World to the New.
In the larger field of international relations, the Provi-
dence Company played a conspicuous part. Starting as
a Puritan colony, it merged into a privateering centre
of warfare upon Spanish possessions in the West Indies
and on the Main. Mr. Newton shows clearly that the
Puritan company perpetuated the Elizabethan tradition
of hostility to Spain, which continued for more than
seventy years after the Armada, partly because religious
warfare was still a vital force during the first half of
the seventeenth century, and partly because with the
opening of the colonising era a new rivalry arose for
the possession of profitable vantage points in the West.
The story of the Providence Company is, therefore, the
story of organised opposition to Spain in the Caribbean;
and its leaders, after the failure of their settlement, by
handing on the traditional policy to Cromwell and the






INTRODUCTION


men of the Protectorate, prolonged the conflict to the
very eve of the Restoration. Apart from the main theme
of the book, this abiding hostility to Spain is perhaps
the most conspicuous feature of the narrative, and fur-
nishes the connection between the deeds of Elizabethan
seamen, the commercial enterprises of the Earl of War-
wick, the work of the Providence Company, the voyages
of William Jackson at the time of the Long Parliament,
the Jamaican expedition of Cromwell, and the plans for
an anti-Spanish West Indian company drafted by the
merchants and sea captains at the close of the Inter-
regnum. In this respect, as in many others, Mr. Newton
has been able to gather scattered threads into an orderly
narrative and to give unity and meaning to many events
hitherto treated in isolation. His book is of importance
to English and American readers alike.
CHARLES M. ANDREWS.
Yale University,










TABLE OF CONTENTS


CHAPTER PAGE
Author's Introduction 1
I. Beginnings of English Colonisation 13
II. Puritan Emigration and the Formation of
the Providence Company 40
III. The Saybrook Project and the Settle-
ment of Providence 80
IV. The Planting of Tortuga (Association)
and Troubles in Providence 101
V. Enlargement of the Activities of the
Company 123
VI. Progress and Controversy in Association
and Providence 146
VII. Projected Emigration to Connecticut:
Saybrook 172
VIII. Spanish Attacks and the Company's
Change of Policy 187
IX. Counter Attacks 209
X. The Providence Company and the Ship-
Money Case 236
XI. The Final Reconstruction of the Company 248
XII. Trade with the Main; French Capture
of Tortuga 272
XIII. The Company and New England 283
XIV. Capture of Providence by Spain 294
XV. The Abiding Influence of the Providence
Company's Enterprises .314

























THE COLONISING ACTIVITIES OF THE
ENGLISH PURITANS









AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


Nowhere, perhaps, in the great field of historic enquiry
has there been during the past half-century more patient
searching than in that corner where were laid the foun-
dations of the modern constitutional liberties of two
great nations, the English and the American. Writing
now nearly thirty years ago, one of the most diligent of
historical investigators said of the period he had pecu-
liarly made his own: "The subject-matter has been
already attempted by writers of no mean reputation,
some of whom succeeded in convincing their readers
that there is nothing more to be said about the matter;
but even the richest materials fail to yield all that the
historian requires. Again and again, however the
frontier of knowledge may be advanced, the enquirer is
confronted by darkness into which he cannot safely
penetrate."' The frontier of knowledge has been
advanced beyond the point where Gardiner left it, and
yet the darkness surrounds the seeker after truth who
strays but a little from the well-trodden highways of
Stuart history. It is in the hope of illumining some por-
tion of this outer darkness that we engage ourselves in
the following pages with the story of a long-forgotten
attempt to colonise some insignificant West Indian
islands, and shall endeavour to show that light sought
even thus far from the scene of great events, may yet
aid us to see those events in a more balanced perspective
and a little more in their own true colours.
In our enquiry it will be borne in upon us again and
again that the history of English colonisation in the first
half of the seventeenth century is peculiarly a part of
the history of England itself; colonising attempts were
1Gardiner, Fall of the Monarchy of Charles I, I, p. v.






PURITAN COLONISATION


blessed or frowned upon according to the exigencies of
European politics, the jealousies and rivalries of Eng-
lish courtiers or merchants involved similar rivalries of
their servants abroad, and the quarrels that began at
Whitehall or in Change Alley have swayed in a marked
degree the destinies of colonists on the banks of the
Chesapeake, in bleak New England, or among the tropic
Caribbees. But, as in nature all action involves a
reaction, so the course of English domestic politics under
Charles I was materially influenced by the colonising
schemes of the time. The leaders of the parliamentary
opposition acquired their power of working harmo-
niously together in the joint schemes of colonisation that
interested them; men who had for years discussed
questions of policy round the board of a chartered com-
pany, were more capable of acting in concert than had
they only met one another in the hunting field, upon the
bench or during the rare and brief sessions of parlia-
ment. The work of the Long Parliament, that broke
forever the power of absolute monarchy in England,
and made possible Cromwell's schemes of world politics,
was begun in the courts of the Virginia, the Saybrook,
and the Providence companies. It is in connection with
the story of the last of these, the Company of Adven-
turers to the Island of Providence, that we shall pursue
an attempt to trace out once more some parts of the
oft-told tale of the great Puritan migration, and to enter
upon the little-explored field of West Indian history in
the seventeenth century.
The story of the company that undertook the coloni-
sation of the islands of Providence, Henrietta, and
Association, and engaged in various attempts at trade
and colonisation upon the mainland of Central America,
is of interest from several points of view. The adven-
turers in the company included amongst their number






AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


almost every important member of the inner circle of
leaders in opposition to the arbitrary rule of Charles I.
The Earl of Warwick, Viscount Saye and Sele, and Lord
Brooke took a most active part in the company's affairs
throughout; John Pym was its treasurer and the prime
mover in every design; while Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Sir
Benjamin Rudyerd, and Sir Thomas Barrington, all
active members of the Puritan party in the Long Parlia-
ment, were unremitting in their attention to its business.
Other well-known names met with are those of Oliver
St. John, John Gurdon, the intimate friend of John
Winthrop, John Robartes, the Earl of Radnor of Charles
II's reign, John Hampden, and Sir William Waller, and
we shall find that the company provided an outlet for
the energies of the parliament men who were thrust out
from national affairs during the long eleven years of
personal government. On the 2d of March, 1629, Charles
I's third parliament was dissolved amid scenes of
unprecedented violence and on the 28th of April, Sir
Nathaniel Rich received from Bermuda the letter that
led to the formation of the new company. On the 3d of
November, 1640, the Long Parliament met and the last
act of the great constitutional struggle began, while on
the 28th of March, 1641, the last letters to Providence
were signed, letters that were never to be received, for
the island was taken by the Spaniards in May of the
same year. The eleven years of the company's activity
therefore coincide almost exactly with the eleven years
of Charles I's autocracy. This coincidence will seem the
more striking when we show that between 1636 and 1640
many of the plans of opposition to the government were
matured in security under cloak of the company's
meetings.
Through the history of the Providence Company and
the allied designs of the Earl of Warwick in the West






PURITAN COLONISATION


Indies it is possible to trace the development of the
Elizabethan tradition of hostility to Spain down to the
capture of Jamaica in 1655 and the foundation on a firm
basis of the West Indian empire, that during the eight-
eenth century was of such paramount importance to
England. The semi-legal piracy that was carried on
under the regis of the company, connects the freebooting
enterprises of Drake, Cumberland, and the Elizabethan
sea-dogs with Cromwell's "Western Design," a plan that
had its inspiration from the minds of Pym and of War-
wick. Cromwell himself took no part in the work of
the Providence Company, though there is no doubt that
he was intimately acquainted with it. His aunt Joan
was the mother of Sir Thomas Barrington, and some
of his most intimate friends were deeply interested in
the company's affairs; the Earl of Warwick was lord
high admiral of the parliamentary fleet till 1649, while
William Jessop, who had been secretary of the Provi-
dence Company, was clerk of the Council of State which
took over the lord high admiral's functions after
Warwick had resigned.
There is an intimate connection between the Provi-
dence Company and the strictly contemporary colonisa-
tion of New England. In its beginnings the Massachu-
setts enterprise was dependent for its influence with the
ruling powers upon the members of the Providence
Company. The original patent of the Saybrook settle-
ment was issued to them, and, though in later years the
company's aims and those of the rulers of Massachusetts
were seen to be hopelessly divergent, it was through the
Providence leaders that the principles which led to the
Massachusetts migration were brought to bear upon the
development of the English nation. It is possible to
trace in the company's records the ideas of colonisation
that animated the English country gentlemen who were






AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


the Puritan leaders, and the development of their design
of founding a refuge for the Nonconformists from the
Laudian persecution. The ideas of John White of Dor-
chester, expressed in widely circulated pamphlets and
letters, commended themselves to the leaders as well as
to the rank and file of the Puritans, but while the eyes
of Warwick, Saye, Rich, and Pym were turned to the
West Indies as the proper home for a Puritan colony,
the leaders of the great migration, Winthrop and Dudley,
whose names before 1630 were hardly known outside
their immediate circle, dared to differ from their power-
ful friends and, defying precedent, directed the ever-
swelling stream of emigrants to the shores of Massa-
chusetts Bay, there to found rather a commonwealth
than a colony.
We have concerning Providence a wealth of detail,
which is lacking for the colonies in St. Christopher and
Barbadoes. It is possible to trace the course of its
development from the early ideal of the colony as a
home for Englishmen to the realisation of a tropical
plantation where all manual labour was performed by
negro slaves for the profit of a few white planters, a
plantation such as Barbadoes became, after the intro-
duction of the cultivation of sugar on a commercial scale
gave to the West Indies the profitable staple commodity
that had so long been sought. Interest of a more per-
sonal character is not lacking from the records, which
in many ways illuminate the views and aspirations of
the time and especially those of John Pym, the great
protagonist of the constitutional struggle, whose organ-
ising capacity and steadfastness of purpose guided the
company in every emergency. Pym's life outside parlia-
ment has been very little studied, and it is of interest
therefore to trace in these records the application of his
views of statesmanship to the government of a colony,







6 PURITAN COLONISATION

and to catch here and there a glimpse of his ideas con-
cerning England's true foreign policy as the unrelenting
opponent of Spanish power, ideas which his successor,
Cromwell, was able to carry into effect when the times
were propitious. The career of Robert Rich, Earl of
Warwick, will also demand a share of our attention
and rightly, for to him, perhaps more than to any of his
contemporaries, is credit due for a persistence in colonis-
ing enterprise through good or evil fortune, that has
written his name large in the records of every English
colony of his time.
The story of the Providence Company falls naturally
into two portions; from its foundation down to the year
1635 the company was endeavouring to build up a Puri-
tan community, but at the same time by the raising of
saleable crops to make a profit on the capital invested;
in 1635 this design, having proved impracticable, was to
a large extent abandoned and the colony became openly,
what before it had been secretly, a base for privateering
against the Spaniards. Our attention will first be
directed to the circumstances that gave rise to the
formation of the company and to the history of Provi-
dence as a Puritan settlement. As such it failed miser-
ably, but its story is worth study from this point of view,
if only as showing that Puritanism was not necessarily
as successful a colonising force as might be supposed
if New England only were considered. The second por-
tion of our enquiry will be concerned with Providence
as a centre of buccaneering enterprise and as a fortress
whence were directed efforts to plant an English colony
upon the mainland of Central America. The company's
endeavours to found a Puritan colony during this period
were at first directed to the banks of the Connecticut
River, but, when they again proved unsuccessful,
attempts were made to people the Central American







AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


colony from New England, and our attention must be
directed to the resulting hostility of the rulers of Massa-
chusetts to the English leaders of the Puritan party, a
hostility which will show us how far even in those early
days Massachusetts had diverged from the normal course
of English development.
The sources of our information of the company's
affairs may be briefly stated. The Providence Company
and its efforts to colonise its islands and to establish
English trade upon the mainland of Central America
lasted, as we have seen, only for the eleven years from
1630 to 1641 and have been quite forgotten by succeeding
generations. So much has this been the case that the
chief colony, established upon the small island of Santa
Catalina off the Moskito Coast, has, owing to its English
name of Providence, been confused since the middle of
the eighteenth century with the Island of New Provi-
dence in the Bahamas, the colonisation of which was not
seriously undertaken till 1670. The earliest instance
of confusion concerning the colony appears to occur in
John Josselyn's Account of two Voyages to New Eng-
land, published in 1675, where Providence is said to be
one of the Somers or Bermuda Islands, and in the same
author's Chronological Observations of America, the
mistake occurs in a similar form.2 In Hutchinson's
History of Massachusetts Bay, published in 1760, the
accounts of the dealings of New England with the Provi-
dence colony that had been derived from Hubbard's
manuscript history of New England (1680), are misap-
plied to New Providence in the Bahamas.3 The same con-
2 An Account of two Voyages into New England by John Josselyn, London,
1675. Chronological Observations of America, London, 1673. Both reprinted
in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d Series, Vol. III. See p. 381 under date 1637.
"The Spaniards took the Island of Providence, one of the Summer Islands,
from the English." Both date and position wrong.
3 Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts Bay, London, 1760, p. 96, "The








PURITAN COLONISATION


fusion can also be traced in Churchill's Voyages (1763)
and has passed thence into Pinkerton's Voyages (1810)
and Southey's Chronological History of the West Indies
(1827), though the latter speaks of the colony in some
places as Santa Catarina or Old Providence,4 and in
others of it as New Providence in the Bahamas. The
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660, in which
the records of the colony are calendared, continues the
confusion and speaks throughout of the Bahamas, under
which title the papers were then catalogued in the Public
Record Office. From the Calendar the error has crept
into many modern works which speak of the colonisation
of the Bahamas as having taken place in 1630.5 Owing
to the enquiries of Major General Sir J. H. Lefroy, the
author of the Memorials of the Bermudas, the true ver-
sion of the matter was finally arrived at by W. N. Sains-
bury, the editor of the Calendar, and placed on record
in the Athenaeum, May, 1876. He showed conclusively
that the records of the company are quite inconsistent
with the history of New Providence in the Bahamas,
and that they refer to the island of Old Providence off
the Moskito Coast, whose later occupation by the bucca-
neers in the reign of Charles II is well known. The
Bahamas or Veajus Islands were included within the

Lords and others concerned in this attempt to settle the Bahama Islands
spent 60,000."
4 Southey, Chronological History of the West Indies, London, 1827, I, 279,
"1637. The English were in possession of Santa Catarina or Old Provi-
dence." I, 293, "1641. The Spaniards attacked the English at New
Providence.''
5 See for instance Cunningham, Growth of British Industry. Modern
Times, I, 332 n. C. J. Hoadly, The Warwick Patent. The Acorn Club,
Hartford, Conn., 1902. Brown, Genesis of the United States, II, 979, etc.
Many difficulties arise in the short biographies annexed to this work from
the confusion of Sa. Catalina with New Providence. See especially the life
of Daniel Elfrith.







AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


limits of Sir Robert Heath's Carolana patent of 1629,
but no steps were taken for their colonisation."
The records of the Providence Company are contained
in two thick folio volumes preserved in the Public Record
Office.7 They are entitled respectively "Journal of the
Governor and Company of Adventurers for the Planta-
tion of the Island of Providence" and "Book of Entries
of," etc., and contain, as these titles imply, minutes of the
meetings held by the company and copies of the letters
despatched to the colony. We have in the two volumes a
complete and unbroken record in the greatest detail of the
proceedings of the company from its foundation in 1630
to the capture of the island of Providence by the Span-
iards in 1641 and the abandonment by the company of all
its designs in the West Indies owing to the absorption of
its moving spirit, John Pym, in the struggles of the Long
Parliament and to his early death. It is suggested in
the preface to the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial,
1574-1660, that the volumes were written most probably
between 1640 and 1650, when several proceedings were
being taken concerning the debts of the company. So
far as the company's journal is concerned, this would
appear to be correct, but the entry book of letters is
written throughout in the hand of William Jessop, the
secretary of the company, and it is annotated by him in
the same way as his own private Letter Book, containing
in shorthand the drafts of less important letters written
to the colony and now preserved in the British Museum.8
The volumes of the Historical MSS. Commission contain
many references to the company and from them it is
6 C. S. P. Col., 30 Oct. 1629, Grant to Sir Robert Heath of a territory in
America betwixt 31 and 36 degrees of North Latitude, "together with the
Islands of Veajus or Bahamas and all other islands lying southerly or near
upon the said continent."
7 P. R. O., C. 0. 124, 1 and 2.
8 Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 10615.







PURITAN COLONISATION


possible to throw some additional light upon its doings.
From the Manchester Papers,9 now in the Public Record
Office, we learn something of the beginnings of the com-
pany as an offshoot from the Somers Islands Company,
and among these papers are also preserved a few letters
written from the islands to Sir Nathaniel Rich, or to
Viscount Mandeville, the Earl of Manchester of the Civil
War. Most of the extant letters from the colony in its
early days are to be found among the Barrington MSS.,
now in the British Museum,to but once the property of
Sir Thomas Barrington, for some time deputy governor
of the company and one of the leaders of the parliamen-
tary party in Essex during the Civil War. Scattered
references to the company are also to be found among
the Bouverie MSS.," once the property of John Pym, and
the Hulton MSS.,"1 which come to us from William
Jessop, the secretary of the company and afterwards
clerk to the Council of State and the Restoration House
of Commons. Repeated references to the company and
colony are to be found in the Winthrop Papers and
Winthrop's Journal printed in the Collections of the
Massachusetts- Historical Society.'3 In the British
Museum14 is the manuscript Diary of Capt. Nathaniel
Butler, who was governor of the colony in 1639
and this gives us in detail a picture of Providence as
a privateering stronghold.
Printed references to the colony are not very numer-
ous, but we hear of its beginnings in the diary of John
9 Very briefly calendared in Hist. MSS. Comm., Eighth Report, Appendix
2. In this study only the original papers themselves have been used.
to Brit. Mus., Eg., 2643-51.
11 Hist. MSS. Comm., Seventh Report, Appendix.
12 Ibid., Twelfth Report, Appendix.
3i Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d Series, Vol. IX, 4th Vols. VI and VII, 5th
Vol. I, 6th Vol. III.
14 Brit. Mus., Sloane MSS., 758.







AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


Rous (1625-1641),'~ and many details concerning the
relations of the colonists with New England from
Hubbard's history of Massachusetts.'6 Some light is
thrown upon the later history of the colony by the life
of the Rev. Mr. Leverton, a minister there, in Calamy's
Nonconformist's Memorial.17 The colony appeared
to the Spaniards as a mere nest of pirates and their views
concerning it can be gathered from Gage's New Survey
of the West Indies,'" written about 1638, but not pub-
lished till later. Gage was himself an eyewitness of
some of the piratical exploits of the Providence colonists,
and had personal relations with those of them who had
been taken prisoners by the Spaniards. Much light on
the island's story is also thrown by the many Spanish
MSS. relating to the West Indies preserved in the
British Museum; some of these are originals,1 while
others are copies made from the originals at Simancas
for the purposes of the Venezuelan Arbitration.20 They
include many letters from the Spanish officials in the
Indies, bewailing the constant depredations of the Eng-
lish and Dutch corsairs and pleading for assistance to
clear the Caribbean of their presence. Other Spanish
sources of information are mentioned in the text. The
only modern account of the company that affords reliable
information is contained in Scott's learned work on
joint stock companies,21 where, for the first time, the
importance of Providence in English colonial history is
properly appreciated.
15 Camden Soc., Vol. XLII.
1' Printed in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.
17 Ed. Calamy, D. D., The Nonconformist's Memorial. Palmer's edition,
1802.
is T. Gage, The English American, his Travail by Sea and Land. London
1648.
19 Especially in the Kingsborough Collection. Add. MSS., 13977, etc.
20 Venezuela Papers, Add. MSS., 36314-36327.
21 W. Scott, Joint Stock Companies to 1720. London 1911.








PURITAN COLONISATION


The island of Santa Catalina, or Providence, is sit-
uated off the eastern coast of Nicaragua upon the edge
of the Moskito Bank about equidistant from Porto Bello,
Cartagena, and the island of Jamaica, and lies very close
to the track of vessels sailing from Porto Bello or Carta-
gena to Mexico and Havana. The island is about six
miles long and four wide, and is described by Alcedo"
as one of the best of the West India islands, notwith-
standing its small size, as well from the salubrity of its
climate as from its fertility. It is exceptionally easy of
fortification, abounds in fine water, and is said to contain
no serpent or venomous insect. It now forms part of
the Republic of Colombia and is inhabited by a few hun-
dred negroes. San Andreas or Henrietta, which was
also granted by patent to the company, lies some sixty
miles southwest of Providence and is about sixteen miles
in length by four in width. It is a long, low island
abounding in fine timber, but neither as easily fortifiable
nor as fertile as Providence. It also is now a possession
of the Republic of Colombia. Tortuga or Association, the
third island which will concern us, lies off the northwest
coast of the island of Hispaniola or Hayti, within a few
miles of Cape San Nicolas and the entrance to the Wind-
ward Passage between Hispaniola and Cuba. It is sur-
rounded by rocks and shoals, which render access to its
fine harbour difficult. Tortuga had been a rendezvous
for the rovers of all nations, at any rate since the time
of Drake; from 1640 on it became the headquarters of
buccaneering enterprise in the West Indies under the
regis of the French. It now forms a part of the negro
republic of Hayti.
22 A. de Alcedo, Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and
the West Indies. Transl. by G. A. Thompson, 5 vols., and Atlas. London
1812-1815.



















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PROVIDENCE











CHAPTER I


BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH COLONISATION

In August, 1604, the treaty of peace was signed that
brought the long war between England and Spain to an
end. War had been officially waged between the two
powers since 1587, but ever since Hawkins' ill-fated
voyage of 1567-1568 the preying of English privateers
upon the Spanish shipping and towns in the West Indies
had proved a constant source of profit to the merchants
who financed them. Since the "Islands Voyage" of 1597
the war had remained in the hands of the privateers,23
who were waxing ever bolder, and their daring attacks
both on the coast of Spain and in the East and West
Indies had been returning handsome profits to their
owners. The romance of their bolder strokes, so vividly
described in the pages of Hakluyt and Purchas, must
not blind us to the fact that in the main this privateering
was a sordid and prosaic business, which was expected
to return its proper percentage of profits to the owners
without involving an unnecessary amount of risk. The
settled policy of the Spanish government to regard the
Indies as the private property of the crown involved of
necessity the official view that every foreigner, or, for
that matter, every unauthorised Spaniard, found within
the Indies was to be looked upon as a trespasser and a
robber. But the Spanish fleets that formed the only
authorised means of communication between the Indies
and Europe were to a considerable extent navigated by
Flemings and by Englishmen, who thus acquired a thor-
23 Sir J. K. Laughton in Camb. Mod. Hist., III, 327.







PURITAN COLONISATION


ough acquaintance with American waters and had many
friends in every port. The unofficial Spaniard, there-
fore, could not brand all foreigners as criminals and in
many instances we find a considerable amount of good
feeling existing between the Spanish colonists and the
visitors to their shores. In the last years of the war
period the greater part of the Spanish shipping had
been driven from the sea and only very small profits
would have been returned by mere privateering. A far
more profitable way of employing capital was to carry
out from Europe a full cargo of manufactured goods to
be disposed of secretly in the Indies either to Spaniards
or to the natives, and to return laden with the tropical
products for which they had been exchanged. An even
more prosaic trade which reached large dimensions
about 1600, was the carrying of salt to Europe from
Punta Araya on the coast of Venezuela. The ships, both
Dutch and English, came out laden with goods for barter
and after disposing of them met at the great salt pans
some fifty miles from Margarita, where their holds were
filled with salt, which was then conveyed to England
and to Flanders and sold at an excellent profit. Between
June, 1602, and May, 1603, one hundred and seventy-two
salt vessels and thirty barter vessels of large size came
to Araya, and at one time in January, 1603, sixty salt
vessels and four barter vessels were lading salt at one
time," thus showing that the trade had reached large
dimensions.
With the conclusion of peace, the facilities for fitting
out these ships in English ports and the ease of disposal
of their cargoes on their return were at an end. King
24 Venezuela Papers, Add. MSS., 36318, fo. 191. Governor of Cumana
to King. The letters from the Indies abound with complaints of the
clandestine trade. Far more harm was done to the royal revenue by this
barter than by all the more shown exploits of Cumberland, Parker, and
Sherley.







ENGLISH COLONISATION


James, it was well known, regarded the war as at once
concluded by his accession, for as king of Scotland he
had always been on terms of peace and amity with the
Spanish crown. The terms of the treaty itself were a
complete surrender of the English right of trade to the
Indies,25 the recognition of which Elizabeth had always
insisted upon as a necessary condition of peace. It was
no longer possible for a reputable merchant to engage
openly in the West Indian trade and large amounts of
capital began to be withdrawn and turned to other uses.
Capt. John Smith, writing in 1629, puts the matter
clearly: "After the death of our most gracious Queen
Elizabeth of blessed memory, our Royal King James, who
from his infancy had reigned in peace with all Nations,
had no employment for those men-of-war, so that those
that were rich, rested with that they had; those that were
poor and had nothing but from hand to mouth, turned
Pirates; some, because they had got much wealth; some,
for that they could not get their due; some, that had lived
bravely, would not abase themselves to poverty; some
vainly, only to get a name; others for revenge, covetous-
ness or as ill; and as they found themselves more and
more oppressed, their passions increasing with discon-
tent made them turn Pirates.""2 That a very large
increase of the evil of piracy ensued after the signing
of the peace may be very roughly proved from the
Calendar of State Papers, Domestic. In the four years,
1603-1607, only eleven mentions of piracy occur and most
of these are concerned with the granting of pardons to
English sailors accused of technical piracy against
French and Venetian ships. In the four years, 1607-
1610, piracy is mentioned twenty-eight times and mostly
in connection with outrages on English ships. So acute
25 Camb. Mod. Hist., III, 537.
26 Smith's Works (ed. Arber), p. 914.







PURITAN COLONISATION


had the evil become in 1609 that a royal commission was
appointed to find some means of putting a stop to the
pirates' depredations. Many of the more far-seeing
London merchants had long realized the precariousness
of privateering enterprise and had endeavoured to
engage solely in legitimate trade," but others in alliance
with men of high rank such as George Clifford, Earl of
Cumberland, had expended in it large amounts of capital
and had organised what were in reality small navies,
most of the ships sailing under the English flag, but
others under that of the states of Holland or of Zeeland.
One of the foremost of the wealthy men of high rank
engaged in schemes of this description, was Lord Rich,
who had numbers of ships always at sea. The cessation
of hostilities between England and Spain made little
difference to his fleet, which merely changed its letters
of marque from English to Dutch and made its home
ports Middleburg or Flushing instead of the port of
London.28 When the twelve years' truce of 1609 sus-
pended hostilities between the States and Spain and
withdrew Dutch letters of marque, Rich's operations
continued as before, but under different colours, and
some years later we find his ships sailing the Channel
with commissions from the Duke of Savoy and still
returning a handsome profit to their owner.29
The withdrawal of the greater part of the English
capital invested in privateering set it free for employ-
ment in other directions, and the first five years of the
seventeenth century saw the despatch of many private
27 Cunningham, English Industry, Mod. Times, I, 70.
28 The many ramifications of the schemes of the Rich family lie beyond
the scope of this enquiry, but sidelights will be thrown on their later
developments in subsequent chapters. From at any rate 1600 onwards the
Rich family always had a commercial agent at Middleburg or Amsterdam.
29 Hist. MSS. Comm., Fourth Report. C. S. P. Dom., 1609-1618. C. S. P.
East Indies, 1617-1621, p. lxxxvi.







ENGLISH COLONISATION


expeditions for exploration to the Northwest, mostly
financed by the merchants who had fitted out the expedi-
tions of the late sixteenth century;30 the acute economic
difficulties of the time, caused by the growth of popu-
lation, induced publicists like Popham to join hands with
these great merchants and to suggest that the time was
now propitious for the carrying out of the ideas of
colonisation that had so long been expounded by Gilbert
and Raleigh. It is to this conjunction of interests that
the founding of the Plymouth and London Companies
for Virginia was due.
Previous attempts at English colonisation had been
made in each of three directions, and it is of interest to
note that geographical conditions had a good deal to do
with the location of the first successful colony. In 1600
the shores of the American continents were inhabited
by Europeans in three regions separated by enormous
stretches of unexplored coast; the Hispano-Portuguese
empire of Brazil was divided from the Spanish territory
round the Caribbean by the no man's land of Guiana.
The shores of the Caribbean and the islands of the
Antilles were all occupied in a loose kind of way by the
Spanish power or rendered inaccessible by the presence
of the fierce and cannibal Caribs, while to the northward
Florida, the scene of the long-remembered massacre of
Ribault and LaudonniBre's Huguenot colonists, was
sundered by Raleigh's deserted Virginia from the
regions round the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where the
French fur-traders were beginning to found a regular
trade with the Indians, and where Newfoundland was
already a temporary home for fishermen of all the
northern nations. The route to all these regions, save
the last, was in the main the same; coasting down the
shores of Spain and Africa till Cape Cantin was reached,
30 Kingsbury, Introd. to Records of Va. Co., p. 14.








PURITAN COLONISATION


a course was made for the Canaries31 and thence, after
watering, a due westerly course was steered for the
Island of Deseada or for Dominica. For Brazil a south-
westerly course from the Canaries was taken.32 The
direct and more northerly route to Virginia was only
discovered by Argall in 1614 and was not regularly used
until some years after that date. The homeward course
by the Gulf stream lay through the Florida Channel and
across by the Azores, so that the shores of Virginia
would be the last point seen upon the American conti-
nent. Gilbert's attempts at colonisation had followed
the northerly fishing route to Newfoundland33 and were
long remembered -for the extreme hardships that had
been encountered; Raleigh, however, had taken the usual
southern course and had endeavoured to plant his colo-
nies either in Guiana, the first unoccupied portion of the
mainland met with, or in Virginia, the last left. Now we
shall show later that, notwithstanding Raleigh's double
failure in Guiana, repeated efforts were made by English-
men to establish trading stations there during the early
years of the seventeenth century, though the conditions
were too precarious to attract the attention of the larger
capitalists, who had to keep King James's pro-Spanish
predilections in view. England could show a plausible
claim of right to Virginia by the ancient discoveries of
the Cabots, and the region was more attractive to the
merchant adventurers as affording a hope of discovery
of the long-sought channel leading westward into the
Sea of Cathay. It was Virginia that was therefore
chosen with the royal sanction as the scene of the new
effort at colonisation.
The two branches of the Virginia Company received
31 Hakluyt's Voyages (Everyman Edition), VII, 246.
32 Purchas's Pilgrims (Maclehose's Edition), XVI, 179.
33 Hakluyt, VI, 8.







ENGLISH COLONISATION


their patents from the king in April, 1606,"- and the
London Company, among whose members were most of
the merchants in whom we are interested,35 and notably
Sir Thomas Smythe and the Riches, at once took steps
to fit out a pioneer expedition. The North Virginia
Company contained fewer men of practical business
experience and soon fell into a moribund condition, but
the London Company succeeded by 1609 in enlisting in
their work the sympathies of almost every rank of
society. Englishmen saw in the new colony the only
means open to them of continuing the efforts to curb the
overweening power of Spain, that had been abandoned
by King James and his advisers, but this widespread
interest soon failed before the prosaic difficulties of the
undertaking, and before long the management of the
company's affairs fell into the hands of a small number
of men of high rank and of a group of well-to-do London
merchants, many of whom had long been interested in
privateering enterprises. The Spanish ministers re-
garded the Virginia colony as a perfidious device of the
English government for continuing English piratical
enterprise in defiance of the recently concluded treaty,
and we can read in the letters of the Spanish officials3"
the same complaints against the new colony that had so
often been penned from Venezuela and the same sug-
gestions for nipping the infant community in the bud."
Lying directly in the path of ships northward bound

34 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I, 52-62.
35 Kingsbury, Introd. to Records of Va. Co., p. 14.
36 Brown, Genesis, I, passim.
37 Add. MSS., 36317, fo. 372. Diego Suarez de Amaya, Governor of
Cumana, writes to the King on Dec. 8, 1600, suggesting that the salt at
Punta Araya should be poisoned in order to destroy the Dutch and English
pirates wholesale. Zuniga repeatedly suggested that the whole of the
Virginia colonists should be wiped out to avoid further growth of the
colony.







PURITAN COLONISATION


through the Florida Channel, the Bermuda Islands had
had an evil reputation throughout the sixteenth century
as a place of storms, and were in consequence always
avoided by mariners. But after Sir George Somers's
shipwreck there in July, 1609, and the subsequent fur-
nishing of Virginia with much-needed provisions, the
islands were claimed as lying within the grant of the
Virginia Company and as forming a likely field for col-
onisation. Their importance was so little appreciated,
however, that the active members of 1612 bought out the
Virginia Company's rights and formed a fresh company
of only one hundred and twenty adventurers to under-
take the plantation. The new company entered on its
operations with vigour and secured a fresh charter on
June 29, 1615.38
For some years matters proceeded smoothly in both
companies, the most active part in their management
being taken by those who had, along with the Rich
family, an interest in pseudo-privateering enterprise in
the West Indies. Gradually, however, we find that two
factions were forming in the companies and by 1619
matters were rapidly moving to an open breach.
In May, 1619, Sir Thomas Smythe, who, as treasurer,
had been the executive head of the Virginia Company
since its foundation, was displaced and Sir Edwin
Sandys was elected in his stead.39 The complete story
of this quarrel in the Virginia Company has never yet
been written from the standpoint of the Warwick faction,
and we can here only deal with those aspects of it that
bear directly upon our subject. It must be noted, how-
ever, that Sir Thomas Smythe and his supporters repre-
sented the privileged merchants of the Merchant
Adventurers, the East India, the Turkey, and other
38 C. S. P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 17.
39 C. S. P. Dom., 1619, p. 44.







ENGLISH COLONISATION


companies who believed in carrying on Elizabethan
traditions and had been interested in privateering in
earlier years, while Sandys had, since his chairmanship
of the Commons committee on the free trade bills of
1604,40 definitely committed himself to hostility to the
privileged companies. Personal rivalries and family
feuds were to a considerable extent responsible for the
ranging of the aristocratic members of the company on
opposite sides and for their bitterness one against
another.41
Sir Thomas Smythe after his displacement still re-
tained the leadership of the Somers Islands Company,
but this did nothing to assuage ill-feeling, and Alderman
Johnson, one of his warmest supporters in the City of
London, attempted to organize an attack upon Sandys,
the new Virginia treasurer. He did not secure much
support at first and was censured by a committee of the
Virginia Company held at Southampton House42 on July
8, 1619, of which both the Earl of Warwick and Sir
Nathaniel Rich were members. About the beginning of
1620, however, rumours began to spread abroad of some
mysterious exploit against the Spaniards achieved by
a certain Capt. Daniel Elfrith in a ship called the
Treasurer; Elfrith seems to have been in a sense acting
under the orders of Capt. Samuel Argall, who had been
4o Hewins, Trade and Finance in the 17th Century, ch. III.
41 The groupings of the parties in the quarrel recall the scandal that
divided society into two hostile camps in the previous generation. Penelope
Devereux, Lady Rich, Warwick's mother, lived for years in open adultery
with Charles Blount, Earl of Devonshire, and the bitterest hostility reigned
between her legitimate offspring and the children of her illicit union, of
whom the eldest, Mountjoy Blount, afterwards Earl of Newport, was
received into high favour at court in 1617. Southampton, Sackville, and
the Cavendishes sided with the Blounts and it seems to be a legitimate
hypothesis to assume that this added another to the many causes of the
quarrel.
42 Manch. Pap., nos. 250, 251.







PURITAN COLONISATION


governor of Virginia and was using the Earl of War-
wick's name as a bolster to his unwarrantable actions.43
Elfrith brought his vessel to Bermuda in an unseaworthy
condition and with her a number of negroes. That the
Earl of Warwick was not entirely unconnected with the
Treasurer's piratical proceedings can be seen by a letter
written to him from Bermuda by his prot6g6, Capt.
Nathaniel Butler, the governor, to the effect that he had
disposed of his lordship's negroes according to instruc-
tions, but that the Treasurer's people were dangerous-
tongued fellows and had given out secretly that, if they
were not paid to their uttermost penny of wages, they
"would go to the Spanish Ambassador and tell all.""
It is a mistake to suppose with some modern writers
that anything very terrible lay behind this threat and
that the mariners of the Treasurer and her sister ship,
the Neptune, were bloodthirsty ruffians of the type of
the legendary Capt. Kidd, sailing beneath the skull and
cross-bones and ready for any deed of darkness. The
Spanish ambassador of the time was Diego Sarmiento
d'Acufia, Conde de Gondomar; in 1620 the broken thread
of negotiation 'for the Spanish Match had just been
picked up, and King James was ready to do anything
to propitiate the Spanish monarchy. Only two years
before, Raleigh, in spite of the semi-approval with which
James had regarded his proceedings, had been sent to
the block on a similar charge of piracy, and a threat of
disclosure, therefore, was no idle one.
The council of the Virginia Company was informed
by Capt. Yeardley, the governor, that the Treasurer,
which was admitted to be the Earl of Warwick's prop-
erty, was supposed to have "gone to rob the King of
43 Manch. Pap., no. 262, 20 Jan., 1620.
44 Ibid., 9 Oct., 1620, no. 275. A very full list of the documents con-
nected with this affair is contained in Kingsbury's Rec. of Va. Co.







ENGLISH COLONISATION


Spain's subjects in the West Indies by direction from
my Lord of Warwick."" Sir Edwin Sandys and the
council agreed that it was necessary to communicate the
information to the Privy Council, but only after having
"first blotted my Lord of Warwick's name out of the
letters." No action was taken at the time and the War-
wick party succeeded in hushing matters up. Further
letters arrived from Virginia with details as to the ship's
proceedings derived from one of the crew, who had been
left behind in the colony; Sandys at once, on receipt of
these depositions, reopened the matter by assembling the
council and persuading them to acquaint the Spanish
ambassador and the lords of the Privy Council with the
facts. This step was bitterly resented by the other side,
for its effect was "to put upon my Lord of Warwick
suddenly ere he was aware," a confiscation of the ship
and goods. The quarrel was henceforward irreconcilable,
and now became a matter of common scandal.
Things were going none too well with the Somers
Islands Company. Daniel Tucker, the first governor,
was superseded in 1619 in consequence of his constant
disagreements with the adherents of Sir Nathaniel Rich
and the Warwick party, and Capt. Nathaniel Butler, one
of Warwick's followers, was sent back to the islands as
governor; the two factions in the colony were always
quarrelling and constant accusations were made against
the governor of fostering pirates, most of whom seem
to have pretended to hold commissions from the Prince
of Orange, the familiar old commissions of the "Sea-
beggars." Space will not admit of an examination of
the rights and wrongs of the case, but Butler's dealings
with a Spanish wreck in 1621 provided specific grounds
of complaint and Gondomar, much to the satisfaction of
the Sandys party, appealed to the Somers Islands Com-
16 Manch. Pap., no. 279.







PURITAN COLONISATION


pany'0 and the Privy Council for redress. This appeal
and the news of the terrible massacre of the Virginia
colonists that reached England in July, 1622," deter-
mined the king and his ministers that something was
radically wrong and a complete enquiry into the affairs
of both companies was ordered April 13, 1623. A variety
of evidence was brought before the commission of
enquiry, on one side by the Earl of Southampton, Lord
Cavendish, Sir Edward Sackville, afterwards Earl of
Dorset, Sandys, and the Ferrars, and on the other by
the Earl of Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Thomas
Smythe, and Alderman Johnson. After a long and care-
ful investigation, the Virginia Company's charter was
surrendered October 20, 1623, and the colony taken under
the direct management of the crown, very much to its
own benefit. Attempts were made to reopen the matter
in the House of Commons, but these were put an end to
by a royal message, to the general satisfaction. The
Somers Islands Company was permitted to continue
along the old lines, and the struggle for control was
maintained with varying fortunes, each succeeding treas-
urer reversing the policy of his predecessor and sending
out a fresh governor.
It has been necessary to enter on this very brief out-
line of the quarrel in the two companies, because to it
the genesis of the Providence Company can be traced.
The orthodox view concerning the quarrel and the
ensuing surrender of the Virginia Company's charter,
as expressed by Doyle and other writers, is entirely
hostile to the Warwick faction and represents them as
mere tools of the court. This is far too simple an expla-
nation of the matter, and the causes would appear to
be more complex, for the careers both of Warwick and
4 C. S. P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 27. 6 Feb., 1622.
7 Ibid., p. 31. 13 July, 1622.







ENGLISH COLONISATION


Sir Thomas Smythe are completely opposed to their
assumed subserviency. The idea that in the two factions
we have in embryo the parties of the Civil War48 is
almost grotesque, for in truth, as our subsequent pages
will show, there were no more ardent opponents of an
absolutist regime and no stronger or more definite
Puritans than were the Earl of Warwick and Sir
Nathaniel Rich, the so-called "subservient tools" of the
court. Neither side in the quarrel could claim a
monopoly of virtue and it is a mistake to allow the con-
nection of the Earl of Southampton with Shakespeare,
the legendary saintliness of the character of Nicholas
Ferrar, or the high spirit of Sir Edwin Sandys to blind
us to the many solid merits of Sir Thomas Smythe, Sir
Nathaniel Rich, Gabriel Barber, and their other
opponents.
The abandonment of the West Indian trade after the
conclusion of peace in 1604 by the more prominent Eng-
lish merchants did not by any means bring to an end
English dealings in Guiana and the Caribbean. Clan-
destine trade was still carried on and to such an extent
as to involve the Spanish authorities in continual anxiety.
The vessels engaged in the trade, however, were now of
small burthen and were equipped and set forth mainly
from Irish ports and from Barnstaple and Dartmouth,
where there was less likelihood of coming into conflict
with the authorities than in ports nearer the seat of
government. So great was the damage done to Spanish
commerce that in 1607 the cultivation of tobacco was
forbidden in the provinces of Caracas and Venezuela for
48 This idea has astonishing vitality. In the recently published "England
in America" (Vol. 4 of The American Nation, p. 76) the author speaks of
the "'Court'" party with Sir Robert Rich at its head, while the "'Country''
or "patriot" party is led by Southampton, Sandys, and Ferrar. For a
juster view of the matter see Scott's Joint Stock Companies to 1720, II,
269-287.







PURITAN COLONISATION


ten years owing to the large numbers of English and
Dutch who were attracted to purchase it." Little effect
was produced by the prohibition, for from 1610 to 1620
the Island of Trinidad seems to have been a regular
emporium for the illicit tobacco trade,50 and firms like
the Reskeimers of Dartmouth, the Delbridges of Barn-
staple, and, on a larger scale, the Courteens of Middle-
burg made large sums in the trade. Nor did the trade
with the Indians languish; repeated attempts to found
English trading stations on the Guiana rivers were made
and it has been shown51 that such Dutch firms as the Cour-
teens were building up a perfect network of trade-routes
in the interior of South America. Leigh's colony upon
the Wiapoco in 1604-1606 was a disastrous failure,52 but
Sir Thomas Roe saw the beginnings of his life of adven-
ture in a couple of years' trading (1606-1607) upon the
Guiana coast and several of the pioneer Virginia colo-
nists gained their experience with him in exploring the
swamps of the Wiapoco and the Cuyuni.3 Robert Har-
court in 1608 obtained a patent from Henry, Prince of
Wales, and set sail from Dartmouth with ninety-seven
men to attempt a trading colony on the Wiapoco;5" the
attempt was a failure and in 1610 the remaining colonists
were scattered among the Indians, and for eight or nine
years subsisted in native fashion and with occasional
supplies obtained from the Dutch.55 Raleigh's last voy-
age in 1617 ended, as is well known, in utter disaster,

49 Venezuela Papers, Add. MSS., 36319, fo. 141. Sancho de Aljuiza to the
King. June 15, 1607.
5o Add. MSS., 36319, passim.
51 G. Edmundson, Arts. in Eng. Hist. Bev., 1896-1903.
52 For an account of this attempt see Purchas, XVI, 316 sqq.
53 Smith's Works, p. 896, and Brown, Genesis of United States, I, 375,
re Roe's voyage of 1610.
54 Purchas, XVI, 358.
55 Smith, p. 897.







ENGLISH COLONISATION


but the breaking off of the Spanish negotiations in 1618
and the downfall of the king's pro-Spanish favourites,
the Howards, seemed to the Earl of Warwick and his
associates a propitious opportunity to undertake the
colonisation of Guiana in a more ambitious way than had
before been tried. The company undertaking the project
was largely organised by Warwick,56 a patent for the
colony was obtained" and Capt. Roger North, brother
of Lord North and Warwick's cousin, was despatched
to Guiana with one hundred and twenty men; there they
joined forces with the remnant of Harcourt's colonists
and tobacco planting was begun. But, early in 1620,
Gondomar returned to England, the broken thread of
negotiation for the Spanish Match was taken up, and
on May 7, 1620,"8 Warwick was ordered by the Privy
Council to deliver up the commission on which North
had sailed and compelled to disavow his proceedings.
Gondomar's protests to King James were so effective
that on North's return to England in December, 1620,
to secure fresh supplies he was imprisoned in the Tower
and his goods confiscated. His men, abandoned in Guiana,
dispersed themselves among the Indians or joined forces
with the Dutch. Among the colonists thus abandoned
was one Thomas Warner,5" who, having remained in
Guiana about two years, returned to England by
way of the Caribbee Islands with two companions.
Watering at St. Christopher on the homeward voyage,
Warner became friendly with Togreman, the Carib chief
58 C. S. P. Dom., 30 April, 1619, Locke to Carleton.
57 C. S. P. Col., 30 April, 1619, p. 21.
58 Acts of Privy Council, Col., I, 36.
59 The outline of Warner's proceedings in the text is based upon three
sources of authority: Smith's account, 1629, Works, p. 898 sqq., John
Hilton's account, 1675, Brit. Mus., Eg., 2395, fo. 503; and Sloane MSS.,
3662, fo. 45a, written by Major Scott, 1667. For a discussion of the relia-
bility of this last authority, see Edmundson, Eng. Hist. Bev. (1901), XVI,
640.







PURITAN COLONISATION


of the island; on his return to England he succeeded in
securing some capital from one Merrifield, a merchant
interested in the clandestine West Indian trade, and with
fourteen companions sailed at the end of 1622 for
Virginia and thence to St. Christopher, where they
commenced planting tobacco on January 28, 1623.60
Warner's small band lived in amity with the Caribs for
some time, but difficulties at length arose, and it was
only by a series of fortunate happenings that the infant
colony was saved from destruction. To secure assist-
ance against the Caribs,61 Warner acquiesced in the
division of the island between his men and a band of
Frenchmen under D'Esnambuc, who had landed there
not long after him.
The breaking off of the Spanish Match in 1623 and
Buckingham's hostility to Spain removed the difficulties
that had lain in the way of early colonising attempts.
The foundation of the Dutch West Indian Company in
1621 put into practice the ideas of colonisation at the
expense of Spain as opposed to freebooting that Willem
Usselincx had so long been urging and its early success
pointed out to the general public both in England and
France that the West Indies offered a profitable field
for colonisation. Within a month or so of the rupture
with Spain we find Secretary Conway proposing" that
a colonising enterprise should be undertaken in the West
Indies in concert with Holland in order to draw off idle
people from the kingdom without cost to the king. In
April, 1625, Sir John Coke proposed to the king"3 to
o6 Smith, p. 900.
61 This is the version of the story given in 1675 by one of the first English
settlers. (Eg., 2395, fo. 509.) A good deal of dispute raged in 1675 about
the whole sequence of these events, but the facts appear to be as given.
Du Tertre is our authority on the French side.
62 C. S. P. Dom., 1623, no. 64.
63 Ibid., 14 April, 1625.







ENGLISH COLONISATION


incorporate a company for defence and protection in the
West Indies and to develop English trade thither; in
the same month Attorney General Heath drew up a
memorandum4" for Charles I, stating that it was neither
safe nor profitable for the Spaniards and Dutch to be
absolute lords of the West Indies and suggesting English
intervention, either openly or underhand. Preparations
for the war with Spain were now in full swing and any
suggestions for weakening the Spanish power were lis-
tened to by Charles and Buckingham with the utmost
readiness. Among the Clarendon State Papers65 there
has been preserved a remarkable plan, presented to
Buckingham by a fugitive Spaniard, showing how Eng-
land, without the expenditure of much capital, might
found an English empire in the heart of the Spanish
Indies. There are reasons for supposing that the plan
was introduced to Buckingham's notice by Warwick's
mediation, and we have here probably the first germ of
some of the ideas animating the Providence Company
a few years later. Among the bustle of the war prepara-
tions no steps could be taken for a West Indian expedi-
tion, but the change of circumstances now made it easy
for adventurous spirits to find capitalists ready to
finance their colonising schemes. Warner returned to
England in September, 1625, and with Ralph Merrifield
obtained from the crown letters patent6" for the colony
of St. Christopher, and for the colonisation of Nevis,
Barbadoes, and Montserrat; in the same year, Capt. John
Powell in the William and John with thirty settlers
financed by Sir William Courteen, made the first
permanent English settlement in Barbadoes.
When grants and privileges had to be obtained from
64 C. S. P. Col., [April] 1625, p. 73.
65 Clar. State Pap., vol. I.
66 C. S. P. Col., 1574-1660, 13 Sept., 1625.







PURITAN COLONISATION


the crown, it was useful to have on one's side a persona
grata at court; Merrifield and Warner succeeded in
interesting in their cause James Hay, the Earl of
Carlisle, and 1626 saw the grant of rights of government
over the whole of the Caribbee Islands to the earl, who
at once took effective steps to enforce his rights. In
1627 he and the merchants associated with him des-
patched several emigrants and a store of ordnance to
St. Christopher and the first English colony in the West
Indies was fairly launched. Courteen, not to be out-
done, secured the patronage of Lord Treasurer Ley, Earl
of Marlborough, for his colony in Barbadoes, but in
1627 a wholesale grant covering many islands was
bestowed upon the lord chamberlain, Philip, Earl of
Montgomery, and considerable confusion ensued. The
further fortunes of these grants and of the colonies
established in virtue of them need not detain us here,
but we shall have to return to the early history of St.
Christopher and Nevis in a later chapter.
Between 1623 and 1628 the affairs of the Somers
Islands Company had been steadily going from bad to
worse; John Bernard, the governor sent out in 1622 to
investigate Capt. Butler's proceedings, died within a
few weeks of his arrival, and his successor, John Har-
rison, a nominee of the Sandys faction, only held office
for a year (1623). He was succeeded by Capt. Henry
Woodhouse (1623-1626), and he again by Capt. Philip
Bell, a man of good family and an adherent of the War-
wick party. Constant complaints were received in Eng-
land of the monopolist proceedings of the company's
agents, who bought the planters' produce cheap and sold
in return the necessaries of life at exorbitant rates, while
the company were engaged in a perpetual struggle with
a merchant, John Delbridge of Barnstaple, who desired
to secure the right of trade to the islands without paying








ENGLISH COLONISATION


the very high license duties demanded. The colonists at
length in 1628 appealed to the House of Commons for
redress and a committee of enquiry was appointed
numbering among its members John Pym," whose name
now appears for the first time in connection with colonial
affairs. The committee prepared a petition to the king
in the colonists' favour, but little appears to have come
of it save an order of the Privy Council for an abatement
of the tobacco duty in favour of the adventurers.
On April 28, 1629, Sir Nathaniel Rich, one of the most
active members of the Somers Islands Company, received
from Capt. Philip Bell, the governor of the islands, a
long and closely written letter" of four quarto pages.
The writer expresses grief and surprise that he had been
blamed by the company at home without having had an
opportunity of defending himself. He describes the
many difficulties against which he has had to contend
and the factions existing in Bermuda, and then proceeds
to the main business of his letter. This is of so much
importance in our enquiry that his words must be
reproduced in extenso:
Now to the main business I come without further interrup-
tion, which is that two of your ships, the "Earl of Warwick"
and the "Somers Islands" are now returning home again and
in the "Earl of Warwick" is Daniel Elfrith himself coming,
who hath put himself out of his own ship into it because she
hath neither captain nor master left for her safe conduct home.
The other is furnished still with the full company that brought
her out, though no present purchase is returned according to
hopeful expectation, for it was unhappily lost and missed of.
Capt. Cammock with thirty odd men is left upon an island
called St. Andreas, which is a very fertile and hopeful place and
such as is hoped will give the adventurers good satisfaction.
67 C. S. P. Col., 19 June, 1628.
M8 Manch. Pap., no. 416.







PURITAN COLONISATION


Notwithstanding his own [Elfrith's] island, which was pointed
and aimed at, he hath yet reserved undiscovered to himself. So
I put it only into my Lord's own hands and yours with such
selected friends and companions as shall be thought worthy to
be made partakers thereof. For he doth absolutely refuse and
resolve the whole company [the Somers Is. Company] shall never
more have to do with him, in respect of their ingratitude towards
him for his pains and endeavors already past.
The name of it [the island] is Kathalina and [it] lies not
above 20 or 30 leagues from the other where his men are left,
but it differs much from that place both in the pleasantness
and rich fertility of the soil, and, which is very material, half
the charge will fortify this and make it invincible, which must
go to the other where they are. Neither indeed can that possibly
ever be made half so strong, but which is notwithstanding hope-
ful because freer from enemies and more out of harm's way
and all danger."s
There is another island, called Fonceta,70 which lies some 100
leagues to the eastwards of the Caribbee Islands and out of
all the Spaniards roads and ways, which by the report of some
Indians, which once strayed from thence and could never find
it again, as also of some seamen who once touched there and
Daniel Elfrith did afterwards speak withal; it is one of the
bravest and most-fertile islands in the world, having according
to the pilot three fair rivers in it, and is likewise well fortified
and encompassed with rocks and shoals for defence against all
enemies. This island I have set Daniel Elfrith in resolution to
discover, which may be done in sending to the other islands
without any further charge or trouble worth the speaking of,
being not above 80 leagues out of the way [the way from Ber-
muda to Santa Catalina], which in all likelihood will not be
above four or five days' sail at the most, and so if he can find
the island, as neither I nor himself do make any question, and if
he find it answerable to report and our expectation, then he may
69 San Andreas lies further up on the great Moskito Bank than does
Santa Catalina. Bell means that it lies more out of the track of ships
from Cartagena.
7o Mythical, see below, pp. 132-134.







ENGLISH COLONISATION


stay and settle with his men and provisions there without going
further. But if either he or the place should fail of our hopes,
then, without any prejudice at all, he may proceed forwards to
the island which cannot fail, and which he knows as perfectly
as needs to be, and than this island already known none can be
more fruitful or more hopeful, but yet it lying in the heart of
the Indies and the mouth of the Spaniards and the other lying
far from both, it [Fonceta] is therefore much to be preferred
before it, and there is neither of them but in short time [could]
be made more rich and bountiful either by tobacco or any
other commodities than double or treble any man's estate in
all England; though they should utterly fail of any gold or
silver mines, which notwithstanding is very hopeful, they may
be enriched withal.
And as for this island, the strength and work of the land
doth so much decrease and decay daily that in a short time it
will be of very small value or profit, especially so much tobacco
now being planted and being brought home of better quality
and from richer climates and plantations, and I make a ques-
tion whether this will shortly be worth anything at all. For
my part, therefore, though I shall be willing for my credit's
sake and the country's good, but also for the propagation of
the Gospel and the service of my good God, to stay here yet one,
two or three years longer if my Lord [Warwick] and yourself
[Rich] shall think fit so to dispose and command me, yet longer
than that same [I am] absolutely unwilling. For one year in
one of those places will be more profitable than seven years
here, and I am resolved that in which of those islands Daniel
Elfrith shall settle his good liking and abode, that there will I
settle my abode with him likewise, for out of his part of the
land in both he hath promised a good proportion to myself as
a portion with his daughter.
In the way and means of proceeding I have likewise deliv-
ered my opinion to my Lord, as first that Daniel Elfrith's own
advice in everything may be followed, that he may be set out in
a ship or two belonging solely to my Lord, yourself and such
special friends, that things may be carried and done with all







PURITAN COLONISATION


possible secrecy. That my Lord may get the patent of Fonceta,
or rather of both, before they be discovered, which will be easily
obtained and will take away all the claim and opposition of
my Lord of Carlisle or any other. And thus having contracted
and finished my matter and room together, I will conclude all
and myself.
Your really affected friend and servant
PHILIP BELL.

Gov. Bell addressed this most important letter to Sir
Nathaniel Rich as second in command and business head
of the Warwick faction, whose connection with the Vir-
ginia and Somers Islands companies has already been
noticed. Their interest in colonial affairs had been
heightened during the years 1625 to 1629 by many causes,
and Bell's letter arrived in England at a moment when
the future government of the English race lay in the
balance. What were the conditions governing this critical
position, can be most properly considered if the career
of the head of the Warwick party, Robert Rich, second
Earl of Warwick, is examined.
Robert Rich, eldest son of the third Lord Rich and
great-grandson of Richard, first Lord Rich, Chancellor
of the Court of Augmentations to Henry VIII, after-
wards lord chancellor, and the founder of the family
fortunes, was born in 1587 and educated at Emmanuel
College, the principal Puritan college at Cambridge
under Elizabeth, where he was a contemporary of the
celebrated Puritan, John Preston. He represented Mal-
don in the parliaments of 1610 and 1614, and succeeded
his father as second Earl of Warwick in 1619. The anti-
Spanish schemes of the Rich family rendered them dis-
tasteful to James I, but the hitch in the negotiations for
the Spanish Match in 1618 was marked by the bestowal
of the earldom of Warwick upon the third Lord Rich;







ENGLISH COLONISATION


Robert Rich's strong Puritan leanings made court life
distasteful to him and his attention was very early
directed to colonial ventures, to which he was drawn by
his interest in the privateering enterprises of his family.
He was, as has been shown, an active member of the
Virginia Company and in 1614 became one of the original
members of the Somers Islands Company. In 1618 he
possessed fourteen shares in the company and one of the
divisions of the islands was called Warwick Tribe in his
honour; in 1616 he and his father fitted out two ships
and despatched them with a Savoy commission7 on a
roving voyage to the East Indies. Their seizure of a
ship, worth 100,000, belonging to the Great Mogul, and
its recapture by an East India Company's ship, involved
Rich in a long dispute with the company, but this and
other subsequent disputes did not prevent his active
participation in their enterprises, and we find him a
constant attendant at the company's courts and repeat-
edly borrowing from the stock ordnance and stores for
his ships.72
In 1618 Warwick became one of the original members
of the Guinea Company, newly incorporated to engage
in the profitable traffic in African negroes. In the same
year the Treasurer, commanded by Daniel Elfrith, was
fitted out and provided with a Savoy commission as a
man-of-war. She carried to Virginia the first cargo of
negroes ever sold there and, as we have shown, her
arrival provided Warwick's enemies in the Virginia
Company with one of their sharpest weapons of attack.
They accused him of piratical dealings, but it is quite
possible that there is some connection between the Treas-
71 Obtained in return for a large money payment from Scarnafissi, the
agent of Charles Emmanuel I, who was then upon a money-seeking mission
in England.
72 C. S. P. East Indies, 19 March, 1627, March, 1628, March, 1629, etc.







PURITAN COLONISATION


urer's voyage and Warwick's venture in the Guinea Com-
pany. If this were so, the negroes might have been
obtained in an entirely legitimate way, as Elfrith main-
tained. At any rate, it is one of the ironies of history that
it should have been through the agency of one and the
same man that negroes were first introduced into British
America and that the charter of Massachusetts, the
foremost abolition state, was obtained.
In 1619 Warwick took a prominent part in financing
North's Guiana expedition, and in 1620 he was granted
a seat in the council of the resuscitated Plymouth Com-
pany for New England and was frequently present at its
meetings," as was a neighbour of his, Sir John Bourchier,
whose daughter, Elizabeth, had recently married Oliver
Cromwell. Warwick, as the organiser of the Guiana
Company, had for some time been in touch with Robin-
son's congregation of Separatists at Leyden, who were
contemplating emigration to Guiana," but the dissolution
of the company turned their hopes to North Virginia, and
thither the Mayflower sailed in August, 1620. As will
be remembered, the accidents of the voyage compelled
the Pilgrims to -land at Plymouth in New England and
outside the limit of the Virginia Company's patent, and
Warwick's influence was again employed to secure from
the Council for New England a patent for the land on
which the new settlement was founded." It is another
striking fact in Warwick's career that he was the only
person of high rank and influence connected with all the
bodies with whom the Leyden pilgrims negotiated before
they could secure a home for themselves in the New
World. He was a member of the Guiana Company, the
73 "Records of Council for New England." Printed in Proceedings of
American Antiquarian Society for 1867 and 1875.
74 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation (ed. Ford, 1912), I, 61-62.
75 June 1, 1621.






ENGLISH COLONISATION


Virginia Company, and the Council for New England,
and it was he who, as president of the last of these,
obtained the grant of the second Plymouth patent on
January 13, 1630.76
The breach with Spain in 1623 threw George Villiers,
Duke of Buckingham, the all-powerful favourite of
James and Charles, on to the side of the anti-Spanish
and Puritan party and in 1625 he became an adventurer
along with Warwick for the discovery of the Northwest
Passage." This alliance of Buckingham with the Puri-
tans was marked by Warwick's appointment as lord
lieutenant of Essex; his brother Henry had been since
1618 in high favour at court and was one of Bucking-
ham's most intimate friends. In 1623 Henry was
created Baron Kensington, was sent with Carlisle to
France in 1624 to arrange Charles's marriage with
Louis XIII's sister, Henrietta Maria, and on his return
was created Earl of Holland. Holland henceforward
became the queen's mouthpiece in English politics and
was always hostile to the Spanish party at court. War-
wick's connection with the court was shortlived; he
sided against Buckingham in the parliament of 1626 and
in November joined with Lord Saye, the Earl of
Lincoln, and other Puritan peers in refusing to pay the
forced loan that was the king's expedient for financing
the war. The value of the Rich navy, however, was so
great that in March, 1627, a very full commission was
issued to Warwick authorising him to undertake hostili-
ties against the Spaniards, the commission78 being
76 Bradford (1908 edition), p. 248 and note; (Ford, ed., 1912), II, 69-70.
77 C. S. P. Dom., April, 1625.
78 C. S. P. Dom., 18 Mar., 1627. Request from Secretary Coke to Attorney
General Heath to prepare for the Earl of Warwick such a commission as
was granted by Queen Elizabeth to the Earl of Cumberland. For enlarge-
ment, v. ibid., 17 April, 1627. The exact bearing of this and some of the
other commissions of the period upon the prize law of the time is dealt






PURITAN COLONISATION


modelled on the lines of Queen Elizabeth's commission
to the Earl of Cumberland. By an enlargement of the
commission in April, 1627, Warwick was authorised to
invade or possess any of the dominions of the king of
Spain or the archdukes in Europe, Africa, or America,
but the issue of this commission was not at all well
received by the court party and we find Secretary
Nicholas writing in the following October that Lord
Warwick's commission would never have passed had it
not been for the puzzle of the great preparations then
in hand for the Rochelle expedition.79
In pursuance of this commission Warwick, with the
aid of some London merchants,s" fitted out a fleet of eight
ships and put to sea in the hope of capturing the Brazil
fleet. He failed in his attempt and himself narrowly
escaped capture, while his financial resources were badly
crippled. In 1628 and 1629 he sent out more ships and
took prizes both from the Spaniards and from the
Genoese, which brought him little profit but involved
him in legal disputes that were unsettled for many years.
Among other ships he despatched the Earl of Warwick
and the Somers Islands to the West Indies on the voyage
that is referred'to in Capt. Bell's letter. Warwick did
not stand alone in these ventures, but may be regarded
as the head of a clan, composed on the one hand of his
own relatives and adherents and on the other of a body of
powerful London merchants. We have seen the clan in
action in the disputes of the Virginia Company, and
during the years that had since elapsed, the group had
with in an article on "Early Prize Law," by Mr. R. G. Marsden in the
English Historical Review for April, 1910.
79 C. 8. P. Dom., 25 Oct., 1627. Nicholas's Letter Book, p. 64.
so Coke MSS., Hist. MSS. Comm., Twelfth Report, App'x, p. 297. War-
wick to Sir John Coke, "I agreed with Mr. Attorney and the Judge of
the Admiralty upon a commission and shewed it to divers merchants, my
partners, who have come in and adventured their money."






ENGLISH COLONISATION 39

been further cemented together by the growing unity
of feeling in the Puritan party. The intimate business
alliance of such members of the Upper House as War-
wick, Saye, and Brooke with great London merchants is
prominent throughout our pages and we must recognize
that these commercial bonds are of great importance
in the history of the time, as rendering it easier for great
nobles and wealthy country gentlemen to unite with the
city merchants and to work side by side with them in
the constitutional struggle against the crown. Such a
union would have been impossible at an earlier period.











CHAPTER II


PURITAN EMIGRATION AND THE FORMATION
OF THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


To appreciate justly the causes governing the course
of colonial events in the momentous years 1628-1629 is
impossible without some realisation of the general pos-
ture of affairs in England and Europe at the time and
to this we must for a moment turn our attention. The
high hopes with which the nation had welcomed the
accession of the debonair young king and had taken
up arms once more against the hated Spaniards, had
crumbled under disaster after disaster. The Cadiz
expedition had ended in demoralisation and disgrace,
the vaunted French alliance had been frittered away
in ignoble squabbles and had resulted in naught but
the use of English ships against Protestant Rochelle;
nothing had been done to aid the King of Denmark in
delivering the persecuted churches of Bohemia and the
Palatinate, while the expeditions for the relief of those
Rochellois whom England had encouraged in their
resistance to their king, had returned each a more
broken, more diseased, and more disgraceful failure than
the last though Rochelle was slowly starving to death
with a shuddering dread of the vengeance of Richelieu
in a final sack. Nor were home affairs in a more hopeful
condition; the incompetence of the government was
flagrant, but its demands for money were unceasing and
those who refused its forced loans were imprisoned
without trial or banished from their homes. The






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


countryside swarmed with unpaid and mutinous soldiery,
torn from their parishes by the press-gang and billeted
on all below the rank of gentleman. Robbery and out-
rage afflicted their unwilling hosts, and no redress could
be obtained; yet while the poor were thus oppressed and
the rich were fleeced without warrant of law, the religious
feelings of some of the most upright members of the
community were wounded by the silencing of the Calvin-
istic lectures and pamphleteers; the protagonists of the
Arminians received preferment to the highest dignities
in the church, and the penalties against recusants re-
mained a dead letter to please the queen and her brother,
the king of France, though the countries were at open
war. Never in English history had the government faced
so united an opposition as when Charles I's third parlia-
ment opened in March, 1628, but never did a monarch
fail so to realise his position. For two months the debate
of grievances went on behind the closed doors of parlia-
ment, while to common men the outlook was becoming
ever blacker.
It was during these months of gloom that there were
passed from hand to hand the suggestions of one of the
most respected Puritan divines, John White of Dorches-
ter, for the founding of a refuge in another land for
God's oppressed people, where a bulwark might be
raised "against the kingdom of Anti-Christ which the
Jesuits labour to rear up in all quarters of the world."
White had been connected before with a colonising effort
in New England of some Dorchester merchants and the
treasurer of this defunct company, John Humphry,
brother-in-law of the Earl of Lincoln, determined to
obtain from the Earl of Warwick, who was now beginning
to be looked up to as the head of the Puritans, a grant
of land in New England whereon he and others inter-
ested in carrying out White's new project might found







PURITAN COLONISATION


their settlement. In June, 1623, the Council for New
England, finding it impossible to secure capital or set-
tlers for their territory, had decided1 to divide the whole
region into twenty shares to be distributed by lot among
those of the council who had paid in capital to the stock.
On June 29, 1623, the drawing had taken place in the
presence of King James, and Warwick had drawn as
his share the region round Massachusetts Bay.2 It was
this tract that Warwick granted by patent to John
Humphry, John Endecott, and their associates on
March 19, 1628.' Endecott sailed on his first voyage to
New England in June and the colonisation of Massa-
chusetts began, almost unnoticed amidst the national
troubles.
The great Commons' debate on grievances that ended
on the twenty-eighth of May, 1628, in the presentation
to the king of the Petition of Right, was marked by a
crystallisation of the Puritan party in parliament into
a form that had great influence upon the after course of
events. It was the extreme Puritans who were respon-
sible for the final mould in which the Petition was cast,
and it is most noticeable that the men forming the inner
ring of the party were closely united one with another
by ties of relationship and sincere friendship. Warwick,
Saye, and Lincoln were the exponents of the popular
policy in the Lords; Sir John Eliot, the leader of the
Commons, was united to Warwick by close bonds,4 while
Sir Nathaniel Rich, John Pym, Sir Benjamin Rudyerd,
and Sir Gilbert Gerrard were all, as we shall show later,
1"'Records of Council for New England," Proceedings of Amer. Antiq.
Soc. for 1875, p. 49.
2 See the map in Alexander's Encouragement to Colonies, 1624.
3 C. S. P. Col., 19 March, 1628. See also Massachusetts Colonial Records,
29 Sept., 1629.
4Forster's Life of Eliot, II, 64, 72, 642. See also Bagg's letters to the
Privy Council, e.g. C. S. P. Dom., 20 April, 1620.






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


intimately linked together and all took important parts
in the struggle. For more than a week after the presen-
tation of the Petition, the issue hung in the balance, but
at last on the seventh of June the king yielded and the
Petition of Right became the law of the land. To the
lighter hearted it seemed as though the threatened
liberties of England were safe, but the leaders realized
that there was still much to be done, and, without an
instant's delay, they proceeded to attack the king's
Arminian religious policy, the illegal levying of tonnage
and poundage, and, worst of all, the ministerial acts of
Buckingham. So vehement were the remonstrances
addressed to him that, in anger and disgust at what he
thought their base ingratitude, Charles prorogued the
parliament on the 26th with a speech of cutting severity.
The hopes of early June were dashed and once more
gloom settled down on Puritan hearts, saddened and
revolted as they were by the king's ostentatious bestowal
of preferment upon the Arminian prelates. For a
moment the gloom was lightened by a somewhat untimely
rejoicing at Felton's murder of the favourite, but the
news from Germany was not encouraging, as Wallenstein
drove Christian of Denmark, the champion of Protes-
tantism, to his island fastnesses in utter rout. Rochelle
at last lay prone, her walls dismantled, her merchants
beggared, and her treasured Huguenot liberties gone
at the bidding of the ruthless cardinal. Everywhere
absolutism and Catholicism seemed triumphant and
many an earnest, God-fearing man trembled as he feared
that ere long the queen and Laud would bring Protestant
England once more under the power of the Roman see.
The publication in December of the "Declaration
touching Public Worship," was regarded by the Puritans
as granting license to the Arminians for far-reaching
innovations in religion, while the feelings of the mer-







PURITAN COLONISATION


chants were outraged by the government's high-handed
proceedings in the conflict over Chambers's obstinate
refusals to pay the illegal tonnage and poundage. Once
more, with the opening of the new year, the public gaze
was fixed upon the doors that guarded the central scene
in the great struggle. Parliament met again on January
20, 1629, and the Commons under Eliot's leadership at
once vehemently assailed the "Declaration," and put
forward in a series of resolutions against popery and
Arminianism their own conception of the type of uni-
formity to be demanded for the church. For more than
a month the debates raged round the resolutions and the
religious grievances they were meant to remedy, while
Charles endeavoured in vain to divert attention to the
less thorny question of finance. Eliot, with even more
intemperate words, refused to be turned from his chosen
path and though many lesser members would have
debated the threatening action of the courts against
their own treasured freedom from arrest, he persisted
in recalling their attention to the larger question of the
national liberties, until at length the king's slender
patience was at end. Never had a more moving scene
been witnessed in the Commons' House than on that
second of March, 1629, when Speaker Finch announced
His Majesty's pleasure that the House should then
adjourn. On all sides rose angry murmurs against the
order; in flat defiance of it the doors were locked and,
though Finch did his courtly best to obey his royal
master's commands, the leaders were resolved on vio-
lence rather than be baulked of their will. While the
trembling speaker was held in his chair, and the weaker
members cowered weeping in their seats, it was resolved
that whoever should bring in innovations in religion,
should introduce popery or Arminianism, or should pay
tonnage or poundage, should be reputed a traitor and a







THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


capital enemy to the commonwealth. The doors were
opened, the speaker released, and to all men it seemed
as though the established parliamentary privileges of
England were at an end; Eliot, Selden, and other leaders
were committed to the Tower.
"The increasing of our sins gives us great cause to
look for some heavy scourge and judgment to be coming
upon us," wrote John Winthrop a few days later.' "My
dear wife, I am verily persuaded God will bring some
heavy affliction upon this land, and that speedily; but
if the Lord seeth it will be good for us, he will provide
a shelter and a hiding-place for us and others, as a Zoar
for Lot, a Sarephthah for his prophet." What wonder
that at such a time White's message of hope should find
an echo in Puritan hearts, and that God's people "should
turn with eyes of longing to the free and open spaces of
the New World, whither they might flee to be at peace.
The summer of 1629 was filled with events of the
utmost importance to colonial history. Though only the
leaders had been imprisoned for their share in the
Commons' scene, every member of the Puritan party,
both great and small, was made to feel the displeasure
of the government. It was impossible to deprive Sir
Benjamin Rudyerd of the lucrative office of surveyor of
the Court of Wards, which had been granted him for
life in his courtier days, but lesser Puritans might be
attacked more easily. John Humphry had long been
an attorney of the Court of Wards and a noticeable
Puritan and now both he and his colleague, John Win-
throp, the Puritan squire of Groton in Suffolk, were
deprived of their offices.6 This apparently unimportant
removal was in truth of tremendous import, for in
Winthrop at last was found the man who was needed
.5 London, 15 May, 1629, Life and Letters of Winthrop, I, 296.
6 June, 1629, Life of Winthrop, I, 298.







PURITAN COLONISATION


to convert the aspirations of the Puritans into realities.
Winthrop, a man already of middle age, had been
afflicted during the past year (1628) with a succession
of bereavements that had disillusioned him with life in
England and had turned his thoughts to the proposals
for migration that were occupying the minds of his
friends. The Massachusetts Bay Company had received
the sanction of a royal charter in March, 1629, and in
July7 Winthrop and his brother-in-law, Emmanuel
Downing, rode down to Sempringham, the Kesteven seat
of the Earl of Lincoln, to talk over their plans of joining
the company.
Theophilus Fiennes-Clinton, fourth Earl of Lincoln,
who was descended from a distant branch of the great
Fiennes family that held the ancient peerage of Saye
and Sele, was the most earnest Puritan among the peers,
and his seat at Sempringham was the central point where
were discussed the projects for a Puritan migration.
Lincoln was married to Bridget Fiennes, daughter of
Viscount Saye, and his sister, Lady Susan Fiennes-
Clinton, was the wife of John Humphry, who had long
been interested in White's colonising projects. Hum-
phry had succeeded in imparting this interest to
Lincoln and to Isaac Johnson, who was married to
another of Lincoln's sisters. Winthrop found the whole
society assembled at Sempringham and, though we have
no account of the discussions that ensued, it is certain
that the affairs of the Massachusetts Bay Company must
have been talked over. Among Lincoln's dependents was
his distant kinsman, Thomas Dudley, a man of an
earnest and almost fanatical Puritan temper. Together
he, John Humphry, Isaac Johnson, and Winthrop came
to the momentous decision to cast off the dust of Eng-
7 July, 1629, Life of Winthrop, I, 304.






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


land from their feet and throw in their lot with the
Massachusetts Bay Company. In this same critical
week Matthew Cradock, the governor, had suggested to
the members of the company the entire transfer of the
government to America, and on the twenty-sixth of
August8 it was resolved in a full meeting at Cambridge,
that this step should be taken. Twelve members of the
company, including Sir Richard Saltonstall, John
Humphry, and Winthrop, announced their intention of
leaving England to settle on American shores, and all
of them took immediate steps in preparation for their
voyage. From this point onwards Winthrop began to
take the lead in the company's affairs, a lead at once
marked by a decision and a statesmanlike foresight in
marked contrast to the timorous conservatism of
Matthew Cradock.
The importance of all these happenings from the point
of view of our immediate subject is that every step
taken by the Massachusetts emigrants was taken in
concert with and often upon the advice of those veteran
colonisers, the Earl of Warwick and Sir Nathaniel Rich.
It is hardly likely that the idea of migration to America
can have been thoroughly shaped as early as April, 1629,
when Bell's letter9 reached Sir Nathaniel Rich, but the
idea was gradually taking shape and it must have been
within the critical months of June and July that that
decision was reached. Two courses lay open to the
emigrants. On the one hand, they might sail towards
what were then regarded as the bleak and inhospitable
shores of North Virginia, where so many attempts at
colonisation had been made to end only in disaster, and
where the Pilgrims at Plymouth were even then strug-
gling with small success against the hardships of their
8 Life of Winthrop, I, 344.
9 V. supra, pp. 31-34.







PURITAN COLONISATION


lot. On the other hand, they might guide their course
toward the fertile islands of the Caribbean that were
described so glowingly by Capt. Bell.
Warwick had every reason to counsel the colonists
towards the latter course, and, though he was willing to
aid them whatever their choice should be, we cannot
doubt that it was southward he wished them to sail.
His ventures of late years had met with little success and
there was here the prospect of retrieving loss and at the
same time of providing another home for his discon-
tented prot6g6s in Bermuda. The colonisation of St.
Christopher and Barbadoes under the protection of
Lords Carlisle and Marlborough, both members of the
court party and both personally hostile to the Riches,10
can have been no more acceptable to Warwick and his
friends than was the success of Sir William Courteen,
Thomas Warner, and Ralph Merrifield, to his merchant
associates. The knowledge that fertile islands were
awaiting settlement in the heart of the West Indies, and
that they could be fortified with ease, must have been
welcome news to so strong a hater of Spain as was War-
wick. Here at last appeared a chance of redeeming the
failure of his naval enterprise of 1627 and the general ill
success of the Spanish war, here was a chance of carry-
ing on the glorious traditions of the Elizabethan age and
of putting once and for all that bit in the ancient enemy's
mouth, that had so long been the dream of all patriotic
Englishmen. It is easy for us to commend Winthrop's
10 A personal coolness had existed between the Rich family and James
Hay, Earl of Carlisle, since his quarrel with Lord Holland while they were
fellow envoys in Paris in 1624. Only with difficulty had a duel then been
prevented. The statement of Clarendon that Holland and Carlisle were good
friends is no contradiction of our view, as it applies to a later period and
the friendship can, at best, have been only superficial. The rivalry between
Warwick and the Carlisle interests was an important factor in West Indian
affairs as late, at any rate, as 1648.






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


neglect of advice and to deride those who gave it and
for ten years contended that his choice had been wrongly
made, but in 1629 the colonial empires of every power,
save Spain, were still to make, and all experience pointed
to the shores of a summer sea as those whereon colon-
ising success could alone be obtained.
The Stuart age witnessed many departures from the
ancient ways, but the one that marks more definitely,
perhaps, than any other, the period as modern, has not
always received the attention it deserves. For the first
time we find men of the middle class, who were neither
great lawyers nor churchmen and who had had no train-
ing in the narrow circle of officialdom, printing deep the
impress of their personality upon the national destinies.
Just as Pym and Cromwell were sprung from that upper
middle class that has done such great things for the
world, so in the birth throes of the Massachusetts
commonwealth the critical decision was made, and made
aright, by the obscure Suffolk squire, while the great
noble, skilled and cautious though he was, was hopelessly
wrong. The Massachusetts migration was an event
entirely without precedent in the modern world; Vir-
ginia, Newfoundland, and Guiana had attracted merely
the adventurers and the needy; the Mayflower pilgrims,
though later ages have glorified them, were too few in
number, too humble in station, and too far removed from
the main currents of English life to be of importance;
but now sober, well-to-do men of middle age, to whom
the spirit of adventure was entirely foreign, were con-
templating a transfer of themselves, their families, and
their goods to new homes across the seas, there to found
not a colony but a commonwealth. At such a crisis the
caution, the experience, and the knowledge of past
failures of the man of affairs stand ranged against the
fervour, the enthusiasm, and the hope in the future of







PURITAN COLONISATION


the new man; Warwick and Rich well knew the diffi-
culties to be contended with and preferred to move along
the well-marked lines of policy; Winthrop and White,
guided as they felt by a Higher Power, were resolved
upon a course that was new. The men of the future had
their way and the great human stream was directed to
the New England shore.
Though we are unable to examine in detail the discus-
sions that went on between Warwick and his associates
concerning the designs suggested in Bell's letter, we find
that by September, 1629, they were complete, and that
it had been resolved to put the project into immediate
execution." The total cost of the equipment of this
pioneer expedition was about two thousand pounds and
this had been provided by the Earl of Warwick, Sir
Nathaniel Rich (275), Gabriel Barber (250), John
Dyke, and Gregory Gawsell. An account of these men
will be given when we come to deal with the membership
of the company as a whole. The arrangements for the
voyage were entrusted to Dyke, who engaged artificers
and mariners, purchased provisions and tools, and se-
cured from the Admiralty letters of marque for two ships.
A pinnace of eighty tons burthen was entrusted to the
command of Daniel Elfrith and the bark Warwick to that
of John Tanner. Daniel Elfrith'2 had been engaged for
many years in the contraband West Indian trade; he first
appears as an officer serving under Capt. Fisher on a
voyage of discovery to Guiana in 1614. He was put as
master into a captured Spanish caravel with a cargo of
11 Our main authority from this point onwards is the Providence records.
Though Sainsbury's calendar of them is very full in places, he makes many
mistakes and entirely misapprehends certain letters. We shall refer here
only to the records themselves.
12 For the early career of Elfrith see Brown, II, 885. Brown's account
of his later life is misleading owing to the confusion of Old and New
Providence.







THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


meal and brought her to Bermuda in 1615 just in time
to save the colony from famine, but her coming was by
no means an unmixed blessing, for she brought into the
islands a plague of rats that took years to eradicate.'3
Elfrith was accused of securing the vessel in the West
Indies by dishonest means and, though he stoutly main-
tained his innocence, he was sent home to England a
prisoner." He soon vindicated himself and in 1618 he
again arrived in Bermuda as master of the ship Treas-
urer on his way to the West Indies. Tucker, the governor
of the colony, who was on the point of departure for
England, suspected that Elfrith was bound roving and
warned the colonists to have nothing to do with him.
No heed was paid to this warning and Elfrith was
received with every kindness.'5 He reached Virginia on
his return voyage in the late summer of 1619 in consort
with a Flushing privateer and with a hundred negroes
he is said to have captured from a Spanish vessel; some
of these he disposed of to the planters and they were the
first of Virginia's negro servants; the rest he carried on
to Bermuda, where his ship, the Treasurer, was broken
up as unserviceable by command of the governor, Capt.
Nathaniel Butler. We have seen in a previous chapter
how much commotion this voyage caused in England.
Elfrith seems now to have settled in Bermuda on the
Earl of Warwick's land, which he worked with the aid
of the earl's negroes. From 1623 onwards he was a
member of the council,"' but he did not agree well with the
governor, Henry Woodhouse. He appears to have main-
tained that the governor was lining his own pockets with
13 Smith's Virginia, p. 125.
14 V. supra, p. 21.
15 Smith, p. 666.
16 Sir J. H. Lefroy's Memorials of the Bermudas is our authority for this
period.







PURITAN COLONISATION


public funds and in September, 1625, he was arraigned
before the council on a charge of sedition, which was
the graver as he had been suspected of complicity in a
plot against Gov. Butler in 1622. He was compelled to
make abject submission, but on the removal of Wood-
house from the governorship in 1626, this submission
was removed from the records. During 1626 and 1627
he was acting on the council, was an officer of the prin-
cipal fort or King's Castle, and was looking after the
boats belonging to the colony. He returned to England
late in 1627.
In February, 1628, the Earl of Warwick and his asso-
ciates, in virtue of his commission of April, 1627, des-
patched three ships on a privateering voyage to the
West Indies, making Bermuda their rendezvous. These
vessels were the Earl of Warwick of eighty tons, master,
Sussex Camock, the Somers Islands of about one hundred
tons, master, John Rose, and the Robert of fifty tons,
master, Daniel Elfrith." The voyage was not very suc-
cessful and Camock with some thirty men was left
behind on the island of San Andreas. Elfrith took com-
mand of the-Earl of Warwick for the voyage home,
handing over the command of the Robert to John Tanner.
They reached England about the end of April, 1629,
armed as we have seen with Gov. Bell's commendation
of the projects Elfrith had formed on the voyage.
The letters of marque for the new expedition for the
occupation of Santa Catalina were issued on September
28, 1629,"1 and the ships set sail on the second week of
October. It had been decided that it would be best to
establish a colony firmly on Santa Catalina before
undertaking the more doubtful design upon Fonseca;
Elfrith therefore sailed direct to Bermuda and after a
17 P. R. O. Register Book of Letters of Marque, 1628.
is Ibid., 1629.






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


few days' stay, thence to the Caribbean, which was
entered by the Windward Passage. The ships called
first at San Andreas, where it was found that the greater
part of Camock's company had left the island in a Dutch
ship, though a few, of whom George Needham was the
chief, had remained to plant tobacco. After a day or
two's stay Elfrith proceeded on his voyage and reached
Santa Catalina about Christmas, 1629. A start was at
once made on the preparations for the reception of the
main body of colonists, who were expected from Bermuda
early in the spring of 1630. The harbour of Santa Cata-
lina lies to the northwest of the island and is approached
by two narrow entrances well-guarded by rocks; on the
north it is sheltered by a peninsula joined to the main
island in 1630 by a narrow neck of land.19 The point of
this peninsula is a flat-topped bluff, some forty feet
above sea-level, and on this bluff it was decided to erect
the first fort, called in honour of the expedition's patron,
Warwick Fort. The hills make a bold sweep round the
eastern and southern sides of the harbour, ascending
into three noticeable peaks, now called respectively Split
Hill (550 feet), Fairway Hill, and the Mound (700 feet);
the central peak of the island lies to the southward and
reaches a height of one thousand one hundred and sixty
feet. Between the hills and the harbour there is a flat
plain and this was chosen as the site of the first settle-
ment; houses were first erected on the neck of land close
to the water's edge, the infant town being called in
honour of the company, New Westminster. On the
arrival of the expedition the island was found to be
uninhabited save for a few Dutchmen, who were received
as comrades and in their turn aided the settlers in their
19 This neck of land was not pierced by the buccaneers till about 1670,
though Capt. Rudyerd had advised the step as early as 1634 in order to
make the peninsula into a kind of citadel.







PURITAN COLONISATION


preparations; under Elfrith's directions the planters
chose such plots of ground in the immediate vicinity of
the harbour as they fancied, and at once started clearing
them and planting tobacco. No difficulties were en-
countered in this work, for the dry season in the island
lasts from January to May and there is almost always
an abundance of fresh water to be obtained. The work
of building the fort was entrusted to the direction of
Samuel Axe, a soldier who had seen service in the Eng-
lish contingents in the Netherlands and had there learned
some of the principles of fortification. The spot he had
selected for the fort was well chosen, as it commanded
the main entrance to the harbour, and timber for its
construction could -be obtained close at hand. Its dis-
advantage lay in its distance from a supply of fresh
water, but as the only attack was to be expected from
the sea, this was not much of a drawback.
Elfrith and Tanner set sail again from Providence
about the end of February, 1630, leaving Axe as deputy
governor of the island; a direct course was steered for
Bermuda, where Bell during their absence had been
making arrangements with his adherents for the migra-
tion. He had retired from the governorship in December
and was succeeded by Capt. Roger Wood, the late secre-
tary, but he still retained his seat upon the council, as
did Elfrith. The new colony must have been an engross-
ing topic in Bermuda throughout the winter, and Bell
was spoken hardly of for his desertion; these strictures
he was by no means ready to submit to and at a council
on February 9, 1630, we find him bringing forward what
he called the scandalous statements of a Mr. Ewer, who
was compelled to apologize humbly for them. According
to the bad precedent set in the case of previous govern-
ors, attempts were made to bring Bell to book for acts
done during his governorship. He pleaded the prece-






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


dent of immunity that had been established when he
succeeded Woodhouse in 1626, this having been sanc-
tioned by an order of the Somers Islands Company
bearing date of November 28, 1627. The majority of
the council maintained that this precedent did not apply
as Woodhouse in 1627 had left the islands for England,
whereas Bell was going to Santa Catalina and would be
out of the company's jurisdiction; he was therefore com-
pelled to give security to answer all such things as should
be brought against him either by the inhabitants of the
Somers Islands or by the company in England. Elfrith
also was compelled to give account to his successor, Capt.
Saile, of the things that had been under his charge in
the King's Castle and was closely examined concerning
the disposal of a cargo of tobacco jointly owned by sev-
eral planters, that he had taken with him on his last
voyage to England.
It had been decided that only men should be taken to
Santa Catalina in the first instance and some difficulties
were placed in the way of those who wished to leave
their dependents behind in Bermuda. "Miles Port being
desirous to go to St. Catulina, it was thought fit to be
considered whether or no he should go without his wife
and being put to question at the Council table, the Gov-
ernor and all the Council did consider, (excepting Capt.
Bell and Capt. Elfrith) that he should not go without
her." Miles Port had therefore to abandon the voyage.
The men accompanying the expedition mainly belonged
to the planting class with only a few servants; they
arranged with the planters remaining in Bermuda to
send over a further supply of servants later. It is
impossible to say whether Bell married Elfrith's daugh-
ter before his departure from Bermuda or after, but
he is spoken of as Elfrith's son-in-law in letters from
England in February, 1631, so that the marriage must







PURITAN COLONISATION


have taken place before August, 1630. Bell and Elfrith
took their seats at the Bermuda council table for the
last time on April 13, 1630, and sailed for Santa Cata-
lina before the next council meeting in May. A few days
after their departure there arrived fresh supplies of
provisions, etc., for the new colony, which Elfrith had
arranged before leaving England; these were too late
and had to be left in the Somers Islands till the following
year.
While these events were taking place oversea, the
organizers of the enterprise in England had not been
idle. Rumours that the Earl of Warwick was engaged
in some new venture in the West Indies had begun to
spread abroad and the diarist, John Rous, records under
date August 24, 1629, "News of an island, 20 miles long
and 10 broad, discovered by a captain sent out by the Earl
of Warwick.' 20 On 16 February, 1630, he notes, "The
ships be set to sea for New England and for a plantation
near Mexico, ut dicitur.''21 Although the news that some-
thing was afoot had thus to some extent leaked out,
nothing definite was known outside Warwick's imme-
diate circle, for it had been determined to fall in with
Bell's suggestion and to keep the new enterprise entirely
in the hands of the Earl and his usual financial associates
together with a few members of the inner circle of the
Puritan party. Subscriptions were invited privately
during the summer of 1630 and by the early autumn the
company was practically complete. It was impossible
to hold any meetings of the adventurers as a whole until
20 Camden Soc., Diary of John Rous, p. 43. Rous was rector of Stanton
Downham in Suffolk and was in a position to learn the gossip of the Earl
of Warwick's tenantry as we may find from the entry of 13 October, 1629.
"The news was brought to Lees by the Earl of Warwick's coachman, who
returned from the Earl at London that day, that the Earl was like to have
a great prize of 6 ships of the silver fleet.'
21 This was the second supply, sent to Bermuda and missed by Elfrith.







THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


November, for London and the country generally were
suffering from one of those periodical visitations of the
plague22 that were so frequent down to the middle of the
seventeenth century. The plague had been raging in
the north of France and in Holland throughout the
summer of 162923 and many precautions were taken to
preserve England from infection but in vain. The first
cases in London were reported early in April24 and before
the end of the month the capital was so infected that all
those able to do so were taking steps to leave it for the
country.25 Pym, for instance, had been intending to take
Barrington Hall for the summer, but Sir Thomas Bar-
rington wrote to his mother in May, "My wife, out of
her provident care of yourself and us, thinks that fear
of the sickness dispersing is cause enough to keep that
house free for a refuge."26 So much had the ravages
of the plague dislocated affairs that the christening
of the infant Prince Charles in June was announced
throughout the country by proclamation instead of by
heralds, as was the custom in such cases," while the
festivities themselves were hastened through as much as
possible. In August Saint Bartholomew Fair and South-
wark Fair were prohibited by proclamation for fear of
infection, while London was practically deserted by peo-
ple of rank, and business was at a standstill. By the
end of October, however, the worst was over in London,
and November saw the usual current of life resumed,
though in many counties, where infection still existed
22 For this visitation of the plague and its destructive effects at Cam-
bridge, v. Masson 's Milton, II.
23 C. S. P. Dom., 16 Oct., 1629.
24 Ibid., 10 April, 1630.
25 Ibid.
26 Hist. MSS. Comm., Seventh Report, App 'x, Sir T. B. to Lady Joan B.
May, 1630.
27 C. S. P. Dom., 15 June, 1630.
? ^^-"~vil~f~f







PURITAN COLONISATION


as late as Christmas, the usual autumn musters were
abandoned.
As soon as it was possible to assemble in London with
any reasonable safety, Warwick took steps to gather his
friends together and the first meeting of adventurers in
the new company took place at Brooke House in Hol-
born28 on the 19th of November; definite and immediate
action was decided upon and on the 4th of December
the patent was sealed granting formal incorporation to
the company by the style of "The Governor and Com-
pany of Adventurers of the City of Westminster for the
plantation of the Islands of Providence, Henrietta, and
the adjacent islands lying upon the coast of America."
The propositions for the formation of the company
that had been circulated during the summer of 1630,29
had mentioned 200 as the amount of the first adventure
and some portion of this had been paid in before Novem-
ber by most of the adventurers. The amount necessary
to complete this adventure money of 200 in each case
is given against the name of each adventurer on the
first page of the company's journal and we are thus
provided with a complete list of the original members:

s2 Brooke House, the usual meeting place of the company, lay in what was
then a fashionable quarter, at the corner of Gray's Inn Lane and Holborn
and immediately opposite the still-existing Staple's Inn; Brooke Street and
Greville Street were built upon its site before the beginning of the eight-
eenth century. The locality is curiously identified by an entry in C. S. P.
Dom., 1633, p. 164. A spy who had been set to watch Lords Saye and
Brooke, suspected of too great familiarity with the Dutch ambassador, sat
in the gateway of Staple's Inn for some time to watch the ambassador
come out from Brooke House. Other meeting places of the company were
Warwick House, a little further west along Holborn, and Sir Gilbert Ger-
rard's or Mr. Pym's lodgings, both of which were then in Gray's Inn Lane.
Jessop, the secretary, was a member of and had chambers in Gray's Inn
itself.
29 None of these letters have been discovered, but it has been possible to
arrive at their import from references in the records.







THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


19 November, 1630

Earl of Warwick . .
Earl of Holland . .
Lord Saye and Sele . .
Lord Brooke .
Jno: Robartes, Esq .
Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, Knt.
Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Bart.
Sir Edward Harwood, Knt..
Sir Nathaniel Rich, Knt.
Sir Edmond Moundeford, Knt.
Jno. Pym, Esq. .
Richard Knightley, Esq. .
Jno. Gurdon, Esq.
Gregory Gawsell . .
Jno. Dyke, merchant . .
Jno. Graunt . .
Mr. St. John's of Lincoln's In
Chr. Sherland, Esq .
Gabriel Barber .

Original venture
New total venture .


ALREADY PAID

S 100

100


125
100
100
125
100
S 125
125
100
S 125
125
125
1 -

100


TO BE PAID

100
200
100
200
200
75
100
100
75
100
75
75
100
75
75
75
200
200
100


S1575 2225
3800


Sir Thomas Barrington, Bart., was admitted an adven-
turer on January 21, 1631, and paid in 200. This com-
pleted the full number of twenty whole shares. The
adventurers present at the first meeting30 before the
patent was sealed and the company formally incorpo-
rated, decided to increase the first adventure from 200
to 500, of which 200 was to be made up at once, 100
paid at Michaelmas, 1631, and the remaining 200 as
and when required. The officers for the first year were
provisionally elected, the Earl of Holland being chosen
30 Saye, Brooke, Rudyerd, Gerrard, N. Rich, Moundeford, Pym, Gurdon,
Gawsell, Dyke, Graunt.







PURITAN COLONISATION


governor, John Dyke, deputy governor, John Pym,
treasurer, and William Jessop, secretary.
In examining the list of adventurers it is to be noted
that they fall into four classes according to the nature
of the inducement that led them to take shares in the
company. With one exception, Dyke, all of the members
were strong Puritans and though some members have
been classed as induced to join the company by their
Puritanism, this is not to preclude the others from being
swayed by the same motive. The first group of mem-
bers includes those who were intimately connected with
the Earl of Warwick and his schemes; to this class may
be said to have belonged his brother, the Earl of Hol-
land, Sir Nathaniel Rich, John Dyke, Gabriel Barber,
and Sir Thomas Barrington. The second group includes
members of the inner ring of the Puritan party and all,
save Harwood, members of the parliament of 1628-1629.
The adventurers belonging to this group were Viscount
Saye and Sele, Robert, Lord Brooke, Sir Benjamin Rud-
yerd, Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Sir Edward Harwood, Richard
Knightley, Christopher Sherland, and, most important
of all, John Pym. Then come three members induced to
join by Pym's personal influence, John Robartes, John
Graunt, and Oliver St. John; and finally there is a little
group of East Anglian squires, Gregory Gawsell, John
Gurdon, and Sir Edmond Moundeford.
A full account of the members of the company would,
as may be seen from the above list, involve a biographical
study of nearly all the Puritan leaders and our attention
must therefore be confined in the main to their connec-
tion one with another and to their interest in colonial
affairs down to 1630. Sidelights will be thrown on the
characters of some of them in the course of our pages,
but it may here be remarked how intimately the members
of the company, and, what is almost the same thing, the






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


leaders of the Puritan party, were allied one with
another, with the principal emigrants to New England,
and also in some degree with the emigrants to Provi-
dence itself. This intimacy was of great moment in the
events of the time and provided the link between the
Puritan leaders that was needful to enable them to build
up slowly during the silence of parliament an organised
and powerful party of resistance to the arbitrary policy
of the crown.
With the Earl of Holland, the nominal governor of the
company, we need concern ourselves very little. His
career is well known in the history of the period and his
connection with the company was of the slightest. In
none of his public employment had Holland displayed
ability, but his courtly graces placed him very high in
the favour of both Charles and his queen, and, at a time
when court favour was the surest road to the obtaining
of privileges, it was important to have so acceptable an
advocate as Holland to plead one's cause. He never
seems to have taken any interest in colonial ventures,
but his cupidity and his family ties rendered him willing
to accept the titular position of governor of the Provi-
dence Company, providing he might share in the com-
pany's dividends without expenditure of capital. He
never subscribed a halfpenny to the company's funds,
but in return for his interest at court was credited with
a fully paid share in all distributions of profits. He
attended only one meeting of the company.
Sir Nathaniel Rich (1585-1636)31 was one of the best
known and most respected of the Puritan leaders. He
was the son of Richard, illegitimate son of the second
Lord Rich, by his marriage with the daughter of John
31 The short life of Rich in the Dict. Nat. Biog. needs emendation. It
quite misrepresents his share in the work of the Providence Company.
Brown gives more accurate information.






PURITAN COLONISATION


Michell, sheriff of London. He was admitted to Gray's
Inn in 1610 and entered parliament for Totnes in 1614.
His brother Robert was wrecked on Bermuda with Sir
George Somers in 1609 and was probably the author of
the pamphlet, Newes from Virginia, published in 1610.
According to Brown, Robert Rich was living in Bermuda
in 1617 and died there in 1620. Sir Nathaniel Rich early
took a large interest in the colonial enterprises of his
family and became well known in public life; he was
knighted in 1617 and served upon several royal com-
missions. He was an original member of the Bermuda
Company, a member of the Council for New England,
and managed the Warwick interests in the courts of the
Virginia and East India companies; for his conduct of
his party's case in the quarrel in the Virginia Company
he was bitterly attacked by Sandys and his faction in
the House of Commons in 1624, but he was one of the
most prominent members of the Council for Virginia
appointed by the crown on the dissolution of the com-
pany. In the struggles of the parliament of 1628-1629
Rich took a prominent part and his speeches in the debate
on the Petition of Right have been preserved. We may
regard him throughout his career as the Earl of War-
wick's man of business, who had a very large share in
shaping the family policy.
William Jessop, who was appointed to the secretary-
ship of the company, was a young student of Gray's
Inn, who had already done a considerable amount of
clerical work for the Rich family. He occupied the post
of secretary to the company and to the patentees of
Saybrook throughout their existence, and these appoint-
ments proved the opening to a prosperous career; he
became later legal agent to many noble houses, was clerk
to the House of Lords under Henry Elsing in the Long
Parliament, clerk to the Council of State under the Com-






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


monwealth, and clerk to the House of Commons in the
Long Parliament of the Restoration. He died in 1675,
leaving a considerable fortune. Two London merchants
took a share in financing the first voyage of exploration,
and both had been actively engaged in privateering
enterprises and colonial trade and sharers in Warwick's
ventures. The two were men of quite different stamp,
though both were typical London merchants of the time.
Gabriel Barber was one of the earliest adventurers in
the Virginia Company and an original member of the
Bermuda Company. He was a close adherent of the
Warwick party and in 1623 was deputy governor of the
Somers Islands Company, while he was a heavy share-
holder in the East India Company, and in 1625 we find
recorded the sale of 1200 of East India stock by him.'3
That he was both wealthy and public spirited we may
judge from his anonymous donation of 550 with the
promise of more for the founding of the first free school
in Virginia." John Dyke was a member of the Fish-
monger's Company in the City of London and an adven-
turer in the Virginia, Bermuda, Muscovy, and East India
companies. His father, Thomas Dyke," had come to
London from Yorkshire in the reign of Queen Elizabeth
and had done well as a foreign merchant. In 1612 he
was one of the adventurers in Hudson's voyage to the
Northwest Passage; on his death in 1617" his adven-
tures in the East India, Virginia, and Bermuda com-
panies were left to be divided among his five sons. At
the request of the eldest, Robert, his share was passed
on to the third son, John Dyke, who thenceforward took
32 C. S. P. East Indies, 4 March, 1625.
33 Barber signed himself "Dust and Ashes." See Piske, Old Virginia
and her Neighbours, I, 234.
34 Harl. Soc. Visit. of London, I, 233.
35 C. S. P. East Indies, 4 March, 1625.






PURITAN COLONISATION


the lead in the family affairs. His interest in colonial
matters was entirely financial and we find in the registers
of letters of marque" repeated issue of letters for ships
owned by him in partnership with the Earl of Warwick
and others. He was an adherent of the Warwick party
in the Virginia quarrel and was one of the Council for
Virginia appointed in 1624. His appointment to the
deputy governorship of the Providence Company was
entirely owing to his commercial experience and, it will
be shown later, the company suffered severely from its
connection with him. He may be taken as a type of the
grasping financier who regarded West Indian adventure
with a favouring eye only as long as it returned him
large dividends.
It is hard to say whether his attachment to the Rich
family or his ardent Puritanism was the more potent
motive in securing Sir Thomas Barrington's adhesion
to the company. The Barrington family was one of the
most important Puritan families of the second rank and
was allied with practically all the leaders in the constitu-
tional struggle. The priories of Leighs and Hatfield in
the parish of Hatfield Broad Oak, near Felsted in Essex,
had been granted to Chancellor Rich upon the Dissolu-
tion and from him the Barringtons had purchased the
priory of Hatfield in 1564." Here, henceforth, the family
resided on terms of close intimacy with the Riches, whose
principal seat was at Leighs Priory. Sir Francis Bar-
rington, the first baronet, married Joan, daughter of
Sir Henry Cromwell, the "Golden Knight" of Hinching-
brook, and aunt of John Hampden and Oliver Cromwell,
the future Protector. Lady Joan Barrington was one
of the most remarkable women of her time, who kept up
to her very latest years a voluminous correspondence
8s C. S. P. Dom., 1625-1630.
37 Wright's Essex, II, 310.






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


with her numerous family and whose advice was repeat-
edly sought by the leaders of the Puritan party, both
clerical and lay. She took an intimate interest in New
England and kept up a correspondence with many of
the Massachusetts emigrants. Roger Williams, the foun-
der of the colony of Rhode Island, often corresponded
with Lady Barrington and married one of her nieces.38
Many letters from the Eliot family are preserved among
the Barrington correspondence and there are some rea-
sons for believing that Oliver Cromwell met his future
wife, Elizabeth Bourchier, at Lady Joan's house, for she
and Sir John Bourchier were near neighbours. Sir
Francis Barrington represented Essex in all parliaments
from 1601 to his death in 1628 and was one of the earliest
members of the Virginia Company. Thomas (c. 1590-
1644) was knighted in his father's lifetime and succeeded
to the baronetcy in 1628; he represented various bor-
oughs in the Rich interest in the parliaments from 1621
to 1628, when he succeeded his father as knight of the
shire for Essex. During the struggles over the Petition
of Right he was one of the inner circle of Puritan leaders,
and was a fellow member with Pym and with his brother-
in-law, Gerrard, of many important committees. He
married as his second wife, Judith Litton, who was con-
nected with the family of St. John of Bletsho and hence
with the Russells, Earls of Bedford. As one of the
deputy-lieutenants of Essex, Barrington carried out the
directions of the lord lieutenant, the Earl of Warwick,
and was a person of great importance in the county.
Many of the extant letters from Providence are addressed
to him as deputy-governor of the company for 1633-
1634.
William Fiennes (1582-1662), first Viscount Saye and
38 Brit. Mus., Eg., 2643, fo. 1, Williams to Lady Joan Barrington, 2 May,
1629.






PURITAN COLONISATION


Sele, has been largely forgotten by succeeding genera-
tions, but down to the opening of the Civil War he was
regarded by all as the typical Puritan and as one of the
most intractable opponents of arbitrary government in
church and state. Educated at Oxford a little earlier
than Pym, he succeeded his father in the revived barony
of Saye and Sele in 1613. His Puritanism was of the
strongest and he was, from 1621 onwards, one of the
most prominent of the anti-court and anti-Spanish party;
to the breaking-off of the Spanish Match Saye owed his
promotion in the peerage, but this did not modify his
uncompromising hostility to arbitrary power and during
the parliament of 1628-1629 he was the king's most
implacable opponent in the House of Lords, and was the
most skilful tactician among the Puritan leaders. His
daughter, Bridget, was married to Theophilus Fiennes-
Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, and through this connection
and his intimacy with Warwick, he began about 1629 to
take an interest in colonisation. He shared in the work
of the Providence Company and in New England affairs
from this time and we shall have a good deal to say con-
cerning his schemes. Many of the Puritan emigrants
to Providence came from the neighbourhood of his seat
at Broughton near Banbury. Saye's fortune was hardly
equal to his rank and some part of his interest in coloni-
sation was probably to be attributed to his hopes of
profit from his ventures. He purchased in 1633 a share
in the Providence Company for his eldest son, James
Fiennes, but the latter took no part in the company's
affairs.
Robert Greville, second Lord Brooke (1608-1643), was
the adopted son of his great uncle, Sir Fulke Greville,
first Baron." He sat in the parliament of 1628-1629 for
the family borough of Warwick and succeeded to the
39 Harl. Soc. Lincolnshire Pedigrees, II, 431.






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


barony soon after attaining his majority. The inclina-
tion towards Puritanism that he had imbibed during his
education in Holland, threw him under the influence of
Warwick and Saye, and it was they who led him to take
a share in the Providence Company's enterprise and
later interested him in the colonisation of New England
and especially of Saybrook.40 The large fortune he had
inherited enabled him to be of much financial assistance
to the company, and, as he grew older, he became more
and more interested in its work and ready to carry on
some portion of it at his own charge. He married
Katherine Russell, daughter of Francis, fourth Earl of
Bedford; this connection and his talents, wealth, and
position caused him to fill a very prominent place in the
Puritan struggle.
Sir Benjamin Rudyerd (1572-1658), son of James Rud-
yerd of Rudyerd in Staffordshire,4' came to court to try
his fortune at the height of Queen Elizabeth's reign, and
his brother, James, started his career in the City of
London about the same time. He played a prominent
part in the literary world under James I, and was
granted through his patron, the Earl of Pembroke, the
lucrative position of surveyor to the Court of Wards
for life. He was knighted in 1618, entered the House of
Commons in 1620 as member for Portsmouth, and sat
in every subsequent parliament down to his death.
Although the anti-Spanish views he had imbibed in early
manhood under Elizabeth placed him, like Pembroke, in
opposition at first to King James's foreign policy, the
breaking-off of the Spanish Match allowed him to take
up a more moderate position, and in the parliament of
40 Fulke Greville, the first Lord Brooke, had been an intimate friend of
Raleigh's and had taken great interest in his schemes of colonisation.
v. Brown, I, 15.
41 Harl. Soc., Visit. of London, II, 215.






PURITAN COLONISATION


1623 he acted as spokesman for the government. But
his zeal for church reform threw him on to the side of the
opposition and in the parliament of 1628-1629 he defi-
nitely took his stand with the Puritan leaders and
became one of the chief members of the party. He was
an intimate friend of the Earl of Warwick and Sir
Nathaniel Rich"4 and it was this friendship that led him
to join the Providence Company. He was a regular
attendant at its meetings for some years, though later
his interest somewhat cooled.
Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Bart., of Harrow-on-the-Hill, Mid-
dlesex, succeeded his father in 1583 and was admitted to
Gray's Inn in 1592. He married in 1620, Mary, daugh-
ter of Sir Francis and Lady Joan Barrington, and was
thus more strongly confirmed in his sympathies with
Puritanism. He entered parliament as member for Mid-
dlesex in 1621 and thenceforth, except in 1626, when he
was pricked for sheriff of the county, he sat in every
parliament down to the Long Parliament, as one of the
inner circle of the Puritan party. The Gerrard family
had been connected with colonial ventures since the early
part of Elizabeth's reign, but Sir Gilbert does not appear
to have taken any personal interest in colonisation prior
to the founding of the Providence Company in which he
was led to take a share by his friendship with the Earl
of Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and Pym. He was an
active member of the company and served as deputy-
governor in 1634-1635; the company's meetings were
occasionally held at his house in Holborn.
Sir Edward Harwood (1586-1632),3 one of the four
42 For the intimacy of the families see Brit. Mus., Eg., 2646, fo. 54.
43 Brown calls Edward Harwood the son of Leonard Harwood, member of
the Virginia Company. This is shown to be incorrect by Harl. Soc., Lincs.
Pedigrees, II. 458, where William Harwood of Thurlby, father of Edward,
is given as dying in 1600.






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


standing colonels of the English contingent in the Low
Countries, had long had an interest in colonisation. He
was for many years a member of the Virginia Company
and possessed four shares in the Somers Islands Com-
pany. He was bound by ties of close intimacy with the
family of the Earl of Lincoln and his family seat of
Thurlby was not far from Sempringham. His brother,
George Harwood,"4 one of the feoffees for impropria-
tions in 1627, was the first treasurer of the Massachu-
setts Bay Company"5 and may have had something to do
with interesting the Clinton family in the project. Sir
Edward Harwood's sympathies were very strongly Puri-
tan and there is some reason to suppose that he was of
assistance to the Pilgrim Fathers during their sojourn
in Leyden and may have aided them to secure their
patent from the Earl of Warwick. During the education
of Lord Brooke in Holland, Harwood was in close touch
with the latter, and as his residence abroad precluded his
attendance at the Providence meetings save on one or
two occasions, Lord Brooke acted as his proxy. Har-
wood was killed in action at the siege of Maestricht in
1632.
Richard Knightley (1593-1639) succeeded to the family
domain of Fawsley in Northamptonshire on the death
of his cousin, Sir Valentine Knightley, in 1618. He was
one of the most respected members of the Puritan party
and represented Northants in the parliaments of 1621-
1622, 1624-1625, 1625 and 1628-1629. He was prevented
from sitting in that of 1626 by being pricked sheriff of
his county. Sir Valentine Knightley had been a member
of the Virginia Company and Richard Knightley suc-
ceeded to his interest in colonial affairs, which interest
may have been augmented by his marriage with Anne,
44 Lines. Pedigrees, II, 458. S. P. Dom., Car. I, cclv, ii.
45 Elected 28 February, 1628-1629, Massachusetts Colonial Records, I.






PURITAN COLONISATION


daughter of Sir William Courteen. His house at Faws-
ley was often a meeting place for the opposition leaders
and the Providence Company occasionally met there at
the same time. The Knightleys were close friends of
the Hampdens, and Richard Knightley's son married
one of John Hampden's daughters, while his brother,
Nathaniel,46 a merchant tailor of London, was married
to a daughter of Alderman Johnson of the Virginia Com-
pany. The adhesion of the Knightley family to Puri-
tanism was traditional, for at the time of the "Marpre-
late" controversy in Elizabeth's reign many of the
tracts were printed upon a secret press at Fawsley in
the house of Sir Richard Knightley.
Christopher Sherland of Gray's Inn, recorder of
Northampton, represented the borough in the parlia-
ments of 1623-1624, 1625, 1626 and 1628-1629. He held
a high position in the counsels of the Puritan party and
was the reporter of several committees of the House of
Commons. He came under the unfavourable notice of
the government along with George Harwood as one of
the feoffees for the impropriations of the tithes of Dun-
stable, Cirencester, and Hertford in 1627." His strong
Puritanism led him to take frequent part in the debates
on religious questions in parliament. He died early in
1632.
The most important executive office in the Providence
Company, as in the Virginia and Somers Islands com-
panies, was the treasurership. To this office his strik-
46 Harl. Soc., Visit. of London, II, 35.
47 Neal in his History of the Puritans gives his name as Sherman, but a
reference to the original list among the Domestic State Papers proves that
this should really be Sherland. S. P. Dom., Car. I, cclv, ii. The Feoffees
were a prominent group of Puritans, in whom were vested the impropriate
tithes of certain benefices. These tithes they administered for the support
of Puritan lecturers, and they therefore fell under Laud's displeasure and
were dissolved. See Publications, Mass. Col. Soc. XI, pp. 263-277.






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


ing financial ability and experience secured the election
of John Pym. Of those who have exercised a command-
ing influence on English history there is perhaps no one
whose career has been less studied than has Pym's. His
only modern biographers, Forster, Gardiner, and Gold-
win Smith,48 concern themselves almost entirely with his
public life in parliament and are in great part devoted
to the last three years of his life, when his name was on
every lip. The whole ordered development of his career,
however, marked him out to his colleagues in the inner
circle of the Puritan party during the intermission of
parliaments as the natural successor of Eliot in the lead-
ership in the struggle against arbitrary power, and the
commanding position he at once took up on the opening
of the Long Parliament, must have seemed entirely nat-
ural to the men whose schemes he had advised and
directed ever since the prison doors closed upon Eliot in
1629. The master-mind that governed the whole course
of the Providence Company was Pym's, and it is neces-
sary therefore to deal with his earlier career at some
length.
John Pym (1584-1643) was the son of Alexander Pym
of Brymore, Somerset; his father died when he was very
young and his mother, Philippa Coles, married within a
year or two Sir Anthony Rous of Halton St. Dominick,
Cornwall, with whose family Pym was brought up. Sir
Anthony's second son by his first wife married Pym's
sister Jane, born in 1581, while his fourth son was Fran-
cis Rous, the celebrated provost of Eton, who played an
important part in the Puritan struggle. We shall find
several members of the Rous family mentioned in the
Providence records. Pym matriculated at Broadgates
Hall (now Pembroke College), Oxford, in 1599, his step-
4s A popular biography of Pym has recently appeared, but to this the
same criticism applies.







PURITAN COLONISATION


brother, Francis, having graduated from the same college
three years before; in 1602 he became a student of the
Middle Temple but was never called to the bar.
Sir Anthony Rous was the representative of the inter-
ests of the great Russell family on the Devon and Cor-
nish border. The parish of Halton St. Dominick lies
under ten miles from Tavistock, the spoils of whose abbey
had fallen to the Russells at the Dissolution ;" the region
is rich in lead and copper mines and from these mines
the family then drew a large share of their wealth. The
interest of the third Earl of Bedford was sufficient to
secure for young Pym a lucrative appointment in the
Exchequer and on June 11, 1605, an order5" was issued
to draw a grant to John Pym in reversion after Henry
Audley of the receivership of the counties of Hants,
Wilts, and Gloucestershire. How long he waited for his
office does not appear, but from 1613 we find occasional
references to his work in the financial business of the
counties. The monetary difficulties that beset James I
must have added considerably to the work of Pym's post
and in 1618 he is found writing to the Lords of the
Treasury that it was impossible to raise a sum of 2000,
which he had been directed to procure by the sale of
some crown rents." Pym entered parliament for the
first time for the borough of Tavistock in 1620,5" the
borough being entirely devoted to the Russell interest.
He at once began to take an active part in the committee
work of the Commons, and showed even thus early a
strong interest in religious questions. He was naturally
urged towards Puritanism by his serious temper; and
49 See Diet. Nat. Biog. art. William Russell, first Earl of Bedford, XLIX,
446.
50 C. S. P. Dom., 1 June, 1605.
51 C. S. P. Dom., 28 Sept., 1618.
52 The statement that he sat in the parliament of 1614 for Calne has been
shown to be incorrect.






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


the influence of his step-brother, Francis Rous, and of his
friend, Charles Fitz-Geffry, put him definitely upon the
Puritan side. The death of his wife, Anna Hooke," in
1620, increased his devotion to religion. He was a mem-
ber of the Commons' committee of 1620-1621 upon reli-
gious grievances and his work, while it brought him into
notice with the Puritan party, led to his detention along
with other prominent Puritan members at the end of
the parliament. From his confinement in his own house
he had to be released early in 1622 by Cranfield's influ-
ence to carry out some important financial work for the
Exchequer,"5 but he was compelled to return to confine-
ment when the work was complete. Cranfield found his
assistance in the Exchequer so useful, however, that he
secured from the king Pym's full release about the end
of the year.
In the first parliament of Charles I, Pym began to
take a really prominent part, especially in committee
work; an experience in financial affairs, so uncommon
outside the official members of the house, made him
reporter of the committee on the lord treasurer's finan-
cial statement, while his mastery of detail caused his
repeated choice as reporter of the numerous other com-
mittees upon which he sat. It is most noticeable in the
Commons' journals of this period how frequently the
names of a small knot of members occur upon the impor-
tant committees that then did so large a share of the
work of the House; Sir N. Rich, Sir B. Rudyerd, Sir G.
Gerrard, Sir T. Barrington, Christopher Sherland, and
Pym himself, were repeatedly serving together in this
way, and one of them was in most cases chosen reporter
of the committee. The intimate personal friendship unit-
53 Capt. Hooke, a relative, was in the years 1634-1635 a principal leader of
the malcontents in Providence.
54 Hist. MSS. Comm., Fourth Report, App'x, De la Warr MSS., p. 305, etc.





PURITAN COLONISATION


ing them and this common experience in public work
made the group the most powerful body in England
outside the official hierarchies.
Pym continued deeply interested in religious and finan-
cial matters and was entrusted with the management of
the financial articles of the impeachment of Buckingham,
May, 1626. He conducted the impeachment of Mainwar-
ing in the parliament of 1628, but in the riotous scene
that closed the session of 1629 he took no part. With
the dissolution of parliament and the arrest of Eliot,
his public career must have seemed closed and he there-
fore turned, in the practical way that characterized him,
to the new interest of colonisation that had lately begun
to occupy his mind. Opportunities for the exercise of
statecraft in the early seventeenth century were denied
to any Englishman outside the ranks of the high nobility
or the narrow circle of permanent officials; to a man like
Pym, who had had for ten years a share, though a small
one, in the government of his country, who had sat in
every parliament since 1620 and had slowly built up for
himself a reputation for capacity, the closing of all hope
of further influence on his country's life with the closing
of parliament, must have been a hard blow to his ambi-
tion. But the schemes for Puritan colonisation presented
themselves to him with their vistas of opportunity and
Pym seized upon them with avidity and devoted whole-
heartedly to the Providence Company's affairs his time,
his thought, and his fortune. For eight years the com-
pany absorbed him until the events of 1638-1639 again
encouraged a hope that the great struggle still remained
to be won, and he felt that a part upon the great stage
once more was calling him.
Pym seems first to have come into contact with colo-
nial affairs in 1628, when he was appointed reporter of
the Commons' committee upon the petition of the Somers






THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


Islands planters. The committee's investigation much
interested him in the affairs of the islands and the report,
which was drawn up by him, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and two
others, strongly represented to the king the planters'
claim for relief. The Bermuda charter had been granted
to the company on June 29, 1615, but now after an inter-
val of thirteen years it was submitted to parliament for
confirmation. It is difficult to account for its presenta-
tion after so long a delay, but it may have been due to
a desire on the part of the crown to show the Commons,
who had been attacking so many royal grants to com-
panies, that some of them were quite unexceptionable.
The bill of confirmation was sent to a select committee
comprising among others Sir Nathaniel Rich (reporter),
Pym, Barrington, and Rudyerd."5 The interest in Ber-
muda thus excited in Pym's mind caused him to purchase
several shares of land in the islands; on the formation of
the Providence Company his new interest in colonisation
further expanded and he was prepared to accept the
treasurership, which was offered to him by a unanimous
vote. Although Pym for the next eight years devoted
so much time to the Providence Company, he still found
enough energy to do other work. He retained his post
in the Exchequer, and that he still hankered after gov-
ernmental work which did not commit him to approval
of arbitrary power, is shown by his willingness to serve
in 1632 as a commissioner for Gloucestershire to enquire
into the causes of depopulation and of the conversion of
arable land to pasture.
John Robartes (1606-1685)58 was led to invest money
in the Providence Company either by his friendship with
55 For the information concerning these committees refer to Commons'
Journal.
6s Succeeded his father as Lord Robartes of Truro in 1634, and was
created at the Restoration Earl of Radnor.






PURITAN COLONISATION


Pym or by his connection with the Rich family. He
belonged to a Cornish family that had attained to great
wealth by dealings in tin and wool. His father, Richard
Robartes, had for years suffered from governmental
extortion and one of the charges in the impeachment of
Buckingham, which it fell to Pym to prove, was that he
had compelled Robartes to purchase his barony in 1625
at a cost of 10,000. The family was closely allied with
Pym and the Rous family by marriage, William Rous,
eldest grandson of Sir Anthony Rous, having married
Maria, sister of John Robartes, in 1617, while John
Robartes himself married Lucy Rich, second daughter
of the Earl of Warwick. He was educated at Exeter
College, Oxford, where, according to Wood, he "sucked
in evil principles both as to Church and State.'"" In 1630
he was just beginning to take an interest in public affairs
and his intimacy with the promoters induced him to take
a share in the Providence Company, but he was never a
regular attendant at its meetings though he could be
depended on to follow the lead of the older members.
It was certainly Pym's influence that led Oliver St.
John to take an interest for the first time in colonisation
and to invest in the Providence Company. A cadet of
the house of St. John of Bletsho, Oliver St. John was
in 1630 beginning to acquire a practice as a pleader under
the aegis of the Russell family. He had married Lady
Joan Barrington's favourite niece Joan, daughter of her
brother, Henry Cromwell, and was the old lady's con-
stant correspondent on business matters. He had been
called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn in 1626 and was at this
period earning a reputation among his friends as an
acute lawyer. He had been sent to the Tower in Novem-
ber, 1629, for communicating to his patron, the Earl of
Bedford, Dudley's tract on Bridling Parliaments, but
57 Wood's Athence Oxonienses, III, 271, IV, 178.







THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


was released on the birth of Prince Charles in June,
1630. His services were always called into requisition by
the Providence and Saybrook patentees in legal matters,
and to the reputation for legal acumen he acquired
among the Puritan leaders we may attribute his selection
as Hampden's counsel in the Ship-Money case, when he
was quite unknown to the nation at large. It was
through Pym also that John Graunt came to join the
company. He had for years been an employ of the
government in various posts under the Exchequer"8 and
was therefore in all probability an old personal friend
of Pym's. He was, at the time of which we are writing,
clerk of the cheque in the Exchequer and in charge of
all the king's messengers. His financial abilities were
made use of by the Providence Company, who employed
him as auditor of their accounts.
The last group of adventurers owe their connection
with the company to the interest in Puritan colonisation
that they had acquired from their neighbours. Gregory
Gawsell was lord of the manor of Watlington, John Gur-
don was the eldest son of old Brampton Gurdon of
Assington, Suffolk, and Letton, Norfolk, while Sir Ed-
mond Moundeford was lord of the manor of Feltwell.
All these places lie within a radius of twenty miles from
John Winthrop's home of Groton, Suffolk, and all three
men were friends of the Winthrops and their relations.
Puritanism and the desire for emigration were particu-
larly strong in this corner of East Anglia, and it was
this fact that led them to invest in the Providence Com-
pany. Gregory Gawsell was probably entrusted by the
Earl of Warwick with the oversight of the estates of the
Rich family in Norfolk and Suffolk. He was a man of
considerable importance in the county, as is shown by
his position as treasurer for the Eastern Counties' Asso-
58 CS. P. Dom., 12 July, 1619, 23 July, 1620; 1635-1636, p. 182.







PURITAN COLONISATION


ciation in the Civil War.59 His sister was married to one
of the Saltonstall family, but he himself was never mar-
ried; his tomb, with a long Latin inscription narrating
his virtues, is in Watlington Church.6 John Gurdon was
an intimate friend of John Winthrop"6 and his sister
married Richard, eldest son of Sir Richard Saltonstall ;"
he was also well known to Sir Nathaniel Rich. He came
to the front during the Civil War, was a member of the
Eastern Counties' Association and one of the king's
judges. His name is spelt in the Providence records
Gourden, but he must not be confused with John Gauden,
chaplain to the Earl of Warwick and after the Restora-
tion Bishop of Worcester, who is said to have been the
author of the Eikon Basilike. Sir Edmond Moundeford
represented Thetford in the parliament of 1628-1629 and
the county of Norfolk in the Short and Long Parliaments.
He took as active a part in the affairs of the Providence
Company as his residence so far from London would
allow, and a letter from him to his friend Sir Simonds
d'Ewes concerning the company is extant."
The intimate bonds uniting the members of the com-
pany, and in a wider circle the leaders of the Puritan
party, cannot fail to be remarked in these brief notices
of their careers, but there is a second fact about them,
that is, perhaps, not so obvious. It is remarkable what
a preponderant part East Anglia played in the great
Puritan emigration and in the Puritan revolution ten
years later, and here we find that, outside London, the
Providence Company was mainly of interest to men
from the eastern shires. It would be a study of great
59 S. P. Dom., Car. I, Vol. 539, no. 291, 30 May, 1645, Gawsell's signature.
6o Blomefield's Norfolk, VII, 480. For Gawsell's pedigree see Harl. Soc.,
Visit. of Norfolk.
6x Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th series, VII, 632.
62 Ibid., p. 251.
63 Brit. Mus., Harl. MSS., 207, fo. 211.







THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY 79

interest, but one that lies beyond the scope of our pres-
ent subject, to examine the causes that, between the years
1630 and 1640, specially predisposed the men of eastern
England to emigration. The tendency seems to have
affected most strongly those living in an area that is
spread out in a great horseshoe around the low-lying
fen country that drains into the Wash. Puritanism was
certainly stronger in this part of England than in any
other, but this would hardly be sufficient to account for
the phenomenon, and it is probable that a minute enquiry
would reveal the workings of some deep-seated economic
cause, a probability that is strengthened when we recall
that throughout the early Stuart period there was in the
area in question constant agitation of an economic and
agrarian character, as is evidenced by the Domestic
State Papers.











CHAPTER III


THE SAYBROOK PROJECT AND THE SETTLE-
MENT OF PROVIDENCE

While Bell and Elfrith were getting their colonists
together in Bermuda and establishing the foundations
of a colony in Santa Catalina, matters were moving
apace with the emigrants to Massachusetts. Endecott
on his second voyage in 1629 had established the settle-
ments of Salem and Charlestown, and the main expedi-
tion under Winthrop's leadership left Southampton
Water on March 23, 1630. The more important members
of the company, such as Dudley and Johnson, accom-
panied Winthrop, but John Humphry, the first deputy-
governor, was left behind to look after the company's
affairs in England,1 and Winthrop's eldest son, John,
remained to sell off the family estates and refresh his
knowledge of fortification for use if necessary in defence
against the Indians. The intimate connection of the
Providence Company's leaders with the Massachusetts
enterprise at this time was most marked and they were
constantly rendering services to the emigrants. Just
before sailing, for instance, we find Isaac Johnson writ-
ing to Winthrop concerning his son John's studies in
fortification:2 "We have writ a letter to Sir N. Rich
to get a letter from him to Capt. Gosnall that your son
may by his means take a view and plot of Harwich Fort
for us; for which I pray you will let him have time. ..
1 Massachusetts Colonial Records, 23 March, 1629-1630.
2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th series, VI, 31.
Warwick, as lord lieutenant of Essex, was in command of all the forti-
fications in the country.







SAYBROOK AND PROVIDENCE


P. S. I have sent Sir N. Rich his letter for your son,
which, I hope, is sufficient." On December 9, 1630, John
Humphry writes to Isaac Johnson at Charlestown:3
"We are all much bound to my Lord Say for his cordial
advice and true affections. As also to my Lord of War-
wick. Sir Natha: Rich deserves much acknowledgment
of his wise handling. . My Lord of Warwick will take
a Patent of that place you writ of for himself, and so we
may be bold to do there as if it were our own. Write
letters abundantly to him and others, though they deserve
them not as he doth. My Lord Say told me he had writ
a letter to you, but I cannot learn where he hath left it."
This patent that Humphry mentions is of great
interest as it shows us the beginnings of the movement
that resulted a few years later in the foundation of the
Saybrook settlement. It will be remembered that in a
previous chapter we spoke of the division by lot in 1623
of the lands of New England between the subscribing
members of the Council for New England owing to the
great parliamentary opposition that the council had
encountered as a monopoly. From 1623 to 1628 the
Council for New England was in a moribund condition
and appears to have done little or nothing. About the
beginning of 1629, however, the Earl of Warwick began
to take a renewed interest in its affairs and in concert
with Sir Ferdinando Gorges began to resuscitate its
activities. It has been the custom of writers to represent
Gorges as in a state of perennial hostility to the Puritan
colonists of New England and, if we only considered the
period from 1632 onwards, this does correctly represent
his attitude, but in the period 1629-1632 all the contem-
porary accounts of his action are consistent with his own
version of what occurred. His attitude towards the
Puritan colonies was entirely benevolent providing the
3 Ibid., VI, 15.







PURITAN COLONISATION


interests of his own family were not injured, and he was
quite willing to join Warwick in smoothing matters for
the colonists as much as possible. In his Briefe Narra-
tion he puts the matter thus:' "The King, not pleased
with divers the passages of some particular persons,
who in their speeches seemed to trench further on his
royal prerogative than stood with his safety and honour
to give way unto, suddenly brake off the Parliament.
Whereby divers were so fearful what would follow so
unaccustomed an action, some of the principal of those
liberal speakers being committed to the Tower, others
to other prisons-which took all hope of reformation
of Church government from many not affecting Episco-
pal jurisdiction, nor the usual practice of the common
prayers of the Church, whereof there were several sorts,
though not agreeing among themselves, yet all of dis-
like of those particulars. Some of the discreeter sort,
to avoid what they found themselves subject unto, made
use of their friends to procure from the Council for the
affairs of New England to settle a colony within their
limits; to which it pleased the thrice-honoured Lord of
Warwick to write to me then at Plymouth to condescend5
that a patent might be granted to such as then sued for
it. Whereupon I gave my approbation, so far forth as
it might not be prejudicial to my son, Robert Gorges',
interests whereof he had a patent under the seal of the
Council. Hereupon there was a grant passed' as was
thought reasonable, but the same was afterwards en-
larged by his Majesty and confirmed under the great
seal of England.'"
4 Archaol. Amer., III, xlv.
5 A word implying in the seventeenth century not the attitude of a superior
towards an inferior, but mere acquiescence.
6 Warwick's Patent of 19 March, 1628.
7 The Massachusetts Charter of 4 March, 1629.







SAYBROOK AND PROVIDENCE


The Council for New England was in a state of revived
activity under Warwick's presidency from 1628 onwards,
and it was by his direction that the draft of a grant was
prepared late in 1630. A printed version of the deed
that was subsequently based on this draft has come down
to us through Trumbull, the historian of Connecticut,8
but neither of the original documents nor any record of
their official enrolment has ever been discovered, and a
large amount of controversy has raged round the ques-
tion of their validity. The subject need not detain us
here, but it may be suggested that in promising a further
patent to the Massachusetts settlers, Warwick was
relying on his control of the New England Council and
his temporary agreement with the Gorges. The so-
called patent that is printed by Trumbull is not at all
usual in form and may have been the informal draft,
which, before it could be sealed, would have had to
undergo revision at the hands of the lawyers. The
grantor of a territory must himself have a legal title
before he can validly transfer it to others, and it cer-
tainly cannot be said that Warwick, even though he was
president of the New England Council, had either a clear
or an undisputed right to make grants of the territory
that was nominally vested in the council.
Warwick and his friends, however, undoubtedly acted
on the assumption that they could dispose of the desired
territory, and it appears safe to take Trumbull's version
of the grant as correct in the main. On March 19, 1632,
Robert, Earl of Warwick, regranted the land for a dis-
tance of forty leagues from the Narragansett River to
the following peers and gentlemen: "the right honour-
able William, Viscount Saye and Sele, the right honour-
able Robert, Lord Brooke, the right honourable Lord
Rich, and the honourable Charles Fiennes, Esq., Sir
8 Trumbull's History of Connecticut, I, 495.







84 PURITAN COLONISATION

Nathaniel Rich, Knt., Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knt.,
Richard Knightley, Esq., John Pym, Esq., John Hamp-
den, Esq., John Humphry, Esq., and Herbert Pelham,
Esq."9 With the exception of the last named, we can
identify each of these gentlemen as intimately interested
in the Puritan migration to Massachusetts, and six out
of eleven as members of the newly founded Providence
Company. No action to enforce the grant was taken as
yet, but from the surrounding circumstances we may be
certain that the preliminary steps now taken were not
without aim, but were in pursuance of a settled policy.
The project for a great migration was seizing more and
more upon the minds of Puritan men, Massachusetts had
just been founded as one home for the refugees, Provi-
dence, it was hoped, would soon become another; many
attempts were being made by godless men, such as Old-
ham or Mason, and by Arminians, such as the Brownes,
to found settlements along the New England coasts.
It would be well to secure a further large part of New
England for the expansion of the new Puritan commu-
nity and for a refuge for the Puritan settlers from
Providence if Puritan hopes in the West Indies should
be disappointed. We shall see how some of these antici-
pations were verified four years later, but in a way
entirely unexpected to the first patentees.
Before we gather up the scattered threads we have
collected and attempt to weave with them the story of
the Providence Company, let us pause for a moment and
regard the changes that had taken place along the
American seaboard gince we surveyed it as it was in
1600. The infant French colony around Quebec and
along the banks of the St. Lawrence was beginning to
be called Canada and was in 1631 for the moment in the
9 The Clinton family were allied with the Pelhams and this man was
probably a relative of the Earl of Lincoln.






SAYBROOK AND PROVIDENCE


hands of the Franco-Scottish brothers Kirke; in Nova
Scotia the French Acadians at Port Royal and Sir
William Alexander's rival Scottish colony had begun
their century-long conflict. Along the shores of Maine
a few scattered fishing settlements were all that yet
existed, but the rise of Massachusetts as a stable com-
munity had begun, and Plymouth had already quite a
respectable history of struggle behind it. Neither Dutch
nor English had yet entered the valley of the Connecticut,
though at the mouth of the Hudson River Manhattan
had commenced a precarious existence as the Cinderella
of the Dutch colonies. It was not till 1632 that George
Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore, abandoning his
attempts at colonisation in Newfoundland and Virginia,
secured from Charles I the proprietorship of Maryland,
though already William Claiborne had established a
plantation on Kent Island in the Chesapeake and settled
there about a hundred men from Virginia.10 Virginia
had in 1631 long since passed the struggling stage and
was on the high road to prosperity; Bermuda, as we
have seen, had disappointed the hopes of its colonisers,
and Sir Robert Heath's attempted colonisation of
'Carolana'' had proved entirely abortive.
Matters in the West Indies had as yet changed little;
St. Christopher and Nevis had just been cleared by Spain
of their English and French settlers, but these had
almost immediately returned. St. Martin's, Saba, and
St. Eustatius were each held by a few Dutchmen, and
others were attempting a colony on Tobago; Martinique
already had a few French settlers and Barbadoes was
definitely showing signs of becoming a prosperous Eng-
lish colony. The rest of the Lesser Antilles were still
abandoned to the cannibal Caribs; off the shores of
10 J. H. U. Studies, XIII, Latan6, "Early Relations between Maryland
and Virginia," p. 11.






86 PURITAN COLONISATION

Tierra Firme the Dutch had already made Curacao into
a place of arms and thence were maintaining the profit-
able clandestine trade with the Spanish colonies. In
Guiana they were the only nation achieving anything
like success, though English and French were still making
attempts at trade and settlement. It was in Brazil that
the Dutch West India Company were achieving great
things at the expense of Spain and were making the most
successful attempt to maintain an empire in tropical
America that has ever been made by a non-Iberian
nation. The Iberian monopoly of the New World had in
thirty years been utterly destroyed, all the great colo-
nising nations had taken their first steps westward and
already the lists were being prepared for the struggle
for colonial power that was to rage through the next
two centuries with ever-varying fortunes.
There does not appear to have been in 1630 any
invariable method of securing from the crown the right
of planting a colony, grants being issued both under the
sign manual and under the great seal, while some colonies
were commenced without any direct license from the
crown. The most formal, but at the same time the most
costly method, was to obtain the issue of letters patent
under the great seal, and this was the method chosen
by the Providence Company. The letters patent were
prepared upon the direction of a secretary of state by
the attorney-general in consultation with the legal repre-
sentative of the company, Oliver St. John, and were
engrossed upon the patent roll1 on December 4, 1630.
The total cost of the patent including the necessary fees
amounted to some 60, but in this total the numerous
douceurs paid to the clerks of the Privy Council, etc.,
were not included. The company was incorporated under
the title of "The Governor and Company of Adventurers
117 Car., I, Part 14.




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