Curriculum rhetoric and contemporary practice in the Bahamian primary school system.

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Material Information

Title:
Curriculum rhetoric and contemporary practice in the Bahamian primary school system.
Physical Description:
Unknown
Language:
English
Creator:
Davis, Linda Agatha
Donor:
Linda A. Davis ( donor )
Publisher:
University of British Columbia ( Vancouver )
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
1992

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Curriculum planning -- Bahamas   ( mets )
Genre:
Non-fiction

Notes

Thesis:
This thesis provides information about curriculum rhetoric in the Bahamian primary education system.

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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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AA00000004:00001


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Full Text
xi
This dissertation is dedicated to my mother Joycelyn Yvonne Bosfield Davis who passed



away on October 4, 1990.


X







ACKNOWLEDGMENTS







I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Vincent D'Oyley for his support, both



personally and professionally, throughout my doctoral programme and during the writing



of this dissertation. I acknowledge Professor Frank Echols, my unrelenting critic and



friend, who insisted that I question and clarify issues. Professor Neil Sutherland joined



my doctoral committee later, but his insights were invaluable as I undertook the difficult



task of writing. I also wish to acknowledge the many professors in the Faculty of



Education, and Professor William McKellin from the Department of Anthropology, for



their assistance at various stages of my programme. Thanks to all of my colleagues in the



Department of Social and Educational Studies and throughout the Faculty of Education for



their support, and for sharing their experiences with me. Special thanks to my African



brothers who assisted me with my final preparations for the oral defence. I wish to express



my appreciation to my family, friends, and other significant persons in The Bahamas who



believed in me and stood by me throughout my programme. I also wish to recognize my



faithful walking companion for the last ten months, Augustus. I extend my appreciation to



The College of The Bahamas for granting me leave of absence to complete this dissertation.



Finally, I wish to acknowledge the teachers, administrators, and officials of The Bahamas



Ministry of Education without whom this study would not have been possible. In



particular, I sincerely thank the teachers and students who welcomed me into their



classrooms and permitted me to observe, question, and participate in their daily routines.


IX
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Classification of Teaching Positions 233







Table 2: Teachers with University Degrees 233







Table 3: Gender Composition of Teaching Population 234







Table 4: Availability of Suggested Textbooks By Subject 235







Table 5: Student Access to Suggested Texts By Subject 236








Table 6: Correspondence Between Suggested Texts and Guides By Subject 237







Table 7: Assistance Received From Ministry of Education By Subject 238


viii

Appendix C: Cover Letter of Questionnaire & Questionnaire Instrument 219
Appendix D: Tables 1-7 233


vii
Summary 137
Chapter synthesis 138

CHAPTER 7. INDIGENOUS MATERIALS AND A MORE COLLABORATIVE
SUPPORT NETWORK: TOWARDS THE REALIZATION OF THE INTENDED
CURRICULUM 140
Introduction 140
Resources 141
Production of indigenous materials: The issue of textbook content 144
Support services: Towards a more collaborative atmosphere 146
Curriculum Section: A functioning support unit? 147
Professional development opportunities 149
Teacher input 152
Internal dynamics of the school context 155
Personal backgrounds and professional experiences of teachers 173
Summary 175

CHAPTER 8. SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS 177
Summary 177
Curriculum Reform: A 'Multivariate Business' 178
Policy implications 186
DeUmitations 189
Suggestions for future research 190

Bibliography I93
Appendix A: Access Letter 212
Appendix B: Teacher's Letter of Particij^tion 216


vi
Availability and use of 1982 guides 65
Format and content of 1982 guides 65
Resource materials 66
Support services 67
Issues that emerge from the questionnaire data 68
Teachers' qualifications 68
General observations 70
Summary 74
CHAPTER 6. TEACHER-SCHOOL PROHLES 75
Introduction 75
Ms. June Dean and Western Primary School 77
Resources 80
Support services 87
Internal dynamics 89
Summary 92
Mrs. Carol Sweeting and Central Primary School 93
Teacher's subject preference: A case for subject specialists? 96
Resources 99
Learning environment 108
Intemal dynamics 109
Summary 116
Mrs. Mary Albury and Eastern Primary School 116
Resources 121
Leaming environment: A case of complex dimensions 128
Intemal dynamics 130
Examinations 134


Data Collection 28
Analysis of questionnaire items 29
Analysis of field note and interview data 29
The nature of validation 30
Generalizations from the data 32
ReUability 33

CHAPTER 4. THEMATIC EXAMINATION OF DOCUMENTS 35
Introduction 35
Focus on the future: White paper on education (1973) 35
Educational Development in an Archipelagic Nation (1974) 38
Education for national progress (1976) 44
Summary 47
Curriculum Policy Documents: The 1982 Curriculum Guides 48
Curriculum for Social Studies 49
Curriculum for Language Arts 52
Suggested Reading Curriculum for Primary Schools 54
Summary 56
Schemes of work 57
Language Arts 58
Sbcial Studies 59
Science 61
Summary 62

CHAPTER 5. RESULTS OF QUESTIONNAIRE INSTRUMENT 64
Introduction 64
Demographic data 64


iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS








Abstract ii



List of Tables ix



Acknowledgements x



Dedication xi







CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1



Background of the study 2



The composition and management of the Bahamian educational system 5



Overview of the study 7



Assumptions of the study 8







CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 13







CHAPTER 3. METHODOLOGY 18



Documents 18



Questionnaire 20



Survey instruments and ethnographic field enquiry 20



Instrument 21



Description 21



Sample 21



Participant Observation 22



Informal interviews 23



Selection of schools for the study 24



Selection of teachers 27


The evidence reported in the study pointed to several components that would



enhance success in the implementation of the intended curriculum. The question of



resource availability, specifically resources of an indigenous nature, was the most



significant issue uncovered by this study. In addition, the need for a more collaborative



support network for teachers was evident. Finally, the study highlighted the importance of



two components that are directly related to the formulation of policy. These include the



need for policy makers to use teacher experience and insight, and be more cognizant of the



factors that have an impact, both internally and externally, upon the school context.


ii







ABSTRACT








This study examined the 'intended' curriculum and the processes of its translation



into classroom practices. The 'intended' curriculum is the rhetoric incorporated in state



documents of the independence era in The Bahamas. These state documents included three



key general educational policy documents in which policy makers presented persuasive



arguments and strategies for the nation's development, and the curriculum guides based on



these earlier policy documents. Since these documents represent the educational intentions



and objectives of the nation, it was assumed that an examination of their rhetoric would



produce a portrait of the government's 'independence plan.' However, because one cannot



assume that rhetoric is translated into practice, this study also examined the extent to which



teachers in the Bahamiatt^mary School System have translated this 'independence plan'



into their contemporary pracli|jes.



The methods of investigation included documentary analysis, participant



observation, informal interviews withHKjassroom teachers and other Ministry of Education



officials, and a teacher questionnaire.



The documentary analysis revealed a continuity of themes ran throughout the major



educational documents. Foremost among these themes were the move toward the



Bahamianisation of the educational system, the production of indigenous materials, the



recognition of the classroom teacher as central in the reform process, and the importance of



communication between policy makers and teachers. Field investigations revealed a



divergency between the rhetoric of the educational policy documents and the practices



within the contemporary educational context. The study identified five major factors that



influence the success of the curriculum implementation process. These factors include



resources, support services, the intemal dynamics of the school context, assessment



practices, and the personal backgrounds and professional experiences of teachers.








CHAPTER 1


INTRODUCTION


The Commonwealth of The Bahamas is an archipelago that extends from the

Manzanilla Bank off the coast of Florida to Great Inagua, which is 590 miles to the south

east near Cape Nicholas, Haiti. The width of the archipelago stretches about 380 miles

from the Cay Sal Bank off Cuba to San Salvador in the western Atlantic Ocean. There are

some 700 islands and cays, yet only about 30 of them are inhabited. The total land mass of

The Bahamas, including small, uninhabited rocks and islets, is about 5,400 square miles.

New Providence, the island on which the capital, Nassau, is located, is 80 square miles.

Most of the islands are below 200 feet, and large areas of land are covered by brackish

water ponds or swamps. The land itself is poor with little soil or mineral wealth.

Most of the population and economic activity are situated on the islands of New

Providence and Grand Bahama. Tourism and offshore banking form the bases of the

Bahamian economy. The agricultural and industrial sectors are comparatively small. The

tourism sector employs about 50,000 people, roughly half the work force, while banking

employs a little over 3,000 persons, 95 percent of whom are Bahamians. Bahamian people

enjoy one of the highest per capital incomes (about $9,000) in the region (Bahamas

handbook, 1990).

The Bahama Islands experience a subtropical climate with the temperatures seldom

above 92 degrees Fahrenheit, or below 40 degrees Fahrenheit. The islands can be affected

by hurricanes or tropical storms between June and November. Oolitic limestone, formed

by precipitation from sea water, is the major component of which the islands are made.

The indigenous population of The Bahamas, the Lucayans, gradually disappeared

after the controversial, historic landfall of Columbus in 1492. It was this time, 1492, that





2


marked the beginning of introduction of European and world ideas, and European

Christianity. Today's population includes descendants of African slaves, the Eleutheran

Adventurers, the Loyalists from the American continent, and twentieth century immigrants.

The population of The Bahamas is approximately one-quarter of a million inhabitants,

representing an increase of about 45,180 persons since the last census taken in 1980

(Stubbs, 1991). The 1980 census recorded a noticeable immigrant population in The

Bahamas. Stubbs (1991) reported that, according to the 1980 census, 88.59% of the

population was Bahamian, while the largest immigrant percentage was Haitian (4.93%).

The Anglican, Methodist, and Baptist churches were among the earliest to arrive in
The Bahamas, each trying to inculcate ideas of Protestant morality in its members.

According to Saunders (1990), early slave regulations of the then dominant white

population encouraged slaves to be instructed in the Christian religion. The Roman

Catholic Church came later and tried to fill a need (educational, medical, and social

services) which the others, because of dwindling funds, could no longer provide

adequately (Craton, 1986). Today, Bahamians are typically members of one of the several

Christian denominations in the islands. The Baptist, Anglican and Roman Catholic are the

three largest denominations found in the islands (Bahamas handbook, 1990).

Except for brief periods when the Spanish and Americans occupied the islands, the
British ruled from 1648-1973. On July 10, 1973 the colony gained its independence. The

parliamentary government of the nation is patterned on the British monarchy and recognizes

Queen Elizabeth II as Head of State and Head of the Commonwealth.


Background of the study


One of the most important tasks for the newly independent Commonwealth

Caribbean was that of restructuring the educational system. This restructuring included

two central elements. First, national leaders had to eradicate the dual system of education








established during the colonial era. Under the British colonial system one branch catered to

the ruling elites and urban middle class, while the other catered to the lower strata and the

rural folk class. The colonial power had intended to separate the school from the

indigenous culture. Secondly, new governments made systematic efforts to encourage

national unity through schools, mostly by incorporating Caribbean content into the school

curriculum.

The Bahamas was no exception. Leaders expanded educational facilities and made

efforts to improve and 'Bahamianise' the educational system. Throughout the 1970s, and

into the 1980s, the education budget continued to increase. In 1969, the government's

budget totalled approximately $99 million and the education budget was $15 million or 15

percent of the national budget. In 1976 when the government's total budget was $177

million, the Ministry of Education's was $38 million or 21 percent. In 1986 the figures

were $400 million and $82 million respectively, or 21 percent of the national budget

(Ministry of Education: Education Statistics, 1985-1986). The national leadership sought

to attain 'Bahamianisation' primarily by including indigenous components in the

curriculum, instituting technical education, and upgrading the qualifications of Bahamian

teachers through courses at the College of The Bahamas and institutions abroad.

Bahamian leaders recognized the importance of developing a sense of national pride

through cultural independence. Educators highlighted the necessity of relating educational

objectives to national goals. These objectives represented the government's commitment to

social and economic development through education. Educational programmes and

practices were to reflect these concerns. Planners produced various educational policy

documents during the period following independence in 1973. These documents included

the government's initial policy statement, Focus on the future: White paper on education

(1973), the report of a commission appointed by the Government of The Bahamas, the

Maraj Report: Educational development in an archipelagic nation (1974), the commission's

subsequent guide for educational planning for the period 1976-1981, Education for national








progress (1976); and the various Curriculum Guides (1982) for all subjects taught at the

primary and secondary levels.

In 1985 the Evaluation, Planning, Research and Development Unit of The Bahamas

Ministry of Education sponsored the "Curriculum Evaluation Project." Yet, except the

"Curriculum Evaluation Project" (1985), Bahamian policy makers have not investigated the

crucial nexus between curriculum policy and classroom practices. Recently, Caribbean

educators and other scholars from the developing world have questioned whether efforts,

such as those made by Bahamian political leaders, have been effective (e.g., Carnegie,

1982; Morrissey, 1983; Nettleford, 1989). In fact, developmental theorists (e.g.,

Jennings-Wray, 1980; Miller, 1983; Watson, 1984) have called for examinations of

educational systems in developing countries, but few countries have completed

comprehensive studies.

Placed against this background, two categories of questions emerge. The first calls

for an examination of the indigenous components of the 'intended curriculum.' These

questions include: Has educational policy incorporated the national concern for the formation

of a cultural identity? What of the philosophy upon which the educational system rests, its

values, assumptions and operations? And, have planners addressed the need to "redress the

balance between the international and the local components of the culture [through]

fundamental curriculum reform" (Brock & Smawfield, 1988 p. 236)? The second category

of questions addresses the need for an investigation of classroom practices. These questions

include: What is happening in the classrooms? And, have teachers embraced the goals and

objectives of proposed national policies, and thereupon translated them into practice?

This study sought to link both categories of questions and thereby to generate

knowledge about the processes of schooling, in particular curricula processes, within the

Bahamian context. An estimation of how these processes and practices appear to be derived

from the stated policies could show the congruence, or divergence, between classroom

practices and curriculum rhetoric. Such a study is timely as developmental theorists continue





5


to debate the quality of educational systems in the developing countries, and the role of these

systems in the development of these nations.


The composition and management of the Bahamian educational system


During the 1989-1990 school year, there were 226 schools in The Bahamas,

compared to 30 in 1865 and 38 in 1890. In the 1989-1990 school year, the government

maintained 185 (81.9%) of the 226 schools. There were 228 schools in The Bahamas in

1990-1991. Of the 185 (81.1%) of these schools in 1990-1991 maintained by the

government, 34 of them were on the island of New Providence. Today (1992), of these 34

schools on the island of New Providence 24 of them are primary schools. In The

Bahamas, the primary level includes grades one through six. During the 1991-1992 school

year, The Bahamas Ministry of Education reported that of these 24 primary schools, 4 were

Grade A (over 1,000 students), 5 were Grade B (701 1,000), 13 were Grade C (301 -

700), 1 was Grade E (101 200), and 1 Grade F (1 100).

The Ministry of Education's 1989-1990 data showed, that of the total student

population (45,158) in The Bahamas, 3,346 (7.4%) students were Haitian., Similar figures

were reported for 1991, as the records showed that 3,346 (7.4%) of a total student

population of 47,560 were Haitian. Stubbs (1991) reported further that of the 185 schools

maintained by the government in 1990-1991,79 (42.7%) had Haitian students enrolled in

them. It is important, then, that since the Haitian student population represents the largest

immigrant percentage in the Bahamian schools that some attention to paid to this variable in

the selection of schools taken to representative of those found in the system. The

significance of the Haitian presence is that the language of instruction in The Bahamas,

English, is not their first language.

During the 1990-1991 school year of the 27,257 students in the government school

system on the island of New Providence, the Ministry of Education statistics classified









2,495 (9.2%) as students with Haitian ties, and 24,762 (90.8%) as Bahamians (Stubbs,

1991). Only one government primary school during the same school year (1990-1991), on

the island of New Providence, did not have any Haitian students enrolled in it. The Haitian

student enrolment in the remainder of the government primary schools on the island of

New Providence ranged from 1% 72%, with the mean at the primary level of 13.75%

(Stubbs, 1991).

The Minister of Education, whose portfolio also includes libraries and cultural

affairs, is responsible for the supervision of the educational system in the country. As it is

intended to function, the Ministry of Education is organized in the following manner. An

Education Advisory Council, whose members the government appoints, advises the

Minister of Education. Posts within the Ministry of Education for a Permanent Secretary,

an Under Secretary, and a Deputy Permanent Secretary are also established. The Director

of Education has five Assistant Directors of Education (ADEs) who are, in turn,

responsible for Curriculum and the Learning Resources Unit; Schools Management;

Evaluation, Planning, Research, and Development; the Supervisory Division and Family

Islands; and Special Services. A Chief School Welfare Officer also works with the

Director of Education and is responsible for school welfare personnel.

The section of the Ministry of Education's organization that has direct responsibility

for the curriculum falls under the jurisdiction the Assistant Director of Education in charge

of Curriculum and the Learning Resources Unit. According to the Ministry of Education's

organizational chart, this Assistant Director of Education has an administrative staff

comprised of education (curriculum) officers for each school subject, a chief librarian,

senior librarian, librarian, an education officer (broadcasting), radio programme producers,

and a senior printer.








Overview of the study


This study examined the 'intended curriculum' and the processes of its translation

into classroom practices. In this study, the 'intended curriculum' is the rhetoric or the

official statements as incorporated in major educational policy documents of The Bahamas.

These documents include the general educational policy documents, and the specific

curriculum guides of The Commonwealth of The Bahamas since this nation gained its

independence in 1973. However, since one cannot assume that rhetoric translates into

practice, this study also examined the extent to which teachers in the Bahamian Primary

School System have translated the government's curriculum policies of the independence

era into their contemporary practices. In an attempt to examine the extent of this

translation, I explored the everyday practices of teachers in The Bahamas Ministry of

Education Primary School System by observing classroom practices and talking with

teachers.

The focus of this study was restricted to fifth and sixth grade teachers in The

Bahamas Ministry of Education's Primary School System on the island of New

Providence. I chose New Providence because not only is this the island on which the

capital, Nassau, is located but also because 60% of the teaching population and 57% of the

student population are located on this island (Ministry of Education Statistics, 1990-91).

The data was collected through participant observations during September December,

1991. I also conducted informal interviews with classroom teachers and Ministry of

Education officials during this period. Finally, to put these observations and interviews

into their larger context, I asked all fifth and sixth grade teachers in the Ministry of

Education's primary schools on the island of New Providence to complete a questionnaire.

This questionnaire is an adaptation of one used in 1985 by the Evaluation, Planning,

Research and Development Unit of The Bahamas Ministry of Education.








Investigators have conducted valuable educational research in developing countries

using conventional quantitative research approaches (e.g., Benavot & Riddle, 1988; Fuller,

1986; Halpern, 1986; Heyneman & Loxley, 1983; Psacharopoulos & Loxley, 1985).

However, there are particular research questions that warrant a more qualitative approach.

It is through the combination of survey techniques and in-depth interviewing and

participant observation that I attempt to highlight the interaction between policy and

practice.


Assumptions of the study


The use of qualitative research in developing countries is infrequent. Shaeffer and

Nkinyangi (1983) and Shaeffer (1986) have noted the reliance on the quantitative resulting

in the production of data analyzed by statistical methods. Researchers in developing

countries have often applied a quantitative research strategy when either a qualitative or a

combination of qualitative and quantitative would have been more appropriate. In addition,

"some research questions have rarely been addressed at all, despite their potential relevance

to both the process of policy-making and to the more theoretical study of schooling in the

developing world" (Vulliamy, 1990, p. 151).

Qualitative studies of the processes of educational innovations can "document the

myriad ways implementations of innovations differ from intended designs of innovations

... [as] participants respond to innovations in a variety of unintended ways" (Goetz &

LeCompte, 1984 p. 110). In addition, if, as Fullan (1982) has suggested, educational

researchers have neglected investigations of the phenomenology of change (how people

actually experience change as distinct from how it might have been intended), we have been

overlooking a key area in the study of educational reforms. Also, such research can

provide useful insights for policy makers by "showing how much change actually occurs in

practice; identifying the unintended consequences of policy initiatives; [and] exposing the








contradictions in policy that are apparent when it is implemented" (Finch, 1988, p. 190).

Finally, such research can offer the policy maker "a theory of social action grounded on the

experiences the world view of those likely to be affected by the policy decision or

thought to be a part of the problem" (Walker, 1985, p. 19).

The underlying assumptions of ethnography have particular salience for the

investigation of educational settings. Various interactions complicate the multidimensional

context of the classroom that then have consequences for how one views the nature of the

subject under investigation, and the nature of knowledge itself. In turn, these assumptions,

or 'theoretical presuppositions,' influence one's choice of methods. Based on the

recognition that educational research is a complex enterprise, that research has different

purposes, and that single models are problematic, I find ethnographic research techniques

appropriate to the issues that I explore in this study.

The literal translation of 'ethnography' as it appears in an English dictionary is

'writing about the nations.' Yet, as Erickson (1984) has argued "the 'ethnos,' the unit of

analysis for the ethnographer, need not be a nation, linguistic group, region, or village, but

any social network forming a corporate entity in which social relations are regulated by

custom" [original emphasis] (p. 52). The ethnographer's task, therefore, is to interpret

behaviour in particular social, cultural, political, and economical contexts. An ethnographic

study, like any other research project, is laden with theoretical perspectives whether explicit

or implicit. Furthermore, the predominant approaches "presuppose a standpoint outside -

looking at, objectifying, or, somewhat closer, 'reading,' a given reality" (Clifford, 1986,

p. 11). As a researcher I recognize this presupposition and acknowledge that ethnographic

truths are "inherently partial committed and incomplete" (Clifford, 1986, p. 7). Yet, this

acknowledgement need not, "lead to ethnographic self-absorption, or to the conclusion that

it is impossible to know anything certain about other people" (Clifford, 1986, p. 7). There

are, distinct strengths of this approach and contributions that it can make to scientific

inquiry.








The advantages of ethnographic techniques vary. The development of theory is

perhaps the greatest strength. As an ethnographer I can challenge misleading

preconceptions that social scientists often bring to research. While in the field, I had the

opportunity to analyze my understanding of the phenomena under study. In addition, I

was able to change strategies and directions of the research as required. The use of field

observations in combination with the ethnographic interview in this study permitted me this

very flexibility. I could pursue promising ideas, resulting in the pursuance of theory

development that was both effective and economical.

Since ethnographers investigate social processes in everyday settings, "the danger

that findings will apply only to the research situation is generally lessened" (Hammersley &

Atkinson, 1983, p. 24). This does not mean, however, that ethnographers do not use

survey techniques, for they often use multiple data sources, thus avoiding the risks that

stem from reliance on a single kind of data. The use of primary documents, the

questionnaire instrument, and field observations and interviews in this study address the

concern of reliance.

The potential of ethnographic approaches for obtaining emancipatoryy knowledge'

is yet another attractive dimension that I sought to encourage in the participants of this

study. Lather (1986) defines emancipatoryy knowledge' as that which "increases

awareness of the contradictions hidden or distorted by everyday understandings, and in

doing so it directs attention to the possibilities for social transformation inherent in the

present configuration of social processes" (p. 259). Such an approach requires that the

researcher establish a dialectal relationship between her and the researched so that the data

undergoes the scrutiny of the researched. Through my discussions with classroom

teachers, we raised many issues that encouraged self-reflection both for the participants and

for me as a researcher.

Simultaneously, I do not wish to imply that the participants must approve a

published analysis of their culture or social relations as proof of accuracy of the account.









Rather, there is an on-going discourse with them during the collection of data, as I

incorporate the notion of 'reflexivity,' or 'negotiated meaning' in the research framework.

In addition, this data gathering process connects in an on-going way with the

analysis/interpretation of the data. This is an ethnography whose theory is produced

'democratically.' That is, it is:

a collective effort among the researcher and the research subjects, [that] is less
likely to generate propositions that are imposed by the researcher and more likely to
be responsive to the logic of evidence that does not fit the researcher's
preconceptions. (Roman & Apple, 1990, p. 62)

Such an approach does not attempt to 'minimize' the research subjects' 'reactivity' to the

researcher, but seeks to challenge and transform through empowerment.

Researchers in the natural sciences believe that certain laws and conditions of the

physical world constitute sufficient grounds to explain the occurrence of an event, or to

give meaning to phenomena. However, in the social sciences, "a debate has been raging

since the latter part of the nineteenth century about the suitability of this deterministic mode

of explanation for the investigation of human action" (Doyal & Harris, 1986, p. 52). I

submit that there are explicit advantages of using ethnographic strategies, such as those that

I use in the present study, in educational investigations. In taking this stance, I assume

several things about the relationship of the researcher to the subject, the nature of

knowledge, the kinds of analysis most suited for the data, the nature of validation, and

generalizability of that data. These assumptions, and the theoretical assumptions

underlying the use of primary documents, observation, participant observation, informal

interviews, and formal questionnaires specifically, present a definitive picture of what I

perceive to be one avenue to conducting legitimate research.

I do not believe that the investigation of human action can be framed in the same

way as natural scientists do in their attempts to determine causes and effects for the physical

states of affairs. Instead, social science researchers must consider reasons, beliefs, and

choices that influence people's actions. Direct experience and interaction with the





12


phenomena under study is the only way to explore assumptions and concepts, as the

researcher negotiates the meaning of experiences that she shares with other participants.

Within such an environment, evidently the methods) that a researcher selects must

appreciate, not minimize, the complexity of social life. Finally, the recognition that society

has underlying structures, and that there are political, historical and ideological contexts of

the phenomena is crucial to any analysis.










CHAPTER 2


LITERATURE REVIEW


Educational researchers have been concerned about a great variety of issues in

considering questions of the curriculum, and of pedagogical practice. Measures of

scholastic attainment have been common (e.g., Coleman, 1966; Garden, 1987; Plowden

Report, 1967; Postlethwaite, 1975; Rosier, 1987). Studies have also considered the

features of schools such as the amount of teaching that children experience, the size of the

school, the organization of teaching groups, the effects on students of differing teacher

expectations, teaching styles, patterns of discipline, and school climate (e.g., Armitage,

1986; Heyneman & Loxley, 1983).

Documented studies of the implementation of innovations, especially in the Third

World, are not readily available. This situation exists because many Third World nations

are not a part of the international knowledge exchange networks. Still, as Hurst and Rust

(1990) have reported "most of the studies of educational innovation and reform are

sociological (e.g., Beeby, 1966) and concentrate on structure and process [e.g., Marsh &

Huberman, 1984] rather than individual actors and their interactions" (p. 167). Other

examples include Psacharopoulos and Loxley (1985) who measured the success of the

vocational curriculum in Columbia and Tanzania by calculating costs and benefits, and by

tracing graduates into the labour market. In considering the 'quality' of primary schools in

the Third World, Fuller (1986) considered indicators such as total recurrent expenditures

per pupil, expenditures on instructional materials per pupil, pupil-teacher ratio, and years of

schooling required for fully qualified teachers. Benavot and Riddle (1988) used enrollment

figures in their investigation of the expansion of primary education in the Third World from

1870-1940.








Other studies have addressed curriculum issues and teacher decision-making in the

implementation of a curriculum. Ben-Peretz and Kremer (1979), for example, in their

investigation of Israeli teachers concluded that "teacher performance is not closely related to

[the] comprehension [of curricular characteristics], but is determined by previous teaching

experience, general characteristics of the curriculum and other characteristics" (p. 254).

Using the case of Jamaica, Jennings-Wray (1980) investigated what primary school

teachers perceived as influences on curriculum decision-making, and the major factors that

inhibit the achievement of curriculum aims. She examined the behaviour patterns of these

Third World teachers whom policy makers had asked to implement an instructional

innovation in which they had no input. She concluded: "that the teacher feels that [s]he has

such a strong control over what [s]he teaches in the classroom is an indication that these

pre-packaged materials are not being implemented" (p. 242).

Some researchers (e.g., Bude, 1982) have been more critical of teachers and have

suggested that the failure of innovations is attributable to "a lack of motivation on the part

of teachers" (p. 117). On the other hand, there has been the recognition that teachers may

be the main determinant in curriculum innovations, and that they are important agents in the

process of innovation implementation in the school (e.g., Brown and McIntyre, 1982;

Clarke and Yinger, 1977; Doyle & Ponder, 1977; McConnelogue, 1975; Spaulding,

1975). Both hypotheses, although differing in stance, point to the classroom teacher as the

focus in any investigation of curriculum implementation.

Studies of schooling have used varied methods of investigation. Some have used

systematic observations, employing predetermined schedules and interviews, over

extended periods. Such researchers have concluded that "schools can do much to foster

good behaviour and attainments" (Rutter, 1979, p. 205). The ethnomethodological

investigations of Ramsay (1983) explored notions of oppression and ethnicity. Anyon

(1980), used ethnographic strategies, including field observation, interviews and document








analysis, to assess the 'intended' and the 'hidden curriculum' in an investigation of the

development of class structures.

The research of Saunders and Vulliamy (1983), and Avalos (1986) are two other

examples of studies of schooling done in the Third World that employed ethnographic

strategies. Saunders and Vulliamy (1983) examined the implementation of curriculum

reform in Tanzania and Papua New Guinea using questionnaires, field observations and

interviews. Avalos (1986) conducted a more extensive ethnographic study of the processes

of schooling in Columbia, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Chile.

Researchers have offered various models of teacher decision-making in analyzing

the adoption of innovations. Dunkin and Biddle (1974) considered similar variables (i.e.,

background of teachers, the context of teaching, the process of teaching with its interactive

forms, and the contribution from pupils and their background characteristics) as those

highlighted by Avalos (1986). Jones and Bhalwankar (1990) also emphasized the

importance of examining presage and context variables as they interact in the classroom

alongside the processes of teaching. Presage variables refer to teacher background

characteristics, training experiences, and individual properties/traits. Context variables are

properties of pupils, the school, the community, and classroom contexts. Teacher and

pupil classroom behaviours are process variables, while product variables include

immediate and long-term learning, attitude changes, and skills (cited in Rust & Dalin,

1990, p. xv-xvi).

Doyle and Ponder (1977) suggested that teachers use three major criteria in deciding

on an innovation: "Is it instrumental in terms of classroom contingencies? Is it congruent

with prevailing conditions? What are the costs involved in using the innovations?" (cited in

Hurst & Rust, 1990, p. 168). Hurst and Rust (1990) extended this model proposing that

in choosing to adopt an innovation teachers use one or more of the following criteria:

information about the innovation, its relevance and desirability, its effectiveness and









reliability, its feasibility, its adaptability, and whether the innovation has been tried on a

limited scale and proven to be successful (pp. 168-169).

In a complementary fashion, Avalos (1990) drew attention to the importance of the

teacher effectiveness literature and innovation implementation by identifying four research

concerns that underlie the concept of teacher effectiveness: teacher skills and behaviours

(competencies) which impact upon the outcomes of the teaching process (e.g., Brophy,

1979; Brophy & Good, 1985); teacher patterns of decision-making at both the instructional

and managerial levels (e.g., Burns, 1984); teachers' modes of thinking and how they

interpret teaching situations (e.g., Clarke & Yinger, 1979; Shavelson & Stern, 1981;

Stebbins, 1975; Woods, 1983; Yinger, 1980); and the "relationship between teaching

purposes and the way in which pupils mediate such purposes as well as the nature of

teacher-pupil tasks" (p. 203) (e.g., Doyle, 1987).

The studies, in this overview, point to the need to investigate, and to describe,

processes of schooling in a variety of contexts. In particular, the need for more qualitative

research in Third World countries is paramount as researchers move beyond purely

quantitative measures. Ben-Peretz and Kremer (1979) pointed to the importance of

investigating not only characteristics of a curriculum, but also teacher characteristics that

influence decision-making. Avalos (1986), Dunkin and Biddle (1974), and Jones and

Bhalwankar (1990) highlighted the additional factors of the teaching context and process,

as well as pupil characteristics. Finally, Hurst and Rust (1990) offered a useful guide for

the investigation of teacher decision-making in the implementation of an innovation.

It is important to note, however, that until recently most of the theorizing regarding

curriculum implementation came from the developed world. Researchers have conducted

most of their studies on teacher effectiveness, and on the implementation of curriculum

innovations in the developed world. The need to document the different ways that teachers

in the developing world conceptualize, and thereafter translate their conceptions into

practice, is crucial. As teachers in the developing world operate under different constraints





17


than those in the developed world, their practices are bound to be different. How these

practices are affected and why teachers chose to follow, or not to follow, particular 'policy

directives' are key questions that researchers must address. These questions were at the

very foundation of my study as I sought to investigate schooling using participant

observation, informal interviews, and questionnaire techniques.










CHAPTER 3


METHODOLOGY


This study drew on data collected through document analysis, questionnaires,

participant observation, and informal interviews. These data represent several sources:

policy makers (via rhetoric employed in documents and interviews with Ministry of

Education officials), the researcher as participant and observer, and discussions with

school administrators and classroom teachers. Using these methods I have constructed an

ethnographic account of contemporary schooling practices in The Bahamas.


Documents


It is difficult to conceive of an ethnographic account of schooling where the

researcher does not give attention to documentary material. Participants in most educational

contexts produce all kinds of documents. Therefore, the investigator must view documents

as an integral part of the social setting. Yet, "official documents and statistics should be

treated as social products, [and]... must be examined not simply used as a resource"

[original emphasis] ( Hammersley and Atkinson, 1989, p. 137). 'Primary' documents,

and documents generally, are therefore to be regarded in the same way as information

obtained using other research tools. That is, though valuable in their own right, primary

documents have the potential flaws of inaccuracy, bias, hidden agendas in their

construction, and incompleteness.

The purpose of the examination of the documents in this study was to search for

patterns, common themes or ideas. Ben-Peretz and Kremer (1979) suggested two main

distinctions in the content of curricular materials. They are either content oriented or








process oriented. These categories, although referring to curricular materials for use in the

classroom, can serve to differentiate among the general themes that I highlighted in all the

documents that I examined. According to Ben-Peretz and Kremer (1979):

[Content orientation is] an emphasis on subject matter, information, concepts and
principles. The major goals... [are] acquisition of knowledge in the context of a
specific discipline or an interdisciplinary approach. Process orientation... is
conceived as emphasizing abilities and skills. These may be cognitive skills and
abilities, such as analysis or evaluation, or interpersonal skills and abilities, such as
classroom communication and interpersonal interaction. The major goals... [are]
the acquisition of the behaviours related to the selected skills and abilities. (p. 247)

Most of the themes that I highlighted in the initial policy documents of the Bahamian

independence era were of the kind that Ben-Peretz and Kremer (1979) labelled process

oriented. Yet, the framers of these initial documents did make specific references about the

intended content. On the other hand, the curriculum guides and the teachers' schemes of

work were predominantly content oriented, with occasional references to issues of process.

Beside identifying thematic descriptors, whether content or process, I established

whether these were common throughout the documents. Overall, the examination of the

initial policy documents, Focus on the future: White paper on education (1973); Education

for national progress: A development plan for the Commonwealth of The Bahamas for the

period 1976-1981; and the Maraj Report: Educational development in an archipelago nation

(1974), set the framework for the Bahamian government's intended educational policies.

In turn, the 1982 Curriculum Guides represent the articulation of these policies into the

suggested activities for classroom teachers. Finally, I reviewed a further interpretation of

these policies by classroom teachers as they express this in their written schemes of work

that they formulate annually as grade level teaching groups.









Questionnaire
Survey instruments and ethnographic enquiry


Although surveys, or formal questionnaires specifically, are not a defining feature

of ethnographic field enquires, they can be a useful tool in the exploration of social

phenomenon. Yet, survey research must be approached with caution:

At one level, the element of quantification in surveying permits increasing
reliability, comparability and precision in testing theoretical propositions, as well as
providing a rapid and systematic means of acquiring large amounts of information.
However, the usefulness of a survey can only be measured against clearly
recognized objectives and a sensible assessment of research options.... [Still,] not
all information can be directly asked, let alone counted; some must be observed or
inferred. (Wallman & Dhooge, 1984, p. 258)

Nevertheless, although people cannot be understood as units, but as integral parts of

systems of relationships, which cannot be counted, "quantitative survey combined with

more qualitative research strategies can provide dimensions of typicality for case material

and will anyway enhance or verify the total ethnographic picture" (Wallman & Dhooge,

1984, p. 259).

Formal questionnaires can obtain certain kinds of data, specifically descriptive data,

but questionnaires that include questions of 'meaning' pose problems of validity as the

researcher is unable to interpret the answers without a thorough knowledge of the

respondents' frame of reference. Yet, such questions can be asked usefully if the research

integrates field work and survey methods, as I do in this study.

I place the use of the questionnaire instrument of this study within the interpretation

of quantification as "the numerical description of empirical situations" (Johnson, 1978, p.

46). Its purpose was to gather information about the characteristics of the teaching

population with whom the study was concerned. Secondly, it provided a comparative data

source when measured against The Bahamas Ministry of Education's earlier questionnaire

(1985) that addressed similar curriculum issues. The data derived from both









questionnaires, therefore, provided a comparison of profiles at two times in Bahamian

pedagogical practice, 1985 and 1991.


Instrument

Description


The questionnaire that I constructed is an adaptation of the one used by the

"Curriculum Evaluation Project" (1985) sponsored by the Evaluation, Planning, Research

and Development Unit of The Bahamas Ministry of Education. The Ministry of

Education's instrument had 34 forced choice items and 8 open-ended response items. My

instrument had 37 forced-choice items and 5 open-ended response items (see Appendix C).

In both cases, the questionnaire items sought to obtain teachers' perceptions of the

availability and use of the 1982 Curriculum Guides in the primary schools, their format and

content, the availability of resource materials for use with the guides, support services,

physical facilities, and teacher demographic information. Subjects covered by both

instruments were mathematics, social studies, science, religious knowledge, reading, arts

and craft, physical education, and language arts. Beside that covered by the Ministry of

Education's questionnaire, my instrument sought to estimate teachers' perceptions of the

availability of Bahamian resource material, the extent to which teachers follow guidelines in

the guides, and the relevance of the guides' goals and objectives.


Sample


Lists of teachers were obtained from the principals of each government primary

school on the island of New Providence (n = 24). I mailed the questionnaire to all

government employed, upper primary (fifth and sixth grade) teachers on the island. The

total number of questionnaires that I administered was 208.









I mailed the questionnaires on September 30, 1991. The teachers were, asked to

return the completed form to me my October 25, 1991. The cover letter stipulated that

participation was voluntary, and that the respondent had the right to withdraw at any time

(see Appendix C). I enclosed self-addressed envelopes for the return of completed

questionnaires. I ensured the teachers that their replies would be anonymous and

confidential as no attempt would be made to link names with responses. By October 28,

1991, of the 208 questionnaires that I sent out, I had received only 25. I sent a follow-up

letter at this time. By the end of the term (December 20, 1991), I had received 50% (104)

of the total questionnaires distributed.

I did not include the six male respondents of the 104 respondents in my final

analysis because the group was so small that it did not form a legitimate group for

comparison by gender. Yet, gender might have influenced the responses to the

questionnaire items. In addition, as 66 (67%) of the remaining 98 women did not teach

arts and craft, and 91 (93%) of them did not teach physical education, I excluded these two

subjects, and the ten women who only taught these two subjects, from further analysis.

The final sample included 88 women.


Participant observation


Virtually all ethnographers recognize observation as a primary means of

investigation in conducting research. This derives directly from the assumption that the

constitution of the subject matter that the researcher studies is directly observable. Yet, as

social scientists are not simply observing things, but interpreting meaning, they

acknowledge the dual role suggested in the term 'participant observer.'

Like observation, a basic assumption underlying participant observation is that the

researcher is central to the investigation and that she is the main instrument of research.

Yet, observation alone is not enough. Investigators using participant observation as a








research tool assume that the researcher must involve herself in "conscious and systematic

sharing, insofar as circumstances permit, in the life-activities and on occasion, in the

interests and affects of the group of persons" (Kluckholm, cited in Holy, 1984, p. 22). A

third assumption is that the subjective nature of the process dictates that the relationship

between the researcher and the researched must be reciprocal as the researcher recognizes

the inherent power relations that perpetuate the situation, and that all involved will in some

way change because of the experience.

In the particular context of the investigation of schools, the task of the researcher

using participant observation as a tool, is to "raise questions about the events and activities

that occur so that we get beyond descriptive accounts of 'teaching' and 'learning'"

(Burgess, 1988, p. 9). It is the task of "cultural translation from familiar to strange and

back again" (Spindler & Spindler, 1982, p. 24).


Informal interviews


Particular assumptions underlie interviewing as a method in the ethnographic

process. As it relates to participant observation, the ethnographer envisions interviewing as

discussions with the participants about shared experiences. The interview, therefore, is "a

joint product of what interviewees and interviewers talk about together and how they talk

with each other" (Mishler, 1986, p. vii). Key assumptions are that the interview is a
'speech event' and interviewers and interviewees construct itjointly. Further, the nature of

the 'speech event,' as 'talking together' rather than 'behaving as stimulus-senders and

response-emitters' (Mishler, 1986), points to particular ways that the 'event' should be

conducted and to analytical strategies that the researcher must employ.

Specifically, this calls for a reconceptualization of the 'question' and its part in the

interview process. Mishler (1986) has suggested that:








Rather than serving as a stimulus having a predetermined and presumably shared
meaning and intended to elicit a response, a question may more usefully be thought
of as a circular process through which its meaning and that of its answer are created
in the discourse between interviewer and respondent as they try to make continuing
sense of what they are saying to each other. (p. 53-54)

Also, responses must be viewed "not simply [as] answers to questions but also [as] a

reflection of the interviewer's assessment of whether a respondent has said 'enough' for

the purpose at hand" (p. 55).

Despite the advantages of informal interviews, there are issues that the ethnographer

must address when using both participant observation and interviews as methods. One

such issue is that of the 'informant' and site selection. The ethnographer must be pragmatic

in selecting settings and cases. Sampling within a case is also potentially problematic for

the ethnographer. She, or he, must make decisions about where to observe and when,

who to talk to and what to ask, and about what to record and how. It is perhaps this

process that critics of ethnography often attack, for not only must the ethnographer decide

what is, and is not, relevant to the case under study, but also which data she, or he, will

use. Nevertheless, Burgess (1988) has reminded us that the concern should not be so

much with "systematic sampling but rather judgement or opportunistic sampling in an

attempt to overcome bias in the study of people, events, time and locations" (p. 15).


Selection of schools for the study


I arrived in The Bahamas during July of 1991. After discussions with The

Bahamas Ministry of Education supervisors, the Assistant Director of Education in charge

of curriculum, and curriculum officers, I selected three schools for my field work. I visited

three Bahamian primary classrooms on the island of New Providence during the fall term

of 1991. Officials of The Bahamas Ministry of Education granted me access to the primary

school system during this period (see A for access letter).









Initially, I examined The Bahamas Ministry of Education Education Statistics 1985-

1986. I was unable to use more recent statistics since the publication for the years 1987-

1990 had yet to be released at the time of my initial data collection. However, I was later

able to obtain more recent statistics regarding the teaching and student populations for the

years 1989, 1990, and 1991. Overall, these statistics suggested that I should consider the

following factors in my selection process: enrollment in primary schools by grade and

stream, the gender of pupils and teachers in each school, teachers' qualifications, and

citizenship of teachers in each school. The physical characteristics of the schools (size and

location), and social characteristics (social status and ethnic composition) of the school's

population were additional factors for consideration. Therefore, when I met with the

curriculum officers during August of 1991, I discussed the framework of my study and

indicated that I was seeking their recommendations regarding three government primary

schools that were representative, considering the above characteristics.

Immediately a discussion ensued concerning whether my study would be

representative at all because I was only interested in looking at three schools. One officer

even suggested that perhaps I should be looking at a 'random sample' of a much wider

cross section. Further discussion pursued the merits of 'quantitative' versus 'qualitative'

research. I presented a case for an ethnographic study, and indicated that the limitations of

time (one school term) and personnel (myself as the sole researcher) were key factors in my

insistence on concentrating on only three schools. After a rather lengthy debate, I obtained

individual rank-ordered selections of three schools from 14 curriculum officers.

I then arranged to meet with the members of the Supervisory Division of the

Ministry of Education. Without divulging the results of my meeting with the curriculum

officers, I sought their perceptions of schools on the island. Their perceptions are situated

differently from those of the curriculum officers who work primarily from the vantage

point of workshops with classroom teachers, but more specifically, with subject

representatives. Supervisors, on the other hand, spend time in the school context and are









responsible for the annual evaluations of schools and teachers. During my meeting with

the group of supervisors, we were able to discuss, at length, the selection of each school

more thoroughly. Still, in the final analysis, there was a marked similarity between the

recommendations of both the supervisors and the curriculum officers. At this point, I

selected the three schools that received the highest ranking of all the schools.

Then, to ensure that the three schools were representative, I examined the Grade

Level Assessment scores for these three schools for the last four years. I discovered that

they represent 'average' government primary schools on the island of New Providence in

terms of their academic achievement. The three schools in the study have for the last four

years (1988, 1989, 1990 and 1991) maintained 'average' performances on the annual

Grade Level Assessment Test (GLAT). None of the composite performances for these

schools fall in the 'below average' performance category, or the 'above average' category

(categories used in the annual reports of the GLAT) when compared to other groups of

grade six Bahamian students taking the examination during the respective years (Bahamas

Grade Level Assessment Test Technical Reports, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991).

Beside the representativeness of the academic profiles of the three schools, a case

can be made based on school size and location, as well as the social status and ethnic

composition of the student population. The three schools represent each geographical

subdivision, western, central, and eastern, that the Ministry of Education uses for

management purposes on the island of New Providence. Although, the three schools did

not cover the range of student population sizes, Grades A-F, the Ministry of Education lists

two of the schools as Grade C schools (student population of 301-700), and the Grade C

schools represent 54% of the government maintained primary schools on the island. Also,

like most of the schools on New Providence, the three schools in this study report that their

student populations are predominantly Bahamian. The Haitian student population in each

school is 2%, 19%, and 7% respectively. (During the 1990-1991 school year, the mean of

the Haitian student population at the primary school level on the island of New Providence









was 13.75%.) The communities in which the three schools are located represent the lower,

lower-to-middle, and middle income ranges. As a composite, these features do argue

favourably for the representativeness of the three selected schools.


Selection of teachers


I had chosen to work with the upper primary grade levels, grades five and six,

because it is a transitional period for students socially, emotionally, mentally, physically,

and academically. During this time students prepare for their move to secondary school. It

is also the level at which the students' academic future can be decided as they sit an all

important Grade Level Assessment (GLAT) examination, recently introduced by the

Government of The Bahamas. Additionally, as governments of the Third World re-

examine the role of schooling, particularly at the primary level, they have acknowledged the

importance of primary education as it may be, for many students, the terminal level of

schooling.

After a meeting with supervisors, I met with the principals of the three selected

schools. At this stage, I had little control over the choice of teacher with whom I would

work. I explained the nature of my study to the principals and the type of teacher with

whom I was interested in working. She had to be a fifth or sixth grade teacher and

representative of the teaching population at the school. As it turned out, all the teachers

with whom I worked were women, all had Bachelor of Arts degrees, and all were

Bahamians. Two of them had taught in the Bahamian public school system between 16

and 20 years, while one had taught between 21 and 25 years. All the women fit the

average profile suggested by the demographic data discussed later in the questionnaire

section, chapter five, of this dissertation.

Principals were very cooperative. When I met with them during the summer of

1991 they indicated that they would set up a meeting with the selected teachers when they









returned from summer vacation. I met with these teachers before the beginning of the fall

term of 1991 when I presented them with a letter outlining my study, and asking if they

would be willing to participate (see Appendix B for teacher's letter of participation). All

teachers agreed to participate.


Data collection


At this point I was prepared to enter the first school when the new school year

began. I decided to begin with the school that was the closest distance to my residence,

leaving the one farthest away for last. I spent five weeks in each school. Discussions with

teachers were tape recorded whenever this was convenient. Beside interviewing the

classroom teachers in whose classes I participated and observed, I also interviewed other

fifth and sixth grade teachers, specialist teachers, and administrators at the same schools.

Later, I arranged interviews with the supervisors responsible for each school, as well as

Ministry of Education officials at the Curriculum Section. The total number of interviews

was 35. Nine of these (three interviews each) were with the three classroom teachers with

whom I worked closely. During all of the interviews I pursued themes and items of

interest as they emerged from the participant observations and earlier interviews. Four of

the five school days each week were spent conducting my participant observations. One

day was spent on formative data analysis.

I took a participant role (by teaching the class) whenever the teacher requested. In

addition, I assisted with the marking of student assignments, a task that occupied much of

each teacher's time. My note-taking was done when possible during school visits or

afterward reconstructed in field notes. These notes were entered on a word processor

daily, and indexed using thematic descriptors.









Analysis of questionnaire items


I coded the responses to the forced-choice items of the questionnaire, and tabulated

frequency distributions. These frequency distributions were then converted to percentages

which then formed the bases of my comparisons with the Ministry of Education's 1985

study. Later in the dissertation I discuss how reflective these findings were of what

teachers told me of their classroom practices, of what I observed happening in the

classrooms, and of what Ministry of Education officials told me regarding their policy

practices. Finally, I examine the impact that these findings have for the larger picture of the

government's intended independence plan for educational reform.


Analysis of field notes and interview data


Analysis is an on-going process in the ethnographic approach. The analysis of

participant observation, field notes and interviews is both formative and summative.

Indeed, the nature of ethnography dictates that there be no boundaries as the investigator

moves from participant observations to informal interviews and back in a circular fashion.

Informal interviews permit researchers in such situations to pursue themes and items of

interest as they emerge from the participant observations.

I analyzed, summarized and indexed the field notes that I took during, and/or after,

observations in a similar manner to that used in the examination of my documentary

sources. As Burgess (1988) suggested, it is by identifying thematic descriptors or:


conceptual categories that some direction is given to further observations being
made and further field notes being established.... Often the activities that are
observed in one setting are followed up in other settings. In this way, initial ideas
are followed through so that patterns and case studies emerge. (pp. 26-27)

The analysis of informal interviews presents a different and more challenging task

than that of the field notes. Based upon the assumptions of the nature of the interview









outlined earlier (specifically, Mishler, 1986), and the view of interview responses as

narratives (Agar and Hobbs, 1985; Mishler, 1986), I took the view that interview practices

are a way of empowering respondents to produce their own narrative accounts. With these

theoretical assumptions as guidelines, I undertook the very lengthy process of the analysis

of the interview transcripts. Although this process was time consuming, it was insightful.

With the assistance of two professional secretaries, I transcribed entire discourses of my

interviews (n = 35), and sought to have as many of them as possible read by the

interviewees before leaving The Bahamas in January of 1992. This was a very frustrating

process as I discovered the participants were not able to match my zeal to obtain feedback

in this way. Simply put, the time involved for their reading, reflection, and analysis of the

transcripts was not available as they had too many other teaching and personal

responsibilities. I eventually abandoned this idea and used earlier interviews to re-focus or

extend later ones, and ultimately to confirm or clarify my understanding of what

participants had said previously.

After leaving the field, I re-read these transcripts and field notes, this time assigning

various portions of each to an analytic category. The task of sorting and reassigning of

categories was on-going, as most of the categories were intimately interrelated. As I

continued the analysis, I re-sorted, portions of data that I had assigned to various analytic

categories, by school. I then composed teacher-school profiles using these analytic

categories as guide-posts.


The nature of validation


Ethnography, like all types of scientific inquiry, raises the question of 'validity.'

The on-going debate about the conventional views of validity best reflects the concern

about the accuracy of research findings. Lincoln and Guba (1985) have used 'credibility,'

'transferability,' 'dependability,' and confirmabilityy' in their conceptualization of





31


'validity.' On the other hand, Wolcott (1990) has argued that validity may not be the

appropriate construct for use by ethnographers. Instead he has argued that:

[U]nderstanding seems to encapsulate the idea as well as any other everyday term.
... I do not restrict myself to the phenomenologist's sense of understanding social
phenomena from the actor's perspective or, especially, from an actor's perspective.
... [I]t is system qualities I seek to describe and understand. [original emphasis]
(p. 146)

On the other hand, LeCompte and Goetz (1982) have suggested that 'validity' may be the

major strength of ethnographic approaches. They have proposed that:

Attaining absolute validity and reliability is an impossible goal for any research
model.... [But] investigators may approach these objectives by conscientious
balancing of the various factors enhancing credibility within the context of their
particular research problems and goals. For decades, reputable ethnographers have
used a variety of strategies to reduce threats to reliability and validity. This has
been a major source for one of the defining characteristics of present-day
ethnography its multimodality. (p. 55)

Placed against the background of this debate, researchers have proposed various

guidelines for addressing the issue of validity. Building on the work of Glaser and Strauss

(1967) and Lincoln and Guba (1985), Lather (1986) outlined 'triangulation,' 'construct

validity,' 'face validity,' and 'catalytic validity' in reconceptualizing the conventional notion

of validity as the researcher consciously utilizes designs that allow counterparts as well as

convergence so that the data are credible.

Sanjek's (1990) observations have dealt more specifically with subjectivity as it

affects validity. Based upon the belief that validity lies at the core of evaluating

ethnography, he proposed three canons, 'theoretical candor,' 'the ethnographer's path,'

and 'field note evidence,' as the means of deepening the growing appreciation of

ethnography's value as a way of 'telling about a society.'

Erickson's (1989) notion of 'critical validity' extended Sanjek's (1990) discussion

of subjectivity by including a discussion of the power relations inherent in the social

context. That the researcher recognize that power and negotiation are parts of the research

process, reinforces Sanjek's (1990) insistence that candor be a driving force. Yet,

Erickson pushed this point further by suggesting that the researcher must criticize her









stance as she recognizes the subjective nature of her role, and that she will be changed by

the field experience (see also, Clifford and Marcus, 1986).


Generalizations from the data


Generalizability, another issue that rises to the fore in discussions of research

findings, is somewhat related to this discussion of validity. As with validity, it is important

to clarify the meaning of this construct as it fits into the context of ethnographic research.

Some critics have argued that ethnographic studies cannot be generalized to other settings.

Yet, Delamont and Hamilton (1984) have argued that:

This criticism refers only to statistical generalization. To the anthropological
researcher, the development of generally or universally applicable statements is
quite different a task, one that is never achieved merely by carrying out a survey.
Despite their diversity, individual classrooms share many characteristics. Through
the detailed study of one particular context it is still possible to clarify relationships,
pinpoint critical processes and identify common phenomena. (p. 36)

Extending this line of thought, Donmoyer (1990) argued that the notions of random

selection and statistical significance, often associated with generalizability, are problematic.

He has insisted that:

thinking of generalizability solely in terms of sampling and statistical significance is
no longer defensible or functional.... [T]here is a need to expand the way of
talking and thinking about generalizability.... [T]he traditional, restricted
conception [of generalizability] is not only out of sync with contemporary
epistemology; it is also dysfunctional because its limits our ability to reconceptualize
the role social science might play in applied fields such as education, counselling,
and social work. (p. 176)

Practitioners in these fields, he argued, are concerned with "individuals, not aggregates,

[therefore] research can never be generalizable in the [traditional] sense.... Research can

only function as heuristic; it can suggest possibilities but never dictate action" (p. 182).

There is much to be gained from Donmoyer's (1990) conceptualization. The

assumptions upon which he bases his argument are congruent with the belief that

ethnographic truths are "inherently partial committed and incomplete" (Clifford, 1986, p.








7). It also has direct implications for policy research. In contrast to the rationalist model of

research input to policy that assumes that empirical data can be fed in at appropriate stages

to guide the course of policy-making, advocates of the incremental model (Lindblom,

1980), have argued that policy-making is not a rational process, but an incremental one that

is disjointed. That is, there are seldom specific 'decisions' taken by a clearly defined set of

actors choosing between alternatives.

As these arguments apply to the policy related research of this dissertation, it directs

the researcher, not simply to finding the answers, but to finding the questions. In contrast

to the engineering model which supports a linear relationship, with research feeding into

specific 'decisions' by providing the missing facts, the enlightenment model which Finch

(1986) has advocated emphasizes "intellectual and conceptual contributions... and seeing

both the policy-making process itself as diffuse and the relationship of research to policy as

usually indirect" (p. 153). The caution that these observations suggest in terms of

generalizing results across contexts, in the conventional sense of the term, is what I wish to

stress in this study, its findings, interpretations, and the recommendations that I base on

these findings and interpretations.


Reliability


The issue of reliability is yet another concern that critics of research often pose.

Ethnographers have approached this issue in different ways than have other more positivist

researchers. While Sanjek (1990) has argued that ethnographers need not pursue the

illusion of 'reliability,' LeCompte and Gotez (1982) have suggested specific guidelines for

enhancing this construct, built upon the belief that human behaviour is never static, and that

no study can therefore be replicated exactly despite methods and designs employed.

The suggestions of LeCompte and Goetz (1982) regarding both external reliability

and internal reliability overlap with the concerns that I emphasized in my earlier discussion








of the nature of validation. In particular, acknowledging the intersubjective nature of the

research process is in keeping with my views regarding the selection of, and assumptions

underlying, the various methodological approaches that I use in this study. That the

researcher exercise clarity and precision in the description of her, or his, role within the

research site, in the process for choosing informants, in a description of the informants

themselves, in the social situations and conditions where she, or he, collects the data, in

choosing analytic constructs and premises, and in the methods of data collection and

analysis, are also noteworthy guidelines. These guidelines are in accord with the

underlying theoretical assumptions that I referred to in my earlier discussion of the

assumptions of the present study, and again in the discussions of the ethnographic tools of

research, validation, and generalizability in the present chapter.










CHAPTER 4


THEMATIC EXAMINATION OF DOCUMENTS


Introduction



I included three documentary sources in my analysis. The first sources were those

Bahamian educational policy documents formulated during the independence era. These

included Focus on the future: White paper on education (1973), the government's initial

policy statement on education; the report of a commission appointed by the Government of

The Bahamas, the Marai Report: Educational development in an archipelagic nation (1974);

and the commission's subsequent guide for educational planning for the period 1976-1981,

Education for national progress (1976). The second source included the various

Curriculum Guides (1982) that a committee of Ministry of Education officials and teachers

developed based on the findings of the 1974 and 1976 commission reports. Finally, I

examined a selection of schemes of work that are based on the 1982 Curriculum Guides.

In all the examinations, I identified thematic descriptors and thereby established whether

there were common themes used throughout these documentary sources.


Focus on the future: White paper on education (1973)


A major thrust for change in the Bahamian educational system came through the

educational platform advocated by the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP). This party won the

majority of the seats in the Bahamian Parliament in 1967 when it ousted the colonial white-

rule government of previous decades. The PLP retained power until August of 1992 when

the major opposition party, the Free National Movement (FNM), secured the majority of









the parliamentary seats. Focus on the future: White paper on education was the PLP's first

educational policy statement. Released during the wake of independence (1973), it

articulated the tenets of the government's independence plan regarding the educational

system for the new nation.

A basic premise upon which the document rested is that the colonial system that

existed prior to independence (1973) was in need of change. The document clearly stated

that:

By now every ex-Colonial territory and countries like ours which have shown signs
of growing up must, at the same time as they cope with the problems of a
developing country, face the inherent educational drawbacks and impediments of an
alien system. At the best, the system introduced is narrow, meagre, ill-suited and
irrelevant. (p. 1)

It was the intention of the leaders of the PLP Government to outline the intended

structure and purpose of the new national education system. Simultaneously, they were

careful to avoid 'rigidities of philosophy and structure' so that the public and private sectors

of the community would have the opportunity to offer input regarding the establishment of

"truly national processes of education which are responsive to the needs of all citizens" (p.

1).

Yet, it was not the intent of the government to imply that its educational policy

statement, the White Paper, was without foundation or direction. Policy makers stated that

the national system of education would embrace "a philosophy which is characteristic of the

nation's ideals, values, beliefs and customs; and must be prepared both to transmit such

characteristics, and to act as an agent for modifying them" (p. 1). The next step, then, was

to outline what the nation's ideals, values, beliefs and customs were, and to identify how

the educational system would act as an agent in modifying these characteristics.

The drafters of the White Paper outlined eight goals that the new educational system

should encourage. Beside the call for equal opportunities for all citizens, the government

leaders stressed the importance of the Bahamian heritage, the economy, nationhood, and









teacher education. Their belief and commitment to these goals were evident in the language

they chose to incorporate in the document. The education system would encourage:

a knowledgeable appreciation of the physical environment, and the cultural and
social heritage of the Bahamas.... Every citizen will be urged to assume a
personal responsibility for the economic, social, spiritual and political life
associated with free nationhood, and the efficient and harmonious management of
the Bahamian nation. (p. 3)

Highlighting the importance of primary schools, the government stated that the objectives

of the primary level of the educational system would be to help every young citizen:

acquire the knowledge, skills, habits, attitudes, beliefs and values that enhance
the human race and give strength and life to Bahamian society.... An effort will
be made to improve the cultivation of the arts of communication, the learning of
skills which are appropriate to the primary level and the strengthening of such areas
of the curriculum as mathematics, science, health and citizenship.... Every effort
will be made to ensure that these learning experiences take place in the proper
physical and social contexts and relate in a significant way to the real world of
experiences such as the child does know, can know and comprehend. Thus, not
only will learning be facilitated, but also a sense of national pride and identity be
nourished. (pp. 4- 5)

The key tenets that the framers of the White Paper outlined in the goals for the new

educational system, and their stance on the importance of primary schooling were

maintained throughout the remainder of the document. In particular, the importance of

Bahamianisation was prominent. Yet, at this stage in the government's articulation of its

educational policy, the notion of Bahamianisation focused mainly on the composition of

teaching population. The belief that Bahamian nationals, as teachers, by the very nature of

their birthright would understand the problems and aspirations of Bahamians, was explicit.

Concurring with the major goals of the educational system as stated in the

document, the framers of the White Paper highlighted the importance of support services in

enhancing the success of its programmes. Again the focus was on teachers as the

government emphasized its priority on the supply, education and training of members of

this profession. In addition, they stressed the importance of involving teachers in the

"processes of curriculum revision, renewal and enrichment" (p. 5).








Yet, it is interesting that except for this statement concerning the importance of

teacher input to curriculum development, the document mentioned little else regarding the

teacher's role in this respect. Nor was there a detailed examination of the financing of the

proposed programme, other than the recognition that costs would increase as a matter of

course. However, the teacher's role in curriculum development did become more focal as

the White Paper's goals and objectives were further developed in the later documents. In

fact, it was the role of the teacher in the development of the educational system, and the

goal of Bahamianisation that occupied much of the rhetoric of these later documents,

although there was occasional mention of the availability of financial resources.


Educational development in an archipelagic nation: Report of a review team invited by the

Government of The Commonwealth of The Bahamas (1974)


Within a year of the release of the White Paper, the government embarked upon the

task of translating its educational policy into guidelines for educational practices. Early in

1974 policy makers invited a review team, under the auspices of the Commonwealth

Secretariat, to examine its educational plan as articulated in its initial educational policy

statement. The Commonwealth Fund for Technical Cooperation funded this review team.

The members of the team included: Dr. J. A. Maraj (Commonwealth Assistant Secretary-

General, Team Leader), Dr. R. O. W. Fletcher (Senior Lecturer in Physics, University of

the West Indies), Professor J. W. Greig (University of Toronto, Faculty of Education),

and Professor J. D. Turner (University of Manchester, Faculty of Education). The review

team's terms of reference were explicit:

1. To review the progress made to date on the implementation of the
provisions of the White Paper on Education.
2. To recommend plans and schemes for the full implementation of the
provisions of the White Paper.
3. To review the organization, structure and management of the Ministry of
Education and Culture and to recommend a plan of re-organization to more









adequately meet the present and future wide and expanded range of
responsibilities.
4. To recommend a programme of external assistance to supplement local
manpower and financial resources to meet present and anticipated future
needs in the areas of education, youth, community development, culture,
sports and all other related subjects included in the portfolio of the Ministry
of Education and Culture. (pp. 3 4)

The report, later widely known as the Maraj Report (named after the team leader,

Dr. J. A. Maraj), set out to outline a development plan for educational reform in The

Bahamas. The review team was convinced that although the country was making progress,

as stipulated in the White Paper, "educational reform is greatly hindered by the absence of a

development plan in education which outlines the scope, sequence and time frame of

educational changes in the Bahamas school system" (p. 20).

Although the report covered several topics, there were three major areas that were

more pronounced. These were the notion of Bahamianisation, the teacher's role in the

development plan, and the importance of communication at, and between, all levels of the

educational system.

Acknowledging the validity of the government's desire to establish an educational

system that was Bahamian in 'philosophy and substance,' the team pursued the

government's conceptualization of Bahamianisation and posed several questions.

Foremost among these was the assumption that the Bahamianisation of the teaching

population would result in a Bahamian system.

The schools of a nation are universally recognized as the most important agency for
socializing the citizens of a country and thus the Bahamian educational system must
be Bahamian in philosophy and substance. [Still,] the substitution of Bahamian
teachers for expatriate teachers... is no guarantee that the educational system and
the school programme will become ipso facto Bahamian. (p. 8)

This assumption, the commission report argued, was complicated by the fact that the

educational system that had been established during the years prior to independence

combined both British and American philosophies and practices. The challenge of the

country would be, according to the review team, to see "whether an emerging Bahamian

educational philosophy can withstand outside influences while at the same time directing









the national school system towards indigenous goals and objectives" (p. 8). In addition,

they warned against neglecting the sources of assistance available outside The Bahamas.

While they recognized the importance of Bahamianising the educational system, they

pointed to the potential resource of expatriate teachers and consultants once policy makers

are able to constructively channel these talents and efforts toward the fulfilment of

Bahamian goals.

As far as the Bahamianisation of the curriculum was concerned, Maraj and the other

members of the Commonwealth Secretariat's commission stressed the importance of

considering the distinctive characteristics of the Bahamian society when applying the

principles and practices that they outlined in the development plan. Then, in illustrating the

importance of incorporating characteristics that are distinctively Bahamian, they spent

considerable time drawing particular reference to the science programme. Acknowledging

the efforts made toward the Bahamianisation of this programme since the White Paper, they

pointed to the untapped potential of the earth and marine sciences.

Extending the notion of Bahamianisation, the team stressed the importance of the

government ensuring that their general policy of the diversification of the economy, include

diversification of the school programmes.

The practical arts and the applied sciences must now take their places as equals with
the 'academic' offerings of the school. Indeed, if independence and self-
sufficiency are to be more than mere political chimera, the practical side of
education must even overhaul and exceed the traditional emphasis on the 'academic'
as the summum bonum of educational accomplishment. (p. 10)

The commission team's extended conceptualization of Bahamianisation also

included a discussion of assessment and its role in the Bahamian educational system. With

particular reference to the primary schools, the team expressed concern about the

discontinuance of the Common Entrance Examination (C.E.E.), an examination taken then

after the sixth grade by all students wishing to go on to the secondary schools. They

suggested that the new curriculum fill the void left by the C.E.E., and that educators

monitor the achievements of pupils and the programme so that improvement in basic skills









could be ensured. They also emphasized the importance of maintaining a close relationship

between curriculum development work and examinations, so that the curriculum intentions

of the government would not be distorted.

The Maraj Report highlighted teachers as key agents in the reform process at two

majorlevels. The first level related to curriculum development. The second related to the

evaluation and revision of the curriculum. In fact, Maraj and the review team were clear in

stating that the process of curriculum development must include teacher educators,

practising teachers, and pupils.

The process [of curriculum development] cannot succeed without the skills and
special knowledge of those concerned with teacher education, and without the close
coordination and insights of practising teachers, who are in daily contact with
pupils. And pupils themselves have a vital part to play, for no new syllabus can be
thought worthy of submission to the Ministry [of Education] for possible
publication until classroom trials have proved its value, and patient re-writing
followed by further school trials have remedied any deficiencies. (pp. 105-106)

In addition, they acknowledged the input of the Bahamian community as a crucial

determinant in the success or failure of the educational reform. Specifically, they expressed

the importance of consulting the public and keeping them informed about policies so that

"genuine participation by the informed public in policy formation" (p. 32) would become a

reality.

The Maraj commission members viewed communication at, and between, all levels

of the educational system as crucial if success in implementing the educational reform was

to be enhanced. Communication was first stressed in the role that the commission team

outlined for the Ministry of Education:

First, initiating the process [of curriculum development]
Second, monitoring and servicing the work of committees
Third, approving the completed curriculum
Fourth, disseminating the guides, study outlines, courses of study
Fifth, conducting in-service training programmes related to the new curricula
Sixth, producing appropriate learning materials and evaluative instruments and tests
Seventh, evaluating the curricula in the schools
Eighth, supplying curriculum committees with information about the success of the
curriculum with a view to modification and adjustment
Ninth, initiating the process anew. (p. 104)









They extended this concept of communication in further discussions of the structure

of the Ministry of Education, its relationship with practicing teachers, and the support

systems that should result. They were particularly concerned about the informal system of

organization, the lack of involvement in the decision-making process of those directly

affected by these decisions, the ill-defined roles and responsibilities of role-incumbents, the

slowness of executive action, and the interference of 'momentary political advantage' with

established policies. These concerns, according to the commission, would lead to the

prevention of goal attainment, morale problems, and a poor public and professional image

of the Ministry of Education. Indeed, the free and regular flow of discussion and

information was a theme that the commission team believed that the government must keep

at the centre of its intentions. As they argued, it was only through such communication that

"the development of educational policy will not only be, but seen to be, done within the

context of public debate and public interest" (p. 13).

The commission team also alluded to the importance of support systems in this

discussion of communication. This was done through the general reference to resources,

as well as a specific discussion of the establishment of a Learning Resources Unit (LRU),

and the role of the supervisor as support and 'linking' personnel.

The role of the Learning Resources Unit (LRU), according to the team, would be as

a support arm for the Bahamian educational system. It would produce approved

curriculum guides, courses of study, and other Bahamian learning materials. The necessity

of establishing such a unit was based on the team's observation that the embryonic

Bahamian curriculum unit had had limited success in its preparation and dissemination of

qualitative and substantive educational materials. The priority for the Ministry of Education

through the LRU, according to the Maraj Report, was that a "comprehensive programme

relevant to the needs of [T]he Bahamas be prepared and disseminated for use in the schools

throughout the Commonwealth. No other activity of the Ministry of Education and Culture

is more important" (p. 100). The recognition that there were financial constraints, and that









the government needed to reconsider their policies regarding the supply of resources, had a

further impact on their stance regarding the function of the LRU. The commission team

was clear in indicating that priorities among educational programmes and services must be

set, as future increases in the educational budget would be consumed by the conditions of

inflation.

[I]n times of fiscal stringency everyone in the educational system must learn to
make effective use of conventional resources and more imaginative use of non-
conventional resources. The total environment must become educative and a major
source of learning experiences and learning materials. (p. 14)

They then related the role of the supervisor to their overall discussion of

communication as they stressed the need to keep the channels of communication open

between the Ministry of Education bureaucracy and the classroom teacher.

Experience elsewhere has given us reason to believe that it is possible for the old
stereotype of the 'inspector' to be abandoned. The school supervisor is now a
resource person whose professional assistance is requested by the teacher who is
grappling with difficult problems: [s]he is able, by virtue of [her or] his travel
round the schools, to communicate the way in which teachers in different places are
solving their problems. The supervisor is a change agent, involved constantly with
the in-service education of teachers in the place where such education can best be
carried out the classroom.... Unless supervisory visits are conducted on a
regular basis, it is easy for those working at the [Ministry of Education]
headquarters to lose close touch with the real concerns of the classroom, and in
doing so to lose the confidence of the classroom teacher. (p. 118)

The Marai Report is more a statement of the conditions that are necessary for

educational reform to occur, than a policy statement of the government's educational plan

for reform. It is the type of policy statement that Ben-Peretz and Kremer (1979) call

process oriented. Yet, it is significant in that it highlighted what Bahamian policy makers

had done to address the goals of the White Paper. Additionally, it addressed that which the

commission team members perceived was still necessary, if the achievement of those goals

was to be facilitated. Indeed, it is interesting that the review team concluded its report with

a section entitled "The Change Process." In this section they stipulated that the intended

curriculum must be understood by all actors involved in the implementation process, that

channels of communication remain open between the classroom teacher and the Ministry









bureaucracy, and that the Bahamian community be fully involved in national policies.

These conditions, they maintained, were necessary if change in the Bahamian educational

system was to occur.

Yet, despite the focus of the document on the conditions necessary for change to

occur, the themes specified in the government's White Paper, notably Bahamianisation, the

role of support services, and an educational system that would serve the needs of a

Bahamian society, its people and their aspirations, are also stressed in the Maraj Report.

The second phase of the mission, again made possible by the Commonwealth Secretariat

through the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Co-operation, resulted in the production of

a development plan. This plan, Education for national progress: Guide for educational

planning for The Commonwealth of The Bahamas for the period 1976-1981, was written

by two members of the Maraj commission team and expounded similar themes as those in

both the Maraj Report and the White Paper.


Education for national progress: Guide for educational planning for The Commonwealth of

The Bahamas for the period 1976-1981


From the onset this second commission team acknowledged that the 1976-1981

educational plan (Education for national progress) was unconventional as it deviated from

the usual plan that is "replete with details of enrollment projections, building schedules,

number of teachers and similar data.... [Instead,] we have been principally concerned

with action which can be both effective and productive" (p. 3). The commission team

presented, then, "an action plan, a working tool, flexible enough to afford manoeurability

which those who implement plans must have in a changing society" (p. 3).

By acknowledging the government's earlier articulation of the nation's concerns,

the team established a sense of continuity, not only with the Maraj Report, but also with the

White Paper.








[T]he quest for greater self-sufficiency, the policy of Bahamianisation, the security
of its people, resources and environment, restoring a sense of dignity to labour, the
pursuit of social justice for all, national pride and loyalty, self-discipline and
integrity and the development of personal attributes based on Christian principles
must be clearly and unequivocally reflected in the educational objectives,
programme and practices of the school system of this country. (p. 7)

In addition, this acknowledgment was in agreement with the Marai Report's stipulation that

educational objectives relate to national goals, as the plan attempted to relate educational

objectives to public policy, particularly concerning social and economic development.

The educational objectives that the team outlined were again in concurrence with the

themes evident in the two documents that preceded it. Seven of the fifteen objectives

highlighted the importance of teachers, support services, and indigenous materials. In

addition, the notion of 'functional literacy and numeracy' was a theme that received

attention in this document.

Primary, as did secondary and tertiary, education received more focused attention

than it had in the previous documents. Specifically, the commission team outlined five

long term and eight short term objectives. Most of these objectives concentrated on the

themes of literacy, citizenship, indigenous materials, support services, and the upgrading

of the teaching profession. Yet, of all the themes that the review team listed as long term

objectives for primary education, that of Bahamianisation was most prominent. In setting

the frame for the discussion of the educational plan, the commission team agreed, as they

did in the Marai Report, that the government's Bahamianisation policy was essential in the

nation's development plan. By increasing the number of trained Bahamian teachers and

making use of more indigenous components in the curriculum, they argued, the country's

cultural identity could be strengthened, and there would be more effective use of human

and natural resources. In their words:

Unless the average Bahamian believes deeply in [her or] his country and cares
intensely about its growth and prosperity, irrespective of how these may now be
defined, the citizens of this Commonwealth will respond indifferently to the call to
serve in the interest of the nation and not only as this call relates to the service of
young people. (p. 7)









In this way, the commission extended the notion of Bahamianisation beyond that of the

teaching profession as they had also done in the Maraj Report.

Pursuing the notion of Bahamianisation elsewhere in the document, the team made

references to the need to incorporate indigenous elements in the curriculum and to be wary

of paradigmaticc models' used in Western industrialized contexts. Using the school

subject, reading, as an example, they argued that not only are indigenous materials feasible,

but crucial at the primary level:

Simple, inexpensive materials, especially for the reading programme, ought to be
produced for children, particularly in the primary grades. Initial formal learning is
more readily accomplished by young children when they can identify with the
content of the materials from which they are learning. A small effective production
unit involving a competent editor and a production manager could produce a variety
of materials which emphasize the Bahamian experience. (p. 26)

Indeed, they stressed the importance of the use of indigenous materials throughout the

educational system if the government was to solidify its Bahamianisation policy.

The almost total reliance on non-Bahamian school materials throughout the
Commonwealth vitiates the Bahamianisation process and hinders learning for
countless numbers of children. The development of a modest, yet effective,
production unit for the purpose of producing low cost instructional materials,
Bahamian in content and context, is indispensable to the fulfilment of a school
programme which meets the social and educational needs of the country. (p. 14)

Finally, the area of assessment was tied to the discussion of Bahamianisation as they

stressed the need of interrelating the indigenous curriculum with the testing programme.

The development of a national system of education, they argued, would be enhanced by

using Bahamian testing instruments and norms.

As in the Maraj Report, the theme of the teacher as a central agent in the curriculum

process was again a target of discussion in this five year educational plan. The introduction

of this theme entered into the larger discussion of curriculum implementation. In the

process of implementation, the drafters of the plan indicated that if commitment and support

were to be secured, the most important issues were public information, public education,

and the input of the classroom teacher.









Pursuing its recommendation in the Maraj Report that the government establish a

Learning Resources Unit, the commission team again highlighted this recommendation,

along with the recommendations of a completed primary curriculum, a new emphasis in

teacher training, and the formulation a more detailed plan for the College of The Bahamas.

These were the four areas of educational development that they stipulated would require

major efforts to facilitate the educational plan that they proposed. Yet, it is the Learning

Resources Unit that received top priority as they maintained that it would be the "catalyst

for meaningful school [resource] units throughout the system" (p. 95). It is noteworthy

that, in the discussion about the Learning Resources Unit, again there was a focus on

support services, teacher education, and facilities that would be useful in the production of

indigenous instructional materials.


Summary


A definite continuity of themes runs throughout the three major educational

documents, the White paper (1973), the Maraj Report (1974), and the commission's

subsequent educational plan, Education for national progress (1976). The Progressive

Liberal Party Government's initial call, in the White paper, for Bahamianisation is

expanded to include: (1) its perceived drive for the maintenance of a cultural identity, (2)

the honing of civic responsibilities, and (3) a respect for its human and natural resources.

To enhance the achievement of this goal, the production and use of indigenous educational !

materials is highlighted as crucial. The recognition of the classroom teacher as a central ,

agent in the reform process is stressed at every level, and in every document. Finally, the

importance of communication within the Ministry of Education, between the Ministry of

Education officials and classroom teachers, and the education and involvement of the

Bahamian community in policy matters lie at the very foundation of the success of this

educational reform.









Considering the above analysis, therefore, it is not unusual that the PLP

Government heeded the commission's recommendation to develop a national curriculum.

The following section pursues a similar thematic examination of a selection of the 1982

Curriculum Guides. These documents were the Government's attempt to establish guide-

lines for teaching practices in The Bahamas. They represent the practical application of the

government's intended educational policies as articulated through the White Paper and the

subsequent commission reports.


Curriculum Policy Documents: The 1982 Curriculum Guides


In preparation for the 1981 National Education Conference the Government

appointed a National Education Conference Committee. Also at this time the Government

gave this committee the responsibility of guiding the production a national curriculum.

Since 1981, this committee, appointed by the Minister of Education, has included

representatives from the Primary Principals' Association, Secondary Principals'

Association, College of The Bahamas, Chamber of Commerce, and Supply Section of the

Ministry of Education. According to the chairperson of the committee in 1981:

[T]hat very first conference really got all the managers, all the administrators,
together. There were no regular classroom teachers, just administrators, and it dealt
with government policies, understanding what educational policy was all about and
what were their roles and functions; it was at that conference in the policy statement
that the Minister made the announcement that it had been decided to establish a
standardized curriculum throughout the system.

Although there were no classroom teachers on the 1981 Conference Committee, members

of the committee made attempts to solicit their input by forming individual subject

committees. This involved an extensive search throughout the country as Conference

Committee members sought individuals, usually practicing teachers in each subject, to

include on these subject committees. The chairperson of the Conference Committee

explained the work of the committee in this way:









The committee led the way. We set in motion a kind of movement to get this
[the formulation of the curriculum guides] done; that had never been done in the
country before and I don't know if it will ever be done again. We put together very
large teams and went all over the Family Islands. We took it to every school in this
country, private and government..... We went to all the larger islands, and then
we came back to New Providence; and the whole business was, you know,
teaching the whole concept of a standardized curriculum, identifying core groups of
people who would be able to do that; we were really supported by the Minister [of
Education] himself, by the Director [of Education], who... travelled with us just
about everywhere.... including the Prime Minister... we had everybody.

Indeed, the effort that the committee and policy makers made to include the input of

classroom teachers, and the wider community is noteworthy, particularly as this was a first

attempt at writing such guidelines in the new nation. As Darrell E. Rolle, Minister of

Education at the time, claimed in the Preface to the 1982 Curriculum Guides:

For the first time in our history, teachers throughout The Bahamas have had an
opportunity to develop their own curriculum. This curriculum must therefore be
seen and regarded as our own local product, and we must as a consequence accept
responsibility for all aspects of it.

Individual subject committees, under the direction of members of the 1981

Conference Committee, produced curriculum guides in all the subject areas taught at the

primary, junior and senior high levels at the time. As the present study is concerned with

the upper primary level, grades five and six, I concentrated on an examination of a selection

of guides for that level. Specifically, I reviewed the social studies, reading, and language

arts guides as these subjects, by the very nature of their foci, are responsible for the themes

that the earlier policy documents highlight as important.


Ministry of Education 1982 Curriculum for Social Studies


The significance of the 1982 Curriculum for Social Studies relates to the generally

accepted objective of social studies programmes in most nations. That is, such

programmes, by the nature of their predominantly 'social' content, focus on groups, social

institutions, cultures and societies. The intent of the 1982 Bahamian social studies

curriculum was not an exception in this regard as the writers of this document stated that









this curriculum was "designed to teach the concepts, skills, and attitudes necessary for

effective citizenship in a democratic society in a complex world" (p. 1).

The key concepts upon which the writers based this guide were self-identity,

interdependence, socialization, choices, change, power, and diversity. Self-identity was

meant to highlight the importance of an individual's unique combination of talents, abilities,

interests, and physical characteristics, and the way in which family, friends, and the

community affect the formation of this identity. Interdependence stressed the various ways

individuals, groups, societies, and nations depend on each other in important ways. The

process by which people learn to get along in their society, or learn the ways of their

culture was incorporated in socialization. In addition, it was this concept of socialization

that related to customs, and the value of culture in societies. The concept of choices

emphasized the conflicting demands on time, energy, money and other resources with

which individuals, groups and nations are constantly faced. Change focused upon

individuals, educators, technological developments and conflicts as agents of change. The

fact that people influenced other people, whether individually, as a group or on national

levels was addressed by the concept of power. The utilization of 'power' to get things

done was envisioned as essential in the teaching of this concept. Finally, diversity centred

on the differences among individuals, populations, cultures, and geographic regions, and

the idea that differences enrich societies, although conflict develops when individuals,

groups, and nations holding different values interact (Overview, p. 2).

Although these seven concepts formed the foundation of the social studies

curriculum, it was the content of the social studies lessons and its delimitation for the

primary school grade levels that best demonstrated the general thrust of the programme. As

the writers of the guide stated:

It is important that a child study the society in his [or her] own country since this is
the background of [her or] his own experience which is always a point of reference
in social studies. Beside, [s]he is being prepared for life in his [or her] own
country even though [s]he may eventually emigrate. It is also important that [s]he









study something of other societies so that his [or her] understandings are about
people in general other than members of a specific national group. (p. 9)

The attitudes that the writers wished to encourage were those of an 'effective citizen.' Such

a citizen would develop responsible attitudes about her or his role in the community, would

appreciate her or his cultural heritage, and would respect different peoples and civilizations.

While the earlier primary school years were to cover the themes, "Who am I," "I

live in a community," "People in our nation," and "The Bahamas our home," the intended

themes of the upper primary level were "People outside my country" and "Cultures of the

world." Yet, despite the intended switch in focus from the internal to the external, there

were still constant attempts to tie this external focus to its relationship with The Bahamas.

For example, the grade five theme, "The people outside my country," highlighted the

historical and cultural links of The Bahamas as they are influenced by the British, American

and African peoples. In addition, the guide outlined the following understandings:

That physical and social environments help determine the skills, values and customs
of people[,].... thatt the culture of a people is passed on through plays, songs
and dances [and]..... thatt people are expected to live according to the parameters
set by a culture. (p. 128)

Furthermore, six of the fourteen behavioral objectives referred to The Bahamas in some

way:

Give illustrations and examples of assistance given and received in times of national
disaster in The Bahamas.
Give geographical and social reasons for the links between The Bahamas and other
countries of the world.
Write reports on the Lord Proprietors, Loyalists, Buccaneers and Pirates.
Compare and contrast The Bahamian Culture with that of another Caribbean
country.
Draw maps of The Bahamas and insert boundaries of neighboring countries.
List organizations involved in the improvement of the standard of living in the
Caribbean. (p. 130)

In turn, the suggested activities that the guide included drew on Bahamian venues and

experiences, including visits to the commercial and business sectors of The Bahamas, the

Bahamas Defence Force Base, and villages settled by slaves during the early history of the









country. Explorations of folk tales, food dishes from around the region, and agreements

between The Bahamas and other countries were also suggested as activities.

In the same manner, the sixth grade theme, "Cultures of the world," extended the

understandings, attitudes, skills, and behavioral objectives that the curriculum writers

outlined for grade five. In particular, the concentration was on 'culture.' Respect for other

cultures of the world and an appreciation of the Bahamian culture were foremost. Still,

while the suggested activities included the exploration of the various cultures of the world,

there was always the explicit tie, by way of comparing and contrasting, that the writers

stated teachers should draw between these cultures and that of The Bahamas.

Finally, the bibliography that the writers of the curriculum included in the social

studies guide listed eight of sixteen references that indigenous or regional firms had

published. These include Macmillan Caribbean, Instaprint Bahamas Ltd., Arawak Editors,

The Bahamas Government Printing Department, Longman Caribbean, and The Bahamas

Public Records Office. Generally, in keeping with the goal of Bahamianisation, and in

particular the use of indigenous content, the intended 1982 social studies programme was

one that sought to incorporate this basic objective.


Ministry of Education 1982 Curriculum for Language Arts Upper Primary


The potential that language arts has as a vehicle for the transmittal of cultural

elements and customs is evident. The framers of the Maraj Report recognized this subject

as a 'basic learning area' as they highlighted the importance of literacy and its relationship

to national development. Indeed, the importance of communication, and literacy in its

general sense places both the language arts and reading programmes at the centre of the

primary level curriculum.

The components that the developers of the language arts curriculum for the upper

primary level outlined as focal include: listening and speaking skills, handwriting, written









composition, spelling, grammar and usage, and literature. The sections of the guide that

addressed listening, speaking, handwriting, grammar and usage, and written composition

focused on these components as skills that the student should develop to communicate

more effectively. Yet, there were attempts to include indigenous elements as suggested

activities included every day experiences of students, and national newspapers, television

or radio broadcasts as the content in, for example, the teaching of listening and speaking.

Still, it was the literature component that was more explicit in highlighting

indigenous content in both the suggested activities and the objectives of the literature

programme. The general objectives for the upper primary level stated that students would:

a. enjoy reading for pleasure and information.
b. develop an appreciation for Bahamian and West Indian Literature.
c. produce their own short stories, poems and plays.
d. through literature recognize the universality of human nature.
e. display empathy for the human condition portrayed through literature.
f. recognize simple figurative devices found in poems, plays and novels. (p. 4)

In suggesting activities that supported the realization of these objectives, the developers of

the 1982 Language Arts Curriculum outlined lessons that incorporated the audio-taping of

students reading stories or poems, the dramatizing of plays, and the reading of various

periodicals and magazines.

However, the appendix for the upper primary level literature programme included

few suggestions of indigenous materials for the classroom teacher's use. Except for

Sherlock's (1966) West Indian's folk tales, Wallace's (1970, 1973) Bahamian scenes, and

Island echoes, and Turner's (1977) Songs of the surrey, the over 100 sources of materials

in the appendix ranged from Twain's Adventures of Tom Sawyer, to Norton's (1967) The

Borrowers, Stevenson's Treasure Island, and Blume's (1972) Tales of a fourth grade

nothing. Books that Bahamians had written at, or before, the time of the production of the

1982 Curriculum Guides such as Tertullien's (1977) Old stories and riddles: Bahamiana

culturama#1, Eneas' (1976) Bain Town, and Smith's (1979) Reflections of the sun and

soil were not mentioned. Other Caribbean authors such as Anthony (1970), Brodber









(1980), Edgell (1982), Hodge (1970), Lovelace (1982) and Naipaul (1959) were also

noticeably absent from these lists.

Nonetheless, despite the absence of recommended indigenous materials for use in

the literature programme, the thrust to develop an appreciation for Bahamian and West

Indian literature was one of the programme's objectives. Thus the initial conception of

policy makers to Bahamianise the curriculum, though it may not have been supported by

the recommended materials in all cases, remained as a constant theme.

The 1982 Language Arts Curriculum set the Bahamianisation of the curriculum as a

goal, at least at the preliminary level. How well it developed this concept through its

recommendations of teaching materials is questionable. Indeed, the issue of the selection,

purchasing and production of indigenous materials is one that surfaces throughout my

investigation of the implementation of the intended curriculum policies of the independence

era. Later in the dissertation, when I explore the practices of classroom teachers, and the

apparent policies of the Ministry of Education bureaucracy regarding the larger issue of

indigenous materials, more light is shed on this problem.


Ministry of Education 1982 Suggested Reading Curriculum for Primary Schools


The writers of the reading curriculum envisioned reading as a component that was

inter-related with that of the larger language arts programme. At the onset they presented a

definition of reading that incorporated the views of the educators who produced the guide

and thus served as a guiding post in its formulation:

Reading is regarded as an active, creative process that includes recognition of
printed symbols, understanding of information, reaction to that information and
integration of attitudes, skills and abilities. It is a life-giving art which enables the
individual to function effectively in society. (p. viii)

Stressing that teachers should not view reading as several simple skills that could be

taught in a few formal lessons, the developers of the 1982 Reading Curriculum presented a









sequential development of skills from readiness to grade six. The skill areas included:

readiness, word recognition, comprehension, and study and research. The specific reading

skills for grades five and six that they listed included: sight words, phonetic analysis,

structural analysis, vocabulary development, dictionary skills, comprehension skills, and

study skills. In turn, the suggested activities concentrated on ways in which teachers could

assist in the development of these skills.

While the developers of the 1982 Reading Curriculum did not include a list of

suggested materials, other than the use of flash cards and the like, they did state their views

regarding the selection of reading materials. In their words, "Since reading is a

developmental process, careful thought must be given to the selection of books and

materials that would help the child master the desired skills in sequential order" (p. viii).

The selection of materials was the responsibility of the classroom teacher who, the

developers hoped, would "modify the content and create new and additional material to

meet the needs and interests of the students" (p. ii).

Building on a major goal set for Bahamian education, developing well-informed

and intelligently active citizens, the developers of the 1982 Reading Curriculum reinforced

an initial intention of policy makers of the independence era, the pursuit of literacy. Yet,

except for the stated tie to the language arts component, there was little expansion of other

themes, at least not as they were evident in both the language arts guidelines and that of

social studies. In fact, as mentioned, there was no recommended list of reading materials,

indigenous or otherwise, included in the guide. Still, as I discovered through my

examination of language arts' teaching practices, the teaching of reading presented an

interesting arena for the analysis of the implementation of The Bahamas Government's

curriculum policies. I explore the complex nature of reading instruction later in the

dissertation.









Summary


The 1982 primary school curriculum guides offered suggested guidelines for

teaching practices. It was the intent of the Progressive Liberal Party Government, and the

developers of these documents, that classroom teachers would use them as guidelines for

their daily practices, and would further develop them in the years that followed their

introduction. Indeed, it was the then Minister of Education himself, Darrell E. Rolle, who

stated in the Preface to all of the guides that:

We would be mistaken if we regard the new curriculum as an end in itself. It is
only a beginning. It is yet to be tested and tried. The final test of its validity will be
found in the quality of Bahamian students produced in our schools in the years
ahead.

Pursuing this point, the then Director of Education, Marjorie W. T. Davis, highlighted the

importance of teacher innovation in further developing the curriculum:

These materials form the basic guidelines and must be adjusted appropriately in
terms of teaching methodology and educational strategies. There is much
opportunity for teacher innovation which is of course fundamental to curriculum
development. Initiative on the part of the users of these materials is to be
encouraged and teachers are urged to submit comments and suggestions to the
particular subject committee so that the work that has now commenced may
continue and quality education may be achieved in all our schools. (Introduction to
guides)

The nature of teacher innovation and initiative in respect to the use of these guides

can be investigated, at a preliminary level, by examining the schemes of work and lesson

plan of teachers. While the schemes of work expand upon the suggested guidelines of the

1982 Curriculum Guides, the lesson plans are purportedly the intended plans for the daily

practices of teachers. I include a discussion of lesson plans later in the dissertation, when I

investigate the practices of teachers within the classroom setting. At this point, however, I

have chosen to examine a selection of schemes of work as they represent extensions of the

1982 Curriculum Guides, and thereby give detailed frameworks of intended teaching

practices.









Schemes of work


In contrast to the skeletal frameworks of the 1982 guides, the written schemes of

work usually show more detail in terms of notes, activities, and sometimes how much time

would be spent on each topic. The schemes that I examined vary from school to school,

particularly in the language that the writers chose and the amount of detail that they used.

This variation is not surprising as the Ministry of Education does not require that schemes

be uniform, but only that teachers use the 1982 Curriculum Guides as guidelines.

As discussions with classroom teachers led me to conclude that they depend more

on schemes of work than the 1982 Curriculum Guides, when making choices about

teaching content, I saw the need to include this important source in my document

examination. The schemes that I used in the following examination are a collection that I

obtained from the teachers whom I met during my data collection period. The purpose of

this examination was to establish whether there was that continuity of themes that the earlier

policy documents, and particularly the 1982 Curriculum Guides, demonstrated.

When the Ministry of Education distributed the 1982 Curriculum Guides, Ministry

officials urged teachers to submit comments and suggestions to the appropriate subject

committees. These same subject committees, that the National Education Conference

Committee had established for the drafting of the curriculum, continued to function even

after the Ministry released the curriculum in 1982. It was, and still is today, their function

as a standing committee to work with the curriculum officer responsible for each subject

area. These committees include heads of departments and classroom teachers through

whom, technically, the curriculum officer can relay information to the larger teaching

population. Still, in 1982 and the years that followed the initial phase of implementation,

the Ministry of Education had not established formal machinery for the collection and

dissemination of feedback. However, according to various Ministry of Education officials,

school administrators, and classroom teachers, some teachers did complete annual








evaluations and submitted these to the various subject officers. This annual, and

sometimes biannual, practice developed into the annual writing of schemes of work. The

schemes are, however, only circulated among members of the particular grade level in the

particular school, and not among other schools in the country.

Again, as with the preceding discussion of the 1982 Curriculum Guides, I restricted

my discussion of written schemes of work to language arts and social studies because the

earlier documents highlighted key themes for which these subjects are responsible. In

addition, I make topical reference to science as it presented an interesting comparative case.

The schemes of work are not meant to be representative as they were collected only from

teachers of the three schools in which I conducted my field work. Still, they do raise

several interesting questions that I address later in the dissertation.


Schemes of work for language arts


As with the 1982 Curriculum Guides, the schemes of work for language arts that I

examined included the following topics: listening and speaking, literature, handwriting or

penmanship, written composition or creative writing, spelling, and grammar and usage.

Again, it was the literature component that dealt more broadly with specifics as it related to

the themes that I have discussed so far in this chapter. As with the guides, the schemes of

work for listening and speaking, handwriting or penmanship, written composition or

creative writing, spelling, and grammar and usage dealt more with actual skills on which

the writers asked teachers to concentrate. Yet, it is interesting that the areas of focus

(listening and speaking, handwriting or penmanship, etc.) were the same, and that the

skills also built on those in the 1982 guide. In fact, in the three schemes, references listed

for teacher consultation included the 1982 Curriculum Guide for Primary Language Arts.

There were also distinct similarities in the three literature schemes of work that I

examined. Although these schemes varied in terms of the amount of detail and the









suggested activities that teachers included, the general aims were similar to those that the

1982 guide outlined. Echoing the objectives of the 1982 guide, the three schemes stated

the importance of: developing an appreciation for Bahamian and West Indian literature;

encouraging the reading of literature for pleasure and information; encouraging the student

to produce her or his own stories, poems, and plays; and encouraging the recognition of

the universality of human nature through the experience of literature. Yet, the three

schemes suggested various approaches to achieving these aims. Still, despite the variations

in suggested approaches, the similarity, of both the language arts areas generally and

literature specifically, supports the observation that classroom teachers incorporate the aims

of the 1982 Language Arts Curriculum Guide in their written language arts schemes of

work.



Schemes of work for social studies


An examination of the social studies schemes of work revealed more diversity than

that of language arts. This diversity revolved around the sequence and emphasis of topics

within the curriculum. While the social studies schemes that I examined made attempts to

pursue the more general themes outlined in the 1982 guides, "People outside my country"

and "Cultures of the world," the starting points varied from scheme to scheme. For

example, one sixth grade scheme began by focusing on the "Early settlers to The Bahamas"

during the first term, followed by a more detailed analysis of "The Bahamas" during the

second term, and ended with an analysis of "Bahamian culture" and "Cultures of the

world" during the third term. This sequence did not conform to the 1982 guidelines, at

least not in its strictest sense. Instead, there was an obvious overlap with content that the

1982 Social Studies Curriculum Guide included in its grade four curriculum. It was not

until the third term that this scheme turned to the content intended for students of the sixth

grade, "Cultures of the world."









In contrast, another social studies scheme for a sixth grade followed the format of

the 1982 Social Studies Curriculum Guide more closely. The objectives that this scheme

highlighted were similar to those in the 1982 guide, although teachers added more

contemporary examples as illustrations such as the Commonwealth Heads of Government

Meeting (CHOGM), the Caribbean track and field body, CARIFTA, and the cultural body,

CARIFESTA (Caribbean Festival of Arts). This scheme also expanded the 1982 guide's

objective regarding the study of countries, zones, and map drawing/labelling by using six

of its seventeen objectives to specify what teachers should cover in this area. Having

established this as a foundation during the fall term, the scheme went on for the remainder

of the academic year to address the following topics: the United Nations, Culture, the

British Commonwealth of Nations, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), and the

Organization of American States (OAS), Resources, and the Government of the

Commonwealth of The Bahamas.

These two very different sixth grade social studies schemes demonstrate that there

may be differences in both the content and approaches that teachers take when teaching this

subject. While it is perilous to make generalizations based on just two schemes of work, it

is plausible that teachers might adjust their focus of teaching for various reasons. What

these reasons are, and what the resulting impact might be on the implementation of the

1982 curriculum, are both questions that cannot be addressed through a simple examination

of schemes of work. Such an investigation must be pursued within the context of

curriculum practice. That is, one must explore the classroom practices of teachers and

engage in discourse with the implementors, the teachers, so that such dynamics may be

revealed.









Schemes of work for science


Perhaps because there is less leeway in the science curriculum, written schemes of

work for science that I examined were more uniform. Three of the schemes of work that I

examined conformed to the basic outline of topics not only in grades five and six, but

throughout the primary school years. These topics include: scientific method,

measurement, matter, living and non-living things, energy, and the earth and the universe.

The only thing that varied was the detail that was covered at each grade level.

At the grade five and six levels, according to the supplement to the Primary Science

Curriculum (1984), teachers should concentrate on measurement, living and non-living

things, the earth and the universe, matter, and energy. The three schemes of work that I

examined addressed these topics. Indeed, the uniformity in terms of suggested approaches

was astounding. Other than the probable lack of flexibility regarding science topics,

another reason there was such a marked similarity might be because the schemes of work

that I examined were those of science specialists in the three respective primary schools.

Whether the role of the specialist teacher enhances the uniformity of the implementation

process is an interesting issue that I address later in the dissertation.

Still, it is sufficient to note, at this point, that the science schemes of work that I

examined conformed to the guidelines suggested by policy makers. In addition, it is worth

noting that even the "Primary Science Exhibition," held during November 1991, stipulated

that students enter projects that fell within the same topics as those outlined by the 1982

curriculum. In addition, the planners of the the exhibition, whose theme was "Discover,

explore and learn through science," organized it with the Ministry of Education's 'science

goal' in mind:

EACH child in The Bahamas should be given the chance to interact with objects and
events of the natural world by becoming actively involved in exploring, searching,
discovering, measuring, analyzing, theorizing, generalizing, observing,
experimenting thereby acquiring the understandings, knowledge and skills









necessary to survive in this world. (Primary Science Exhibition, Programme
Booklet)


Summary


Again, I wish to stress that the schemes of work, that I included in the above

examination, were not meant to be taken as representative of those used by teachers

throughout The Bahamas. Yet, the examination highlighted various factors that could

influence the direction that teachers decide to take in the construction of their written

schemes of work, and ultimately their teaching practices.

The similarity in the language arts schemes is noteworthy. It is also worth noting at

this point that the language arts programme is further enhanced by an examination system

that acts as a 'check and balance.' Evidence of this a 'check and balance' is presented in

the Ministry of Education's Circular No: 56, dated October 21, 1987. This circular stated

that:

All schools need to give particular attention to and record student progress in
writing skills. To help schools meet this objective, the Ministry of Education has
decided to add writing components to the Grade Level Assessment Test (GLAT) at
the sixth and eight grade levels.... School administrators should ensure that
Written Composition is properly timetables at all grade levels. Teachers should be
encouraged to use the Writing Process Teaching Method: Prewriting, Composing,
Revising and Publishing in preparing students for the writing component.

Similarly, the same areas that the GLAT examination addresses are listed as separate topics

in the schemes of work, and even in the standard 'Progress Report Card' used by all

government primary schools.

The social studies programme presents a contrasting situation. Again, I do not

mean to suggest that the examples that I used in my examination were representative, but

that perhaps this subject is one that receives on-going re-definition. The nature of the

subject could explain the incorporation of current topics such as those in the second scheme









of work that I examined. Yet, this does not explain the differences in emphasis

demonstrated between the first and the second scheme.

Finally, the science schemes introduced another issue, that of the specialist teacher.

Does the specialist teacher enhance the uniformity of the curriculum process? The striking

similarity evident in these schemes raises interesting prospects in this regard.

An examination of the schemes of work, and even lesson plans, of teachers can

give some insight into the 'initiative' that the Director of Education, in the introduction to

the 1982 Curriculum Guides, asked teachers to take. Yet, we must view such an

examination with caution. This is particularly so with the examination of the lesson plans,

as discussions with classroom teachers and my observations of their practices revealed that

for many reasons these plans are not always fulfilled. This may also be the case with the

written schemes of work that I have just discussed. Just what happens in practice and why

teachers choose to do, or not do, certain things cannot be answered at this stage of my

analysis, but when I explore teaching practices later in the dissertation.










CHAPTER 5


RESULTS OF QUESTIONNAIRE INSTRUMENT


Introduction


I have presented the findings of my questionnaire using the following categories:

teacher demographic information, availability and use of the 1982 Curriculum Guides in the

primary schools, the format and content of the guides, the availability of resource materials

for use with the guides, support services, and physical facilities. As these are the same

categories that the Ministry of Education used in its 1985 curriculum survey, they facilitate

a comparison between both studies.


Demographic data


The description of teachers in the 1991 sample of this study is comparable to that of

the Ministry of Education's 1990-1991 classification of the teaching positions (see

Appendix D-1). However, the number of university degrees held by the teaching

population is not comparable (see Appendix D-2). I have also presented the gender

distribution of the initial 1991 sample (n=104) in Table 3 (Appendix D-3) which shows that

the initial sample was also comparable to the Ministry's latest statistics on this variable.

Another question included in my 1991 questionnaire addressed teaching experience.

Teachers were asked to indicate the number of years that they had taught in the public

school system. Of the 85 women who responded to this item, 5 (6%) had taught for less

than 6 years; 7 (8%) for both 6 to 10 and 11 to 15 years; 32 (38%) had taught between 16

and 20 years; 14 (16%) between 21 and 25 years; 8 (9%) between 26 and 30 years; and 6









(7%) for both 31 to 35 and 36 to 46 years. The teachers who responded to this 1991

questionnaire represent a very experienced group as 73 (86%) of them have taught for 11

or more years. Furthermore, I assume that they are familiar with the organization and

management of the Ministry of Education school system and its curriculum as they have

been in the system for 11 years or more. Only 6% of the respondents were not in the

public school system when the Ministry conducted its 1985 survey.


Availability and use of 1982 guides


The analysis of the data relating to the availability and use of the guides also

uncovered similar findings as those of the Ministry's 1985 study. In response to the item

asking whether the 1982 Curriculum Guides were available to them, about 83% of the

women in my sample indicated that they were available, while approximately 86% of the

Ministry's sample indicated that the guides were available to them.

The two questionnaire items that addressed the issue of the use of the guides

concern the extent that respondents follow their guidelines, and whether they felt confident

teaching the curriculum. Fifty-five percent of the respondents said that they followed the

guidelines 'somewhat closely,' 40% said that followed them 'closely.' The Ministry's

instrument did not include this item. In response to whether they felt confident teaching the

curriculum, 76% of the respondents on my questionnaire replied 'yes,' as compared to

75% of the Ministry's 1985 sample.


Format and content of guides


A range of items, common to both surveys, addressed the issue of format and

content. First, teachers were asked whether the suggested activities included in the guides

were sufficient. The analysis of the 1991 data showed that 9% of the respondents agreed









that there were sufficient activities. The Ministry's 1985 survey showed less consensus as

31% disagreed and 56% agreed that there were sufficient suggested activities in the 1982

guides.

Beside the question about the activities included in the guides, there was a series of

items relating to the theme of format and content. These items addressed the question of

textbooks. The analyses for both surveys are presented in Tables 4-6 (see Appendix D).

An analysis of the questionnaire item concerning the revision of the content of the

1982 Curriculum Guides uncovered different percentages for each year. While the 1985

survey reported that about 60% of the respondents agreed that the content needed revision,

my 1991 survey showed that 86% perceived that the guides were in need of revision.

Finally, regarding the content of the guides, the 1991 questionnaire instrument

asked teachers to respond to how relevant they perceived the goals and objectives of the

guides to be in terms of their (a) meeting the academic needs of students, and (b) preparing

students for their lives in society. In response to the item on academic relevance, 49% of

the teachers indicated that the content of the guides was 'relevant,' 46% that it was

'somewhat relevant,' and 5% responded that it was 'not at all relevant.' Then, in response

to the item on the relevance for the students' lives in society, 61% indicated that it was

'somewhat relevant,' 36% that it was 'relevant,' and 4% that it was 'not at all relevant.'


Resource materials


Data available through both surveys addressed the issue of resource materials, in

different ways. When respondents replied in 1985 to the question as to whether the 1982

Curriculum Guides "make adequate use of resource materials," approximately 65% of the

respondents agreed that the use was adequate. Yet, when asked in the 1991 survey

whether there was sufficient resource material to help teach the curriculum, only 51% of the

respondents indicated that there was the case. Then, when asked specifically about









Bahamian resource material, 49% of the respondents indicated that the guides made 'less

than adequate' use of Bahamian resource material, 45% indicated that the use was

'adequate,' and 6% indicated 'not at all.' Although there was no similar question on the

1985 instrument, a report summarizing the results of the 1985 study noted that, through the

open-ended responses, teachers indicated that "the activities in the curriculum should be

more indigenously related to Family Island experiences, things that are readily identifiable

by the students" (p. 5). In addition, teachers expressed that the Ministry of Education

"should purchase and make available to the school much needed resource materials and

equipment.... [Also, resource material] where feasible should be indigenous in nature" (p

5).

Tied to the issue of resources is that of physical facilities. The Ministry's 1985

survey reported that 63% of the respondents indicated that 'the instructional area was

sufficient to accommodate existing class enrollments in an effective learning situation.'

However, only 35% of the respondents of the 1991 survey agreed that there was sufficient

space for effective learning to take place.


Support services


The final category of analysis is that of the availability of support services. Both

questionnaires addressed this issue by asking whether teachers received any assistance

from the Ministry of Education to implement the 1982 guides. The 1985 survey reported

that "less than half of the teachers received formal assistance from the Ministry" (p. 3). I

present the analysis of the Ministry of Education's assistance to teachers by subject in Table

7 (Appendix D-7).

Closely allied to the issue of Ministry assistance to teachers is the question of the

extent that teachers perceive the Ministry of Education to be receptive to their concerns

about the curriculum. I posed this question in the 1991 survey. In response, 38% of the









sample indicated that channels of communication were 'somewhat open,' 36% indicated

that they were 'not open at all,' and 26% indicate that they are 'open.' Still, 69% of the

same respondents indicated that they had not received any updated information from the

Ministry concerning revisions to the curriculum since the 1985 survey.

It is important that I contextualize the differences and suggested relationships of

these questionnaire responses. I attempt to do this through in-depth interviews and field

observations. Before moving to the findings that these two methods revealed I discuss the

comparisons between the findings of my study and the Ministry of Education's 1985

curriculum study.


Issues that emerge from the questionnaire data

Teachers' qualifications


In this section I discuss the findings of both the 1991 study and the Ministry of

Education's 1985 study. The analytical categories used above are again used to compare

the findings. I have refrained from drawing inferences at this point as the findings of both

questionnaire instruments introduce additional issues. Therefore, I pose questions that I

expand upon when I examine my interview and field note data later in the dissertation.

Except for teacher qualifications, the similarity in demographic data between my

sample and the Ministry of Education's latest statistics (1990-91) supports the contention

that the sample is comparable to the larger teaching population at the primary level in The

Bahamas public school system. Yet, attention is directed to several issues due to the

disparity regarding qualifications between the two surveys. These issues concern the

impact that the higher percentage of teachers with university degrees, found in my sample,

could have on the findings of the 1991 survey; the possibility that there may be a higher

concentration of teachers with these degrees at the upper primary as compared to those at

middle and lower primary levels; the possibility that those teachers with the higher









qualifications are the ones that responded to my questionnaire; and the possibility that those

teachers with higher qualifications could have been more critical in their responses. The

following comparison of responses to several of the questionnaire items addresses some of

these concerns.

Several responses are comparable across both groups of teachers. Regarding the

issue of student access to textbooks, 43% of the higher qualified (university degrees)

teachers indicated that each child had adequate access, while 45% of the remaining teachers

indicate likewise (see Table 5 for complete sample analysis). While 76% of the higher

qualified teachers agreed that the texts corresponded with the 1982 Curriculum Guides,

80% of the other teachers agreed that there was a correspondence (see Table 6 complete

sample analysis). The question of Ministry of Education assistance to teachers revealed

high percentages (75% and 70% respectively) as both groups indicated that they do receive

assistance (see Table 7 complete sample analysis). The perceptions of both groups of

teachers regarding the issue of the sufficiency of suggested activities are also comparable:

Ninety percent of the more highly qualified teachers and 92% of the less qualified teachers

indicated that there were insufficient activities. Both groups concurred regarding the issue

of the revision of the guides as 87% of the higher qualified teachers and 83% of the others

indicated that revision was necessary.

There was less similarity on issues concerning resources, but the differences were

not large. Compared to the 'yes' responses (59%) of the teachers with higher

qualifications, 68% of the teachers with lower qualifications indicated that the suggested

texts were available (see Appendix D-4 for complete sample analysis). Fifty-three percent

of the more qualified teachers indicated that there were sufficient resource materials to help

teach the curriculum while 61% of the other teachers indicated that there were sufficient

materials. There was also a difference in the responses regarding the use of Bahamian

resources materials. Fifty-eight percent of the more qualified teachers indicated that there









was 'less than adequate use of Bahamian materials' while only 48% of the other sample

indicated the same.

The issue of communication with the Ministry of Education presented another area

of difference. Forty percent of the more highly qualified teachers indicated that the

channels of communication were not open at all, 40% indicated that the channels were

somewhat open, and 19% indicate that they are open. The percentages for the other

teachers are more evenly spread as 31% indicated that the channels were not open at all,

31% indicated that they were somewhat open, and 38% indicated that they were open. Yet,

both groups were closer to consensus in their responses to whether they had received

updated information from the Ministry of Education since the 1985 survey. Seventy

percent of the more qualified teachers indicated that they had yet to receive updated

information from the Ministry of Education, while 64% of the other teachers indicated that

they had yet to receive the information.

The difference in the responses concerning the issues of resources and

communication may indeed point to a bias in the 1991 survey as it is possible that the more

qualified teachers may have been more critical of these issues. However, there is little

difference in the responses regarding the issues of student access to textbooks, textbook

correspondence, Ministry of Education assistance to teachers, the lack of sufficient

activities, and the need for revision of the curriculum. The remainder of the discussion that

follows addresses the analysis of the responses of both groups of teachers together. The

differences between the two groups are not sufficiently large so as to invalidate

comparisons.


General observations


Both the 1991 survey and the Ministry of Education's 1985 survey concurred that

the 1982 Curriculum Guides were available to most of the teachers. In addition, most of









the teachers in both sample populations expressed their confidence in their teaching of the

curriculum. It is unfortunate, however, that the Ministry of Education's instrument did not

ask teachers how closely they followed the guidelines of the 1982 guides so that a further

comparison could be made as the 1991 data revealed a split in responses on this item. The

question that arises from this split, between 'somewhat closely' (55%) and 'closely'

(40%), is: what factors influence whether teachers follow the guidelines or not?

The difference in the findings of both surveys concerning the sufficiency of

suggested activities in the guides also poses several questions. Considering that the

analysis showed that the responses of the teachers were comparable despite qualifications:

Why was there a higher percentage of teachers in the 1991 sample who indicated that there

were not sufficient activities included in the guides? Does the passage of six years since the

1985 survey explain the difference? Have teachers only recently become dissatisfied with

the same material/activities over the six year period? How does this dissatisfaction translate

into contemporary classroom practices? What impact does this have upon the intended

curriculum?

The issue of the revision of the 1982 Curriculum Guides is noteworthy. In both

surveys the majority of the teachers indicated that the guides were in need of revision. As

the 1991 analysis showed, the percentage has increased since 1985 from 60% to 86%.

Additionally, the majority of both the higher qualified teachers as well as the less qualified

ones indicated that the guides were in need of revision (87% and 83% respectively). This

is a serious commentary on the perceived state of the guides. The crucial question is two-

fold. Why do teachers perceive that revision is necessary? What kinds of revisions would

they recommend?

Tied to the preceding issue is that of the availability of resource material. Although

each instrument addressed this issue differently, the findings show that there are problems

that complicate the ease with which teachers are able to translate the intended curriculum.

That is, while 65% of the teachers in the 1985 survey indicated that the guides made









adequate use of resource material, only 51% of the 1991 respondents indicated that there

was sufficient material available to help them teach the curriculum. Although the possibility

that the higher qualified teachers in the 1991 sample may have been more critical than the

other teachers, there are still notable percentages (47% and 39% respectively) of teachers

from each group who said that there were not sufficient resource materials available. What

does this mean for daily classroom practices? Are teachers expected to find their own

resources? Do they find these resources? If so, where do they find them? What demands

does this put on the teachers' preparation time, especially when we consider that the

primary teacher is often not a specialist, but a generalist?

The issue of textbooks is multifaceted. Several questions arise. Are the suggested

textbooks available for use by (a) the teacher, and (b) the students in the translation of the

intended curriculum? An examination of the issue of textbook availability in both samples

(Appendix D-4) shows that percentages vary from subject to subject. However, the means

across respondents of both samples (63% for 1991 and 55% for 1985) show slight

improvement. Again, there is a difference in the responses offered by the higher qualified

teachers as compared to the other teachers in the 1991 sample. Yet, there are notable

percentages of teachers (41% and 32% respectively) who indicated that texts are not

available. Still, the larger question is whether students have access to these texts, and the

responses in this respect are comparable despite qualifications.

While the general availability of textbooks has improved for most of the subjects,

this does not mean that students have access to these textbooks (see Appendix D-5).

Although there has been improvement in this area, a comparison of the means shows that

since 1985 the mean has not reached fifty percent. Only reading, language arts and

mathematics, are above 50 percent. What impact does the lack of student access to

textbooks have upon the teachers' ability to translate the intended curriculum? What are the

implications for classroom practice, including teacher and student activities?









The analyses done for the item that addressed the correspondence between

suggested texts and Curriculum Guides (Appendix D-6) show an increase in percentages.

In addition, for both years the higher percentages in all subjects indicate that the textbooks

do correspond. While the majority of the responses of teachers in the 1991 sample, despite

qualifications, agreed that there was correspondence (76% and 80% respectively), this is an

issue that deserves further probing. In particular, it is unclear whether the respondents

perceived 'correspondence' as that which included only basic concepts or more general

content. This is an important consideration especially when we acknowledge the basic

premise upon which the 1982 curriculum guides lie. That is, there was to be the promotion

of a more indigenously based curriculum. Yet, as the analysis of the use of Bahamian

material showed, 49% of the respondents in the 1991 survey indicated that the guides made

'less than adequate' use of Bahamian resource material, 45% indicated that the use was

'adequate,' and 6% indicated 'not at all.' I probed this issue in my interviews with

teachers.

The issue of the adequacy of physical facilities also relates to how, or if, teachers'

classroom duties are facilitated. The differences in percentages in the two surveys show

that teachers have become dissatisfied with 'instructional spaces.' Yet, it is interesting that

in the 1991 survey, the less qualified teachers were more critical of this issue than the more

qualified teachers. Still, the majority of both groups of these teachers (70% and 62%

respectively) concurred that they were dissatisfied with the 'instructional spaces' currently

available. The questions that these percentages raise include: Have 'instructional spaces'

deteriorated over the years? Have class sizes increased? Again, what impact do these

factors have upon the daily practices of the teacher? I pursued these issues through

discussions with teachers as I investigated how the state of the physical facilities affected

their daily practices.

The analysis of the availability of support services introduces an important factor in

the curriculum translation process. Indeed, if teachers do not have adequate support









services how likely are they to implement the intended curriculum? While there has been

improvement in the percentages of teachers receiving assistance over the years (Appendix

D-7), there is a disparity in the responses addressing the issue of communication between

classroom teachers and the Ministry of Education. This query remains relevant although

there are differences in the responses of the higher qualified and less qualified teachers in

the 1991 sample. Forty percent of the higher qualified and 31% of the less qualified

teachers indicated that channels of communication were 'not open at all.' In addition, there

is reason for concern as 69% of the respondents indicated that they have not received any

updated information from the Ministry of Education concerning revisions since the 1985

survey. This concern is warranted despite the fact that the higher qualified teachers (70%)

were more critical. Sixty-four percent of the less qualified teachers indicated that they had

not received updated information. If teachers feel that their concerns are not being

addressed, what impact does this have upon their classrooms practices? Are they more, or

less likely, to translate the intended curriculum?


Summary


It is important that we acknowledge the possibility of bias in the 1991 survey. The

analysis above suggests that the more qualified teachers might have been more critical of

some issues. The issue of physical facilities was an exception where the less qualified

teachers were more critical than the more qualified teachers. Still, even where there were

differences in responses between the more qualified teachers and the less qualified teachers,

the magnitude of the percentages in all cases support an argument for concern. These

findings, and those of the 1985 survey, present a framework for further investigation.

They raise questions that could only be addressed in interactive situations. The informal

interview and field observations presented just that opportunity. It is to those findings that

I now turn in the following chapter.











CHAPTER 6


TEACHER-SCHOOL PROFILES


Introduction


During the time that the Progressive Liberal Party occupied the majority of the

parliamentary seats, from 1967 to August 1992, they maintained that education was one of

their major concerns. The gradual increases in the education budget over the years, the

party's initial policy statement, Focus on the future: White paper on education (1973), and

subsequent policy directives did, indeed, demonstrate a rhetoric of commitment to a quality

Bahamian educational system. Yet, the following teacher-school profiles raise pressing

issues regarding the success of curriculum policy directives lodged at the very heart of the

Bahamian educational system. Through discussions and personal contact with classroom

teachers and administrators, I investigated how the implementors view curriculum policy. I

tried to unravel the complexities of curriculum reform processes, and explored the alternate

approaches to curriculum reform as they were revealed by those intimately involved in the

translation of policy. It is my hope that, through the following profiles, the reader listens

to the voices of the teachers who form the backbone of the complex implementation

process.

The names of the teachers and the schools that I use in the following profiles are

pseudonyms. Still, as I reflect upon the detail that these 'snapshots' present, I am acutely

aware of how easily an individual familiar with the context can identify the schools of

which I speak. Yet, it is the similarity of the experiences in many schools of The Bahamas

to which the data of this study speaks. My only hope is that the intent will not be to isolate

the actors or the schools, but to extract the insight that they reveal.









Before beginning the first teacher-school profile a brief description of the

managerial operations within the school would be useful. All public schools on the island

of New Providence have an administrative staff responsible for the management of the

school. Usually, the staff includes a principal and vice principal. However, the larger

schools often have more than one vice principal, and one or more senior master or

mistress. The vice principal assists the principal with the daily operation of the school, and

she or he, with the principal, maintains contact with the Ministry of Education. The

responsibility of the senior master or mistress is usually to attend to student disciplinary

matters. Also, occasionally, principals may appoint grade level coordinators to assist with

the coordination of the curriculum. Sometimes, these coordinators may be the same

members of the administration.

The direction that a school takes rests, for the most part, in the hands of the

principals to whom the Ministry of Education gives a certain degree of freedom to manage

their schools. For example, principals make decisions regarding the use of the instructional

setting (mixed ability or academic streaming), and the allocation of teachers to grade levels

within their schools. Also, until recently (1991) even the scheduling of subjects was the

the principal's responsibility. However, at the beginning of the 1991-1992 school year the

curriculum officers, with the Director of Education, decided upon the number of periods to

assign to each subject. The Ministry of Education then forwarded this breakdown to the

respective schools in the education system, and they now assume that it is the intended

practice. Teacher evaluation is another responsibility that the Ministry of Education has

allocated to principals who complete the Annual Confidential Report for each teacher on

their school's staff. Although principals do get input from the members of the Ministry of

Education's Supervisory Division, who visit schools two to three times a year, the annual

teacher evaluation rests with the principals.

Generally, principals wield considerable power as they, in essence, can determine

the direction in which their school will go. They represent the crucial link between the









Ministry of Education bureaucracy and the classroom teachers as they seek to ensure that

they meet their teachers' and students' needs, and that they address teachers' concerns

regarding the importance of the curriculum. Through the following teacher-school profiles,

we get an idea of just how well principals and the teachers with whom they work cope

generally, and specifically concerning curriculum matters.



Ms. June Dean and Western Primary School


Western's School Prayer
Hear thy children now Lord Jesus
As we fold our hands in prayer
Bless our parents and our teachers
Keep us all in thy care
Help us to be kind to others
Happy in our work and play
Give us each the strength to conquer
All the wrong that comes our way.
Amen.


Western Primary School is in a predominantly middle income community. The

Bahamas Ministry of Education classifies it as a Grade C school (301-700 students). At

the time of my field work, most the student population was Bahamian, with less than two

percentage comprising Haitian and students from other parts of the Caribbean. Teachers at

Western Primary School instruct students in a mixed-ability setting.

Western Primary is administered by a principal, vice principal and a senior

mistress. The principal has been at this school for the last eight years. There are over 30

teachers on staff. Nineteen classrooms, including a library, a music room, an

administrative block (consisting of four rooms), and two blocks in which bathrooms are

located form the core of the physical grounds.

Ms. June Dean's classroom is in one of the front blocks on the south-eastern side

of the school grounds. She shares this classroom block with a fifth grade class. The only

door to Ms. Dean's classroom faces the south. The room has sets of aluminum-paned









windows, about five feet in length, on the southern, eastern, and northern walls. Bulletin

boards are attached to sections of the walls where there are no windows. Ms. Dean had

elaborately decorated these bulletin boards with subject content from the language arts,

mathematics, social studies, health science, and general science curricula.

There is a chalkboard on the western wall. Black stencilled letters, just above the

chalkboard, read: "Labour Conquers Everything," while similar stencilled letters on the

southern end tell students to: "Listen Think Learn." The motto on the eastern wall states

that they should: "Strive for Excellence." The desks for Ms. Dean's 32 students are

arranged in a U-shape along the southern, eastern, and northern walls facing the

chalkboard. Several rows of desks are fitted within this U-shaped arrangement. Mrs.

Dean's desk is east of the door, and close to the southern wall.

When I first met with the principal of Western Primary School during August of

1991, she indicated that she would prefer that I work with a sixth grade teacher, as the fifth

grade teachers would all be new to that level. There are three sixth and three fifth grades at

Western Primary. During our interview after my five week period, however, the principal

was much more forthcoming with her rationale behind her selection of Ms. Dean.

She has been with that level a bit longer than the others. She is very strong .... In
every level, I say at the moment, at every level we have two strong and one weaker
teacher, which is quite a difference from when I first came here.

I first met June Dean during the week before the students were due to return after

the summer break. Ms. Dean is a young, vibrant woman in her early thirties. She has

taught for sixteen years, both in New Providence and on the Family Islands. She has a

Bachelor of Arts degree, and is a single parent of a daughter.

Our first meeting was tense. Uncertain of how I would be received, and what

teachers would think of my study, I approached Ms. Dean with great caution. Perhaps, we

both had similar anxieties, although we did not express them openly at this time. Yet, as

my field notes for that meeting indicated, there was some apprehension in the air.









Met with 'Ms. [D.]' A very uncomfortable meeting; 'Ms. [D]' appears to be
somewhat uncertain about being involved in the study, although she says
otherwise; she stated that she was 'accustomed to working by herself and not with
anyone else' . suggesting that our working together might prove to be
difficult/problematic. She indicated that she was willing to give it a try; she did
warm up as our discussion developed and by the end (about 45 minutes later) she
did seem more receptive (Field notes: August 29, 1991).

Yet, although Ms. Dean did appear to be more receptive to the idea of participating in the

study after our initial discussion, she did not neglect to relay her concern about the power

relation that would exist: "You are a college lecturer; I am just a sixth grade teacher, so I

would always be thinking that in the back of my mind." I was constantly plagued by these

very words. I was indeed a lecturer at The College of The Bahamas and my status as such

would raise power relations issues. Still, I was determined to make the necessary efforts to

ensure Ms. Dean, and the other teachers with whom I worked and spoke, that I was not

there to evaluate the performance of teachers, but rather to learn what lies behind their daily

classroom practices. My first two weeks with Ms. Dean were difficult ones. Even by the

end of our five week period, although we had the opportunity to talk many times, I always

felt as though the openness that I established with the two other teachers at Central and

Eastern was missing from our relationship.

A disciplinarian, Ms. Dean takes the business of teaching very seriously. She

avows that her students are her main concern, and that often other teachers consider her

style of teaching unorthodox. As she explained:

The main point is for you to get across to the children what you want to get across
and that's it. And like me I might use several unorthodox methods, but I guess
every teacher does what she or he has to do to get a point across. A lot of people
say I'm tough, I'm hard. .... 'Cause a lot of teachers are, I don't want to use the
word 'easy,' I'll just use lenient. If the kids do it, like for homework, like how I
say I'm gonna check and count books, they don't do that. If the kids feel like
putting their homework on the desk they put it, but Ill probably come around and
just spank them and say: 'You know you're supposed to have your book on there.'
So then that gets that makes them know they have to do certain things. Yeah, I
do whatever I have to do to get them to do what I want.

Indeed, as I was to find out, once students were in Ms. Dean's classroom they were there

to work. If they had come to waste time, she did not hesitate to tell them to do that at









home. This philosophy was evident throughout her classroom practices, and the views that

she expressed, throughout this profile, regarding curriculum issues.


Resources


The issue of resources at Western Primary School was one that dominated both my

interview and field note data. The lack of available resources, specifically textbooks for

student use and references for the classroom teachers' use, was problematic. At Western

Primary, except for mathematics and reading, teachers stressed continually that the

textbooks suggested in the curriculum guides or schemes of work were not available. As

Ms. Dean explained:

[Another teacher is] doing that. But even when I did [teach] it [social studies], I
never used a set text. Like I said it is the same as... it's only for the math and
language that we use the set text... but like subjects like science, we just go to the
library and dig up the topic we are doing. We just use that [process].

Even when textbooks were available, there were limited copies. As a result, student access

to these textbooks was limited. Often Ms. Dean's students had to share sets of textbooks

with the other sixth grade classes. For reading, this was further complicated as some of

her students were not reading at the grade six level, and had to use readers used by the

lower grade levels in the school.

As you know, [the] Ministry [of Education] never sends sufficient books. You
know when you go to do comprehension, we have to share the pink books. Then,
if like how there's three grade sixes, they have everything almost simultaneously.
So in order to compensate, you have to like, ah, say, instead of me doing maths
now, I would do my maths after, so I could use the books. I don't think it should
be like that. A shortage ... we have a definite shortage in supplies, books,
whatever. We have to make do with what we have; then the children suffer.

Not only do the teacher and children 'suffer,' but indications were that there were also

consequences for the intended curriculum. For example, students must often copy

extensive notes from the chalkboard. Not only is this time consuming, but teachers feel

that often students misplace the notes anyway.









Even when teachers tried to save classroom time by photocopying, this presented

problems as the one photocopier was not operational several times during my stay at the

school. As another teacher at Western Primary told Ms. Dean's students: "I had a handout,

but the copier is not working." Her only alternative, therefore, was to write four

paragraphs of notes on the chalkboard for the students to copy in their notebooks. Ms.

Dean also used the option of writing on the chalkboard, especially for health science,

general science, and additional exercises for mathematics and language arts. Highlighting

this fact was my experience one morning when I arrived before the bell had gone.

Ms. Dean's students are frantically trying to copy general science notes off the
chalkboard before the morning bell sounds. [The] bell goes at nine and there is the
usual first/second ringing. [Students stand still at first ringing, then move toward
classrooms at second ringing]. Today however 'Ms. [D's]' class remains inside.
'Ms. [D]' had told them to come to school early enough to write the notes off the
board. [At] 9:05 am students finally get up after being prompted by 'Ms. [D]' that
it was 'after nine.' Those who did not complete this [note copying] task before the
morning bell spent their morning break doing so (Field notes: September 17,
1991).

Classroom teachers could use the companion workbooks of the supplied textbooks

instead of writing on the chalkboard, but here again there were complications. First, the

expense of workbooks is that of the parents or guardians of the students. In the event that

students did not purchase these workbooks, as was true of several of Ms. Dean's students,

she warned them that: "If you don't have books you will have to write whole exercises out

of books.... You will spend time after school, borrow someone's book and stay until

four or five writing the homework exercise."

To be fair, however, I must mention that Western Primary School had implemented

a plan by which parents or guardians could purchase books and materials that the school

purchased directly from the publishers. As the principal explained, however, this does not

always resolve the problem.

[T]he books that are given by the Ministry [of Education] ... we don't have
sufficient so what we do, we encourage the parents to purchase [them]. And to
make it easier on them, what I have done is to try to purchase directly from the
company and sell them practically at cost price. Last year I also devised a plan
whereby I said, let's charge a fee. I had a meeting with the parents, PTA, and they









suggested sixty dollars per parent. Then you would order the books and if any
change was left, we return it... so $60.00 per parent. I wrote them [parents] a
note saying to them that it breaks down to about $6.00 per week. They said to have
a payment plan to make it easier on them to pay the $60.00. Well you know how
some of us are. Some people embrace the opportunity, others didn't. So by the
new school year a number of students had their books and others didn't because the
parents said that they could not come up with the $60.00. I said, well you had a
whole term to do that.

When we combine the limited availability of textbooks with the fact that there is a

preponderance of foreign textbooks, the picture is even more troublesome. That writers of

the 1982 curriculum designed it with the intent that more indigenous content would be

incorporated, is negated because teachers at Western Primary School use few indigenous

materials.

During my stay at Western, there was little evidence that Bahamian or Caribbean

materials were readily available. Most texts that Ms. Dean used were those Ministry of

Education supplied textbooks used by the other sixth grades for mathematics, reading and

language arts. Additional resources were, as she indicated, obtained in the library, or by

other means. But, as the teacher-librarian explained, the library book percentage in terms

of foreign versus indigenous materials is far from balanced.

Davis: How large is your Caribbean/Bahamian holdings?

Teacher-Librarian: Um, maybe twenty-five percent.

Davis: Twenty five percent?

Teacher-Librarian: We don't have many books on The Bahamas.

Davis: Or the Caribbean generally?

Teacher-Librarian: The Caribbean would be more.

Davis: Okay, on The Bahamas you would say twenty-five percent.

On the Caribbean, as in the Caribbean Region including The

Bahamas, what would you say?

Teacher-Librarian: About forty.









There is little wonder, then, that the resources that Ms. Dean used most often were those of

foreign origin. Two of her mainstays were: Houseman's (1965) 40 Lessons and Exercises

in Grammar and Language, and Poehler, Sullivan, Tessier and Utter's (1983) HBJ Health.

This is not to say, however, that she did not incorporate indigenous material in her

teaching. Several times during my stay Ms. Dean used the 'pink books,' Language arts for

primary schools a Caribbean published text, that she referred to in one of her earlier

quotations. She used this text when no other class was using it, primarily during language

arts, for comprehension and vocabulary. During my stay, Ms. Dean also read a story to

her class from a Caribbean reader, Walmsley's (1968) The sun's eye: West Indian writing

for young readers. In addition, she included words in spelling lists, for example, that

students would readily encounter in their immediate environments:

1. teacher 11. hundred
2. September 12. yesterday
3. school 13. lunch
4. library 14. tourist
5. vacation 15. family
6. summer 16. church
7. beach 17. jitney [public transportation]
8. breeze 18. conch [Bahamian delicacy]
9. breakfast 19. crab [Bahamian delicacy]
10. Junkanoo [Bahamian festival] 20. Tuesday

Likewise, when substituting for Ms. Dean another teacher at Western gave the following

comprehension passage to Ms. Dean's students:

William Bell, aged fifteen, was knocked down and seriously injured by a bus on
Monday afternoon. The accident took place within a few yards of C.R. Walker
High School [school on the island of New Providence] which he began attending
only a couple of weeks ago. William lives with his aunt, because his mother is at
present in the Princess Margaret Hospital [The Bahamas' major hospital], and his
father, a sailor, is in Trinidad, Cuba [Caribbean island].

Still, for the most part, the texts and resources that I witnessed Western Primary

School's teachers using were foreign. Even the books supplied through the school's

'purchase plan' were predominantly foreign. The list, given to students moving into grade

six, included: Abbott and Wells' (1985) MathematicsToday; Best's (1983) The student's

companion (Caribbean Edition); Elwell and Kucia Modern Curriculum Press' (1988) Word









Study for Reading and Writing; Silver Burdett and Ginn's (1985) Silver Burdett English

Workbook; and Silver Burdett and Ginn's Writer's Activity Book: World of Language.

Yet, the reading coordinator at Western Primary School did not feel that this

preponderance of foreign texts was an obstacle to the implementation of the intended

indigenous curriculum. As she explained:

I feel as if, since we are near to the U.S., our children, I don't think, we are at a
disadvantage, in some instances, because some of our children travel to the U.S.
and a lot of things they watch on television. So they would have a basic idea of
some of the things that they would see in the textbooks. I would still prefer if we
had a more even if I say, West Indian, you would still have things foreign to
them. Because we have things in The Bahamas ... the ackee ... even though we
have Jamaicans here, some of the children don't know what an ackee is so even if
you have a West Indian reader we would have problems... I don't think we
should have all Bahamian readers because it sort of narrows it too much. I feel as if
they should be exposed to a wider range. I think they have advantages and
disadvantages of the U.S. Sometimes with the pictures, but I think that it is a
learning experience, because a lot of things they can identify with, and our children
travel a lot so they see some of the things in real life.

On the other hand, Western Primary School's principal sees a greater need for a balance.

I feel that we should, well, we are not as they say, "No man is an island," so I feel
that the American texts or what have you should be supplemented by Bahamian
materials... indigenous to The Bahamas. It should have something that relates to
us. Well unfortunately, for us to some extent our students don't find it very, very
difficult because a number of them travel. Some of them would have seen a train
... and snow, I think, this is one of the hardest things, not many of them travel
beyond Florida. But, that's, ah, there are subways and things like that so we might
have to explain those kinds of things... Well, at the moment, there are social
studies and health and family life texts that are being done [written]. But, they have
not been completed. Gradually, we are getting there. But what I would like to see
these books, but not to the exclusion of the others, because we need them all -
British, U.S., Caribbean, as well as Bahamian..... What needs to be done, I
think, is you need to sort of encourage and promote ... like how they have the
Music Awards, some incentive to motivate a group to produce Bahamian songs
like King Eric... If we could get more people like him and others who could do
that sort of thing ... because we need that with our language arts... we need to
have our books with our dialect and everything, and also the others [subjects] as
well.

The principal's comments above introduce the interesting element of dialect usage in

the classroom, as this, too, relates to indigenous content, and ultimately the intended

curriculum. During my five weeks at Western Primary School I made several notations of









Ms. Dean's reaction to the use of dialect by her students. During one of our discussions I

addressed the issue of dialect use in the classroom. Ms. Dean responded in this way:

I try and discourage them even though, you know, if I'm in a serious mood I won't
use it, right; but if I'm just kidding around or just mocking somebody, I'll use it.
But I try to discourage it because what I want to do eventually is show them the
difference, separate one from the other and tell them why. So I try and, you know,
if they say anything out of line, I let them correct themselves or I just correct them.
I try and discourage it but I don't mind a little bit of it. ... Dialect is a part of the
Bahamian culture. We can't really run away from it, right? But like I say we have
to know when to use it. We have a subject, grammar which is supposed to like
teach them proper English and I don't mind it if kids use it, but like I say, when
we're finish I explain to them when and where not to use it; they should be able to
apply it where possible. Maybe they may be going over some poetry or something
with dialect and I tell them it's okay to use dialect; you just have to know, but I try
to instil that in them throughout the course of the year. I don't just dump it on
them right away.

In addition, the politics of textbook selection and purchasing exposes the fact that

the chain of communication within, and among, all levels of the education system is

somewhat stifled. This introduces the whole notion of support services including not only

those services available through the Ministry of Education for classroom teachers, but also

communication among teachers at a particular school, as well as, communication between

administration and classroom teachers, and finally classroom teachers and the Ministry of

Education. The principal expressed her concern that the lines of communication are not as

open as they should be.

I feel that sometimes we are not consulted enough. We have just put forward a
proposal asking that a committee be set up for this purpose so that they would take
some suggestions from us. So it really has been set up to make recommendations.
... Principals, Ministry of Education officials... principals from the primary and
secondary schools, a supervisor or two from the schools and one or two from the
Ministry [of Education]. They are to look into... I forgot the terms of reference,
but they were to explore fully the suggestions about us having an officer in place
... we have suggested also for the quality of cleaning materials and any other
things that are needed in the schools.

Then, as she explained, the input of the classroom teacher regarding textbook selection is

'indirect.'

That [the selection of textbooks] was done mostly by subject officers. Like the
person who is responsible for language arts, they make up the selections, math,
they make up their selections... Now what has happened up until now, the
subject officers sort of sponsored or encouraged some companies, book companies









to come out like the Silver Burdett [Ginn] Company, the Merrill Company and
other companies, a variety of companies that deal with language arts, math, science,
etc. They come out and they sort of peddle their wares. We had workshops using
these particular texts and as a result of that the subject officers they sort of tended to
make the selection of texts at that time. Well, we piloted, in the case of reading,
certain books and we were asked for some feedback on the books and some of the
selections are based on that. But indirectly the classroom teachers were involved
because we [administrators] gave our feedback according to what we got from the
classes. They [the Ministry of Education] wanted to find out how these texts, like
the ones we piloted, were and then we would let them know ... any of the other
books which the teachers liked so they brought up the idea and they gave their
views. So indirectly [classroom teachers gave their input].

Still, I wonder about the impact that this 'indirect input' has on the, formal or informal,

policies of textbook selection, and whether regular communication with classroom teachers

is a reality. As one teacher at Western Primary revealed:

She's [curriculum officer] been okay. She comes by once a year or so. But she, I
hear some people say she don't bother much. But, any time like, I think if you are
a good teacher, they [curriculum officers] wouldn't check for you, but if you are
not they would go back. She pops by, but hardly anything much to give you.
Since she's been in office, she has had very good workshops. Her workshops are
very good; they give you good ideas on motivational things you can do in the
classrooms ... [The workshops are held] once per year, maybe twice. She had a
good one in the summer. Perhaps maybe next term she would have another.

Then, as the teacher-librarian explained, even within Western Primary School itself,

the lines of communication are not as open as she, as librarian and person responsible for

resources, would like to see them. In addition, according to the same teacher-librarian,

because there is little or no communication between teacher-librarians and the Ministry of

Education's support services most of the materials that the Ministry sends are useless. As a

result, much of the responsibility for purchasing resources rests with each school.

Western's teacher-librarian explained the situation this way:

The teachers, I feel don't use the library the way I want them to. I would like for
them to send me materials or copies of books and materials they need. You know
everyday I want to see that. Then I know that I am involved in their teaching. But
so far very seldom [have they done this]. When they need a book right away that's
when they would remember to send me the book. That kind of thing sort of throws
me off. You have to go to the bookstores and purchase them or go to LRU [the
Learning Resources Unit] and borrow them for teachers. But when I get short
notices I can't do that.... [T]he dollar that the children pay each term... the
money that is collected is spent on the library, buying resources for teachers, or to
buy new books for the [library's] shelves.... And, during library week which is
in April of each year. I usually have a fund-raising event and I raise funds. [The









Ministry's support is] through LRU ... Ah, some reference materials, not much.
Mostly the Scholastic [Books, Ltd.]. I don't know if they have an agreement. I
don't know what it is, but every year they give you like twelve cases of books
between the lower and upper primary school and you have like two to three copies
of the same title. They don't come to you and ask the teacher-librarian to write a list
of what you need. They just divide the books as they come and send them. So I
have copies and copies of the same book, the same thing. To me that doesn't make
much sense. If you look over there, I have more books that I can't use.


Support services


Reading instruction presents a further illustration of the frustration that teachers at

Western Primary School feel concerning support services to assist them in their

implementation of the intended curriculum. Generally, classroom teachers expressed a

feeling of helplessness regarding the teaching of 'remedial students' as they often feel that

they lack the skills required to deal with such groups. Reading was the only subject that

that principal streamed at Western Primary; all other subjects, as mentioned earlier, had

groups of mixed-ability. The reading coordinator, acknowledging that she was not a

reading specialist, felt that Western could benefit from some support from the Ministry of

Education in this respect.

I feel that we can benefit from the help of a reading specialist in the school. We
have a lot of problems that need to be identified and worked on, even though the
teachers are working. I have 'cause, what I was doing last year, was just pulling
out like two children from the grade and I would have them in my office. I would
work with them at their level. I did lots of picture words, pictures you know, like
language experience and things like that. But then still, as I said, we need a
specialist and like a reading lab so you can set up and have the children come in. I
am responsible for the reading, but then I am not able to work as I would like to. 1
take a reading group myself, so I don't really get the opportunity to really, really get
into the classroom and see what's really happening as I would like to. While
reading is going on I have my reading group.

And, as Ms. Dean stated, she has wondered about the fair distribution of 'support service

personnel' throughout the educational system.

So, what do you think determines the Ministry's criteria for selection? Who,
who, who goes where?... Because like, even then, they should have them
[reading specialists] in rotation. You see, you can't have like ... 'cause like [the
visiting reading specialist], she's good and we try to get her every chance we can.









We try and get her like when its Language Arts Week and that sort of stuff and she
comes in and she would do whatever we ask her whether it is a Drama Competition
or putting on reading workshops or whatever. She has been doing this for quite
sometime. And here it is we have her sometimes, but then there are other schools
who don't have any.

Considering the situation of support services, I wanted to find out how the teachers

felt about policy directives that came from the Ministry of Education bureaucracy, or for

that matter from the members of administration at Western Primary. I was particularly

interested in how policy directives, relating to curriculum issues, influenced the classroom

teacher's implementation of the intended curriculum. Ms. Dean summed up her approach

to Ministry of Education policy directives.

Well, if they say, if the Ministry [of Education] says to do it, if I have a difference
of opinion I still voice it, but if they say to do something if it comes from
Headquarters I'm going to do it.... I don't always agree with everything they say,
but I try to do everything within reason.

On the other hand, Western Primary School's principal described relations at her

school as 'taxing,' but 'cooperative.' She has found that policy directives from her

administration are generally well received by the teachers at Western. The principal

summarized the teacher-administration relations in the following way:

I find sometimes it [relations between administration and staff] is a bit taxing. You
have to know when to let up, and to know when to press. What I find is that
basically, they are very cooperative. I try to operate a what you would call a 'light
reign.' I do not dictate. I would ask for cooperation and I usually get it; and very
seldom are there problems because they know that if they come to me and say
there's a problem, I don't say well go back and attend to your class. I know that if
your mind is not at rest, you're not going to function properly. So go and get those
little things out and I have found that I have teachers who when they're not well
would go that extra mile and come in; so I try to go that extra mile with them. It's
the same thing with the rest of the administration, we try to strike that same kind of
rapport with each other and cooperate. You know, I say to them that we all have
our differences of opinion, but we are really a family.

Indeed, I must concur with this view, as I found that the teachers at Western Primary were

cooperative, and the principal very receptive to input of the teachers.









Internal dynamics


Within each school there are nuances that have an impact upon its operation and in

turn can have an impact upon the implementation of the intended curriculum. I refer to

these nuances as the 'internal dynamics' of the school context. At Western Primary School

the practice of the mixed-ability setting raises several dilemmas for the classroom teacher.

As I witnessed during my stay there, it was not always possible for classroom teachers to

relay the content of the curriculum so that all the students had equal opportunities for

grasping the key concepts. Questions concerning this dilemma appeared frequently in my

field notes.

There are six reading groups in Ms. [D's] class. The sixth group (two students) is
the 'bottom' group. I take these two outside under a tree and we work together
reading from the point in the book that they had stopped. I discover that the
'remedial' readers really need specialized help; no wonder their comprehension
skills are so weak; they are not recognizing basic words and are guessing with
words they do not know. How does the teacher ensure that all levels of
readers/students are satisfied? What of the frustration level of the teacher who
may not be a reading specialist? Are all teachers suited to teach 'lower and upper
levels'? The question of mixed ability and the implementation of the curriculum is a
big one! Are the concepts etc. included in the reading curriculum guide being
followed in the lower grades? It seems that there are some, especially remedial
groups, who need help in such basics. Are [classroom] teachers, other than
reading specialists equipped to deal with these skills? (Field notes: September 12,
1991)

Besides the problems regarding the instruction of reading, there were often cases when

students in other subject areas had trouble grasping the basic concepts. This coupled with

the fact that there was an average class size of 33, made it impossible for individualized

instruction to take place. According to Ms. Dean, this has serious implications for the

implementation of the curriculum.

But truthfully I prefer streaming because with the mixed-ability classrooms whereas
you have your advantages you still have your disadvantages too because like take
for instance this setting right here, where I have, I could fit... I could get about
five groups out of this easily. I think the advantages, a lot of teachers seem to feel
kinda like depressed if they get a whole class of 'backward' children so I guess the
brighter ones would I've even heard this remark among teachers that they have
something to look forward to because they have one or two good children in the
classroom so that gives them the incentive to come to school to work. But, with a









mixed-ability, I think it sort of pulls me back, I don't know. Because you know,
you have to spend more time; if you really look at it you would have to give a lot of
one on one and I think with this you don't have time to give one on one.... [Also,]
you won't be able to ... you would have a shallow scope, your sequence wouldn't
be like you have certain things, every teacher maps out like what they hope to
achieve by say at the end of term one or whatever. I think if you have slower kids,
not even say slower kids, let's say if you have like mixed-ability there's no way -
at least we have experienced we don't hardly ever reach where we say we want to
be at that time. We map out our work, but at the time that time rolls around we're
not there and I think that if we, say if I had a class of bright children maybe we
would've reached and had more time to spare. Even with the like I say the medium
kids, I can bring them up, I have the ability to do that, and I would do that; and I
think I can reach my goal, but when you have 'backward' children or what we call
'slower' children, I think they need to be pulled out of the classes ... pull those
slower ones out and let someone work with them; just put them in a small class; I
think we would do better then.

The reading coordinator concurred with Ms. Dean's view regarding the mixed-ability

setting. She explained how she ran the reading programme at Western Primary.

Well, with the 'mixed-ability,' what we try to do is to get them all on their own
level. With the teachers having, three or four reading groups within the class -
some teachers felt that it is a bit too much to deal with, to give of their best to
the four or five groups within the contained classroom. So with mixing them what
we did, we got all the children who are on the same level. They might not be in the
same grade, but they are on the same reading book and they get the maximum
benefit from the teacher rather than her having to deal with four or five groups.
They can deal with just that one group. I think that our children benefit, to a certain
degree more than by separate classroom [within a mixed classroom].... I feel as if
we have to pull the students out; we are thinking of the students receiving the
maximum benefits from the curriculum. Even though they are pulled out from the
class, I think they still benefit from what instructions they are given. Because the
instruction is to really bring them up to the class standard. So I feel as if they have
benefited from that.

Still, Western Primary School's principal has very definitive views about the

mixed-ability setting and justified her decision to use this setting at her school in the

following way:

There are strengths [of the mixed-ability setting]. You could never have a class
with everyone at the same level even within the class... if you were to stream the
class, you are going to have various abilities within the class. Yes, and so with the
mixed abilities, you end up with about three groups and sometimes of course there
may be more.... I don't see a big problem because if you have all of the plans and
a little extra work on the part of the teacher... all it requires is some planning....
I feel that the biggest problem with the mixed-ability is that sometimes you
[teachers] don't want to go that extra mile.




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BottomMargin P53_BM00001 2898 376
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TextBlock P53_TB00001
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LIST OF TABLES




Table 1: Classification of Teaching Positions


Table 2: Teachers with University Degrees


Table 3: Gender Composition of Teaching Population


Table 4: Availability of Suggested Textbooks By Subject


Table 5: Student Access to Suggested Texts By Subject


Table 6: Correspondence Between Suggested Texts and Guides By Subject


Table 7: Assistance Received From Ministry of Education By Subject


233


233



234


235


236


237


238




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P36_SP00323
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P100_ST00070 1675 472 92 your 0077
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P100_SP00137 1060
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P100_SP00154 1033
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P100_SP00157 1233
P100_ST00167 1242 758 3
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P100_ST00168 1269 had 402
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P100_ST00174 1860 maybe
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P100_SP00168 933 844
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P100_SP00170 1127
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3.0.0.0
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P174_SP00182 1793 1850
P174_ST00197 1804 1815 00000160
P174_SP00183 1965 1853
P174_ST00198 1977 93 7000
P174_TL00016 1909 1706
P174_ST00199 40000001
P174_SP00184
P174_ST00200 537 1914
P174_SP00185 574
P174_ST00201 586 1921
P174_SP00186 607
P174_ST00202 1910 05000000
P174_SP00187 774 1956
P174_ST00203 786
P174_SP00188 861
P174_ST00204 872 1911 400
P174_SP00189 936 1947
P174_ST00205 served 006000
P174_SP00190 1076
P174_ST00206 1087 them 0100
P174_SP00191 1186
P174_ST00207 1197 1912 well 0045
P174_SP00192 1282
P174_ST00208 1293 0.60
P174_SP00193 1332 1948
P174_ST00209 1342 1913
P174_SP00194
P174_ST00210 1918 90 past, 00303
P174_SP00195 1503
P174_ST00211 0.55 075
P174_SP00196 1587 1949
P174_ST00212 1599 188 continues 007001400
P174_SP00197 1787
P174_ST00213 1798 1920
P174_SP00198 1836
P174_ST00214 1916 do
P174_SP00199
P174_ST00215 so
P174_SP00200 1950
P174_ST00216 1962
P174_SP00201 1999 1952
P174_ST00217 2010
P174_TL00017 2013 1732 146
P174_ST00218 present. 07000500
P174_SP00202 2054 -6
P174_ST00219 2107
P174_SP00203 588 2142
P174_ST00220 599 views
P174_SP00204 714 2143
P174_ST00221 727 2108
P174_SP00205 769
P174_ST00222 777 both 0203
P174_SP00206 864 2144
P174_ST00223 876 060004030
P174_SP00207 2145
P174_ST00224 1088 2109 173 teachers, 200000506
P174_SP00208 2151
P174_ST00225 1273 2110 293 administrators, 000031004000403
P174_SP00209 1566 2153
P174_ST00226 2112 045
P174_SP00210 2147
P174_ST00227 1661 169 00600201
P174_SP00211 1830 2159
P174_ST00228 1842 2113
P174_SP00212 1885 2149
P174_ST00229 1893 202 074000206
P174_TL00018 2205 54
P174_ST00230 015500050
P174_SP00213 2242
P174_ST00231 535 2206 219 conceming 055008200
P174_SP00214 754 2253
P174_ST00232 766 2207 this 0700
P174_SP00215 836 2243
P174_ST00233 14000100
P174_SP00216 1005 2254
P174_ST00234 2208
P174_SP00217 1061 2244
P174_ST00235 1070 2209 'turn' 0.48 10510104
P174_SP00218
P174_ST00236 1177 00005040
P174_SP00219 2255
P174_ST00237 2220
P174_SP00220 1397 2245
P174_ST00238 1408 2210 197 03030502
P174_SP00221 2256
P174_ST00239 2216
P174_SP00222 1654 2246
P174_ST00240 1666 2212 303006
P174_SP00223 1778 2247
P174_ST00241 1791 03007030
P174_SP00224 2259
P174_ST00242 1972 2224 58
P174_TL00019 2305 1749
P174_ST00243 remarkably 0020000040
P174_SP00225 2353
P174_ST00244 598 2306 similar. 35005000
P174_SP00226 2342
P174_ST00245 765 2307 It
P174_SP00227 796
P174_ST00246 805 2319
P174_SP00228 2343
P174_ST00247 891
P174_SP00229
P174_ST00248 152 original 00000705
P174_SP00230 2354
P174_ST00249 1124 2308 113 intent 072075
P174_SP00231 2344
P174_ST00250
P174_SP00232 1289
P174_ST00251 1296 2313 0003
P174_SP00233 1393 2345
P174_ST00252 1403 2310 00000040
P174_SP00234 1569 2357
P174_ST00253 1581 2311 000000000
P174_SP00235 1774 2347
P174_ST00254 1784 2312 0500
P174_SP00236 2348
P174_ST00255 1868 2324 69 one
P174_SP00237 1937
P174_ST00256 163 member 003102
P174_TL00020 2404
P174_ST00257
P174_SP00238 405 2440
P174_ST00258
P174_SP00239 474
P174_ST00259 2410 2510
P174_SP00240 584 2442
P174_ST00260 597 2406 125 would 00005
P174_SP00241
P174_ST00261 733 introduce 071603400
P174_SP00242
P174_ST00262 933 2407
P174_SP00243 993 2443
P174_ST00263 'lead' 460035
P174_SP00244 1106 2444
P174_ST00264 2419
P174_SP00245 1161
P174_ST00265 1174 117 'input' 6150000
P174_SP00246 1291 2454
P174_ST00266 1305 2408 124 lesson 303007
P174_SP00247 1429
P174_ST00267 1441 2409 109 given 00007
P174_SP00248 2455
P174_ST00268 1562 2415
P174_SP00249 1601 2445
P174_ST00269
P174_SP00250 1674 2446
P174_ST00270 1687
P174_SP00251 2457
P174_ST00271 1817 2422 group
P174_SP00252 1930 2458
P174_ST00272 1943 2412
P174_SP00253 1986 2448
P174_ST00273 00020
P174_TL00021 2504
P174_ST00274 064
P174_SP00254 435 2539
P174_ST00275 446 students. 007606830
P174_SP00255 2540
P174_ST00276 639 A
P174_SP00256 675
P174_ST00277 688 2505 136 second 000074
P174_SP00257 824 2541
P174_ST00278 834 100405
P174_SP00258 998
P174_ST00279 1008 2506 123 00610
P174_SP00259 1131 2542
P174_ST00280 1142 86 then 0.66 0607
P174_SP00260 1228
P174_ST00281 1238 83 take
P174_SP00261
P174_ST00282 2508 268 responsibility 40100000000000
P174_SP00262 1600 2555
P174_ST00283 2509
P174_SP00263 1671
P174_ST00284 1680
P174_SP00264 1740 2545
P174_ST00285 138 middle 505700
P174_SP00265 1889 2547
P174_ST00286 2511 140 section 0000607
P174_SP00266 2042
P174_ST00287 2523
P174_TL00022 2602 1753
P174_ST00288 256 development 00000136080
P174_SP00267 2649
P174_ST00289 628 2603
P174_SP00268 2640
P174_ST00290 679
P174_SP00269
P174_ST00291 2604 lesson, 6000022
P174_SP00270 885 2646
P174_ST00292 897 2605 022
P174_SP00271
P174_ST00293 980 2616
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P174_ST00294 third 01000
P174_SP00273 2641
P174_ST00295 200001
P174_SP00274 1279
P174_ST00296 2607 00630
P174_SP00275 2642
P174_ST00297 1424 2608 177 conclude 00803000
P174_SP00276 2643
P174_ST00298 270
P174_SP00277 2645
P174_ST00299 1684 2609 lesson. 7040000
P174_SP00278
P174_ST00300 1840 2610 101 Each 0007
P174_SP00279 1941
P174_ST00301 2611 500002
P174_TL00023 2700 1567 56
P174_ST00302 2702
P174_SP00280 403 2739
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P174_SP00281
P174_ST00304 483 2708 0001
P174_SP00282 580
P174_ST00305 590 00407
P174_SP00283
P174_ST00306 2704 0326
P174_SP00284 2740
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P174_SP00285 867
P174_ST00308 878 2705 02080700800
P174_SP00286 1102 2752
P174_ST00309 505
P174_SP00287 2741
P174_ST00310 1180 follow-up 200400454
P174_SP00288 1376 2753
P174_ST00311 1389 2707 activities 0000000200
P174_SP00289 2743
P174_ST00312 1578
P174_SP00290 2744 15
P174_ST00313 1629 smaller 1000501
P174_SP00291 1775
P174_ST00314 1786 2720 142 groups. 0603100
P174_TL00024 508 2803 1603
P174_ST00315
P174_SP00292 585 2839
P174_ST00316 35100000
P174_SP00293 753 2850
P174_ST00317 2804 07
P174_SP00294 803 2840
P174_ST00318 814
P174_SP00295 2841
P174_ST00319 2805 00307
P174_SP00296
P174_ST00320 992 05003
P174_SP00297 1100 2851
P174_ST00321 2810
P174_SP00298 1231
P174_ST00322 1243 2811
P174_SP00299 1278
P174_ST00323 1288 2806 000002
P174_SP00300 1436 2843
P174_ST00324 1446 2807 1000062
P174_SP00301 1604 2854
P174_ST00325 2808 000023
P174_SP00302 2845
P174_ST00326 1764 2809 139 differs, 30000605
P174_SP00303 1903 2852
P174_ST00327 2821
P174_SP00304 2846
P174_ST00328 1967 91 each
P174_SP00305 2058
P174_ST00329 2069
P174_TL00025 2902 1730
P174_ST00330
P174_SP00306 418 2937
P174_ST00331 428 five 3300
P174_SP00307
P174_ST00332 2907 0026
P174_SP00308 2939
P174_ST00333 2903 181 0008060
P174_SP00309
P174_ST00334 2904 takes
P174_SP00310 916
P174_ST00335 926
P174_SP00311 986
P174_ST00336 996 responsibiUty 6001040080801
P174_SP00312 1264 2951
P174_ST00337 1274 2905 027
P174_SP00313 1333 2941
P174_ST00338 1343 either, 0.72 0044063
P174_SP00314 1466 2948
P174_ST00339 1477 2906 literature, 00030006305
P174_SP00315 2949
P174_ST00340 1679 2908 religious 600000030
P174_SP00316 1851 2954
P174_ST00341 1861 2909 228 knowledge. 0743303005


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