Our Own Gayful Rest - A Postcolonial Archive

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Our Own Gayful Rest - A Postcolonial Archive
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^31 March 2010 KanikaBatra 47
violence on gay men and lesbian women; the AIDS crisis, labeled by many as just retribution
to the "sodomites"; and efforts at forging a community amid the ceaseless striving to make a
living in the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions.
A similar poignancy characterized my discovery and examination of the Gaily News, a
valuable archive of the scarcely remembered history of gay and lesbian activism in Jamaica.
The mimeographed sheets of the newsletter published through the valiant efforts of a few
dedicated individuals tell a tale of postcolonial queer activism that is an effective response
to homophobia in Jamaican popular culture evinced in the dancehall lyrics of Buju Banton,
Beenie Man, Shabba Ranks, Sizzia, and other popular musicians advocating death to "batty-
bwoys" influenced by "Babylon."^ Accounts that describe Jamaican and Caribbean gay rights
activism do not refer to this history, in part due to their focus on current rather than past
activism. Outlining the circumstances that resulted in the deaths of sixteen gay inmates of a
Kingston prison in 1997, an informative and passionately written piece by "Lawson Williams"
mentions that the formation of Jamaica Forum for Lesbians, All-Sexuals, and Gays (J-FLAG)
in 1998 "constituted the first significant political and institutional attempt to address homo-
sexual issues in Jamaica."'' While J-FLAG is the first forum to openly address homosexuality
in Jamaica, the groundwork for this activism was laid by the GFM, an account we can glean
from the pages of the Gaily News.
Complementing the previous and present-day activism of the GFM and J-FLAG, respec-
tively, Caribbean women's studies, specifically the work of M. Jacqui Alexander, Kamala
Kempadoo, and Tracy Robinson, makes valuable connections between the sociolegal con-
struction of gender and sexualities in the postcolonial Caribbean. Robinson, whose analysis
of gender and citizenship in the Caribbean mirrors Alexander and Kempadoo's focus, makes
a brief reference to J-FLAG in response to Alexander's claim that Caribbean feminists must
be wary of an overreliance on the state to guarantee their rights. In Robinson's view, J-FLAG's
advocacy before the parliamentary committee set up to examine the proposed new Charter
of Rights in the Jamaica constitution was an acknowledgment of the state's importance. Even
while this advocacy was dismissed, the hearings enabled J-FLAG members to "enunciate a
collective vision of their imagined lives."^ While contending that recent efforts of organiza-
tions like J-FLAG to redress legal and social discrimination against sexual minorities and to
forge a community among gays and lesbians help continue the efforts of the Gay Freedom

3 For metropolitan versus indigenous perspectives on these lyrics, see Timothy S. Chin, "Jamaican Popuiar Cuiture,
Caribbean Literature, and the Representation of Gay and Lesbian Sexuaiity in the Discourses of Race and Nation," Smaii
Axe, no. 5 (March 1999): 14-33. Cecii Gutzmore's "Casting the First Stone: The Policing of Homo/Sexuaiity in Jamaican
Popuiar Cuiture," Inten/entions 6, no. 1 (2004): 118-34, offers a nuanced understanding of the exceptionality of Jamaican
homophobia. See also Thomas Glave, "Toward a Nobility of the Imagination: Jamaica's Shame," Smaii Axe, no. 7 (March
2000): 122-26. Glave renounces the "ragingly homophobic" (124) lyrics of singers such as Buju Banton. In contrast,
cultural critics like Carolyn Cooper, while acknowledging the presence of homophobia in Jamaica, read dancehall lyrics as
socially radical and their violent talk as "cathartic." See Carolyn Cooper, Sound dash: Jamaican Dancehaii Cuiture at Large
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).
4 "Lawson Williams," "Homophobia and Gay Rights Activism in Jamaica," Smaii Axe, no. 7 (March 2000): 107.
5 Tracy Robinson, "A Loving Freedom: A Caribbean Feminist Aesthetic," Smaii Axe, no. 24 (October 2007): 129.


48 "Our own gayful rest": A Postcolonial Archive
Movement to create, in Benedict Andersen's famous words, an "imagined community," I argue
for a historical understanding of the print-mediated community generated by the Gaily News.
This history is of relevance to Jamaican and other postcolonial sexuality-based movements
existing under threats of outmoded colonial laws criminalizing homosexuality.
Caribbean women's studies helps theorize the GFM as one such movement by consid-
ering several important vectors of analysis necessary to write the history of "same-gender
sexual relations, identities, and desires," identified by Kempadoo as one of the "obscured"
and "underrepresented" areas of research.^ Both Alexander and Kempadoo mention the threat
of eroticism held out by the prostitute and the lesbian, categories whose existence together
function "within Black heteropatriarchy as outlaw."^ Not put in the service of a reproductive
heterosexuality, the erotic then functions as a dangerous signifier of uncontrolled and uncon-
trollable sexuality. Such uncontrollable sexuality makes the gay man even more stigmatized
than the prostitute or lesbian, either of whom can potentially participate in the reproductive
economy when "cured" of "immoral" ways, a possibility foreclosed by the eroticism and
sexual practices of gay men. I do not suggest that lesbians are less vulnerable to the kinds
of violence routinely advocated in Jamaican popular culture but point to the potentiality of
violence precluding an open expression of sexuality or sexual activism by both gay men and
lesbian women.
Hence there is a clear need to "contradict prevalent metropolitan impulses that explain
the absence of visible lesbian and gay movements" as a "defect in political consciousness
and maturity, using evidence of publicly organized lesbian and gay movements in the U.S.
as evidence of their originary status (in the West) and superior political maturity." By point-
ing to the imperial tendencies within oppositional movements, Alexander foregrounds the
"undertheorization of the imperial and the national, of the colonial within the postmodern."^
Following on this scholarship, my subject is an archive of gay and lesbian activism that helps
us understand a postcolonial counterpubllc represented by the Gay Freedom Movement in
Jamaica.^ The project I undertake is of historical recovery and theoretical elaboration of the
specificities of postcolonial sexuality-based movements as necessary and long-overdue
supplements to global sexual activism.
6 Kamala Kempadoo, Sexing tiie Caribbean: Gender, Race, and Sexuai Labor (New York: Routledge, 2004), 46.
7 M. Jacqui Alexander, "Erotic Autonomy as a Politics of Decolonization: An Anatomy of Feminist and State Practice in the
Bahamas Tourist Economy," in M. Jacqui Alexander and Chandra Talpade Mohanty, eds.. Feminist Genealogies, Coioniai
Legacies, Democratic Futures (New York: Routledge, 1995), 65. See also Kempadoo, Sexing the Caribbean, 27.
8 Alexander, "Erotic Autonomy," 69.
9 See Michael Warner, Publics and Counterpublics (New York: Zone, 2002). Warner defines a counterpubllc as existing in
"tension with a larger public" (56). Counterpubllc exchanges "remain distinct from authority and can have a critical rela-
tion to power; its extent is in principle indefinite because it is not based on a precise demography but mediated by print,
theatre, diffuse networks of tall<, commerce, and the like" (ibid.; emphasis mine).


^31 March 2010 KanikaBatra 49
Discovering tlie Hell Fire Club

That the best discoveries are often accidental holds true in the case of the historical research
undertaken for this article. Amused by Powell's reference to Gayley News, I assumed it was
a quip on generic newspaper titles in Jamaica. On the next of my regular visits to the J-FLAG
Web site, an announcement about a proposed archive of the Gaily News caught my attention.
Researching my way to holdings of the resource yielded its location in the Canadian Lesbian
and Gay Archives (CLGA). A previously planned trip to Toronto to collect unpublished material
from Honor Ford-Smith for my research on Jamaican drama in the 1970s and 1980s suddenly
took on new meaning.'" The women's theater group Sistren, active around the same time as
the GFM, performed plays about women's sexuality outside the framework of "respectable"
domesticity. The members' sexual stigmatization seemed to me to derive from the same
threat of uncontrolled eroticism represented by gay men and women. It was also unsurprising
that Sistren members were labeled sodomites based on the nature of their all-female perfor-
mances. Some of the Sistren identified as lesbian but were not out for fear of persecution. The
implicit connections between the kind of feminist counterpubllc consciousness represented
by Sistren through the medium of theater and that displayed by the GFM through its newslet-
ter were undoubtedly encouraged by the political climate of democratic socialism that was
conducive to the expression of subaltern consciousness in Jamaica at that time. The help-
ful staff at CLGA confirmed my rushed requests for working at the archives and made their
holdings of the Gaily News available beyond the normal working hours of the library. My visit
to Toronto yielded archives of both feminist and gay and lesbian consciousness in Jamaica.
Another felicitous discovery of this research was made while reading Kempadoo's insight-
ful account of stigmatized Caribbean sexualities, Sexing the Caribbean, which refers to Phil-
lip Pike's 2002 documentary Songs of Freedom: Compelling Stories of Courage and Hope
by Jamaican Gays and Lesbians." The documentary put faces to many of the names in
the available numbers of the Gaily News and provided a succinct account of the struggles
and successes detailed in the newsletter's precarious existence. It was indeed an eventful,
exciting month for me, discovering an archive of the formation of the Gay Freedom Move-
ment in Jamaica that reflected the efforts of the editorial committee of the Gaily News, often
maliciously called the "Hell Fire Club."'^
10 Honor Ford-Smith is former artistic director of the Sistren Theatre Collective, a Jamaican grassroots women's theater
group formed in the late 1970s and still active today.
11 See Kempadoo, Sexing the Caribbean, 219; Songs of Freedom: Compelling Stories of Courage and Hope by Jamaican
Gays and Lesbians, prod, and dir Phillip Pike, Canada, 2002 (75 min.).
12 "Editorial," JGN 61 (2 May 1980): 7.


50 "Our own gayful rest": A Postcolonial Archive
"Together we shall fight for our own gayful rest"

My research on Caribbean drama underscored that, as in the case of the Caribbean feminist
movements, it was important to consider the conditions under which the GFM was launched
to understand its multiple foci. The GFM network's emergence coincided with the precarious
existence of democratic socialism in Jamaica in the 1970s. The GFM continued into the early
part of the next decade with the coming to power of a capitalist government in 1980, headed
by Edward Seaga, leader of the Jamaica Labor Party, following one of the most violent elec-
tions in Jamaica. Robert Carr suggests that "the failure to think through the masculinization
of politics and subaltern culture at the micrological level" led to the demise of democratic
socialism.'^ This was the context for the demise of the Gaily News in 1984. The deteriorat-
ing political conditions in the country marked an exacerbation of the precarious situation
that plagued the publication in its six-year run. Other factors contributing to its demise were
gay and lesbian apathy to the GFM, despite repeated calls to action by the core group who
volunteered their time and energy to the publication; lack of a permanent meeting venue to
coordinate the movement's activities, including running the newsletter; paucity of funds and
equipment to continue publication; and, finally, an unstated but evident increase in social
violence that made it difficult to continue the publication and indeed the movement itself.
Some ways of understanding this violence are suggested by Laurence (Larry) Chang,
founding member of the GFM and editor of the newsletter, and by Suzanne La Font, in her
article "Very Straight Sex." Both Chang and La Font propose that gayness is seen as an aber-
ration in the dominant mode of masculinity under colonialism, when male slaves were the
agents and female slaves the receptacles for reproducing slave labor. Any acknowledgment
of enforced or consensual same-sex relations under slavery would disrupt this reproductive
economy.''' Elements of this thinking persist in the religious denunciation of homosexuality
in Jamaica, as well as in a homophobic postcolonialism that denounces same-sex desire as
Western. A heterosexual morality is held up as exemplary in the face of homosexual "immo-
rality." The homophobia also derives from a perception of gay people's entry into modes of
affluence represented by bars and clubs as avenues of socialization.
"Together we shall fight for our own gayful rest," incites Desiree Claire, in an early issue
of the newsletter.'^ In the 4 August 1978 newsletter announcing Independence Day celebra-
tions and the 14 October 1979 special issue marking National Heritage Week, Chang, who
edited the newsletter for most of its six-year run, makes a case for recording "gay Jamaican
history."'^ One of the ways suggested is to keep records of activities for posterity. There is, in
13 Robert Carr, Black Nationalism in the New World: Reading the African-American and West Indian Experience (Durham, NC:
Duke University Press, 2002), 231.
14 Suzanne La Font, "Very Straight Sex: The Development of Sexual Mores in Jamaica," Journal of Colonialism and Colonial
History2, no. 3 (2001), http://muse.jhu.edU/journals/journal_of_colonialism_and_coloniaLhistory/v002/2.3lafont
.html#F00T9 (accessed 11 December 2007).
15 Desiree Claire, "Question," JGN 3 (7 October 1977): 2.
16 "Editorial," JGN 4 (28 August 1978): 3. The use of gay and lesbian in countries of the global South such as Jamaica some-
times leads to confusion, particularly since these are terms used to categorize sexual behavior, identities, and activism


^31 March 2010 KanikaBatra 51
the editorial, a purposeful sense of the creation of history so that this material will be presented
by "gay historians" to "future generations of gay Jamaicans that their struggle may gain" from
this precedent.'^ Discovering and making a history not marred by the violence detailed in the
pages of the newsletter were essential to the conception of GFM as a "national" movement
and the Gaily News its official means of communication: "Every person has three obligations:
to oneself, to one's community and to one's nation. ... we need the community as much as it
NEEDS us."'^ Although the creation of community consciousness through a newsletter was the
primary aim of the GFM, there were serious impediments in the publication and circulation of
the Gaily News. Finding a typewriter; a mimeograph machine; letters, poems, features, and
other contributions; reporters from semi-urban and rural areas in Jamaica; and volunteers
willing to spend time and energy on the newsletter are concerns expressed in almost every
issue. It is clear from the short history of the newsletter's existence that for many gay men
and lesbian women print was not a primary means of socialization or a conscious means of
creating a counterpubllc. Because of political apathy, the limited circulation of the newsletter,
or illiteracy, gay people preferred bars and clubs that have always been the traditional venues
for heterosexual male social life in Jamaicadespite the violence in such spacesover
contributing their time, effort, and resources to the GFM or Gaily News.
The editorial from the third and earliest available newsletter heralds a seriousness of pur-
pose in announcing the change of its name from the Toilet Paper to the Jamaica Gaily News.
There is no discussion of legal activism to decriminalize homosexuality; rather, the focus is
on documentation of gay people's presence in Jamaican society with hope that time would be
"the GREATEST LEGALizER of all." This early editorial endorses an extra-legal activism that looks
further than gay people's rights to socialize safely in gay-friendly bars and clubs. Concern at
social and self-inflicted violence experienced by gay men and lesbian women, detrimental to
any efforts at community consciousness, is part of this activism. This is especially evident in
the high incidence of fights at the Closet, at the time the only gay bar in Kingston, and later
at other gay clubsthe Speakeasy and Maddam'sthat weakened the efforts to build a
community with its own history.'^
in Euro-America or the global North. In many postcolonial locations, though not specifically in Jamaica, activists prefer
indigenous terms to refute the charge of alternative sexual preference as symptomatic of deleterious Westernization.
17 "Editorial," JGN 51 (14 October 1979): 3.
18 Ginger, "Trapped?" JGN 3 (7 October 1977): 1 (emphasis in original).
19 "Speakeasy Attack," JGN 29 (13 October 1978): 1; "Editorial," JGN 42 (27 April 1979): 1; "Speakeasy Fracas," JGN 43
(11 May 1979): 1. See also the following articles: "D.J. Held for Buggery," JGN 2 (20 January 1978): 1; "Freed of Buggery
Charge," JGN 19 (12 May 1978): 1; "Writer Kills Self" and "Stabbed to Death," JGN 18 (28 April 1978): 1, and "Suicide
Attempts: AtHomeand Abroad," JGN 56 (19 January 1980): 2; "Lesbian Row Ends in Stabbing," JGN 23 (21 July 1978): 1,
and "Gay Man Killed," JGN 25 (18 August 1978): 1.


52 "Our own gayful rest": A Postcolonial Archive
Boogying, Camping, Bitching, and Acting

The Closet, the White Lady, the Speakeasy, Maddam's, and the Great House are some of the
popular venues for socialization mentioned regularly in the newsletter. The contested nature
of bars and clubs as social and political spaces necessary for the GFM needs further analysis.
Because bar culture also made the movement open to accusations of lack of seriousness, it
is useful to delineate how starting from the local bars as venues of socialization and activism,
the GFM created national and transnational connections.
One possible reason for the emergence of bar culture could be migration to urban spaces
such as Kingston, a direct consequence of the downslide in the economy and decreasing
opportunities for earning a living from agriculture and other traditional occupations in rural
Jamaica. The situation was exacerbated during the late 1970s and 1980s as Jamaica reeled
under economic recession. The GFM's acknowledgment of the necessity of clubs and bars
sits uneasily with its exhortation to the community to think beyond partying and its condemna-
tion of exploitative club owners: "It is incumbent on those who can spend on entertainment,
therefore, to make more effort to support the clubs and take up the slack, as it were. It should
be seen as not only sharing the wealth, but more as spreading the joy."^ The multiple and
sometimes paradoxical ideological locations that sexual activism occupies in many postco-
lonial locations are reflected in this call to the more affluent members to patronize clubs and
bars during times of economic hardship.
Lest the advice to patronize clubs and bars be taken as evidence of the dilution of the
GFM's activist agenda, the same editorial also includes an exhortation to the community to
support the Gay Youth Movement. How then are we to make sense of these seemingly para-
doxical but actually pragmatic responses to strike a balance between the community's desire
for entertainment and the need for organization? An examination of similarities and differences
between cultural locations of activism in the Euro-American and Caribbean, specifically Jamai-
can, contexts can yield one possible explanation. In Jamaica urban bars and clubs served as
spaces for socializing and activism in the absence of other safe environs. For instance, the
six-member committee of the GFM first met in the Closet to discuss community solutions to
violence arising from "a series of fights among patrons, primarily lesbians."^' The bars were
themselves endangered and precariously positioned cultural spaces, scenes of conviviality,
community, and sometimes carnage that represented a clash of competing, though not mutu-
ally exclusive, notions of community sustained by partying and boogying, on the one hand,
and by a carefully nurtured activism, on the other.
The competing notions of community outlined above are not mutually exclusive, a point
made in an early editorial where Chang challenges cultural and social apathy.^^ Later, another

20 "Editorial," JGN 31 (10 November 1978): 3.
21 Larry Chang, personal communication.
22 "Editorial," JGN 2 (20 January 1978): 3.


^31 March 2010 KanikaBatra 53
article presents the call to political action not as a choice but as a question of existence: "For
survival, we must take time out from the daze of boogying, camping and bitching to think and
then to ACT"^^ In subsequent newsletters the problem of lack of involvement is addressed
more directly as a politics of shame and blame that will hopefully lead to a greater participa-
tion in matters concerning the community at large.^^ Urvashi Vaid's critique of political indif-
ference among gay and lesbian people in the United States and her observation that they are
more interested in fulfilling their social needs than in shouldering political responsibility can
be applied to the situation of sexual minorities in postcolonial Jamaica.^^ In a move beyond
the bars into other spaces, the Gaily News suggests "alternative activities and groupings" to
involve those who choose not to or cannot afford to be a part of the bar culture.^^ The formation
of a gay youth group at the Speakeasy and the use of this space for subsequent meetings is
an example of community building beyond the traditional associations of bar culture."
However, these were makeshift arrangements reliant on the continued existence of
clubs and bars and the goodwill of their owners. The closure of Maddam's in 1980 and failed
attempts to negotiate inputs into the management of various clubs and bars forced the GFM
to seek out alternative venues for a community center. As the GFM acquired a structure and
a constitution and expanded its activities, the lack of a place of its own was felt even more
keenly.^^ In an effort to permanently solve the problem, the GFM conducted discussions to
establish a new club in Kingston.^^ Not coincidentally, the period from 1980 to 1982 that wit-
nessed the closure of several clubs, among them Maddam's and the Speakeasy, also marked
a low point in the organizational activities of the GFM and a break in the publication of the
Gaily News from October 1981 to July 1982.^ While there is no further report on arrangements
being worked out for the new club, the Speakeasy's reopening in 1984 provided a venue for
socializing but not organizing. The January 1984 newsletter carried a notice of the club being
transformed to a bar with a new name, Marshall's, and catering to a mixed clientele rather
than one exclusively gay.^'
Though the GFM emphasized community involvement, being out of the closet was not
a precondition for such involvement. The assertion that "the closet is the antithesis of the
political movement" needs to be qualified in postcolonial contexts such as Jamaica.^^ In fact,
a disparaging opinion of outness as a standard of political consciousness is expressed more
than once in the Gaily News.^^ A more inclusive idea of community that extends beyond bar

23 Aquarius, "Personally Speaking," JGN 2.1 (15 September 1978): 5.
24 See "Editorial," JGN 32 (24 November 1978): 3.
25 Urvashi Vaid, Virtual Equality: The Mainstreaming of Gay and Lesbian Liberation (New York: Anchor, 1995).
26 "Editorial," JGN 23 (21 July 1978): 3.
27 See "Youth Group Proposed," JGN 29 (13 October 1978): 1; and "Youth Group Launched," JGN 30 (27 October 1978): 1.
28 See "Editorial: Where Do We Go from Here?" JGN 72 (15 March 1981): 7.
29 "New Club Soon and .," JGN 73 (22 May 1981): 1.
30 "Editorial," JGN 76 (3 July 1982): 7.
31 "Marshall's Club Reopens as Bar," JGN 77 (January 1984): 2.
32 Vaid, Virtual Equality, 221; see also 219-22, 226, 363.
33 "Guest Editorial," JGN 72 (15 March 1981): 7.


54 "Our own gayful rest": A Postcolonial Archive
culture and embraces those who are not out emerged early on in the newsletter and contin-
ued until it ceased publication. Though Caribbean social formations are seen as very much
of the West, noting the significant differences between gay and lesbian organizing in Euro-
American and postcolonial locations helps redress what Alexander identifies as the perceived
"undertheorization" of such movements in a transnational framework. This involves thinking
through the print-mediated nature of sexual counterpublics, undoing the separation between
social and political spaces, and de-emphasizing declarative sexual identity politics or outness.
Perceiving outness metaphorically as reaching out and staking a claim to spaces beyond bars
enables an assessment of the national and transnational connections made by the GFM. The
GFM's prison outreach program; the Gay Youth Movement; the GFM's forceful responses to
biases in public institutions such as businesses, banks, and the University of the West Indies;
and its connections with gay freedom groups in Scotland, Canada, the United States, Israel,
and many other places, indicate that starting from the local spaces of clubs and bars, moving
to the tangible material space of the pages of Gaily News, and intervening in institutional
spaces, the GFM emerged as an organization with national and transnational connections. In
the absence of an oral history project to complement the material archive represented by the
newsletter, it is not possible to describe all these efforts with the complexity they deserve. I
focus on a few methods of outreach in the next section.

We Is One Big Family

The national and transnational connections established by the GFM were necessary in the
struggle for survival against violence and disease faced by gay men and women in Jamaica
during the early 1980s. The GFM's activities for the community can be described as an ethics
of care, evident from the earliest newsletters and continued till it ceased publication. The
community's indifference to these endeavors including negligible financial and organizational
support was a matter of concern almost from the very beginning of these efforts. An attempt
to constitute GFM structures to counter this indifference resulted in the drafting of a constitu-
tion at the beginning of 1980. The members resolved that the major decisions would be made
through "action groups." Creating additional action groups for "security and discipline" and
"welfare" marked a formalization of the GFM's ethics of care.^"
The defining aspects of the ethical imperative were self- and public education to articulate
a move from unconsciously homosexual to consciously gay self- and societal affirmation.
Sexual responsibility to oneself and one's partner, fueled by the AIDS crisis, was also crucial
to this ethics. The opening of the Gay Community Health Clinic at the Speakeasy in November
1978 was an attempt to make a gay-oriented health care system available to the community
through a VD testing service and referrals to gay doctors.^^ The 9 March 1979 newsletter

34 "GFM Adopts Constitution Elections Soon," JGN 56 (19 January 1980): 1.
35 "Health Clinic to Open Nov 4," JGN 30 (27 October 1978): 1; and "Clinic Opens," JGN 31 (10 November 1978): 1.


^31 March 2010 KanikaBatra 55
announces the clinic's reopening at Maddam's, with a wide range of services at a very nominal
fee of J$5.00.^^ The importance of such an initiative was evident a week later: there was a
syphilis outbreak, necessitating a special edition of the Gaily News, although the next issue
was not due out for another week. Acknowledging that the "high level of promiscuity and the
smallness and closeness of [the gay] community" was in part responsible for the epidemic,
the editorial stops short of shaming the community on its sexual promiscuity. Rather, it pre-
sents the matter as one pertaining to care of self and others." Information about the health
of the community was also placed in the context of the Gay Youth Movement by addressing
commonly voiced fears among the general, heterosexual population about the initiation of
young people into "corrupt" or "pervert" sexual choices and lifestyles.^^The group combined
its educational and health care agendas in talks with trainee nurse practitioners to clear "mis-
conceptions as to the prevalence, causes and behaviour of gays."^^ Such steps then were
essential to the gay-sensitive health care system envisaged by the GFM in its formative stages.
Various models of outreach described in the newsletter further illustrate the ethics of
care. The concern expressed for social outcasts, such as gay prisoners, was in keeping with
efforts to ensure that the gay and lesbian community did not continue to be socially outcast
due to lack of information and discussion. The GFM also met representatives of the Jamai-
can Psychologists' Association at a public library to discuss homophobia and put forward its
point of view through presentations by senior as well as younger members, including lesbian
women. These meetings, along with GFM's assistance to a student from the University of the
West Indies collecting data for a study on gay people in Jamaica, attest to the organization's
seriousness of purpose in addressing various kinds of audiences to persuade them to revise
their opinion of the gay and lesbian community."" While these methods to counter misinfor-
mation did yield some results, they did not prevent violence against the community."' Given
the increasing violence at the time when the GFM was most active, the ethics of care was
not merely pacific. One report describes an attack on three young gays by a gang of men,
which led the GFM to announce special self-defense classes conducted by a gay martial
arts instructor."^ Gay resistance at Stonewall Inn in Greenwich Village in 1969 is held up as
an example in several commemorative newsletters from the late 1970s to the early 1980s."^
In the final analysis, like the multiple significations of bars in the Jamaican gay and lesbian
scene, the ethics of care furthered a sense of community in several crucial, if unobtrusive,
ways. Chang believes that the awareness about AIDS through the health clinics and the

36 "VD Clinic Reopened," JGN 38 (9 March 1979): 1.
37 "Editorial," JGN 39 (16 March 1979): 3.
38 "Editorial," JGN 30 (27 October 1978): 3.
39 "GFM/Nurses Talk," JGN 77 (January 1984): 2,11.
40 "GFM/JPA Meet Again," JGN 70 (23 November 1980): 1,11.
41 "EBS Talks H/Sex" and "Gays Robbed," JGN 78 (February-March 1984): 1, 8.
42 "Homophobic Attack," JGN 36 (February 1979): 1; and "Self-Defence Class," JGN 40 (31 March 1979): 1.
43 From its inception, the GFM placed itself in an international perspective by forming alliances with gay liberation groups
all over the world, particularly in Scotland, Canada, and the United States, often facilitated by the personal travels and
contacts of the members.


56 "Our own gayful rest": A Postcolonial Archive
newsletter helped curtail the effect of the pandemic among the gay community in Jamaica.
Without prioritizing outness, the GFM's reaching out, in and through the materiality of the
newspaper and community organizing, involved efforts to connect urban and nonurban, stig-
matized (prisons) and valorized (the university), national and transnational spaces.

Dem Gay Sistahs

A crucial aspect of the ethical imperative was imagining a community comprising gay men and
lesbian women as equally important members. Initially, gay sistahs did not involve themselves
in the GFM because they feared familial and societal repercussions. Some were also put off by
the high levels of violence and indiscipline, especially in the bars and clubs that made these
venues unsafe for women. However, Flo Cameron's active involvement in the GFM as direc-
tor of treasury and lesbian women's participation in open discussions with counselors and
in public debates indicate that there were no serious ideological disjunctures, other than the
low level of participation by men and the even lower level by women. The GFM thus provides
a unique model for conjoining gay and lesbian agendas, unlike the separate trajectories of
these movements in many other Euro-American and postcolonial locations. It also presents
a manner of reading women's investment in print as a way of imagining community and
participation in a counterpubllc.
The 18 August 1978 guest editor's call for active involvement of women in the movement
lists a number of simplistic reasons for their disinclination to participate in the GFM, includ-
ing less subjection to oppression and abuse than gay men, and greater ability to "pass" as
"normal women" by bearing children and raising families."" The falsity of these claims is borne
out by an examination of one of the earliest discussions of Jamaican lesbians by Makeda
Silvera. Silvera describes forms of "violent" and "subtle" crimes against women living with
other women, including "battery," where a woman suspected of being a "sodomite" would be
gang raped by a group of men, or a more subtle form of "scorning" by refusal of meals cooked
by these women."^ Implicitly addressing some of the reasons advanced by men, such as the
supposedly secure status enjoyed by lesbian women as opposed to gay men, or the petty
jealousies between women that prevent any concentrated activism, the columnist M'Lady
forwards a feminist explanation of patriarchal dominance contributing to the traditionally low
profile kept by women in any given society that, according to her, also translates into their
low profile in the GFM."^
An article in the newsletter that expressed concern about relations between gay men and
women candidly assesses the former's inability to get away from "sex-conditioned behaviour"

44 "Editorial," JGN 25 (18 August 1978): 3.
45 Makeda Silvera, "Man Royals and Sodomites: Some Thoughts on the Invisibility of Afro-Caribbean Lesbians" (1991), in
Althea Prince and Susan Silva-Wayne, eds. Feminisms and Womanisms: A Women's Studies Reader (Toronto: Women's
Press, 2004), 181.
46 M'Lady "Girl Talk" JGN 51 (14 October 1979): 6, 7.


^31 March 2010 KanikaBatra 57
in their interactions with gay sisters."^ Print was one of the ways in which the GFM envisioned
interaction between gay men and lesbian women. The editor hoped that M'Lady's column
"Girl Talk," proposed as a regular feature, would address male as well as female readers."^
M'Lady uses the autobiographical narrative mode to address what she calls "aetiology of
. female homosexuality or lesbianism," the experience of coming out, religious controls
over sexual expression, and education as a means of self-acceptance."^ Besides the regular
column, M'Lady's other contributions to the newspaper include poems, special reports, and
a "fantasy" about meeting a lover through the "gayfriends" section of the Gaily News.
Another writer, Yvonne, discusses in a series of articles her experience of heterosexuality
and contrasts it to lesbian love by including an overview of lesbian sexual practices.^" Though
her column, unlike M'Lady's, did not become a regular feature of the newspaper, Yvonne is
one among the few lesbians whose voices were heard in the newsletter. In view of the fact that
not many women's voices were forthcoming, Chang's contributions, under the pseudonym
"Mampala Morgan," were meant to encourage lesbians to declare their presence.^' Called
"Suss-uration," the column's contents contrast with the tone and language of M'Lady's and
Yvonne's features, not the least because Morgan/Chang writes in patwah.
The equivalent of pages outlining the activities of socialites and celebrities in any news-
paper, Morgan's irreverent reportage of the activities of prominent members of the community
raised quite a few hackles. Despite the editorial caveat that the column was not to be taken
seriously, it incurred the wrath of a reader who objected to its "bitchiness" as contribut-
ing to the low image of the community in general.^^ As suggested by Morgan/Chang, the
column can be seen as an occasionally apocryphal or playful public reportage about love,
loss, change, and death within the community. By talking about who is going out with whom
or which couples are breaking up, Morgan/Chang "outs" their activities with the admittedly
irreverent aim of creating a readership in the know about each other's personal lives in rela-
tion to the social events also publicized in the column.^^ The concerns humorously articulated
by Morgan/Chang from an androgynous position, refuting the common co-relation between
susu (gossip) and women, reflect the same concerns voiced over the years in the newsletter:
announcements of cultural events, reports of violence within and against the community, and
the urgent need for a meeting venue. The ethics of care is reflected in the nuggets of advice
interspersed with reports of the various romantic, mercenary, criminal, and migratory activities
of the community: "Oho man we is one big family, why we have fi tief wi one another so?"

47 Nicholson, "Gay Notes," JGN 36 (2 February 1979): 4, 6.
48 "Editorial," JGN 43 (11 May 1979): 3.
49 M'Lady "Girl Talk" JGN 43 (11 May 1979): 6, 7, and JGN 46 (29 June 1979): 3, 10.
50 "Yvonne" and "Lesbian Love," JGN 59 (4 April 1980): 4; "Lesbian Love: Part 2," JGN 60 (18 April 1980): 4.
51 Mampala is Jamaican for "feminized man." Morgan begins the column in the 16 October 1981 issue by saying, "Look yah
nuh, OS who say mi a woman? Mi is nether man nor woman, so nuh mix mi up chile" [Look, you, now, who says I am a
woman? I am neither man nor woman, so don't m ix me up, child], "Suss-uration,"JGN 75 (16 October 1981): 5.
52 "Letter to the Editor," JGN 70 (23 November 1980): 12.
53 Mampala Morgan, "Suss-uration," JGN 71 (21 December 1980): 5, and JGN 72 (15 March 1981): 5, 12.


58 "Our own gayful rest": A Postcolonial Archive
[Hey, man, we are one big family, why do we have to thieve from one another in this way?].^"
This sense of family responsibility includes encouraging women to come out, at least within
the community if not in public, a process which was undoubtedly facilitated by M'Lady's,
Yvonne's, and Morgan's writings.
These columns suggest a closer connection between print and intimacy than the other
contributions to the newsletter and yet, somewhat paradoxically, there are hardly any women
advertising in the pen pal section. It can of course be argued that the advertisements are
proportionate to the involvement of women. I am suggesting that the participation of women
of all classes and sexual orientations in feminist networks such as Sistren (rather than the Gay
Freedom Movement) in Jamaica resulted in less lesbian presence in the GFM. Much like the
movement for gay rights, the movement for women's rights was perceived as fundamentally
Western in orientation, making it even more difficult for the emergence of openly lesbian
personal or activist connections. The April-May 1984 newsletter is the last one to have car-
ried both M'Lady's and Morgan's columns, the last few instances of real or assumed lesbian
representation occurring at about the same time as the last few newsletters were published.

From Imagined to Virtual Communities

The Gaily News allows us a glimpse into the efforts of gay men and lesbian women in Jamaica
to imagine and organize as a community. A more contemporary form of sexual activism in
Jamaica is less reliant on the ephemeral material space provided by a newsletter. J-FLAG, the
acronym perhaps consciously chosen to represent the unfulfilled promises of flag indepen-
dence for sexual minorities in Jamaica, hosts a Web site that indicates a multifaceted effort
to work historically and politically toward gay liberation.== The material and social exigencies
encountered by the GFM are also being faced by J-FLAG, underscoring the importance of a
historical account of gay and lesbian community building toward the articulation of a counter-
public that can be of use to present-day activists in Jamaica and other postcolonial nations.
The GFM's official organ, the Gaily News, tried to forge print-mediated community, though
the movement did not rely solely on print as a means of activism. However, the printed word
enables us access to the GFM's history excluded from transnational histories of sexuality that
have often ignored the postcolonial Caribbean as a productive site of gay and lesbian resis-
tance. The account offered in this article effectively counters the perceived underdevelopment
of postcolonial resistance movements or, as Alexander observes, a "defect in political con-
sciousness and maturity." The larger theoretical issue raised by my discussion of the archive
is whether it is justified to judge political activism on the basis of an "out" gay and lesbian
movement in places where it is dangerous, even deadly, to prioritize such outness, given the
criminalization of homosexuality and forms of masculinized violence. Additionally, there are
54 Morgan, "Suss-uration," JGN 74 (23 November 1980): 5.
55 See http://www.jflag.org/ (accessed 20 October 2009).


^31 March 2010 KanikaBatra 59
many lessons to be learned from the history of this resistance. First, as the bar and club culture
in Jamaica indicates, there need not be obvious distinctions between sites of socialization
and activism, though activists often face the insurmountable odds of public persecution and
community apathy. Next, the premium on a declarative sexual identity and the stigmatization
of those in the closet is an artificial distinction that is not an accurate reflection of activist
consciousness in Jamaica and many other postcolonial nations. Finally, Jamaica becomes a
case in point for indicating that there are more similarities than differences between gay men
and lesbian women striving for acceptance and recognition in the face of discrimination. This
not only leads to a more inclusive articulation of community but also points to the intertwining
of gay and lesbian histories.
Given the political and economic crisis in Jamaica during the period of the GFM's exis-
tence, it required immense conviction and courage for a marginal, ostracized, and vulnerable
community to document its presence. Further, battling against instincts of death, destruction,
disease, and dissonant notions of the community toward an imperative of caresometimes
through a politics of reproach and at other times through one of supportive affirmation, but
always one of responsibilitythe GFM's struggles need to be remembered so that its suc-
cesses can be emulated and carried forward. While many misconceptions about homosexual-
ity have been countered largely due to efforts such as those outlined in this article, this in itself
has not led to a decrease in homophobic violence in Jamaica. Thus there is the continued
need to revisit histories of gay and lesbian organizing, draw upon the national as well as
transnational perspectives outlined therein, inflect them with concerns such as legal rights
for sexual minorities, and envision postcolonial societies of equality.

Acknowledgements
Thanks to the staff at the Canadian Lesbian and Gay Archives in Toronto for their meticulous preservation
of this archive and for making it available to me on short notice. Deepest thanks to Thomas Glave for his
comments, suggestions for improvement, and for facilitating contact with Larry Chang. This work has
had the benefit of Larry's clarifications and careful reading.


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ocrProcessingStep
Kirtas Technologies, Inc.
OCR Manager
3.0.0.0
Layout
Page P7 PHYSICAL_IMG_NR 7 HEIGHT 2775 WIDTH 2325
TopMargin P7_TM00001 HPOS 0 VPOS 156
LeftMargin P7_LM00001 482 2425
RightMargin P7_RM00001 2102 223
BottomMargin P7_BM00001 2581 194
PrintSpace P7_PS00001 1620
TextBlock P7_TB00001 1484 618 38
TextLine P7_TL00001 612
String P7_ST00001 90 CONTENT ^31 WC 0.67 CC 1000
SP P7_SP00001 1574 42
P7_ST00002 1616 165 83 23 March 0.92 03000
P7_SP00002 1699 188 11
P7_ST00003 1710 66 2010 1.00 0000
P7_SP00003 1776 36
P7_ST00004 1812 174 KanikaBatra 0.83 03000303503
P7_SP00004 1986 73
P7_ST00005 2059 163 37 25 53 00
P7_TB00002 325 1549 2256
P7_TL00002 490 331 1534 34
P7_ST00006 98 28 article 0.95 3000000
P7_SP00005 588 359 13
P7_ST00007 601 333 141 32 presents 00000000
P7_SP00006 742 365
P7_ST00008 753 51 the 000
P7_SP00007 804 12
P7_ST00009 816 call 0300
P7_SP00008 869
P7_ST00010 882 31 26 to
P7_SP00009 913
P7_ST00011 926 124 political 0.96 000000030
P7_SP00010 1050 14
P7_ST00012 1064 action 0.94 300000
P7_SP00011 1162
P7_ST00013 1176 not
P7_SP00012 1227
P7_ST00014 1240 338 21 as 30
P7_SP00013 1276
P7_ST00015 1288 18 a 0.66 3
P7_SP00014 1306
P7_ST00016 1317 108 choice 000000
P7_SP00015 1425
P7_ST00017 1439 but
P7_SP00016 1490
P7_ST00018 1502
P7_SP00017 1538
P7_ST00019 1550
P7_SP00018 1568
P7_ST00020 1579 140 question
P7_SP00019 1719
P7_ST00021 1733 of
P7_SP00020 1764
P7_ST00022 164 existence: 0000000000
P7_SP00021 1940 16
P7_ST00023 1956 68 "For
P7_TL00003 489 390 35
P7_ST00024 132 survival, 000000300
P7_SP00022 621 422
P7_ST00025 634 397 47 we
P7_SP00023 681 418
P7_ST00026 693 392 80 must
P7_SP00024 773
P7_ST00027 784 69 take 0.91
P7_SP00025 853
P7_ST00028 864 70 time
P7_SP00026 934
P7_ST00029 945 out
P7_SP00027 998 10
P7_ST00030 1008 from
P7_SP00028 1081
P7_ST00031 1094 50
P7_SP00029 1144
P7_ST00032 1155 79 daze
P7_SP00030 1234
P7_ST00033 1245
P7_SP00031
P7_ST00034 160 boogying, 000000000
P7_SP00032 1448 425 15
P7_ST00035 1463 camping 0300000
P7_SP00033 1603
P7_ST00036 1617 59 and 0.88 300
P7_SP00034 1676
P7_ST00037 1690 128 bitching
P7_SP00035 1818
P7_ST00038 1831
P7_SP00036 1862
P7_ST00039 1873 81 27 think 00000
P7_SP00037 1954 417
P7_ST00040 1964
P7_TL00004 447
P7_ST00041 448 then
P7_SP00038 558 476 17
P7_ST00042 575 450
P7_SP00039 606
P7_ST00043 620 118 29 ACT"^^ 0.53 00801010
P7_SP00040 738
P7_ST00044 755 24 In
P7_SP00041 779 475
P7_ST00045 796 subsequent
P7_SP00042 990
P7_ST00046 1006 189 newsletters 00000000000
P7_SP00043 1195
P7_ST00047 1209
P7_SP00044 1260
P7_ST00048 133 problem 0000000
P7_SP00045 1409
P7_ST00049
P7_SP00046 1457
P7_ST00050 1472 lack
P7_SP00047
P7_ST00051 1551
P7_SP00048 1582
P7_ST00052 1598 198 involvement
P7_SP00049 1796
P7_ST00053 is
P7_SP00050 1835
P7_ST00054 1850 173 addressed 300000000
P7_TL00005 506 1521
P7_ST00055 513 more
P7_SP00051 572 534
P7_ST00056 584 120 directly
P7_SP00052 704 541
P7_ST00057 718
P7_SP00053 754
P7_ST00058 767
P7_SP00054 785
P7_ST00059 799 115 politics
P7_SP00055 914 540
P7_ST00060 927
P7_SP00056 958
P7_ST00061 970 110 shame 0.93 00300
P7_SP00057 1080
P7_ST00062 1093 0.89
P7_SP00058 1152
P7_ST00063 1168 99 blame
P7_SP00059 1267
P7_ST00064 1279 63 that 0030
P7_SP00060 1342
P7_ST00065 1354 will
P7_SP00061 1405 533
P7_ST00066 1419 150 hopefully
P7_SP00062 1569
P7_ST00067 1583 lead
P7_SP00063 1649
P7_ST00068 1662 508
P7_SP00064 1694
P7_ST00069 1707
P7_SP00065 1725
P7_ST00070 1738 116 33 greater 0003000
P7_SP00066 1854
P7_ST00071 1868 142 participa 030000003 SUBS_TYPE HypPart1 SUBS_CONTENT participation
P7_TL00006 488 563 1522
P7_ST00072 565 tion HypPart2
P7_SP00067 547 593
P7_ST00073 564 in
P7_SP00068 592
P7_ST00074 604 567 matters
P7_SP00069 728
P7_ST00075 743 182 concerning
P7_SP00070 925 600
P7_ST00076 940
P7_SP00071 991
P7_ST00077 183 community
P7_SP00072 1189
P7_ST00078 1203 at 0.82
P7_SP00073 1232
P7_ST00079 1248 85 large. 030000
P7_SP00074 1333 5
P7_ST00080 1338 22 ^^ 0.00 1010
P7_SP00075 1360 579
P7_ST00081 1375 121 Urvashi
P7_SP00076 1496
P7_ST00082 1510 97 Vaid's 030020
P7_SP00077 1607
P7_ST00083 1621 122 critique
P7_SP00078 1743 599
P7_ST00084 1756
P7_SP00079 1788
P7_ST00085 1802
P7_SP00080 1926
P7_ST00086 1943 67 indif indifference
P7_TL00007 623 1536
P7_ST00087 123 ference
P7_SP00081 611 651
P7_ST00088 630 112 among 30000
P7_SP00082 735 658
P7_ST00089 748 58 gay 030
P7_SP00083 806
P7_ST00090 818
P7_SP00084 877
P7_ST00091 892 113 lesbian 0000030
P7_SP00085 1005
P7_ST00092 1020 people
P7_SP00086 1130 657
P7_ST00093
P7_SP00087 1167 650
P7_ST00094 1180
P7_SP00088 1231
P7_ST00095 1244 105 United
P7_SP00089 1349
P7_ST00096 1363 104 States 003000
P7_SP00090 1467
P7_ST00097 1479
P7_SP00091
P7_ST00098 1552 her
P7_SP00092
P7_ST00099 1613 193 observation 0.97 00000030000
P7_SP00093 1806
P7_ST00100 1819
P7_SP00094 1882
P7_ST00101 1893 they
P7_SP00095 1963
P7_ST00102 1975 49 are
P7_TL00008 1533
P7_ST00103 688
P7_SP00096 709
P7_ST00104 161 interested
P7_SP00097 749
P7_ST00105
P7_SP00098 790 708
P7_ST00106 fulfilling
P7_SP00099 930 716
P7_ST00107 their
P7_SP00100 1018
P7_ST00108 1031 94 social 000030
P7_SP00101 1125
P7_ST00109 1142 needs
P7_SP00102 1241
P7_ST00110 1255 than
P7_SP00103 1325
P7_ST00111 1343
P7_SP00104 1366
P7_ST00112 1383 192 shouldering
P7_SP00105 1575
P7_ST00113 1593
P7_SP00106 1717 715
P7_ST00114 218 responsibility 00000000000000
P7_SP00107 1951
P7_ST00115 1966 56 can
P7_TL00009
P7_ST00116 740 39 be
P7_SP00108 529 768
P7_ST00117 544 119 applied
P7_SP00109 663 774
P7_ST00118 678
P7_SP00110 710
P7_ST00119 723
P7_SP00111
P7_ST00120 787 139 situation 000030000
P7_SP00112
P7_ST00121 942
P7_SP00113 973
P7_ST00122 986 sexual
P7_SP00114 1090
P7_ST00123 1106 minorities
P7_SP00115 1266
P7_ST00124 1281
P7_SP00116 1305
P7_ST00125 1322 postcolonial 000000000030
P7_SP00117 1520
P7_ST00126 1535 Jamaica.^^ 0.70 030300301010
P7_SP00118 1708
P7_ST00127 1724
P7_SP00119 1749
P7_ST00128 1765 747
P7_SP00120 1783
P7_ST00129 1797 89 move
P7_SP00121 1886
P7_ST00130 1902 beyond
P7_TL00010 798
P7_ST00131
P7_SP00122 539 826
P7_ST00132 554 bars
P7_SP00123
P7_ST00133 638 into
P7_SP00124 697
P7_ST00134 86 other
P7_SP00125 794
P7_ST00135 805 127 spaces, 0030000
P7_SP00126 932 832
P7_ST00136 946
P7_SP00127 997
P7_ST00137 1009 Gaily
P7_SP00128 1092 833 9
P7_ST00138 1101 92 News
P7_SP00129 1193
P7_ST00139 1206 800 151 suggests
P7_SP00130 1357
P7_ST00140 1371 185 "alternative 030000030000
P7_SP00131 1556
P7_ST00141 1570 143 activities 3000000000
P7_SP00132 1713
P7_ST00142 1727
P7_SP00133 1786
P7_ST00143 1800 178 groupings"
P7_SP00134 1978
P7_ST00144 1993
P7_TL00011 491 855 1531
P7_ST00145 856 involve
P7_SP00135 884
P7_ST00146 those
P7_SP00136 701
P7_ST00147 711 who
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P7_ST00148 choose
P7_SP00138 908
P7_ST00149 919 858
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P7_ST00150 980
P7_SP00140 1011
P7_ST00151 1021 863 or
P7_SP00141 1053
P7_ST00152 1063 111 cannot
P7_SP00142 1174
P7_ST00153 1185 91 afford
P7_SP00143
P7_ST00154
P7_SP00144 1319
P7_ST00155 1331
P7_SP00145 1369
P7_ST00156 1380
P7_SP00146 1397
P7_ST00157 62 part
P7_SP00147 1471 890
P7_ST00158 1481
P7_SP00148 1512
P7_ST00159
P7_SP00149 1571
P7_ST00160 bar
P7_SP00150 1634
P7_ST00161 1644 117 culture.
P7_SP00151 1761 6
P7_ST00162 1767
P7_SP00152 1789 871
P7_ST00163 1798 60 The
P7_SP00153 1858
P7_ST00164 154 formation
P7_TL00012 915
P7_ST00165
P7_SP00154 520 943
P7_ST00166 532 922
P7_SP00155 550
P7_ST00167 57
P7_SP00156 950
P7_ST00168 631 youth
P7_SP00157 722
P7_ST00169 737 95 group
P7_SP00158
P7_ST00170 845 917
P7_SP00159 874
P7_ST00171 886
P7_SP00160 937
P7_ST00172 181 Speakeasy 000300300
P7_SP00161 1131
P7_ST00173
P7_SP00162
P7_ST00174 1217
P7_SP00163
P7_ST00175 1280 use
P7_SP00164 1337
P7_ST00176
P7_SP00165 1381
P7_ST00177 1392 this
P7_SP00166 1450
P7_ST00178 1462 space
P7_SP00167 1561 949
P7_ST00179 1573 44 for
P7_SP00168
P7_ST00180 1629 195
P7_SP00169 1824
P7_ST00181 1836 meetings
P7_SP00170 1987
P7_ST00182 2001
P7_TL00013 972 1436
P7_ST00183 an
P7_SP00171 526 1001
P7_ST00184 example
P7_SP00172 680 1007
P7_ST00185
P7_SP00173 724
P7_ST00186
P7_SP00174 920
P7_ST00187 building
P7_SP00175 1062
P7_ST00188 1078
P7_SP00176 1198
P7_ST00189 1212
P7_SP00177 1262
P7_ST00190 1275 traditional 00300000030
P7_SP00178 1438
P7_ST00191 1452 207 associations 300000300000
P7_SP00179 1659
P7_ST00192 1671
P7_SP00180 1702
P7_ST00193 1716
P7_SP00181
P7_ST00194 1780 146 culture." 000000007
P7_TL00014 566 1458
P7_ST00195 However,
P7_SP00182
P7_ST00196 these
P7_SP00183 828 1059 19
P7_ST00197 847 1038 were
P7_SP00184
P7_ST00198 948 makeshift 030000000
P7_SP00185 1108 20
P7_ST00199 1128 1033 231 arrangements 300300000000
P7_SP00186 1359 1066
P7_ST00200 1379 100 reliant 0000300
P7_SP00187
P7_ST00201 1498 on
P7_SP00188 1537
P7_ST00202 1558
P7_SP00189 1609
P7_ST00203 continued
P7_SP00190 1793
P7_ST00204 1815 158 existence
P7_SP00191 1973
P7_ST00205 1992
P7_TL00015
P7_ST00206 87 clubs
P7_SP00192 577 1118
P7_ST00207 590
P7_SP00193 649
P7_ST00208 664
P7_SP00194 733
P7_ST00209 746
P7_SP00195
P7_ST00210
P7_SP00196
P7_ST00211 135 goodwill
P7_SP00197 1017
P7_ST00212
P7_SP00198
P7_ST00213 1073 72
P7_SP00199 1145
P7_ST00214 1156 1097 129 owners.
P7_SP00200 1285
P7_ST00215 1298 61
P7_SP00201
P7_ST00216 1372 closure
P7_SP00202 1491
P7_ST00217
P7_SP00203
P7_ST00218 1547 172 Maddam's 0.90 03003010
P7_SP00204
P7_ST00219 1732
P7_SP00205 1117
P7_ST00220 1771 1980
P7_SP00206
P7_ST00221 1864
P7_SP00207 1923
P7_ST00222 1936 failed
P7_TL00016 1148
P7_ST00223 1150 145 attempts 30000000
P7_SP00208 635 1182
P7_ST00224 647
P7_SP00209 679
P7_ST00225 691 153 negotiate
P7_SP00210 844 1183
P7_ST00226 inputs
P7_SP00211
P7_ST00227 971
P7_SP00212 1030
P7_ST00228 1042
P7_SP00213
P7_ST00229 1105 217 management 0303000000
P7_SP00214
P7_ST00230 1334
P7_SP00215 1365
P7_ST00231 1376 various
P7_SP00216 1495
P7_ST00232 1508 88
P7_SP00217 1596
P7_ST00233 1608
P7_SP00218 1667
P7_ST00234 1682
P7_SP00219 1752
P7_ST00235 forced
P7_SP00220
P7_ST00236 1881
P7_SP00221 1931
P7_ST00237 1944 77 GFM
P7_TL00017
P7_ST00238 1208
P7_SP00222
P7_ST00239 78 seek
P7_SP00223 610
P7_ST00240
P7_SP00224 674
P7_ST00241 687 171 alternative 30000030000
P7_SP00225
P7_ST00242 870 1213 venues
P7_SP00226 988
P7_ST00243
P7_SP00227 1044
P7_ST00244 1057
P7_SP00228 1075
P7_ST00245 1088
P7_SP00229 1271
P7_ST00246 1284 107 center.
P7_SP00230 1391
P7_ST00247 43 As
P7_SP00231
P7_ST00248 1460
P7_SP00232 1511
P7_ST00249 1524
P7_SP00233 1601
P7_ST00250 1618 acquired
P7_SP00234 1759
P7_ST00251 1774
P7_SP00235 1792
P7_ST00252 1804 structure
P7_SP00236 1950
P7_ST00253
P7_TL00018 1265
P7_ST00254 1272
P7_SP00237 1293
P7_ST00255 522 191 constitution 000000000000
P7_SP00238 713
P7_ST00256 730
P7_SP00239 789
P7_ST00257 expanded 00030000
P7_SP00240 968 1299
P7_ST00258 its
P7_SP00241
P7_ST00259 1036 activities, 30000000000
P7_SP00242 1187 1297
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P7_SP00243 1254
P7_ST00261 1270
P7_SP00244 1336
P7_ST00262 1348
P7_SP00245
P7_ST00263 1394
P7_SP00246 1412
P7_ST00264 1427 place
P7_SP00247 1514
P7_ST00265 1528
P7_SP00248 1559
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P7_SP00249 1610
P7_ST00267 1623 own
P7_SP00250
P7_ST00268 1706 was
P7_SP00251 1772
P7_ST00269 1785 felt
P7_SP00252
P7_ST00270 75 even
P7_SP00253 1925
P7_ST00271 1942 82
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P7_ST00272 1323 keenly.
P7_SP00254 1358
P7_ST00273
P7_SP00255 627
P7_ST00274 643
P7_SP00256 667 1350
P7_ST00275 685 1330
P7_SP00257 721 1351
P7_ST00276 effort
P7_SP00258 823
P7_ST00277 837
P7_SP00259
P7_ST00278 885 204 permanently 00003000000
P7_SP00260 1089
P7_ST00279 1103 solve
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P7_ST00280
P7_SP00262
P7_ST00281 problem,
P7_SP00263 1413
P7_ST00282 1430
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P7_ST00283
P7_SP00265
P7_ST00284 1591 176 conducted
P7_SP00266
P7_ST00285 discussions
P7_SP00267
P7_ST00286
P7_TL00020
P7_ST00287 144 establish 000300000
P7_SP00268
P7_ST00288 1388 0.65
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P7_ST00289 new
P7_SP00270
P7_ST00290 759 club
P7_SP00271 827
P7_ST00291 842
P7_SP00272 865 1408
P7_ST00292 881 Kingston.
P7_SP00273 1034 1416 4
P7_ST00293
P7_SP00274 1060 1396
P7_ST00294 1074 Not
P7_SP00275
P7_ST00295 232 coincidentally, 0.98 000000000030000
P7_SP00276
P7_ST00296
P7_SP00277 1441
P7_ST00297 1456 101 period
P7_SP00278 1557 1415
P7_ST00298
P7_SP00279 1643
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P7_ST00300 1751
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P7_ST00301 1982
P7_SP00282 1875
P7_ST00302 1888
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P7_ST00303 wit witnessed
P7_TL00021 1440
P7_ST00304 nessed
P7_SP00284 1468
P7_ST00305
P7_SP00285 669
P7_ST00306
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P7_ST00307 809
P7_SP00287 841
P7_ST00308 850 several
P7_SP00288 966
P7_ST00309 979 clubs,
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P7_ST00310 1447
P7_SP00290 1199 1475
P7_ST00311 1211 them
P7_SP00291 1292
P7_ST00312 1307
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P7_SP00294 1611
P7_ST00315 186 Speakeasy, 0003003000
P7_SP00295 1809
P7_ST00316 1823 also 3000
P7_SP00296 1889
P7_ST00317 1901 marked
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P7_ST00318 1505 0.64
P7_SP00297 507 1526
P7_ST00319 523 55 low
P7_SP00298 578
P7_ST00320 594 point
P7_SP00299 675 1532
P7_ST00321 692
P7_SP00300 1525
P7_ST00322 732
P7_SP00301 782
P7_ST00323 797 230 organizational 00030003000030
P7_SP00302 1027
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P7_ST00325 1202
P7_SP00304 1233
P7_ST00326 1247
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P7_ST00327 1314
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P7_ST00329 1485
P7_SP00308 1503
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P7_ST00331 1625
P7_SP00310 1648
P7_ST00332 1665
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P7_ST00333 179 publication
P7_SP00312 1911
P7_ST00334 1928
P7_SP00313 1959
P7_ST00335
P7_TL00023 1555
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P7_SP00314 571
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P7_SP00315 1584
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P7_ST00339 765 134 October
P7_SP00317 899
P7_ST00340 911 1
P7_SP00318 921
P7_ST00341 981
P7_SP00319 983
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P7_ST00343 65 July
P7_SP00321 1107
P7_ST00344 1119
P7_SP00322 1129 8
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P7_ST00351 1639 report
P7_SP00329 1736 1590
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P7_ST00353 227
P7_TL00024 1615
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P7_SP00331 1650
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P7_ST00356 727
P7_SP00333 780
P7_ST00357 792
P7_SP00334 836
P7_ST00358 848
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P7_ST00359 912 1622
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P7_ST00360 992 club,
P7_SP00337 1069 1647
P7_ST00361 1084
P7_SP00338 1135
P7_ST00362 1149 Speakeasy's 00030030010
P7_SP00339 1356
P7_ST00363 1370 reopening
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P7_SP00341 1572 1642
P7_ST00365 1589 1984
P7_SP00342 1668
P7_ST00366 1683 provided
P7_SP00343 1825
P7_ST00367 1840
P7_SP00344
P7_ST00368 1870 venue
P7_SP00345 1968
P7_ST00369 1981
P7_TL00025 1673
P7_ST00370 170 socializing
P7_SP00346 659
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P7_SP00347 725 1701
P7_ST00372 1675 52
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P7_ST00373 organizing. 00030000000
P7_SP00349 978
P7_ST00374
P7_SP00350 1052
P7_ST00375 131 January 0300300
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P7_ST00376
P7_SP00352
P7_ST00377 1300 newsletter
P7_SP00353 1470
P7_ST00378 1482 carried
P7_SP00354 1594
P7_ST00379 1680
P7_SP00355
P7_ST00380 1637 notice
P7_SP00356
P7_ST00381 1748
P7_SP00357 1779
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P3_ST00286 1672
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P3_SP00269 1948
P3_ST00290 1960 64 visit
P3_TL00022 1527 1525
P3_ST00291 1529
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P3_SP00271 657
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P3_ST00304 1867 147
P3_TL00023 1585 1447
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P3_ST00311 1283 1592
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P3_SP00293 1893 1619
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P3_SP00299 1297 1676
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P3_ST00325 1499 178 Caribbean, 0000000003
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P3_SP00306 1736
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P3_SP00308 733
P3_ST00333 750 219 documentary 00000000300
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P3_ST00334 983 Songs
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P3_ST00335 1104
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P3_ST00336 1149 Freedom:
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P3_ST00337 189 Compelling
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P3_ST00338 1526 Stories 0500000
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P3_ST00345 721 Gays
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P3_ST00346 820
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P3_ST00347 899 Lesbians." 0000000026
P3_SP00322 1077
P3_ST00348 1098 1760
P3_SP00323 1159 1788
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P3_SP00324 1397 1795
P3_ST00350 1762 put
P3_SP00325 1468 1794
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P3_SP00326 1575
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P3_ST00353 1767 many
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P3_SP00329 1782
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P3_ST00356 1870 109 names
P3_SP00331 1979
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P3_ST00364 1080
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P3_ST00365 1189
P3_SP00339 1248
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P3_SP00342 1597
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P3_SP00343 1746
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P3_ST00371 1806
P3_SP00345 1857
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P3_ST00399 1758 Freedom
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P3_ST00400 1920 Move Movement
P3_TL00030 1994
P3_ST00401 1996 ment
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P3_ST00402 586
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P3_ST00405 851 reflected
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P3_ST00406 1006
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P3_SP00399 1090
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P3_SP00405 1603
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P3_SP00419 730 2455
P3_ST00453 740 040001
P3_SP00420 821 2456
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P3_ST00459 1190 08841600
P3_SP00426 1304
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P3_SP00434 597 2489
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P3_ST00470 658 Lesbians, 043300033
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P3_ST00481 "Editorial," 400004406000
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P2_ST00479 1736 rela 0107 relation
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P2_SP00446
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P2_SP00448
P2_ST00486
P2_SP00449
P2_ST00487 principle 000000001
P2_SP00450
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P2_ST00506 tall<, 0.72 200680
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P2_ST00508
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P2_ST00509 938
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P2_ST00511 1043 (ibid.; 4000000
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P2_ST00512 emphasis 0.73 10007606
P2_SP00474 1230
P2_ST00513 mine). 000160


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P4_SP00533
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P4_SP00544
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P4_ST00587 identities, 00100000162
P4_SP00546
P4_ST00588
P4_SP00547 1669
P4_ST00589 activism 70000060


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P12_TB00003 295 2516 741
P12_TL00037 2522 729
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P12_ST00501 650 JGN 200
P12_SP00465
P12_ST00502 713 74
P12_SP00466
P12_ST00503 (23
P12_SP00467 785 2547
P12_ST00504 796 November 04030033
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P12_TL00038 2555 705
P12_ST00507 2556
P12_SP00470 2575
P12_ST00508 351 45 See 011
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P12_ST00509 247 http:www.jflag.org 000004400000007000004
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P12_ST00510 660 (accessed 0.69 470016610
P12_SP00473 2580
P12_ST00511
P12_SP00474
P12_ST00512 828 October 0000010
P12_SP00475 926
P12_ST00513 2009). 100060


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P8_SP00484 1394
P8_ST00522 1402 01
P8_SP00485
P8_ST00523 1440 (10 015
P8_SP00486 1475
P8_ST00524 1485 04030033
P8_SP00487 1609
P8_ST00525
P8_SP00488
P8_ST00526 1701 1.