Haiti, report of a human rights mission, June 26-29, 1983


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Haiti, report of a human rights mission, June 26-29, 1983
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Report of a Human Rights
Mission: June 26-29, 1983

Lawyers Committee for Inter-
national Human Rights
Americas Watch Committee
International League for
Human Rights


Report of a Human Rights Mission
June 26-29, 1983

Lawyers Committee for International Human Rights
Americas Watch Committee
International League for Human Rights

August 1983

.P 3
H | 77


Introduction. . . . .

Conclusions and Recommendations . .

Background of Human Rights Abuses in Haiti.

Human Rights Monitors and Their Supporters.

Detentions of May 9: Events and Responses .

United States Government Response . .

Haitian Government Response . .

The Individuals . . . .

. . 1

. . 4

. . 7

. . 8

. . .13

. . .15

. . .16

. . .19


Advocacy and defense of human rights is a hazardous

pursuit in many countries. Accordingly, international human

rights groups increasingly pay attention to the dangers

experienced by men and women who work for human rights in

their own countries, or simply report on violations as they


This report examines the situation of people who

support human rights in Haiti, and in particular a series of

detentions in May 1983. It is based on a mission to that

country in late June sponsored by three international human

rights organizations: the Lawyers Committee for Internation-

al Human Rights, the Americas Watch and the International

League for Human Rights.

On May 9, 1983, Haitian security police detained

Maitre Duplex Jean-Baptiste, a prominent lawyer who served as

legal advisor to the Haitian League for Human Rights, along

-with four other persons: Frederique Denize, Emmanuel Gilles,

Antoine Phanor and Edouard Pierre. These detentions are the

most recent in a series of harsh actions by Haitian authori-

ties against critics of the Duvalier regime, and against mem-

bers of the Haitian League for Human Rights. In recent

years, Haitian authorities have frequently seized persons

they consider disloyal to the government. They detain such

people for long periods incommunicado without formal charges,

and then either release them without explanation or

subject them to show trials.

When mission members arrived in Haiti, the five men

detained on May 9 had been in custody for nearly two months;

half of that time they were held incommunicado and in soli-

tary confinement. The mission's purpose was to investigate

the circumstances surrounding their detentions, to determine

their physical condition and to learn what, if any, further

legal action the government intended to take against them.

Mission members sought also to obtain information about other

arrests and detentions that have occurred in Haiti during the

past year. In particular, the mission was concerned about a

group of persons arrested and held incommunicado by Haitian

authorities since March 1983.

The delegation discussed the human rights situation

in Haiti with the Haitian ministers of Foreign Affairs, Jus-

tice and Interior, with United States Embassy personnel and

other members of the diplomatic community. The delegation

was headed by Professor Drew Days of Yale Law School, former-

ly the Assistant United States Attorney General for Civil

Rights. He was accompanied by Michael Hooper, Esquire, Ex-

ecutive Director of the National Emergency Coalition for

Haitian Refugees and author of previous reports on human

rights in Haiti, and Elizabeth Leiman of the Lawyers Commit-

tee for International Human Rights.


The Lawyers Committee for International Human

Rights is a public interest law center that promotes

compliance with internationally recognized human rights law

and legal principles. It was founded in 1975. Its Chairman

is Marvin E. Frankel and its Executive Director is Michael H.


The AmeTicas Watch is a citizens organization that

promotes human rights in all countries of the Americas,

emphasizing particularly efforts to make human rights figure

significantly in U.S. foreign policy. Founded in 1981, its

Chairman is Orville H. Schell and its Vice Chairman is Aryeh


Founded in 1942, the International League for Human

Rights works with 40 affiliates worldwide and has consulta-

tive status with the United Nations (ECOSOC), UNESCO, the

Council of Europe and International Labour Organization. It

cooperates with regional organizations such as the Organiza-

tion of American States. Its president is Jerome J.

Shestack, Esquire, and its Executive Director is Felice Gaer.



Based on our recent mission to Haiti, the Lawyers

Committee for International Human Rights, the Americas Watch,

and the International League for Human Rights conclude:

(1) On May 9, 1983, the Haitian secret police
seized five persons without warrant or expla-
nation from their homes in the middle of the
night and detained them at Haiti's largest se-
curity prison, the Casernes Dessalines.

(2) These detentions cause particular concern
because they represent the latest in a series
of official actions in 1983 against human
rights activists and against the Haitian
League for Human Rights in particular. The
most prominent of those detained was Maitre
Duplex Jean-Baptiste, a former lower court
Judge and the Legal Advisor to the Haitian
League for Human Rights. His detention with-
out official explanation or charge silences
one of the few Haitian attorneys still willing
to represent clients not popular with the re-

(3) These detentions are a further indication of
the Haitian government's disregard for the
rule of law, including its failure to respect
fundamental procedural protections guaranteed
by its own Constitution. It remains routine
in Haiti for government security forces
arbitrarily to detain without charge,
explanation, or due process protections those
suspected of not being sufficiently loyal to
the regime.

Some detainees are held incommunicado for long
periods in undisclosed locations. Others are
denied access to their families and to all
legal assistance. officially sanctioned
brutality and mistreatment characterize
Haiti's prisons. The judiciary offers no
protection to political prisoners.


(4) A Haitian government body, the National
Commission on Human Rights, has played no role
in limiting abuses such as those endured by
Maitre Duplex Jean-Baptiste and the others im-
prisoned with him. By refusing to involve it-
self because these cases are "political" or
because they "involve the judicial process,"
the Commission has condemned itself to irrele-
vancy. Moreover, such inaction mocks conten-
tions by the Haitian government that formation
of the Commission reflects "liberalization."

Based on these conclusions, the three organizations

make the following recommendations:

(1) The Haitian Government should release the five
defendants who have now been held for more
than three months without charges.

(2) The Haitian authorities should immediately
account for all prisoners held in their
security prisons, specifying their dates of
arrest, places of confinement, and the charges
against them.

(3) The Haitian Government should permit attorneys
access to all of those charged with crimes in
order to provide legal counsel, and to those
in detention who have not been charged.

(4) Haitian authorities should respect the rights
to free expression, association and to engage
in political activities.

(5) The National Commission on Human Rights should
publish a list of political prisoners in
Haiti, and should conduct a thorough investi-
gation of the circumstances surrounding the
detentions of May 9. It should issue, expedi-
tiously, a public report of its findings.

(6) The United States Government should publicly
urge the Haitian Government to respect its own
constitution and its international obliga-


(7) Specifically, the United States Government
should encourage the Government of Haiti to
halt security force abuses, including the
practice of arbitrary detentions without
explanation or charge, the practice of holding
prisoners incommunicado, and of mistreating in
detention those suspected of political



Haiti has long suffered from a history of

government terror and human rights abuses. Since Francois

Duvalier came to power in 1957, two generations of Duvaliers

have wielded virtually unchallenged authority over the

country. They have used this power to enhance their own

personal fortunes, cementing Haiti's position as the poorest

nation in the western hemisphere.

When the senior Duvalier became president, he es-

tablished special security forces outside of the traditional

military, their members selected for their intense loyalty to

the Duvalier family. The most infamous of these special for-

ces were known as the Ton Ton Macoutes. Such forces all but

eliminated the rule of law through extralegal executions,

torture, arbitrary arrests, prolonged detentions and other

human rights abuses. The International Commission of Jurists

described the regime of Francois Duvalier as follows:

In the world today there are many authoritarian
regimes. Many have at least the merit of being
based on an ideology, but the tyranny that
oppresses Haiti has not even this saving grace. A
few men have come to power by force and stayed in
power by terror. They seem to have only one aim,
to bleed for their own gain one of the most
wretched countries in the world._/

*/ ICJ Bulletin No. 17, 1963.


In 1971, Jean Claude Duvalier succeeded his father

as Haiti's President-for-Life. Although officially he

announced the disbanding of the Ton Ton Macoutes, in fact he

only slightly reorganized them under the new name of

Volunteers for National Security. These forces continue to

violate human rights, despite a "liberalization" announced in

1977 by Duvalier to halt his government's history of abuses.

In February 1983, the U.S. Department of State wrote in its

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices that "civil and

political rights are severely restricted in Haiti," and that

publiclc criticism of the government is not generally

permitted." Indeed, today -- as in Francois Duvalier's

time -- those individuals who speak out in favor of civil

and political rights are subject to harassment and reprisals

by security police.


Human rights'monitors and groups that support human

rights activities are particular victims of security force

harassment. In the past six years, the government of Haiti

has attacked members of the Haitian League for Human Rights -

- Haiti's only private human rights group -- forcing them ef-

fectively to suspend human rights activities.


Organized in 1977 by law professors and defense at-

torneys from the private bar, the Haitian League for Human

Rights was formed to promote and defend the principles of the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights and of the Haitian

Constitution. On November 9, 1979, some sixty security force

members disrupted the first public meeting of the Haitian

League. More than fifty of these present were beaten, inclu-

ding the League's president, Gerard Gourgue, and representa-

tives of the French, Canadian and West German embassies. In

late 1980 and 1981, several members of the League were ar-

rested without charge, including League General Secretary La-

fontant Joseph. In January 1981, Joseph was forcibly abduct-

ed as he was leaving the principal court of Port-au-Prince,

and taken to the Casernes Dessalines, the prison where, his-

torically, those accused or suspected of political offenses

have been detained incommunicado for interrogation. There he

was interrogated and severely beaten. Thereafter, at least

three League members, including League founding member Joseph

Maxi, went into exile or hiding.*/ Government harassment of

League members continued in 1982 and 1983, so that only its

president, Maitre Gourgue, is currently able to voice human

*/ Previously, Maxi had been urging members of the Port-au-
Prince Bar Association to represent prisoners held
without charge in the National Penitentiary and the
Casernes Dessalines.


rights concerns in public, and then only in a limited


By this pattern of incommunicado detentions and of-

ficial intimidation, the Haitian government has virtually si-

lenced all independent -- and potentially independent --

voices. Victims include labor leaders, journalists, members

of opposition political parties, and lawyers willing to rep-

resent clients in politically sensitive cases. Those per-

ceived as government opponents continue to be arrested and

detained incommunicado for long periods without formal char-

ges. They are then either released, exiled, or subjected to

show trials.

On December 28, 1982, for example, the government

illegally seized Gerard Duclerville, and detained him without

warrant or explanation. Duclerville is the founder of the

Catholic Volunteers, a lay Catholic organization, who

appeared on a popular radio program on Radio Casique.

*/ Two official government agencies, created to monitor
human rights activities in Haiti, have remained notably
silent following actions taken against the Haitian League
for Human Rights. These groups are the human rights
division in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, formed in
1979, and the National Commission on Human Rights created
by the Government in late 1982. Neither body has ever
taken public action. For further discussion of the
National Commission on Human Rights, see p. 18.


Duclerville apparently expressed sympathy with hundreds of

street peddlers, when police evicted them from their stalls

prior to the Pope's Haitian visit and it is possible that

this broadcast was considered a violation of Haiti's severely

restrictive press law.*/ He was badly beaten twice, and

never charged with a crime. Following a public appeal on his

behalf by Haiti's Catholic bishops, Duclerville was released

on February 9, 1983.

Then, in March 1983, the government detained at

least eight other persons. Security forces forcibly entered.

their homes and detained them incommunicado. They have yet

to be charged, and Haitian authorities have not officially

acknowledged their detention. Authorities refuse to confirm

their location.

In some cases, the Haitian government has formally

charged prisoners detained incommunicado, and actually

brought them to trial. These trials, however, have been

poorly run and marked by gross procedural violations. The

trial in 1981 of Sylvio Claude and 25 co-defendants, and the

retrial in 1982 of Claude and 21 co-defendants, are

*/ This law has been condemned by the Organization of
American States and the Interamerican Press Association,
among others. Under the law, it is a crime to "offend
the Chief of State or the First Lady of the Republic,"
and to make "any attack against the integrity of the
people's culture."


noteworthy examples of government show trials of political


In December 1978, as part of the government's

"liberalization" program, President Duvalier declared that

opposition candidates would be allowed to run in legislative

elections scheduled for February 1979. At that time, two

independent political parties were formed: the Haitian

Social Christian Party, headed by law professor Gregoire

Eugene, and the Haitian Christian Democratic Party (PDCH),

led by Port-au-Prince businessman Sylvio Claude.

Claude was arrested three times in 1979, beaten,

and tortured with electric shocks. By the time the election

was held, his candidacy was declared illegal. Claude was

never formally charged with any crime or allowed access to

legal counsel or visitors. Claude's fourth arrest came in

late October 1980. This time he was charged with violating

Haiti's press law, and subsequently with security violations.

Ten months later, Claude and 25 co-defendants were tried and

-convicted in a one-day trial that concluded at five in the

morning. Twenty-two of the defendants, including Claude,

were sentenced to 15 years at hard labor.

Claude remained in prison a year while appealing

his sentence. The Supreme Court ordered a re-trial, which

took place on August 27, 1982. Again, Claude and 21


co-defendants were convicted of security violations in a

trial marred by blatant procedural irregularities. However,

on September 22, 1982, on the 25th anniversary of Duvalier

rule in Haiti, the Haitian government granted amnesty to

Claude and his co-defendants.*/

Since his release, Claude's fundamental freedoms to

speak, to associate, to publish a newspaper and to engage in

political activities have been severely restricted. Today in

Haiti, anyone who is thought to have any association with

Sylvio Claude, the Haitian Christian Democratic Party, or

even with efforts to participate in an independent political

process, is subject to surveillance and intimidation by the

Haitian government.


The arrests of May 1983 follow this same pattern.

On May 9, during the week of municipal elections in almost

half of Haiti, security police came in the middle of the

night to the homes of five persons. Dressed as civilians,

*/ For detailed accounts of these trials see: Violations of
Human Rights in Haiti, June 1981-September 1982 and
Report on the August 1981 Trial and Appeal of 26
Political Defendants in Haiti, both by Michael Hooper,
available through the Lawyers Committee for International
Human Rights.


they handcuffed the five and took them to the Casernes

Dessalines. There they were stripped, placed in isolation

cells containing only a half-mattress, and held incommunicado

for 28 days. In the morning they were fed stale bread, and

in the evening a mixture of partially-cooked corn meal and

macaroni. Two who suffer from heart conditions were denied

medication and medical attention.

On June 6, the five were taken to a police court

convened by a local justice of the peace. This was the first

occasion that those detained were permitted to see one

another, and to learn that they had been arrested as a group.

Two of those arrested had met once prior to June 6, and none

of the others had ever met previously. At the police court,

the government's prosecutor informed the defendants that they

were suspected of conspiring against the internal security of

the Haitian state. They were then taken before a juge

d'instruction -- a charging or indicting judge -- who ques-

tioned them individually. At the end of the day they were

taken to the National Penitentiary where they were allowed,

for the first time since their detention, to receive daily

food, medication, and visits on Sundays from female family

members.*/ They have been at the Penitentiary, awaiting

*/ In Haiti, the right to receive food from outside the
prison is crucial, because prisoners are not fed enough
to sustain them.


either release or formal charges, for over two months.


The Department of State was informed of the purpose

and timing of our mission in advance. State Department of-

ficers replied promptly to communications about the deten-

tions. A June 24 letter from James Michel, Acting Assistant

Secretary for Inter-American Affairs, reported that the State

Department believed the detentions "represent a setback to

the development oT political processes in Haiti," and that

American officials have "conveyed this concern to the govern-

ment of Haiti at the highest levels, both here in Washington

and through our Embassy in Port-au-Prince." The letter, how-

ever, identified three of the detained as members of the

Haitian Christian Democratic Party. In fact, none of the

five has ever belonged to the PDCH.

In Port-au-Prince, United States Embassy officials

underscored Washington's concerns over the detentions. They

explained that they had spoken with Haitian authorities on

more than one occasion, and requested them either to charge

or release the prisoners. They expressed belief that the

arrests were connected to the Cape Haitian elections, and

mentioned the possibility that some of the detained were

candidates for the Port-au-Prince election scheduled for


August 7.*/ They were unaware that some of the detained have

serious medical problems, and were able to offer no informa-

tion concerning the disappearance of at least eight people in

March 1983.

State Department officials both in Washington and at

the Embassy in Port-au-Prince were instrumental in arranging

for the delegation to visit the National Penitentiary and to

interview the detained.


The delegation met with three Haitian officials

about the May 9 detentions: Jean Robert Estime, Minister of

Foreign Affairs; Roderique Casimir, Minister of Justice; and

*/ Embassy officials told the delegation that American
observers in Cape Haitian during the elections reported
that, the day of the elections, the city was sealed off
by security police who required all persons entering
and leaving Cape Haitian to carry government-issued
permits. They also reported that the National Election
Commission had visited Cape Haitian twice prior to the
election, and was present while elections were taking
place. The three-member commission includes Interior
Minister Roger Lafontant, whose responsibilities include
overseeing the secret police and prisoners, and Colonel
Albert Pierre, Commander and Chief Interrogator at
Casernes Dessalines.


Roger Lafontant, Minister of the Interior, whose responsibili-

ties include Haiti's court system, internal security and

the security forces. Calling the five "terrorists," Haitian

officials maintained that due process protections guaranteed by

Haitian law need not be observed in cases of persons arrested

and detained for security reasons. The government ministers

told the delegation that all five defendants are connected with

Sylvio Claude, and that they were helping Claude "to call the

people to revolution and violence." Minister Lafontant told us

he has evidence that all the detained sold Claude's newspaper,

Conviction, and that they supported a group of Claude's accomp-

lices who were "touring the country and burning homes of the

poor." The delay in indicting the five, Haitian authorities

explained, was both necessary and justified. Police, they

said, were still searching for Claude accomplices who would

provide the evidence necessary to bring formal charges. Minis-

ter Lafontant assured the delegation that a police investiga-

tion was underway, and that the results of this investigation

would be presented to a charging judge. The judge would review

the evidence, and either bring formal charges or order the five

released. When pressed, Minister Lafontant estimated that the

police would present the case to a judge some time in late

Mission members asked Haitian officials about other

security police actions, including the abduction of at least


eight persons from their homes last March, who have not been

heard from since. Minister Lafontant denied knowledge of

some. He replied that others were clearly terrorists who

would never be released, and who should not benefit from pro-

cedural protections. The delegation offered to provide a

list of those believed to be in detention and the Minister

agreed to let us know whether they were being held.

Haiti's official human rights body, the National

Commission for Human Rights, was unable to offer information

about the May detentions, or about others thought to

be held by the government. The nine-member Commission was

created by President Duvalier in 1982 to promote human rights

in Haiti. Members of the Commission did not consider the May

detentions part of their responsibilities, and drew a dis-

tinction between questions of human rights, which are their

concern, and juridical matters, which are not. They

pointed out that the preliminary judicial session on June 6

demonstrates a government intention to prosecute formally the

five defendants in the future. They concluded that the de-

tentions of May 9 are now affairess de la justice" --judicial

questions -- and, therefore, no longer within the Commis-

sion's mandate.

The Commission's apparent inability to participate

in cases involving judicial proceedings is one of several


restrictions that limit its effectiveness. Unable to

initiate action, the Commission can only react to formal com-

plaints, such as letters from individuals. Commission mem-

bers, for example, attributed their clear lack of information

on those who disappeared in March to an absence of complaints

received on their behalf.*/ Their action on complaints, mem-

bers explained, consists in expressing concern to unspecified

government officials. Such exclusive use of private channels

makes it virtually impossible to monitor either the actions

taken by the Commission, if any, or the effectiveness of its


Information, gathered through interviews with the

prisoners themselves, directly contradicts Haitian government

assertions that the prisoners are connected to the Christian

*/ Commission response to complaints received, however, is
not guaranteed. When asked by mission members about a
particular prisoner, Roc Charles deRose, whose location
has never been disclosed by Haitian authorities, only
the Commission president recognized the name and brought
out a file containing many letters written on his behalf
from abroad. When asked why the Commission had not
acted on this case, which had attracted so much
attention, its members responded that they had intended
to discuss it with the Interior Minister, but that he
had gone away and had not rescheduled the meeting. Roc
Charles deRose disappeared in November 1981.


Democratic Party and to the municipal elections. The

following case histories contain information gathered at

interviews with the prisoners at the National Penitentiary on

June 29, and earlier with members of their families, and

others knowledgable about these arrests.

MAITRE DUPLEX JEAN BAPTISTE Maitre Jean Baptiste is a former

lower court judge who practices law in Gonaives, a city north

of Port-au-Prince. Legal Advisor to the Haitian League for

Human Rights, he is one of several attorneys who represented

defendants -- including Christian Democratic Party leader Syl-

vio Claude -- accused of political crimes. On May 9, 1983, he

was arrested on his way to court in Gonaives, searched, hand-

cuffed and forced to lie on the floor of a police wagon. He

was brought to the District Commissioner, who asked if he in-

tended to go to Cape Haitian for the elections with Salnave

Desames, a priest who is rumored to have accompanied Sylvio

Claude in recent months. Jean Baptiste replied that he had no

intention of going to Cape Haitian, and that he had a busy

court schedule that day in Gonaives which he could verify.

The Commissioner then presented him with a document, alleged

to be the official budget of the PDCH, which contained a line

item appropriation for legal defense. Under the item were

three names, including his and that of another lawyer, Antoine

Phanor, who was also detained on May 9. Jean Baptiste


denied that any formal arrangement existed between himself and

the Christian Democratic Party, adding that he had never re-

ceived any money from the party. At the Casernes Dessalines,

the commander in charge reminded him that there would be two

sorts of investigations, the police and the judicial, and that

he had better cooperate with the first. Jean Baptiste under-

stood this to mean that, unless he cooperated with the police

investigation, he might be beaten.

At the police court on June 6, Jean Baptiste was

questioned repeatedly about possible connections with the

Christian Democratic Party. Jean Baptiste again replied that

he had never been a party member, and that he had never given

money to Claude or to the PDCH. Jean Baptiste is a man in

his 70s, who suffers from a heart condition which re-

quires daily medication. He was denied this medication while

in Casernes Dessalines. When he finally appeared before a

judge on June 6, 1983, he needed physical support in order to


FREDERIQUE DENIZE Frederique Denize owns a popular hotel,

the Palace, in the center of Port-au-Prince. It is possible

that Claude was among a number of wholesalers who provided

citrus fruits to one of Denize's businesses in 1973. At the

questioning on June 6, 1983, he too was asked about alleged

connections to Sylvio Claude and the Christian Democratic


Party. In particular, he was questioned about selling an

automobile to Claude that was intended for use in support of

a revolution. Denize denied that he had ever given or sold

anything to Claude. He denied being a member of the Chris-

tian Democratic Party as well as any other involvement in

politics. Denize suffers from hypertension, and his physical

condition deteriorated seriously when he was denied daily

medication in the Casernes Dessalines. Only after his ap-

pearance before the judge on June 6 did Haitian authorities

acknowledge the gravity of his condition. They transferred

him to a military hospital, where he was handcuffed to the

bed. Although he is now able to receive medication at the

National Penitentiary, Mr. Denize and his family are concern-

ed about the continuing deterioration of his health.

ANTOINE PHANOR A practicing attorney in Port-au-Prince,

Antoine Phanor lived in Israel from 1979-1981, where he

served as assistant to the Haitian ambassador. When he was

arrested on the early morning of May 9, Phanor was questioned

about these activities. He was questioned also about alleged

connections to Sylvio Claude and the Christian Democratic

Party. Phanor remembered that in early September he had been

consulted by two people asking whether citizens convicted of

a security crime who were subsequently granted a presidential

amnesty could run for office. The two returned several weeks


later to ask whether such citizens could vote. After Phanor

told them that he could not answer without seeing pertinent

legal documents, they left and never returned. Phanor thinks

that one of the two may have been Claude. Phanor told

authorities that he has never been a member of the Christian

Democratic Party, and that he neither attended any Christian

Democratic Party meetings nor received any money from the


EDOUARD PIERRE Edouard Pierre is 70 years old. A mason, he

owns a small hardware/drygoods shop in the Premiere Cite, a

section of Port-au-Prince. Haitian authorities apparently

believe that Pierre is also involved with the Christian

Democratic Party. In fact, though Pierre had been asked to

attend Party meetings, he had refused to go. He told Haitian

authorities that he had never been a Christian Democratic

Party member, and that he had never contributed money to the

party. He did tell them that Claude came to his house three

times that year asking for food, and that on two occasions he

had fed Claude Sunday dinner.

EMMANUEL GILLES Emmanuel Gilles is a nurse's aide who works

at a general public clinic in a poor Port-au-Prince

neighborhood. At the end of March, 1983, he was called to

treat someone at a home in Fontamara, another area of


Port-au-Prince, and found Claude there. He treated Claude

twice for a jaw ailment. Gilles was also called to treat

Duclerville after he had been beaten. He denies any other

contact with Claude, and any formal relationship with the

Christian Democratic Party. Gilles has a history of heart

trouble, and is without family to bring him food or clean