Student papers from AE 581, Winter, 1976

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Student papers from AE 581, Winter, 1976
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Luaces, Eduardo
Cibran, Jorge
Prieto, Fernando
Perez-Zarraga, Daniel F.
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Department of Architecure, University of Florida
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CONTENTS


The Social and Economic Impact of Historic Districts: Vieux Carre.

Economic Impact of Local Zoning in an Old Historic District.

Contemporary Additions to Historic Buildings.

Contemporary Buildings in a Historical Setting.

Historic Reconstruction.




















THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACT OF

HISTORIC DISTRICTS: VIEUX CARRE






























Eduardo Luaces
AE 581
March 17, 1976

University of Florida











The initial purpose for creating a historic distric-

has been to preserve as unique architectural quality of

an area or to increase economic potentials and tourist

appeal of a historic district. But the growing need for

improved housing and neighborhood living conditions has

placed an increasing responsibility on preservationists

to react to the social as well as the economic and ar-

chitectural aspects of an area. It thus becomes the pur-

pose of a historical district not only to preserve the

architecture and improve the economy but provide a sensi-

tive and comprehensive response which reacts to the par-

ticular social needs of the community and its residents.


This paper will deal mainly with those factors

effecting the social composition and economic condition

of a historic district and the areas immediately adjacent.


The Vieux Carre in New Orleans has for many years

been reputed to possess a population highly varied in

composition. The area's unique architecture, its proximity

to the central business district of the city, as well as

the employment opportunities and the relatively inexpensive

housing found there, are factors which have constituted

historically to make the population of the Vieux Carre an

interesting and diverse one. The increase in tourism and














in the business activities which accompany the tourist

trade, in conjunction with the growing demand by higher

income groups for housing in the Vieux Carre district, are

increasing property values there and threatening the

district's heterogeneity.


The current population of the Vieux Carre is a

mixture of old and new residents. But the character of

the population is changing. The trend now is toward

young, single and predominantly white persons. The new-

comers are people with professional, clerical and pro-

prietary jobs. They are representative of the more af-

fluent middle income groups.


The population that precedes them is made up of

older, less affluent lower income groups, most of which

are married and raising families. Of this population 20%

or more were blacks. These residents as a whole were more

likely employed in low-paying and unskilled jobs.


The shift in the population toward more affluent

residents creates a trend toward smaller and higher-priced

housing which will result in the eventual displacement of

original residents. Thus the heterogenity of this area

is slowly lost and the original occupants left homeless.


The situation described though in some respects

peculiar to the area of the Vieux Carre is a problem that














can be applied to other areas of conservation where a

neighborhood of substandard quality is to be reclaimed

as a historical district. The problem clearly stated is

one of upgrading housing conditions and preserving a dis-

trict and still providing housing for those occupying it

originally.


Preservationists maintain that in past cases the

incorporation of lower income housing within a historic

district made less desirable the historic and preservable

housing in the area. In some instances attempts to house

the poor has meant the destruction of old historic build-

ings to make space for the new housing units. Though the

preservationist can not ignore the housing problems of the

poor, whatever efforts are made toward their housing should

take a sensitive and responsible attitude in maintaining

the character of the area.


The fact remains that housing previously regarded

as slums and ready for destruction is suddenly declared

historical and worth preserving. Correspondingly the

rents and land values inflate to a cost not affordable

by the lower income residents. This inflation results

in the eventual displacement of the original area resi-

dents, the reduction of the low cost housing marked and

an increase in the housing problem.













In New Orleans, the people who occupy these neigh-

borhoods are the poor and minority. This group has a

predominantly black composition along with a growing number

of Spanish Americans. These people are heavily dependent

on the social services and public transportation provided

by the inner city. Thus for them suburban living is im-

practical. They are also the group least capable of af-

fording rental hikes or any effort at rehabilitation. For

these reasons efforts must concentrate on keeping these

people in their present neighborhoods.


A proposal made towards this goal is the use of

public monies to rehabilitate buildings in a historic

district. Such a plan would provide housing of varying

rental categories due to the input of public monies.

The area's designation as a historic district would pro-

vide the incentive needed for private investors. The plan

also suggests that a commission be formed which could

designate historical properties throughout the city in

order to protect structures worthy of preservation, thus

preventing the arbitrary demolition of valuable property

during the time it takes for the rehabilitation programs

to take effect.


In this area of public housing the emphasis should

be on the rehabilitation of old structures rather than

the construction of new ones. In the past public housing














has usually meant the construction of a new multifamily

unit. These units were usually erected in the older neigh-

borhoods where their construction would meet the least

resistance. The new structures were usually incompatible

and disruptive of the existing fabric of the area. In

essence the new projects tend to separate their occupants

from the mainstream of neighborhood.


On the other hand the money spent on these projects

could be concentrated on the rehabilitation of old struc-

tures in the community. Such a move would improve the

general character of the neighborhood and still provide

the needed housing.


In sections of New Orleans, the occupants oflow-cost

housing units are required to spend 25% of their income

for rent. The remaining part of the market rent is paid

to the owner of this rehabilitated property by the govern-

ment. This rent subsidy approach gives the private owner

the market price of his rehabilitated unit and improves

the economic feasibility of rehabilitating structures in

a low-rent district. This approach also enables the

public housing agencies to place eligible families in a

number of different neighborhoods as well as increases

the agencies' ability to distribute these units throughout

the city.














In conjunction with the previous program there

would exist the establishment of a revolving fund. Through

a revolving fund loans are made to eligible residents who

then return the money to the fund at lower-than-market

interest rates. This permits the use of the same money

to finance future efforts.


A revolving fund can be sep up on a city-wide scale

or restricted to one or various particular areas. The

fund opens the possibility of financing people who cannot

normally get loans through regular channel. It enables

these people to purchase or rehabilitate an old structure

within the community.


The perceived inability of the city to involve it-

self directly in a loan rehabilitation program produced

the suggestion to establish other alternative agencies.

It was suggested that revolving funds might best be handled

by the local urban renewal agency, thus preventing the

formation of a new city department.


Another proposed alternative was the establishment

of a guaranteed loan program. Under this program, the

local financial institutions would make loans to the eligible

applicants. Should the applicants default, the city guaran-

tees the payment of the loan. This would again open a way

for low-income families to acquire money for the purchase















and rehabilitation of an old structure, an opportunity

which would otherwise be denied to them. These programs

enable the residents of these old communities to raise

the quality of living conditions and improve the general

character of their neighborhood. Consequently, these

people preserve and rehabilitate the old structures, pre-

venting their further delapidation and destruction.


One of the causes of displacement and demolition

as well as a strong economic factor in historic districts

is zoning. The zoning of residential neighborhoods into

intense multifamily areas or in some cases into commercial

districts, results in the inflation of land values and a

decrease in building values. The situation makes it more

profitable for the owner of a property to destroy the build-

ing on his property and sell the land for its potential

building capacity. This type of zoning with its provision

for high-rise structures not only destroys the historical

and architectural quality of the area but also causes the

displacement of lower income residents.


In response to such zoning New Orleans developed

the Urban Conservation zoning. The urban conservation

zoning permits the area to which it is being applied to

retain its.original land uses, but requires that any new

construction be compatible with the scale, proportions and














other factors which form the character of the area. By

requiring that new construction remain at the same scale

and proportion as its surroundings, the zoning reduces the

building potentials of the land and thereby the incentives

to demolish existing structures.


In areas where intense demolition and new construc-

tion are threatening to destroy the character, historic

district zoning is sometimes employed. The effect of

such implementation is not always good with regards to

local residents. The fact is that it often results in

their eventual displacement.


In most cases these areas which are now zoned as

historic districts were originally occupied by the high-

income and privileged members of society. As the city

grew and the area became less desirable most of its

privileged residents left. The area was then claimed by

the lower-income sectors of the city as low-cost housing.

The historic district zoning of such an area causes the

displacement of its low-income residents and changes

the character of the population to include only high-

status people again.


In the United States there is a growing conflict

between rich and poor as to who should reside in historic

districts. In 1960, out of a total of fifty eight million














housing units, eight to ten million were built before 1890.

It is estimated that less than one millionof these were

within a historic district. The remaining seven to nine

million dwellings are likely occupied by low-income groups

which are threatened or might be threatened with displace-

ment by the creation of a historic district in their area

or the expansion of one adjacent to them (Weismantel, Are

Historic Districts Relevant?, 1970). These areas are

usually the left-overs of an expanding central business

district and they exits on its periphery. The industrial

and central business districts have grown through the

demolition of old structures and the construction of new

buildings on their sites. Thus any expansion in the central

business areas presents the threat of destruction to these

peripheral old districts.


The trend in these old areas is not toward their

development as historical districts or the preservation of

their historic buildings. Quite the contrary, they are

zoned in a way which tends to stimulate rather than deter

the destruction and displacement of historic buildings.

These are then replaced by parking lots and new structures,

seldom congruous with the area's character.


The situation is created by the changes in density

of the inner city business districts. The historic build-

ings of the inner city were built when area requirements














were for much lower density uses. The results were smaller,

lower-scale buildings. Today's growing business districts

are of a much higher density and land and buildings must

be used at their optimum.


In their efforts to optimize land and building use

the central districts encouraged the eventual displacement

of historic buildings of lower density with high-use, high-

density structures. The encouragement of nonresidential

activities in the central city area and the growing off

street parking requirement of the high uses can also be

counted as contributors to the problem.


Basically the effect of zoning on inner city his-

toric building groups, is to encourage their replacement

by taller structures which have more rental space; the

encouragement of new buildings and parking structures which

are out of context and the conversion of residential units

into commercial and industrial use, inflicting irreparable

damage on the original structure.


The type of zoning which results in the displace-

ment of old historic buildings is detrimental to both the

higher-income and the disadvantaged groups which for vary-

ing reasons wish to occupy the district. Both groups must

work toward the rezoning of the areas which concern them,

in an effort to prevent their displacement by businesses.















The rezoning of a district should involve its resi-

dents. Representatives of all factions of the community

should participate in the planning. This ensures that the

views reflected in the zoning are those of the community.


The plan should specify the general massing and

scale of buildings, as well as landscape and circulation

of pedestrian and vehicular traffic. Also included in

the plan should be land-use regulations sympathetic with

those already existing in the district. Where the possibility

of displacement of lower-income residents exists, there

should be created controls to prevent such displacement

or make provisions for their relocation.


The legislation for these particular areas must be

based on the premise that these areas are a common valuable

resource and must be regulated and protected for the bene-

fit of all. Physically as well as economically historic

districts can be beneficial. Thus they should be protected

and developed as a valuable asset to an urban area.


The conservation of a single historic community may

probe of considerable importance to the economic base of

a particular urban area. When taken as a group, these dis-

tricts may form the economic basis of a region. These

areas attract tourism and the trade usually associated with














it. The hotels, restaurants, shopping areas and other

businesses, created by the demands of the tourist, are a

great economic asset in many regions. Though existence

and development of a historic district is not necessarily

the primary attraction to a city or region, the develop-

ment of such areas when taken in combination with other

attractions, can help to provide an altogether broader

economic base.


The development of a historic district as an economic

as well as a cultural resource is not without its problems.

An initial problem is the growth pattern of the central

business district. The central business districts;'usually

grow and occupy the historic center of a city. It is pre-

cisely here that the oldest buildings and areas worth pre-

serving will be found. The resulting situation is a con-

flict of overlapping uses and functions. It occurs because

the activities taking place do so in buildings and districts

which were originally designed to house quite different

functions than those there now. However, the results

of such intermingling are not entirely negative. The spe-

cial quality of the historical district in combination with

the business center is precisely what attracts the activities

of the regular population and makes it desirable to visiting

tourists as well. Ideally the rehabilitation should streng-

then and enhance the functions of the central business dis-
















trict as well as those of the historic area, thus creating

an urban mix stimulating to residents and visitors alike.


The success of rehabilitating and conserving a his-

torical district is of a limited nature. Often such suc-

cess produces the factors which can result in the eventual

destruction of the district. Efforts to accommodate the

growing central business district as well as the demands

of an increasing tourist trade usually result in new con-

struction and changes which alter the physical character

of the district. Left uncontrolled such changes can

lead to a district's eventual demise.


The Vieux Carr4 in New Orleans illustrates the prob-

lems which confront a successful historical district. Re-

flecting the use in tourism and the accelerated growth of its

commercial area, the larger type of new construction in the

area, in size and number, have been hotels, motels and

other commercial buildings. Several large parking struc-

tures have also been part of recent growth.


The new construction has begun to change the char-

acter of the historic district. Initially the new struc-

tures were built on vacant lots, but more recently the new

construction has been on sites previously occupied by old

buildings, thus resulting in the destruction of valuable













historic property. The construction of commercial build-

ings to accommodate the Vieux Carre's growth is threatening

the very quality of the area which constitutes its prime

attraction.


The Vieux Carre plays an important part in the

economic structure of New Orleans. In the past it is es-

timated that seventy percent or more of the people visiting

New Orleans were in some way influenced by the Vieux Carre

their decision to go. The more these people spend is an

essential part of New Orleans' economic base.


The development of a historic district can signifi-

cantly improve the economy of an area. Such improvements

can generate a positive response from investors and bene-

fit the region as a whole. Such is the case in New Or-

leans, Vieux Carre section. The success of the Vieux Carre

has resulted in substantial increases in housing and com-

mercial space as well as tourist and travelers accommodation

The greatest amount of money realized from the district

comes from the hotels and motels. Besides contributing to

the economy in themselves, they provide a large number of

potential customers to the Vieux Carre's many shops and

restaurants.


In the Vieux Carre, as in other historical districts,

the land values have inflated. The increased commercial

activities and the growing demand for the Vieux Carre as a

















residential area have given rise to it. It is reasoned

that the increases in rentals and land values produce a

better quality of shops, restaurants and other facilities.

This upgrading makes the area more attractive to the

visitor. In these areas growing commercial activity has

been displacing residentail uses. Implied by the trend is

a change in the area's natural character.


The response to such increase and chance with more

increase and change, as has been the case in the past,

results in the erosion of a district's basic features.

These features are precisely the ones that make a historic

district attractive to the local residents and interesting

to the tourists. If these areas were to be destroyed as

a result of irresponsible exploitation and neglect, the

nation as a whole would suffer the loss of a unique and

irreplaceable part of its heritage.


Studies of historical districts show that these

old areas contain in them the proper ingredients for their

reclamation and reinstatement into desirable residential

communities. With the proper implementation of financial,

zoning and other tools, the old neighborhoods can be re-

claimed for their residents as well as visitors to enjoy.













BIBLIOGRAPHY


Bureau of Governmental Research, New Orleans, Louisiana.
Plan and Program for the Preservation of the Vieux
Carre, City of New Orleans, December, 1968.

Christovich, Mary Louise; Roulhac Toledano; Betsy Swanson
and Pat Holdin. New Orleans Architecture, Vol. II:
The American Sector. Gretna: Pelican Publishing
Co., 1972.

Christovich, Mary Louise (ed.). New Orleans Architecture
Vol. III: The Cementeries, Gretna: Pelican Publish-
ing Co., 1974.

Curtis and Davis Architects and Planners. New Orleans
Housing and Neighborhood Preservation Study. New
Orleans, Louisiana, July 1974.

Filipich, Judy Anne. Housing and Neighborhood Conservation
Experience in New Orleans. San Antonio, Texas: sub-
mitted for presentation, 57th Annual Conference
Planning 75: Innovation and Action, American Insti-
tutue of Planners.

Fitch, James Marston. "Environmental Aspects of the Pre-
servation of Historic Urban Areas," Monumentum,
vol. IX, 1973, pp. 39-59.

Freeman, Donald (ed.). Bastow Architecture, Cambridge, Mass.,
the M.I.T. Press, 1970.

Lemann, Bernard. The Vieux Carre--A General Statement. New
Orleans, Louisiana: Publication of the School of
Architecture, Tulane University, January, 1966.

Lillibridge, Robert M. "Historic American Communities:
Their Role and Potential," Part I and Part II,
American Institute of Planners Journal, vol. XIX,
Summer 1953, pp. 131-48, and Fall 1953, pp. 219-
226.

Providence City Plan Commission. College Hill, A Demonstra-
tion Study of Historic Area Renewal. Providence,
Rhode Island. Providence, Rhode Island: Charles G.
Cowen Ass., 1967. (First and second edition).




























The Vieux Carre Commission, City of New Orleans, Report
1970-1974.

Tulane University School of Architecture. A Study of the
Vieux Carre Water Front in the City of New Orleans,
New Orleans, August 1969.

Weismantel, William (A.I.A.). The Historic Districts Rele-
vant, Baslow: Proceedings fo National Conference
on Architectural Review, Landmarks, and Historic
Districts, 1970.

"Will Success Spoil the Vieux Carre?" Forum, vol. 130, no.
5, June 1969, pp. 79-82.

Wilson, Samuel, Jr. New Orleans Architecture, Vol. IV: The
Creole Faubourgues, Gretna: Pelican Publishing Co.,
1974.







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THE ECONOMIC IMPACT OF LOCAL ZONING

IN AN OLD HISTORIC DISTRICT.




















Jorge Cibran
AE 581 Winter Quarter
March 10, 1976



















Outline


I. Zoning

A. Definition

B. Advantages

C. Disadvantages

II. Real-Estate Values

A. Inner City Landmarks

B. Urban Conservation Zoning

C. Preserving threatened landmarks through zoning

D. Alternatives to building

III. Displacement

A. Displacement of inner-city residents

B. Distance-gradient

C. Helpful programs

D. Other problems

a) Overheating

b) Surrounding communities benefitting from the historic
district

c) Conclusions










The Economic Impact of Local Zoning in an Old Historic district


Zoning


In the following pages 1 shall try to describe the economic impact

of local zoning in an old historic district, however, before T do so T

think it is important that we understand the nature of zoning itself

and the advantages and disadvantages that go along with it.

Zoning represents one way, out of a large number of approaches,

that are used to control property in a manner which will tend to in-

sure or improve the chances of it being preserved. Tt is a device by

which the local governments can regulate the use, bulk, height, lot cov-

erage, building setback and other characteristics of private property.

This is done through an ordinance which divides the city into districts,

with individual regulations pertaining to each district.

Most aspects of zoning have been well accepted by the courts. The

only point of controversy in recent years concerns the right of munici-

palities to use zoning as a device to regulate the aesthetic or apoear-

ance of buildings. However, even in this matter, the judicial presedence

for aesthetic regulations in a historic district has become fairly well

established.

Zoning has a number of advantages. Through zoning fairly large

areas, neighborhoods or districts, can be controlled at a single time.

This is done through a reviewing agency which has jurisdiction over each

historic district. This is usually a special historic district commis-

sion, which is mentioned in the ordinance and has the authority to approve

or reject the owner's proposals. Tn most cases these commissions are

public agencies and have continuing or permanent juisdiction and control

over the historic district.








-2-

Another advantage of zoning is that it has 'been politically and

judicially accepted. The courts have generally taken a friendly view

concerning regulations of historic districts and in recent years have

rendered many favorable decisions. The acceptance of these ordinances

has also held up because of their wide acceptance by the private owners

of the buildings in the historic district.

A third advantage of zoning is that it comes free. This is a

right that the owner has given up without compensation from the local

government and in recognition of greater benefits to his neighborhood

and the general public.

Zoning also has many disadvantages. A particular city may not have

the authority to adopt city ordinances favorable to preservation. Or,

even if it does have such authority there is always the danger that the

historic district would be located out of the limits of its jurisdiction

Second, zoning is always subject to political influence. Amend-

ments can be made after the ordinance has been adopted which can result

in lowering the quality of the regulations and, in general, in lowering

the quality of the entire area.

There is also the problem of enforcement, or lack of it. This in-

cludes from the lack of financial resources for adequate personnel to

outright corruption and graft in the commission. Adding to the problem

has been the traditional reluctance of the governing boards to go before

the courts unless absolutely necessary. There is also a, more complex

aspect of enforcement which deals with aesthetic regulations. Aesthetic

controls may include everything from landscaping and architecture to

door-knobs and shutters and these regulations call for well trained in-

spection personnel. Many times moeney-is- needed to hire such personnel.

Tt has not been available and thus decisions were made by people vho had

little or no professional training.




























-3-

A fourth disadvantage of zoning are the uncertainties associated

with a non-museum area, where historic properties sit in isolation or

small groups and are surrounded by large buildings. Tn this situation

the courts will undoubtedly have to decide the real historic merit of

an area and its benefit to the general public.

Finally there is the problem of design standards, specifically

their use and interpretation. The question arises whether it is better

to apply a general standard or whether it is better to provide specific

guidance in terms of architectural design and details. There is no right

answer to this question and each district must decide for itself according

to its particular program and needs.











Real-Estate Values


A historic district is a group of buildings or neighborhood of

buildings which are of the nineteenth century or earlier origin and

whose historical value 6r architectural character are protected by

law. Some of the best known are the Vieux Caree in New Orleans,

Colonial Williamsburg in Virginia, Georgetown in Washington, D.C.,

and Beacon Hill in Boston.

When zoning began to be used as a preservation tool owners claim-

ed that this would reduce the value of their holdings but this has not

been the case and real-estate values have continued to be high.

A major problem in recent years has been that of trying to save

landmarks. Most historic neighborhoods have been zoned either multi-

family or commercial. This has the effect of increasing land values

and decreasing property value, Since it is prime land, it also dis-

courages investment for an existing structure. In this case the owner

would receive a greater return on his investment by demoloshing the

building and marketing the land at a price comparable with its zoning.

In multi-family zoning districts many times the high-rise apartment

complexes are built. Preservationists argue that these destroy the

historic character of the neighborhood and cause displacement of the

lower-income individuals.

An approach to solve this problem has been developed. Tt is

called Urban Conservation.Zoning and applies to historic inner city

neighborhoods. It is an urban design approach where the land is sep-

arated from the building. Under this plan neighborhoods would retain

their residential or commercial zoning, however, new construction must








-5-


meet the scale, proportioning and detail requirements with the ex-

isting street scene. By requiring new construction to be harmonious

with existing buildings, the building potential for a piece of land

is reduced and there is less pressure to demolish the existing struc-

ture. Although Urban Conservation Zoning doesn't prevent demolition,

it does require that the new building be of adequate size, height, and

bulk in relation to the existing neighborhood.

In certain instances zoning has been used directly to help a

threatened landmark. A good example of this is the Plaza Hotel in New

York. In 1963 it was in danger of being replaced by a large office

building. Here the planning commission made a change involving a

number of blocks including the Plaza Hotel site. Under the new pro-

visions, the residential character of this area would be preserved and

therefore a commercial office building could no longer be built on this

site.

Zoning is also used as a tool in preserving whole neighborhoods

as in the case of Brooklyn. Here there are almost fifty blocks in

which the height of new buildings is limited to fifty feet. This pro-

vision encourages rehabilitation and maintenance of the existing nine-

teenth century buildings and at the same time the real-estate values

remain high.

There are other governmental decisions which can preserve land-

marks regardless of their real-estate value. The landmark in this par-

ticular case, would belong to the municipal government. A rroup of

supporters could influence the commission so that they would not sell

the site to a developer, thereby saving the landmark.

High land values is a major reason why landmarks are lost. However,

the lack of imagination in using the building in new ways and giving






































it a new life has also contributed to their destruction. There are

many examples where buildings have been restored or rehabilitated

for about half the cost of a new building and at a time when buLld-

ing prices are constantly soaring. This may provide a good alter-

native.










Displacement


There have been many hypothesis stating that generally the des-

ignation of a historic district attracts private investment and changes

the socio-economic level of the community by forcing the displacement

of residents who can not afford the increase in rent.

Zoning which stimulates destruction of inner city landmarks has

its greatest effect on disadvantaged and middle-class groups. Here

the residents are not displaced because of high rental values. They

are displaced because the new building is for commercial use and there

is no housing of any kind provided.

In recent studies a "distant gradient" has been discovered. Es-

sentially this is the relationship between the size of a building and

the distance to the center of the city. Therefore it is common to see

an inner city historic landmark surrounded by skyscrapers. Most of

these landmarks were erected before 1900 and zoning after 1900 in re-

lation to the distance gradient has encouraged the replacement of low

density historic housing with large commercial office buildings.

The following are rough estimates by ":. '1eimantie to show the

scale of emerging conflict of who will occupy historic dwellings:

'yIn 1960 there were 58 million dwelling units in the U.S. As many as

8-10 million of these were built before 1890. T estimate that less

than a million of these 8-10 million pre-1890 dwelling units are within

historic districts. The other 7-9 million dwelling units are likely

occupied by disadvantaged families who might be displaced in expansion

of present historic districts or the creation of new ones."1'



1. Weismantle, "'., Are Historic Districts Pelevant?
1970, pp.5-4.












Based on the experience of the 1960"s we can assume that the

remaining inner city historic buildings will fall into one of the

following categories: 1) They will become historic districts

occupied by high-income individuals; 2) They will become historic

districts occupied by disadvantaged individuals or; 3) They will

be destroyed in order to make new buildings.

Programs have been established to deal with the displacement

of disadvantaged residents. Through public money for rehabilitation

the historic district could offer rents of varying levels and since

public funding rather than private investment was used, it would

guarantee that a certain percentage of the units remain at an af-

fordable level for lower income residents. Until such money or pro-

grams are made available the displacement of lower income residents

will undoubtedly occur.

There are other problems that.have been encountered by old his-

toric districts. One being that of "'overheating". This refers to

the fact that after a historic district becomes successful, develop-

ers and businessmen have a tendency of trying to make it an even bigger

success. They want to widen the streets, enlarge buildings, ad6 more

structures, etc. Unfortunately when this begins to happen the authen-

ticity and quality of the historic district is lost andoa cycle of

self-destruction begins to take hold.

Other cases have pointed out where a surrounding community would

benefit more, financially, than the historic district itself. Since

tourism is brought into these areas the surrounding community may be

made up of shops where these tourists would spend their money. Even

though the historic district was the initial drawing card, it does not

derive the greatest financial benefit. A system where-by these



























surrounding communities would pay a certain percentage of their

earnings to the historic district would be a logical approach. How-

ever, this should be doneat the planning stages, where compromLses

can be worked out. If it isn't done at the planning stage cooper-

ation becomes rather difficult.

Very often a particular house or building is not of sufficient

interest to demand landmark status, however they compose a street

scene that can not be replaced by present building standards. The

job of the preservationist has been to draw attention to the house,

the street, and the inner city neighborhood. Their job includes

influencing the private community to invest in these areas. We

are not looking toward the past to answer our present problems but

we are entering an era of conservation where it may be wise to pre-

serve our resources and realize their long lasting value.












BIBLIOGRAPHY


Clawson and Knetch. Economics of Outdoor Recreation.
Published for Resources for the Future by Johns
Hopkixs Press, 1966.

Historic Preservation Plan, Savannah, Georgia, April 1973,
HH 1.2: SA9 US HUD.

Historic Preservation in San Francisco's Inner Mission.
May 1973, HHi2:SA5 US HUD.

Bureau of Government Research. Plan and Program for the
Preservation of the Vieux Care6. 1968, HiH 1.2/G:
Vi/c.

* Filipich, Judy Ann. Housing and Neighborhood Experience
in New Orleans. 1975.

* Galbreath, Carol. Conservation: The New World of Old
Neighborhoods.

* Back Boy (Boston) Residential District Guidelines. 1968.

* Weismantle, W. Are Historic Districts Relevant? 1970.

Hoyt, Homer. The changing principles of land economics.
From horse and buggy to the nuclear age; fifteen
20th century revolutions that have changed land
economics. Washington Urban Land Institute. 1968.

Hoyt, Homer. One hundred years of land values in Chicago;
the relationship of the growth of Chicago to the
rise in its land values 1830-1933. Chicago, Ill.
The University of Chicago Press, 1933.

Hoyt, Homer. The plan for an economic survey of the regions
of New Jersey. 1947.

Hoyt and Martin. Principles of real estate. New York,
Ronald Press Co., 1954.

Stoney and Simons. This is Charleston; a survey of the
architectural heritage of a unique American city.
Chareston, S. C., Carolina Art Association, 1944.
















Costonis, John J. Space Adrift. Saving Urban Landmarks
through the Chicago Plan. Published for the National
Trust for Historic Preservation by the University
of Illinois Press. Urbana, Chicago, London, 1974.

"Dollars and Sense: Preservation Economics," Historic Pre-
servation, vol. 23, no. 2, 1971, Washington, D. C.:
National Trust, p. 18.

Brown, Theodore. "Easement vs. Zoning: Preservation
Tools," Historic Preservation, vol. 20, no. 2 (April-
June 1968), pp. 78-86.


Additional Sources:


"Criteria for Evaluating Historic Sites and Buildings." A
Report by The Committee on Standards and Surveys,
The National Trust for Historic Preservation, Washing-
ton, D. C.

Turnbull, Rutherford R. "Aesthetics Zoning and Property
Values," Wake Forrest Law Review, vol. 7, no. 2,
1971, p. 26.

"A Report on Principles and Guidelines for Historic Preser-
vation in the United States." Washington, D. C.:
National Trust for Historic Preservation, Leaflet
Series, October 31, 1964.

Stripe, Robert E. "Civic Action and Historic Zoning,"
Popular Government, June-July 1963, pp. 20-26.

Ziegler, Arthur P. Historic Preservation in Inner City
Areas: A Manual of Practice. Pittsburgh: Alle-
gheny Press, 1971, p. 85.

"Historic Preservation in Urban Areas," (pamphlet), Depart-
ment of Housing and Urban Deve1_2ment, Governmutnt
Printing Office: 1970.

"Historic Zoning: A New Tool for Tennessee Communities."
Nashville, Tennessee. State Planning Commission,
May, 1965.

Costonis, John J. "Preservation of Urban Landmarks."
Architectural Forum, March, 1972, p. 3.






























3





McCahill, Peter J. "Saving a Neighborhood through Historic
Preservation," Journal of Housing, April 1967, pp.
168-172.

Hoyt, Homer. Where the rich and poor people live; the loca-
tion of residential areas occupied by the highest
and lowest income families in American cities.
Washington, Urban Land Institute, 1966.

* Planning Department, University of Florida.
















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CONTEMPORARY BUILDINGS

IN

A HISTORICAL SETTING


Fernando Prieto
AE 581
Winter 75-76






























INTRODUCTION..................... ................. pg.1

HISTORIC PRESERVATION: Defenition.................pg.2

DESIGN CRITERIA. ....... ....... .................. pg.4

ILLUSTRATIONS ................... ........ ...........pg.7

CONCLUSION.... ........ ...... .. ...... .... ..... .... pg.9

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS................. ..... .....pg.10

BIBLIOGRAPHY............. ..........................pg.11
















INTRODUCTION


"Society has many built-in time spanners that help to
link the present generation with the past. Our sense of
the past is developed by contact with the older generation,
by our knowledge of history, by the accumulated heritage
of art, music, literature and the objects that surround us,
each of which has a poit of origin in the past, each of which
provides us with a trace of identification with the past."


-Future Shock


We humans are the only beings which has the power to

remember and to associate forms with events. The need for

knowledge of our past heritage is the only means by which

we can keep a proper perspective of our future. In my opi-

nion, this belief is what links us directly with the His-

toric Preservation movement in this country. For our en-

vironment is dominated by our architecture, which not only

gives us shelter but also gives us a sense of place.


Through time our technology expands and our needs change

resulting in newer neighborhoods. As time goes on the older

neighborhoods remain leaving them with no choice but to change

with the times. And this where my project comes in, because

many of these older neighborhoods are perfect as a visual

teaching tool and reminder of our past. Therefore, when a

contemporary structure starts invading a historical area it

must be treated in a way that it will not detract from the














surroundings that vitally links us with the past.



HISTORIC PRESERVATION: Definition



historic preservation (his tor ik), (pres er va shun),n.
1).Act or process of preserving a building, group of
buildings, site or area which is historically or
architecturally significant.1


When one thinks of preservation, one immediately thinks

of upkeeping a building or group of buildings through "a good

maintenance program."2 But is that really the only way to

preserve old buildings? If we looked at historic preserva-

tion from another point of view and at a larger scale (that

of a historic district), then things begin to happen. We

all know that eventually a building in a historical district

will be demolished. Either because it was not feasible to

maintain or it could not be made productive. For whatever

the reason, once a building is demolished it will leave a

permanent scar on the existing architectural fabric which

will definitely detract from the existing neighborhood.

Thus in order to "preserve" the quality of the neighborhood

something must replace the empty gap. This can be done with


1. Glenn, Marsha, Historic Preservation: A Handbook for
Architecture Students, A.I.A. institute Scnolar program,
1974.
2. Dr. William J. Murtagh, Class lecture, January 7, 1976.
















a "contemporary design which harmonizes with the heritage of

the past through its awareness of scale and materials.

Distinctive early architecture gains nothing by being a

neighbor to the kind of historical fakery that inserts so-

called "reproductions" to fill in the gaps in townscapes.

As stated in the UNESCO Recommendations concerning the safe-

guarding of the beauty and character of landscapes and sites,

in the construction of all types of public and private build-

ings: "These should be designed as to meet certain aesthetic

requirements in respect of the building itself and, while avoid-

ing a facile imitation of certain traditional picturesque

forms, should be in harmony with the general atmosphere which

it is desired to safeguard."3 Let me point out that this

does not only apply for designated historical districts but

also to areas which are not yet fifty years old and therefore

is not eligible to be on the National Register.


So you see, a "contemporary" architect can play an im-

portant role in the preservation movement today. For once

he masters the all-eternal problem of how to integrate a new

building with an old, he will trully be a designer.




3. Historic Preservation Tomorrow, Principles ahd Guidelines,
Williamsburg, Virginia, National Trust for Historic Preser-
vation and Colonial Williamsburg, 1967.


















the criteria
1. Height, This is a
mandatory criteria that
new buildings be
constructed to a height
within 10 percent of the -
average height of existing
adjacent buildings.


2. Proportion of buildings' fron
facades. The relationship
between the width and height of
the front elevation of the
building.


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3. Proportion of openings within
the facoad. The relationship of
width to height of windows and
doors.














/. Rhythi/ of solids to voids in
front ica,'de. Rhythm bei'iig an
ordered curreliit alterni ion of
-Ii i Iu \vci'd < i ienc'its.
M(.\vi |l,",t ;m individil:l
ihylhm ,of tmosscs Io opclings.


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5. Rhythm of spacing of buildhngs on
streets. Moving past a sequence of
buildings, one experiences a rhythm of
recurrent building niiasses to siaces
between them.


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NHY'M 4-1-4. 1-4


I^HYTH-M 4-1-4-1-4


6. Rhythm of entrance and/or porch
projections. The relationships of entrances to
sidewalks. Moving past a sequence of
structures, one experiences a rhythm of
entrances or porch projections at an intimate
scale.


1 ~ 1111 1


RHYTHM


I I 1 1


7. Relationship of materials.
Within an area, the predominant
material may be brick, stone,
stucco. wood siding or other
material.



8. Relationship of textures. The
predominant texture may lie
smooth (stucco), rough (brick
with tooled joints), horizontal
wood siding or otlier textures.



9. Relationship of color. The
predominant color may be that
of a natural material, a
painted one or a patina colored
by time. Accent or blending
colors of trim is also a factor.



10. Relationship of architectural
details. Details may include
cornices, lintel, arches, quoins,
balustrades, wrought iron work,
34 chimneys, etc.


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11. Relationship of roof shapes. The majority
of buildings may have gable, umanrsard, hip,
flat roofs or others.




12. Walls of continuity.
Physical ingredients
such as brick walls,
wrought iron fences,
evergreen landscape
masses, building facades
or combination of these,
form continuous,
cohesive walls of
enclosure along the
~ reet.

13. Relationship of land-
scaping. There inoy be a
predominance of a
particular quality and
quantity of landscaping. W ALL,6S
This concern is more
with mass and
continuity.



14. Ground cover. There may be a predomina
in the use of brick pavers, cobble stones, granite
blocks, tabby or other materials.


15. Scale. Scale is created by
the size of units of
construction and architectural
detail that relate to the
size of man. Scale is also
determined by building mass
and how ii relates to open
space. The predominant
element of scale may be brick
or stone units, windows
or door openings,
porches and ,i
balconies, etc.


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UNIT- O or 5CAL-e


16. Directional expression of
front elevation. Structural
shape, placement of openings
and architectural details may
give a predominantly vertical,
horizontal or non-directional
character to the building's
front facade.


VeKTICAL- HO IZONTAL.
























II.






III.



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IV.















In Savannah, Georgia, a survey was taken within the

historic district analyzing predominant design characteristics

which were similar from building to building. These design

criterias totaled to 16. They are illustrated in pages 4-6.

Hopefully by being familiar with these criterias they will

become a working tool for future architects. Since the na-

ture of this report tends to be more visual than anything

else, I included some existing projects from all around the

U.S. in order to allow you to compare them with the 16 cri-

terias from Savannah. This way you might be able to see

how each differ from project to project.


CONCLUSION


The intent of this paper was not only to point out the

importance of contemporary desings in historical settings

but also to give you an idea of how to approach a desing of

this nature. Of coarse, one must realize that the scope of

this subject is far greater than that of this project. For

not only is knowledge of design and architectural history

required, but also that of planning and preservation. In

fact, I suspect that this could turn out to be a quite inte-

resting subject for a thesis project. After all, the way

the economy has been lately a study of this source might prove

helpful since preservation is on the rise.
























ILLUSTRATIONS


I, Wells Fargo Bank Building Oakland, California, by
Gruen Associates.

II. Citizens Federal Savings and Loan, San Francisco,
California. By Clark & Beuttls architects.

III. Boston Library, Boston, Mass., Philip Johnson Architect.

IV. Police and Fire Station, Wstford, Mass., by Ecodesign
of Cambridge.

V. Arts and Living Center, New York, New York, by Prentice,
Chan, and Ohlhausen architects.


SLIDES


VI. Newr York Bar Center, Albany, New York.

VII. Park-DanForth Home for the Elderly, Portland, Maine.

VIII. Residence of Mr. & Mrs. Steve Trentman, Washington, D.C.


* from Architectural Record, December 1971.



















BIBLIOGRAPHY


1. "The Capture of the Sun in California", Progressive
Architecture, page 95, December 1974.
2. "Core on the Gore", Progressive Architecture, page 172,
August 1965.

3. "Contemporary Buildings in Historical Districts",
Historic Preservation, pg. 16, Jan-March 1971,
4. Glenn, Marsha, Historic Preservation: A Handbook for
Architecture Students, A.I.A. Institute Scholar Program,
1974.
5. Historic Preservarion Tomorrow, Principles and Guidelines,
Williamsburg, Virginia, National Trust for Historic
Preservation and Colonial Williamsburg, 1967.
6. Lillibridge, Robert, M.,"Historic American Communities:
Their Role and Potential-Part TI", American Institute
of Planners, pg.219, Summer 1953.

7. Legal Techniques in Historic Preservation, National
Trust for Historic Preservation, 1972.
8. "New England Tradition", Progressive Architecture,
Pg. 32, November 1975.
9. "Society Hill Gossip", Progressive Architecture, pg. 94,
June 1969.

10. "Street Smarts", Progressive Architecture, pg. 64,
November 1975.

11. "Two Libraries by Philip Johnson", Progressive Architecture,
pg. 32, February 1973.



























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HISTORIC RECONSTRUCTION


Daniel F. Perez-Zarraga

AE 581

Professor Blair Reeves
Dr. William Murtagh

Winter 1976


























TABLE OF CO:TL-TTS



I. Purpose of the Study

II. Historic Reconstruction: Definition

III. Historic Reconstruction: Why and How

IV. Major Reconstructions

V. The Validity of Reconstruction

VI. Conclusion

Footnotes

Bibliography



















I. PURPOSE OF THE STUDY


The intent of this study has been to attain an overall

insight into the basis of historic reconstructions. The

major emphasis will be directed towards reconstruction

work in the United States, prior to and'after Williams-

burg; reconstruction activity in Europe after World War

II; and some examples of reconstructions throughout the

development of the history of architecture.


To get this insight into historic reconstructions, the

study has been focused towards understanding the basic

rationalization of Why and How?


Next, the study will present systematic analysis of

major reconstructions (who, what, when, where, how).

And finally, the study will attempt to set up a system of

values, whether pro or con, of historic reconstructions

as a phase of the preservation movement.

























II. HISTORIC RECONSTRUCTION: DEFINITION


RECONSTRUCT:





RECONSTRUCTION:



HISTORIC
RECONSTRUCTION:


to construct again; reassemble,

reestablish. 1



the action of reconstructing.




to construct again, a full scale

model of a building that no longer

exists based on factual documented

research about the original building.











III. HISTORIC RECONSTRUCTIONS: WHY AND HOW?


WHY: -because of an association with well known,
historical characters and or events

-because the subject is a work of art, the
work of a phenomenal mind

-because it contained a technological inno-
vation

-because it is a good example of a particular
architectural style or building archetype

-because it is in the interest of both
aesthetics and intelligibility 3

-because a building, district, site, structure,
etc. has group value; it will make a total
composition blend together in harmony

-because it recognizes the cultural values,
shifting the emphasis from subject matter to
form while "discerning the logic of an
evolving civilization" 4

-because it contains innumerable value in pre-
serving the traditions of the past as they
have their form in architecture 5

-because there exists a need for the generations
to come, as well as ours, to study the past.



HOW: -through the use of extensive architectural,
archeological, and historical documentation

-from background of similar buildings' exteriors
and interiors

-through a sociological study of the period
in question

-through studies of building material and
construction techniques

-through an analysis of the design methodologies
of the period





























-through the consideration of the character
and aims of the original builder 6

-through anastylosis: the term applied to
the process of reconstructing a structure
from fallen parts 7

-through a detailed study of any data on the
structure, recorded prior to its destruction

-through the methodical analysis and experimen-
tal assembly of the surviving parts (a process
of questionable veracity). 8











IV. MAJOR RECONSTRUCTIONS


New Salem, Illinois


After the end of Worl War I, a new phase of historic

preservation began, reconstruction. People organized

to rebuild significant buildings and sites which had

been destroyed, either by man or nature.


One of the first of these reconstruction schemes is

an effort recreate Abraham Lincoln's old home town,

New Salem, Illinois, and upon completion, convert it

into a state park.


William Randolph Hearst had given the land of the site

of the town to the Old Salem Chautauqua Association in

1906. G. E. Nelson, board member of the Association, in

1916, took it upon himself to promote the reconstruc-

tion of the town and in so doing, created the Old Salem

Lincoln League. Through the years, 1917 to 1919, the

League held many fund raising activities to acquire

enough capital to begin building. The Illinois lawmakers

were very impressed with the League's activities and in

the Spring of 1919, passed an act which created the Old

Salem State Park.


The actual reconstruction of the town did not come about

until the days of the Depression in the 1930's.











Theodore Roosevelt's Birthplace at 28 E. 20th St., N.Y.


After the death of Theodore Roosevelt in 1919, two

organizations are formed to continue his memory: the

Roosevelt Memorial Association, a men's organization,

and the .,omen's Roosevelt Memorial Committee. 10 Within

two months after Roosevelt's death, the Women's Gommittee

had purchased the original building envelope. "Before

the house was sold several years ago for commercial uses

it was a four-story brownstone, but alterations to make

it useful for a restaurant and shops made it only of two

stories, so that the interior will have to be restored

entirely." 11


In February of 1920, Theodate Pope, a female architect

from Farmington, Connecticul is brought on to reconstruct

the house. The entire approach was geared at achieving

the state of the house at the time of Roosevelt's birth.

There were many problems as to the authenticity of the

design but work was finally completed in October, 1923.

(See slide)


The John Hancock Mansion, Ticonderoga, New York.


The original Hancock Mansion had been built in Boston,

Massachussetts. It was destroyed in 1863 as the result

of developers' acquisition of the property. 12 In 1917

the governor of Massachusetts proposed the rebuilding











of the mansion on its original site as the governor's

residence. His proposal was ignored.


It was not until 1923, that Horace A. Moses, a paper

manufacturer proposed to build a house in Ticonderoga,

New York that would act as the Headquarters for the

New York State Historical Association. Moses indicated

that he would prefer a fireproof reproduction of some

old, historically significant building. The Association

suggested the reconstruction of the Hancock Mansion, as

its major building materials were stone and brick and

it was associated with a very important individual in

the development of the United State. 13


The New York State Historical Association completed the

reconstruction in 1926, based on a series of measured

drqwings done by a young architect, named John Sturgis,

before the demolition of the original structure. 14



Beniah Titcomb House, -Newburyport, Massachussetts.


This house is typical of the problem of disassembly;

removal and then reconstruction on a new site. The

City of Newburyport, in 1911, bought the property on

which the house was built. The house contained some

very interesting and well preserved seventeenth century

woodwork and the city gave the building to the S.P.N.E.A.,

if the society would move it. The most valuable parts











of the interior were removed and placed in the

S.P.N.E.A. museum. 15


Ralph Burnham bought the remains of the original house

and in 1917, finally re-erected the Titcomb house in

Essex, Massachussetts.


Abraham Lincoln's Log Cabin, Hodgenville, Kentucky.


There has been great difficulty in tracing the origins

of the log cabin, presumably Lincoln's, which has been

reconstructed inside of the Lincoln Memorial Building

in Hodgenville, Kentucky. (See slide)


Richard L. Jones and Robert Collier, of Collier's magazine

became interested in preserving the Lincoln farm area.

In 1905, Jones announced the formation of the Lincoln

Farm Association whose chief aims were to include the

reconstruction of the original log cabin, the erection

of a monument to Lincoln, the building of a historical

museum, and the general upkeep of the farm. 16


The "original" log cabin had been dismantled before the

beginning of the century and the logs were in storage

in a building in Long Island City. In 1909, the Associa-

tion bought the logs in anticipation for the building

of the museum. The memorial building was finished in

1911, housing the reconstructed log cabin.











Reconstruction in the West.


Due to the early construction in the West, reconstruction

or partial reconstruction is the specific preservation

program of the area.


One of the major problems in the West was the lack of

geographical unity with the rest of the nation, and

when this was combined with natural catastrophes, mainly

earthquakes, reconstruction was the only route to be

taken.


The major restoration and reconstruction projects of the

West consisted of the rebuilding of Spanish missions in

the area of southern California, down towards Mexico.

The main force behind the preservation movement in

this area was the Catholic Church. It helped restore and

reconstruct numerous missions such as: the Mission of

San Antonio de Padua, San Luis Obispo de Tolsa, San Carlos

Borromeo Mission in Carmel, and the Mission Santa Barbara.18


The Mission Carmel in Carmel, California is representative

of the typical reconstruction work done in the West from

the turn of the century through the 1920's. (See slide)



Williamsburg, Virginia.


Williamsburg, Virginia is historic district, of national

significance, begun by the egocentric efforts of









Mr. John D. Rockefeller in the middle 1920's. "The

reconstruction of Williamsburg, the old colonial

capital of Virginia, carried out with remarkable skill

and thoroughness, is a monument to the fine taste of

its period as well as to the painstaking research of

its restorers." 19 The project if unique, both on

account of the extensive scope, and because it is a

superb example of the late Seventeenth and early

Eighteenth century.


The concept of restoring the major portion of the city

also included the decision to rebuild a number of

historically as well as functionally important buildings

that had disappeared. Without these buildings, the

significance of Williamsburg as an educational tool

would have been incomplete. In order to carry out the

project, Rockefeller assembled an organization composed

of archeologists, architects, and engineers to conduct

the documented research. The architectural firm of

Perry, Shaw, and Hepburn were commissioned to take

charge of the restoration. 20


The best known of the "more than ninety that have been

build anew on the original foundations," are the

Governor's Palace and the Capitol. 21 Fortunately,

a copper engraving, circa 1740, was discovered at the

Oxford University and known as the Bodleian Plate, aided

in the reconstruction of these two very important buildings.

(See slides)










Tryon Palace, New Bern, North Carolina.


The original palace built between 1767 and 1770 served

as North Carolina's capitol from 1770 through 1794.

It had been designed by an English architect, John Hawks,

who came at the service of William Tryon, the first

governor of North Carolina. The building was destroyed

by fire in 1798. 23


Tryon Palace had very strong regional historical impor-

tance, and it is on this note that the reconstruction

was constituted. A much altered wing and original sket-

ches by Hawks were the starting point of the operation.

The reconstruction was in progress for seven years, made

possible by a bequest of the late Mrs. Maude Moore Latham.

The work was completed in the late 1950's. 24 (See slides)


Court House, Appomattox, Virginia.

The Court House in Appomattox, Virginia is of significant

national importance in that the surrender agreement and

peace treaty of the Civil War was conducted here. The

original building was constructed during 1855 and the

reconstruction project was completed in 1963. The following

quote best shows the feeling of this reconstruction.

"It stands in all its newness, attempting a statement of

time, a statement that rings somewhat hollow with the

absence of that venerable quality, age." 25 (See slide)










City of Refuge, Hawaii.


The City of Refuge is an ancient Hawaiian sanctuary

on the island. This was a reconstruction project that

helped in the restoration of the entire area. In the

reconstruction, a stone platform of religious importance

is disassembled for archeological research, and a re-

inforced concrete platform is placed instead. There

has occurred a destruction process within the restora-

tion. "The search for knowledge can be as damaging in

historic preservation as the bulldozer." 26



Dr. William Thronton's Philadelphia Library,
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.


The Library, built in 1789, had long ceased to exist

when in 1958 the building is reconstructed to serve

as the Library of the American Philosophical Society.

The reconstruction process is at is weakest here be-

cause a later building on the original site was demo-

lished in order to accommodate the reconstruction. Is

this reconstruction or destruction? 27


Hopewell Iron Furnace Complex, Hopewell, Pennsylvania.


The Hopewell Iron Furnace complex was reconstructed in

an attempt to exemplify a typical manufacturing complex

of the early industrial development of the U.S. 28 (See

slides)











Reconstructions Outside the United States.


The period after World War II, saw much destruction in

Europe, especially in England, France, Germany, Italy,

the Soviet Union and Poland. In order to look at some

reconstruction programs executed to retaliate the war,

the paper will look at the work done in the Old Town

in Warsaw, the Hermitage in Lenningrad and bridge of the

Castelvecchio at Verona, Italy. These examples are just

a few of the numerous reconstruction schemes and are

typical of the process followed.



Old Town, Warsaw, Poland.


Most of the Old Town, the centre of the city of Warsaw,

was totally destroyed during the war. It dated back

to approximately the Eighteenth century. Fortunately

for the Polish people, in about 1790, a painter named

Bernado Belloto had painted twenty large detailed views

of-Warsaw, including the centre of Warsaw. Also, detailed

studies of the major buildings had been done by the

students and professors of the architecture school as

part of the curricula. All these records were intact

after the war, so a decision was arrived as to the re-

building of the Old Town and the reproduction of fascades

of the buildings lining the Market Square. The work was

undertaken by the government so that it was in the











interest of private individuals to recover as much as

possible from the ruins of their former buildings to

aid in the reconstruction of Warsaw. 29 And now, even

though the critics argue that Warsaw is not the same

as it was before the war, that it is merely a copy,

Warsaw stands as a symbol of the historical as well as

cultural heritage of the Polish people. 30



The Hermitage in Lenningrad, U.S.S.R.


The Hermitage in Lenningrad was very badly damaged

during the was and in the span of twenty years, from

1944 to 1964, has been rebuilt to approximate quite

accurately how it looked before. The work involved the

establishment of schools to train craftsmen as to

construction techniques used during the Seventeenth

and Eighteenth centuries. 31 (See slides)



Bridge of the Castelvecchio, Verona, Italy.


The bridge was completed in 1356, on the site of a now

demolished Roman bridge. The bridge had been part of

the system of fortifications of Castevecchio. The bridge,

which had survived the pressures of time, was blown up

by the retreating German army in April 1945. Due to the

fact that the bridge was s significant part of the

city's panorama, it is decided to be reconstructed.












A model of the bridge and detailed photographic documen-

tation were used as the factual information. The bridge

was reconstructed from the stones and brick that it

originally consisted of and antique construction tech-

niques were employed also. The work was completed in

1950. 32 (See slides)


Other major reconstructions throughout the development

of architecture, will have to include the Parthenon

(see slide), in the Acropolis in Athens. The approach

here was not to attempt a total reconstruction, but

rather to erect the columns and the frieze and leave the

building in ruins as a symbol of the past civilizations.

Also to be included in this area of Greek ruins, is the

Temple of Apollo in Didyma (see slides). In this site,

the columns have been assembled through anastylosis to

give the visitor an impression of the scale of the

original building. 33


The Roman Forum in Rome has also been reconstructed to

some degree, but has been left in its ruined state as a

monument to the Roman Empire.


The Campanile in the Piaza San Marco in Venice was also

rebuilt. The Campanile was designed and built by Jacopo

Sansobino during the middle of the Sixteenth century as

a culmination of the harmony of the Piaza. The present































Campanile dates from 1902 when it was reconstructed

after its fall.


Again, these are just some of the reconstructions

that explained the mentality and process of historic

reconstruction.













V. THE VALIDITY OF RECONSTRUCTION


The rule of thumb in preservation states, "Better preserve

than repair, better repair than restore, and better restore

than reconstruct." 3 Reconstructions were placed at the

bottom of the list because they are the least authentic of

the preservation process. Reconstructions stand as new, old

structures attempting to capture time, but yet they do not

have that distinguishable characteristic aged structures have,

patina. That weathered authentic feeling is not there and

therefore some reconstructions are quite often not believable.

Can we really be completely certain that what we are rebuilding

is correct in detail? Is this the best way to approach the

problem? ..'ht messages of historical importance are we trying

to express? These questions must be answered before a recons-

truction project is commissioned. 35


On the other hand, when is a restoration more true than a

a reconstruction? What is truth in history? There are no

simple solutions to reconstructions. What we seek in a re-

construction is an individual or national illusion. If a

reconstruction is to be used as an educational tool, through

enjoyment, to preserve the value of a cultural heritage,

then it should be considered. The reconstruction should be

accurate, authentic, and meaningfulreconstruction.

























VI. CONCLUSION



It has been the intent of this paper to give some

guidelines as to the process of historic reconstruc-

tion through the many reconstruction projects reviewed.


Of major importance to the paper, also, was to compile

a list of major reconstructions in the United States,

and hopefully this was achieved.


And lastly, through the help of various articles on

the subject, a kind of taboo has been tried to be

lifted from genuine, meaningful reconstruction.
















FOOTI'OTES


1. Woolf, p.966
2. Ibid.
3. UNESCO, p.18
4. Ibid, p.19
5. Comstock, Part I, p.227
6. UNESCO, p.50
7. Ibid, p.160
8. Ibid, p.161
9. Hosmer, p.146-147
10. Ibid, p.147
11. Ibid, p.148
12. Ibid, p.39
13. Ibid, p.277
14. Ibid, p.278
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid, p.143
17. Ibid, p.144
18. Ibid, p.123-130
19. Comstock, Part I, p..227
20. Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Legacy from the Past, p.12
21. Comstock, Part II, p.290
22. Ibid, Part I, p.230
23. "Tryon Palace," Historic Preservation, p.57
24. Ibid.
25. Cliver, p.23
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.
28. UNESCO, p.237
29. Ibid, p.161
30. Ibid, p.162
31. Ibid, p.62
32. Ibid, p.195
33. Ibid, p.57
34. Cliver, p.24
35. Ibid.


















BIBLIOGRAPHY

Cliver, E. Blaine, "Reconstruction: Valid or Invalid,"
Historic Preservation, Oct. 72, p.22-25.

Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Legacy From the Past,
Holt, Rhinehart, Winston, Inc.,New York, 1971.

Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, The Williamsburg Collection
of Antique Furnishings, Holt Rhinehart, and Winston, Inc.
New York, 1973.

Comstock, Helen, "A Reconstructed City: Williamsur'.-'."
Part I, Part II, and Part III, The Connosieur, May,
June, July 1938.

Glenn, Marsha, Historic Preservation: A Handbook fdr
Architecture Students, A.I.A. Institute Scholar Program,
Washington, D.C. 1974.

Harvey, John, Conservation of Buildings, University of Toronto
Press, Toronto, Canada,1972.

Hosmer, Charles B. Presence of the Past, G. Putnam & Sons,
New York, 1965.

Insall, Donald W. The Care of Old Buildings Today, The
Architectural Press, London, 1972.

Summerson, John, "Place of Preservation in a Reconstruction
Programme," RIJAB, Vol. 49, Dec. 41.

UNESCO, Preserving and Restoring Monuments and Historic
Buildings, Unesco Press, Paris, 1972.







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